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2166. Jurisdiction Over Criminal Offenses Committed by 
Armed Forces: Agreement Between the United States 
of America and India— Effected by exchaage of notes 
signed at New Deltii September 29 and October 10, 1942 ; 
effective October 26, 1942. Executive Agreement Series 
392. 10 pp. 5<f. 

2170. The Department of State Bulletin, vol. XI, no. 271, 
September 3, 1944. 20 pp. 10^. 

2174. Diplomatic List, September 1944. ii, 124 pp. Sub- 
scription, $1.50 a year; single copy, 15^. 

2175. The Proclaimed List of Certain Blocked Nationals : 
Revision VIII, September 13, 1944, Promulgated Pur- 
suant to Proclamation 2497 of the President of July 17, 
1941. ii, 882 pp. Free. 

2176. The Department of State Bulletin, vol. XI, no. 272, 
September 10, 1944. 36 pp. liH- 

2178. The Proclaimed List of Certain Blocked Nationals: 
Cumulative Supplement No. 1, September 22, 1944. to 
Revision VIII of Septemljer 13, 1944. ii, 19 pp. Free. 

2179. The Department of State Bulletin, vol. XI, no. 273, 
September 17, 1944. 24 pp. 10^. 

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consecutively in the order in which they are sent 
to press; in addition, some of them are subdivided 
into series according to general subject. 

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Department of State should be addressed direct 
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Other Government Agencies 

The article listed below will be found in the September 
23 issue of the Department of Commerce publication en- 
titled Foreign Commerce Weekly, copies of which may be 
obtained from the Superintendent of Documents, Govern- 
ment Printing Office, for 10 cents each : 

"Chile Moves To Develop Local Edible Oil Supply", 
based on report from tlie American Embassy, Santiago, 


Military-Mission Agreement With Iran 

There has been effected by an exchange of notes 
signed in Washington on August 4 and September 
6, 1944, between the Minister of Iran in Washing- 
ton and the Secretary of State, an extension, for a 
period of one year, of an agreement signed at 
Tehran on November 27, 1943 between the Govern- 
ments of the United States of America and Iran 
which provides for the assignment of a United 
States military mission to Iran.^ The extension 
is effective as of October 2, 1944. 

' Executive Agreement Series 361. 
July 23, 1944, p. 88. 

See also Bulletin of 








VOL. XI, NO. 275 

OCTOBER 1, 1944 

In this issue 

THE ARGENTINE SITUATION: Statement by President Roosevelt * 

elusion of the First Phase and Opening of the Second Phase of the 
Conversations ■tr-t^-tc-tr-A-tiiritii-tt-it 


AMERICAN SEAMEN: Address by Jesse E. Saugstad * * * * 

.^■e.fiT 6*, 

^■4TeS O* 

D£C 4 1944 



October 1, 1944 

The Department of State BULLE- 
TIN, a weekly publication compiled and 
edited in the Division of Research and 
Publication, Office of Public Informa- 
tion, provides the public and inter- 
ested agencies of the Government icith 
information on developments in the 
field of foreign relations and on the 
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the Foreign Service. The BVLLETIIS 
includes press releases on foreign policy- 
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partment, and statements and addresses 
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retary of State and other officers of the 
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ment. Information concerning treaties 
and international agreements to which 
the United Stales is or may become a 
party and treaties of general inter- 
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Publications of the Department, 
cumulative lists of which are published 
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legislative material in the field of inter- 
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American Republics p«g» 

The Argentine Situation: Statement by the President . . . 337 

Visit of Ecuadoran Banlter 340 

Contributions by Brazil to the Allied Cause: Statement by 

Jefferson Caffery 345 


Present Problems in Italy: Statement by the President and 

Prime Minister Churchill 338 

Tribute to American Aid in the Defense of Warsaw. . . . 350 

Economic Affairs 

Continuation of Proclaimed and Statutory Lists 340 

Responsibilities of FEA After the Defeat of Germany: 

Letter of the President to Leo T. Crowley 354 


Treatment of Axis War Criminals: Statements by the Secre- 
tary of State 339 

The President's War Relief Control Board 346 

American Seamen: Address by Jesse E. Saugstad 351 

Exchange of American and German Nationals 355 

Post-War Matters 

International Peace and Security Organization: 

Conclusion of the First Pliase of the Conversations — 
Remarlss at the Closing Session by the Under Secretary 
of State; Ambassador Gromyko; and Sir Alexander 

Cadogan 341 

Joint Statement by Heads of American, British, and 

Soviet Delegations 342 

Second Phase of the Conversations — 

Remarks by the Secretary of State at the Opening Ses- 
sion 342 

Remarks by Sir Alexander Cadogan at the Opening 

Session 343 

Remarks by Ambassador Koo at the Opening Session . 344 
International Conference on Civil Aviation 349 

Treaty Information 

Merchant Shipping 357 

Detail of American Naval Officer to Brazil 361 

Parcel-Post Agreement 361 

Wounded and Sick; Prisoners of War 361 

Military-Service Agreement, Great Britain and Mexico . . 361 

Nature Protection and Wildlife Preservation 361 

Regulations Relating to Migratory Birds 362 

The Department 

Centralized Transportation Service 356 

Appointment of Officers 357 

The Foreign Service 

Diplomatic and Consular Offices 353 

Publications 353 

The Argentine Situation 


[Released to the press by the White House September 29] 

I have been following closely and with increas- 
ing concern the development of the Argentine situ- 
ation in recent months. This situation presents 
the extraordinary paradox of the growth of Nazi- 
Fascist influence and the increasing application of 
Nazi-Fascist methods in a country of this hemi- 
sphere, at the very time that those forces of op- 
pression and aggression are drawing ever closer 
to the hour of final defeat and judgment in Eu- 
rope and elsewhere in the world. The paradox is 
accentuated by the fact, of which we are all quite 
aware, that the vast majority of the people of 
Argentina have remained steadfast in their faith 
in their own, free, democratic traditions and in 
their support of the nations and peo]"les who have 
been making such great sacrifices in the fight 
against the Nazis and Fascists. This was made 
clear beyond all doubt by the great spontaneous 
demonstration of public feeling in Argentina after 
word was received of the liberation of Paris. 

Tlie policy of the Government of the United 
States toward Argentina as that policy has been 
developed in consultation with the other American 
republics has been clearly set forth by Secretary 
Hull.' There is no need for me to restate it now. 

The Argentine Government has repudiated 
solemn inter-Anierican obligations on the basis 
of which the nations of this hemisphere developed 
a system of defense to meet the challenge of Axis 

Unless we now demonstrate a capacity to de- 
velop a tradition of respect for such obligations 

among civilized nations, there can be little hope 
for a system of international security, theoretically 
created to maintain principles for which our peo- 
ples are today sacrificing to the limit of their re- 
sources, both human and material. 

In this connection I subscribe wholeheartedly 
to the words of Prime Minister Churchill in the 
House of Commons on August second when he 
declared that : 

"This is not like some small wars in the past 
where all could be forgotten and forgiven. Na- 
tions must be judged by the part they play. Not 
only belligerents but neutrals will find that their 
j)osition in the world cannot remain entirely un- 
affected by the part that they have chosen to play 
in the crisis of the war." 

I have considered it important to make this 
statement of the position of the Government of 
the United States at this time because it has come 
to my attention that the Nazi radio beamed to 
Latin America, the pro-Nazi press in Argentina, 
as well as a few irresponsible individuals and 
groups in this and certain other republics, seek 
to undermine the position of the American re- 
publics and our associates among the United Na- 
tions by fabricating and circulating the vicious 
rumor that our counsels are divided on the course 
of our policy toward Argentina. 

" Bdixetin of July 30, 1944, p. 107. 




Present Problems in Italy 


[Released to the press by the White House September 26] 

The President and the Prime Minister held 
further discussions Monday and Tuesday, Sep- 
tember 18 and 19, at Hyde Park, on subjects deal- 
ing with post-war policies in Europe. The result 
of these discussions cannot be disclosed at this time 
for strategic militai-y reasons, and pending their 
consideration by our other Allies. 

The present problems in Italy also came under 
discussion, and on this subject the President and 
the Prime Minister issued the following state- 
ment : 

"The Italian people, freed of their Fascist and 
Nazi overlordship, have in these last twelve months 
demonstrated their will to be free, to fight on the 
side of the democracies, and to take a place among 
the United Nations devoted to principles of peace 
and justice. 

"We believe we should give encouragement to 
those Italians who are standing for a political re- 
birth in Italy, and are completing the destruction 
of the evil Fascist system. We wish to afford the 
Italians a greater opportunity to aid in the defeat 
of our common enemies. 

"The American and the British people are of 
course horrified by the recent mob action in Rome, 
but feel that a greater responsibility placed on the 
Italian people and on their own government will 
most readily prevent a recurrence of such acts. 

"An increasing measure of control will be gradu- 
ally handed over to the Italian Administration, 
subject of course to that Administration's prov- 
ing that it can maintain law and order and the 
regular administration of justice. To mark this 
change the Allied Control Commission' will be 
renamed 'The Allied Commission.' 

"The British High Commissioner in Italy wiU 
assume the additional title of Ambassador. The 

' BuiiETiN of Aug. 6, 1944, p. 137. 

United States representative in Rome already 
holds that rank. The Italian Government will be 
invited to appoint direct representatives to Wash- 
ington and London. 

"First and immediate considerations in Italy are 
the relief of hunger and sickness and fear. To this 
end we instructed our representatives at the 
UNRRA Conference to declare for the sending of 
medical aids and other essential supplies to Italy. 
We are happy to know that this view commended 
itself to other members of the UNRRA Council. 

"At the same time, first steps should be taken 
toward the reconstruction of an Italian economy — 
an economy laid low under the years of the mis- 
rule of Mussolini, and ravished by the German 
policy of vengeful destruction. 

"These steps should be taken primarily as mili- 
tary aims to put the full resources of Italy and 
the Italian people into the struggle to defeat Ger- 
many and Japan. For military reasons we should 
assist the Italians in the restoration of such power 
systems, their railways, motor transport, roads 
and other communications as enter into the war 
situation, and for a short time send engineers, 
technicians and industrial experts into Italy to 
help them in their own rehabilitation. 

"The application to Italy of the Trading with 
the Enemy Acts should be modified so as to en- 
able business contacts between Italy and the out- 
side world to be resumed for the benefit of the 
Italian people. 

"We all wish to speed the day when the last 
vestiges of Fascism in Italy will have been wiped 
out, and when the last German will have left 
Italian soil, and when there will be no need of 
any Allied troops to remain — the day when free 
elections can be held throughout Italy, and when 
Italy can earn her proper place in the great fam- 
ily of free nations." 

OCTOBER 1, 1944 


Treatment of Axis War Criminals 


[Released to the press September 28] 

On August 21, 1942 and again on July 30, 1943 
President Roosevelt publicly denounced the 
crimes which the Axis Powers, their leaders, and 
criminal associates were committing against in- 
nocent people. In his statement of July 30, 1943 
the President expressed incredulity that any neu- 
tral country would give asylum to or extend pro- 
tection to such persons and added that the Gov- 
ernment of the United States "would regard the 
action by a neutral government in affording asy- 
lum to Axis leaders or their tools as inconsistent 
with the principles for which the United Na- 
tions are fighting". He expressed the hope that 
no neutral government would permit its terri- 
tory to be used as a place of refuge or otherwise 
assist such persons in any effort to escape their 
just deserts. 

The governments of the neutral nations in 
Europe and of Argentina were formally apprised 
of this statement. 

The rapid progress of the armed forces of the 
United Nations in recent weeks led the Depart- 
ment of State late in August to call this matter 
again urgently to the attention of a number of 
neutral governments. This Government's action 
had the support and approval of the British and 
Soviet Governments. 

The neutral governments were reminded that 
it was the intention of this Government that the 
successful close of the war would include provi- 
sion for the surrender to the United Nations of 
war criminals. They were advised that if they 
refused to admit Axis leaders and their henchmen 
and criminal subordinates to their territories 
problems between those govermnents and the 
United Nations could be avoided. It was pointed 
out that the neutral governments themselves 
would undoubtedly regard persons guilty of such 
crimes against civilization as thoroughly unde- 
sirable aliens whose admission to their territories 
would not be in the interest of the neutral govern- 
ments even if such persons were not wanted for 

eventual trial by the United Nations. They were 
advised that the American people would not un- 
derstand the extension of asylum or protection by 
neutral countries to any of the persons responsible 
for the war or for the many barbaric acts com- 
mitted by the Axis leaders, and that relations be- 
tween the United States and the neutral govern- 
ments concerned would be adversely affected for 
years to come should the Axis leaders or their 
vassals find safety in those countries. 

Some of the neutral governments had already 
been giving serious thought to this problem. The 
Swedish Government's policy was publicly an- 
nounced on September 5 in a declaration to the 
effect that Sweden's frontiers would not be open 
to those who by their actions had defied the con- 
science of the civilized woi'ld or betrayed their 
own countries, and that persons of this character 
who succeeded in slipping into Sweden would be 
promptly deported. It is understood that the 
Swedish Govermnent has taken concrete steps 
to implement that policy. 

No representations were made to the Turkish 
Government in view of its recent rupture of rela- 
tions with Germany. The Turkish Government, 
nevertheless, announced on September 8 that 
Turkish frontier authorities had been instructed 
not to permit Axis nationals, either civil or mili- 
tary, to enter Turkey by land or by sea. 

The Swiss Government has indicated that it is 
fully alive to the problems which would arise 
sliould Axis leaders find asylum in Switzerland. 

A public statement has been made by the Span- 
ish Ambassador in Washington denying that 
there was any basis for supposition that Axis 
leaders might find refuge in Spanish territory. 

No indication has yet been received of the views 
of certain other governments. 

The Department is continuing to impress upon 
those governments whose policy has not yet been 
clearly stated the importance which it attaches 
to the taking of adequate measures to insure that 
Axis war criminals do not find asylum in their 


[Released to the press September 28] 

Considerable attention has been attracted by a 
statement that a list of war criminals compiled 
by the War Crimes Commission in London does 
not include the names of Hitler and other top 
Nazi officials. The answer to any suggestion that 
they have been or are likely to be overlooked by 
the United Nations is found in the Moscow Dec- 
laration of 1943 on German atrocities, which, after 
stating that the perpetrators of atrocities in occu- 
pied territories will be brought back to the scene 
of their crimes and judged on the spot by the 
peoples whom they have outraged, specifically de- 
clares that the "major criminals, whose oflFenses 
have no particular geographical localization . . . 
will be punished by the joint decision of the 
Governments of the Allies." 

The omission of the names of these people from 
any particular list compiled by the War Crimes 
Commission is without any significance whatso- 
ever from the point of view of what the Allied 
Powers have in mind in regard to them.* 

Visit of Ecuadoran Banker 

[Released to the press September 25] 

His Excellency Senor Galo Plaza, Ambassador 
from Ecuador, has made arrangements with the 
Department of State for a series of conversations 
to be held in Washington between Senor Victor 
Emilio Estrada, personal representative of the 
President of Ecuador, and various officers of the 
Government of the United States. Seiior Estrada, 
a well-known Ecuadoran banker, has been presi- 
dent of the municipality of Guayaquil since June 
1944 and is also a director of the Ecuadoran De- 
velopment Corporation, which is in part financed 
by the Export-Import Bank of Washington. His 
conversations with officials of our Government 
will be of an exploratory nature and will concern 
the possibility of certain further cooperative eco- 
nomic developments in Ecuador. It is understood 
that; the projects which Seiior Estrada will dis- 
cuss are part of a broad economic program which 
is designed to take advantage of Ecuador's re- 
sources through improvements in transportation, 
agriculture, health, and sanitation. 

' Statement made by the Secretary of State at his press 
and radio news conference on Sept. 28, 1944. 
' Bulletin of July 19, 1941, p. 41. 


Continuation of Proclaimed 
And Statutory Lists 

[Released to the press September 26] 

The Department of State issued the following 
statement on September 26 : 

"It has been determined by the United States 
Government and the British Government that the 
continuation of the Proclaimed^ and Statutory 
Lists will be necessary following the cessation of 
organized resistance in Germany. This action is 
required in order to permit the Allied Govern- 
ments to deal properly with firms which have been 
part and parcel of the Axis effort to gain world 
domination. Many of these firms have been con- j, 
trolled from Axis territory and have been utilized 
as instruments of the Axis war machine. Control 
over these Axis subsidiaries will be necessary as a 
supplement to Allied control of the head offices of 
these firms in Germany mitil adequate measures 
are taken to prevent the further utilization of these 
firms as instruments of Axis policy. It will also be 
necessary to continue on the lists those firms that 
have sold themselves out to the Axis through their 
desire to make temporary exorbitant profits at the 
expense of the cause of democracy. The continua- 
tion of the lists is also necessary in order to main- 
tain controls over foreign assets, which have been 
looted from their rightful owners by the Axis Gov- 
ernments, until steps are taken to deprive the Axis 
of this stolen property. Other firms on the lists 
constitute foreign investments by Axis leaders in 
an effort to finance themselves and their cause fol- 
lowing the surrender of Germany. The lists will 
also constitute a means of furthering the wartime 
economic strangulation of Japan. 

"Wliile the lists will be maintained during the 
transition period from war to peacetime conditions 
wherever the remnants of Axis activity require, it 
is contemplated that the complete or virtual with- 
drawal of the lists will be possible at an early date 
with respect to those countries where adequate 
controls have been established and Axis spearhead 
firms have been eliminated. 

"The United States Government expresses its 
hope that all governments and persons in support 
of the cause of democracy will cooperate to the end 
that these stated objectives shall be accomplished." 

OCTOBER 1, 1944 


International Peace and Security Organization 

Conclusion of the First Phase of the Conversations' 


[Released to the press by the State Department 
on the Washington Conversations September 20] 

Mr. Ambassador, Sir Alexander, Gentlemen: 
Nearly six weeks have elapsed since we began these 
important conversations. In this brief period of 
time we have accomplished a great deal, more than 
many thought possible. Li large measure, our 
achievements have been made possible by the cor- 
dial cooperation of my fellow chairmen. Ambas- 
sador Gromyko and Sir Alexander Cadogan, and 
all who have worked with us. I wish to express 
my deep personal appreciation and thanks for this 
cooperation, which has resulted in the splendid 
spirit of harmony and good-will which has pre- 
vailed throughout the conversations. 

We have every reason for satisfaction with what 
has been accomplished. We have developed in 
the brief period of six weeks a wide area of agree- 
ment on the fundamental and necessary princi- 
ples for an international organization to maintain 
peace and security. These principles will be of 
vital importance in guiding our Governments at 
every step that must yet be taken to bring into 
existence the organization which we have here en- 

The peace-loving peoples of the world will be 
heartened and encouraged by what we have ac- 
complished at Dumbarton Oaks. They will await 
with eager hope the early completion of the task. 
We must not fail them and I confidently anticipate 
that the spirit of cooperation which has united our 
nations in war and which has prevailed through- 
out our deliberations here will lead to early agree- 
ment among the governments of all peace-loving 

^ The conversations among the representatives of the 
United States, the United Kingdom, and the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics at Dumbarton Oaks in Washington 
began on Aug. 21, 1944. See Bulletin of Aug. 27, 1944, 
p. 197. 

' Mr. Stettinius is cliairman of the American Delegation. 

' Head of the Soviet Delegation. 

'Head of the United Kingdom Delegation. 


The three delegations have sat together from 
August 21 until now discussing a number of impor- 
tant questions of the establisliment of an interna- 
tional security organization. Today we have 
ground to state that the conversations have un- 
doubtedly been useful. On behalf of the Soviet 
Delegation, I wish to express appreciation of the 
friendly atmosphere in which the delegates carried 
on their work. I believe I will express the opinion 
of all present if I thank Mr. Stettinius for his able 
chairmanship. I also wish to thank the United 
States Government, and in this I am sure I express 
the appreciation of every one of us for the hospi- 
tality that we have received. 


I should like to thank you, Mr. Chairman, for 
what you have said on behalf of all of us. I agree 
that much useful work has been done here which 
will contribute to ultimate success in the later 
stages of the discussions. 

I wish to say a word about the manner in which 
Mr. Stettinius has conducted the conversations. 
He knew how to combine energy with courtesy and 
patience, and thus, as chairman, he has hastened 
our passage over the smooth parts of the road 
and has helped to iron out the asperities. A large 
part of such success as we have achieved is due to 

I do not, of course, use the word "asperities" in 
its more sinister sense. There was never anything 
of that. Sometimes we found ourselves in dis- 
agreement in our discussion, but I believe that we 
disagreed amiably and reasonably. It was the 
experience of each of us at some time to be in 
opposition to the other two delegations, but even 
if we considered the views of the other two pecu- 
liar, we recognized that they were sincerely held, 
and therefore worthy of respect. I believe this is 
a good augury for the future. 

I wish to add my thanks to the secretariat. 



They have been prompt, eflScient, and helpful. I 
also wish to express our indebtedness to the United 
States Government for their hospitality. They 
have given us every facility in this wonderful set- 
ting. They have filled, in fact almost over-filled, 
our scanty leisure hours. We will go home with 
the most agreeable memories and a deep sense of 


[Released to the press by the State Department 
on the Washington Conversations September 29] 

Conversations between the United States, 
United Kingdom, and Soviet Union Delegations 

in Washington regarding the establishment of a 
World Security Organization have now been com- 
pleted. These conversations have been useful and 
have led to a large measure of agreement on 
recommendations for the general framework of 
the Organization, and in particular for the ma- 
chinery required to maintain peace and security. 
The three Delegations are making reports to their 
respective Governments who will consider these 
reports and will in due course issue a simultaneous 
statement on the subject. 

Second Phase of the Conversations' 


[Released to the press by the State Department 
on the Washington Conversations September 29] 

In opening this phase of our conversations, it is 
my pleasure to bring to you the cordial greetings 
of President Roosevelt and to extend to you the 
best wishes of both of us for the complete success 
of your labors. 

We are particularly happy to welcome here the 
distinguished Delegation from the Republic of 
China. The great wisdom and experience in in- 
ternational affairs which is represented by your 
Delegation reflects not only the high importance 
which your Government attaches to this subject, 
but assures that the Chinese contribution to the 
conversations will reflect mature and practical 

All of us are constantly mindful of the tre- 
mendous hardships and sacrifices which the 
Chinese people have suffered over the long years 
since the cruel and barbarous enemy first launched 
upon its course of conquest. Nor can we ever for- 

' See BuLMTiN of Sept. 3, 1944, p. 2a3. 

'Tlie opening of the second phase of the conversations 
among the representatives of the Republic of China, the 
United Kingdom, and the United States on the general 
nature of an international organization for the mainte- 
nance of i)eace and security began on Friday, Sept. 29, 
1944 at Dumbarton Oalis, Washington. 

get with what patience and courage the great 
Chinese people have fought on when almost every 
avenue of assistance seemed closed. Happily for 
all of us their dauntless faitli in ultimate victory 
and their unyielding belief in human freedom have 
been steadfastly maintained. Tlieir heroic ef- 
forts, together with our efforts and those of our 
other gallant Allies, have brought to all of us the 
assurance of complete victory. 

It is of the highest importance, therefore, that 
we ijrepare with vigor, determination, and expedi- 
tion for the new day which is dawning. 

The preceding phase of the conversations has 
been carried out in this spirit. I wish to take this 
ojDportunity, on behalf of the President as well 
as on my own behalf, to express again our deep 
appreciation of the significant contribution which 
the Governments of the United Kingdom and the 
Soviet Union have made through their able rep- 
resentatives. Sir Alexander Cadogan and Ambas- 
sador Groinyko and their associates. I am fully 
convinced that the excellent work already done, 
and that which we are about to undertake, will 
carry us a long way toward complete understand- 
ing among our Governments and toward the wider 
understanding which the peace-loving peoples of 
the world so ardently desire. 

We all realize that the successful conclusion of 
these exploratory conversations will constitute 
only the first step in the formation of the inter- 

OCTOBER 1, 1944 


national organization which we seek to establish. 
Other steps must be taken as quickly as possible 
if we are to be prepared for the peace. The joint 
recommendations to be made by the representa- 
tives of our Governments will, upon the conclu- 
sion of this phase of the conversations, be made 
available promptly to our peoples and to the peo- 
ples of other peace-loving nations for full public 
discussion. The strength of the organization 
which we propose to establish can be no gi'eater 
than the support given to it by an informed pub- 
lic opinion throughout the world. 

It is also our hope that a full United Nations 
conference may be convened at an early date to 
bring to fruition the work which has been initiated 
in these conversations. 

In all these deliberations we must never forget 
that millions of people throughout the world are 
struggling for an opportunity to live in freedom 
and security. Our great objective must be to cre- 
ate conditions which will make for the mainte- 
nance of international peace and security and for 
the advancement of human welfare, and to estab- 
lish an organization for the effective realization 
of these high purposes. 


[Released to the press by the State Department 
on the Washington Conversations September 29] 

In opening our discussions with our Chinese 
friends we are gratefully conscious that there is 
already a very large measure of agreement between 
them and us. We are all, I am sure, well aware of 
the importance and complexity of the problems 
which we have set out to resolve, but we know that 
the Chinese Delegation will bring all their ability 
and all their good-will to their solution. We look 
forward with pleasure to consultation with repre- 
sentatives of the oldest civilisation in the world, 
which throughout many trials, as severe as any 
nation has endured, has kept intact the moral ideals 
which are the foundations of its unique culture and 
way of life. 

The "Cliinese Delegation will, I am confident, 
make a large contribution to the establishment of 

' Head of the United Kingdom Delegation. 
611828 — 44 2 

a world organisation for the maintenance of peace 
and security. China has shown herself ready to 
assume the responsibilities which her position in 
history, her vast and industrious population, and 
the heroic conduct of her armies in a seven-year 
struggle against a cruel and implacable enemy have 
placed uj^on her. As a signatory of the Moscow 
Declaration she has declared her intention to join 
in setting up at the earliest practicable date a world 
organisation in which all peace-loving states can 
take part. 

The papers that have been exchanged between us 
have shown not only that we are agreed on the main 
objectives, but that there is a very large measure of 
agreement even in detail on the methods by which 
these objectives shall be reached. We all desire to 
see set up an Assembly of all peaceful states, with 
a smaller Council of great and small states, together 
with an efficient secretariat and an international 
court of justice. We are all anxious to give the 
new organisation life by basing it on the moral 
ideas on which our civilisations are founded. We 
all also recognise that responsibility should be com- 
mensurate with power. It is for us to find the 
methods by which power may be rightly applied 
in the best interests of all nations. The horror and 
suffering that the world has endured should give 
us the will and energy to overcome all the tremen- 
dous difficulties which history shows have con- 
fronted those who apply themselves to such a task. 

No peoj)le has suffered more than the Chinese. 
They, like the peoples of the British Common- 
wealth, have known what it is to stand alone on the 
brink of disaster. Now we ai'e all conscious of the 
terrible danger that threatened not only this na- 
tion or that but the whole future of the world on 
which the happiness and well-being of every man 
and woman depends. We hope, therefore, that the 
memory of the danger that we have escaped, as 
well as of the sufferings which we have endured, 
will bring a unity to the world such as it has never 
before had. If we can agree to work together to 
this end we shall be able to devise, in the light of a 
common experience, institutions necessary to carry 
out our purpose. Without such common purpose 
and practice no institutions however well devised 
have the necessary strength when the moment for 
action comes. 



OPENING session' 

[Released to the press September 29] 

It. is a matter for congratulation that the Gov- 
ernment of the United States has arranged the 
present series of preliminary consultations for the 
establishment of an international system of peace 
and security. This is the great object set forth in 
the Four Nations Declaration of October 30th, 
1943 at INIoscow, and these discussions constitute 
another significant step towards the realization of 
our high purpose. One part of the consultations 
has already taken place and yielded fruitful re- 
sults. Today's meeting marks the beginning of 
another pai't whicli will complete the first place in 
seeking an agreed set of proposals for approval by 
the Governments of the four signatory States to 
the above-mentioned declaration, and for recom- 
mendation to the other United Nations. 

We of China, like you, Mr. Secretary of State, 
and like our British and American colleagues, at- 
tach the greatest importance to the work lying 
ahead of us, and we shall participate in it with 
the guiding thought of contributing to its success. 
The lack of security which has been responsible for 
the present world catastrophe made my country 
its first victim. Just as the long years of resistance 
to invasion with all its attendant suiferings and 
sacrifices have been singularly painful for China, 
so the prospect of a new international organization 
rising to effectively maintain peace and justice is 
particularly welcome to us. 

Our desire to see it come into existence is all the 
keener, not only because our appeals and warnings 
in the past did not always meet with tlie response 
tliey deserved, but also because, loyal to our tradi- 
tional sentiment of peace, we have ever believed 
in the need and the wisdom of collective effort to 
ensure the peace and security of nations. Our 
common experience has made it clear to us all that 
the unity of purpose and the spirit of unreserved 
cooperation which have together yielded such 
striking results in our joint struggle against the 
forces of tyranny and barbarism, are equally es- 
sential in our striving to build a system of durable 

' His Excellency V. K. Wellington Koo, Chinese Ambas- 
sador to Great Britain, is the cbairijinn of the Chinese 

All nations which love peace and freedom, what- 
ever their size and strength, have a part to play 
in any security organization which is to be set up. 
We believe that such an organization should be 
universal in character, and that eventually all na- 
tions should be brought into it. In order to achieve 
full and permanent success, the new institution 
requires such general participation in its member- 
ship. The responsibility of member states in safe- 
guarding international peace and security may 
vary according to their respective resources, but 
sovereign equality as reaffirmed by the Four Na- 
tions Declaration of Moscow should remain a guid- 
ing principle of the new organization. 

There is a consensus of opinion among the free- 
dom-loving peoples of the world that all dis- 
putes between nations should be settled solely by 
pacific means. Resort to force by any member 
state should be proscribed except when authorized 
by the new organization and acting in its name in 
accordance with its declared purposes and prin- 
ciples. Any breach of or threat to the peace should 
be stopjjed or forestalled by the application of mea- 
sures which may, if necessary, take the form of 
military action. Since peace is the supreme in- 
terest of the world, vital for the well-being of all 
l^eoples, we think no effort should be spared in 
ensuring its maintenance. But to be able to carry 
out this primary duty, we fii'mly believe that the 
proposed structure should have at its disposal an 
adequate force which it can promptly use when- 
ever and wherever it may be needed. 

In the light of past experience, we believe that 
plans for the application of necessary measures 
should be worked out beforehand by appropriate 
agencies and reviewed from time to time, taking 
into account changed and changing conditions in 
the world. In our view it is important that such 
measures, to serve as an effective deterrent to actual 
or potential aggression, must have certainly def- 
initeness and promptness of execution. Provision 
should therefore be made to obviate the necessity 
of consultation and debate at the last minute, 
which, in the light of experience, would invariably 
cause delay and thereby lead to an aggravation of 
a situation already critical. 

However, the world does not stand still; and 
international life, like life in other domains, must 
grow and develop. We should, therefore, make it 
possible to bring about such adjustments by peace- 

OCTOBER 1,1944 


fill means as may be required by new conditions. 
In order to facilitate tlie necessary pacific settle- 
ment, full provision sliould be made in the basic 
instrument of the new institution. 

This is also true of international law. As the 
intercourse between peoples grows in complexity 
and the common interests of nations multiply and 
become more varied, principles and rules of con- 
duct for their guidance need ehicidation, revision, 
and supplementation. For such work I can think 
of no more authoritative or better qualified body 
than the proposed new institution. 

One more point I wish to bring forward before 
I conclude. Wliile the safeguarding of interna- 
tional security is an essential condition to the gen- 
eral welfare and peaceful development of hu- 
manity, positive and constructive efforts are also 
required to strengthen the foundation of peace. 
This can only be achieved by mitigating the 
causes of international discord and conflict. It 
is therefore our beJief that the new organiza- 
tion should also concern itself in the study and 
solution of economic and social problems of in- 
ternational importance. It should be able to 
recommend measures for adoption by member 
states, and sliould also play a central role in the 
directing and coordinating of international 
agencies devoted to such purposes. With the con- 
tinuous revelation of the wonders of science and 
the unending achievements of technology, a sys- 
tematic interchange of ideas and knowledge will 
be invaluable in the promotion of the social and 
economic welfare of the peoples of the world. 
Similarly common effort should be made to ad- 
vance international understanding and to uproot 
the causes of distrust and suspicion amongst na- 
tions by means of educational and cultural col- 

The few observations which I have just pre- 
sented reflect the general views of the Government 
and people of China. I hope they are largely in 
harmony with your sentiments. We have come 
to take part in the consultations not merely to pre- 
sent our own views, but also to hear with an open 
mind tlie opinions of the other delegations. Above 
all, we are animated by the spirit of cooperation 
and by the desire to promote the success of our joint 

The establishment of an effective international 
peace organization is the united hope and aspira- 
tion of all the freedom-loving peoples who have 

been making such heroic sacrifices in life, blood, 
and toil. We owe it to them as well as to human- 
ity at large to subordinate all other considerations 
to the achievement of our common object. We of 
the Chinese Delegation felicitate ourselves upon 
the opportunity afforded us of exploring this all- 
important problem with the eminent representa- 
tives of the United States and Great Britain. We 
are confident that with a common will to cooper- 
ate, with faith in our ideal, and with determina- 
tion to share the responsibility, we cannot fail in 
our undertaking. 

Contributions by Brazil to the 
Allied Cause 


It is well known that Brazil has contributed 
mightily to the Allied cause for winning this war. 
Perhaps her outstanding contribution has been in 
allowing us to set up the "Corridor to Victory" 
over northeast Brazil. Thousands of planes and 
thousands and thousands of boxes and crates have 
been flown over the "Corridor to Victory" on their 
way to the battlefronts. Munitions flown at a 
critical time during the Battle of Egypt saved the 
day when the Germans were almost at the gates 
of Alexandria. 

It is true that there was a time when the Germans 
and the descendants of Germans in Brazil were 
very, very active; and there were some Brazilians, 
too, who believed that Germany was going to win 
the war. At one time those Germans and pro- 
Germans without any doubt were very noisy and 
frightened many people. 

Now, if there are any pro-Germans left in Brazil, 
they do not admit it. Why? Without question 
the answer is to be found in the fact that the 
leaders of the Brazilian Government and the Bra- 
zilian press led the way and brought the entire 
nation over to the Allied side. They fought a good 
fight for the Allied cause and flouted and routed the 
enemy within their own borders. Axis partisans 
in Brazil have disappeared. 

'Mr. Caffery, the former American Ambassador to Bra- 
zil, was recently appointed by the President as Representa- 
tive of the United States, with the personal rank of 
Ambassador, to the de facto French authority now estab- 
lisl^ed at Paris. 



The President's War Relief Control Board 

The regulator and controller of all private war 
relief is a small but full-powered body called the 
President's War Relief Control Board. Estab- 
lished by Executive Order 9205 of July 25, 1942,= 
for the duration of the war and six months there- 
after, its purpose is to control in the j)ublic in- 
terest all foreign and domestic private relief by 
a simple system of licenses, a few regulations, and 
far-sighted coordination. 

Its history illustrates well the State Depart- 
ment's ability to meet and handle special war 
problems which relate to the Government's for- 
eign policy. As a result of war, in 1939 hundreds 
of small and large foreign war-relief charities — 
inspired to action by the plight of enslaved, hun- 
gry, and disease-ridden nations — mushroomed all 
over this country. 

The Neutrality Act of 1935 prohibited all activ- 
ities on behalf of the belligerent countries. The 
act excelled, however, those activities carried on 
by agencies for relief purposes, provided they 
registered with the State Department.^ 

This registration system worked for a time, but 
the Department soon found itself faced with many 
difficulties: Its personnel was overtaxed with the 
issuance of licenses to 545 agencies, and it lacked 
any effective means for determining which agen- 
cies, really acting in the public interest, should be 
licensed. Further difficulties ai'ose from the fact 
that the provisions of the Neutrality Act ex- 
empted agencies aiding technical non-belligerents 
like China or Spain from regulation, thus leaving 
a huge area of relief completely uncontrolled. In 
answer to the Department's call for help the Presi- 
dent in the spring of 1941 * appointed a commit- 
tee of three — Joseph E. Davies as chairman, Frecl- 

* Tliis article was prepared by the President's War Re- 
lief Control Board. 

= Bulletin of Aug. 1, 1942, p. 658. 

"Section 3 (a) ot the joint resolution of Congress ap- 
proved May 1, 1937 (Public Res. 27, 7.jth Cong,, 1st sess.), 
amending the joint resolution approved Aug. 31, 1935. 
See BtTLLETiN of Sept. 9, 1939, p. 222. 

' Bulletin of Mar. 22, 1941, p. 336. 

° In December 1943 Charles Warren was apiiointed to 
membership on the Board to fill the vacancy created by 
the death of Dean Frederick P. Keppel. See Buixetin 
of Dec. 11, 1943, p. 415. 

erick P. Keppel,^ and Charles P. Taft — to study 
the problem and to recommend appropriate action. 

For several months these men studied informa- 
tion from 600 private relief agencies; they held 
conferences with appropriate governmental agen- 
cies concerned with relief and welfare activities; 
and they combed the outstanding national infor- 
mation services, as well as the National Depart- 
ment of War Services in Canada, for all valuable 

The results of this investigation showed that 
immediate action was imperative. More than 700 
agencies that were operating in the foreign-relief 
field were comjjeting in their struggle to raise 
funds. Many of the agencies were acting, how- 
ever, without adequate knowledge of relief needs. 
More than 80 separate groups were helping Great 
Britain, and similar duplication existed for many 
other countries. There was an appalling amount 
of waste, and the funds collected were often poorly 
distributed or spent unproductively with excessive 
administrative costs. Without any cooperation or 
regard for each other's plans agencies conducted 
drives for funds. Frequently whole communities 
were plagued by five or six campaigns at once for 
the Poles, the British, the Norwegians, and others. 

The committee of three worked hard : It pre- 
pared an exhaustive report to the President and 
did its best to coordinate some of the agencies. 
But in spite of good-will and general cooperation 
the Committee was powerless when it met a de- 
termined chiseler or was faced with opposition 
from a group of people unwilling to integrate its 
activities. As a result of that study the com- 
mittee was transformed by Executive Order 9205 
into a permanent, unpaid board, which was 
autliorized to issue regulations that were soon to 
put war relief in the United States on a better-run 
and more carefully planned basis. 

Not all private charities in the United States 
were placed within the Board's jurisdiction. In 
the foreign field its authority was limited to war 
relief, including refugee relief; in the domestic 
field it included welfare activities on behalf of the 
active members of the armed forces and the mer- 
chant marine and their dependents. Responsi- 
bility previously held by the Secretary of State 

OCTOBER 1. 1944 


for regulating relief agencies was transferred to 
the Board, which was not to grant, renew, or can- 
cel licenses but was to control the collection and 
distribution of funds in the interest of economy, to 
merge duplicating agencies, to coordinate the 
dates, and to recommend amounts for fund-raising 
appeals. The Board was required to consult the 
Secretary of State on all matters relating to 
foreign policy. 

The Board first tackled the problems of waste 
and inefficiency. In order to determine whether 
an agency was really active in the public interest 
the Board worked out a simple set of regulations 
stipulating that the agency should have a re- 
sponsible governing body willing to work without 
pay; that the purpose it wished to serve should 
not duplicate an already existing service ; that the 
agency use ethical methods of solicitation ; that it 
avoid in its appeals any conflict with the recog- 
nized campaigns of the National War Fund and 
the Ked Cross, and of the Treasury for War Bond 
sales; that the overhead costs be not unreasonable ; 
and that reports be made to the Board with de- 
tailed information concerning methods of solicita- 
tion, receipts, and disbui'sements. The Board also 
determines whether the suggested means of 
financing the agency are appropriate; whether a 
program should be supported from public or pri- 
vate funds from American citizens ; whether it can 
be carried out under the prevailing political, 
economic, and military conditions, including ex- 
port of commodities and transfer of funds — all 
within the limitations of American foreign policy ; 
and whether shipping space is available to the area 
of distribution. In addition the Board must be 
sure that the campaign for funds does not impair 
the work carried on by normal home charities. 
Wilful breach of any of those rules results in can- 
cellation of the agency's license to operate. 

After that first move the Board, to make sure 
that it could pass intelligently on requests for 
registration and that it had effective help in deal- 
ing with occasional rackets and fraudulent pro- 
moters, established close contacts with the National 
Information Bureau, Better Business Bureaus, 
Chambers of Commerce, licensing officials in the 
cities, and even with the FBI. 

Seldom has the Board been forced to use the 
broad powers it possesses. The three members be- 
lieve that a persuasive rather than a coercive 
method is the best way to get results. Wlien neces- 

sary, members of the Board meet with the heads 
of the various private agencies to talk over their 

Another early move by the Board was to ques- 
tion 600 sponsors about their agencies; the result 
was a flood of letters from prominent citizens all 
over the country apologizing for their neglect of 
the worthy causes they were supporting and prom- 
ising either to resign or to play an active role in 
their organizations. That attitude is a good in- 
dication of the public's response to the activities 
of the Board. 

At times in the face of stormy opposition, the 
delicate task of merging rival agencies was carried 
on by persuasion and appeals to common sense. It 
was difficult to make hard-working, well-meaning 
people admit that their work was perhaps not the 
only important relief job that was being done and 
that perhaps they might do a better job by com- 
bining their efforts with those of similar groups. 
The Board brought their representatives together, 
and as a result of patient efforts at conciliation 
lai'ger groups were soon formed by the merger or 
federation of smaller ones. The number of agen- 
cies has been reduced from 700 to just over a 

United China Relief and Russian War Relief 
are two outstanding examples of the large affil- 
iated groups. Recently created were American 
Relief for Italy and American Relief for France. 

The Board's policy is to centralize all major 
relief activities for one national group abroad 
in one private agency in the United States and 
similarly to coordinate all the agencies serving 
the same function, such as relief to refugees. If 
agencies begin to reflect the political rivalries of 
the "home" country or wish to engage in political 
activities as well as relief work, the Board applies 
this policy : keep politics out of relief or get out of 
relief woi'k. 

The Board's main function is not to act as a 
glorified policeman but to serve rather as a clear- 
ing house of information and advice for relief 
groups and to make sure that every dollar spent 
is put to its best use. Members of the staflf, who 
are familiar with the work of all the relief groups 
and who are in a good position to advise, give 
careful consideration to the programs of all the 
agencies. Not only does the Board evaluate each 
change in program in terms of need and feasibility, 
but also it scrutinizes four times a year the pro- 

611828 — 44- 



posed programs and budgets of all agencies 
financed through the National War Fund, with 
the advice of government officials from all depart- 
ments familiar with relief activities. Representa- 
tives from the State Department, the Treasury 
Department, UNRRA, the Army and Navy, the 
Combined Production and Resources Board, the 
War Production Board, the Foreign Economic 
Administration, the Red Cross, and other agencies 
study the private relief plans and suggest neces- 
sary modifications to be enforced by the Board. 
Private relief must be made to complement and 
not to duplicate in any way the relief and supply 
programs undertaken under governmental aus- 
pices. For instance, since the Army distributes a 
certain amount of basic foods to the populations of 
liberated areas, private groups obviously should 
not try to send the same foods. UNRRA may be 
invited to bring aid to the starving population of 
a Balkan country. Private relief therefore should 
try to fill in the gaps and not attempt to carry on 
activities of the same kind or on the same scale 
as those financed by Government funds. When 
a foreign government is planning to buy a certain 
quantity of medical supplies for distribution to 
its nationals, American-contributed dollars should 
not be used for the same job. 

The Board is particularly aware of the fact that 
a great many relief jobs exist for which public 
funds cannot be used or which only private groups 
are equipped to handle. For instance, private 
groups may send appreciable quantities of special 
foods and layettes for babies and clothing for 
children, and they may establish public-health pro- 
grams for special purposes. Local committees of 
private relief agencies are particularly good at fer- 
reting out from the public's attics supplies of 
used clothing and reconditioning these precious 
textiles for relief distribution. No Govenunent 
salvage program has so far been so uniformly suc- 
cessful as that of the private agencies, whose initia- 
tive has in many cases made them pioneers in i-e- 
lief measures. They bring aid and comfort to 
prisoners of war and to refugees from the Axis 
terror. They have initiated measures which have 
enabled the governments of homeless nationals to 
assume gradually the financial burden of that 
aid — a burden now too great for the private agen- 
cies to carry alone. 

The Board maintains regular contact with other 
Government agencies on the day-to-day policy de- 

cisions which must be made for carrying out pri- 
vate relief work. In addition the Board maintains 
contact with the Treasury Department, which must 
grant permission for any transfer of funds abroad. 
The Board makes recommendations to the Treas- 
ury when the transfer is for relief purposes under 
the Board's jui'isdiction. Cooperation with FEA 
is also essential since every three months the agen- 
cies make out lists of the products which they want 
to ship overseas, a great many of which are on the 
FEA list of materials in short supply. After FEA 
allocates a quota for the private agencies the Board 
clears applications for export licenses requested by 
the agencies wishing to ship these and other reiief 
commodities abroad. 

The Board has, of necessity, a very special rela- 
tionship with the State Department. Close liaison 
is maintained, not only because war relief must be 
carried out in accordance with the foreign policy 
of the United States, but also because the Depart- 
ment provides relief intelligence for the Board. 
For the first two and a half years Homer S. Fox, a 
Foreign Service officer, was Executive Director of 
the Board and provided liaison with the Depart- 
ment. About the time of Mr. Fox's resignation 
Charles P. Taft, one of the original Committee 
members, was appointed Director of the Office of 
Wartime Economic Affairs in the State Depart- 
ment. This dual responsibility enabled Mr. Taft 
to assure the Board close cooperation on matters of 
general policy. The formal liaison, however, is 
maintained through the Special War Problems 

With the blessing of the Board the agencies 
themselves have formed an organization for 
mutual aid, the Council of Voluntary Agencies 
for Foreign Service. More than 50 agencies now 
working in foreign countries are members of this 
consultative body. Their representatives meet 
regularly (usually in committees such as the 
French Area Committee and the Committee on 
Material Aid) to talk over common problems and 
to exchange valuable information. The Council, 
not only an operating agency, has been the means 
of establishing some joint services. In the spring 
of 1944 the Council concentrated on recruiting ex- 
perts for UNRRA's Balkan mission and worked 
out an arrangement permitting private-relief offi- 
cers to work with UNRRA on special projects. 

Wlio collects the money for this private-relief 
activity? The National War Fund which grew 

OCTOBER 1, 1944 


out of the demands of the people throughout the 
country. At the request of the Board the National 
War Fund was created in 1943 under the leader- 
ship of Mr. Winthrop Aldrich, president of the 
Chase National Bank, with a board of representa- 
tives from the member agencies (now numbering 
28), the Community War Funds, and the public 
at large. Its purpose is to protect the American 
contributor not only by substituting a single fund- 
raising campaign for the former successive cam- 
paigns of the individual agencies but also by com- 
bining those drives to reduce the cost of fxmd- 
raising by eliminating competition, conflict, and 

Preparations for the campaign ai'e made 
throughout the year. Once the total quota has 
been established on the basis of relief needs and 
probable intake, it is divided into sub-quotas for 
each State and locality. The actual campaigning 
is done not by the national organization but by 
War Chests in each commimity, which report to 
the county officials, who in turn report to the State 
officials. War chests have been organized in all 
but a dozen or so of over 3,000 counties in the 
United States. The money collected by the cam- 
paigns is allocated to the member agencies accord- 
ing to their needs as reviewed by the Board and 
the War Fund Budget Committees. 

Not all private war-relief agencies are rep- 
resented in the National War Fund. The Board, 
which recommends agencies to the Fund for mem- 
bership, will not certify any agency which, for 
instance, seeks contributions in kind only, is es- 
sentially local in scope, or is one that appeals only 
to a limited group of people. But by and large, 
the single-fund campaign eliminates a multitude 
of conflicting campaigns which formerly plagued 
the public. 

The scope of private war-relief activities in the 
United States is large. The American people have 
responded generously to all the appeals for funds 
to bring aid to uprooted families and decimated 
countries throughout the world. Since the inva- 
sion of Poland more than 175 million dollars in 
funds and supplies have been sent ovei*seas. Al- 
most 20 million have gone to China, about 30 
million to Russia, and more than 40 million to 
Great Britain. Frenchmen have received about 
414 million; more than 12 million have reached 
Palestine. The Greeks also have received about 12 
million and the Yugoslavs about 2 million. 

The rest of these millions have been shared pri- 
marily by the refugees, prisoners, and fighting 
forces of Norway, Luxembourg, Denmark, Hol- 
land, Czechoslovakia, Belgium, Italy, Lithuania, 
Latvia, Estonia, Albania, the Philippines, and all 
others who could be reached. 

Those figures do not necessarily reflect the 
shadings of American sympathy or relative needs. 
Resources were sent where distribution was pos- 
sible. It was obviously easier to reach people in 
areas not completely occupied by the enemy than 
those in enslaved countries. As Hitler's fortress 
crumbles and as new areas open up, the necessity 
for relief becomes greater : the President's Board, 
the Council, and the National War Fund will try 
to see that this relief is sent where it is needed 

International Conference 
On Civil Aviation 

[Released to the press September 29] 

Supplementing the invitation extended on Sep- 
tember 11 ^ for an international civil-aviation con- 
ference to be convened in the United States on 
November 1, the Department of State has trans- 
mitted to the appropriate governments and author- 
ities the following proposed agenda for this con- 
ference : 

Phoposed Agenda foe International Chtl 

Aviation Conference 

(To be convened in the United States on November 1, 1944) 

I. Arrangements covering transitional period: 
Establishment of air-transport services on a 
provisional basis. 

1. Arrangements for routes and services to 

operate during a transitional period. 

2. Drafting of agreements to implement the 

provisional route pattern and to guide oper- 
ations durmg transitional period. 

(a) Landing and transit rights to permit 
establisliment of provisional air services 
as soon as possible. 

(b) Right of technical or non-traffic stop. 

(c) Application of cabotage. 

(d) Use of public airports and facilities, on a 
non-discriminatory basis. 

' Bulletin of Sept. 17, 1944, p. 298. 


(e) Frequency of operations. 
' (f ) Bona fide nationality of air carriers, 
(g) Control of rates and competitive prac- 
3 Arrangements for and selection of continuing 
Committee on Air Transport to serve during 
the transitional period. 
II. Technical standards and procedures. 
1. Recommendations for setting up and adopt- 
ing standards and procedures m the follow- 
ing fields : 

(a) Commmiications systems and air-naviga- 
tion aids, including ground markings. 

(b) Rules of the air and traffic-control prac- 


(c) Standards governing the licensing of 
operating and mechanical personnel. 

(d) Airworthiness of aircraft. 

(e) Registration and identification of air- 

(f ) Collection and exchange of meteorological 

(g) Logbooks and manifests. 

(h) Maps. 
(i) Airports, 
(i) Customs procedure. 
2 Arrangements for and selection of a Tech- 
nical Committee and subcommittees to serve 
during transitional period, and to draft 
definitive proposals for submission to the 
interested governments. 
III. Multilateral aviation convention and interna- 
tional aeronautical body. 
1 Formulation of principles to be followed in: 

(a) Drawing up a new multilateral conven- 
tion on air navigation and related sub- 

(b) Establishing such permanent interna- 
tional aeronautical body as may be agreed 
on, and determining the extent of its 

2. Arrangement for and selection of a Commit- 
tee on Multilateral Convention and Inter- 
national Body to serve during transitional 
period and to draw up definitive proposals 
for submission to the interested govern- 
IV Consideration of establishment of Interim 
Council to serve during a transitional period 
which might supervise the work of other com- 


mittees functioning during this period; and 
performing such other functions as the con- 
ference may determine. 

1. Recommendations concerning locale, com- 

position, and scope of Interim Council. 

2. Length of transitional period, mechanism for 

converting recommendations of Interim 
Council and its committees into permanent 
arrangements, and other arrangements cov- 
ering the transitional period. 

Tribute to American Aid 
In the Defense of Warsaw 

[Released to the press September 25] 

The President of the United States has received * 
the following message from the Prime Minister 
of Poland : 

London, Septemher 19, 1944- 
The President : 

Accept, Mr. President, the heartfelt thanks 
which I have the honour to present to you on be- 
half of the people of Warsaw for the very effective 
aid which the United States Air Force in their gal- 
lant flight has given the defenders of the Polish 
capital. We owe the successful completion of this 
operation to you, Mr. President, who as Supreme 
Commander of the United States Armed Forces 
gave orders to bring help to the insurgents in War- 
saw who have been fighting for seven weeks a 
lonely battle against the Germans. This outstand- 
ino- example of America's interest in and active 
support of those fighting for freedom will be 
deeply entrenched in the hearts of all Poles. 
Sustained by the tangible proof of a brotherhood 
of arms the Poles in Warsaw and throughout 
Poland firmly believe that in their struggle against 
the barbarous German enemy they will until the 
achievement of complete and final victory continue 
to receive help from the Allies and that their gi'ow- 
ing needs of supplies, particularly of food and 
medicals, will be fully satisfied. 

We beg, Mr. President, to convey our words ot 
thanks to the commanders and the brave airmen 
who with such outstanding zeal and devotion to 
duty have undertaken this hazardous operation, 
also the Polish people's warm sympathy for the 
next of kin of those who have lost their lives in the 
gallant attempt to bring sorely needed relief to 
their Polish comrades-in-arms. 

Stanislaw Mikolajczyk 

OCTOBER 1.1944 


American Seamen 

Address by JESSE E. SAUGSTAD' 

[Released to the press September 28] 

The tougli time seamen have had is generally 
recognized. If you hadn't been liaving a tough 
time, you wouldn't be here. Here something is 
being done about it. Official reports of sinkings 
and stories of survivors have streamed through our 
office, and we believe we know something of what 
you have faced in all the vast areas of this war. 
You kept the ships going. Our supply line never 

You have shared in making the United States 
again a maritime nation. No country is a mari- 
time nation unless its ships give employment to its 
people and to its resources. The past decline of 
the American merchant marine has been repeatedly 
stressed. The United States declined as a mari- 
time nation when the fringe of seaboard popula- 
tion moved to the interior and no longer depended 
upon the sea for a livelihood. I do not believe 
seamen caused this decline. Seamen simply got 
better jobs ashore. So why go to sea ? Ship-own- 
ers got more return 021 their investments in other 
businesses. So why invest in risky shipping ven- 
tures? And so the traditions of seafaring were 
lost to this country. 

The merchant marine of a truly maritime na- 
tion creates seafaring traditions which are handed 
down much as the traditions and ethics of other 
professions. For a long time the American mer- 
chant marine had little seafaring tradition. 
Thousands of men followed the sea, but it was 
largely without that spirit which makes for gleam- 
ing ships and smart performance. Too few have 
been dependent upon ocean commerce to be much 
concerned with going to sea and with the opera- 
tion of ships. 

Today the picture is changing. Our ships are 
manned by citizens from every State in the Union. 
So far as possible seamen are schooled in ship op- 
eration before they go to sea. For the first time, 
the Federal Government has followed the prac- 

' Delivered at the dedication ceremony of the United 
Seamen's Service Rest Home, Sands Point, Long Island, 
Sept. 28, 1944. Mr. Saugstad is Acting Chief of the Ship- 
ping Division, Office of Transportation and Communica- 
tions, Department of State. 

tice of other governments of both maritime and 
non-maritime nations — it has establislied schools 
where those who want to go to sea may obtain 
training. This looks like the making of a new 
sea tradition in the United States, for while the 
Government has long maintained professional 
schools for the training of its military forces, the 
Government of this democracy has not hitherto 
established educational institutions for civilian 
vocational training. 

One question now asked is, Shall the Govern- 
ment training schools for seamen continue or will 
they have served their public purpose when war 
conditions end? The answer will depend largely 
upon the seamen themselves who have been 
trained in these schools. Will they remain at 
sea? Will their training make them more effec- 
tive at sea? Will their training contribute a 
greater number of responsible and valuable of- 
ficers? When we have the answers to these last 
questions, we shall know the answer to the first. 

One thing is certain — never in history have men 
gone to sea under such favorable working condi- 
tions as most of you now take for granted. The 
houi-s of work; the quality, preservation, and 
2)reparation of food; the convenience and com- 
parative privacy of living quarters ; the lighting, 
heating, washing, and sanitary equipment of the 
modern ship are conditions no one believed possible 
a few years ago. The floating combination of 
home and workshop is one of the wonders of mod- 
ern industrial practice. We hear a lot of stuff 
about the "glorious clipper days" of this country. 
I wonder what an oldtirae clipper shellback would 
think if he should board and sail on one of the 
new ships ! 

Wliere does all this come from? From many 
elements. It comes from modern standards of 
living and social thought; it comes from trail- 
blazing and agitation by the seamen themselves; 
it comes from designers of ships, built for priv- 
ate or public account; and it comes from your 
fellow taxpayers. It comes from the same source 
which produced seamen's training schools. 

What does the seaman propose to do in return 
for these conditions of work, pay, and living? 



Does he treat or does he expect to treat all this with 
a decent regard for the rights of his associates, 
■whether these associates are his shipmates, the 
ship-owners, or the Government? Wlien a ship is 
a man's home, the place of his work as well as the 
source of his income, the ship becomes a peculiarly 
personal possession. The question is. Do seamen 
treat the ship in this spirit? The equipment is 
there. Wliat use do you expect to make of it? 

When war conditions end and rehabilitation has 
been accomplished, seafaring will end for thou- 
sands of seamen, either from choice or from ne- 
cessity. Opportunities for employment at sea will 
shrink as the national commercial fleet shrinks to 
fit peacetime requirements. 

But those of you who quit the sea will never quite 
forget the experience you have had, the dangers 
you have faced, or the fascination you have found 
in service aboard ship. You will carry that with 
you always wherever you go, and your attitude to- 
ward it will make you a walking influence upon 
those about you and upon what they think of a 
merchant marine and maritime affairs. 

Those who remain with the ships will do so be- 
cause that is the life they prefer. I hope that com- 
petition with other maritime nations will not be 
based simply upon size of the fleet but also upon 
performance and appearance of both the ships and 
the men who sail them. It is expected that the 
men who remain seamen after this war will view 
the service as a career. 


It is to these seamen that I particularly want to 
bring home a matter which concerns them quite as 
much as it concerns us. This has to do with ordi- 
nary behavior and its effect upon others. Right 
now official and unofficial representatives of this 
country are scattered all over the globe. They are 
collectively making an impression of what an 
American citizen is by wliat they say or do. Be- 
sides the Army and Navy with their millions, we 
have the Coast Guard, the War Shipping Admin- 
istration, the Merchant Marine, and the Foreign 
Service of the United States, together with rep- 
resentatives of other Government and private 
agencies, all laying the foundation of future opin- 
ions and attitudes toward the United States. 

After hostilities cease, most of these representa- 
tives will in due course return to the United States. 
The American seaman will remain abroad as part 

of his job. So will the Foreign Service. These 
are two occupational groups that will carry re- 
sponsibility for American prestige in the post-war 

Now someone has whispered, very gently of 
course, that once upon a time there was a seaman 
who did not like a certain American consul. The 
seaman expressed his dislike of the consul. The 
consul expressed certain views in regard to the sea- 
man. I couldn't repeat the dialog over this micro- 
phone. I leave it to your sea-going imagination. 
But what the seaman didn't know was that he was 
talking to a man from his own town in his own 
State. Wliat the consul didn't know was the same 
thing. Somehow they both realized the situation. 
By that time the seaman thought he didn't need 
what he was asking for, and the consul insisted 
upon making him a present of it anyhow. 

Now what I want to get across is this: Don't 
forget ever that the consul comes from the same 
kind of people you come from. He comes from 
the same place and the same part of the country 
you come from, figiiratively speaking. His home 
background and yours are about the same. He 
may never have seen a ship imtil he was on his 
way to his foreign post. I wonder how many sea- 
men now at sea ever saw a ship before they entered 
the training schools. Probably consuls propor- 
tionately have had no more experience with ships 
before taking a foreign post than seamen have had 
before signing articles of a ship for the first time. 

I am not here to alibi for an American consul 
who may have had difficulty with seamen. Nor 
am I here to turn over American consulates to sea- 
men. What I have to tell you is this : It is quite 
possible that there are American consuls at sea- 
ports who may not be persons whom seamen like 
to encounter. Since it's only during the last few 
years that we have had an offshore fleet, a consul 
may never have had the opportunity to learn any- 
thing about ships and seamen. He may not have 
been detailed specifically to look after seamen and 
ships. And on the day a seaman calls, the consul 
may have a headache just as tough as the one the 
seaman may have. 

If your opinion of the entire Consular Service 
rests on a single encounter witli one consul, watch 
your step ! Suppose we on our part were to make 
up our minds as to what kind of people 150,000 
seamen are by our dealings with a sample hundred 
of them. I should consider that gamble very un- 
fair to 149,900 seamen. So would you. 

OCTOBER 1,1944 


So just do a little thinking about the fact that 
when j'on are talking to an American consul, you 
are talking to one of your own people. You may 
think you are entitled to the moon. The consul's 
job is to explain that the Congress never included 
the moon among the things you are entitled to. He 
can't give it to you no matter how much he may 
want to nor how sympathetic he may be. But he 
will tell you what you are entitled to and see that 
you get it if available. And I may add I know of 
some bouts between seamen and consuls where I 
think the seaman came out the better of the two. 
He got the decision in the first round. 

In recognition of the immense increase in our 
sea-going population we, for the first time, are 
giving American consular officers practical ex- 
perience with the work they are to do by putting 
them through a condensed course of training which 
includes work in both Washington and at sea- 
ports. They study and observe the procedures of 
the shipping conamissioners, immigration officials, 
customs officers, and Coast Guard in order to see in 
operation some of those functions at this end of the 
line which they are to perform at the foreign end 
of the line. They are given the benefit of discus- 
sions with representative experienced Foreign 
Service officers and with officers of the Divisions 
of Operations, Labor Relations, and Recruitment 
and Manning Organization of the War Shipping 
Administration. By this means the officers go into 
the field with a practical idea of what they are to 
do and of what is expected of them. They leave 
here ready to do a good job in looking after the 
interests of American seamen. All we expect is a 
little cooperation on the part of the seamen. 


This is the first opportunity I have had in 
behalf of the Department and the Consular Serv- 
ice to express our gratitude for the hostels and 
recreation centers established overseas by the 
United Seamen's Service. More than one Ameri- 
can consul has reported to the Department that 
U.S.S. facilities have relieved intolerable situa- 
tions at ports where accommodations were either 
not to be had or wei'e of such undesirable quality 
as to be worse than none at all. A hundred ship- 
wrecked seamen arriving at a little port which 
may have accommodations for ten can certainly 
create a problem of considerable magnitude. If 
there is a hostel at the port where seamen may 
find not only sleeping quarters but recreation fa- 

cilities, the consuls, the seamen, and the inhabi- 
tants of thei port are collectively grateful. 

May I also record at this time our appreciation 
of the assistance given by the War Shipping Ad- 
ministration in dealing with statutory limitations 
which aflfect the care and repatriation of Ameri- 
can seamen. As you know, the statutes have long 
since been outmoded by current practice, and 
without the assistance of the War Shipping Ad- 
ministration in augmenting statutory provisions, 
we should have been obliged to ask for new legis- 
lation in the midst of the emergency. 

One of the first moves we expect to make after 
the war is to ask seamen and those who represent 
them to support us in requesting Congress to 
modernize the laws covering care and protection 
of seamen. The authority of American consular 
officers should be streamlined in accordance with 
modern shipping practice and should be extended 
to include rights and privileges to which seamen 
are entitled under modern working conditions. 


Department of State 

Detail of Military Officer to Serve as Director of the 
Polytechnic School of Guatemala : Agreement between the 
United States of America and Guatemala renewing the 
agreement of July 17, 1943 — Effected by exchange of notes 
signed at Washington January 5 and 17, 1944 ; effective 
July 17, 1944. Executive Agreement Series 397. Publi- 
cation 2168. 2 pp. 50. 

Other Government Agencies 

Treaties and Executive Agreements: An analysis pre- 
pared for the Committee on Foreign Relations by Henry S. 
Fraser, Assistant Counsel, Special Committee Investigating 
Petroleum Eesources. S. Doc. 244, 78th Cong. 33 pp. 


Diplomatic and Consular Offices 

The American Legation at Luxembourg was 
reestablished on September 23, 1944 and will fimc- 
tion as a combined office. 

The American Consulate at Rome, Italy, was 
established on September 26, 1944. 



Responsibilities of FEA After the 
Defeat of Germany 


[Released to the press by the White House September 20] 

In accordance with our discussions, the follow- 
ing are the major policies which should be put into 
effect by the Foreign Economic Administration 
within the scope of its present functions and re- 
sponsibilities when the military resistance of Nazi 
Germany is overcome : 

1. Export Control. With a view to encouraging 
private trade without interfering with the success- 
ful prosecution of the war against Japan, the 
FEA should relax controls over exports to the full- 
est extent compatible with our continuing war ob- 
jectives, particularly that of defeating Japan as 
quickly and effectively as possible. 

International trade on as full and free a basis 
as possible is necessary not only as a sound eco- 
nomic foundation for the future peace, but it is also 
necessary in order that we may have fuller produc- 
tion and employment at home. Private industry 
and private trade can, I am sure, produce a high 
level of international trade, and the Government 
should assist to the extent necessary to achieve this 
objective by returning international commerce to 
private lanes as rapidly as possible. 

2. Strategic and Critical Raw Materials. In 
view of the curtailment which is to be made in our 
war production after the German phase of the war, 
the Foreign Economic Administration should con- 
sult with the appropriate supply agencies with a 
view to making an appropriate cut in its foreign 
procurement program for strategic and critical 
materials needed in the prosecution of the war. 

The adjustment to this reduced program should 
be made in such a way as to prevent undue and 
unnecessary financial losses to American taxpayers, 
to best preserve our foreign relations and to 
strengthen the foundation for a high level of inter- 
national trade in the future. 

3. Preclusive Buying. The Foreign Economic 
Administration has been buying abroad materials 

' Administrator, Foreign Economic Administration. 

needed by the Axis to produce munitions and other 
war materials in order to prevent our enemies from 
getting them. I understand that the peak of this 
program is already passed as a result of the vic- 
tories which have been won by the United Nations. 
The Foreign Economic Administration should con- 
tinue to take all necessary steps to prevent Japan 
from getting strategic and critical materials for 
the Japanese war program, but it should limit its 
preclusive purchasing program to acliieving that 
end, observing, of course, any existing commit- 

4. EconomAc Warfare. The Foreign Economic 
Administration's studies of the enemy's war po- 
tential and other phases of economic warfare 
should be reduced and focused on the war against 
Japan. This work should be carried on as it has 
in the past, in close integration with our armed 

5. Lend-Lease. Lend-Lease supplies should 
continue to be furnished in whatever amounts are 
necessary for the most effective prosecution of the 
war. We have waged war on a combined basis 
with our Allies with a success which is being amply 
demonstrated every day on the battlefields of Eu- 
rope and the Far East. Until the complete de- 
feat of both Japan and Germany, the flow of Lend- 
Lease aid should be continued in the amounts neces- 
sary to enable the combined strength of all the 
United Nations to defeat our common enemies as 
quickly as possible and with the least loss of life. 
The amount and nature of the aid necessary after 
the defeat of Germany is closely tied up with the 
strategic plans for the Pacific war, and the pro- 
grams for reconstruction and for reconversion of 
industry to civilian needs which we and our Allies 
work out on a basis of mutual understanding. The 
Foreign Economic Administration should aid in 
carrying out this policy to the fullest extent. 

6. Surplus Property. As you have done in the 
past, you should continue to take every reasonable 



measure to see to it that no unnecessary surpluses 
develop out of procurement by the Foreign Eco- 
nomic Administration for Lend-Lease, UNRRA 
or other purposes. In connection with procure- 
ment or production for Lend-Lease or relief and 
rehabilitation purposes, you should continue to 
investigate and take up supplies of other Govern- 
ment agencies which are or may be surplus. 

7. Control of the War-Making Power of Ger- 
many-. You have been making studies from the 
economic standpoint of what should be done after 
the surrender of Germany to control its power 
and capacity to make war in the future. This 
work must be accelerated, and under the guid- 
ance of the Department of State you should fur- 
nish assistance in work and when requested to 
do so in personnel by making available specialists 
to work with the military authorities, the Foreign 
Service, and such other American agencies and 
officials as participate with the United Nations in 
seeing to it that Germany does not become a men- 
ace again to succeeding generations. 

8. Reconstruction and Future Foreign Trade. 
It is in the national interest of the United States, 
as well as the joint interest of the United States 
and the other peace-loving nations, that the de- 
struction and devastation of war be repaired and 
that the foundations for a secure peace be laid. I 
understand that you are also preparing to submit 
for my consideration major proposals along these 
lines. In varying degrees every workman, every 
farmer and every industry in the United States 
has a stake in the production and flow of manu- 
factured goods, agricultural products and other 
supplies to all the other countries of the world. 
To produce the largest amount of useful goods and 
services at home, we should export and import as 
much as possible. 

Any marked improvement in the economic well- 
being of the United States will not only improve 
the economic well-being of the other peace-loving 
peoples of the world, but will also aid materially 
in the building of a durable peace. 

With this objective in mind, you should continue 
to take such action as is necessary or desirable in 
accordance with the powers delegated to the For- 
eign Economic Administration and in conformity 
with the foreign policy of the United States as 
defined by the Secretary of State. 

Exchange of American and 
German Nationals 

[Released to the press September 26] 

Two hundred and nineteen seriously sick and 
wounded United States Army officers and enlisted 
men, until recently prisoners of war of the Ger- 
man Government, arrived on September 26 at 
Jersey City, New Jersey, the State Department 
and War Department announced in a joint state- 

They were returned to this country aboard the 
Swedish motorship Gripsholm in accordance with 
the terms of a repatriation agreement with Ger- 
many. The exchange resulting in their return 
was made at Goteborg, Sweden. Fifteen of the 
persons exchanged at Goteborg were removed 
from the vessel at a British port and were flown 
to the United States. 

Under a separate agreement with the German 
Government the repatriation of more than 1,700 
seriously sick and wounded prisoners of war and 
protected personnel of the British Commonwealth 
of Nations was accomplished. Transfer of both 
Ajnerican and British personnel was effected at 
Goteborg at the same time. The British were 
repatriated on the vessels Drottningholm and Ar- 
undel Castle. 

In the repatriation operation there were sent to 
Germany approximately 1,600 German prisoners 
of war and protected personnel who had been in 
United States and British custody. 

No American protected personnel were returned 
aboard the Gripsholm. 

The Swiss Government provided the channels 
of communication through which arrangements 
for the exchange were successfully made. Mr. 
Emil Greuter of the Swiss Legation at Washing- 
ton, D. C, acted as neutral representative aboard 
the Grifsholm. The Swedish Government per- 
mitted the use of port facilities at Goteborg for 
the exchange. The thanks of the United States 
Government have been expressed to the neutral 
Governments for the part which they have played 
in the successful negotiation and completion of 
this exchange. 

It is hoped that with the cooperation of the 
neutral nations arrangements can be made soon 



for the repatriation of additional seriously sick 
and wounded prisoners of war. 

[Released to the press September 30] 

On September 11, 1944 the Department of State 
received a report from the British Admiralty 
through the American Embassy at London to the 
effect that the exchange ship GripshoJm. on its re- 
turn journey from Goteboi-g carrying sick and 
wounded American prisoners of war had been de- 
tained on that date at Kristiansans, Norway, by 
the German authorities. The Department of State 
immediately telegraphed the following protest to 
the American Legation at Bern for urgent trans- 
mission to the German Government through the 
Swiss Government: 

"United States Government views with concern 
action of Germans in detaining Gripsholm and 
preventing communication between her and other 
exchange vessels. United States Government ex- 
pects that in accordance with previously-granted 
safe conduct German Government will immedi- 
ately release Gripsholm to continue its voyage. 
United States Government expects to receive 
promptly explanation of unprecedented action of 
German authorities." 

The Department of State subsequently received 
official reports stating that during the period of 
detention of the Gripsholm the German authorities 
removed two members of the crew of the vessel. 
Upon receipt of this information a second pro- 
test was made to the German Government through 
Bern, the text of which follows: 

"Department now officially informed through 
Swiss and Swedish channels that Gripsholm was 
allowed to resume her voyage after nine-hour de- 
lay and after forcible removal from vessel of two 
members of crew, a motorman and a waiter, both of 
whom were signed on at New York. 

"United States Government can only assume that 
removal of these two seamen from the vessel, 
hampering its operation and hampering care of 
sick and wounded passengers on board, together 
with unjustified delay of vessel are the result of 
mistaken activity by some subordinate official who 
was not aware of German safe conduct covering 
vessel and all on boai'd. Department protests this 
unauthorized action and expects that the two sea- 
men in question will be promptly released from 
German custody onto neutral territory. Depart- 
ment furthermore expects that official responsible 

for this unprecedented action will be appropriately 
dealt with." 

The two members of the crew who were removed 
by the Germans are Robert Raymond Kelly, al- 
legedly an American citizen born at Philadelphia 
on January 2, 1924, whose mother, Mrs. Blanche 
Kelly, resides at 217 West Thirteenth Street, Mis- 
sion, Texas, and Erik Poul Hansen, allegedly a 
Danish subject. It was Kelly's first voyage on the 
Gripsholm. Hansen had previously served on that 


Centralized Transportation Service' 

Purpose. The purpose of this order is to create 
a centralized transportation service within the 
Department of State to facilitate the official travel 
of officers and employees of the Department, both 
within and outside the continental limits of the 
United States, the official travel of officers and 
employees of other civilian governmental agencies 
outside the continental limits of the United States, 
and the travel of foreign nationals. 

1 Establishment of Transportation Service 
Branch in the Division of Foreign Service Ad- 
ministration, Q-jfice of the Foreign Service. There 
is hereby created a Transportation Service Branch 
in the Division of Foreign Service Administra- 
tion, Office of the Foreign Service. 

2 Functions of the Tramportation Service 
Branch. The Transportation Service Branch 
shall be responsible for making all arrangements 
to facilitate the official travel of officers and em- 
ployees of the Department within and outside the 
continental limits of the United States, the official 
travel of officers and employees of other civilian 
agencies outside the continental limits of the 
United States, and the travel of foreign nationals. 
This includes the preparation of travel orders, the 
issuance of government transportation requests 
and bills of lading, the procurement of tickets for 
rail, air, boat, or other kinds of transportation, of 
freight accommodations, and of air priorities, and 
the arrangements for medical and health examina- 
tions and inoculations, and other similar services 
for authorized travelers. In connection with 

' Departmental Order 1286, dated and effective Sept. 18, 



these activities the Transportation Service Branch 
shall establish liaison with the appropriate oiRces 
and divisions of the Department of State and with 
other agencies of the Government, including the 
War and Navy Departments and the War Ship- 
ping Administration. 

3 Functions retained by other divisions of the 
Department. The function of authorizing travel 
shall continue to be performed in the same man- 
ner as heretofore, and the Division of Budget and 
Finance shall continue to be responsible for the 
administrative audit of all obligation and disburse- 
ment documents issued in connection with requests 
for reimbursement of the cost of such official travel 
and transportation. 

4 Procedures goveiimng the authorization., ar- 
rangement., and cmdit of official travel. Proce- 
dures governing the authorization, arrangement, 
and audit of official travel shall be issued in the 
Official Travel Series of Administrative Instruc- 
tions. As a result of studies which are being made 
currently, a series of instructions will be issued 

shortly to simplify, clarify, and facilitate the han- 
dling of official travel. 

6 Transfer of records and personnel. The per- 
sonnel in other divisions of the Department at 
present performing the functions vested by tliis 
order in the Transportation Service Branch, Divi- 
sion of Foreign Service Administration, Office of 
the Foreign Service, together with all records per- 
taining thereto, are hereby transferred to the 
Transportation Service Branch. 

6 Atnendment of previous orders. Departmen- 
tal Order 1218 of January 15, 1944, as amended, is 
hereby further amended to give effect to the pro- 
visions of this order. 


September 18, 1944. 

Appointment of Officers 

Edward G. Gale has been designated Acting 
Chief of the Commodities Division, effective Sep- 
tember 18, 1944. 


Merchant Shipping 

[Released to the press September 28] 

The Agreement on Principles Having Eefer- 
ence to the Continuance of Co-ordinated Control 
of Merchant Shipping which has now been pub- 
lished will bring about an adjustment in the pres- 
ent arrangements for the control of the employ- 
ment of United Nations shipping.^ It can best be 
understood in relation to those arrangements. At 
present all British and United States ships (ex- 
cept certain coastal vessels) are under requisition 
to their respective Governments. The great ma- 
jority of ships under the flags of other United 
Nations are also under requisition by their Gov- 
ernments and have been chartered for the dura- 
tion of the war in Europe to the British Ministry 
of War Transport or the War Shipping Adminis- 
tration or have been otherwise made available for 
employment by one or the other of those bodies. 
In this way two pools of shipping are constituted 
the employment of which is coordinated through 
the combined shipping adjustment boards, with 

' BxiLLETiN of Aug. 13, 19-14, p. 157. 

arrangements for consultation between the Brit- 
ish and United States and the other United Na- 
tions Governments. 

At or soon after the general suspension of hos- 
tilities in Europe the existing agreements for the 
use by the British Ministry of War Transport 
and the War Shipping Administration of United 
Nations ships under other flags will terminate; 
but the requirements for ships will remain heavy 
for military purposes as well as for the supply of 
liberated areas and all other purposes of the 
United Nations. In the agreement the govern- 
ments which have cooperated in the provision of 
ships for United Nations purposes have agreed 
to continue to devote their shipping resources to 
these needs until the war in the Far East is won. 

Machinery is provided for the effective collab- 
oration by govermnents in the use of available 
shipping by the establishment of a United Mari- 
time Council and United Maritime Executive 
Board. Through these bodies, which will come 
into operation on the general suspension of hos- 
tilities in Europe, the contracting governments 
will implement the principles laid down in the 



agreement. The principles will remain in eflFect 
until six months after the suspension of hostili- 
ties in Europe or the Far East (whichever is the 
later) unless terminated or modified earlier by 
unanimous agreement. 

The agreement has been signed by the Govern- 
ments of Belgium, Canada, Greece, Netherlands, 
Norway, Poland, the United Kingdom, and the 
United States of America, while the French Com- 
mittee of National Liberation has signified that all 
French shipping is and remains at the disposal of 
the United Nations. The Soviet Government and 
other interested United Nations Governments have 
been kept informed. The agreement springs from 
the close collaboration achieved in the past and 
now existing between the governments which have 
mainly contributed to the provision of shipping 
to meet the needs of all the United Nations, and it 
continues that collaboration for the general bene- 
fit into the succeeding phases. The cooperation of 
all United Nations not presently signatory and 
other friendly governments will be welcomed, and 
it is contemplated that certain of them will accede 
to the agreement and participate in the central 


The undersigned representatives, duly author- 
ised by their respective Governments or Authori- 
ties, hereinafter referred to as contracting Govern- 
ments, have agreed as follows: — 

1. The contracting Governments declare that 
they accept as a common responsibility the provi- 
sion of shipping for all military and other tasks 
necessary for, and arising out of, the completion of 
the war in Europe and the Far East and for the 
supplying of all the liberated areas as well as of 
the United Nations generally and territories under 
their authority. 

2. The contracting Governments undertake to 
continue to maintain such powers of control over 
all ships which are registered in their territories or 
are otherwise under their authority as will enable 
them effectively to direct each ship's employment 
in accordance with the foregoing declaration. 
Subject to the provisions of paragraphs 3 and 9, 
this control shall continue to be exercised by each 
contracting Government through the mechanism 
of requisitioning for use or title. 

3. The contracting Governments agree not to re- 
lease from control any ships under their authority 
or permit them to be employed in any non-essen- 
tial services or for any non-essential cargo unless 
the total overall tonnage is in excess of the total 
overall requirements, and then only in accordance 
with a mutually acceptable formula which shall 
not discriminate against the commercial shipping 
interests of any nation and shall extend to all con- 
tracting Governments an equitable opportunity 
for their respective tonnages to engage in com- 
mercial trades. 

4. Neutral Governments having ships under 
their control in excess of the tonnage required to 
carry on their essential import requirements shall 
be invited to subscribe to obligations in respect of 
all their ships which shall ensure that their em- 
ployment is in conformity with the general pur- 
poses of the United Nations. 

5. The contracting Governments undertake to 
exercise control over the facilities for shipping 
available in their territories, by suitable measures 
on the lines of the United States and British Ship 
Warrant Schemes, and to take such other measures 
as may be necessary to secure that ships under all 
flags are used in conformity with the purposes of 
the United Nations. Other Governments acceding 
hereto shall give a similar undertaking. 

6. Without prejudice to questions of disposition 
or title, the employment of such ships as may at 
any time be permitted to operate under enemy flag 
or authority shall be determined to serve the re- 
quirements of the United Nations. 

7. — (a) In order that the allocation of all ships 
under United Nations control may continue to be 
effectively determined to meet the requirements of 
the United Nations, a central authority shall be 
established, to come into operation ujDon the gen- 
eral suspension of hostilities with Germany. The 
central authority shall be organised in accordance 
with the plan agreed in the Annex. 

(b) The central authority shall determine the 
emi^loyment of ship)S for the purpose of giving 
eifect to the responsibilities assumed by each con- 
tracting Government in paragraph 1 to provide 
the tonnage required from time to time to meet 
current requirements for ships for the military and 
other purposes of the United Nations, and ships 
shall be allocated for those purposes by those Gov- 
eriunents in accordance with the decisions of the 

OCTOBER 1, 1944 

central authority. So far as is consistent with the 
efficient overall use of shipping as determined by 
the central autliority for those purposes, and with 
the provisions of paragraph 7(c) , each contracting 
Government may allocate ships under its own 
authority, wholly or partly to cover the essential 
import requirements of territories for which it 
has special shipping responsibilities. 

(c) In general, ships under the flag of one of the 
contracting Governments shall be under the con- 
trol of the Government of that flag, or the Gov- 
ernment to which they have been chartered. 

In order to meet the special case of military 
requirements those ships which have been taken 
up, under agreements made by the United States 
Government and/or United Kingdom Government 
with the other Governments having authority for 
those ships, for use as troopships, hospital ships, 
and for other purposes in the service of the armed 
forces, shall remain on charter as at present to the 
War Shipping Administration and/or the Min- 
istry of War Transport as the case may be, under 
arrangements to be agreed between the Govern- 
ments severally concerned. (Any further ships 
required for such purposes shall be dealt with in a 
like manner.) 

The fact that these ships are assigned to mili- 
tary requirements shall not prejudice the right of 
the Governments concerned to discuss with the cen- 
tral authority the measures to be taken to provide 
shipping for their essential requirements within 
the scope of paragraph 1. 

(d) The contracting Governments shall supply 
to one another, through the central authority, all 
information necessary to the effective working of 
the arrangements, e.g., regarding programmes, em- 
ployment of tonnage, and projected programmes, 
subject to the requirement of military secrecy. 

(e) The central authority shall also initiate the 
action to be taken to give effect to paragraph 5 and 
shall direct action under paragraph 6. 

(f) The terms of remuneration to be paid by 
the users (Government or private) of ships shall 
be determined by the central authority on a fair 
and reasonable basis in such manner as to give 
effect to the following two basic principles : — 

(i) Ships of all flags performing the same or 
similar services should charge the same 


(ii) Ships must be employed as required 
without regard to financial considera- 

8. The principles herein agreed shall apply to 
all types of merchant ships, irrespective of size, in- 
cluding passenger ships, tankers and whale fac- 
tories when not used for whaling (but paragraph 
7(b) will not be applicable to ships engaged in 
coastal trades and short trades between nearby 
countries, the arrangements for control of which 
shall be appropriate to meet the requirements pre- 
vailing in each particular area) . 

The principles shall also be applied to the ex- 
tent necessary, through suitable machinery, to 
fishing vessels, whale catchers, and other similar 
craft in those areas where special measures in re- 
spect of such craft are agreed to be necessary. A 
special authority shall be set up capable of appor- 
tioning between naval and conmiercial services 
such craft as are available in those areas. 

9. The foregoing principles shall take effect on 
the coming into operation of the central authority, 
and shall remain in effect for a period not extend- 
ing beyond six montlis after the general suspension 
of hostilities in Europe or the Far East, whichever 
may be the later, unless it is unanimously agreed 
among the Governments represented on the duly 
authorised body of the central authority that any 
or all of the agreed principles may be terminated 
or modified earlier. 

Done in London on the 5th day of August, 1944. 


Organisation of the Central Authority. 

1. The central authority shall consist of — 

(a) A Council (United Maritime Council). 

(b) An Executive Board (United Maritime 
Executive Board). 


2. Each contracting Government shall be rep- 
resented on the Council. Membership of the Coun- 
cil shall also be open to all other Governments, 
whether of the United Nations or of neutral coun- 
tries, which desire to accede and are prepared to 
accept the obligations of contracting Governments. 

3. The Council shall meet when deemed neces- 
sary and at least twice a year at such places as may 



be convenient. Meetings shall be arranged by the 
Executive Board. The Council shall elect its own 
Chairman and determine its own procedure. The 
meetings of the Council are intended to provide the 
opportunity for informing the contracting Gov- 
ernments as to the overall shipping situation and 
to make possible the interchange of views between 
the contracting Governments on general questions 
of policy arising out of the working of the Execu- 
tive Board. 


4. The Executive Board shall be established with 
Branches in Washington and London under War 
Shipping Administration and Ministry of War 
Transport chairmanship respectively. 

5. The Executive Board shall exercise through 
its Branches the executive functions of the central 
authority. Appropriate machinery under the two 
Branches shall be established for the purpose of 
enabling them to discharge the functions described 
in paragraph 7 of the Agreement on Principles. 
Machinery to carry out the arrangements under 
paragraph 8 of that Agreement as regards ships 
engaged in coasting and short sea trades, and as re- 
gards small craft shall be set up under the Execu- 
tive Board. 

6. The division of day-to-day responsibility be- 
tween the two Branches of the Executive Board 
shall be established as convenient from time to 
time. So that the two Branches of the Executive 
Board may work in unison, meetings of the Execu- 
tive Board as a whole shall be arranged at the in- 
stance of the two chairmen, as often as may be 
necessary, and at such place as may be convenient 
from time to time. 

7. The membership of the Executive Board shall 
be restricted in numbers. By reason of their large 
experience in shipping normally engaged in inter- 
national trade, and their large contribution of 
ships for the common purpose, the following Gov- 
ernments shall be represented on the Executive 
Board : 

Government of the United Kingdom of Great 

Britain and Northern Ireland; 
Government of the United States of America ; 
Government of the Netherlands; 
Government of Norway. 

It shall be open to the members of the Executive 
Board to recommend to contracting Governments 

additions to the membership of the Executive 
Board as circumstances may require in order to 
promote the effective working of the central 

8. Each contracting Government not repre- 
sented on the Executive Board shall be represented 
by an associate member who shall be consulted by, 
and entitled to attend meetings of, the Executive 
Board or its Branches on matters affecting ships 
under the authority of that Government, or on 
matters affecting the supply of ships for the terri- 
tories under the authority of that Government. 

9. The Executive Board and its Branches shall 
proceed by agreement among the members. There 
shall be no voting. 

10. The decisions of the Executive Board affect- 
ing the ships under the authority of any contract- 
ing Government shall be reached with the consent 
of that Government, acting through its representa- 
tive on the Executive Board or through its associate 
member, as the case may be. 

11. The Executive Board shall be the duly au- 
thorised body for the purpose of paragraph 9 of 
the Agreement on Principles, but it is understood 
that no decision reached under that paragraph by 
the Governments represented on the Executive 
Board shall impose any new or greater obligation 
on any other contracting Government without its 
exjiress consent. 

12. A Planning Committee shall be set up to 
begin work in London as soon as possible after the 
signature of the Agreement on Principles for the 
purpose of working out on a basis satisfactory to 
the contracting Governments the details of the 
machinery required to enable the Executive Board 
to discharge its functions, including the functions 
under paragraph 7(f). Any contracting Govern- 
ment may be represented on the Plannuig Com- 

13. The Executive Board shall have the full use 
of the machinery and procedure of the War Ship- 
ping Administration and Ministry of War Trans- 
port in order to avoid duplication. 

14. The contracting Governments shall nomi- 
nate their representatives on the Planning Com- 
mittee to the Governments of the United States 
and the United Kingdom, as soon as practicable. 
They shall also so nominate their representatives 
as members or as associate members of the Execu- 
tive Board as the case may be. The Governments 



of the United States and the United Kingdom 
shall be responsible, in consultation with the other 
contracting Governments concerned, for deter- 
mining the date of coming into operation of the 
central authority in accordance with paragraph 
7(a) of the Agreement on Principles. 

Detail of American Naval Officer 
To Brazil 

[Released to the press September 29] 

In conformity with the request of the Govern- 
ment of Brazil there was signed on Friday, Sep- 
tember 29, 1944 by the Honorable Cordell Hull, 
Secretary of State, and His Excellency Carlos 
Martins, Ambassador of Brazil in Washington, 
an agreement providing for the detail of an officer 
of the United States Navy to serve in the Ministry 
of Transportation as a Technical Adviser to the 
Brazilian Merchant Marine Commission. 

The agreement will continue in force for four 
years from the date of signature but may be ex- 
tended beyond that period at the request of the 
Government of Brazil. 

The agreement contains provisions similar in 
general to provisions contained in agreements be- 
tween the United States and certain other Ameri- 
can republics providing for the detail of officers 
of the United States Army or Navy to advise the 
armed forces of those comitries. 

Parcel-Post Agreement 

On September 25, 1944 the President approved 
and ratified a Parcel-Post Agreement between the 
United States of America and Palestine signed at 
Washington on September 6, 1944 and at Jeru- 
salem on May 10, 1943, and the regulations of 
execution thereof. 

Wounded and Sick; Prisoners of War 


The Minister of Switzerland transmitted to the 
Secretary of State, with a note of July 17, 1944, a 
certified copy of the proces-verbal recording the 
deposit in the archives of the Swiss Confederation 
on July 15, 1944 of the instruments of ratification 
by the President of the Eepublic of Venezuela of 

the Convention for the Amelioration of the Condi- 
tion of the Wounded and the Sick of Armies in the 
Field ^ and of the Convention Relating to the 
Treatment of Prisoners of War,^ both signed at 
Geneva on July 27, 1929. 

The conventions will become effective for Vene- 
zuela on January 15, 1945, six months after the date 
of deposit of tlie ratifications. 

Military -Service Agreement, 
Great Britain and Mexico 

There is printed in the Mexican Diario Oficial 
of September 12, 1944, pages 2-3, a decree issued 
by the President of Mexico on April 27, 1944 pro- 
mulgating a military-service agreement between 
the Government of the United Kingdom and the 
Government of India on one hand and the Govern- 
ment of Mexico on the other. This agreement pro- 
vides for the reciprocal exemption from compul- 
sory military service of Mexican citizens in the 
United Kingdom, India, Newfoundland, Burma, 
Southern Ehodesia, in British colonies, in ter- 
ritories under British protection or sovereign- 
ty, and in territories under mandate exercised by 
His Majesty's Government in the United King- 
dom; and of British subjects and British-pro- 
tected persons belonging to the said territories, in 
Mexico. The exchange of notes of July 8, 1943 
between the British Minister in Mexico and the 
Mexican Minister for Foreign Affairs, which con- 
stitutes the agreement between the contracting 
Governments, is effective from November 25, 1942. 

Nature Protection and Wildlife 


The Director General of the Pan American 
Union informed the Secretary of State, by a letter 
of September 14, 1944, that the Government of 
Mexico, in accordance with the terms of article 
VIII of the Convention on Nature Protection and 
Wildlife Preservation in the Western Hemisphere 
which was opened for signature at the Pan Ameri- 
can Union on October 12, 1910,^ wishes to add to 

' Treaty Series 847. 
' Treaty Series 846. 
' Treaty Series 981. 


its list in the Annex to that Convention the fol- 
lowing species : 

ELEFANTE MARINO (Machorhinus angustirro- 

FOCA FINA (Aretocephalus townsendi) 
MANATI or VACA MAKINA (Trichechus sp.) 

Regulations Relating to Migratory Birds 

On September 26, 1944 the President approved 
and proclaimed amendments to the regulations 
approved by Proclamation 2616 of July 27, 1944,^ 
submitted to him by the Secretary of the Interior, 
for the enforcement of the convention between 
the United States and Great Britain for the pro- 

' Federal Register, Aug. 15, 1944, p. 9873. 


tection of migratory birds signed August 16, 1916," 
and the convention between the United States and 
Mexico for the protection of migratory birds and 
game mammals signed February 7, 1936.= The 
regulations, and amendments thereto, are ap- 
proved and proclaimed by the President under 
authority of the Migratory Bird Treaty Act of 
July 3, 1918,* as amended by the act of June 20, 


The above-mentioned amendments are printed 
in the Federal Register of September 29, 1944, 
page 11881. Prior amendments are printed in the 
Felleral Register of August 29, 1944, page 10441. 

2 Treaty Series 628. 
' Treaty Series 912. 
'40 Stat. 755. 
" 49 Stat. 1555. 



^ K II 1 






VOL. XI, NO. 276 

OCTOBER 8, 1944 

In this issue 


IZATION -ir -k ^ ic * ir -fr it * -ti * it 

Charles W. Taussig -it-it-itit-itit-it-tt-irir 


By Edgar S. Furniss, Jr. itit-h-d-ititit-tt-it 


Sophia Saucerman -ti-tt-ttititititit-ttit 




October 8, 1944 

The Department of State BULLE- 
TIN, a weekly publication compiled and 
edited in the Division of Research and 
Publication, Office of Public Informa- 
tion, provides the public and inter- 
ested agencies of the Government with 
information on developments in the 
field of foreign relations and on the 
work of the Department of State and 
the Foreign Service. The BULLETIN 
includes press releases on foreign policy- 
issued by the White House and the De- 
partment, and statements and addresses 
made by the President and by the Sec- 
retary of State and other officers of the 
Department, as well as special articles 
on various phases of international af- 
fairs and the functions of the Depart- 
ment. Information concerning treaties 
and international agreements to which 
the United States is or may become a 
party and treaties of general inter- 
national interest is included. 

Publications of the Department, 
cumulative lists of which are published 
at thb end of each quarter, as well as 
legislative material in the field of inter- 
national relations, are listed currently. 

The BULLETIN, published with the 
approval of the Director of the Bureau 
of the Budget, is for sale by the Super- 
intendent of Documents, United States 
Government Printing Office, Washing- 
ton 25, D. C, to whom all purchase 
orders, with accompanying remittance, 
should be sent. The subscription price 
is $2.75 a year; a single copy is 10 


American Republics page 

Presentation of Letters of Credence by the Ambassador 

of Chile 380 

Compensation for Petroleum Properties Expropriated in 

Mexico 385 

Visit of Personal Representative of the President of Ecua- 
dor 385 

Inter-American Institute of Agricultural Sciences: By Edgar 

S. Furniss, Jr 386 

The Costa Rica- Panama Boundary Demarcation: By 

Sophia Saucerman 390 

Visit of Brazilian Official of the Ministry of Education . . 391 

Visit of Paraguayan Judge 391 

The Caribbean 

The Anglo-American Caribbean Commission: Address by 

Charles W. Taussig 377 


Present Problems in Italy: Statement by the President . . 382 

Near East 

Military Action Toward Liberation of Greece: 

Statement by the President 379 

Statement by the Secretary of State 380 

Economic Affairs 

Plans for Economic Reports from Liberated Areas .... 382 


Request to Neutral Governments Concerning Enemy 

Loot 383 

Death of Wendell Willkie 385 

Death of Alfred E. Smith 385 

Post-War Matters 

International Peace and Security Organization — Washington 

Statement by the President 365 

Statement by the Secretary of State 366 

Report to the Secretary of State Submitted by the Chair- 
man of the American Delegation 367 

Statement Issued Simultaneously by the Participating 

Governments 367 

Proposals for the Establishment of a General International 

Organization 368 

Conclusion of the Second Phase of the Conversations: 
Remarks by the Under Secretary of State at the 

Closing Session 374 

Remarks by Ambassador Koo at the Closing Session . . 375 
Remarks by the Earl of Halifax at the Closing Session . 375 
Joint Statement by Heads of American, British, and 

Chinese Delegations 376 

Final Meeting of American Delegation 376 

International Civil Aviation Conference 366 

Treaty Information 

Expiration of Certain Agreements Between the United 
States and Haiti Upon Termination of Haitian-Domin- 
ican Commercial Treaty 394 

The Department 

Inquiries on American Citizens in Paris 391 

Division of Administrative Services 392 

Departmental Issuances 393 

Appointment of Officers 394 

The Foreign Service 

Consular Offices 381 

Publications 889 

Leoislation 384 

Washington Conversations on 
International Organization 

Statement by the President 

[For release to the press by the White House on October 9] 

I wish to tiike this opportunity to refer to the 
work of the Dumbarton Oaks Conversations be- 
tween the delegations of the United States, the 
United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, and China on 
tlie plans for an international organization for the 
maintenance of peace and security. 

The conversations were completed Saturday, 
October 7, 1944, and proposals were submitted to 
the four Governments for their consideration. 
These proj^osals have been made public to permit 
full discussion by the people of this country prior 
to the convening of a wider conference on this all- 
important subject. 

Although I have not yet been able to make a 
thorough study of these proposals, my first im- 
pression is one of extreme satisfaction, and even 
surprise, that so much could have been accom- 
plished on so diiScult a subject in so short a time. 
This achievement was largely due to the long and 
thorough preparations which were made by the 
Governments represented, and in our case, was 
the result of the untiring devotion and care which 
the Secretary of State has personally given to this 
work for more than two and a half years — indeed 
for many years. 

The projected international organization has 
for its primary purpose the maintenance of inter- 
national peace and security and the creation of the 
conditions that make for peace. 

We now know the need for such an organization 
of the peace-loving peoples and the spirit of unity 

which will be required to maintain it. Aggressors 
like Hitler and the Japanese war lords organize 
for years for the day when they can launch their 
evil strength against weaker nations devoted to 
their peaceful pursuits. This time we have been 
determined first to defeat the enemy, assure that 
he shall never again be in position to plunge the 
■world into war, and then to so organize the peace- 
loving nations that they may through unity of de- 
sire, unity of will, and unity of strength be in posi- 
tion to assure that no other would-be aggressor or 
conqueror shall even get started. That is why 
from the very beginning of the war, and parallel- 
ing our military plans, we have begiui to lay the 
foundations for the general organization for the 
maintenance of peace and security. 

It represents, therefore, a major objective for 
which this war is being fought, and as such, it in- 
spires the highest hopes of the millions of fathers 
and mothers whose sons and daughters are engaged 
in the terrible struggle and suffering of war. 

The projected general organization may be re- 
garded as the keystone of the aich and will include 
within its framework a number of specialized eco- 
nomic and social agencies now existing or to be 

The task of planning the great design of secu- 
rity and peace has been well begun. It now re- 
mains for the nations to complete the structure in 
a spirit of constructive purpose and mutual con- 




Statement by the Secretary 
Of State 

[For release to the press on October 9] 

The proposals for an international organization 
for the maintenance of international peace and 
security, upon which the representatives of the 
United States, the United Kingdom, the Soviet 
Union, and China have agreed during the conver- 
sations at Dumbarton Oaks, have been submitted 
to the four Governments and are today being made 
generally available to the people of this Nation 
and of the world. 

All of us have every reason to be immensely 
gratified by the results achieved at these conver- 
sations. To be sure, the Proposals in their pres- 
ent form are neither comj)lete nor final. Much 
work still remains to be done before a set of com- 
pleted proposals can be placed before the peace- 
loving nations of the world as a basis of discussion 
at a formal conference to draft a charter of the 
projected organization for svibmission to the gov- 
ernments. But the document which has been pre- 
pared by the able representatives of the four par- 
ticipating nations and has been agreed to by them 
as their recommendation to their respective Gov- 
ernments is sufficiently detailed to indicate the 
kind of an international organization which, in 
their judgment, will meet the imperative need of 
j)roviding for the maintenance of international 
peace and security. 

These proposals are now being studied by the 
four Governments which were represented at the 
Washington Conversations and which will give 
their urgent attention to the next steps which will 
be necessary to reach the goal of achieving the 
establishment of an effective international organi- 

These proposals are now available for full study 
and discussion by the peoples of all countries. 

We in this country have spent many months in 
careful planning and wide consultation in prepa- 
ration for the conversations which have just been 
concluded. Those who represented the Govern- 
ment of the United States in these discussions 
were armed with the ideas and with the results of 

International Civil Aviation 

[Released to the press October 7] 

The Department of State has announced 
the selection of the Stevens Hotel in Chi- 
cago as the site for the International Civil 
Aviation Confei-ence, which is scheduled to 
convene on November 1, 1944. 

thinking contributed by numerous leaders of our 
national thought and opinion, without regard to 
political or other affiliations. 

It is my earnest hope that, during the time which 
must elapse before the convocation of a full United 
Nations conference, discussions in the United 
States on this all-important subject will continue 
to be carried on in the same non-partisan spirit of 
devotion to our paramount national interest in 
peace and security which has characterized our 
previous consultations. I am certain that all of 
us will be constantly mindful of the high respon- 
sibility for us and for all peace-loving nations 
which attaches to tliis effort to make permanent a 
victory purchased at so heavy a cost in blood, in 
tragic suffering, and in treasure. We must be con- 
stantly mindful of the price which all of us will 
23ay if we fail to measure up to this unprecedented 

It is, of course, inevitable that when many gov- 
ernments and peoples attempt to agree on a single 
plan the i-esult will be in terms of the highest com- 
mon denominator rather than of the plan of any 
one nation. The oi'ganization to be created must 
reflect the ideas and hopes of all the peace-loving 
nations which participate in its creation. The 
spirit of cooj^eration must manifest itself in mu- 
tual striving to attain the high goal by common 

The road to the establisliment of an interna- 
tional organization capable of effectively main- 
taining international peace and security will bo 
long. At times it will be difficult. But we cannot 
hope to attain so great an objective without con- 
stant effort and unfailing determination that the 
sacrifices of this war shall not be in vain. 



OCTOBER 8, 1944 


Report to the Secretary of State Submitted by the Chairman 
Of the American Delegation 

[For release to the press on October 9] 

I take great pleasure in submitting to you the 
results of tlie exploratorj' conversations on inter- 
national organization lield in Washington between 
representatives of the Governments of the United 
States, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, 
and China. The first phase of the conversations, 
between representatives of the United States, the 
United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union, took place 
from August 21 to September 28 ; the second phase, 
between representatives of the United States, the 
United Kingdom, and China, was held from Sep- 
tember 29 to October 7. The results of the work 
accomplished in both phases are embodied in the 
following Proposals which each of the four dele- 
gations is transmitting to its respective Govern- 
ment as the unanimously agreed recommendations 
of the four delegations. 

I am happy to report that the conversations 
throughout were characterized by a spirit of com- 
plete cooperation and great cordiality among all 
participants, the proof of which is evident in the 
wide area of agreement covered in the Proposals. 
The few questions which remain for further con- 
sideration, though important, are not in any sense 
insuperable, and I recommend that the necessary 

steps for obtaining agreement on these points be 
taken as soon as possible. 

It is proper to emphasize, at the conclusion of 
these preliminary conversations, that the Propo- 
sals as they are now submitted to the four Gov- 
ernments comprise substantial contributions from 
each of the delegations. It is my own view, which 
I believe is shared by all the participants, that the 
agi'eed Proposals constitute an advance over the 
tentative and preliminary proposals presented by 
each delegation. This has resulted from a smgle- 
minded effort of all the delegations at Dumbarton 
Oaks to reach a common understanding as to the 
most effective international organization capable 
of fulfilling the hopes of all peoples everywhere. 

I wish to take this opportunity to express my 
grateful recognition of the contribution to the suc- 
cessful outcome of these conversations made by the 
members of the American delegation and to com- 
mend the advisers and the staff for their most 
helpful assistance. Above all, I wish to express 
my profound appreciation to the President and 
to you, Mr. Secretary, for the constant advice and 
gaiidance without which our work could not have 
been accomplished with such constructive and 
satisfactory results. 

E. R. Stettinius, Jr. 

Statement Issued Simultaneously 
Participating Governments 

[For release to the press on October 9] 

The Government of the United States has now 
received the report of its delegation to the conver- 
sations held in Washington between August 21 and 
October 7, 1944, with the delegations of the United 
Kingdom, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, 
and the Republic of China on the subject of an 
international organization for the maintenance of 
peace and security. 

There follows a statement of tentative proposals 

by the 

indicating in detail the wide range of subjects on 
which agreement has been reached at the conversa- 

The Governments which were represented in the 
discussions in Washington have agreed that after 
further study of these proposals they will as soon 
as possible take the necessary steps with a view to 
the preparation of complete proposals which could 
then serve as a basis of discussion at a full United 
Nations conference. 



Proposals for the Establishment of a General 
International Organization 

There should be established an international or- 
ganization under the title of The United Nations, 
the Charter of which should contain provisions 
necessary to give effect to the projDosals which 

Chapter I 


The purposes of the Organization should be: 

1. To maintain international peace and security ; 
and to that end to take effective collective measures 
for the prevention and removal of threats to the 
peace and the suppression of acts of aggression or 
other breaches of the peace, and to bring about by 
peaceful means adjustment or settlement of in- 
ternational disputes which may lead to a breach of 
the peace ; 

2. To develop friendly relations among nations 
and to take other ai)prt)priate measures to 
strengthen universal peace : 

3. To achieve international cooperation in the 
solution of international economic, social and 
other humanitarian problems : and 

4. To afford a center for harmonizing the ac- 
tions of nations in the achievement of these com- 
mon ends. 

Chapter II 


In pursuit of the pui"poses mentioned in Chap- 
ter I the Organization and its members should act 
in accordance with the following principles : 

1. The Organization is based on the principle of 
the sovereign equality of all peace-loving states. 

2. All members of the Organization undertake, 
in order to ensure to all of them the rights and 
benefits resulting from membership in the Organ- 
ization, to fulfill the obligations assumed by then\ 
in accordance with the Charter. 

3. All members of the Organization shall settle 
their disputes by peaceful means in such a manner 
that international peace and security are not en- 

4. All members of the Organization shall re- 
frain in their international relations from the 

threat or use of force in any manner inconsistent 
with the purposes of the Organization. 

5. All members of the Organization shall give 
every assistance to the Organization in any action 
undertaken by it in accordance with the provi- 
sions of the Charter. 

6. All members of the Organization shall re- 
frain from giving assistance to any state against 
which preventive or enforcement action is being 
undertaken by the Organization. 

The Organization should ensure that states not 
members of the Organization act in accordance 
with these principles so far as may be necessary 
for the maintenance of international peace and 

Chapter III 


1. Membership of the Organization should be 
open to all peace-loving states. 

Chapter IV 


1. The Organization should have as its principal 
organs : 

a. A General Assembly; 

b. A Security Council ; 

c. An international coui't of justice ; and 

d. A Secretariat. 

2. The Organization should have such subsidi- 
ary agencies as may be found necessary. 

Chapter V 


Section A 

All members of the Organization should be 
members of the General Assembly and should have 
a number of representatives to be specified in the 
SBcnoN B 

1. The General Assembly should have the right 
lo consider the general principles of cooperation in 

OCTOBER 8, 1944 


the maintenance of international peace and se- 
curity, including the principles governing dis- 
armament and the regulation of armaments; to 
discuss any questions relating to the maintenance 
of international peace and security brought before 
it by any member or members of the Organization 
or by the Security Council; and to make recom- 
mendations with regard to any such principles or 
questions. Any such questions on which action is 
necessary should be referred to the Security Coun- 
cil by the General Assembly either before or after 
discussion. The General Assembly should not on 
its own initiative make recommendations on any 
matter relating to the maintenance of international 
peace and security which is being dealt with by the 
Security Council. 

2. The General Assembly should be empowered 
to admit new members to the Organization ujion 
reconnnendation of the Security Council. 

3. The General Assembly should, upon recom- 
mendation of the Security Council, be empowered 
to suspend from the exercise of any rights or privi- 
leges of membership any member of the Organiza- 
tion against which preventive or enforcement ac- 
tion shall have been taken by the Security Council. 
The exercise of the rights and privileges thus sus- 
pended may be restored by decision of the Secuiity 
Council. The General Assembly should be em- 
powered, upon recommendation of the Security 
Council, to expel from the Organization any mem- 
ber of the Organization which persistently violates 
the principles contained in the Charter. 

4. The General Assembly should elect the non- 
permanent members of the Security Council and 
the members of the Economic and Social Council 
provided for in Chapter IX. It should be em- 
powered to elect, upon recommendation of the Se- 
curity Council, the Secretary-General of the 
Organization. It should perform such functions 
in relation to the election of the judges of the in- 
ternational court of justice as may be conferred 
upon it by the statute of the court. 

5. The General Assembly .should apportion the 
expenses among the members of the Organization 
and should be empowered to approve the budgets 
of the Organization. 

6. The General Assembly should initiate studies 
and make recommendations for the purpose of pro- 
moting international cooperation in political, eco- 
nomic and social fields and of adjusting situations 
likely to impair the general welfare. 

7. The General Assembly should make recom- 
mendations for the coordination of the policies of 
international economic, social, and other special- 
ized agencies brought into relation with the Or- 
ganization in accordance with agreements between 
such agencies and the Organization. 

8. The General Assembly should receive and 
consider annual and special reports from the Se- 
curity Council and reports from other bodies of 
the Organization. 

Seciion C 

1. Each member of the Organization should 
have one vote in the General Assembly. 

2. Important decisions of the General Assem- 
bly, including recommendations with respect to 
the maintenance of international peace and se- 
curity ; election of members of the Security Coun- 
cil; election of members of the Economic and So- 
cial Council ; admission of members, suspension of 
the exercise of the rights and privileges of mem- 
bers, and expulsion of members; and budgetary 
questions, should be made by a two-thirds major- 
ity of those 23i"esent and voting. On other ques- 
tions, including the determination of additional 
categories of questions to be decided by a two- 
thirds majority, the decisions of the General As- 
sembly should be made by a simple majority vote. 

Section D 

1. The General Assembly should meet in regu- 
lar annual sessions and in such special sessions as 
occasion may require. 

2. The General Assembly should adopt its own 
rules of procedure and elect its President for each 

3. The General Assembly should be empowered 
to set up such bodies and agencies as it may deem 
necessary for the performance of its functions. 

Chapter VI 


Si!x:tion a 

The Security Council should consist of one rep- 
resentative of each of eleven members of the Or- 
ganization. Representatives of the United States 
of America, the United Kingdom of Great Britain 
and Northei-n Ireland, the Union of Soviet Social- 
ist Republics, the Republic of China, and, in due 



course, France, should have permanent seats. The 
General Assembly should elect six states to fill the 
non-permanent seats. These six states should be 
elected for a term of two years, three retiring each 
year. They should not be immediately eligible 
for reelection. In the first election of the non- 
permanent members three should be chosen by the 
General Assembly for one-year terms and three 
for two-year terms. 

Section B 


1. In order to ensure prompt and effective ac- 
tion by the Organization, members of the Organi- 
zation should by the Chai'ter confer on the Secu- 
rity Council primary responsibility for the main- 
tenance of intenaational peace and security and 
should agree that in can-ying out these duties un- 
der this responsibility it should act on their behalf. 

2. In discharging these duties the Security 
Council should act in accordance with the pur- 
poses and principles of the Organization. 

3. The specific powers conferred on the Security 
Council in order to carry out these duties are laid 
down in Chapter VIII. 

4. All members of the Organization should ob- 
ligate themselves to accept the decisions of the 
Security Council and to cany them out in accord- 
ance with the provisions of the Charter. 

5. In order to promote the establishment and 
maintenance of international peace and security 
with the least diversion of tlie world's human and 
economic resources for armaments, the Security 
Council, with the assistance of the Military Staff 
Committee referred to in Cliapter VIII, Section 
B, paragraph 9, should have the responsibility for 
formulating plans for the establishment of a sys- 
tem of regulation of armaments for submission to 
the members of the Organization. 

Section C 

(Note: The question of voting procedure in the 
Security Council is still under consideration.) 

Section D 

1. The Security Council should be so organized 
as to be able to function continuously and each 
state member of the Security Council should bs 
permanently represented at the headquarters of 
the Organization. It may hold meetings at such 

other places as in its judgment may best facilitate 
its work. There should be periodic meetings at 
which each state member of the Security Council 
could if it so desired be represented by a member 
of the government or some other special repre- 

2. The Security Council should be empowered 
to set up such bodies or agencies as it may deem 
necessary for the performance of its functions in- 
cluding i-egional subcommittees of the Military 
Staff Committee. 

3. The Security Council should adopt its own 
rules of procedure, including the method of se- 
lecting its President. 

4. Any member of the Organization should par- 
ticipate in the discussion of any question brought 
before the Security Council whenever the Securitj' 
Council considers that the interests of that mem- 
ber of the Organization are specially affected. 

5. Any member of the Organization not having 
a seat on the Security Council and any state not a 
member of the Organization, if it is a party to a 
dispute under consideration by the Security Coun- 
cil, should be invited to participate in the discus- 
sion relating to the dispute. 

Chapter VII 
an international court of justice 

1. There should be an international court of 
justice which should constitute the principal ju- 
dicial organ of the Organization. 

2. The court should be constituted and should 
function in accordance with a statute which should 
be annexed to and be a jjart of the Charter of the 

3. The statute of the court of international jus- 
tice should be either (a) the Statute of the Perma- 
nent Court of International Justice, continued in 
force with such modifications as may be desirable 
or (b) a new statute in the preparation of which 
the Statute of the Permanent Court of Interna- 
tional Justice should be used as a basis. 

4. All members of the Organization should 
ipso facto be parties to the statute of the interna- 
tional court of justice. 

5. Conditions under which states not members 
of the Organization may become parties to the 
statute of the international court of justice shoiild 
be determined in each case by the General Assem- 
bly upon recommendation of the Security Council. 

OCTOBER 8, 1944 


Chapter VIII 


Section A 


1. The Security Council should be empowered to 
investigate any dispute, or any situation which 
may lead to international friction or give rise to a 
dispute, in order to determine whether its con- 
tinuance is likely to endanger the maintenance of 
international peace and security. 

2. Any state, whether member of the Organiza- 
tion or not, may bring any such dispute or situa- 
tion to the attention of the General Assembly or 
of the Security Council. 

3. The parties to any dispute the continuance of 
which is likely to endanger the maintenance of in- 
ternational peace and security should obligate 
themselves, first of all, to seek a solution by nego- 
tiation, mediation, conciliation, arbitration or ju- 
dicial settlement, or other peaceful means of their 
own choice. The Security Council should call 
upon the parties to settle their dispute by such 

4. If, nevertheless, parties to a dispute of the 
nature referred to in paragraph 3 above fail to 
settle it by the means indicated in that paragraph, 
they should obligate themselves to refer it to the 
Security Council. The Security Council should in 
each case decide whether or not the continuance 
of the particular dispute is in fact likely to en- 
danger the maintenance of international peace and 
security, and, accordingly, whether the Security 
Council should deal with the dispute, and, if so, 
whether it should take action under paragraph 5. 

5. The Security Council should be empowered, 
at any stage of a dispute of the nature referred 
to in paragraph 3 above, to recommend appropri- 
ate procedures or methods of adjustment. 

6. Justiciable disputes should normally be re- 
ferred to the international court of justice. The 
Security Council should be empowered to refer to 
the court, for advice, legal questions connected 
with other disputes. 

7. The provisions of paragraph 1 to 6 of Sec- 
tion A should not apply to situations or disputes 
arising out of matters which by international law 
are solely within the domestic jurisdiction of the 
state concerned. 

612696-^4 2 

Section B 




1. Should the Security Council deem that a fail- 
ure to settle a dispute in accordance with proce- 
dures indicated in paragraph 3 of Section A, or I 
in accordance with its recommendations made un- 
der paragraph 5 of Section A, constitutes a thi-eat 

to tlie maintenance of international peace and 
security, it should take any measures necessary 
for the maintenance of international peace and 
security in accordance with the purposes and i 
l^rinciples of the Organization. , 

2. In general the Security Council should de- 
termine the existence of any threat to the peace, 
breach of the peace or act of aggression and should . 
make recommendations or decide upon the meas- 
ures to be taken to maintain or restore peace and 

3. The Security Council should be empowered to 
determine what diplomatic, economic, or other 
measures not involving the use of armed force 
should be employed to give effect to its decisions, 
and to call upon members of the Organization to 
apply such measures. Such measures may include 
complete or partial interruption of rail, sea, air, 
postal, telegraphic, radio and other means of com- 
munication and the severance of diplomatic and 
economic relations. 

4. Should the Security Council consider such 
measures to be inadequate, it should be empowered 
to take such action by air, naval or land forces 
as may be necessary to maintain or restore inter- 
national peace and security. Such action may in- 
clude demonstrations, blockade and other opera- i 
tions by air, sea or land forces of members of the 

5. In order that all members of the Organiza- 
tion should contribute to the maintenance of in- j 
ternational peace and security, they should under- j 
take to make available to the Security Council, on 

its call and in accordance with a special agreement 
or agreements concluded among themselves, armed 
forces, facilities and assistance necessary for the 
purpose of maintaining international peace and ' 
security. Such agi'eement or agreements should i 
govern the numbers and types of forces and the j 
nature of the facilities and assistance to be pro- | 
vided. The special agreement or agreements 
should be negotiated as soon as possible and should 
in each case be subject to approval by the Security 


Council and to ratification by the signatory states 
in accordance with their constitutional processes. 
6. In order to enable urgent military measures 
to be taken by the Organization there should be 
held immediately available by the members of the 
Organization national air force contingents for 
combined international enforcement action. The 
strength and degree of readiness of these contin- 
gents^'and plans for their combined action should 
be determined by the Security Council with the 
assistance of the Military Statf Committee witlnu 
the limits laid down in the special agreement or 
agreements referred to in paragraph 5 above. 

7. The action required to carry out the decisions 
of the Security Council for the maintenance of in- 
ternational peace and security should be taken by 
all the members of the Organization in cooperation 
or by some of them as the Security Council may 
determine. This undertaking should be carried 
out by the members of the Organization by then- 
own action and through action of the appropriate 
specialized organizations and agencies of which 
they are members. 

8. Plans for the application of armed force 
should be made by the Security Council with the 
assistance of the Military Staff Committee re- 
ferred to in paragraph 9 below. 

9. There should be established a Military Staff 
Committee the functions of which should be to 
advise and assist the Security Council on all ques- 
tions relating to the Security Council's military 
requirements for the maintenance of international 
peace and security, to the employment and com- 
mand of forces placed at its disposal, to the regu- 
lation of armaments, and to possible disarmament. 
It should be responsible under the Security Coun- 
cil for the strategic direction of any armed forces 
placed at the disposal of the Security Council. 
The Committee should be composed of the Chiefs 
of Staff of the permanent members of the Security 
Council or their representatives. Any member of 
the Organization not permanently represented on 
the Committee should be invited by the Committee 
to be associated with it when the efficient discharge 
of the Committee's responsibilities requires that 
such a state should participate in its work. Ques- 
tions of command of forces should be worked out 

10. The members of the Organization should 
join in affording mutual assistance in carrying out 
the measures decided upon by the Security Council. 

11. Any state, whether a member of the Organi- 


zation or not, which finds itself confronted with 
special economic problems arising from the carry- 
ing out of measures which have been decided upon 
by the Security Council should have the right to 
consult the Security Council in regard to a solu- 
tion of those problems. 
Section C 

1. Nothing in the Charter should preclude the 
existence of regional arrangements or agencies for 
dealing with such matters relating to the main- 
tenance of international peace and security as 
are appropriate for regional action, provided such 
arrangements or agencies and their activities are 
consistent with the purposes and principles of the 
Organization. The Security Council shoxdd en- 
courage settlement of local disputes through such 
regional arrangements or by such regional 
agencies, either on the initiative of the states con- 
cerned or by reference from the Security Council. 

2. The Security Council should, where appro- 
priate, utilize such arrangements or agencies for 
enforcement action under its authority, but no en- 
forcement action should be taken under regional 
arrangements or by regional agencies without the 
authorization of the Security Council. 

3. The Security Council should at all times be 
kept fully informed of activities undertaken or in 
contemplation under regional arrangements or by 
regional agencies for the maintenance of interna- 
tional peace and security. 

Chapter IX 


Section A 


1. With a view to the creation of conditions of 
stability and well-being which are necessary for 
peaceful and friendly relations among nations, the 
Organization should facilitate solutions of inter- 
national economic, social and other humanitarian 
problems and promote respect for human rights 
and fundamental freedoms. Kesponsibility for the 
discharge of this function should be vested in the 
General Assembly and, under the authority of the 
General Assembly, in an Economic and Social 

2. The various specialized economic, social and 
other organizations and agencies would have re- 



sponsibilities in their respective fields as defined in 
their statutes. Each such organization or agency 
should be brought into relationship with the 
Organization on terms to be determined by agree- 
ment between the Economic and Social Council and 
the appropriate authorities of the specialized 
organization or agency, subject to approval by the 
General Assembly. 
Section B 

The Economic and Social Council should con- 
sist of representatives of eighteen members of the 
Organization. The states to be represented for 
this purpose should be elected by tlie General As- 
sembly for terms of three years. Each such state 
should have one representative, who should have 
one vote. Decisions of the Economic and Social 
Council should be taken by simple majority vote 
of those present and voting. 

Section C 


1. The Economic and Social Council should be 
empowered : 

a. to carry out, within the scope of its functions, 
recommendations of the General Assembly ; 

b. to make recommendations, on its own initia- 
tive, with respect to international economic, 
social and other humanitarian matters; 

c. to receive and consider reports from the eco- 
nomic, social and other organizations or agen- 
cies brought into relationship with the Or- 
ganization, and to coordinate their activities 
through consultations with, and recommenda- 
tions to, such organizations or agencies ; 

d. to examine the administrative budgets of 
such specialized organizations or agencies 
with a view to making recommendations to 
the organizations or agencies concerned ; 

e. to enable the Secretary-General to provide 
information to the Security Council; 

f. to assist the Security Council upon its re- 
quest; and 

g. to perform such other functions within the 
general scope of its competence as may be as- 
signed to it by the General Assembly. 

Section D 


1. The Economic and Social Council should set 
up an economic commission, a social commission, 

and such otlier commissions as may be required. 
These commissions should consist of experts. 
There should be a permanent staff which should 
constitute a part of the Secretariat of the Or- 

2. The Economic and Social Council should 
make suitable arrangements for representatives of 
the specialized organizations or agencies to i^ar- 
ticipate without vote in its deliberations and in 
tliose of the commissions established by it. 

3. The Economic and Social Council should 
adopt its own rules of procedure and the method 
of selecting its President. 

Chapter X 


1. There should be a Secretariat comprising a 
Secretary-General and such stafl' as may be re- 
quired. The Secretary-General should be the 
chief administrative officer of the Organization. 
He should be elected by the General Assembly, on 
recommendation of the Security Council, for such 
term and under such conditions as are specified in 
the Charter. 

2. The Secretary-General should act in that 
capacity in all meetings of the General Assembly, 
of the Security Council, and of the Economic and 
Social Council and should make an annual report 
to the General Assembly on the work of the Or- 

3. The Secretary-General should have the right 
to bring to the attention of the Security Council 
any matter which in his opinion may threaten in- 
tcDiational peace and security. 

Chapter XI 


Amendments should come into force for all 
members of the Organization, when they have been 
adopted by a vote of two-thirds of the members 
of the General Assembly and ratified in accordance 
with their respective constitutional processes by 
the members of the Organization having perma- 
nent membership on the Security Council and by 
a majority of the other members of the Organiza- 

Chapter XII 


1. Pending the coming into force of the special 
agreement or agreements referred to in Chapter 


VIII, Section B, paragi-aph 5, and in accordanca 
with the provisions of paragraph 5 of the Four- 
Nation Declaration, signed at Moscow, October 
30, 1943, the states parties to that Declaration 
should consult with one another and as occasion 
arises with other members of the Organization 
with a view to such joint action on behalf of the 
Organization as may be necessary for the purpose 
of maintaining international peace and security. 
2. No provision of the Charter should preclude 
action taken or authorized in relation to enemy 


states as a result of the present war by the Govern- 
ments having responsibility for such action. 


In addition to the question of voting procedure 
in the Security Council referred to in Chapter 
VI, several other questions are still under con- 

Washington, D. C. 

October 7, 19U 

Conclusion of the Second Phase of the Conversations 


[Released to the press by the State Department 
on the Washington Conversations October 7] 

Duriaig the past week we have had opportunity 
to consider the document of proposals with our 
colleagues from China. Our thoughtful reexami- 
nation of these proposals in plenary session, in the 
formulation grouj), and in the Steering Committee 
has been most fruitful. We have benefited greatly 
from the close study which Dr. Koo and his asso- 
ciates have given the document and from their 
penetrating observations and their new perspec- 
tives. I am deeply gratified -that the members of 
the Chinese group have found in the proposals, 
based as they are upon the documents submitted 
by all four participating groups, an acceptable 
body of principles for an international organiza- 
tion to maintain peace and security. Out of our 
discussions during this phase have emerged many 
points to which we shall all want to give consid- 
eration in preparations for a full conference. 

It has been rightly said of war-makers that they 
destroy in days that which has taken generations 
to build. Our task has happily been to construct. 
I sincerely hope it may sometime be said that the 
men of peace who have sat around this table have 
reached agreement in days upon principles which 
strengthen the promise of security and peace for 

The common understanding we have achieved 
and the agreements we have reached in so brief 
a period have been possible because of the great 
qualities of statesmanship of my fellow chairmen, 

Dr. Koo and Lord Halifax, and of the construc- 
tive spirit of cooperation which has prevailed 
among all who have worked with us. I wish to 
express my deep appreciation and that of the 
American group for the cordiality and the wisdom 
wliich our British and Chinese colleagues have 
brought to the task and for the spirit of harmony 
which has pi'evailed in our deliberations. 

The peace-loving peojiles of the world will soon 
have o]5portunity to judge what we have accom- 
l^lished here. They will appraise our work criti- 
cally, for they are deeply earnest in their search 
for means to rid the world of the horrors of war 
and insecurity under which they have suffered so 
cruelly and so long. I am fully confident that the 
proposals upon which we have agreed will meet 
the test of their scrutiny. Within these proposals 
are contained the more important principles for 
an organization that will make possible, in our 
era, effective international cooperation for peace 
and security. 

As we conclude this final phase of our conver- 
sations at Dumbarton Oaks I am deeply conscious 
of the bonds of friendship and common purpose 
which join us with China and with the United 
Kingdom in our common struggle to defeat the 
Japanese and German aggressors. I anticipate 
with full confidence that the unity which the 
United Nations have achieved in war, and which 
has so richly manifested itself in our present con- 
versations, will strengthen in peace. The four 
nations which have participated in these conver- 
sations will, I am sure, take early steps to com- 
plete the task we have begun at Dumbarton Oaks 
and therebj' make possible in the not-distant fu- 



ture the calling of a general conference for the 
establishment of the organization which we have 
projected here and whicli is so devoutly desired 
by the peace-loving peoples of the world. 


CLOSING session' 

[Released to the press by the State Department 
on the Washington Conversations October 7] 

Ms. Chairman, Gentlemen : 

I have listened with deep appreciation to the 
generous tribute which you, Mr. Chairman, have 
paid to the Chinese Delegation and the fair ap- 
praisal which he has made of the work of the sec- 
ond phase of the Dumbarton Oaks conversations. 
I wish to say how grateful we of the Chinese Dele- 
gation feel toward you, Mr. Chairman, for having 
acted as chairman of our meetings, over which you 
have presided with such marked ability and un- 
failing courtesy. We wish also to express our 
thanks for the hospitality of the Government of 
the United States, which left nothing to be de- 
sired in affording facilities for our meetings and 
comfort for the delegates. The efficient secre- 
tariat provided by the State Department has also 
been a xerj great help to us in our work. 

In our deliberations, we found the achievement 
of the first phase of the conversations excellent 
groundwork. The set of proposals which has now 
received the endorsement of the different partic- 
ipating delegations furnishes a preliminary and 
concrete plan for the formation of an interna- 
tional organization to maintain peace and security. 
We hope that the fruits of our labor will contribute 
in the end to the strengthening of the foundation 
of this new structure to be reared. 

From the outset we were animated by an earnest 
desire to promote the success of our joint task. 
We are glad and delighted to be able to say that our 
spirit of collaboration was fully reciprocated by 
our colleagues on the American and British Dele- 
gations. At all the meetings we had, whether of 
the plenary session, the Steering Committee, the 
formulation group, or of the military experts, an 
atmosphere of frankness and cordiality prevailed. 
The learning and wisdom of our American and 
British colleagues made a deep impression on us. 
All this made our deliberations and participation 
both pleasant and profitable. 

We believe that this important series of con- 
versations initiated by the United States Govern- 
ment has accompli.shed its purpose. The set of 
agreed proposals, when approved by the four gov- 
ernments and finally embodied in a more complete 
form, will constitute a most valuable instrument 
for consideration and adoption by all the inter- 
ested nations at a general conference. It is our 
hope that this conference can be held in the near 
future so that the ardent wish of all the peace- 
loving peoples to see the establishment of a uni- 
versal organization to safeguard international 
peace and security after the achievement of vic- 
tory over our common enemy in the East and in 
the West can find its early fulfilment. 


[Released to the press by the State Department 
on the Washington Conversations October 7] 

Mr. Stettinius, and Dr. Koo, and Ladies and 
Gentlemen : 

The conversations just concluded under your 
able chairmanship have in my own view and in 
that of all the members of the British Delegation 
made a great contribution to the eventual estab- 
lishment of the International Organisation that 
we seek. The Chinese Delegation I have no doubt 
feel with us that we have owed much to the rare 
personal qualities that you. Sir, have brought to 
your duties in the Chair, and to the large-minded 
participation of the whole American team. We 
have throughout the consideration of these prob- 
lems been much influenced- by the views which the 
Chinese Delegation were good enough to jjlace be- 
fore us at an early date, and we were much en- 
couraged by finding that the line of approach 
which Tie ourselves favoured was very similar to 
that advocated by our Chinese friends. On most 
questions of the first importance we found our- 
selves in close agreement with them. 

Thus, the plan which we have worked out to- 
gether at Dumbarton Oaks owes much to the wise 
and consistent thinking of the Chinese Delegation. 
Dr. Wellington Koo has, as always, given to us 

1 Chairman of the Chinese Delegation. 

' The Earl of Halifax, Chairman of the British Delega- 
tion during the second phase of the conversations, is 
British Ambassador to the United States. 



freely and candidly the results of his long experi- 
ence of international affairs, and the exchanges 
which we have had with him and with his col- 
leagues have been both searching and constructive. 
The large measure of agreement that we have 
reached shows that there is no barrier between the 
East and the West on these questions, which mean 
so much to tlie future of the world. 

We have all recognised the common interest in 
the solution of these large issues, and, if we have 
not resolved all of them, that is because some of 
them require more prolonged and intense study 
than we have been able here to give. But a gi-eat 
deal has been accomplished, and I can say frankly 
that when the suggestion was first made that these 
conversations should take place, I had no expecta- 
tion that we should have been able to go so far at 
this stage. That we have done so, Mr. Chairman, 
is of good augury for the future. 

We must all be very conscious of the difficulty 
of the problems that confront us, but if we handle 
them with the same spirit of good-will and com- 
mon sense which has shown itself at all our meet- 
ings in these hospitable quarters, I am certain 
that we can find answers for them which all peace- 
loving nations can accept, and thus make possible 
the creation of an international society in which 
mankind can find the opportunity to reach a higher 
level of civilization than has previously existed. 

A great Greek philosopher said that the State 
came into existence in order that men might live, 
but that its justification was to be found only if 
men lived nobly. So (and I believe that in this 
thought I have the full agi-eement of all those who 
have taken part in these conversations), the In- 
ternational Organisation should be brought into 
existence in order that nations may be saved from 
destruction; but it also will only be justified if 
through the years all humanity is enabled by it to 
find the way to a better and a nobler life. 



[ Released to the press by the State Department 
on the Washington Conversations October 7] 

Conversations between the United States, the 
United Kingdom, and the Chinese Delegations in 
Washington regarding the establislmient of a 

World Security Organization have now reached a 
satisfactory conclusion. Rapid progress has been 
made possible because of the work accomplished 
at the first phase of the Dumbarton Oaks discus- 
sions and because the three delegations liad earlier 
exchanged written memoranda on the subject. 
These conversations have afforded the delegations 
the opportunity of a full and frank excliange of 
views and have resulted in an agreed set of pro- 
posals for the general framework of an interna- 
tional organization and the machinery required 
to maintain peace and security which the three 
delegations are now reporting to their respective 
governments. The three governments will issue a 
statement on the subject in the near future. 

Final Meeting of American 

[Released to the press October 7] 

At the final group meeting of the members of 
the American Delegation on October 7, held as 
usual in the American Room at Dumbarton Oaks, 
Mr. Stettinius in his capacity as chairman of the 
American group made the following statement: 

"This is the last time we shall meet together at 
Dumbarton Oaks. I wish to expi'css to each of you 
my very deep personal gratitude for the contri- 
bution tliis team has made individually and col- 
lectively to the success of these conversations. I 
assure you that what has been done would not 
have been jjossible without benefit of the clarifi- 
cation of our thought and the balancing of our 
judgments hammered out in the long hours we 
have spent in this most-used room at Dumbarton 

Mr. Henry P. Fletcher then made, on behalf of 
the American Delegation, the following remarks: 

"I would like at this our final meeting of the 
American group to express to you, Mr. Stettinius, 
on behalf of my colleagues our deep appreciation 
of your patience, tact, good humor, and efficiency 
in presiding over the discussions of our delega- 
tion and the deliberations of the conference. 

''We leave with the happiest impression of our 
association with you in these conversations, which 
we hope may prove useful and fruitful." 



The Anglo-American Caribbean Commission 


[Released to the press October 7] 

The interest of the United States in the region 
known geographically and politically as the Carib- 
bean springs from several causes. Our ties with 
the area are many — historical, romantic, humani- 
tarian — and of the utmost importance, those of 
national security. Perhaps the most impelling 
from a hiunan-interest point of view are the his- 
torical ties which date back to the colonial period 
of our history when West Indian trade was the 
lifeblood of our New England economy — that 
rugged, vigorous, although cruel era of "mission- 
aries on deck and slaves in the hold", of "rum, ro- 
mance, and rebellion". But of more importance 
are the traditional interests of the United States 
in the well-being and political advancement of de- 
*. pendent peoples, which interests are merged in this 
region with vital considerations of national se- 
curity. The tranquility and stability of the Carib- 
bean countries are important elements in that 

The European colonies in the Caribbean area 
belong to the Netherlands, France, and Great Brit- 
ain. The majority of inhabitants of these terri- 
tories and of our own United States possessions 
are an underprivileged peojile. They suffer from 
a lop-sided economy and are, for the most part, 
poor, undernourished, inadequately educated, 
badly provided for in matters of health and sani- 
tation; and many are dissatisfied with their politi- 
cal status. 

Politically, substantial changes in the direction 
of self-government are now taking place. Jamaica 
has been granted a new constitution with a lower 
house elected by universal suffrage and an execu- 
tive council composed equally of elected and ap- 
pointed members. The new set-up contains the 
beginnings of a ministerial system. British Gui- 
ana has increased the number of unofficial members 
in its legislature and will give majority control to 
elected members. The Secretary of State for the 
Colonies has accepted the report of a British Gui- 
ana franchise commission reducing the property 
qualifications for voting by approximately one 
half. Barbados also has sharply reduced the re- 
quirements for voting, and only two months ago 

the Secretary of State for the Colonies announced 
his acceptance of a plan for universal adult suf- 
frage for both men and women in Trinidad. 
Puerto Kico and the Virgin Islands of the United 
States have had universal suffrage for many years, 
and President Roosevelt has initiated a plan under 
which the people of Puerto Rico would have the 
right to elect their own governor. That plan in 
principle has already been approved by the United 
States Senate and is now awaiting action by the 

You will remember that in December 1942 Queen 
AVilhelmina announced that when Holland and 
the Netherlands East Indies are liberated she will 
call a conference in which representatives of Suri- 
nam and Curagao will discuss constitutional re- 
construction. According to the director of the 
West Indies division of the Netherlands Ministry 
of Colonies such a conference "might well recom- 
mend the creation of a Commonwealth in which 
there would be even more regional autonomy, while 
the four parts would share in controlling de- 
fence, foreign policy and international economic 

In Curagao a committee appointed by the gov- 
ernor has just prepared a plan for increased local 
self-government in the various islands of the col- 
ony through councils elected by the people. 

Early in 1942 the Governments of the United 
States and Great Britain agreed that the welfare 
of the area was of international concern and of 
particular importance to these two metropolitan 
countries. On March 9 of that year a joint com- 
munique was simultaneously issued in Washing- 
ton and in London creating the Anglo-American 
Caribbean Commission. The communique said: 
"For the purpose of encouraging and strengthen- 
ing social and economic cooperation between the 
United States of America and its possessions and 
bases in the area . . . and the United Kingdom 
and British colonies in the same area, and to avoid 

'Delivered before the Foreign Policy Association, New 
York, N. Y., Oct. 7, 1944. Mr. Taussig is Cliairman of tlie 
United States Section, Anglo-American Caribbean Com- 



unnecessary duplication of research in these fields, 
a commission, to be known as the Anglo-American 
Caribbean Commission, has been jointly created 
by the two Governments. The Commission will 
consist of six members, three from each countrj', 
to be appointed respectively by the President of 
the United States and His IMajesty's Government 
in the United Kingdom — who will designate one 
member fi'om each country as a co-chairman." 

The communique was specific in its frame of 
reference as to what should concern the Commis- 
sion. These were matters primarily "pertaining 
to labor, agriculture, housing, health, education, 
sCKjial welfare, finance, economics, and related sub- 
jects in the territories under the British and 
United States flags within this territory, and on 
these matters [members of the Commission] will 
advise their respective Governments". 

It should be noted that the communique did not 
envisage purely Anglo-American activities. It 
stated : "The Anglo-American Caribbean Com- 
mission in its studies and in the formulation of 
its recommendations will necessarily bear in mind 
the desirability of close cooperation in social and 
economic matters between all regions adjacent to 
the Caribbean." As a matter of fact, the Nether- 
lands territories in the West Indies, Cuba, Haiti, 
the Dominican Republic, and Canada have al- 
ready participated in one way or another in some 
of the work carried on under the auspices of the 

The President appended to the joint communi- 
que an assurance of territorial integrity in the 
Caribbean, stating, in reference to the term of 
the 99-3^ear leases, that his "Government had no in- 
tention of requesting any modification of the 
Agreements already reached; that the acquisition 
of the bases granted to the United States would 
be for the term of 99 years as fixed in these Agree- 
ments". He also made the categorical statement 
"that the United States does not seek sovereignty 
over the islands or colonies on which the bases are 
located". This assurance has created a mutual 
feeling of confidence which augurs well for inter- 
national collaboration in the area. 

The activities of the Commission are carried on 
through the Commission itself and two auxiliary 
bodies. The Commission is tlie directing body 
and reports to the two metropolitan governments. 
The Caribbean Research Council, which was 
created by the Commission, is quasi-autonomous 
and acts as the technical adviser to the Commission 

in the fields of agriculture, fisheries, forestry, 
nutrition, public health and medicine, industries, 
building and engineering problems, and in the field 
of social sciences. For the most part the persomiel 
of the Caribbean Research Council is drawn from 
the Caribbean. The Netherlands territories in the 
West Indies are now represented on the Caribbean 
Research Council, and we hope to increase further 
the Council's membership. 

In order that a democratic approach might be 
made to the problems of the area, a second agency, 
a standing body known as the West Indian Con- 
ference, has been set up. The Government of each 
colony and territory appoints two delegates to this 
Conference. An effort is made to have at least one 
delegate chosen, more as a representative of the 
people than as a representative of the Government. 
The first meeting of the West Indian Conference 
took place at Barbados, March 21 to 30, 1944. 
Eight British colonies were represented as well as 
Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands of the United 
States. The Netherlands and Canada each sent 
an observer. This was the first international con- 
ference ever held by representatives of dependent 
peoples. Three fourths of the delegates were 
West Indians, and the races were about evenlj' 
divided. The standing Conference makes recom- 
mendations which are transmitted through the 
Commission to the metropolitan governments and 
to the territorial governments. The vitality of 
the Commission is enhanced with the increasing 
participation of West Indians in its work. 

The approach of the Anglo-American Carib- 
bean Commission to its problems was succinctly 
summarized by Col. Oliver Stanley, Secretary of 
State for the Colonies, on March 16, 1943, in Par- 
liament. "The Commission has not started on a 
high plane of broad theoretical discussions; it has 
started on a plane of practical solutions to com- 
mon problems facing both countries, and the sort 
of problems which will face them in that area after 
the war, problems of economics, transport, health 
and connnunications which go far beyond the 
frontiers of one particular unit and can only be 
solved by common effort." 

The Commission is a down-to-earth body which 
concerns itself with and works with human beings 
within and outside the Caribbean, who individ- 
ually and collectively create the problems and who 
themselves must plaj' their part in solving them. 
The Commission is primarily an advisoiy body, 
but under the pressure of war emergency, when it 

OCTOBER 8, 1944 


became necessary almost over night to organize 
civilian life in the Caribbean to meet the subma- 
rine menace, tlie Commission acquii'ed the added 
function of "expediter" in regard to supplies and 
other activities. The Commission's work is car- 
ried on in collaboration with men and women of 
the area, with laborers, planters, merchants, pro- 
fessional men and women, and officials — in short, 
with the people. 

In the field of agriculture, the Commission as- 
sociates itself with scientists and technicians, not 
merely that it may become a repository for learned 
papers but that it may serve as an agency to pro- 
vide the links between the laboratory and experi- 
ment station and the farm. In the realm of health, 
the Commission has assisted in providing for re- 
gional cooperation in matters of quarantine and 
in the control of malaria and venereal disease. 
The Commission is receiving valuable support 
from the governors of the territories and colonies 
of the Caribbean and from their administrations. 
It woi'ks in the closest cooperation with the De- 
partment of the Interior, which has jurisdiction 
over our own possessions, with Federal and Insu- 
lar agencies in Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands 
of the United States, and with the Development 
and Welfare Organization in the British West 
Indies, of which my colleague, the able British co- 
chairman of the Commission, Sir Frank Stock- 
dale, is the comptroller. 

We intend to relate our work to that of other 
international organizations. As an example, we 
have developed our agriculture and nutrition pro- 
gram within the framework of the resolutions 
adopted by the United Nations Conference on 
Food and Agriculture at Hot Springs. We be- 
lieve that we were the first international body to 
take formal action in implementing that program. 

Those of you who are acquainted with the Car- 
ibbean and are aware of the prevailing insularity 
of the people would be surprised and gratified to 
observe how, through the activities of the Com- 
mission, there has been a substantial reduction in 
the barriers to the free exchange of knowledge 
throughout the area. This spirit of cooperation 
has also been a feature within the Commission it- 
self. Personal contacts have been of the happiest 
and all discussions have been of the most friendly 
nature. Throughout there has been an endeavor 
to develop a working example of regional collab- 
oration in the solution of problems of conamon 
concern. The possibility has not been lost sight 

of that the Anglo-American Caribbean Commis- 
sion may point the way to the creation of other re- 
gional commissions for the benefit of dependent 
peoples in other parts of the world. 

It is axiomatic that regional commissions such ! 
■as the Anglo-American Caribbean Commission 
should neither frustrate normal development in 
colonial self-government nor pose as an alterna- 
tive to it. Through their forward-looking policies 
and efforts, however, such bodies should contribute 
much to the preparation of dependent peoples for 
economic self-help and political self-sufficiency. 
The Commission is still in its trial-and-error pe- 
riod, but it has found an approach, a method, and I 
the institutions for regional collaboration. There i 
is evidence that the dependent peoples of the Car- 
ibbean and other areas of the world are watching 
the work of the Commission with interest and hope 
and perhaps with some skepticism. They know 
that no matter how perfect the machinery of in- 
ternational organization may become the benefits 
to be derived will ultimately depend upon the ' 
vision, the courage, and above all upon the integ- 
rity of the participating nations. We must not 
and shall not betray this trust. 

Military Action Toward 
Liberation of Greece ' 

Statement by THE PRESIDENT 

[Released to the press by the White House October 6] 

I am deeply moved at the news that the libera- 
tion of Greece has begim. In a truer sense, its en- 
slavement has never been a fact. For nearly four 
years an indomitable Greek nation has suffered I 
the terrifying effects of aggression on an unprece- 
dented scale. When many men — even stout- 
hearted men of good-will — had almost lost hope, | 
the Greek people challenged the invincibility of 
the mechanized Nazi monster, pitting against in- 
human engines of war and cold-blooded, calculat- 
ing strategy little more than the fierce spirit of 

Four years is a long time to starve and die, to ; 
see cliildren massacred, to watch villages burn to 
rubble and ashes. But it is not a long enough time 
to extinguish the clear flame of the Hellenic herit- 
age which throughout centuries has taught the 
dignity of man. It is more than fitting, it is in- | 
evitable, that as hopeless darkness is engulfing the j 
ideals of Nazi barbarism the clear Greek air will I 



once more be breathed by free men without fear of 
oppression, and that the Acropolis, for 25 cen- 
turies a symbol of man's accomplisliment in an 
environment of human liberty, will again be a 
beacon of faith for the future. 


[Released to the press October 6] 

The present military action to liberate Greece 
and release the Greek people from the martyrdom 
which they have suffered for three and a half long 
years comes as welcome news to the American Gov- 
ernment and people. Greek resistance has never 
faltered, either inside or outside the country, de- 
spite the starvation of the poi^ulation, the savage 
destruction of Greek towns, and the wanton killing 
of Greek hostages by the enemy. 

The entire civilized world will rejoice in the ex- 
pulsion of the Nazis from this cradle of our west- 
ern civilization, where the presence of these mod- 
ern barbarians has seemed particularly odious. 

Presentation of Letters of 
Credence by the Ambassador 
Of Chile 

[Released to the press October 5] 

A translation of the remarks of the newly ap- 
pointed Ambassador of Chile, Senor Don Marcial 
Mora Miranda, upon the occasion of the presenta- 
tion of his letters of credence, October 5, 1944, 
follows : 

Mr. PfiEsmENT: 

At the same time that I present to you the letters 
of recall of my predecessor, my dear friend Oon 
Rodolfo Michels, I have the honor to place in your 
hands the credentials which acci'edit me as Am- 
bassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of 
Chile before Your Excellency. 

I am here to undertake this high and honorable 
mission at a time when there is approaching the 
happy ending of the war on the European Conti- 
nent, a fact which is producing happiness and hope 
in my country, where Government and people in 
perfect community of purpose have embraced with 
fervor the cause of the democracies, have dedi- 
cated their most loyal effort to collaborate for the 
triumph of the United Nations, and have placed 
themselves decisively at the service of continental 

Chile is a democracy not only in its constitu- 
tional organization and in the free and regular 
functioning of its republican institutions, but also 
in tlie deep-rooted realization which public opin- 
ion has of its duties and civil rights, and in the 
civic spirit which animates our national being. 

Liberty and independence have always directed 
the course of our destiny, and, during this war, 
the Chilean people has felt itself fully interpreted 
in its dearest aspirations in the foreign-policy di- 
rectives of His Excellency President Don Juan 
Antonio Rios, as well as in the postulates of the 
Atlantic Charter and in the repeated declarations 
of Your Excellency and of the most Excellent Sec- 
retary of State, Mr. Cordell Hull, in the sense that 
"the principle of the sovereign equality of all 
peace-loving states, whatever may be their size 
and power, as members of a system of order under 
law, should constitute the foundation of any inter- 
national future organization for the maintenance 
of peace and security". 

In the hour of the realization of those postu- 
lates, an hour which is approaching rapidly, Chile 
will always be at the service of democracy and of 
American solidarity, and will be disposed to as- 
sume the responsibilities proportionate to its ca- 
pacity, in the certainty that it will encounter in 
the high understanding and appreciation of Your 
Excellency and of all jour Government firm sup- 
port for its legitimate aspirations of a juridical 
nature, as well as of a moral and economic nature. 

The "good neighbor" policy, with which Your 
Excellency has written the most beautiful and 
promising pages in the history of the relations be- 
tween the American republics, is a policy which 
necessitates a great foundation of knowledge and 
understanding in order that it may produce its best 
results. To that reciprocal knowledge and com- 
prehension I am especially charged by my Govern- 
ment to dedicate my best efforts and my most con- 
stant concern, because my country hopes that, ap- 
plying "good neighborliness" in the brotherly sense 
which it is conceded in habitual usage in North 
American life, there will be facilitated for it the 
solution of the numerous and serious problems 
which it will have to confront in the post-war 
period, and that it will be respected in the posi- 
tion which it has achieved by its democratic tradi- 
tion, its line of international policy, and by its 
clear and well-defined personality of a nation lov- 
ing peace, progress, and liberty. 

OCTOBER 8, 1944 


It is for me exceedingly pleasing to convey to you 
the best wishes of His Excellency the President of 
tlie Republic and of the people of Chile for the 
triumph of the United States of North America 
and for its growing prosperity, as well as for the 
health and personal well-being of Your Excel- 
lency, best wishes to whicli I permit myself to add, 
with the most sincere cordiality and esteem, my 
own personal best wishes. 

The President's reply to the remarks of Senor 
Don Marcial Mora Miranda follows: 

Mb. Ambassador: 

I am deeply pleased to receive from Your Ex- 
cellency the letters accrediting you as Ambassador 
Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Chile, and 
to extend to you a most cordial welcome to the 
United States. 

I accept the letters concluding the mission of 
Don Rodolfo Michels, your distinguished pre- 
decessor. Ambassador Michels made important 
contributions to the furtherance of the friendly 
relations which so happily exist between your 
country and mine. 

I note with sincere pleasure Your Excellency's 
reference to the fervent espousal by the Govern- 
ment and people of Chile of the cause of the 
United Nations and of the principle of continental 
solidarity. The collaboration of the Government 
and people of Chile will continue to be of great 
value in hastening the inevitable final triumph of 
the forces of democracy in the great world strug- 
gle; and Chile has been and is in a position, as 
an important bulwark of the solidarity of the 
American hemisphere, to make invaluable con- 
tributions to this great inter-American cause she 
has espoused. 

I welcome Your Excellency as the distinguished 
representative of a great nation which has carried 
to high levels the principles of democracy, human 
dignity, and freedom. Chile is an outstanding ex- 
ample to all the world of the strength and power of 
these great ideals. 

I also greet Your Excellency as a personal de- 
fender of the principles for which the United Na- 
tions are fighting. I know well that by word and 
deed you have shown yourself to be a valiant 
champion of the cause of democracy. 

The principle of the sovereign equality of peace- 
loving nations, irrespective of size and power, 

should indeed constitute the foundation of any fu- 
ture international organization for the mainte- 
nance of peace and security. I am delighted to 
hear from Your Excellency that, now that the 
hour is approaching for the translation into re- 
ality of this ideal, Chile is disposed to assume the 
responsibilities proportionate to her capacity. I 
am certain that in the future, as the nations of the 
world shoulder the task of maintaining the peace, 
Chile will continue to find in the United States a 
sincere and steadfast friend. 

The "good neighbor" policy, as Your Excel- 
lency has so clearly indicated, should most cer- 
tainly not be unilateral ; it depends for its strength 
and effectiveness upon the participation and joint 
efforts of the American nations. I am sure that 
your efforts toward developing and strengthening 
mutual knowledge and understanding between 
Cliile and the United States will be a valuable 
contribution to inter- American good-will and hap- 
piness. You will find, on the part of the Govern- 
ment and people of this country, a great respect 
for the democratic and liberty-loving country 
which you represent, and a sincere desire to coop- 
erate and collaborate in the solution of the prob- 
lems of the present and of the future. 

I am deeply appreciative of the good wishes of 
His Excellency the President of Chile and of the 
Chilean people for the peojjle of the United States, 
and of the personal greetings which His Excel- 
lency was so kind as to send me. Please convey to 
President Rios the expression of my deepest grat- 
itude, and send to him my sincere wishes for his 
continued good health and happiness and for the 
welfare and prosperity of the people of Chile. I 
reciprocate with pleasure the personal sentiments 
which you so kindly expressed. 


Consular OflSces 

The Consulate at Rome, Italy, was established 
on September 26, 1944. 

The Consulate at Coatzacoalcos, Mexico, was 
closed on September 30, 1944. 

The Consulate at Marseille, France, was reestab- 
lished on October 1, 1944. 


Present Problems in Italy 

Statement by THE PRESIDENT 

[Released to the press by the White House October 4] 

In accordance with the policies with respect to 
Italy which were outlined jointly by the Prime 
Minister and me in a statement issued to the press 
on September twenty-sixth,^ measures are now be- 
ing taken to provide Italy with supplies necessary 
to prevent civilian hunger, sickness, and fear dur- 
ing the forthcoming winter. Steps are also being 
taken to restore the damaged transportation and 
electrical generating facilities of Italy to the ex- 
tent necessary to enable the Italian people to 
throw their full resources into the fight against 
Germany and Japan. 

A delegation of supply officers has been called 
from Italy to Washington to review the needs and 
requirements of the Italian civilian population. 
In addition to the substantial quantities of food 
and clothing which are now being shipped, and 
have for some time been shipped into Italy, 150,000 
tons of wheat and flour are now scheduled for 
shipment. Steps are being taken to increase the 
bread ration in those areas in Italy where food 
supplies are below the standard necessary to main- 
tain full health and efficiency. The distribution 
of food and essential supplies within the country 
has been seriously impeded by the damage done 
to the transportation system and the wholesale 
commandeering of trucks by the enemy. To meet 
this emergency need it is planned to send 1,700 
additional trucks to Italy. 

In addition, preparations are vmder way to sup- 
ply substantial quantities of generating equip- 
ment includmg temporary power facilities to fur- 
nish electricity to essential industries and public 
utilities in central Italy which have been brought 
to a standstill by the almost complete destruction 
by the Germans of power plants. 

The aid which the Allies have already given to 
Italy has been substantial. Since the invasion of 
Sicily to the end of this year, 2,300,000 long tons 
of civilian supplies will have been shipped to Italy. 
Of this total, 1,107,000 tons were food and the bal- 
ance consisted of coal, fertilizer, seeds, medical 
and sanitary supplies, and clothing. As an inte- 
gral part of military operations the Army has done 
a great deal to repair roads and bridges and rail- 
roads and to repair water and power systems and 
motor transport. 

> BuLuniN of Oct. 1, 1944, p. 338. 


Through these and other measures of assistance 
which are now in preparation, the Italian people 
will be enabled to increase their already signifi- 
cant contribution toward the defeat of the enemy. 
By doing these things, this country is serving the 
militaiy aims and objectives of the United Na- 
tions, which require the greatest possible contri- 
bution from the manpower and the resources of 
every nation engaged in the final overthrow of 
Germany and Japan. 

Plans for Economic Reports 
From Liberated Areas 

[Released to the press by the State Department 
and the Department of Commerce October 5] 

Under instructions worked out by the Depart- 
ment of State in cooperation with the Depart- 
ments of Commerce and Agriculture and the For- 
eign Economic Administration together with other 
interested agencies, diplomatic and consular rep- 
resentatives assigned to areas liberated from Axis 
control will expedite reports on economic condi- 
tions and trends within such areas for the guidance 
of both the Government and business. 

The instructions are detailed and specific. The 
point is strongly emphasized that restrictions on 
the flow of information from these areas prior to 
their liberation make the need for organized re- 
porting acute. 

In general the instructions call for : first, re- 
ports concerning the immediate supply require- 
ments of liberated areas and estimates of economic 
conditions, on which considerable initial work has 
been done, chiefly by the Foreign Economic Ad- 
ministration in conjunction with the military au- 
thorities and with the assistance of the Foreign 
Service ; second, interpretative reports covering all 
aspects of economic and social conditions within 
liberated areas as an essential guide to American 
foreign policy; and third, analyses of economic 
conditions in liberated areas as an essential guide 
to American interests concerned in the resumption 
of commercial trade and investment. 

In some areas and with respect to some com- 
modities an immediate and full return to private 
trade will not be possible because of disrupted eco- 
nomic conditions. The economic and trade re- 
porting from these territories will, therefore, be 
particularly helpful during this interim period. 

In the instructions sent out officers of the For- 
eign Service are being reminded that American 

OCTOBER 8. 1944 


trade interests desire information regarding the 
condition of their business contacts and interests 
in liberated areas. 

In the case of branch factories or affiliated com- 
panies, American businessmen wish to know the 
condition of these properties, how they were em- 
plo.yed during the war, the state of inventories and 
organization, and the factors involved in consid- 
ering a resumption of business. 

Wliere American businessmen before the war 
operated through agency or distributor arrange- 
ments, they wish to know the status of former mar- 
keting or purchasing connections, their financial 
condition, and the possibilities of making a new 

Reports on these subjects require an appraisal 
of the new market situation. While the larger in- 
dividual companies will probably be in position to 
make their own surveys, most medium-sized and 
small business concerns will turn to the Govern- 
ment for assistance. 

To meet this need for information, summary re- 
ports are requested regarding the status of Ameri- 
can branch plants and capital investments in lib- 
erated areas as well as reports on the condition and 
facilities of principal importers and distributors 
formerly handling or in position to distribute 
American products. 

Foreign Service officers are being advised that 
particular attention should be given to the acqui- 
sition by the Axis of former American interests in 
liberated areas as well as any transfer of owner- 
ship or control within liberated areas of trading 
companies, distributor or agency concerns, and 
similar commercial organizations. 

They are likewise being advised that various 
legal questions regarding the possibility of recov- 
ering damages, realizing upon old debts, the valid- 
ity of contracts, patent rights, and the like are an- 
ticipated and that information generally applica- 
ble to such problems in liberated areas should be 

Meanwhile interested American businessmen 
are urged to channel specific inquiries through the 
Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce, De- 
partment of Commerce, in order that diplomatic 
and consular representatives may be free to devote 
their time to the preparation of these reports. If 
swamped with direct individual requests for infor- 

mation the preparation of reports will necessarily 
be delayed. 

The Bureau maintains close liaison with the De- 
partment of State, and the desire of both is to 
make information available as quickly as possible 
to interested businessmen. When an inquiry is re- 
ceived by the Bureau and the desired information 
is not immediately available, the facilities of the 
Government will be utilized to obtain it at the 
earliest possible date. 

Request to Neutral 
Governments Concerning 
Enemy Loot 

[Released to the press October 4] 

On October 2 the Government of the United 
States requested the neutral governments to in- 
stitute measures to prevent enemy governments 
and leaders and their collaborators from retaining 
their loot under neutral protection and from find- 
ing safe haven for their wealth in neutral terri- 
tories. These representations were made in keep- 
ing with resolution VI of the Bretton Woods Con- 
ference and were directed at objectives similar to 
those of the United Nations Declaration of Janu- 
ary 5, 1943 with resjject to looted property and the 
Declaration of February 22, 1944 concerning looted 
gold. Similar representations were made by the 
British Government. 

The i^roblem of uncovering and disentangling 
enemy and looted property is one of international 
character, which can be most effectively handled 
in cooperation with the neutral countries. The 
enemy has been taking property of occupied coun- 
tries and their nationals by open looting and plun- 
dering, by forcing transfers under duress, and by 
subtle and complex devices. The enemy has 
often operated through the agencies of puppet 
governments to give the cloak of legality to his 
robbery. The enemy has also been attempting to 
conceal his assets by passing the chain of owner- 
ship and control through occupied and neutral 
countries. In anticipation of impending defeat 
the enemy is increasing these activities in order 
to salvage his assets and to perpetuate his eco- 
nomic influence abroad and his power and ability 


to plan future aggrandizement and world domi- 

This Goveriunent in presenting its note to the 
neutrals indicated that it considered cooperation 
in this matter to be of "primary importance to the 
welfare of occupied nations and to the protection 
of the lives and property of their nationals and to 
the peace and security of the post-war world". 

The text of resolution VI, adopted by the dele- 
gates assembled at the United Nations Monetary 
and Financial Conference at Bretton Woods, New 
Hampshire, follows. 

Resolution VI 

Whereas, in anticipation of their impending de- 
feat, enemy leaders, enemy nationals and their 
collaborators are transferring assets to and 
through neutral countries in order to conceal them 
and to perpetuate their influence, power, and abil- 
ity to plan future aggrandizement and world dom- 
ination, thus jeopardizing the efforts of the United 
Nations to establish and permanently maintain 
peaceful international relations ; 

Wliereas, enemy countries and their nationals 
have taken the property of occupied countries and 
their nationals by open looting and plunder, by 
forcing transfers under duress, as well as by subtle 
and complex devices, often operated through the 
agency of their puppet governments, to give the 
cloak of legality to their robbery and to secure 
ownership and control of enterprises in the post- 
war period ; 

Whereas, enemy countries and their nationals 
have also, through sales and other methods of 
transfer, run the chain of their ownership and 
control through occupied and neutral countries, 
thus making the problem of disclosure and disen- 
tanglement one of international character ; 

Whereas, the United Nations have declared their 
intention to do their utmost to defeat the methods 
of dispossession practiced by the enemy, have re- 
served their right to declai-e invalid any transfers 
of property belonging to persons within occupied 
territory, and have taken measures to protect and 
safeguard property, within their respective juris- 
dictions, owned by occupied countries and their 
nationals, as well as to prevent the disposal of 
looted property in United Nations markets; 

The United Nations Monetary and Financial 


1. Takes note of and fully supports steps taken by 

the United Nations for the purpose of : 

(a) uncovering, segregating, controlling, and 
making appropriate disposition of enemy assets; 

(b) preventing the liquidation of property 
looted by the enemy, locating and tracing owner- 
ship and control of such looted property, and tak- 
ing appropriate measures with a \'iew to restora- 
tion to its lawful owners ; 

2. Recommends: That all Governments of coun- 

tries represented at this Conference take ac- 
tion consistent with their relations with the 
countries at war to call upon the Governments 
of neutral countries 

(a) to take immediate measures to prevent any 
disposition or transfer within territories subject 
to their jurisdiction of any 

(1) assets belonging to the Government or 
any individuals or institutions within those 
United Nations occupied by the enemy; and 

(2) looted gold, currency, art objects, securi- 
ties, other evidences of ownership in financial or 
business enterprises, and of other assets looted 
by the enemy; 

as well as to uncover, segregate and hold at the 
disposition of the post-liberation authorities in 
the appropriate country any such assets within 
territory' subject to their jurisdiction; 

(b) to take immediate measures to prevent the 
concealment by fraudulent means or otherwise 
within countries subject to their jurisdiction of 

(1) assets belonging to, or alleged to belong 
to, the Government of and individuals or in- 
stitutions within enemy countries; 

(2) assets belonging to, or alleged to belong 
to, enemy leaders, their associates and collabora- 
tors ; 

and to facilitate their ultimate delivery to the post- 
armistice authorities. 


An Act To amend the Nationality Xct of 1940 to permit 
the Cummissiuuer to furnish copies of any part of thfi 
records or information therefrom to agencies or olHcials 
of a State without charge. Approved September 27, 1944. 
[H. R. 1680.] Pul)lic Law 428, 78th Cong. 1 p. 

An Act To amend the Nationality Act of 1940 to preserve 
the nationality of citizens residing abroad. Approved Sep- 
tember 27, 1944. [H. R. 4271.] Public Law 432, 78th 
Cong. 1 p. 

OCTOBER 8. 1944 

Death of Wendell Willkie 

(Released to the press October 81 

The Secretary of State has sent the following 
message to Mrs. Wendell Willkie : 

October 8, 1944. 
It is most shocking to nie to learn of the un- 
timely passing of your distinguished husband, 
Wendell Willkie. He was a man of the finest 
cliaracter who staunchly and sincerely held to his 
principles. Not only during the presidential cam- 
paign of 1940 but in the years since then his able 
and forthright presentation of his views on pub- 
lic questions was a great stimulus to the forming 
of public opinion. His death brings a definite loss 
to the Nation. Mrs. Hull and I send our sincerest 
sympathy in your bereavement to you and the 
members of the family. 

Compensation for Petroleum 
Properties Expropriated in 

[Released to the press October 2] 

The Charge of Mexico has presented to the Sec- 
retary of State his Government's check for $4,085,- 
327.45 in payment of the instalment due at this 
time under the agreement effected through an ex- 
change of notes on September 29, 1943' establish- 
ing the manner and conditions of payment of com- 
pensation to this Government for the benefit of cer- 
tain American nationals who sustained losses as a 
consequence of the expropriation of iietroleum 
properties in Mexico in March 1938. The Secre- 
taiy of State requested the Charge to convey to his 
Government an expression of tliis Government's 

With the present payment of $4,085,327.45 the 
balance remaining amounts to $12,255,982.35, to be 
liquidated over a period of three years by the pay- 
ment of $4,085,327.45 on September 30 of each year. 
Upon payment of the remaining instalments the 
total paj'ments will amount to $29,137,700.84. 

' See Bulletin of Oct. 2, 1943, p. 230. 


Visit of Personal Representative 
Of the President of Ecuador 

[Released to the press October 5] 

During the last several days the United States 
Government has had the honor to be host to Seiior 
Victor Emilio Estrada, who is visiting this coun- 
try as personal representative of His Excellency 
Senor Velasco Ibarra, President of Ecuador. 
Senor Estrada is one of the leading bankers and 
l)iisinessmen of Ecuador and was recently elected 
mayor of the city of Guayaquil. 

Seiior Estrada has presented an outline for long- 
range economic and social development in Ecua- 
d(;r, and numerous interesting studies and discus- 
sions have been initiated. Further detailed 
studies will be carried on in Ecuador as well as in 
this country with a view to arriving at mutually 
advantageous plans for future cooperation be- 
tween the two countries. 

Seiior Estrada's visit and the discussions ini- 
tiated at this time with various departments and 
agencies of this Government are a further mani- 
festation of the miitual desire of Ecuador and the 
United States to face the problems of the future 
in the same spirit embodied in their collaboration 
in the cause of the democracies. 

Death of Alfred E. Smith 

[Released to the press October 4] 

Secretary Hull sent the following message to 
Mrs. John A. Warner upon the death of her father, 
the Honorable Alfred E. Smith : 

October 4, 1944. 
I am greatly distressed to learn of the passing 
of your distinguished father, who was my friend 
for many years. He was blessed with imusual 
gifts of leadership and he rendered outstanding 
service to his State and to his country. His un- 
swerving honesty, his noble character, his high 
integrity, and his devotion to the welfare of all 
the peoj)le earned for him a unique place in the 
hearts and minds of his countrymen. Mrs. Hull 
joins me in extending heartfelt sympathy to you 
and to the members of the family in your irrepa- 
rable loss. 



Inter- American Institute of Agricultural Sciences 


On November 30, 1944, 
three months after the 
deposit of the fifth rati- 
fication with the Pan 
American Union, the 
convention establishing the Inter- American Insti- 
tute of Agricultural Sciences will enter into effect. 
The Agricultural Institute was conceived to fulfil 
the need for cooperative study of agricultural 
problems common to the several American repub- 
lics, the solution to which would result in a gen- 
eral improvement in the economies of those coun- 
tries and in an eventual raising of the standard of 
living of their peoples by the adoption of more de- 
sirable agricultural methods. 

Prior to the formation of plans for the Agri- 
cultural Institute such programs as existed for ag- 
licultural cooperation with the other American 
republics were carried out on an ad hoc basis by 
the United States Department of Agriculture and 
by such committees as the Interdepartmental Com- 
mittee on Cooperatit^n With the American Re- 
publics,- the Committee on Tropical Agriculture, 
and the President's Advisory Committee on Inter- 
American Cooperation in Agricultural Education, 
the latter being under the auspices of the Depart- 
ment of State. When Vice President Wallace 
was Secretary of Agriculture he extended and in- 
tensified the programs; he also realized the need 
for coordinating the work that was being done 
and for locating it in an inter-American institu- 
tion from which all the American republics could 
derive benefits. In addition the Interdepart- 
mental Committee approved in December 1939 a 
recommendation for such an institution. 

Further impetus to the project was given at the 
Eighth American Scientific Congress, which met 
in June 1940.^ Mr. Wallace delivered an address 
to the Congress favoring an agricultural institute. 
The Congress at that session also adopted a resolu- 
tion advocating an Institute of Troj^ical Agricul- 
ture for the dual purpose of establishing means 
for research and of training technical personnel. 
The Pan American Union was asked to appoint a 
committee to make a report on recommendations 
regarding the establishment of the institution. An 
Inter-American Commission of Ti'opical Agricul- 

An example of inter-American cooperation de- 
signed to encourage and advance the develop- 
ment of agricultural sciences in and to aid the 
economies, largely agricultural, of all the Ameri- 
can republics. 

ture was accordingly 
formed by the Pan Anaer- 
ican Union. 

The report of the Com- 
mission was submitted to 
and approved by the Governing Board of the Pan 
American Union in October 1942. This Commis- 
sion had requested technical assistance in the 
selection of a site for the Institute, and Mr. Ralph 
H. Allee, Chief of the Division of Latin American 
Agriculture of the United States Department of 
Agriculture, had been named chairman of a com- 
mission appointed for this purpose. From sites 
offered by 12 countries Turrialba, Costa Rica, was 
ultimately selected. In addition to recommending 
that site the Commission of the Pan American 
Union advocated that an Inter- American Institute 
of Agricultural Sciences be temporarily incorpo- 
rated under a charter of the District of Columbia. 
The directore of tlie institute were to be the mem- 
bers of the Governing Board of the Pan American 
Union. It was understood and was so stated by the 
commission that the Institute was to be founded 
on an inter-American convention to be negotiated 
as soon as possible. 

On December 15, 1943 the Governing Board of 
the Pan American Union approved a convention 
establishing the Inter-American Institute of Agri- 
cultural Sciences. Article I of the convention sets 
the location of the Institute. Incorporated in 
Washington under date of June 18, 1942, its ex- 
ecutive headquarters were to be in that city, while 
the location of the field headquarters was to be 
at Turrialba. Provisions were also made for the 
establishment of regional offices in other American 
republics. The purpose of the Institute is de- 
scribed in article II as follows: "to encourage 
and advance the development of agricultural 
sciences m the Amei'ican republics through re- 
search, teaching, and extension activities in the 
theory and practice of agriculture and related arts 

' Mr. Furniss is a Divisional Assistant in tlie Division 
of American Republics Analysis and Liaison, Office of 
American Repiiblic Affairs, Department of State. 

= Bulletin of Sept. 24, 19-14, p. 310. 

' Bulletin of Jan. 20, 1940, p. 83 ; May 11, 1940, p. 494 ; 
May IS, 1940, p. 537. 

OCTOBER 8, 1944 


and sciences". The fulfilment of this purpose 
might entail the development, financing, and op- 
eration of "similar estahlishments in one or more 
of the American republics" and the giving of 
"assistance to the establishment and maintenance 
of organizations having similar purposes in the 
said republics". 

Other articles of the convention set up the con- 
trol of the Institute. As envisaged by the earliei" 
Commission, the convention provides for a Board 
of Directors, composed of representatives of the 
21 American republics on the Governing Board of 
the Pan American Union, and empowered to elect, 
to remove, and to provide compensation for a di- 
rector and a secretary of the Institute, in which 
oflicers is vested the actual administration of the 
affairs of the Institute. In addition an admin- 
istrative committee and a technical advisory coun- 
cil may be formed, the latter composed of an agri- 
cultural expert named by each of the contracting 
states to the convention. 

Fiscal management of the Agricultural Institute 
is vested in the Pan American Union, which is to 
receive and disburse Institute funds. These 
funds are to come from contributions, legacies, and 
donations but, more regularly, from annual quotas 
contributed by the contracting states according to 
their relative population as given by Pan Ameri- 
can Union statistics. No quota, however, is to 
exceed the rate of one United States dollar per 
thousand population. The convention's terms 
provide that it is to enter into effect three months 
after the deposit of the fifth ratification with the 
Pan American Union, with additional ratifica- 
tions to become effective one month after their 

On January 15, 1944 the convention establishing 
the Inter-American Institute of Agi-icultural 
Sciences was opened for signature.* On that date 
the United States, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, and Pan- 
ama signed the convention, and subsequent signa- 
tures have brought the total to 13. These addi- 
tions include Cuba and Ecuador, who signed on 
January 20; the Dominican Republic and Hon- 
duras, on January 28; El Salvador, February 18; 
Guatemala, March 16; Uruguay, April 18; Chile, 
May 13; and Bolivia, July 12. Of the 13 states 
signatory to the convention, five have now ratified. 
These are Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, 
Nicaragua, and the United States. The ratification 

* Bulletin of Jan. 15, 1944, p. 90. 

of the United States was effected on June 29, and 
that of Nicaragua, the fifth in chronological order, 
was deposited with the Pan American Union on 
August 30. 

Although the site of the Institute at Turrialba 
is in the tropical zone and adherents to the con- 
vention to date have, aside from the United States, 
been states near the location of the Institute, it 
should be emphasized that the objectives of the 
Institute are not confined to the solution of agri- 
cultural problems confronting only the nations of 
Central America. Although they have not yet 
ratified, the signatures of Chile, Uruguay, and 
Bolivia attest to the value which those states, lo- 
cated, like the United States, in a temperate zone, 
exjject to realize through the Institute's activities. 
An increase in the knowledge of scientific agricul- 
tural techniques and the training of experts to 
apply those techniques will aid the economies, 
largely agricultural, of all the American republics. 
Thus the potential value of the Institute is, like 
the convention by which it was established, truly 
inter-American in character. 

Before the Institute Convention goes into effect 
quota contributions by the various American re- 
publics cannot be relied upon for the main sup- 
port of the Institute, which has as a consequence 
been forced to rely on other financial contribu- 
tions. Of these the chief assistance has come from 
the Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American 
Affairs, whose head. Nelson A. Rockefeller, was 
one of the first to realize the importance of the 
establishment of such an institute. In 1942 
$500,000 was allocated to the Institute by the Office 
of the Coordinator. The United States Depart- 
ment of Agriculture was to receive $35,000 of that 
amount for the purpose of preliminary study and 
planning preparatory to the establishment of the 
Institute. The remainder, $405,000, was turned 
over in 1942 to the Pan American Union, fiscal 
agent for the Institute, to be expended on the field 
headquarters at Turrialba. The actual construc- 
tion program was assigned $305,000, and the re- 
maining $100,000 was allocated for operating ex- 
penses. Subsequent gi-ants, amounting to $160,000, 
brought the sum to be used for operating expenses 
to a total of $260,000. The Office of the Coordi- 
nator has recently allocated $300,000 to complete 
the present construction program at Turrialba. 

The Government of Costa Rica has made a mate- 
rial contribution to the Agricultural Institute in 
the form of its site at Turrialba. A coffee planta- 



tion at Tiirrialba, valued at approximately 
$250,000, was turned over to the Institute. The 
donation by the Costa Rican Government of more 
land for crops, buildings, and experimental and 
other activities brought the total acreage to 2,500 
and increased the value to about half a million 
dollars. Research in rubber cultivation and dis- 
eases affecting rubber trees was made possible in 
1943 by the donation on the part of the Goodyear 
Tire & Rubber Company of its rubber plantation, 
located in Panama, formerly operated by the Rub- 
ber Development Corporation. 

Directorship of the Agricultural Institute was 
vested in Earl N. Bressman with his appointment 
in 1942 by the Board of Directors. Dr. Bressman 
had formerly been the Assistant Director of the 
Office of Foreign Agricultural Relations and Sci- 
entific Adviser to the Secretary of Agi-iculture. 
Subsequently he was Director of the Agricultural 
Division of the Office of the Coordinator. On the 
recommendation of Dr. Bressman Jose L. Colom, 
Chief of the Division of Agricultural Cooperation 
of the Pan American Union, was named Secretary 
of the Institute. 

Active work in utilizing the funds provided by 
the Coordinator's Office was begun with the official 
inauguration of the field headquarters on October 
7, 1942. In March 1943, when he was on a trip 
through Central and South America, Vice Presi- 
dent Wallace laid the actual cornerstone of the 
Institute. The construction of housing facilities 
for workers, students, and faculty was begun. In- 
tensive labor was also required on the plantations 
and for starting experimental crops which com- 
posed such a necessary part of the Institute's 

It had been anticipated that the field headquar- 
ters would be completed and that the first students 
and faculty would arrive by the middle of 1944, 
but it became impossible to complete the program 
with the amount of money at first available for 
that purpose. As a result it was necessary to halt 
construction temporarily in May 1944 when the 
first grant from the Coordinators Office was ex- 
hausted. To complete the jirogram which had 
been contemplated additional grants totaling $460,- 
000 were subsequently added. 

According to Dr. Bressman, Director of the In- 
stitute, it is envisaged that the Inter-Americau 

Institute of Agricultural Sciences will eventually 
comprise five divisions. Courses, seminars, and 
research opportunities will be offered in the fields 
of animal industry, agi-icultural engineering, en- 
tomology, plant industry, and soils. Not more 
than 10 students will be assigned to any of the 
divisions, and the Institute will, at the outset, op- 
erate with 25 students. To enter the Institute a 
student will have had to receive a bachelor's de- 
gree or its equivalent in agrictdture or in a related 
science, and he must have a thorough understand- 
ing of the basic elements of chemistry, physics, 
botany, and zoology. He will stay at the Institute 
not less than one j'ear and not more than three, the 
contemi^lated average term being two years. 
^\niile he is at the Institute the student will de- 
vote part of his time to organized course work, 
but the gi'eater part of it will be spent in research 
problems concerned with the particular division of 
agricultural science in which he has chosen to 
specialize. Satisfactory completion of the Insti- 
tute schedule will involve the writing of a thesis 
based on the results obtained from a comprehen- 
sive research undertaking. Degrees of master of 
science will be awarded students who complete 
satisfactorily the work of the Institute. 

The site at Turrialba is suitable for research 
studies in the cultivation of coffee, cacao, sugar- 
cane, corn, rice, fruit trees, and vegetable crops. 
Rubber, abaca, and cinchona may also be grown, 
as well as barley, wheat, and potatoes. Experi- 
ments concerned with all these products are not 
under way at present, but iull operation of the In- 
stitute will eventually involve their cultivation. 
The construction program is not yet completed; 
however, work has already been done on experi- 
mental crops of coffee, sugarcane, and silage and 
on the improvement of the Panama rubber planta- 

Within the five divisions the Institute will op- 
erate as a research center, as an institution of 
education, and ultimately, it is hoj^ed, as an exten- 
sion service. Research will be conducted in dis- 
eases affecting the agricultural crops and livestock 
of the other American republics. The educational 
aim of the Institute is to train students from all 
American countries to assist in the fuller utiliza- 
tion of the agricultural economy in those coun- 

OCTOBER 8, 1944 


tries. Such ti'aining is designed not to compete 
with, but rather to supplement, facilities that may 
exist or may later be established on a national 
basis. Finally, the extension services of the Insti- 
tute will furnish information, supply samples of 
experimental crops, and give advice on cultivation 
of crops and care of livestock. Thus it may be 
seen that the purpose of the Institute is concretely 
inter-American in nature, designed to raise the 
agricultural standard of the American republics 
and in so doing to ameliorate their economy, in 
many instances based primarily on agriculture. 

It is appropriate to examine in some detail the 
advantages accruing to the United States by reason 
of its support of the Inter- American Institute of 
Agricultural Sciences. These advantages, of both 
a direct and an indirect nature, are substantial. 
In the first place the United States will gain by 
a rise of the standard of living in the other Ameri- 
can republics, which is a basic aim of the Institute. 

A rise in living standards may be expected to 
increase both in amount and in diversity the de- 
mand by the other American republics for the 
products of the United States. It has already 
been pointed out that the Institute, by the func- 
tions of research, education, and extension which 
it will perform, will increase the spread of scien- 
tific knowledge relating to agriculture. 

In the second place, an advantage to the United 
States from the operation of the Agricultural In- 
stitute will be the diversification of the economies 
of the other American republics. These two ad- 
vantages are related in the sense that a well- 
planned, scientific diversification may logically be 
expected not only to raise the standard of living 
in the other countries but also to strengthen there- 
by American agriculture. Wien the nations of 
Latin America have been foi-ced to rely almost ex- 
clusively on American knowledge, American re- 
search, and American education they have to a cer- 
tain extent been forced to import techniques ap- 
plied to agricultural products produced in the 
United States. The economies of the other re- 
publics have thus tended to become competitive 
with our own instead of complementary. Because 
of its location in the tropical zone, one of the aims 
of the Institute will be to consider problems relat- 
ing to tropical agricultural products. As a result 

of such activity the economies of the other Ameri- 
can states may become diversified and will supple- 
ment our own. 

In the third place, the United States will benefit 
from the research in agricultural diseases con- 
ducted by the Institute. Many of the diseases, 
such as Tryjjanosomiasis, which has two types, 
one affecting horses and the other cattle, would 
be a menace to the United States should their 
spread result in their importation into this coun- 
try. Checking such diseases as a result of added 
knowledge based upon scientific research would 
spare the United States the agi-icultural losses 
which the diseases have caused in many of the 
nations to the south. 

Finally, as a participant in the Institute the 
United States may be expected to derive another 
concrete advantage — an of)portunitj' through an 
inter-American convention to demonstrate its in- 
terest in the other nations of the hemisphere and 
to undertake with their cooperation and with their 
equal participation to solve problems common 
to all. 


Department or State 

Military Aviation Mission : Agreement between the 
United States of America and Venezuela — Signed at Wash- 
ington January 13, 1044;, effective J.inuary 13, 1944. 
Executive Agreement Series 398. Publication 2169. 
14 pp. 100. 

Upi>er Columbia River Basin : Agreement between the 
United States of America and Canada — Effected by ex- 
change of notes signed at Ottawa February 25 and March 
3, 1944. Executive Agreement Series 399. Publication 
2171. 5 pp. 50. 

Radio Broadcasting Stations : Agreement between the 
United States of America and Canada— Effected by ex- 
changes of notes signed at Ottawa November 5 and 25, 
1943 and January 17, 1944. Executive Agreement Series 
400. Publication 2172. 7 pp. 5^. 

Naval Aviation Mission : Agreement between the United 
States of America and Peru renewing and amending the 
agreement of July 31, 1940— Effected by exchanges of 
notes signed at Washington January 31, February 18, 
April 6, April 29, and May 2, 1944; effective July 31, 
1944. Executive Agreement Series 402. Publication 2173. 
6 pp. 5^. 



The Costa Rica-Panama Boundary Demarcation 


The following statement by the Secretary of 
State on a meeting between the Presidents of Costa 
Rica and Panama was released to the press on Sep- 
tember 18, 1944 : - 

"The Presidents of Costa Rica and Panama are 
meeting today at a point near the border of their 
two countries to celebrate an auspicious event — the 
final demarcation of their common boundary. As 
a tribute to the collaboration of the Chilean ad- 
viser to the Boundary Commissions, they have se- 
lected today, the Chilean national holiday, to cele- 
brate the conclusion of this task. 

"In arriving by mutual agreement at a definitive 
settlement of this old and difficult problem, the 
Governments of Costa Rica and Panama have not 
only shown great statesmanship but have also 
demonstrated the effectiveness of the inter- Amer- 
ican principle of the settlement of disputes by 
l)eaceful means and have provided another ex- 
ample of the practical value of hemisphere soli- 
darity and cooperation." 

Controversies involving this boundary question 
arose from time to time from about the first quar- 
ter of the nineteenth century and comprised, in the 
earlier period, the claims of governments of states 
to which, as concerns the boundary, the Republics 
of Costa Rica and Panama succeeded. Many at- 
tempts were made to settle the problem, which 
was greatly confused by lack of adequate knowl- 
edge of the geography of the region. 

By the terms of a convention of November 4, 
1896 the boundary dispute, then between Costa 
Rica and Colombia, was submitted to the aibitra- 
tion of the President of France. The award, given 
Ijy President Loubet on September 11, 1900, was 
accepted both by Costa Rica and by Colombia so 
far as the boundary from the central Cordilleras 

1 Mrs. Saucerman Is Special Assistant to the Chief, 
Division of Geography and Cartography, Oflice of Depart- 
mental Administration. Department of State. 

= Bulletin of Sept. 24, 1944, p. 315. 

' Hackworth, Digest of International Law, I, p. 729; 
VI, pp. 28 and 83. 

to the Pacific was concerned ; but Costa Rica pro- 
tested against the boundary as laid down by Presi- 
dent Loubet from the Cordilleras to the Atlantic. 

Subsequently the unsolved problem was referred 
to Chief Justice White of the United States, as 
arbitrator, under a convention of March 17, 1910 
between Costa Rica and Panama. The award of 
the Chief Justice, given on September 12, 1914, 
proved unacceptable to Panama.^ 

The entire boundary from the Atlantic to the 
Pacific, as now determined, was defined in the 
treaty concluded by the Republic of Costa Rica 
and the Republic of Panama at San Jose on May 1, 

The line was described in article I of that treaty, 
in free translation from the Spanish text, in the 
following terms : 

"Leaving the actual mouth of the Rio Sixaola, 
in the Caribbean Sea, it follows the thalweg of said 
river up-stream to its confluence with the Rio 
Yorkin ; thence it follows the thalweg of the Rio 
Yorkin up-stream to the parallel of latitude 9°30' 
N. of the Equator; thence by rhumb line S. 76°37' 
W. to the meridian of longitude 82°56'10" W. of 
Greenwich ; thence southward along this meridian 
to the Cordillera which separates the waters of the 
Atlantic from those of the Pacific; thence it fol- 
lows the above-mentioned Cordillera to Cerro 
Pando, connecting point of the said Cordillera 
with the spur {contra fuerte) which constitutes the 
parting of waters (eJ dirorcio de agues) between 
the affluents of the Golfo Dulce and the affluents 
of the Bahia Charco Azul; thence it follows this 
spur to end in Punta Burica on the Pacific." 

The boundary so described departs from the 
line of the White award in allocating to each 
country a small parcel of territory just south of 
latitude 9°30' N. The treaty provided for the 
naming of mixed boundary commissions by the 
Governments of the two Republics and for the 
designation by the President of the Republic of 
Chile of an adviser to the boundary commissions. 



Under date of May 31, 1941, President Roose- 
velt sent identic telegrams concerning the bound- 
ary treaty to the Presidents of Costa Rica and 
Panama : 

"The announcement of the boundary settlement 
between Panama and Costa Rica [between Costa 
Rica and Panama] has brought deep gratification 
to the people of the United States and to their 

"This agreement now ratified by the legislative 
bodies of the two neighboring republics is a fur- 
ther and eloquent manifestation to the world at 
large that the democracies of the New World are 
able and willing to settle the differences which may 
arise between them by pacific methods and in 
that spirit of justiice and mutual understanding 
which characterizes the independent nations of the 

"I offer Your Excellency the hearty congi-atu- 
lations of the Government and people of the 
United States and through you to the people of 
Panama [of Costa Rica] on this significant and 
auspicious event. 

"Please accept [etc.] Franklin D. Roosevelt" 

The demarcation having just been completed, 
signatures were affixed on September 15, 1944 to 
the "acta final" and the general map, in accordance 
with the stipulations of the agreement for the exe- 
cution of the boundary treaty ratified by the two 
countries in May 1941. The signing and exchange 
of formal notes ratifying the boundary conven- 
tion took place with appropriate ceremony on 
September 18 at a spot where the Inter-American 
Highway crosses the international boundary be- 
tween Costa Rica and Panama. 

Inquiries on American 
Citizens in Paris 

[Released to the press October 5] 

The Department of State has announced that the 
American Mission at Paris is now prepared to re- 
ceive inquiries regarding the whereabouts find 
welfare of American citizens who are believed to 
be in the Paris area. Such inquiries should be ad- 
dressed to the Department. In view of existing 

conditions some delay in the response to these in- 
quiries must be anticipated. 

For the time being inquiries regarding persons 
who are not American citizens or who are not re- 
siding in the Paris area cannot be accepted. 

Visit of Brazilian Official 
Of the Ministry of Education 

Dr. Augnsto Meyer, director of the National 
Book Institute of the Brazilian Ministry of Educa- 
tion, has arrived in Washington on the invitation 
of the Department of State. The purpose of Dr. 
Meyer's visit is to investigate technical library 
services in this country. The National Library of 
Brazil at Rio de Janeiro, which has valuable colo- 
nial collections, has requested that Dr. Mej^er give 
special attention to the conservation of documents 
and books. 

Much of Dr. Meyer's time will be devoted to ob- 
servation in The National Archives and the Li- 
brary of Congress. He will visit municipal 
libraries in New York, Boston, and Philadelphia, 
and libraries of various colleges and universities. 
He is accompanied by Mrs. Meyer, who is a writer 
of distinction. 

Visit of Paraguayan Judge 

The Honorable Alberto Nogues, judge of the 
Civil Court of Asuncion, Paraguay, is in this coun- 
try as a guest of the Department of State. While 
in the United States Judge Nogues will make 
observations of juvenile courts and the organiza- 
tion of lower courts in general, and he will study 
the municipal and police courts, the methods of 
cooperation between the police and the judiciary, 
and the penitentiary S3'stem. 

Judge Nogues will make a comparative study of 
the four-year undergraduate system of colleges in 
the United States as contrasted with the special- 
ized system of the National University of Para- 
guay at Asuncion. Included on his itinerary 
will be Amherst and Williams Colleges. 




Division of Administrative Services' 

Purpose. The purpose of this order is to abol- 
ish the Division of Administrative Management, 
to create a Division of Achninistrative Services in 
the OiRce of Departmental Administration, and 
to define tlie functions of the new Division. 

1 AhoUshinent of the Division of Achnimstra- 
tive Management. The Division of Administra- 
tive Management in the Office of Departmental 
Administration, as provided for in Departmental 
Order 1218 of January 15, 1944, is hereby abol- 

2 Creation of a Division of Administrative 
Services. There is hereby created in the Office of 
Departmental Administration a Division of Ad- 
ministrative Services which shall have full re- 
sponsibility in all matters relating to the follow- 
ing functions : 

(a) Through an Operation-management 
Branch : 

(1) Continuing study of the Division in or- 
der to provide adequate administrative 
services for the Department ; 

(2) Development of procedures and instal- 
lations of systems in the Division; 

(3) Investigation of irregularities and com- 
plaints concerning administrative services; 

(4) Preparation of administrative instruc- 
tions covering administrative services for the 
Department ; 

(5) In cooperation with the Department's 
management-planning staff, determination of 
space needs and development of plans for the 
maximum utilization thereof; 

(6) Procurement, through negotiations with 
the Public Buildings Administration, of space 
required to meet the Department's needs and 
allocation of space to the several offices and 
divisions ; 

(7) Building security and protection, includ- 
ing direction over receptionists, as well as 
control over the issuance of passes ; 

(8) In cooperation with other branches of 
the Division to cooperate with the Division 
of International Conferences in connection 
with the latter's responsibilities for the de- 

velopment of plans to provide adequate ad- 
ministrative services for international co^n^ 
ferences and related activities. 

(b) Through a Facilities Branch: 

(1) Administration and operation of the 
Diplomatic Pouch and mail services for the 
Department, and also for other government 
agencies sending mail-matter abroad ; 

(2) In cooperation with the Division of For- 
eign Service Administration, technical in- 
spection of the Department's postal facilities 
and operations abroad ; 

(3) Maintenance of a central intra-depart- 
mental pick-up and delivery service; 

(4) Maintenance of mechanical inspection 
and repair services for all types of machines 
in the Department; 

(5) Supplying special secretarial and confer- 
ence-reporting services for the Department; 

(6) Maintenance of all duplicating facilities, 
including microfilming, photographing, mim- 
eographing, etc. ; 

(7) Preparation for and control over all 
moving ; 

(8) Liaison with Public Buildings Adminis- 
tration for maintenance of buildings; 

(9) Repair of property and equipment; 

(10) Coordination of a translating service 
for all Federal agencies through the Central 
Translating Division of the Department, 
other Federal Departments, or contracts with 
Commercial Services ; 

(11) In cooperation with the Office of Public 
Information and the Division of Interna- 
tional Conferences, for the organization, pre- 
sentation, and control of the Department's ex- 
hibits at national and international exposi- 
tions ; 

(12) Maintenance, supervision, and conti-ol 
over motor vehicles and operations; 

(13) Sujaervision of messenger service; 

(14) Maintenance of telephone equipment and 
services, including the preparation and 

' Departmental Order 1289, dated Sept. 29, 1944, effective 
Sept. 1, 1944. 

OCTOBER 8, 1944 


periodic issuance of telephone directories. 

(c) Through a Procurement Branch : 

(1) Procurement, purchase, and supply activi- 
ties of the Department; 

(2) Making of contracts for special services 
and equipment; 

(3) Control over contingent-expense appro- 
priations ; 

(4) Preparation of budget estimates for con- 
tingent-expense appropriations of the Depart- 
ment, including travel; 

(5) Issuance and control of supplies and 
equipment ; 

(6) Maintenance of inventory records of sup- 
plies and equipment ; 

(7) Warehousing, supply and shipping func- 
tions for the Department, including sliipment 
of supplies and materials from Washington; 

(8) Administration of travel appropriations 
for Departmental personnel. 

3. Organisation of the Division. The Chief of 
the Division of Administrative Services shull be 
assisted in the performance of his duties by three 
Assistant Chiefs of Division, in charge, respec- 
tively, of the Operation-management Branch, the 
Facilities Branch, and the Procurement Branch. 

4 Signing and certifying authority, (a) The 
Chief of the Division of Administrative Services 
is hereby authorized to : 

(1) Sign and issue certificates of authentication 
under the Seal of the Department of State, in 
conformity with the Department's regulations 
(22 CFR, pt. 8 as amended on this date) ; 

(2) Prepare the nominations of officers ap- 
pointed and promoted by the President through 
the Department of State; 

(3) Issue commissions, certificates of designa- 
tion, and exequaturs ; 

(4) Have custody of current records regard- 
ing Presidential appointments, commissions, et 
cetera ; 

(5) Have custody of and control over the Great 
Seal of the United States ; 

(6) Certify, with or without seal, copies of the 
official texts of United States treaties ; 

(7) Sign contracts, upon appropriate written 

' Departmental Order 1290, dated Sept. 29, 1M4 ; effective 
Sept. 1, 1944. 
' Bulletin of May 13, 1944, p. 436. 

authorizaiion, for expenditures under appro- 
priations for contingent expenses of the Depart- 
ment, under appropriations for passport agen- 
cies, international commissions, conferences, 
congresses, conventions, meetings, and exposi- 
tions, and under miscellaneous appropriations; 

(8) Certify vouchers covering expenditures un- 
der the appropriation for contingent expenses of 
the Department and covering such other miscel- 
laneous obligations as he may, under appropri- 
ate written authorization be directed to incur; 

(9) In special cases, waive the requrement of 
advance payment for unofficial photostat work 
provided for in the Department's regulations 
(22 CFR, pt. 12). 

(b) The Chief of the Procurement Branch is 
hereby authorized to sign, under appropriate di- 
rection of the Assistant Secretary in charge of ad- 
ministration, purchase orders and contracts cover- 
ing expenditui'es coming under the appropriation 
for contingent expenses of the Department. 

5 General delegation of authority. Full au- 
thority is hereby delegated to the Chief of the Di- 
vision of Administrative Services to enable him to 
effectively discharge all the responsibilities as- 
signed herein. 

6 Routing synihol. The routing symbol of the 
Division of Administrative Services shall be AM. 

7 Amendmeiit or abrogation of previous orders. 
Departmental Orders 1218 and 1219 are hereby 
amended, and Departmental Order 1218-A is here- 
by abrogated, in accordance with the provisions of 
this order. 

CoRDELi, Hull 
September ^9, 19U- 

Departmental Issuances' 

Administrative Instbuctions 

Purpose. The purpose of this order is to rede- 
fine the coverage of the General Administration 
series of Administrative Instructions and to re- 
delegate the signing authority for the General Ad- 
ministration series and Operating Facilities series. 

A7nendme7it of Departinental Order 1269.^ (a) 
Paragraphs 5 and 10 of Departmental Order 1269 
are hereby amended to read as follows : 

5. Administrative Instructions — General Ad- 
ministration, (a) This numbered series wiU com- 
prise detailed instructions on subjects not prima- 



rily or exclusively related to those specifically dealt 
with ill tlie otlier categories of Administrative In- 

(b) Tliis series of Administrative Instructions 
will be signed by the Director of tlie Office of De- 
partmental Administration. 

10 Administrative Instructions — Operating 
Facilities, (a) This new numbered series will 
comprise detailed instructions on supplies, equip- 
ment, space, messenger service, duplicating serv- 
ice, and other operating facilities of the Depart- 

(b) This series of Administrative Instructions 
will be signed by the Chief of the Division of Ad- 
ministrative Services and approved by the Direc- 
tor of the Office of Departmental Administration. 

(b) All references to the Division of Adminis- 
trative Management appearing in any Depart- 
mental Order or Administrative Instruction is- 
sued firior to this order, are hereby amended to 
read "Division of Administrative Services". 


September 29, 19U- 

Appointment of Officers 

Maxwell M. Hamilton as Special Assistant to 
the Secretary, effective September 28, 1944. 

Millard L. Kenestrick as Chief of the Division 
of Administrative Services, effective September 1, 

^ BtTLLETiN of Apr. 1, 1944, p. 305. 
^ Executive Agreement Series 238. 
^ Executive Agreement Series 252. 
* Executive Agreement Series 78. 


Expiration of Certain Agreements Be- 
tween the United States and Haiti 
Upon Termination of Haitian-Domin- 
ican Commercial Treaty 

The American Embassy at Port-au-Prince 
transmitted to the Department, with a despatch 
of September 19, 1944, exchanges of notes of Feb- 
ruary 15 and 19 and September 9 and 16, 1944 be- 
tween the American Ambassador and the Haitian 
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs relating to 
the automatic termination of the provisions of 
certain agreements between the United States and 
Haiti upon the termination of the Haitian-Domin- 
ican commercial treaty of August 2C, 1941.^ 

In an exchange of notes of February 16 and 19, 
1942 with Haiti,- amended by an exchange of notes 
of April 25, 1942,^ the United States agi-eed not 
to invoke the pertinent provisions of the trade 
agreement of March 28, 1935 * between the United 
States and Haiti for the purpose of claiming the 
benefit of the tariff preferences granted by Haiti 
to the Dominican Republic which were specifically 
provided for in the commercial treaty of Augiist 
26, 1941. 

By the notes of February 15 and 19 and Septem- 
ber 9 and 16, 1944 the Governments of the United 
States and Haiti confirm their tniderstanding that 
the exchange of notes of February 16 and 19, 1942 
and numbered paragraph 3 of the exchange of 
notes of April 25, 1942 automatically terminated 
at the expiration of the Haitian-Dominican com- 
mercial treaty on March 24, 1944. 



1 jnri 





VOL. XI, NO. 277 

OCTOBER 15, 1941 

In this issue 


Article by Dallas Dort 

Article by Howard McGaw Smyth 

^Vl^NT o^ 

* * 

"*Tes o^ 



Vol. XI. No. 277, "^^^m . Pdblicatiob 2198 

October 15, 1944 

The Department of State BULLE- 
TIN, a meekly publication compiled and 
edited in the Division of Research and 
Publication, Office of Public Informa- 
tion, provides the public and inter- 
ested agencies of the Government with 
information on developments in the 
field of foreign relations and on the 
tcork of the Department of State and 
the Foreign Service. The BULLETIN 
includes press releases on foreign policy- 
issued by the White House and the De- 
partment, and statements and addresses 
made by the President and by the Sec- 
retary of State and other officers of the 
Department, as tvell as special articles 
on various phases of international af- 
fairs and the functions of the Depart- 
ment. Information concerning treaties 
and international agreements to which 
the United States is or may become a 
party and treaties of general inter- 
national interest is included. 

Publications of the Department, 
cumulative lists of which are published 
at the end of each quarter, as well as 
legislative material in the field of inter- 
national relations, are listed currently. 

The BULLETIN, published with the 
approval of the Director of the Bureau 
of the Budget, is for sale by the Super- 
intendent of Documents, United States 
Government Printing Office, Washing- 
ton 25, D. C, to whom all purchase 
orders, with accompanying remittance, 
should be sent. The subscription price 
is $2.75 a year; a single copy is 10 


Ambhican Republics Page 

Visit of Director of Peruvian Hospital 441 


Should We Help Italy?: Article by Dallas Dort .... 401 
Evolution of Local Government in Italy; Article by Howard 

McGaw Smyth 404 

The Polish Situation 428 

German Atrocities in Poland 428 

Far East 

National Anniversary of China: 

Statement by the President 400 

Message from the President to Generalissimo Chiang 

Kai-shek 400 

Message from Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek to the 

President 400 

Message from the Secretary of State to the Chinese Min- 
ister for Foreign Affairs 400 

Summary of Steps Taken by the Department of State in 

Behalf of American Nationals in Japanese Custody . . 439 

Economic Affairs 

Financial Arrangements for Italy: Statement by the Presi- 
dent 403 

Public and Private Foreign Trade: Address by Bernard F. 

Haley 429 

Concerning Cartels: Address by Charles Bunn 433 

Post- War Trade Policy: Address by William A. Fowler . . 436 


Columbus Day: 

Address by the President 397 

Message from the Prime Minister of Italy to the Presi- 
dent 398 

Remarks by the Under Secretary of State 399 

The Four Freedoms Award to the President: Remarks Upon 

Acceptance 432 

Treaty Information 

Trade Marks 442 

Inter-American Coffee Agreement 442 

Canadian- New Zealand Mutual-Aid Agreement 443 

The Department 

The Inter-Agency Economic Digest 441 

The Foreign Service 

Legation at Luxembourg 428 

Publications 443 

Columbus Day 


[Released to the press by the White House October 12] 

Today — the birthday of the New World — the 
peoples of the American republics join in paying 
tribute to the courage and vision of Cliristopher 
Columbus, whose name we honor and whose ad- 
venturous spirit we perpetuate. 

The survival of that spirit is more important 
than ever, at this time when we are fighting a 
■world war and when we are building the solid, 
durable foundations for future world peace. 

The little fleet with which Columbus first 
crossed the ocean took 10 weeks for the voyage. 
The crews of the three ships totalled approx- 
imately 90 men. 

Today — every day — many times that number of 
men and many tons of cargo are carried across 
the ocean by air in a few hours. And by sea 
transport, an entire division of some 15 thousand 
men can be sent across the Atlantic in one ship 
in one week. 

When we remember the rapid development of 
aviation since the last war we can look ahead to 
the coming years, and know that all the airways 
across all the seas will be constant lines of com- 
munication and commerce. 

Thus the margin between the Old World and 
the New — as we have been used to calling the hemi- 
spheres — becomes constantly narrow-er. This 
means that if we do not now take effective meas- 
ures to prevent another world war and if there 
were to be a third world war, the lands of the 
Western Hemisphere would be as vulnerable to 
attack from Europe and Asia as were the Island 
of Crete and the Philippine Islands five years ago. 

It is a significant fact that today in Italy — the 
homeland of Columbus — forces from many parts 
of this hemisphere and from many distant parts 

of the civilized world are fighting for freedom 
against the German threat of medieval tyranny. 

Serving in the Allied armies in Italy are men 
from the 48 United States, from the United King- 
dom of Great Britain, and the Republic of France. 
There are also strong, well-trained, well-equipped 
forces from Brazil; there are units from Puerto 
Rico; there are Greeks and there are Poles who 
have distinguished themselves in bitter fighting 
at Cassino and Ancona and Rimini ; there are gal- 
lant men from Canada, Ireland, New Zealand, 
South Africa, and India ; there are combat teams 
composed of Americans of Japanese ancestry 
who came from Hawaii — all providing an effec- 
tive answer to the false Nazi clauns of "Nordic 

And there are also Italians bravely fighting for 
the liberation of their country. They are fighting 
in the Allied armies, and they are fighting in the 
underground forces behind the German lines. 

If the spirit of Columbus hovers over his native 
land today, we can be sure that he rejoices in the 
varied nature of the Allied forces. For he was one 
of the truly great internationalists of all time. 

During the past century, many millions of Ital- 
ians have come to the Western Hemisphere seeking 
freedom and opportunity. In Italy there is hardly 
a town or village that does not contain families 
who have blood ties with the New World. This is 
one of the many reasons why the forces of libera- 
tion have been welcomed so cordially by the Italian 
people after 22 years of Fascism. 

' Di'livered at the White House before the chiefs of the 
diplomatic missions from the other American republics 
on the occasion of Columbus Day. The speech was broad- 
cast by the three major networks and was also carried by 
short wave to South America. 




The Fascists and the Nazis sought to deceive and 
to divide the American republics. They tried not 
only through propaganda from across the seas, 
but also through agents, spies, and fifth columnists 
operating all over the Western Hemisphere. But 
they failed. The American republics were not 
deceived by their protestations of peace and 
friendship; they were not intimidated by their 

The people of the United States will never for- 
get how the other American republics, acting in 
accord with their pledges of solidarity, rallied to 
our common defense when the continent was vio- 
lated by Axis treachery in an attack on this 
country. At that time Axis armies were still un- 
checked, and even the stark threat of an invasion 
from Dakar hung over our heads. 

We have maintained the solidarity of the gov- 
ernments of all the American republics — except 
one. And the people of all of the republics will 
have the opportunity to share in the achievement 
of the common victory. 

The bonds that unite the American republics 
into a community of good neighbors must remain 
strong. We have not labored long and faithfully 
to build in this New World a system of interna- 
tional security and cooperation merely to let it be 
dissipated in any period of post-war indifference. 
Within the framework of the world organization 
of the United Nations, which the governments and 
people of the American republics are helping to 
establish, the inter-American system can and must 
play a strong and vital role. 

Secretary Hull has told me of the conversations 
he has had with representatives of our sister 
republics concerning the formation of a world se- 
curity organization. We have received important 
and valuable expressions of views from several of 
these governments. I know that Secretary Hull, 
and Under Secretary Stettinius, who led the 
United States Delegation at Dumbarton Oaks, are 
looking forward to further exchanges of views 
with our good neighbors before the meeting of 
the general conference to establish the world or- 
ganization. We must press forward to bring into 
existence this world organization to maintain peace 
and security. There is no time to lose. 

It is our objective to establish the solid founda- 
tions of the' peace organization without further 
delay, and without waiting for the end of hostili- 

ties. There must, of course, be time for discussion 
by all the peace-loving nations — large and small. 
Substantial progress has already been made, and 
it must be continued as rapidly as possible. 

Like the Constitution of the United States it- 
self, the Charter of the United Nations must not 
be static and inflexible, but must be adaptable to 
the changing conditions of progress — social, eco- 
nomic, and political — all over the world. 

In approaching the great problems of the fu- 
ture — the future which we shall share in common 
with all the fre« peoijles of this earth — we shall do 
well to remember that we are the inheritors of the 
tradition of Christopher Columbus, the navigator 
who ventured across uncharted seas. 

When Columbus was about to set forth in the 
summer of 1492 he wrote : "Above all it is very 
important that I forget sleep, and labor much at 
navigation, because it is necessary". 

We shall require the same determination, the 
same devotion, as we steer our course through the 
great age of exploration and discovery which lies 
before us. 




[Released to the press by the White House October 12] 

On the occasion of the recurrence of Columbus 
Day, I am grateful for the opportunity, Mr. Pres- 
ident, to send to you the vivid and warm good 
wishes of the new Italy. The name of Columbus 
is the concrete symbol of the centuries old ties 
uniting Italy to the United States, and is today 
cemented and reinforced by the blood shed to- 
gether against a common enemy. These ties find 
shining confirmation in the great and spontaneous 
support shown to us in our present tragic struggle 
by the noble North American nation. The Italian 
people are grateful to you, Mr. President, for the 
cordial words directed to us at this time, and for 
the announcement of the steps which have been 
and are to be taken. We know that we can count 
at this time on the rebirth of the friendship for 
us of the great and free people of the United 


OCTOBER 15, 1944 



[Released to the press October 12] 

Secretary Hull has asked me to express to you 
his great regret that he cannot be with you this 
afternoon, for this day has always been an occasion 
of special and solemn significance to the peoples of 
the American republics. We are particularly 
happy to welcome you here, and I extend to you 
the Secretary's most cordial greetings. 

The members of the American group who par- 
ticipated in the Dumbarton Oaks conversations 
kept constantly in mind, as I am confident you 
knew we would, our inter-American relations and 
the contribution which all the American nations 
cooperating together can make toward a peaceful 
and stable world order. We referred frequently to 
the various principles and arrangements developed 
through inter-American conferences, particularly 
in recent years. We tried also to examine each 
proposal in the light of the common interests of 
our hemisphere in peace, security, and friendly 

You will have seen a special reference in the 
Dumbarton Oaks proposals to regional arrange- 
ments. It is hoped that the Council will encourage 
the settlement of local disputes through regional 
arrangements or agencies consistent with the pur- 
poses of the world organization. We believe that 
the effect of this will be to enhance the position and 
responsibilities of the inter- American system. 

A great opportunity lies open to the American 
republics in strengthening our inter-American 
system of cooperation and in making our contribu- 
tion to cooperation among all peace-loving nations 
in order that the problems of the future may be met 
with the greatest possible effectiveness. 

Our capacity to perform great tasks together 
has been clearly demonstrated in the war. The 
greatest source of strength which the American re- 
publics have found has been the solidarity with 
which they met the threat to their common safety. 
That solidarity, and the strength which flowed 
from it, has proved to be a mighty weapon for the 
forces of liberation. 

' Delivered at a reception given to the chiefs of the diplo- 
matic missions from the other American republics at the 
Blair House on Columbus Day, Oct. 12, 1944. 

The future will, I am sure, judge as of supreme 
importance the fact that through the strain and 
difficulties of this world war 20 American republics 
have stood firmly by their declarations of soli- 
darity. Through their loyalty to their pledged 
word as sovereign equals, they have given to each 
the strength of all in the defense of their security 
and independence. 

Neither the American republics, nor for that 
matter any other nations of the world, can at this 
time afford to retreat from the position that 
nations, while preserving their own sovereignty, 
must at the same time respect and fulfil their obli- 
gations to others. Had not 20 American republics 
recognized the importance of that position and 
acted accordingly, the war might have taken a far 
more difficult course than it has. And only if the 
nations of this world do in the future abide by 
their pledges of mutual support, recognizing that 
the security of each is linked to that of others, shall 
we be able to present a united defense against any 
new aggressor who may try to repeat the mad per- 
formance of the Axis triumvirate. 

The principles which underlie the inter- Ameri- 
can system, growing as they do out of long and 
fruitful experience, cannot but have an important 
bearing upon the operations of the proposed inter- 
national organization. The recommendations for- 
mulated at Dumbarton Oaks are of course only 
proposals. They should be carefully studied, 
worked over, improved, and supplemented as nec- 
essary to meet the needs of all nations which will 
participate in drafting the charter at a United 
Nations conference to be held as soon as may be 
practicable. I hope that we shall have oppor- 
tunity to discuss matters of mutual interest in 
connection with the establisluuent of the proposed 
world organization. 

As you are aware, our ambassadors in your 
countries have already informed your foreign 
ministers that we desire to keep in the closest touch 
with their chiefs of mission in Washington in order 
to facilitate the fullest possible exchange of views. 
It is most appropriate, I believe, to discuss these 
vital subjects, together, in conformity with the 
spirit of free and frank consultation which has 


cliaracterized the relations of our countries. The 
Secretary and I, as well as Mr. Pasvolsky, Mr. 
Armour, and the chiefs of appropriate divisions, 
will all welcome the opportunity of discussing 
these matters with you. 

I know that each of us here feels a deep respon- 
sibility in this matter, and that we will all carry 
it out in the same spirit of mutual understanding 
and good-will which has long marked our collabo- 
ration and solidarity. 

National Anniversary of China 


[Released to the press by the White House October 10) 

Today is the thirty-third anniversary of the 
outbreak of the Chinese Revolution. It is essen- 
tially a Chinese anniversary. But it is also an 
anniversary of importance to the whole world — 
because it marks the day on which one fifth of the 
world's population threw off a reactionary and op- 
pressive alien yoke and started anew on the path 
of democracy. 

The Chinese people are now in their eighth year 
of resistance to Japanese aggression. The Amer- 
ican people salute them and pay tribute to their 
courage and fortitude. 

We join them in the confident hope that the day 
is near at hand when the Japanese will be driven 
from the homeland of China, so that the people 
of China may join with us and the other United 
Nations in building a durable peace in a world 
free from aggression. 


[Released to the press October 10] 

On behalf of the American people I extend 
to you and to the people of China congratulations 
and good wishes upon this thirty-third anniver- 
sary of China's national revolution for freedom. 

Aware of the difficult military situation con- 
fronting the valiant Chinese armies, we have 
especial happiness in sharing with them the 
inspiring knowledge that complete victory is now 
vouchsafed and that China's sacrifices to finis- 
trate the aggressor's last desperate endeavors will 
play an important part in facilitating and hast- 
ening the final Allied drive that is fast gather- 
ing with overpowering might. 


It is a pleasure to reaffirm the pride we take 
in our deep and enduring friendship with the 
great Chinese nation and the satisfaction with 
which we welcome the even closer association 
pledged for the common task of creating a just 
and stable peace among nations. 


[Released to the press by the White House October 12) 

In the name of the Chinese people I wish to 
thank you and the American people most sin- 
cerely for the message of congratulation you sent 
me on the occasion of our National Day. In our 
present war of resistance, which has already 
lasted more than seven years, the unbounded 
sympathy of the American people has always 
been an unfailing source of encouragement to us. 
As the time for the Allied powers to deal a death 
blow to the aggressors is fast approaching, China, 
as one of the Allies, will do her utmost to drive 
the enemy from her shores and help bring about 
his final collapse. The people of China are 
deeply indebted to the American Nation for her 
friendship in lending hearty support to China's 
cause. We have the deepest admiration for the 
prodigious efforts you have made to lay a solid 
foundation for a better world order and will 
never cease to strive for the realization of the 
democratic ideals we have long cherished so as to 
usher in a new era of peace, freedom and justice 
for all mankind. 


[Released to the press October 10] 

On this national anniversary of the Republic of 
China, it gives me great pleasure to convey to you 
my warm personal greetings and my cordial felici- 
tations and good wishes for your country's welfare 
and happiness. 

China's epic struggle against aggression consti- 
tutes a magnificent contribution to the cause of 
freedom. The indomitable spirit which has moti- 
vated that struggle, together with the Chinese peo- 
ple's vast capabilities, inherent democracy and rich 
cultural heritage, gives me every confidence that 
China's contributions to the post-war peace and 
progress of mankind will be equally impressive. 

OCTOBER 15, 1944 


Should We Help Italy? 


THE serious plight in which the Italian people 
now find themselves has been the cause of a 
great deal of public discussion and comment during 
the past several months. Correspondents have 
written long despatches from Rome underlining 
the lack of food and other necessities and discussing 
the serious inflation with its attendant black-mar- 
ket activities. They have in some cases severely 
criticized the measures which the Allied authorities 
have or have not undertaken to alleviate those con- 
ditions. General William O'Dwyer, Vice Presi- 
dent of the Allied Commission, in charge of its eco- 
nomic section, has recently returned with a report 
to the President which points out the serious prob- 
lems involved. It seems likely that the economic 
condition of Italy will continue to evoke a great 
deal of attention on the part of the American pub- 
lic, as it has up to this time. 

There are a number of reasons for this interest. 
In the first place there is a large population of Ital- 
ian origin in the United States, which is naturally 
interested in the conditions existing in Italy. In 
the second place Italy is the first European country 
to have been occupied by the Allies. In the third 
place the economic condition of Italy, particularly 
that part of it which we have occupied up to this 
time, is probably more critical, both now and po- 
tentially, than that of most other European coun- 
tries, with the possible exceptions of Greece and 
Poland. Italy is short both of supplies necessary 
to maintain the barest minimum standard of living 
and of financial resources to obtain them. 

There are 46 million Italians living in an area 
smaller than the State of California. Italy has 
never been able to produce enough food to feed 
such a population. Prior to the war she normally 
imported upwards of 800 thousand tons of grain 
a year. The peninsula is lacking, moreover, in 
most of the raw matei-ials needed by a modem in- 
dustrial economy. 

' Mr. Dort is Adviser In the War Areas Economic Divi- 
sion, Office of Wartime Economic Affairs, Department of 

Italy furthermore has been the scene of continu- 
ous fighting for over 15 months. The Germans 
have been forced back almost foot by foot from the 
southern tip of Sicily to the edge of the Po Valley. 
As the Germans have retired they have had time — 
and they have generally utilized it well — to de- 
stroy whatever essential power plants and other 
utilities, factories, and railroads have escaped the 
Allied bombings. They have taken with them 
trucks, railway cars, and movable machinery and 
equipment. Out of a total power-plant capacity 
of 667,000 kilowatts in the southern and central 
areas only 60,000 kilowatts remain. The extent 
of the German efforts to remove machinery to Ger- 
many is well illustrated by the fact that over 500 
railway cars loaded with machinery and equip- 
ment from the Terni electrical and chemical plants 
were overtaken by the Allies, because in that area 
the Germans retired too quickly to get them under 
way. An additional factor is that the part of 
Italy which we have occupied to date has always 
been economically dependent to a great extent on 
the Po Valley, which not only produces surpluses 
of grain and other agi-icultural products but also is 
the industrial heart of the country. 

AVe in the United States are now faced with 
the problem of determining to what extent we 
are interested in those conditions and to what 
extent, if any, we want to provide assistance in 
improving them. The purpose of the Allied 
military authorities in Italy has been simply to 
maintain order behind the lines. In addition to 
exercising or controlling governmental functions 
this involved providing the bare minimum of 
food, fuel, and medical supplies needed to pre- 
vent disease or disorder, which would interfere 
with military operations. The principal items 
imported originally were wheat, coal, and medi- 
cines. As time went on it became evident that 
even under this limited military objective the 
importation of some rehabilitation supplies was 
warranted to increase the production and make a 
more effective distribution in Italy of basic I'elief 


supplies and thereby reduce the amount of such 
supplies which would have to be imported. In 
this category were included such items as phos- 
phate rock for the manufacture of fertilizer, coal- 
and sulphur-mining machinery, and caustic soda 
for the production of soap. The basic concept of 
the military authorities always has been, however, 
that their job was to fight a war and that they 
had no responsibility for providing economic as- 
sistance beyond that necessary to safeguard their 
operations. Whether they have fully succeeded 
in their objective has been the subject of some 
controversy. The difficulties of supplying even 
minimum necessities have been very great. For 
many months the major part of supplies both 
military and civilian had to be funneled through 
the port of Naples, and ship berths were at a 
premium. With railroads and motor transport 
largely out of commission, internal transportation 
facilities were strained to the utmost to maintain 
the ever-lengthening lines of supply to the fight- 
ing front — and military operational supplies gen- 
erally received priority. Military authorities say 
however that their purpose has been attained, 
since disease and disorder which would have in- 
terfered with military operations have not in fact 

In a recent joint statement to the press following 
their Quebec conference President Roosevelt and 
Prime Minister Churchill set forth an objective 
of our two Governments toward Italy somewhat 
broader than that heretofore followed by the 
military authorities. They said: 

"At the same time, first steps should be taken 
toward the reconstruction of an Italian economy — 
an economy laid low under the years of the misrule 
of Mussolini, and ravished by the German policy 
of vengeful destruction. 

"These steps should be taken primarily as mili- 
tary aims to put the full resources of Italy and the 
Italian people into the struggle to defeat Germany 
and Jajjan. For military reasons we should assist 
the Italians in the restoration of such power sys- 
tems, their railways, motor transport, i-oads and 
other connnunications as enter into the war situa- 
tion, and for a short time send engineers, tech- 
nicians and industrial experts into Italy to help 
them in their own rehabilitation." ' 

' Bulletin of Oct. 1, 1944, p. 338. 


If the full resources of Italy are to be put into 
the struggle to defeat Germany and Japan, its 
economy obviously must be revived to a point be- 
yond that necessary merely to prevent widespread 
disease and disorder. Beyond the concept of pro- 
viding assistance in order that Italy can contribute 
to the prosecution of the war, there is a question as 
to whether or not it is worthwhile from our own 
interest to provide them further assistance toward 
a more basic rehabilitation of their economy. 

The task of planning and executing a long-term 
program of rehabilitation must be a responsibility 
of the Italians themselves. As mentioned, Italy 
has always lacked essential foods and raw mate- 
rials, and as a result of the war she has lost a 
great deal of her industrial machinery and trans- 
portation equipment. She also lacks the means 
to buy them because her foreign assets are neg- 
ligible. The Italians will have to face the fact 
that their whole economy — which under the Fa- 
scist regime was based on efforts to make the state 
economically independent of other nations — will 
have to be altered. Italy will have to readjust her 
agricultural and industrial patterns to concen- 
trate on specialty products and manufactured 
goods where she can most effectively use two of 
her greatest assets, climate and manpower. She 
should be able to sell such products abroad in ex- 
change for the foods and raw materials which she 

In view of their lack of foreign exchange, how- 
ever, and the present control by the Allies of 
supply and shipping facilities, the Italians actually 
can accomplish very little without cooperation and 
assistance on our part. Assistance which we 
would need to furnish would involve primarily the 
provision of necessary credits to permit Italy to 
buy machinery, raw materials, and other items 
needed to revive her economy. It would also in- 
volve in the initial stages making available ship- 
ping and some supplies which might be in short 
supply as well as lightening as far as possible the 
burden of our military occupation of Italy. 

Although the American people will undoubted- 
ly contribute through private channels a great 
deal of money and supplies in order to relieve 
distress in Italy, it is not to be expected that the 
American taspaj-er or investor would desire to 
participate in financing the cost of substantial 
economic assistance to Italy purely on humani- 
(Continued on next page) 

OCTOBER 15, 1944 

Financial Arrangements 
For Italy 


[Released to the press by the White House October 10] 

I have today approved the recommendation of 
the Secretaries of State, Treasury, and War, and 
of the Foreign Economic Administrator, that tlie 
United States Government currently malie avail- 
able to the Italian Government the dollars equiv- 
alent to the Italian lire issued up to now and here- 
after as pay to United States troops in Italy. 

The dollar proceeds of remittances made by in- 
dividuals in this country to friends and relatives 
in Italy are also being made available to the Ital- 
ian Government as are the dollar proceeds of any 
products exported by Italy to this country. 

It has been our intention to make available to 
the friendly western European countries dollars 
equivalent to the local currency issued as pay to 
American troops in their territory. This policy 
differs from that to be applied in the case of Italy 
since in the latter case it is subject to special re- 
strictions reserved to the United States in connec- 
tion with the final peace settlement. 

The dollars made available to Italy will be used 
by the Italian Government to pay for essential 
civilian supplies {purchased in this counti-y for use 
in liberated Italy. The United States Army has 
supplied substantial amounts of certain essential 
civilian goods such as food, clothing, and medical 
supplies as a necessary part of military operations 
in Italy. The funds which I am now making 
available will enable the Italian Government 
under control of a])propriate Allied authorities to 
obtain in this country other essential civilian sup- 
plies and to continue to obtain essential supplies 
after the United States Army program ceases. 

This step has been taken after consultation with 
the British Government, which has also been pro- 
viding essential civilian supplies to the Italians 
and will continue to provide its share of an agreed 
program of such' supplies, but under different 
financial arrangements. 

The Fascist dictatorship which led Italy into 
war against the United States and the other 
United Nations has been overthrown. Today, the 
Italian people are cooperating with the United 
Nations forces in driving the Germans from Italy. 

613688—44 2 


Our soldiers, sailors, and airmen are welcomed 
and assisted by the civilian population in Italy 
wherever they go. Italian troops are joined with 
our forces at the front. And behind the German 
lines, Italian partisans are heroically giving their 
lives in the struggle. 

It is to our interests that Italy be able to con- 
tribute as fully as possible to the winning of final 
victory. While the reestablishment of Italy as a 
free, independent, and self-supporting nation 
must be primarily the responsibility of the Italian 
people themselves, it is also to our interest that 
the Italian people be given the opportunity to 
obtain and pay for the necessities they need from 
us if they are to be able to help themselves. 

DORT — Continued from page 402 

tarian grounds. Many Americans will remember 
that the soldiers of Fascist Italy only a few 
months ago were shooting at our own troops and 
that Fascist Italy's record over the past two 
decades is certainly not one which would inspii-e 
much sympathy or confidence. 

On the other hand, if, by our providing help 
at this critical period, Italy can achieve economic 
and political conditions favorable to the develop- 
ment of democratic institutions and policies, and 
to a cooperative attitude in her dealing with 
other nations in solving the many problems grow- 
ing out of the war, our investment in effort and 
money may be well worthwhile. The effective 
activity of Italian partisans behind the German 
lines and the cooperative attitude of the present 
Italian Government and great numbers of the 
Italian people are evidence that a large portion 
of the population is ready and anxious to accept 
democratic ideas and desires a more free and 
cooperative relationship between Italy and the 
rest of the world. Such sentiments will of course 
be greatly retarded or eliminated if Italy remains 
in a condition of economic chaos. 

From the standpoint of sound investment pos- 
sibilities and profitable commercial relations in 
the future, as well as of world peace and security, 
we have a definite stake in a democratic and 
cooperative Italy. We must decide whether this 
stake is worth the immediate cost. A clear- 
headed determination of what course is in the 
best interest of the United States should be the 
guiding factor in making our decision. 



Evolution of Local Government in Italy 


10CAL government in Italy is a great para- 
J dox. In no European national state are the 
local differences in language, cultural traditions, 
and economic conditions so great as they are in 
Italy. At the same time the system of government 
is unquestionably the most highly centralized and 
bureaucratized of any European state, designed 
to give the national government control over even 
the most minute aspects of local affairs. Local 
government in Italy has been a matter of great 
discontent since the very beginnings of the present 
national state and is destined to be a matter of 
primary importance in the impending political 
reconstruction of Italy. 

This article offers an account of the origins of 
the system of local government in modern Italy 
and its development in the pre-Fascist and Fascist 

I. Historic Particularism in Italy 

The political unification of Italy was completed 
only in 1870, within the memory of living men. 
For more than a thousand years earlier the Italian 
peninsula had been divided into a number of dif- 
ferent states. The early development of urban 
life in the late Middle Ages fostered among the 
Italians an extraordinary municipal spirit, which 
was reflected in a vigorous development of com- 
munal self-government in the city-republics, par- 
ticularly in central and northern Italy. During 
the period of the Renaissance considerable politi- 
cal consolidation developed around certain natural 
centers. Despite frequent foreign invasions and 
dynastic changes the political map of Italy did 
not alter greatly between the sixteenth century 
and the Napoleonic conquest. The historic parts 
of Italy were : 

1. Sardinia, a feudal kingdom which in 1720 
was acquired by the House of Savoy, thereby 
conferring to it the royal title 

1 Mr, Smyth is a Country Specialist, Central European 
Section, Division of Territorial Studies, Offlce of Special 
Political Affairs, Department of State. 

2. Piedmont, which, with French-speaking 
Savoy, formed the continental possessions 
of the Savoy dynasty 

3. The city-state Republic of Genoa 

4. The Duchy of IMilan or Lombardy 

5. The Republic of Venice 

6. The Duchy of Parma and Piacenza 

7. The Duchy of Modena 

8. The Grand Duchy of Tuscany 

9. The Duchy of Lucca 

10. The States of the Church 

11. The Kingdom of Naples, whose dynasty 
also ruled 

12. The Kingdom of Sicily 

A great diversity of customs and traditions existed 
among the peoples of those different states and 
even among those under the same rule. The 
Sicilians regarded continental Naples with a feel- 
ing not unlike that of the Irish for England; 
Piedmont was the traditional enemy of the Geno- 
ese Republic. The mainland cities under the Vene- 
tian Republic were jealous of their lost independ- 
ence; Bnlogna and Ferrara resented the rule of 
papal Rome; Siena despised Florence although 
both were embraced within the Grand Duchy of 

After the Napoleonic conquest the whole of con- 
tinental Italy was reduced to three states: (1) the 
parts of the French Empire which were assimilated 
to France and ruled by prefects appointed from 
Paris; (2) the Kingdom of Italy with its capital at 
Milan, where Eugene Beauharnais acted as Napo- 
leon's viceroy; and (3) the Kingdom of Naples 
under Joachim Murat, brother-in-law of Napoleon. 
The autonomy of the Italian communes, which has 
endured for centuries, came to a sorry end under 
the Napoleonic military empire. 

The Treaties of Vienna (1815) reestablished the 
ancient principalities of Italy, eliminating only the 
republics of Genoa and Venice. The Hapsburg 
Empire, which regained possession of Lombardy 
and absorbed the Venetian territories, dominated 
all Italy. Tiisc;iny, Parma, and Modena were ruled 
by members of the imperial House of Hapsburg. 

OCTOBER 15, 1944 


The "independent" Italian states were either under 
Austrian protection or bound by alliance to the 
court of Vienna. All the Italian governments of 
the restoration era, however, retained the French 
system of centralized administration.'" 

The restoration also ushered in a period of in- 
creased agitation for Italian unification, which first 
took the form of literary propaganda for an Italian 
fatlierland — a phase of the Risorgimento that was 
the prelude to the later political union. Because 
of the strength of the municipal and provincial 
spirit, however, most of the literary proponents of 
unification favored federalism.^ Even Mazzini, 
who called for the overthrow of all the dynasties 
and the formation of a unitary republic with Rome 
as the capital, desired administrative decentraliza- 
tion with the "region" serving as an organ of gov- 
ernment intermediate between the commune and 
the state. 

II. The Origin of the System of Centralization : 
The Legislation on Local Government in the 
Period of Italian Unification (1847-65) 

A. The Period 1847^9 

In the years 1846-48 the movement for Italian 
unification came to a head. This initial movement 
was twofold : a liberal-revolutionary movement 
within each of the several states resulting in the 
grant of a constitution and an attempt to form a 
league of the Italian states and to drive Austria 
out of Italy. 

The movements of 1848-49 failed either to drive 
Austria out of its Italian possessions (the Lom- 
bardo- Venetian Kingdom) or to create an Italian 
confederation or league. The Italian princes, jeal- 
ous of each other, failed to unite their forces 
against Austria. Piedmont demanded the absorp- 
tion of Lombardy and Venetia under the House of 
Savoy. Such an increase of strength would have 
brought about a hegemony over the other Italian 
states, which refused therefore to exert themselves 
in a national war that would have resulted chiefly 
in the growth of Piedmont. In the early spring of 
1849 the temporary republican governments of 
Rome, Venice, and Tuscany failed even more mis- 
erably than the princes in 1818 to develop a con- 

The real burdens of the wars against Austria 
fell on Sardinia-Piedmont, in both 1848 and 1849. 
Despite its failures Piedmont gained the unques- 

tioned leadeiship in the Italian national struggle. 
Although federalism was still the dominant con- 
ception for the form of future Italian unity, the 
new schemes of federation (after 1849) were built 
around the theory of an enlarged Piedmont which 
would be dominant in the North. 

In reality Piedmont was destined to absorb all 
Italy and extend its own institutions throughout 
the country. That state, technically known as the 
Kingdom of Sardinia, was unique in Italy. Alone 
among the Italian states it had a native dynasty, a 
real military force, and an aristocracy accus- 
tomed to military and bureaucratic service under 
the crown. King Charles Albert ( 1831-49) , whose 
dynastic aim was to gain Lombardy, was a firm be- 
liever in the divine right of kings. Yet hoping to 
utilize the national-liberal movement for the ac- 
quisition of Lombardy, he was forced to make con- 
cessions to the liberals. 

The Royal Edict of October 27, 1S47 on the Ad- 
ministration of Commimes and Provinces 

In October 1847 Charles Albert issued an edict 
providing for a series of reforms in the local ad- 
ministration of his continental domains. Hitherto 
the state had been an absolutism tempered only 
by custom: all political jDower emanated from the 
crown. The edict provided for communal, provin- 
cial, and divisional councils whose functions were 
to assist the officials appointed by the royal gov- 
eriunent. Only the communal councilors were 
directly elected. Charles Albert's purpose was not 
to prepare his people for constitutional self-gov- 
ernment but rather to make the minimum conces- 
sion necessary to retain the support of the liberal 
forces. Although this law was in operation for 
only a year and was intended only for the main- 
land parts of Sardinia-Piedmont, it is a basic text 
in Italian local government. Certain of its fea- 
tures have been retained to the present day. 

All the territory of the mainland kingdom was 
divided into three units of administration: (1) 

'° E. Brusa, Das Staatsrecht dcs Ki'migreichs Italien, 
Freiburg i. B., 1832, Vol. IV, P.u't I, in Haiidbuch des oef- 
fcntlichCH Rccltts der Qcr/enwart, edited by Helurich Mar- 
qua rrl sen, p. 337. 

' Such as Cesare Balbo, Vincenzo Giolierti, Antonio Ros- 
mini, Gioacchino Ventura, Pellegrino Rossi, Carlo Troya, 
Giuseppe Ferrari, and Carlo Cattaneo. See Antonio Monti, 
L'idea federalistica nel Risorgimento italiano, Bari, 1922, 
p. 6. 


communes, (2) provinces, and (3) divisions (divi- 
sioni).^ The mandamenti were retained as the 
lowest judicial unit, of whicli tliere were 410 on 
the mainland. 

The Commune 

The administration of the commune consisted of 
(1) the syndic (sindaco), (2) one or more vice 
syndics, (3) the executive council {consiglio di 
credema), and (4) the communal council {con- 
siglio communale). Except for the division of 
communes into classes according to size, all were 
regulated alike. Tlie number of members of the 
communal council varied according to size of pop- 
ulation (articles 32, 33) : 

numbeb of 
Class Coun-cilobs 

Turin and Genoa 80 

First class (population 10,000 or over) GO 

Second class (population 3,000-10,000 or capoluogo 

of a province) iO 

Third class (population under 3,000) 30 

The suffrage in electing the communal councilors 
was based chiefly on wealth. In communes of 500 
inhabitants or fewer the 10 percent of the popu- 
lation who were the highest contributors of direct 
taxes were entitled to vote. This percentage on 
whom the suffrage was conferred varied inversely 
with the size of the commune : 

Population of Percent Paying 

Commune Highest Taxes 

500-.5,0<X) 5% 

5,000-10.000 3% 


Above 20,000 1% 

Masters of elementary schools, those with univer- 
sity degrees, and persons with various military or 
political distinctions were also enfranchised 
(article 34). The communal council proposed to 
hold two regular annual sessions of 15 days each, 
in the spring and in the autumn. It elected the 
executive council (consiglio di credensa), whose 
term was one year, to carry on its work during tlie 
intervals between sessions; and it voted the com- 
munal budget. 

The syndic was both the liead of the communal 
administration and an agent of the rnyal govern- 
ment (ai-ticle 6) appointed by tlie king foi- a 

'The text consists of 268 articles, pnbli' lied in full in 
Calendnrio prnprale pp'repii stali. Anno XXV. 1F48. pp. 
715-7ij6. The 11 divisions and 39 provinces are listed on 
p. 708. 


three-year period but from among the elected 
council members (article 9). The communes were 
given the functions of maintaining local schools 
and charities and municipal police. 

Despite the elective element represented by the 
communal council the government retained cer- 
tain effective controls over the communes. The 
intendant (head of the provincial government) 
or the intendant general (head of the divisional 
government) might intervene directly or by 
means of a delegate in the sessions of the com- 
munal council, but without the right to vote (ar- 
ticle G4). The .syndic might be suspended by the 
intendant general (article 10) or might be re- 
moved from office by the king (article 11). 

The Province 

Above the commune was the local unit termed 
"the province", of which there were 39. The 
province, like the commune, was a legal person 
{corpo morale) with power to hold property 
(article 149). The intendant (intendente), an 
appointee of the crown, headed the administra- 
tion. The provincial council varied in number 
according to the population of the province 
(article 1G6) : 

Population of Numeee of 

Prownce Councilobs 

Below 100,000 18 

100,000-150,000 24 

Over 150,000 30 

The members of the provincial council were 
chosen by the crown: one third from among 
the syndics of the province and two thirds from 
among nominees proposed by the communal 
councils (article 167). 

The Division (Divisione) 

The division constituted the largest local unit. 
Its administration was headed by the intendant 
general (intendente gencrale), who had oversight 
of the intendants of the provinces and of the syn- 
dics of the communes as well (articles 154, 161, 
1G4). The divisional council {consiglio di di- 
vision)') was composed of delegates elected by the 
provincial councils in such numbers as the crown 
should specify (article 177). The divisional ex- 
ecutive council {consiglio divisionale di credenza) 
consisted of five persons chosen by the divisional 
council from among its own members (article 
•206). Its function was to represent the divisional 

OCTOBER 15, 1944 

council during intervals between sessions (article 

This system of local oovernmcnt liad scarcely 
gone into operation (January 1, 1818) when it 
was followed bj' a powerful agitation for a con- 
stitution. Fearing a revolution Cliarles Albert 
and his ministers made the momentous decision 
to grant the Statuto. The document was com- 
posed in great haste, largely in imitation of the 
French Constitution of 1830, and it made only a 
general reference, in article T-l, to local govern- 
ment : "Communal and provincial institutions and 
the boundaries of the communes and provinces 
shall be regulated by law." 

The Piedmontese Parliament which was inaugu- 
rated on May 8, 1848 found no opportunity to 
legislate on local government. The national 
struggle against Austria which the king had begun 
on March 23 chiefly absorbed its attention. Fol- 
lowing the revolt of Milan a Provisional Govern- 
ment of Lombardy had been established which 
acted as the ally of Piedmont. It was recognized 
that the hastily devised Statuto was not suitable 
for a Kingdom of North Italy embracing Lom- 
bardy and Venetia as well as the hereditary states 
of the House of Savoy. Hence it was agreed, as 
a condition of the "fusion" of Lombardy with 
Sardinia-Piedmont, that a constituent assembly 
would be chosen to draft a new constitution. On 
this condition the Lombards were willing to accept 
the House of Savoy.* 

Charles Albert's first attempt to gain Lombardy 
ended in the disastrous defeat of Custozza (July 
23, 1818). He was driven headlong out of the 
Austrian territories and was compelled to accept 
an armistice, "as a prelude to j^eace", which stipu- 
lated withdrawal of his forces to his own heredi- 
tary states (August 9). A conservative ministry 
followed the military defeat and governed the 
coimtry on the basis of the emergency powers 
conferred on the government by parliament on 
August 2. Thus it came about that the first legis- 
lation on local government under the Statuto was 
not made by parliament but by the ministry alone 
as a royal decree {rcgio decreto). 

The Royal Decree of October 7, 18!i8 ' 

This new emergency law on local government 
was largely modeled after the royal edict of 1847. 
It was, however, stipulated in the preamble that : 


"The complex of the following dispositions, 

signed by us in original duplicates, shall have pro- 
visionally (he force of law, and shall be presented 
to parliament in its next session, along with the 
modifications recognized in the interval as useful, 
in order that it may be converted into definitive 

The units of local government remained the same — 
communes, provinces, and divisions. Communal 
government was organized on the same pattern. 
Article 6 provided for the same classes of com- 
munes according to size. Membership in the com- 
munal council was slightly reduced (article 8) : 

Population of Numbeb of 

Commune Counciloks 

More than 80,000 80 

First class (more than 10.000 population or 

capoluogo of a province) 40 

Second class (more than 3,000 population) 20 

Third class (all others) 15 

Communal suffrage was conferred on the same 
groups as earlier (article 9). The executive coun- 
cil of the commune was now termed the consiglio 
delegato (article 7), and this was the chief depar- 
ture from the earlier communal system. 

The government retained all the earlier checks 
and controls over the municipalities. The syndic 
remained the same combination of local official and 
representative of the government (article 73). He 
was nominated as formerly by the king for a term 
of three years, and from among the elected com- 
munal councilors (article 78). He was subject as 
formerly to suspension by the intendant general 
(article 79) and to removal by the king (article 

Tlie provinces were retained with an adminis- 
tration headed by the intendant and assisted by a 
provincial council (article 190). The divisions 
were likewise retained with an administration 
headed by the intendant general and assisted by a 
divisional council. The most important change 
effected by the decree of 1848 was that the elective 

'Law on the union with Lombardy, Royal Decree 
747. .luly 11, 1848, published in full in CoUcziove Celerifera 
(Idle Icggi pubblicate nelVanno 1S4S, Turin, 1848, Part I, 
p. 634. 

' Royal Decree 807, approved Oct. 7, 18-18: published Oct. 
10, 1848. The text of 280 articles is published in full in 
CoUezhmr Cplerifrrn dellr Icggi pubblicate nelVanno 1848, 
Turin, 1848, Part II, pp. 1021-G5. 


principle was established for both provincial and 
divisional councils. The members of these coun- 
cils were to be chosen directly by those having 
communal suffrage (article 201). 

The provincial council varied in number accord- 
ing to population (article 198) : 

Ntjmber of 
Population of „ , „= 


More than 150,000 f 

More than 100,000 -" 

Less than 100,000 

The divisional council was composed as follows 
(article 199) : 



More than 400,000 ^. 

More than 300,000 ^^ 

Less than 300,000 

The term of office of both divisional and pro- 
vincial councilors was five years, with one fifth of 
the membership renewable each year (article 201). 
As a partial check against the democratic elective 
principle the councilors were required to serve 
gratuitously (article 235). They were forbidden 
to discuss matters extraneous to their functions 
(article 240). The intendant, appointee of the 
crown, remained the executive official of the prov- 
ince: the intendant general remained as the repre- 
sentative of the authority and power of the king 
within the division. The whole administrative 
system remained highly centralized, after the 
model of France. All executive officials, syndics, 
intendants, and intendants general remained royal 

The emergency law of 1848 was designed prin- 
cipally to enable the conservative ministry to hold 
the country in check against the democratic agita- 
tion which held the king and the royal army re- 
sponsible for the militaiy defeat. New syndics 
were to be appointed for the whole realm by Janu- 
ary 1, 1849. After parliament was reconvened 
(October 15) there was some sharp criticism from 
the Left of the power of the government to appoint 
the syndics. A bill was proposed on December 15 
limiting the choice of the government to three 
nominees selected by the communal council. The 
next day, however, the ministry was overthrown 
and a democratic ministry succeeded to power. 
The democrats were not displeased to inherit the 
power of appointing the syndics. A conservative 


thereupon urged action on the bill for reform of 
local government (December 22). A dissolution 
of parliament followed (December 30). The new 
p;irliament, which opened on February 1, 1849, was 
completely absorbed in the preparation for re- 
sumption of war against Austria. The reform of 
municipal administration, empowering the com- 
munes to choose their own syndics, had seemed 
inevitable within a short time in 1848. Not before 
1896, however, was the reform effected.' 

Piedmont's second attack against Austria ended 
in the disastrous defeat of Novara (March 23, 
1849) . Victor Emmanuel II, who succeeded to the 
throne on the night after the battle, was forced 
to accept an armistice and to agree to a heavy in- 
demnity in the peace treaty. The democrats, how- 
ever, bitterly opposed the ratification of the treaty 
in parliament, making use of the support of their 
appointees in the communes. The treaty was not 
ratified until after a second dissolution of parlia- 
ment (November 1849) . A moderate conservative 
majority was obtained as a result of the direct ap- 
peal of the king (the Proclamation of Moncalieri) 
and the employment in certain instances of the in- 
tendants to influence the elections.' The prece- 
dent was thus established for what later came to 
be a great abuse in Italian politics: the employ- 
ment of the centralized administrative system to 
manipulate parliamentary elections. 

The defeat of Novara ushered in a period of re- 
action in which the constitutions of all the Italian 
states were withdrawn with the exception of the 
Stntuto of Sardinia. Alone among the princes of 
Italy, Victor Emmanuel II maintained his royal 
promise to act as a constitutional sovercigii. The 
continuance of parliamentary government in little 
Piedmont was a great factor in the leadership of 
the House of Savoy in the new movement for 
Italian unification under Cavour. The Pied- 
montese Constitution, although in origin an ex- 
tremely conservative document, gradually became 
vested with a peculiar prestige because it under- 
lay the only living constitutional system in Italy. 
A 10-year period of parliamentary experience in- 
tervened before Piedmont again challenged the 

•Edoai-do Arbih, Cinqunnt'atini di storin parlamentare 
del Regno d'ltnlia, 3 vols.. Rome, 189S-1902, I, pp. 147-150. 

' Arbib, op. cit., L pp. 370-377 ; Bolton King, A History of 
Italian Unity, 2 vols., London, 1809, I, p. 359. 


Austrian domination. Throughout that period 
the Royal Decree of 1848 regulated local govern- 

B. The Teeritoelvl Unification of Italy and 

THE Regulation of Local Government (1859- 


In 1858 the agreement of Plombieres with Na- 
poleon III embodied Cavour's plans for uniting 
Italy. At this stage Cavour's aims were directed 
toward creating a federation under the aegis of an 
enlarged Piedmont. It was stipulated that France 
would assist Piedmont against Austria, which 
would be completely expelled from Italy; that 
Piedmont would annex Lombardy, Venetia, the 
Po Duchies (Parma and Modena), and the Ro- 
magna and would thus constitute a state of 11 mil- 
lion people ; that an Italian federation would then 
be formed consisting of four states, North Italy 
under the Savoy dynasty, a Kingdom of Central 
Italy (Tuscany and Umbria), the remnant of the 
Papal State, and the Kingdom of the Two 
Sicilies; and that France in return would re- 
ceive Nice and Savoy. 

The essential feature of the Franco-Sardinian 
alliance was the condition of the complete ex- 
plusion of Austria from Italy. In such a case 
Piedmont, enlarged by the addition of the whole 
of the Lombardo- Venetian kingdom, would have 
dominated tlie other Italian states, which would 
no longer have been able to look to Austria for 
protection. The defense of Italy and the mili- 
tary power would have been concentrated in the 
Kingdom of North Italy. The local institutions 
and usages in the other Italian states would have 
remained, although it was the plan of Cavour 
that the domination of the confederation by par- 
liamentary Piedmont would have forced a liberal 
policy on the Pope in Rome and on Ferdinand II 
of the Two Sicilies. 

The war of 1859 brought a terrible disappoint- 
ment to Cavour. JJapoleon III stopped half- 
way to his goal, suddenly making a truce with 
the Austrian Emperor. The armistice of Villa- 
franca (July 11, 1859) provided indeed for the 
cession of Lombardy, but Austria retained 

'Lcgge 3702, dated Oct. 23, IS.TO, publi-shed in the Gnz- 
zetta Piemontese, Nov. 1, 1859; text in fuli in CoUezione 
Celerifera delle leggi, drcreti, istruzioni e circolari puh- 
blicate nelVanno 1S50, Turin, 1859, pp. 1252-96. 


Venetia. Tiie Emperor Francis Joseph would 
remain an Italian prince; Austria would still be 
the greatest power and influence in Italy. Ca- 
vour resigned in disgust at the peace which 
Victor Emmanuel II regretfully accepted. The 
armistice of Villafranca and the Treaty of Zurich 
(November 10, 1859) which confirmed it gave the 
deathblow to the federal plans for Italian unifi- 

AVhile the liberal-revolutionary movement 
throughout Italy became completely unitarian, 
concentrating on the single aim of annexation by 
Piedmont, Cavour's successors in the ministry 
marked time, waiting on the decisions of Napoleon 
III. Lombardy, however, was ceded to Piedmont, 
and a new law to provide for a common system of 
local government was issued. 

The Law of October 23, 1859 on Communal and 
Provincial Government 
On April 25, 1859, shortly after the outbreak of 
the war and after conferring extraordinary powers 
on the government during the emergency, parlia- 
ment adjourned. Thus the law of 1859, like that of 
1848, was not discussed and approved by the legis- 
lature but was issued by the ministers and the king 
on the basis of delegation of emergency legislative 
power by parliament.' 

C ommunal Government 

The framework of communal government re- 
mained practically the same, its organs being the 
syndic, the communal council, and the executive 
council, now renamed giunta vnmicipale (article 
11). The numbers of councilors were slightly 
modified (article 12) : 

poptjlation op numbeb of 

Commune Councilors 

More tlian 63,0C0 60 

Mji-e than 30 000 40 

Mure than 10,000 30 

More than 3,000 20 

In all others 15 

The municipal executive council {giunta munici- 
pale) was more precisely defined and, in addition 
to tlie syndic, had these members (article 13) : 

popdlation of 
Commune Membeks 

More than 60,000 8 assessors 

4 deputies 


Population op 

CoMMiTNE Members 

(Cent.) (Cont.) 

More than 30,000 6 assessors 

2 deputies 

More than 3,000 4 assessors 

2 deputies 

In all others 2 assessors 

2 deputies 

The suffrage in municipal elections was slightly 
modified, but the pattern remained the same. 
Those over 21 years who enjoyed civil rights could 
vote if they paid direct taxes of (article 14) : 

5 lire in communes of 3,000 or fewer 
10 lire in communes of 3,000-10,000 
15 lire in communes of 10.000-20,000 
20 lire in communes of 20,000-00,000 
25 lire in communes of more than 60.000 

The government retained the earlier checks over 
municipal affairs. The syndic, who was defined 
as head of the communal administration and of- 
ficial of the government (article 94), was ap- 
pointed by the king from among the elected coun- 
cilors for a three-year term (article 95), subject to 
suspension by the governor and to removal by the 
king (article 104). In addition the king was em- 
powered to dissolve the municipal council "for 
grave reasons of public order", subject only to the 
restriction that a new council would be elected 
within three months (article 222). 

Provincial Government 

The law of 1859 brought some change in termi- 
nology for the local units, but the pattern of cen- 
tralized control was actually intensified. Tlie 
largest local unit, hitherto designated by the term 
divisione, was now termed the province. In old 
Piedmont, however, it corresponded very closely to 
the former division.* 

The organs of provincial government were the 
governor {governatore), the vice governor, the 
executive council of the governor {consiglio di 
governo), and the elective elements — the provin- 
cial council and its provincial deputation (articles 
2, 146). The governor exercised practically the 
same functions hitherto performed by the intend- 
ant general. He represented the executive power 

'The enlarged Kingdom of Sardinia (Piedmont and 
I/omljardy) was divided into 14 provinces as follows: 
Alessandria, Annecy, Bergamo, Cagliari, Cianiberi, Cre- 
mona, Cuneo, Genova, Milano, Nizza. Novara, Pavia, Sas- 
sari. Torino. See the table of territorial units, appendix 
to the law of 1859, Collezione Celerifcra 1S59, pp. 1280-9G. 


in each province, provided for the publication and 
execution of tlie laws of the state, was responsible 
for public security, and had the power to summon 
the armed forces (article 3). In case of illness 
or absence he was represented by the vice governor 
(article 4). 

The executive council of the governor consisted 
of not more than five appointed members (article 
6), whose duties consisted of assisting the gov- 
ernor in his functions as executive of the central 
power and giving him their views in cases of dis- 
putes concerning administrative jurisdiction (ar- 
ticle 5). 

The i^rovincial council was composed, like the 
former divisional council, in accordance with the 
population (article 148) : 

P0PUT.ATI0N OF Number op 

Pkovince Councilors 

More than 000,000 60 

More than 400,C0O 50 

More than 200,000 40 

In all others 20 

Those who enjoyed communal suffrage elected the 

The provincial deputation {deputazione pro- 
vinciale) acted as executive committee for the 
council, representing it in the intervals between 
sessions. The governor was ex officio a member 
and presided over it. The council by absolute 
majority elected the other members, who were 
eiglit, six, or four in number, according to the size 
of the province (article 171). 

^'■Cii'condari^'' and '■'■MandamentV 

Two territorial units intervened between the 
province and the commune. The circondario was, 
in effect, the unit formerly termed a province. At 
its head was the intendant, the agent of the gov- 
ernor, appointed by the state (article 7). The 
circondario was essentially a sub-division of the 
province for administration by the state. 

The mandamento remained the lowest judicial 
unit and was made to serve also as the electoral 
district in the distribution of scats in the provin- 
cial council (article 149). Whereas both com- 
munes and provinces were constituted as legal 
persons (corpi morali) with property riglits, no 
sucli attributes were conferred on the intermediate 

In the emergency which faced the Italian na- 
tional movement after Villafranca the control by 
the central government over the local units was 

OCTOBER 15. 1944 


actually increased. The king (in practice, the 
Minister of the Interior) was empowered to dis- 
solve any of the local elected bodies, the provincial 
councils, or the communal councils (article 222). 
It was further stipulated (article 8) that: 

"The Governors, the Vice Governors, the Intend- 
ants, and those who perform their functions may 
not be called to render account of the exercise of 
their functions except by the superior administra- 
tive authority; nor may they be subject to pro- 
cedure for any act in the exercise of their func- 
tions without the authorization of the King sub- 
ject to previous review by the Council of State."'" 

Revolutionai-y movements in all the minor 
states of the north — Parma, Modena, Tuscany, 
and the Romagna — followed the outbreak of the 
war of 1859. The nationalists seized control, and 
after the Peace of Villafranca they refused to 
permit the return of the princes or, in the Ro- 
magna, the restoration of papal rule. As a re- 
sult of Villafranca, federalism was dead. The 
issue was simple : either incorporation by Pied- 
mont or the restoration of the old regime and 
Austrian hegemony. When Cavour returned to 
power in 1860 he quickly made arrangements for 
the annexation of those territories, which had al- 
ready begun to assimilate their institutions to 
those of Piedmont. Plebiscites were held (March 
11 and 12) ; arrangements were made for the new 
provinces to elect deputies to parliament; and 
Piedmont took over the administration by ap- 
p)ointing governors in accordance with the law of 
1859. Cavour paid Napoleon III for his ac- 
quiescence by ceding Nice and Savoy. 

The wholesale annexations in central Italy gave 
an enormous impetus to the unitary movement 
which now embraced most of the Italian national- 
ists. The Garibaldian expedition to Sicily and 

'"The Council of State (Consiglio di Stato) was estab- 
lished by the edict of Aug. IS, 1831, issued by Cliarles 
Albert. It originally consisted of three sections: (1) 
interior, (2) grace, justice, and ecclesiastical affairs, and 
(3) finance. In the pi'e-constitutional period it served as 
an advisory council to the king and as a kind of court of 
administrative law. By article 83 of the Statuto the king 
reserved the right to reorganize the Council of State. By 
the legislative decree (No. 3707) of Oct. 30, 1S59 it was 
reorganized, the third section being made a court of ad- 
ministrative law. See F. Racioppi and I. Brunelli, Corn- 
mento alio statuto del regno, 3 vols., Turin, 1909, III, 
pp. 740-^1. 

813688—44 3 

the South followed. The Red Shirts overran the 
island and then proceeded to attack the mainland 
forces of Naples. When Garibaldi's forces were 
temporarily checked Cavour again secured the 
assent of Napoleon III for action by Piedmont. 
The royal army under Cialdini, which was sent 
south, defeated the papal army at Castelfidardo 
(September 18, 1860). The regular troops then 
continued the war against Francis II (King of 
the Two Sicilies, 1859-61). By February* 13, 
1861 the campaign was ended. 

Cavour had already sent his agents, as lieu- 
tenants with exceptional powers," in the wake of 
Garibaldi's irregular army. Even before the com- 
pletion of the campaign, plebiscites were held in 
Sicily and Naples (October 21, 1860) and in the 
Marches and Umbria (November 4 and 5, 1860), 
which went overwhelmingly for annexation by 
"the constitutional monarchy of King Victor Em- 
manuel II". 

The territorial unification of Italy was an ex- 
traordinarily rapid process. In less than 18 
months (July 1859 to January 1861) the House of 
Savoy extended its rule from Sardinia-Piedmont, 
a small state with about 6 million people, to most 
of Italy with a jDopulation of 21 millions. Only 
two parts of the peninsula remained unredeemed : 
Venetia, still a part of the Hapsburg Empire, 
and Rome, the last remnant of the Papal State. 
Cavour, the great architect of Italian unity, died 
suddenly on June 6, 1861, leaving the unfinished 
business of establishing the institutions of the new 

By the simple process of extension the Statuto 
became the constitution of united Italy. Local 
government was, however, at the time of Cavour's 
death, the most difficult of all the problems. The 
Ijeople of Naples, of Sicily, even of central Italy, 
were utterly different from the northerners. It 
cannot be too much emphasized for the sake of an 
understanding of modern Italy that the Rkor- 
ghnento, the whole movement for national unifica- 

" Such a lieutenancy (luogotcncnza) is not to be con- 
fused with the office of Lieutenant General of the Realm 
(L-uogotcnente Generale), a kind of regency instituted for 
the whole kingdom during a temporary absence of the 
king. The lieutenants sent by Cavour were really extraor- 
dinary commissioners with full powers limited to certain 
territories. See Racioppi and Brunelli, op. cit., I, pp. 



tion, was the work of a small fraction of the total 
population.'^ That element, composed partic- 
ularly of the upper bourgeoisie and liberal nobles, 
was fairly wide-spread and powerful in the North. 
In the South, however, there was scarcely any 
middle class. Those in Sicily and Naples who 
flocked to Garibaldi's banner (after his victories) 
hoped for jobs in the new order or for some per- 
sonal advantage. 

Immediately after the first flush of the triumph 
of unity the reaction set in. As Cavour said, '"To 
harmonize North and South is harder than fight- 
ing Austria or struggling with Rome". The 
South was cursed with terrible poverty and cor- 
ruption, the heritage of centuries of niisgovern- 
ment, and with the greatest crime ratio in all 
Europe. The influential classes, the landlords and 
the priests, were Bourbonist in their sympathies 
and were opposed to unity. When some of the 
landlords gradually came to accept the idea of 
national unity it was only on the condition that 
their powers and privileges be maintained. That 
development, however, still lay in the future. The 
Sicilians, who had a distrast for the mainland and 
an ancient hatred of Naples, clamored for home 
rule. Throughout the whole of the South there 
came in the spring and summer of 1861 certain 
dangerous sjnn])toms of reaction. 

Garibaldi had favored a temporary dictator- 
ship for holding Sicily, and his followers gained 
positions of power following his conquest. 
Cavour's attempt to govern the islands by means 
of lieutenants met with disaster: He had to recall 
his appointees, who were forced to flee from 
Palermo. The Maffia, a secret criminal society, 
which had started in tlie firet part of the nine- 
teenth century to combat the Neapolitan Bourbons 

"Guglielmo Ferrero speaks of thorn as the Jucobius of 
Italy : "The new Piedmontese Government was strength- 
ened by those intellectual Italians wlio were forced to 
emigrate from their country. It procured the assistance 
of France and of all those di'cJas-i^s, discontented men, 
rebels, heroes, and maniacs who abound in a country so 
fertile in great men, criminals, and fanatics as Italy. But 
the conquest once achieved, the Jacobin Slate found itself 
in the same straits as in the French Revolution — that is 
to say, they had to enforce by violent means a regime of 
liberty on a country that was, as a whole, indifferent 
or adverse ; to establish the minority rule In the name of 
popular sovereignty ; to substitute their own protective 
system for that of the Church." Militarism, Boston, 1903, 
p. 244. 

and had become entrenched after the conquest by 
Garibaldi, continued to flourish as an expression 
of Sicilian mistrust and defiance of the central 

On the mainland the situation was, if anything, 
worse. The Vatican and the dispossessed Bour- 
bons encouraged a great outburst of brigandage. 
The Piedniontese, who were sent down to govern 
the southerners, were utterly antipathetic to them : 
they were regarded with an attitude not much 
different from that of our own South toward the 
carpet-baggers. Ponza di San Martino, a Pied- 
montese, whom Cavour had sent as his lieutenant 
in Naples, found that the force of 5,000 regular 
troops was quite insufficient to deal with the violent 
elements. When his request for more men was 
denied he resigned (July 12, 1861). When the 
new outburst of violence in August was followed 
by the sending of General Cialdini with plenty of 
regulars, a savage series of small campaigns en- 
sued. Possibly two or three thousand brigands 
were shot or hanged. D'Azeglio, a leading Italian 
nationalist and Cavour's predecessor as President 
of the Council of Ministers (1849-52), blurted out 
the remark : "The Neapolitans do not want us and 
we have no right to stay there." '^ 

The Plans of the Leaders for Local Self-Govern- 
What was acute in the South was present in some 
degree in all the newly annexed territories. The 
Lombards objected to the immediate introduction 
of Piedmontese law ; the Tuscans tried to postpone 
the process in their land. All the great leaders of 
the Piedmontese-Italian parliament recog-nized 
the extraordinary difficulties of creating one gov- 
ernment out of such heterogeneous elements. Ca- 
vour was a firm believer in decentralization. In 
July 1860 he had Farini, Minister of the Interior, 
draw up a scheme of local government. Farini's 
project called for the formation of rather large 
local areas called "regions", but their boimdaries 
were not to be coterminous with the former states 

" Bolton King. op. cit., II, p. 188 ; for the Maffla see 
Leopoldo Franchetti and Sidney Sonnino, Lii Sicilia nel 
/67C, 2 vols., Florence, 1S77, I, pp. 121 fE; Francis M. 
Guercio, Sicilp, the Oardcn of the Mediterranean, London, 
1938, pp. 64-75; Ci'sare Mori, The Last Slnnjrilc with the 
Mafia, London, 1033. 

"Bolton King, op. cit.. II, pp. 190, 223, 226. 

OCTOBER 15, 1944 


which had just been annexed. It would have been 
too dangerous for the new national government to 
recognize the boundaries of the old states. The 
regions were to be administrative areas: within 
each the province was to be the real unit of local 
government, with the chief control over roads, pub- 
lic health, rivers, secondary education, and the 
more important charities vested in elective coun- 

Meanwhile the problem of holding the South 
had grown acute, and to the advocates of national 
unity the demand for local autonomy seemed 
merely a guise for attempts to luido their work. 
Minghetti, who succeeded Farini as Minister of 
the Interior, drew up a bill for local government 
in November 1860. It was something like 
Farini's scheme. There were to be communes 
and provinces (just as in old Piedmont and as 
in France). But in each of those units locally 
elected covmcils were to have large powers. The 
communal council was to elect the syndic; the 
provincial council was to be independent of the 
prefect who would represent the central govern- 
ment. A group of provinces was to constitute 
a region. The government of the region was 
to comprise a governor and a council whose mem- 
bers were to be elected by the provincial councils. 
The governor, as a kind of viceroy, would control 
the prefects of his region, with no appeal beyond 
his authority. The region would have powers 
over higher education, roads, public works, and 
agriculture. The Minghetti bill, just like the 
scheme of Farini, wished to cut across the old 
boundaries in order to give no opportuninty to 
separatists. So dangerous, however, was the 
sentiment against the new unity that Cavour 
dared not push the bill. The question was left 
hanging in the air at Cavour's death.^* 

Bettino Ricasoli (President of the Council of 
Ministers, June 1861 to March 1862), who suc- 
ceeded Cavour, was a Tuscan, proud of the tra- 
ditions of his native land and fearful of its being 
melted down in the unification of the peninsula. 
Onco in power, however, and faced with the for- 
midable problem of governing the South, he 

quickly dropped his belief in local autonomy. He 
forced his unwilling colleagues in the cabinet to 
accept a scheme of local government that was 
closely copied from France. 

The Ricasoli Decrees on the Organization of Local 
Government {1861) 

Once again parliament granted the executive the 
power to legislate on the forms of local govern- 
ment. The Decree Law (No. 249) of October 9, 
1861, by extending the application of the law of 
1859, equalized and made uniform throughout the 
whole kingdom the system of administration. At 
the same time certain modifications were made in 
the earlier law, the chief one of which was the 
abolition of the oiBce of vice governor." 

On the same day, October 9, a Royal Deci'ee (No. 
250) was issued which contained the following 
pi'ovision : 

"In all the Provinces of the Kingdom the Gov- 
ernors and the Intendants General shall assume 
the titles of Prefects, the Intendants of the Cir- 
condari shall be termed Sub-Prefects, the members 
of the Executive Council of the Governor, or of 
the P]xecutive Council of the Intendant, shall be 
called Councilors of the Prefecture {Gonsiglieri 
di Prefettura)" 

Italy was divided into 59 provinces, identical 
in form except for variations in numbers of the 
provincial council, which varied, in accordance 
with the law of 1859, in proportion to the popula- 
tion.'* Piedmont— that dynastic military state — 
had organized its administrative system closely on 
that of France of the ancien regime. The House 
of Savoy, having absorbed Italy, took over the 
Napoleonic system of administration, including 
the very names of the officials, prefects and sub- 

Two basic factors were responsible for this de- 
cision : the military-diplomatic situation and the 
domestic problem. Italian unity was not com- 
pleted at this time since Venetia and Rome had still 
to be won. The years 1859 to 1866 were a period 

" Brusa, op. cit., p. 23 ; Bolton King, op. cit., II, p. 193 ; 
Arblb, op. cit., II, p. 713. 

'* Bolton King, op. cit., II, pp. 194-95 ; Arblb, op. cit., 
II, pp. 714-17. 

" Tbe law was signed Oct. 9 and publisbed in the Oaz- 
zelta Uffiziale, Oct. 10, 1861. Text In full In CoUczione 
Ceterifera delle Icggi, decreti, istruzionl e circolari ptib- 
blicate neU'anno 1861, Turin, Part II, 1861, rp. 2040-41. 

"The 59 provinces are listed in Royal Decree 250, 
Oct. 9, 1861, CoUczione Celerifera, 1861, II, pp. 2042-43. 



of life-and-death struggle of the new Italian state. 
It faced the alternatives of completing the process 
of unification or being smashed to pieces in the 
attempt. Yet it was in that emergency period 
that the basic legislation of modern Italy was 
devised. It was thought at the time that it could 
be only a provisional system, a temporary dicta- 
torship. As Jacini wrote: 

"The task of legislation, of administration, and 
of finance, in the presence of the occupation by the 
menacing Austrian Empire of the fortresses of the 
Quadrilateral, is comparable to the work of Gen- 
eral Totleben, who constructed the fortifications of 
Sebastopol within range of the cannon of the 

The nationalists recognized that a new war 
would have to be waged against Austria to gain 
Venetia and that the country would have to pre- 
pare for that war. Rome would also have to be 
annexed to carry out the pledge of parliament that 
the Eternal City would become the national capital. 
Pius IX, who was determined to maintain the tem- 
poral power, hoped to undo Italian unity. Francis 
II, the deposed king of Naples, fled to Rome, where 
the Pope welcomed him. Thus the problems of 
completing Italian unity and of maintaining the 
hold of the North on the South became merged. 
The threat to Italian unity was in all three points : 
Rome, Venetia, and the South. As long as Em- 
peror Francis Joseph held Venetia he was still an 
Italian prince: he regarded united Italy as an 
ephemeral creation without legitimate basis and 
hoped to get back Lombardy. He would probably 
have acted if the loss of Lombardy had not forced 
him in 1860 to reorganize his domains and make 
concessions to the Hungarians. 

The Pope, whose army had been destroyed at 
Castelfidardo, relied on the French garrison to 
maintain the papal government. The brigands 
and Bourbonists who kept the South in uproar 
could escape over the border into Rome and receive 
encouragement and arms. As long as the South 
was unsettled the Pope continued to appeal for in- 
tervention by the great powers. Pius IX desired 
particularly a joint action by the two Catholic 
powers, France and Austria, which would destroj^ 
the work of Victor Emmanuel II, "the Cisalpine 
usurper". United Italy had therefore to prepare 

for war and centralize the administration as part 
of the preparation. Against Austria, Italy began 
to think of an alliance with Prussia. 

In the South it had become clear that there were 
no local elements which could be relied upon for 
leadership under the national government. Had 
any scheme of local autonomy been granted the 
South the priests and landlords would have un- 
done the work of unification. In essence, then, the 
adoption bj' the new Italian Government of the 
French system of extreme centralization was a rec- 
ognition of the fact that unity was tlie work of a 
small minority. By means of the system of cen- 
tralization the "elite" who forged united Italy de- 
vised a means of maintaining it and of maintain- 
ing themselves in power. It became known to the 
rest of the country as "Piedmontizing", and in 
historical formula it is known as "the royal con- 

Th^ Administrative Code of 1S65 

In 1864 the Italian Parliament took up the work 
of codifying the laws for the new kingdom and of 
establishing a uniform financial system. At the 
same time it prepared a consolidated law on local 
government. That was a large order; and the 
legislature was faced with a great varietj' of other 
problems arising from the recently consummated 
unification. The proposal was therefore made 
that the ministry be empowered to publish certain 
fundamental laws and the more important codes, 
subject only to the limitation that summary bills, 
outlining the main provisions, be ajjproved by 
parliament. The ministers hastened to utilize this 
blanket authorization conferred on them on No- 
vember 19, 1864. Although conunittees had pre- 
jDared elaborate reports and considerable discus- 
sion on the measure had taken place in each branch 
of the legislature, the text of the new law on com- 
munal and provincial administration was the 
work of the ministry, which retained the right of 
the goverimient to interfere in the affairs of the 
communes and to alter the boundary lines of local 
units regardless of local wishes."' 

" Slefano Jacini, / Conservatori e revolu::ionf naturale 
dei partiti polilici in Italia, Milan, 1879, pp. 61-62. 

"Luigi Stui'zo, Italj/ and Fascisiiio, New York, 1926, pp. 
20, 287. 

" Arbili. op. cit.. Ill, pp. 226-28. 

OCTOBER 15, 1944 


With the issuance of the law of March 20, 1865 
(No. 2248) the pattern of centralized control over 
the administration was fixed.^- Suggestions had 
been made during the course of the parliamentary 
discussions to limit the control of the central gov- 
ernment over the communes. The same motives, 
however, which had prompted the nationalists in 
the cabinet in 1859 and in 1861 to adopt a system 
of extreme centralization, prompted the nation- 
alists in parliament to retain it. Parliament's 
work was little more than approval and systema- 
tization of the earlier regulations which had been 
established by royal decree. In absorbing Italy, 
Piedmont left none of the institutions of the other 
former states, left none of the boundaries of the 
old governments, and permitted none of the new 
units to function except under the veto of the 
central power. 

III. Local Government in United Italy: Effects 
of Centralization in the Operations of 
Politics (1865-1922) 

Legislation of the New Period 

Venetia was annexed to Italy as a result of the 
war of 1866. The administrative system was 
promptly extended to the new territories, except 
that the units of territory corresponding to the 
eirco7\dari were termed distretti. Then with the 
annexation of the Roman territoiy in 1870 the 
total number of provinces was increased to 69 and 
remained fixed at that figure until 1914. There 
were at this date 284 circondari and 1,806 manda- 
menti. The number of communes was actually re- 
duced from 8,381 in 1871 to 8,323 in 1914.^^ 

The basic i^attern fixed in 1865 was retained 
throughout the whole period. The most impor- 
tant modifications were those of 1891 and 1896, the 
first permitting the election of the syndic by all 
communes of more than 10,000 persons and the 
second extending the election of the syndic to all 
communes. The last comprehensive law (testo 
unico) of the pre-war period was that of 1908. 

""Text in Collczione Celerifera 1SG5, Part I, pp. 706-7. 
The law on communal and provincial government, AUegnto 
A, in Collezione Celerifera 1S65, Part II, Siipplemento, 
pp. 5-54. 

The SrsTEM of Local Government 

In the pre-war period each province was di- 
vided into circondari, which in turn were divided 
into mandamenti. One or more communes con- 
stituted a mandamento. The determination of 
boundary lines of all the units pertained to the 
central government. All existed on the basis of 
a delegation of power by the Government of 

The province had a dual character. It was an 
area of the state, intended to render the action of 
the executive power rapid, vigorous, and simul- 
taneous in all parts of the kingdom. For that 
purpose it was the seat of the various local ad- 
ministrative agencies of the central government, 
headed by the prefect. As the representative of 
the central power the prefect supervised public 
security and had the authority to call in the 
armed forces. At the same time the province 
was also a legal person {corpo 7norale) with the 
function of providing for those local interests 
which were beneath those of the state but broader 
than purely municipal concerns. 

The circ&ndano (and likewise the distretto of 
Venetia) was purely an area of state administra- 
tion, intermediate between province and com- 
nume. It had no elective administration, nor 
was it a legal person, although it might own 
property. In each circondario, except that in 
which the prefect resided, the executive power 
was represented by a sub-prefect. 

The mandartvento was the unit of judicial ad- 
ministration and the seat of the pretore. Lists 
of jurors were composed on the basis of the man- 
dainento, which served also as an electoral dis- 
trict in the distribution of seats in the provincial 

The commune represented a natural and or- 
ganic society, recognized rather than created by 
law, although, as noted above, the powers of a 
communal government were purely a delegation 
from the state. 

^ "Circoscrizione," Enciclopedia Italiana, X, p. 413. 

"The following description is largely based on the 
work of Racioppi and Bruuelli, op cit.. Ill, pp. 594-618. 
See chart on local government according to the law of 
1908, post, p. 416. 




Round figures- appointive officials 
Square figures - elective officials 
Straight lines- appointive power 
Broken lines- elective power 



1 Communal Clunla 1 > 

Communal Council 


Electorates \ 


Round figures - appointive officials 
Straight lines-power of appointment 
Broken lines- authority of nomination 

(Communal Consulta A 
(If any) J 

(Syndicate ^ { Syndicate j 

V of capital y V of labor / 

> &■ Ocl. 3. 1934 l«TZ 

II a* Otf 3, 1934 >«T3 D 


Communal Government 

Communal government was on a uniform pat- 
tern throughout Italy. Its organs were the 
council, the giunta (executive committee), and the 
syndic. Each commune had also a secretary 

The council members were chosen by an elec- 
torate somewhat broader than that for parlia- 
mentary elections. The elections usually were 
held after the spring session of the council and 
never later than the month of July. The voting 
was by scrutinio di lista with limited vote, i. e. 
each voter could vote for a list of candidates for 
four fifths of the total number of seats in the coun- 
cil, thus assuring a degree of proportional repre- 
sentation. Disputes concerning elections went 
first to the commimal council, then on appeal to 
the giunta provinciale, thence to the court of ap- 
peal {carte (Va.ppello), and finally to the fourth 
section of the Council of State. Communal and 
provincial elections usually aroused much more 
interest and the participation of a larger propor- 
tion of the electorate than the parliamentary elec- 

The numbers composing the communal council 
varied with the population according to the fol- 
lowing scale : 


CoirMUNE Councilors 

Less than 3,000 15 

3,000-10,000 20 

10,000-30,000 30 

30,000-60,0rt0 40 

60,000-250,000 60 

More than 250,000 80 

A councilor was elected for a term of six years. 
One third of the council membership was renewed 
every two years. The council usually held two 
annual sessions of about 15 days each, one in the 
spring and one in the fall, over which the syndic 
presided, and the sessions were usually open to 
the public. In the spring session it examined the 
accounts for the administration of the preceding 
year; in the fall session it voted the budget, se- 
lected the auditors (who could not be members of 
the giunta), chose the commissioners for revision 
of the electoral lists, and elected the giunta. 

The communal giunta was the executive com- 
mittee of the communal council, chosen by it from 
among its own members, according to the following 
scale : 


Population of Number op 

Commune Members 

Below 3,000 4 

3,000-30,000 6 

30,000-C0,000 8 

00,000-250,000 12 

Dver 250,000 14 

Tlie syndic was an ex ofjicio member of the giv/nta 
and presided at its meetings. Functions of the 
giunta consisted of representing the council in the 
intervals between its sessions and of supervising 
the lesser officials of the commune. Its sessions 
were secret. 

As contrasted with the communal council and 
giunta, which were organs of purely communal 
affairs, the syndic had a dual f miction : He was both 
the executive head of the commune and an official 
of the state. Until 1891 he had been named by the 
central government, technically by the king, but in 
practice by the Minister of the Interior. After 
1896 all communes were permitted to elect their syn- 
dics.^'' That reform came as a reaction against the 
use of royal appointment as a means of electoral 
influence in the hands of the local deputy. The 
syndic, according to the law of 1908, was elected by 
the council by secret ballot fi-om among its own 
members for a term of 4 years and was indefinitely 

As chief of the local administration the syndic 
presided over the council and over the giunta. 
As an official of the state he published the laws and 
decrees of the government and supervised their 
local application. For certain specified causes the 
prefect might annul the election of a syndic. The 
king could remove him, or the prefect could sus- 
pend him. In addition to its controls over the 
syndic, the Government had the power, through 
the prefect, to dissolve the municipal council. 

Provincial Government 

In accordance with its dual character the prov- 
ince had two sets of officials : Those who provided 
for the local interests devolving on it as a legal 
person and those national officials who functioned 
in the province as an area of state administration. 

"'The concession of the right to elect the syndic in all 
towns came as a reaction against the dictatorship of 
Crispi, which was ended by the defeat of Adua, Mar. 1, 
1896. A circular of the Ministry of the Interior, Mar. 16, 
requested the communal councils to nominate their syndics 
for confirmation by the Government. See Collezione Celeri- 
fera 1896, I, p. 600. The formal legal change was made 
by the law of July 29, 1896, No. 342. 


The local organs were the provincial council and 
the provincial deputation {deputazione provin- 
ciale). The organs of state administration operat- 
ing within the province were the prefect, the coun- 
cil of the prefecture {consiglio di prefeitura) , and 
the provincial administrative giunta (giunta pro- 
vinciale amviinistrativa) . 

The provincial council was elected by those per- 
sons entitled to vote in communal elections. The 
Tnandam^ento constituted the electoral district. 
Contested elections might be appealed to the court 
of appeal (corfe d,''appello) and thence to the 
fourth section of tlie Council of State. The size of 
the council varied according to the following scale : 

Population of Numfee of 

Peovince Councilors 

Less than 200,000 20 

200,000-100,000 40 

Over 600,000 60 

A councilor was elected for a term of sis years 
and was indefinitely reeligible, but one third of 
the membership was renewed every two years. 
Ordinarily the provincial council held a single ses- 
sion each year, usually beginning in August and 
lasting for about one month. It elected its officials 
(for one-year terms) from its own membership : 
the president, vice president, secretary, and vice 

Functions of the provincial council consisted of 
administering the public buildings and property 
owned by the province, of supervising contracts 
made in its name, and of providing for secondary 
education, poor-relief, provincial roads, and works 
on rivers and streams which were allocated to the 
province. It also chose commissioners to super- 
vise provincial elections and elected the provincial 

The provincial deputation {deputazione provin- 
ciale) constituted the executive organ of the pro- 
vincial council. Until 1888 the prefect was ex 
officio president; thereafter the president was 
elected by the council from among its own mem- 
bers. In addition to the president the provincial 
deputation had a membership according to the 
following scale : 

Population op Number op 

Province Councilors 

Less tlmn 300,000 6 

300,000-600,000 8 

More than 600,000 10 

The provincial deputation, in carrying out the 


functions ascribed to it, represented the provincial 
council in the intervals between its sessions; pro- 
vided for the execution of decisions by the pro- 
vincial council, supervising the employees of the 
provincial government; prepared the provincial 
budget; stipulated contracts for the province; and 
presented its views to the prefect when called upon 
to do so. In judicial matters the president of the 
dejDutation acted in the name of the province as a 
legal person, signing the necessary documents. 

Parallel to the local organs of the province as a 
quasi-autonomous unit were the national officials 
who of)erated within the province as an area of 
national administration. But since the province 
and its communes enjoyed only a limited auton- 
omy, the national officials exercised also a general 
supervision over the province and the communes. 

The prefect was the chief official of the Govern- 
ment. His primary task was to provide for the 
execution of the laws and the decrees of the state. 
He was appointed technically by the king, but in 
jDractice by the Minister of the Interior. In each 
circo7idario other than the one in which he himself 
resided, the orders of the prefect were executed by 
the sub-prefect (sotto-prefetto).'^ Although he 
was primarily dependent on the Minister of the 
Interior at Rome, the prefect was also the local 
agent and representative of the other ministries 
concerned with internal affaii-s. 

The council of prefecture {consiglio di prefet- 
tura) assisted the prefect as agent of the state. It 
was composed of the leading functionaries serving 
the prefect. 

The giunta provinciale amministrativa was a 
mixed body whose function was to assist the pre- 
fect in the exercise of his tutelage over the admin- 
istration of the communes. Its composition was 
as follows : the prefect, who presided at its meet- 
ings; two members from the council of prefecture, 
designated by the prefect; one deputy member 
{consigliere supplente) of the council of prefec- 
ture; and four members and two deputies chosen 
by the provincial council but from outside its own 

The chief task of the provincial administrative 
giunta was the supervision of the action of the com- 
munes in the management of their real property. 

" In the distretti of the provinces of Venetia and Mantaa 
the sotto-prefetto was termed the commi$sario distrettuale. 

OCTOBER 15, 1944 


The tutelage, supervision, and interference of 
the central government in local affairs remained 
excessive, despite the very significant reforms of 
1891 and 1896. For a variety of reasons the prefect 
might annul the election of the syndic. Further- 
more the prefect was authorized to suspend the 
syndic, and the king (actually the Minister of the 
Interior) might remove him from office.^' The 
prefect had great powers over both the communal 
council and the provincial council : he could annul 
any decision of either contrary to the law, and he 
might dissolve either council. In case of such a 
dissolution a new council was to be elected within 
three months. When a communal council or a pro- 
vincial council was dissolved, an extraordinary 
commissioner (commiissario straordinario) was ap- 
pointed to manage its affairs.^* 

The Effects of the System of Centralized Ad- 
ministration IN THE Operations of Italian 
Politics (1865-1922) 

Once the system of centralized administration 
was adopted, it proved too useful to whatever 
group was in power for any government to dream 
of abolishing it. It was used by the old Right 
until their overthrow in 1876; it was used by the 
Left when they came to oiEce; it was an essential 
part of the dictatorships of Crispi (1893-96) and 
of General Pelloux ; and it was the mainspring of 
Giolitti's machine. The results of the system were 
notorious : it led to a perversion of parliamentary 
government; it tended to destroy local initiative, 
to deprive local elements of political experience, 
and to bring an oppressive uniformity as a substi- 
tute for unity; it facilitated a constant exploita- 
tion of the South by the North, wliich was com- 
bined with the general system of exploitation of 
the poor by the wealthy; and it led to constant 
protests and occasional open revolt. 

The Perversion of Parliamentart Government 

The prefect, in whose hands was the adminis- 
tration of the province, was appointed by the Min- 
ister of the Interior, i. e. by the party in power. 

" Law of 1908, No. 269, articles 142, 144, Racioppi and 
Brunelli, op. cit.. Ill, pp. 60&-07. 

" In the five-year period 1907-12, there were 640 munici- 
pal councils dissolved "for grave reasons of public order". 
Dissolutions of provincial councils were less frequent : only 
five of these were ordered in the same period, Annuario 
statistico italiano, 1912, p. 74. 

613688 — 44 4 

He quickly developed into a political official of 
primary importance. When Ricasoli in 1867 or- 
dered a dissolution of parliament he directed the 
prefects to work the elections.^" Then when the 
Left gained control of the ministry in 1876, the 
practice was continued and extended. 

Master of the province, the prefect was the slave 
of Rome. 

"By hints to a commune regarding the admin- 
istrative action he might take, if electoral results 
showed that the commune accepted his advice, he 
exercised a far-reaching pressure upon the voting. 
There was no limit to his power of interference in 
the administration of finance, education, public 
works, the very keeping of the peace. He could 
become an unmitigated despot if he would." ^ 

It was the system which forced the illicit po- 
litical action on the prefects. If a man of char- 
acter refused to interfere in the elections within his 
province, he was temporarily suspended and had 
to wait either for a new appointment or for a cabi- 
net crisis.^' Ordinarily, however, it was taken for 
granted that the prefect would use all his influence 
to secure the election of the ministerial candidate. 
By means of police and administrative control the 
opposition could be prevented from holding meet- 
ings or from conducting other forms of electioneer- 
ing. If necessary the ballot boxes could be stuffed 
or the returns could be falsified. In 1892, in order 
to help the ministry win the election, 46 of the 
69 prefects were dismissed or transferred to other 
provinces.^^ In Crispi's period undesirable voters 
were often arrested on false charges on the eve of 
elections and were kept locked up until the ballots 
were counted. In Sicily the gangs of the Maffia 
were used to terrorize the voters.^^ 

The operation of parliamentary government in 
Italy thus developed into a caricature of the Eng- 
lish system. The Italian constitution appeared as 
a "monstrous connubium" of British parliamen- 
tarism with French administrative centraliza- 

" Bolton King, op. c«., II, pp. 307, 334. 

^ Henry Russell Spencer, Oovernment and Politics of 
Italii, New York, 1934, p. 206. 

" Luigi Villari, Italinn Life in Tomi and Country, New 
York, 1903, pp. 217-18. 

" A. Lawrence Lowell, Oovernm-entg and Parties in Con- 
tinental Europe, 2 vols., Boston, 1896, I, p. 169, n. 2. 

" Bolton King and Thomas Okey, Italy Today, London, 
1901, pp. 16, 121-22. 



tion.^* In England the dissolution of Parliament 
and the holding of a new national election is a 
genuine "appeal to the country", because the cen- 
tral government scarcely interferes in local affairs, 
and the ministry is in no position to manipulate 
the voting.'^ In Italy, however, a dissolution of 
Parliament meant the signal to the prefects to 
see that the party or parties who ordered the dis- 
solution were returned to office. 

One result of the use of the administrative offi- 
cials of the state to influence parliamentary elec- 
tions was that the Church confirmed its boycott of 
the parliamentary system. The Non Expedit, the 
papal prohibition on Catholics to participate in 
parliamentary elections, was formulated in 1867 
and was frequently renewed, as it became clear that 
the state itself manipulated its elections. It was 
argued, not without reason, that if Catholics as 
such attempted to enter parliamentary politics, 
they would not be given a fair chance. In turn, 
the absence of the clericals from party politics in 
Italy tended to rob the country of a real conserva- 
tive party. Those who entered parliament were, 
so to speak, all from one party which consequently 
divided into groups and factions.^^ 

The extreme centralization of administration 
concentrated decisions on even the most minor de- 
tails in the offices of the ministries at Rome, par- 
ticularly the Ministry of the Interior and the Min- 
istry of Public Works. The minister, however, 
was himself under the constant pressure of the 
deputies. If he offended too many, the cabinet 
would be overthrown by the chamber. Parliament 
thereby tended to become "a market place for bar- 
gains between the King's Government and the con- 
stituencies" rather than the ultimate platform for 
airing and sifting policy. Regionalism had been 
completely banished in the administrative system 
by the destruction of the old states and the creation 
of the new artificial provinces. It reappeared 
triumphant in the bosom of parliament itself in 

" Jacini, op. cit., p. 67 ; Vilfredo Pareto, La liberty ico- 
nomique et les ivinemcnis d'ltalie, Lausanne, 1898, pp. 

"Cecil J. S. Sprigge, Thv Development of Modern Italy, 
London, 1943, p. 49. 

*■ Lowell, op. cit., I, p. 206. The A'ore E.rpedit was partial- 
ly relaxed in 1904 and 1909. Not before 1919, however, did 
Catholics participate in politics on a national scale. See 
D. A. Binchy, Church and State in Fascist Italy, O-xford, 
1941. pp. 61-65. 

the form of cliques and groups who acted together 
for the purpose of securing from the central gov- 
ernment local appropriations and benefits.^' 

The Destrtjotion of Local Initiative 

The destniction of the old historic states of Italy 
and the creation of the artificial provinces as units 
of administration tended to destroy local initiative. 
As was noted earlier, the Minister of the Interior 
named the syndic in every town in Italy until 1891. 
Even after the reforms of 1891 and 1896, the cen- 
tral govermnent retained extraordinary controls 
over the most minute aspects of local affairs. The 
result was apoplexy at the center and paralysis at 
the extremities. The central government was 
charged with thinking and providing for every- 
thing, "even to the naming of the beadle of the 
high school and the doorkeeper of the sub-prefec- 
ture". The fate of every citizen and the decisions 
on his affairs devolved exclusively on the minis- 
terial officials of the capital. 

The officials who represented the central govern- 
ment in the provinces could do little themselves. 
Deprived of real responsibility, they simply trans- 
mitted petitions and requests to the ministries at 
Rome. The replies from Rome were considered as 
evidence of omniscience and omnipotence. The 
lack of decentralization, either territorial or in- 
stitutional, reduced the benefit of liberty simply to 
the power of speaking one's thoughts and to the 
satisfaction of choosing the all-i)owerful deputy to 
Parliament. Since everything was in the hands 
of the central power, the citizens ran to their dep- 
uty for evei-ything, in order that he might bring 
pressure on the ministry : ^* that in Italy, whose 
medieval cities had been the first in Europe to de- 
vise and practice communal self-government ! 

"This system dried up the springs of local 
energy, those springs that had produced the men 
of the Risorgimento, and sapped the power of 
tradition, one of the greatest sources of moral 
strength a people can have. . . . When the pio- 
neers of liberalism have passed from the scene, 
most of the other men of Italy, now a kingdom, 
came forward as parvenus with a narrow outlook. 
Thus the first expression of the thought, literature, 
and art of that time was restricted and provincial, 
and the period in comparison with the great periods 

■" Spriggo, op. cit., p. 49; Jacini, op. cit., pp. 74, 135. 
'"Jacini, op. cit., pp. 67-68, 130. 

OCTOBER 15, 1944 


of the past was known as that of Italietta — ^'Little 
Italy'. Those, men had wished to cut away the 
roots of communal tradition and the vitality of the 
regions . . . they had centralized all vitality in 
the Government which became the center of in- 
trigues and jobbery, and they failed to perceive 
that they had thrown away one of the vital forces 
of the new kingdom." ^^ 

The centralized political structure brought with 
it a very oppressive and often unwise uniformity. 
A single code of laws was imposed on the whole 
state ( 1865) . That code did not encounter so much 
difficulty as might have been expected, since the 
codes of all the different Italian states had been 
greatly influenced by the Code Napoleon. How- 
ever, in the confiscation and sale of ecclesiastical 
and crown properties, in the laws regarding forest 
lands and communal properties, the application 
of laws which were perhaps well-designed for 
North Italy proved hannful in the South. The 
sudden introduction of conscription into Sicily 
(which had never known the institution) greatly 
augmented the number of outlaws and produced a 
curious kind of feeling of affection for the lost 
cause of the Bourbons. 

The Exploitation of the South by the Noeth 

The greatest single problem in Italian internal 
politics after unification was the difference be- 
tween North and South, or, as it was called, the 
problem of the South. In the period immediately 
after the achievement of unity, it was Piedmont 
that supplied the dominating elements in the army 
and in the government. Since the frontiers lay 
in the North, in that section were built the strategic 
railways. In the distribution of public works, the 
North got the greater share. But in the process 
of unifying Italy, the Kingdom of Sardinia trans- 
ferred its heavy public debt to the whole country. 
The public debts of the annexed states were rela- 
tively light. In other words. Piedmont forced the 
rest of Italy to pay for its conquest.'"' Another 
aspect of national policy which bore particularly 
heavily on the South was the tariff. Until 1878, 
Italy was a country of comparatively free trade 
and with very little industry. The bulk of her 
exports were agricultural. The fusion of North 

and South- in 1861 had tended to destroy the be- 
ginnings of industry in Naples and the South. 
Then under the tariff the protection was for in- 
dustry which was concentrated in the North, par- 
ticularly in the triangle, Turin-Genoa-Milan. The 
moderate tariff revision of 1878 was followed in 
1887 by a tariff war with France, which had hither- 
to been Italy's best customer. The value of the 
Franco-Italian trade dropped to less than half; 
and for the 10-year period of this tariff war, it 
was the agricultural South which suffered most 

In the manifold system of exploitation of the 
South by the North, the political structure of rigid 
centralization was an essential part. Although in 
the first period after unification the dominant class 
of the South — the landlords — remained aloof and 
opposed to unity, that opposition gradually 
weakened with the passing of time. After the 
coming of the Left to power (1876) they began to 
accept united Italy as a fact. Their cooperation, 
however, was based on the preservation of their 
own dominant social and economic position. It is 
those elements, the latif undia owners and long-term 
leasers (gabeUotti), who have dominated politics 
in southern Italy. Time after time, investigations 
have been undertaken by parliament and its com- 
mittees of the deplorable conditions of the South- 
Italian peasantry.*^ No effective action has ever 
followed such investigations because of the politi- 
cal control maintained by the landlord class. 
Whatever the names of the parties, the South re- 
mained conservative, an inexhaustible reservoir for 
every reaction, always sending a fiock of deputies 
obedient to the government." 

Protests and Criticisms Against the System of 

The system of extreme centralization has been 
an object of bitter protest ever since its inception. 
The war of 1866 was not yet finished when Sicily 
broke into revolt and Palermo had to be recon- 

""Sturzo, op. cit., p. 21. 

" Pareto, op. cit., pp. 21-23 ; Robert Michels, Italien von 
Seute, Zurich and Leipzig, 1930, pp. 44-^6. 

" See Robert F. Foerster, The Italian Emigration of Our 
Times, Cambridge, 1924, pp. 64-82, for a careful description 
of the South in the period before the first World War. 
Pranchetti and Sonnino, op. cit., is a leading study of the 
70's. A mass of material is contained in Atti della giunta 
per la inchiesta agraria e sulle condizioni delle classi 
agricoli, 15 vols., Rome, 1881-86. 

•^ Michels, op. cit., p. 47. 



quered by the royal army.^' In Sicily the popular 
distrust and suspicion of the central government 
was such that the police and jury system produced 
only a travesty of justice. The MafiBa became the 
real povs^er in the island, settling accounts in its 
own way. The boycott of the courts and police 
was practically universal — no native would inform 
the police or testify in court. The official govern- 
ment was merely a sham. After the Maffia became 
entrenched the government made use of it to 
secure the return of ministerial candidates.** 

Italian critics have constantly deplored the de- 
fects of extreme centralization. As noted earlier 
the system of local government was accepted by 
parliament only with misgivings, and it was the 
hope that once the foreigner was expelled and unity 
was achieved, the central government would be 
able to relax its rigid supervision of local affairs. 
The various schemes which were proposed in Par- 
liament in the critical period of the movement of 
Italian unification (1859-65) were based on the 
idea of recognizing the regions as the natural com- 
ponent parts of Italy. In the decades which fol- 
lowed the completion of unity the Lombard con- 
servative, Stefano Jacini, called for the formation 
of a truly conservative party with a progi-am of 
decentralization. He insisted that the mere grant- 
ing of maximum autonomy to the existing units, 
the communes and provinces, would not be a solu- 
tion of the problem. Between the functions of the 
state and the affairs of the commune was a complex 
of matters which were broader in scope than pro- 
vincial boundary lines, such things as public works, 
public instruction, agriculture, industry, and com- 
merce. Any real program of decentralization, he 
insisted, would have to be regional." 

At the turn of the century, Luigi Villari (who 
by no means could be called radical ) wrote : 

"Among the reforms of a general character in the 
local administration, one which has been frequently 
suggested is to abolish the provinces. The whole 
country should be divided into sixteen large divi- 
sions (regioni), each of which would be ruled by a 
governor and a council having wider powers than 

the present provincial authorities, and able to make 
different laws and regulations, according to the 
special needs of each district. Although the pro- 
posal has found favour in many quarters, it has 
never been seriously discussed in Parliament, owing 
to the fear of weakening the bonds of national 
unity. But now that the danger is less pressing, 
it is probable that a project of this sort will even- 
tually be accepted." ^ 

At the end of the first World War, which gave 
conclusive proof of the strength of the Italian 
national state, there was a wide-spread agitation 
for regional autonomy, and many of the parties 
demanded regional decentralization. The Sicil- 
ians raised their old cry for home rule. In Sar- 
dinia was formed the Partito Sardo, demanding 
autonomy for the island. The Partito Popolare, 
led by Don Sturzo, was perhaps the chief advocate 
of regional decentralization, but it is interesting to 
note that even the early Fascist Party (of 1919-20) 
advocated decentralization of the executive 

A committee was named to consider the problem 
of administrative decentralization, and Parliament 
was assured (April 7, 1921) : "Now that the na- 
tional unity is beyond any discussion, it will be 
possible to proceed to a rational decentralization 
which will limit the intervention of the state to 
the services of a national character." *^ 

The next year, 1922, came the Fascist coup 

IV. Local Government under Fascism 

Legislation Since 1908 

Just prior to Italy's entrance into the first World 
War, the law of 1908 was superseded by the law of 
February 4, 1915 on communal and provincial gov- 
ernment.'"' This codified text "represented the 

" Bolton King, op. cit., II, pp. 323-26. 
"Lnigi Villari, op. cit.. pp. 8, 230. 
" Jacini, op. cit., pp. 134, 138. 

"Luigi Villari, op. cit., pp. 226-27. 

" Sturzo, op. cit., p. 100. 

" Rehizione delta co-mmissione parlamentare d'inchiesta 
sulVordinamcnto detle amministrazioni di stato e suite con- 
dizioni del personate, Rome, 1921, p. 14. 

'"No. 148, printed in full in Manuale ad nso dri dcputaii 
at parlamento nazionatc, XXVIII tegislatura, Rome, 1929, 
pp. 445-567. 

OCTOBER 15, 1944 


last step in a long process aimed at securing to 
local bodies the largest possible degree of inde- 
pendence from interference on the part of the 
central government".^" Certain minor modifica- 
tions were made in the system by the law of 
December 30, 1923. about a year after the Fascist 
"March on Rome".'^ 

In his first two years of office Mussolini did not 
make any great changes in the constitutional sys- 
tem but operated through existing forms. The 
prefects had offered little opposition to Fascism's 
attack after the vital lines of communication had 
been seized. By securing appointment as Minister 
of the Interior, Mussolini gained control over 
the prefects. They were ready tools for Fascism 
because they were already accustomed to pay more 
attention to the political powers in Rome than to 
the law. Having been Rome's electoral agent, the 
prefect now became the local factotum of Fascist 
Rome. For a brief period the Fascists experi- 
mented with military prefects; but after their con- 
quest of power was completed, the prefects began 
to be chosen from tried and true Fascists, regard- 
less of their experience."^ 

The Fascist Party was able to "win" the parlia- 
mentary election of 1924, held in accordance with 
the notorious Acerbo electoral law, by using the 
administrative apparatus which was in their 
power. The abuses committed by the Fascist 
government at this time were not new and un- 
precedented. They represented only an extreme 
extension of the old abuse of governmental manip- 
ulation of parliamentary elections. 

As long as there was a parliament, however, it 
was possible to criticize the conduct of Mussolini. 
After the Matteotti affair in 1924, the Duce began 
the reorganization of the state on a totalitarian 
basis, and local government was subjected to a 
series of drastic changes. The law of February 4, 
1926 empowered the government to appoint the 
podestd (the Fascist name for the syndic) in all 

communes of less than 5,000 population." At the 
same time the prefect was empowered to appoint 
two thirds of the members of the local councils. 
The Royal Decree Law of September 3, 1926 ex- 
tended the institution of the appointive podesta 
to all communes in Italy except Rome and Naples." 
The two laws of December 27, 1928 eliminated the 
last vestiges of electionisra in provincial govern- 
ment. On March 3, 1934 a new codified text was 
issued on communal and provincial government 
which embodied all the Fascist changes." 

The Fascist System or Local Government 

This was the system of local government as em- 
bodied in the law of 1934. The former interme- 
diate units, the clrcondari and mandamenti, were 
abolished. Article 17 declares : "The Kingdom is 
divided into provinces and communes." The num- 
ber of provinces, which was increased to 75 in 
1922, was further increased to a total of 94 at the 
time of the census of 1936, the last to be held.^" The 
communes at that time numbered 7,339. 

Communal Government 

Except Rome, which was given a peculiar status, 
all communes in Italy were governed according to 
the same pattern. The organs of communal gov- 
ernment were three: the podestd, the communal 
secretary, and the communal consultative council 
{co7isulta) . 

The podestd was the executive officer of the com- 
mune, occupying the position of the former syndic 
and combining the functions of representative of 

" Carlo Rossi, "Local Government In Italy under Fas- 
cism", The American Political Science Review, XXIX, 1935, 
p. 659. 

" Royal Decree 2839, printed in full in Manuale ad uso 
dei deputati, 1929, pp. S68-614. 

" Spencer, op. cit., pp. 206-7. 

" No. 237, printed in full in Manuale ad uso dci deputati, 
1929, pp. 643-47. The medieval and modern significance 
of the term podesta is discussed by Lester K. Born in 
"What is the Podestd?" The American Political Science 
Review, XXI, 1927, pp. 863-71. 

"No. 1910, text in full in Manuale ad uso dci deputati, 
1929, pp. 648-52. 

°'The following description is largely taken from the 
article by H. Arthur Steiner, "Italy", in Local Government 
in Europe, edited by William Anderson, New York, 1939, 
pp. 307-80. An English translation of the law of 1934 is 
printed by Steiner, op. cit., pp. 339-80. For a diagram of 
the relations of the officials according to the Fascist system, 
ante, p. 416. 

" For a list of the provinces at the present day (census 
of 1936) see table, post, p. 426. 








50 too ISO •*" 

OCTOBER 15, 19U 

the state and of head of the communal adminis- 
tration. He was appointed by the king for a term 
of four years. He could be removed from office 
by the king and was subject to suspension by the 
prefect. A city with a population between 20,000 
and 100,000 might have one vice-podestd, and in 
case a city were larger than 100,000 there might he 
two assistants. The vice-podestd, were appointed 
by the Minister of the Interior. 

The communal secretary was the official who 
handled most of tlie routine business under imme- 
diate responsibility to the podestd. He was locally 
chosen, on the basis of special qualifications and 
examinations, and enjoyed the status of a "func- 
tionary of the state", the chief permanent civil- 
service officer of the commune. His formal ap- 
pointment, however, was from the Minister of the 

The communal consulta took the place of the 
elective council of pre-Fascist days. The podestd, 
however, had the power of local legislation, and the 
consulta was restricted to offering him advice. The 
number of members of the communal advisory 
council varied according to the following scale : 

Population op Numbeb of 

Commune Counciloes 

Over 100,000 24-40 

10,000-100,000 10-24 

Less than 10,000 6-10 

The precise size of the consulta of any given com- 
mune was determined by a decree of the prefect. 
The prefect also appointed the members after re- 
ceiving nominations from the local syndical asso- 
ciations representing capital and labor. The coun- 
cil was formally appointed for a term of four years, 
but it was subject to suspension by the prefect, or 
to dissolution by the Minister of the Interior. The 
communes which were less than 10,000 in popula- 
tion might have councils, but only if the prefect 
judged it desirable. Under the law of 1934, less 
than 10 percent of the communes had councils.'*' 

Provincial Government 

The five organs of provincial government in the 
Fascist system were the prefect, the council of the 
prefecture or prefectoral council, the administra- 
tive giunta, the president (preside), and the rec- 
tory (rettorato). 

The prefect was substantially the same official as 
before with some additional powers. He acted, as 
before, under the immediate supervision of the 


Minister of the Interior but was also the agent 
for other ministries such as those of Public Works, 
Finance, and Corporations. 

Before 1927 considerable rivalry existed between 
the prefect and the federale, the provincial secre- 
tary of the Fascist Party. Mussolini's circular of 
January 5, 1927, however, declared the prefect to 
be "the highest authority of the State in the prov- 
ince" and urged the Fascist Party officials to co- 
operate, in subordination to the prefect. The 
chief additions to the powers of the prefect were 
in his powers of appointment. 

The prefectoral council consisted of two mem- 
bers in addition to the prefect appointed to advise 
him in his capacity as representative of the central 
power. Associated with this organ was an "in- 
spection service" controlling the provincial and 
communal administrations. 

Under Fascism the affairs of the province as a 
legal entity, which formerly devolved on the prov- 
incial council and deputation, were conferi-ed on 
the rectory (rettorato) and the preside. The 
rectory varied according to population : 

Population op Number of 

Province Membees 

More than 600,000 8 

300,000-000,000 6 

Less than 300,000 4 

Those representatives of the province were, how- 
ever, no longer elected but were appointed by the 
Minister of the Interior. The rectory was also 
subject to suspension by the prefect and to dissolu- 
tion by the Minister of the Interior. 

From among the members of the rectory were 
chosen the president and vice president. The rec- 
tory and its president constituted "the provincial 

Even though the provincial administration was 
strictly api^ointive, the central power maintained 
extensive controls. The provincial giunta was the 
chief organ for the exercise of this control and for 
supervision of the communes as well. It was com- 
posed of the prefect, who summoned it and pre- 
sided over its sessions; the two members of the 
prefectoral council; the chief provincial inspector; 
and four members of the Fascist Party, nominated 
by the Secretary of the Fascist Party, and for- 
mally appointed by the Minister of the Interior. 

' H. Arthur Steiner, op. cit., p. 317. 


Significance of the Fascist Changes in the 
ADsiiNiSTRATm: System 

Comparison of the Fascist system with the pre- 
vious system of local government reveals the appli- 
cation of three principles: the abolition of elec- 
tions, the substitution of appointive for formerly 
elective officials, and the integration of the Fascist 
Party into the political structure. The most se- 
rious change was the abolition of elected communal 
and provincial councils, which in the earlier period 
had displayed considerable vitality. The revival 
of the term podestd with appointment by the cen- 
tral government was merely a return to the condi- 
tion which had existed before 1891. The office of 
prefect was not much changed.^' He was under 
Fascism what he had been before — the chief power 
in the province and the representative of the state. 
But because elections were no longer held, his 
powers were more directly expressed. As Musso- 
lini declared, "the Fascist prefect is not the prefect 
of the demo-liberal days. Then the prefect was 
primarily an electoral agent. Now that there is no 
longer talk of elections, the form and figure of the 
prefect change." '' 

The Fascist changes were, indeed, radical. From 
1861 until 1915 there had been a gradual develop- 
ment of autonomy in the communes and provinces, 
based on the exercise of increased powers by locally 
elected councils and executive officers. Fascism 
swept this development away and carried centrali- 
zation to an absurd degree. Fascism considered it 
to be one of its principal tasks to fight regionalism 
whatever its manifestations. Freed of the pres- 
sure of an alei't public opinion, many of the podesfd 
saddled the communes which they governed with 
heavy debts. The budgets of the communes ceased 
to be published under Fascism. Under the old 
system one of the chief arguments for the reten- 
tion of the power of interference of the govern- 
ment in communal affairs was the tendency of the 
oommunes toward reckless expenditure. Under 
the Fascist system, however, the abuse was even 

""He [the prefect] has always been In a dominating 
position : Mussolini has only made him more so, analogous 
in the province to the Head of the Government." Spencer, 
op. cit.. p. 205 ; see also Rossi, op. cit., p. 663. 

" Circular of Jan. 5, 1927, as cited by Steiner, op. cit., 
p. 323. 


worse. Between 1926 and 1935 the total debt of the 
communes was increased by several billion lire. 
Many loans were contracted in the United States 
on comparatively unfavorable terms.*" 

Harsh as were the Fascist changes in the system 
of local government, it must be recognized that in 
a larger sense those changes were merely an ex- 
treme extension of the fundamental feature of the 
old system : concentration of power in the Ministry 
of the Interior. The original system of local gov- 
ernment of the Kingdom of Italy was designed to 
extinguish regionalism, to prevent any local ele- 
ment from opposing the national policy. It was 
designed to enable a minority to exercise effective 
political control over the whole nation. Its effects, 
as Jacini observed, were financially disastrous : in- 
stead of aiding the accumulation of wealth, it 
sucked up the savings of farmers and artisans for 
the sake of high policy as conceived in the cities. 
The Fascist system was designed to serve essen- 
tially the same purposes. It prevented any local 
protest against the burdens imposed on Italy for 
the sake of the dream of a new Roman Empire. 


Number OF 

Provinces Communes Population 

Alessandria 165 493, 698 

Aosta 107 227,500 

Asti 105 245, 764 

Cuneo 203 608,912 

Novara 142 395,730 

Torino 181 1, 168, 384 

Vercelli 165 366,146 

1, 070 3, 506, 134 


Geneva 66 867, 162 

Imperia 53 15S, 56.5 

La Spezia 32 222, OSO 

Savona 68 219, 108 

219 1, 466. 915 

" Rossi, op. cit., pp. 660-61. 

" Annua rio Statistico Italiano, 1938, pp. 13-14, census of 
1936. (Names of the Compartimenti are italicized.) 

OCTOBER 15, 19U 


ITALY— Continued 

ITALY— Continued 

numhee of 
Provinces Communes 


Bergamo 218 

Brescia 171 

Como 210 

Cremona 110 

Mnntova 70 

Milano 246 

Pavia 180 

Sondrio 79 

Varese 116 


Venezia Tridentina 






Belluno 69 

Friuli (Udine) 171 

Padova 105 

Rovigo 48 

Treviso 90 

Venezia 43 

Verona 93 

Vicenza 125 


Venezia Qinlia e Zara 

Carnaro (Fiume) 13 

Gorizia 42 

Istria (Pola) 41 

Trieste 30 

Zara 2 



Bologna 61 

Ferrara 20 

Fori! 50 

Modena 46 

Parma 51 

Piacenza 47 

Ravenna 18 

Reggio neU'Emilta 45 



605, 8U0 
744, 571 
501, 752 
369, 483 
407, 977 
2, 175, 838 
492, 090 
142, 919 
395, 896 

5, S36, 342 

277, 720 
391, 309 

669, 029 

216, 333 
721, 670 
6G8, 025 
336, 807 
570, 580 
629, 123 
585, 893 
559, 375 

4, 287, 806 

109, 018 
200, 152 
294, 492 
351, 595 
22, 000 

977, 257 

714, 705 
381, 299 
444, 528 
467, 555 
381, 771 
294, 785 
279, 127 
375, 288 

3, 339, 058 

numbee of 
Peotinces Communes 


Arezzo 38 

Flreuze 49 

Grosseto 24 

Livorno 19 

Lucca 35 

Massa e Carrara 17 

Pisa 38 

Pistoia 21 

Siena 36 

Perugia . 
Terni . . , 



Ancona 43 

Ascoli Piceno 72 

Macerata 57 

Pesaro e Urbino 58 





Frosinone 89 

Littoria 27 

Rieti 63 

Roma 109 

Viterbo 59 


Abruzxi e MoHse 

Aquila degli Abruzzi 103 

Campobasso 127 

Chieti 99 

Pescara 42 

Teramo 45 



Avellino 114 

Benevento 90 

Napoli 137 

Salerno 145 



316, 380 
853, 032 
185, 801 
249, 468 
352, 205 
196, 716 
341, 428 
210, 950 
268, 459 

2, 974, 439 

372, 229 
303, 869 
290, 057 
311, 916 

1, 278, 071 

534, 359 
191, 559 

725, 918 

445, 607 
227, 218 
174, 961 

1, 562, 580 
236, 722 

2, 647, 088 

365, 716 
374, 727 
211, 561 
249, 532 

1, 600, 631 

451, 406 

349, 707 

2, 192, 245 

705, 277 

3, 698, 695 



ITALY "—Continued 



.... 47 


1, 010, 907 



.... 20 

.... 59 


254, 062 
523, 012 
321, 888 

.... 91 

526, 553 


2, 637, 022 



166, 776 


376, 486 


543, 262 



606, 3W 


Reggio di Calabria .... 



587, 025 
578, 262 


1, 771, 651 





418, 265 
256, 687 


713, 160 




218, 294 
627, 093 


890, 752 


223, 086 


277, 572 



375, 169 


4, 000, 078 



507, 201 


224, 643 



302, 362 


1, 034, 206 


7, 339 

42, 993, 602 


Legation at Luxembourg 

The American Legation at Luxembourg was 
opened to the public on October 2, 1944. 

The Polish Situation 

[Released to the press by the White House October 11] 

The President made the following remarks on 
the occasion of his meeting on October 11, 1944 
with officials of Polish-American organizations: 

"I am glad of the opportunity I have had to talk 
about the present position of Poland in the war 
and about the future of Poland. You and I are 
all agreed that Poland must be reconstituted as a 
great nation. There can be no question about that. 

"Of course we should all bear in mind that no- 
body here has accurate information about every- 
thing that is going on in Poland. Even I, as 
President of the United States, with access to all 
the information which is available, am not fully 
informed of the whole story. As an example, I 
still do not know all tlie facts about the recent 
events in Warsaw. As new information comes 
every day, we will get a clearer picture about the 
whole situation. 

'•The broad objective which we all seek is excel- 
lent. I am certain that world opinion is going to 
back up that objective — not only to reconstitute 
Poland as a strong nation but also as a representa- 
tive and peace-loving nation. I wish to stress the 
latter. It is very important that the new Poland 
be one of the bulwarks of the structure upon which 
we ho2:)e to build a permanent peace." 

German Atrocities in Poland 

[Released to the press October 10] 

The United States Government has been in- 
foi-med by the Polish Government that it has re- 
ceived reliable information that G?rman officials 
in Poland are making plans for the extermination 
of tens of thousands of innocent persons of Polish 
and other United Nations nationalities as well as 
Jewish deportees from area.s under German control 
who are now held in concentration camps, partic- 
ularly those at Brzezinki and Oswiecim. 

The United States Government takes this occa- 
sion to warn again the German Government and 
Nazi officials that if these plans are carried out 
those guilty of such murderous acts will be brought 
to justice and pay the penalty for their heinous 

OCTOBER 15. 1944 


Public and Private Foreign Trade 

Address by BERNARD F. HALEY" 

[RpIenBed to tlip press October 11] 

During this war the Government of the United 
States has found it necessary to intervene in for- 
eign trade, as it has in the domestic economy of 
tlie country, in a way and to an extent that would 
not have been regarded as possible five years ago. 

Exports have been licensed, imports channeled 
to essential items, shipping rationed and allocated, 
financial transfers blocked, and certain foreign 
firms proclaimed as out of bounds for trading 
purposes. The Government has controlled the 
movement of goods into and out of the country and 
has directly conducted a large part of the move- 
ment through its own agencies. To a large extent 
the controls have been merged, through the Com- 
bined Boards, with the similar controls of Great 
Britain and of Canada. 

The business community has cooperated loyally 
with these controls, as it has with the equally 
extensive controls of domestic business. It has 
been generally recognized that if we were to win 
the war as rapidly as possible we must make abso- 
lutely sure that resources be denied the enemy, 
that they be made available to us and our Allies, 
that inflation be avoided, and that the limited 
supplies and services available be applied to the 
best uses from the single f)oint of view of military 

The quality and volume of equipment now in 
the hands of our armed forces and those of our 
Allies is the best proof that the job has been well 
done. War supply to fighting fronts has never 
been so good on any side in any war as it now is 
on our side in this one. Every part of the economy 
of many countries shares the credit for this effort. 
The reward will be the victory toward which we 
are now moving at an accelerating pace. 

With that inevitable victory coming closer, the 
question is, AVhere do we go from there? Specifi- 
cally, in the field of foreign trade, should our 

' Delivered before the Thirty-first National Foreign Trade 
Convention, New Yorli, N. Y., Oct. 11. 1044. Mr. Haley is 
Director of the Office of Economic Aft'airs, Department of 

national policy be to demobilize controls and to 
discontinue public trading as rapidly as possible, 
or should controls and public trading be continued 
for some purpose beyond milit ary victory ? Should 
the Government staj' in business in peacetime as 
an importer and exporter, or should it get out as 
soon as possible? 

There is only one possible answer to that ques- 
tion. The preference of the American people for 
private initiative and management in the conduct 
of most business enterprise has been made clear 
many times and has never been clearer than at the 
present moment. This preference extends to 
foreign trade. Indeed it is if anything clearer in 
that field than in others. 

There are two reasons why this preference for 
private enterprise in the conduct of our foreign 
trade is clearly right. In the first place, since 
foreign trade is an integral segment of our total 
economic life, it would be very hard for govern- 
ment either to conduct or to apply detailed controls 
to the foreign sector without doing the same thing 
to the domestic part of the same trade. The 
present war has furnished many illustrations. In 
those cases in which it has been found necessary 
to control the imports of a commodity, it has fre- 
quently also been necessary to allocate the imported 
supply among users. In such cases the agency 
administering the control has had to decide who 
needed the article, how much they needed, what 
domestic supplies were available, and how much of 
the demand could and should be filled from each 
source. If the product were an important raw 
material these decisions, and the allocations based 
ui^on them, have very largely determined the rate 
of operation of the industry and of each enter- 
prise within it, the rate of operation of domestic 
suppliers of the same material, and their prices. 
Private initiative and competition have had to 
express themselves chiefly in petitions to the regu- 
lating agency. Wliere the Government fixed ex- 
port quotas the situation has been much the same. 
Total quotas have had to be broken down, and the 
participation of each enterprise in export has had 
to be fixed by the agency that fixed the total quota. 



That is not the way we want permanently to con- 
duct private business in this country. If we want 
to retain private initiative and enterprise inter- 
nally, we cannot afford to abandon it in foi'eign 
trading operations. 

The other reason for our preference for private 
enterprise in foreign trade is even more important. 
Trade implies competition, and competition im- 
plies rivalries. When trading competition is con- 
fined to private firms, trade rivalries are likely to 
remain at levels which do not threaten to disturb 
relations among governments. But when two 
governments compete for the trade or the resources 
of .some third country, it is impossible for anyone 
to forget the fact that the competitors have under 
their control weapons other than price and quality 
and service. I cannot believe that a general 
regime of foreign trading competition between 
governments is conducive to loyal cooperation in 
other fields between the same governments on 
which the peace depends. 

It follows that the Government of the United 
States ought to retire, after victory, both from 
actual conduct of import and export operations and 
from the detailed regulation of our foreign trade. 
This is not just my own view, or just the view of 
the Department of State. It is the view of the 
executive departments and agencies concerned with 
the subject, and I am sure also of the Congress. 
You have already seen in the press, and experienced 
in your business operations, various actual moves 
in the direction of the relaxation of wartime con- 

The War Production Board has removed vari- 
ous important commodities from its import-control 
order M-63. The "decentralization" export-con- 
trol procedure under the Foreign Economic Ad- 
ministration for destinations in the American re- 
publics has been progressively rolled back during 
the year as the shipping situation has improved. 
The "program license procedure" governing many 
exports to the British Empire, the Soviet Union, 
the Middle East, and French, Belgian, and Dutch 
possessions was discontinued on October 1. Both 
the War Production Board and the Foreign Eco- 
nomic Administration have made it clear that there 
will be further substantial relaxation of war con- 
trols immediately after victory in Europe. Each 
control is being regularly considered on its merits 
by the responsible agencies concerned, and the use 

of each will be adjusted to the actual requirements 
imposed by the progress of the war. 

About two weeks ago the President in a letter to 
Mr. Crowley, Administrator of the Foreign Eco- 
nomic Administration, said : 

"With a view to encouraging private trade with- 
out interfering with the successful prosecution of 
the war against Japan, the FEA should relax con- 
trols over exports to the fullest extent compatible 
with our continuing war objectives, particularly 
that of defeating Japan as quickly and effectively 
as possible. 

"International trade on as full and free a basis 
as possible is necessary not only as a sound eco- 
nomic foundation for the future peace, but it is also 
necessary in order that we may have fuller pro- 
duction and employment at home. Private indus- 
try and private trade can, I am sure, produce a high 
level of international trade, and the Governnient 
should assist to the extent necessarj' to achieve this 
objective by returning international conmierce to 
private lanes as rapidly as possible." ' 

It is of course quite clear, however, that even 
final victory will not necessarily mean the imme- 
diate end of all import and export operations by 
the Government, or of all war controls. Obvi- 
ously, if war supply is to continue full-blast until 
the enemy surrenders, as it should, the Government 
will end the war with substantial inventories and 
with substantial commitments both to suppliers 
and recipients. There must be an orderly liquida- 
tion both of inventories and commitments. Ob- 
viously, too, some things will be scarce for some 
time after victory, and export control of any com- 
modity can hardly be released until the same com- 
modity is freed from allocation and domestic 
rationing. Questions of timing will be difficult 
and critical. But it is the direction that counts, 
and that is clearly toward release of war controls 
and the retirement of the Government from for- 
eign business operations, as rapidly as each prac- 
tical situation will permit. 

So much for our own wartime controls. Many 
countries are lilfely to take a corresponding course 
with theirs. But some countries have a different 
view, or different necessities, and their action may 
be different. 

' BXJLIJCTIN of Oct. 1, 1944, p. 354. 

OCTOBER 15, 1944 


Our Russian friends have a different view of 
economic organization from our own, and I tal^e 
it to be clear that export and import trade of the 
Soviet Union will continue to be conducted directly 
by the state. I have no doubt that American 
businessmen will find it wholly possible to deal on 
a mutually satisfactory basis with the foreign trad- 
ing organs of the Soviet Government, as they did 
before the war. A very large expansion of our 
Russian trade is a real and early possibility. The 
principal limiting factor will be the amount of 
dollars available to the Russians from their exports 
and otherwise. 

The countries of western Europe have been under 
enemy occupation for four years. The destruc- 
tion has been and will be enormous, both of docks, 
transportation, shipping, factories, and ware- 
houses and of the equally important intangible 
structure of trade ^connections, confidence, and 
credit. The governments of these countries can- 
not let their peoples starve and are wholly likely 
to take temporary charge of many things them- 
selves, especially of the imports of essentials. How 
long such public intervention may last there is no 
way of knowing. But the most effective way that 
I know of to influence European thinking in this 
matter is for us to take the lead in laying the 
groundwork for the earliest possible resumption 
of private trade after the war. 

Great Britain occupies in this respect a posi- 
tion somewhere between our own and that of west- 
ern Europe. Physical destruction has been heavy, 
and the scope of private foreign trade has been 
very sharply cut by war conditions and controls. 
But the main industrial and transportation plant 
of Great Britain is intact and so is British com- 
mercial experience and skill. We may expect, and 
will of course welcome, a prompt and great re- 
vival of British private foreign trade in all direc- 
tions after victory. 

Some of this trade the British Government may 
for a time find it necessary to control more closely 
than we expect to control ours. We all realize 
that the operations of British industry and the 
standard of living of the British people depend 
on large and continuous overseas supplies of raw 
materials and foodstuffs. For these and other im- 
ports Great Britain made payment in the past 
with the proceeds of her foreign sales and the 

earnings of -her merchant fleet and of her great 
investments overseas. The conduct of two wars 
has forced large liquidation of those overseas in- 
vestments, and the sums which they formerly con- 
tributed to the settlement of British balances will 
be very much reduced after this war. In order 
to conserve exchange for the most necessary pur- 
poses the British Government may therefore find 
it necessary to restrict less essential imports. We 
hope that the jjeriod during which this may be 
necessary will not be long. We can contribute 
to its shortening by collaborating in common 
measures to reduce trade barriers throughout the 
world, to increase the productivity of undeveloped 
countries, and to promote full and prosperous em- 
ployment. Freer trade in a more prosperous 
world will improve the prospects for British ex- 
ports as well as for our own and will ease the Brit- 
ish balance-of-payments position just as it will 
contribute to our own prosperity. 

In one important field there is strong support in 
Great Britain for a continuation of the policy of 
the Government conducting a substantial import 
trade for some time after the defeat of Germany. 
The British Ministry of Food has performed 
splendidly during the war, and from the point of 
view of the common man and woman the experi- 
ence of large-scale public purchase of overseas 
foodstuffs has been a most successful one. There 
is substantial British support for the continuation 
of such operations, and the Ministry has recently 
entered into bulk-purchase contracts for certain 
foodstuffs with the governments of some of the 
Dominions, running for some years. We cannot 
help thinking, however, that the fear of the scar- 
city of food after the war, which seems to be the 
major reason for these contracts, is not entirely 
justified. Wartime agriculture has demonstrated 
great productive powers in all areas except the 
scenes of actual military operations, and there is 
every reason to hope that the world's food supply 
will be more adequate in the future than before. 
British policy is obviously influenced by the desire 
to assure adequate supplies of basic foodstuffs at 
reasonable prices, but we hope that these bulk- 
purchase contracts do not represent a permanent 
preference for government trading. Our best ar- 
gument, again, is to take the lead in a cooperative 
effort to bring about an expansion of private trade 



as soon as possible and to demonstrate the superior 
effectiveness of f)rivate enterprise. 

So much for war controls and government trad- 
ing. Even after they are dealt with there still re- 
main at every national frontier the old restrictions 
against trade: prohibitions, quotas, tariffs, cur- 
rency controls, preferential systems, and the rest. 
If trade is to bring the benefits which it can bring, 
to us and everyone, we must redouble the efforts of 
the last 10 years for the reduction of these barriers. 

This organization has supported Mr. Hull's efforts 
in that direction since 1934, and I am sure it will 
continue that support. Efforts in that direction 
will be more than ever needed now and after the 
war if we and the people of other countries are to 
attain and maintain the high levels of production, 
trade, and consumption which are capable of at- 
tainment and which are one of the important pre- 
requisites for a peace that will last. 

The Four Freedoms Award to the President 


[Released to the press by the White House October 12] 

For over twenty years we in America have 
watched with anxious eyes the steps taken by the 
Fascist gangsters to enslave the Italian people. 
The Italian people were thrown into an alliance 
they detested. They were ordered, against their 
will, to fight on the side of their traditional ene- 
mies against their traditional friends. 

Mussolini, the would-be Caesar, underestimated 
the will of his people. Large numbers of them 
were brave enough to rally to our ranks. As part 
of the Allied armies, and behind the German lines, 
they have carried on our common fight for liberty. 

The American Army — including thousands of 
Americans of Italian descent — entered Italy not 
as conquerors but as liberators. Their objective is 
military, not political. When that military objec- 
tive is accomplished — and mucli of it has not yet 
been accomplished — the Italian people will be free 
to work out their own destiny, under a govern- 
ment of their own choosing. 

The act of the Attorney General — removing the 
status of "enemy alien"' from Italians — has been 
justified by their corresponding effort to help us 
wage war. 

Of course, the people of Italy have suffered ter- 
ribly, and it will not be humanly possible to take 

' Delivered by the President from the White House on 
Oct. 12. The radio presentation was made from New York 
in behalf of the Italian American Labor Council, assem- 
bled at a Columbus Day celebration in the Hotel Commo- 
dore, New York City. 

wholly adequate measures to relieve all suffering 
until Germany has been finally and decisively de- 
feated. But the United Nations are determined 
that every possible measure be taken to aid the 
Italian peoi^Ie directly and to give them an oppor- 
tunity to help themselves. 

The civilian administration has been fully dis- 
cussed by me with the British Prime Minister. 
The British Government is agreed that as the 
problem is great, so also is our responsibility to 

The mails have been opened for letters to the 
liberated provinces. Facilities are now available 
for small remittances of funds from this country 
to individuals in Italy for their individual sup- 
port. Shipments of food and clothing have been 
delivered. Normal life is being gradually intro- 
duced. We are taking every step possible to per- 
mit the early sending of individual packages by 
Americans to their loved ones in Italy. Our ob- 
jective is to restore all avenues of trade, commerce, 
and industry, and the free exercise of religion, at 
the earliest possible moment. 

I am deeply grateful therefore for this award. 
It represents your appreciation both of the prob- 
lems and the efforts of the American Government. 

The Charter from which this award takes its 
name — the Four Freedoms — is a firm bond be- 
tween the great peace-loving nations of the world. 
To the people of Italy we have pledged our help — 
and we will keep the faith ! 

OCTOBER 15, 1944 


Concerning Cartels 

Address by CHARLES BUNN ' 

[Released to the press October 10] 

On September 8 last the White House released 
to the press the text of a letter from the Presi- 
dent to the Secretary of State on international 
cartels, as follows : ^ 

"During the past half century the United States 
has developed a tradition in opposition to private 
monopolies. The Sherman and Clayton Acts have 
become as much a part of the American way of 
life as the due process clause of the Constitution. 
By protecting the consumer against monopoly 
these statutes guarantee him the benefits of com- 

"This policy goes hand in glove with tlie liberal 
principles of international trade for which you 
have stood through many years of public service. 
The trade-agreement program has as its ob- 
jective the elimination of barriers to the free flow 
of trade in international commerce ; the anti-trust 
statutes aim at the elimination of monopolistic 
restraints of trade in interstate and foreign 

"Unfortunately, a number of foreign countries, 
particularly in continental Europe, do not possess 
such a tradition against cartels. On the contrary, 
cartels have received encouragement from some of 
these governments. Especially is this true with 
respect to Germany. Moreover, cartels were uti- 
lized by the Nazis as governmental instrumentali- 
ties to achieve political ends. The history of the 
use of the I. G. Farben trust by the Nazis reads 
like a detective story. The defeat of the Nazi 
armies will have to be followed by the eradica- 
tion of these weapons of economic warfare. But 
more than the elimination of the political activities 
of German cartels will be required. Cartel prac- 
tices which restrict the free flow of goods in foreign 

'Delivored liefore a meeting of the United Nations 
Association at Waterbm-y, Connecticut, Oct. 9, 19U. Mr. 
Bunn is Consultant in tlie Division of Commei-cial Policy, 
Office of Economic Affairs, Department of State. 

' BmiBFiN of Sept. 10, 1944, p. 254. 

commerce will have to be curbed. With inter- 
national trade involved this end can be achieved 
only through collaborative action b}' the United 

"I hope that you will keep your eye on this whole 
subject of international cartels because we are 
approaching the time when discussions will al- 
most certainly arise between us and other nations." 

You w^ill notice that the President's letter states 
two principal objectives, to eliminate the political 
activities of German cartels and to curb those car- 
tel practices which restrict the free flow of goods 
in foreign commerce. I shall discuss briefly the 
second objective- — that relating to the restrictions 
upon the free flow of goods in foreign commerce. 

The term "cartel" has come to be used commonly 
to describe a wide variety of business organiza- 
tional schemes, private trade agreements, and col- 
lusive arrangements, any of which has the eflect 
of restraining competitive trade. In this sense the 
term "cartel" is almost synonymous with "monop- 
olistic." More specifically, however, a cartel may 
be described as an agreement among rival busi- 
ness firms, often in the same line of business, en- 
tered into for the primary purpose of reducing or 
eliminating competition. The -members of the| 
cartel carry on business separately for their own 
profit, but they act together in deciding such mat- 
ters as the quantities and kinds of goods to be pro- 
duced, the prices to be charged, and the particular 
parts of the market to be regarded as the exclusive 
domain of each of them. In short they organize 
their relations with their market, in agreement with 
each other, in the way which they think will best 
promote their own profit. 

In the United States such arrangements among 
business competitors are clearly illegal under the 
Sherman Anti-trust Act. The illegality of cartel- 
like arrangements under the Sherman act was clear- 
ly established in a pioneer decision under the act 
almost 50 years ago. This decision, by Judge Taft 



in the Addyston Pipe Case, is still the law with 
resj^ect to this kind of activity in the United States. 
Competing businessmen may have association with 
each other for many proper purposes, but they may 
not lawfully reach agreements or make arrange- 
ments with each other concerning how much or 
what they will produce, or the prices they will 
charge, or the markets in which they will sell. 
Such practices would be regarded as in restraint of 
trade under the anti-trust laws. Through the anti- 
trust laws Congress has expressed the American 
policy of free competition in both our interstate 
and our foreign commerce. The purpose of the 
anti-trust laws has been clearly stated by Mr. Chief 
Justice Stone. In his decision in the Trenton Pot- 
teries Case, he said : 

"Whatever difference of opinion there may be 
among economists as to the social and economic de- 
sirability of an unrestrained competitive system, 
it cannot be doubted that the Sherman Law and the 
judicial decisions interpreting it are based upon 
the assumption that the public interest is best pro- 
tected from the evils of monopoly and price con- 
trol by the maintenance of competition." 

The enforcement of the Sherman act and kindred 
laws is, as you know, the duty of the Anti-trust 
Division of the D.'partment of Justice. Because of 
the very general character of the provisions of the 
act its eflPectiveness depends in no small degree 
upon the skill and vigor of its enforcement. 

There is I think no doubt that the Sherman act 
has the support of the very great majority of 
American opinion, including business opinion. 
We are convinced that contracts in restraint of 
competition tend to reduce employment and pro- 
duction, to raise prices to consumers, to restrict 
the adoption of improvements both of product and 
of methods, to hold back the efficient, to prevent 
the entry of new firms, and to reduce the over-all 
effectiveness of business operations. The ideal of 
American business is success in open competition, 
not protection of vested interests in a soft berth. 
Combined with the system of free trade among 
the States under the Constitution, the scope and 
wealth of the national market, and the varied 
.skills and talents of Americans, the Sherman act 
and its observances and enforcement have given 
us the largest, richest, and most competitive na- 
tional market in the world. The benefits of the 

system of competition are there for all to see, and 
we are not likely to abandon them for any other 
system, even though under certain special circum- 
stances competitive activity must be supplemented 
or replaced by governmental control in the public 
interest. The President's statement which I have 
quoted — that the ideas of the Sherman act have 
become a part of the American way of business 
life — should be reemphasized. 

The cartel problem becomes of current impor- 
tance because of the fact that many other countries 
either do not agree with American views upon this 
problem or have been unable under past world 
conditions to adopt this kind of policy. In Canada 
and in most of the other countries of the Western 
Hemisphere existing policy and legislation is gen- 
erally not unlike our own. But on the continent 
of Europe, and especially in Germany, another 
system of law and another business philosophy has 
prevailed for many years. Cartels have not been 
illegal in most European countries, and in some 
they have been actively supported by public au- 
thority. Although aggressive and compulsory use 
of the cartel characterized Nazi economic opera- 
tions, cartels were strongly established in Ger- 
many, as well as in other European countries, long 
before the advent of Hitler. The ideal of business 
conduct and of business law on the continent of 
Europe has stressed security and stability rather 
than active and vigorous competition. The laws 
of many European countries have therefore sanc- 
tioned restrictive national and international cai'tels 
and have adopted more or less rigid state regula- 
tion of cartel and other business practices. 

Great Britain occupies in this respect a position 
somewhere between the continent of Europe and 
ourselves. The English common law has con- 
demned contracts in restraint of competition since 
the time of Queen Anne, but the condemnation has 
meant only that the courts would not enforce such 
contracts. No statute made them criminal and no 
Government department was charged with their 
prevention. English businessmen were free to 
enter into arrangements to restrict competition, 
and a good many such arrangements have existed. 

The arrangements which other countries make 
for the management of their internal business af- 
fairs are of course their own business, even though 
they may be of concern to us indirectly through 
their impact on international trade. But the oper- 

OCTOBER 15, 1944 


ations of cartels in international trade have faced 
American businessmen with two serious problems. 

One problem relates to export markets. When 
an important foreign market is controlled by a 
cartel it may be very hard for American interests to 
make sales there unless they are prepared to come 
to terms with the cartel. This is particularly true 
if the cartel has the support of the foreign govern- 
ment concerned. It is partly for this reason that 
various American business interests have, or are 
alleged to have, entered into arrangements with 
cartels organized abroad. 

Another point at which foreign cartel operations 
may be very damaging to American business in- 
terests is in the supply and price of raw materials. 
If a particular raw material used in American in- 
dustry has to be imported from abroad, and if the 
supply is controlled by a cartel, American buyers 
may be required to pay prices above economic 
levels. This aspect of the cartel problem has been 
important in a number of essential matei'ials in- 
cluding tin, rubber, quinine, and others. 

International cartel operations, moreover, may 
seriously interfere with the public policy of gov- 
ernments. The United Nations have repeatedly 
emphasized that they propose to see what they can 
do to bring about increased production, employ- 
ment, exchange, and consumption of useful goods 
throughout the world, and that as one means to- 
ward this end they propose to adopt measures for 
the reduction of barriers to international trade and 
the removal of discriminations. But in respect of 
any commodity which is controlled by a cartel the 
benefits which freer trading opportunities should 
bring to all of us might be much reduced or alto- 
gether prevented by restrictions engineered by the 

For all these and other reasons the President has 
said, in the letter which I read before: "Cartel 
practices which restrict the free flow of goods in 
foreign commerce will have to be curbed." The 
sentiment of the people in the United States and 
the reflection of this sentiment in our Congress 
among members of both parties confirm the wide 
agreement on this policy. 

The question is how to accomplish it. The Sher- 
man act can deal with restrictive operations in this 
country, but obviously neither it nor any other 
American law can operate, as law, beyond our 
shores. The President's objective, as his letter says, 

"can be achieved only through collaborative action 
by the United Nations"', that is to say, by inter- 
national negotiation and agreement. 

The aim of our policy is clear. Although there 
are differences in tradition and experience in many 
other countries, there is increasing indication that 
others recognize the undesirable and even danger- 
ous implications of following a cartel policy. The 
tradition of most of the countries of this hemi- 
sphere, as I said before, is not unlike our own. On 
the continent of Europe recent expressions of cer- 
tain French leaders indicate a definite opinion that 
cartels have been bad for France. In Britain also 
there is a definite movement toward facing se- 
riously the important issues which international 
cartels pose. In the important Cabinet White 
Paper "Employment Policy", laid before the Par- 
liament in May of this year, af)pears the following 
passage : 

"There has in recent years been a growing tend- 
ency towards combines and towards agreements, 
both national and international, by which manu- 
facturers have sought to control prices and output, 
to divide markets and to fix conditions of sale. 
Such agreements or combines do not necessarily 
operate against the public interest; but the power 
to do so is there. The Government will therefore 
seek power to inform themselves of the extent and 
effect of restrictive agreements, and of the activi- 
ties of combines ; and to take appropriate action to 
check practices which may bring advantages to sec- 
tional producing interests but work to the detri- 
ment of the country as a whole." 

The similarity of these expressions to the policy 
expressed in the President's letter of last Septem- 
ber 6 is cause for real encouragement. 

The attempt to curb the restrictive practices of 
cartels in international trade should of course not 
be thought of as something by itself. It is an 
integral and necessary part of the general effort 
to achieve an expanding world economy and an 
increased world trade. Trade may be restricted 
and prevented or pressed out of its natural chan- 
nels, either by public regulation or by restrictive 
arrangements made by private interests. A realis- 
tic program looking to freer trade must take 
account of both. 

{Continued on page 4S8) 



Post- War Trade Policy 

Address by WILLIAM A. FOWLER' 

[Released to the press October 11] 

A comprehensive international trade policy 
suited to the needs and conditions of the post-war 
world is a high-priority item on the United Na- 
tions' agenda of unfinished business. Fortunately, 
we do not liave to start from scratch. Since the 
passage of the Trade Agreements Act in 1934, the 
policy of the United States has been to expand 
private international trade on a nondiscriminatory, 
nudtilateral basis. The purpose of this policy has 
been to raise employment and living standards to 
higher levels. The same policy, with the same pur- 
pose, is stated in the Atlantic Charter, to which 
the governments of all tl\e United Nations have 
subscribed, and in article VII of mutual-aid agree- 
ments with many of our Allies. 

The trade agreements we made witli 20 non- 
Axis countries — and Finland — before the outbreak 
of this war strengthened our economy, and theirs, 
by encouraging a two-way increase in trade. They 
also strengtliened the bonds of friendship between 
the peoples of this country and those of other coun- 
tries. During the war period we have concluded 
trade agreements with seven additional countries. 
All these agreements together cover a large area 
in which our international trade, particularly in 
time of peace, is protected and encouraged. They 
are symbols of a new America — an America aware 
of its place and of its opportunities, in an interde- 
pendent world. 

There seems to be wide approval and support for 
the principles of the trade-agreements program as 
a basis for this country's post-war international 
trade policy. But there are still a few groups and 
individuals who would destroy completely both the 
program and the agreements concluded under it, 
or would saddle the program with weakening 
amendments. Just a few weeks ago a bill for out- 
right repeal of the Trade Agreements Act before 
next June was introduced in the House of Repre- 

' Delivered before the Thirty-first National Foreign Trade 
Convention, New York, N. Y., Oct. 11, 1944. Mr. Fowler is 
Chief of the Division of Commercial Policy, Office of Eco- 
nomic Affairs, Department of State. 

Some erstwhile isolationi.sts, now self-styled 
nationalists, would take us back to the Hawley- 
Smoot days if they could manage to do so. 

Others, blind to the ability of the vast majority 
of American producers to compete on a fair basis 
with all comers in the liome market as well as 
abroad, oppose the trade-agreements program be- 
cause they doubt our ability, as a nation, to face 
fair competition. They are men of little faith 
in the economic greatness of America. 

These minority groups will bear watching in 
the critical weeks and months ahead. Their power 
is great in proportion to their numbers. They are 
organized to function quickly, quietly, and effec- 
tively in key places and at crucial times. No one 
interested in a dynamic post-war trade policy 
should allow himself to be lulled into a false sense 
of security of the seemingly general and over- 
whelming public support for such a policy. 
Vigorous action, now and for an indefinite time to 
come, is needed if we and our friends in other 
countries are to succeed in preparing the way for 
a substantial expansion of trade after the war. 

The need for such an expansion of international 
trade is not a matter of abstract theory. Expert 
British opinion, for example, points to tlie need for 
a 50-percent increase of United Kingdom post- 
war exports to pay for imports at pro-war levels. 
This calculation takes into account the greatly re- 
duced British income to be expected from overseas 
investments and from services; it does not take 
into account tlie possibility of financial assistance. 

Here at home some 10 million men and women 
returning from the armed services, as well as mil- 
lions now at work, will need productive peacetime 
jobs. Only through international cooperation can 
problems of sucli magnitude be solved satisfac- 
torily. The levels of productive employment at- 
tained, here and elsewhere, will depend to a very 
important extent on what tlie nations do in the 
field of trade and trade barriers. 

The necessary trade expansion will not be 
brought about merely by getting rid of unnecessary 
wartime trade restrictions and controls and by 
refraining from imposing new trade bai-riers after 

OCTOBER 15, 1944 


the war. A formidable network of tariffs, quotas, 
exchange controls, cartel arrangements, and 
other trade barriers was in existence when this 
war broke out. This pre-war network of trade 
barriers, if allowed to stand unchanged, would 
prevent the rapid development of international 
trade to levels substantially higher than those at- 
tained prior to the outbreak of the war. 

Similarly, post-war commercial policy built 
around the idea of importing raw materials in ex- 
change for exports of finished goods would be en- 
tirely inadequate. In 1940, the value of our im- 
ports of raw materials, plus foods, such as coffee, 
tea, and the like, was equal to only about one third 
of the value of our exports. If every country 
adopted a lop-sided raw-material import policy, 
world trade would shrink, not expand. The 
United States and the United Kingdom, for ex- 
ample, both industrialized nations, have carried 
on a substantial and profitable two-way trade in 
manufactured products. It could have been much 
larger, to the benefit of all, had it not been for 
burdensome trade restrictions. A substantial in- 
crease in imports of manufactured specialties from 
other countries would not only help to raise our 
standard of living but also enable our foreign 
customers to pay for larger imports of many dif- 
ferent kinds of things from us. 

Some hold the view that if the United States 
manages, somehow, to achieve high levels of em- 
ployment, production, and national income, our 
foreign trade will take care of itself, that it will 
increase automatically and mathematically as our 
national income rises. It is true that imports and 
exports are larger when the national income is 
higher, but they are not greater merely because 
national income has risen. Importers know, of 
course, that a high tariff can hold imports of a par- 
ticular product down to a mere trickle even if 
national income rises sharply. The basic fallacy 
in this theory, however, is the failure to appreciate 
the fact that our international trade is a vital part 
of the national income and cannot be abstractly 
measured as a separate, or residual, aspect of that 
income. Our economy is indivisible; it is affected 
by both internal and external forces and by the 
interaction between these forces. Our interna- 
tional trade can be an important factor contribut- 
ing to domestic employment, industrial activity, 
and farm prosperity. 

One sure way to destroy rather than to expand 
our international trade after the war would be to 
resort to bilateral balancing of trade, intergovern- 
mental barter deals, and other types of inherently 
discriminatory trade arrangements. Such ar- 
rangements multiplied during the inter-war period. 
We know that they destroy normal trade and gen- 
erate international enmity. Going back to their 
use would be disastrous. Such arrangements vio- 
late the unconditional most-favored-nation prin- 
ciple which has been basic in United States trade 
policy since 1922 and is specifically written into 
the Trade Agreements Act. This principle has 
long protected our commerce in many markets of 
the world against discriminatory and unfair treat- 
ment. It has, furthermore, enabled us to avoid a 
great deal of friction in our general relations with 
other nations. 

Assuming that there is general, and non-partisan, 
agreement that the basic principles embodied in the 
Trade Agreements Act should underlie our post- 
war trade policy, the main question is : How shall 
those principles be applied so as to bring about a 
substantial expansion of international trade over 
pre-war levels ? 

One thing is certain. Only a thorough-going 
attack on all forms of excessive and unreasonable 
trade restrictions, and on trade discriminations 
throughout the world, with as many nations as 
possible cooperating, will meet the requirements 
of the post-war world. Our strong economic posi- 
tion and great influence place the opportunity and 
the responsibility for leadership largely on the 
United States. 

Our goal should be the establishment of an in- 
ternational trade policy which is an integral part 
of the whole system of international economic and 
security relationships toward which we and other 
like-minded nations are now working. Any such 
general system must provide for stability in inter- 
national monetary and currency relations if we are 
to have conditions most favorable for the growth 
of trade. It must likewise provide for coopera- 
tion in regard to international investments, be- 
yond the scope and interest of private enterprise, 
that assist in the economic growth of undeveloped 
areas. The plans for an International Monetary 
Fund and a World Bank, worked out at Bretton 
Woods, include such provisions. 

International cooperation for the relief and re- 
habilitation of war-devastated countries, through 



UNRRA and otherwise, has a direct bearing upon 
the future of international commerce. Only when 
devastated countries can again producs things 
which we and others wish to buy from them can 
they begin to pay us for the things we want to 
sell to them. The proposed Food and Agriculture 
Organization of the United Nations should help 
to improve the production, distribution, and con- 
sumption of agricultural, forestry, and fishery 
products and thus aid in raising living standards 
in all countries. 

The proposal for a general international organ- 
ization developed at Dumbarton Oaks includes as 
one of its purposes the achievement of interna- 
tional cooperation in the solution of international 
economic, social, and other humanitarian prob- 
lems. It is pointed out that the international or- 
ganization should seek solutions for these prob- 
lems with a view to creating the conditions of sta- 
bility and well-being which are necessary for 
peaceful and friendly relations among nations. 
It contemplates that specialized economic, social, 
and other organizations and agencies would have 
responsibilities in their respective fields, and that 
these agencies would be related appropriately to 
each other and to the general organization. 

In the field of trade and trade barriers the 
United and Associated Nations should endeavor 
to reach early agreement on an effective program 
and organization. Such a program should include 
the reduction of trade barriers and restrictions, 
the elimination of harmful trade discriminations, 
the methods for dealing with difficult commodity 
problems, and the prevention of restrictive cartel 
arrangements and practices. The technical and 
other problems involved in such a comprehensive, 
cooperative approach can be solved just as others 
equally difficult have been and are being solved 
cooperatively in carrying on the war. 

Public support which is general, intelligent, and 
active is one of the first essentials to success both 
in setting up a sound trade policy and in making 
it work. Americans who are engaged in foreign 
trade understand its principles and processes better 
than do many others. Groups such as those gath- 
ered here at the Thirty-first National Foreign 
Trade Convention can render a great public service 
by using their knowledge to help other Americans 
to understand the vital necessity for a sound inter- 
national trade policy and the essential require- 
ments of such a policy. 

CONCERNING CARTELS— Continued from page 435 

All of us have a great stake in the freedom of 
business enterprise from unreasonable regulation. 
We depend on private business in all capitalist 
countries, not only for most of the employment 
by which we earn our living but for the supply of 
food, clothing, shelter, and many of the other 
physical necessities and amenities of life. To 
enable it to perform these great functions indi- 
vidual enterprise in peacetime must be reasonably 
free to make its own decisions in the open market, 
assume its own risks, take its own losses, and 
obtain its own rewards. We do not expect to see 
the end of public regulations — indeed some regu- 
lation of business competition has been a recog- 
nized necessity almost as long as business com- 
petition has existed. What we do expect to see 
after this war is, first, a gradual relaxing of the 
special emergency controls connected with the war, 

and then, in respect of international commerce, 
which is all I mean to speak about, an organized 
concerted effort to reduce those elaborate restric- 
tions and discriminations which so limited busi- 
ness decisions and so hampered business transac- 
tions across national frontiers in the years be- 
tween the wars. And we will I hope agree that 
whatever restrictions on business liberty are neces- 
sary in the post-war years should be continued or 
imposed not by the decisions of private and in- 
terested groups, but by the public authority after 
due consideration of all the interests involved, 
including those of the consumer. The liberation 
of the world's trade from restrictions imposed by 
private and interested combinations is not only in 
accordance with American ideas, it is in accord- 
ance with the interests of common people in every 
country in which private enterprise is a part of 
economic life. 

OCTOBER 15. 19U 


Summary of Steps Taken by the Department of State 
In Behalf of American Nationals in Japanese Custody' 

Proposals for the Exchange of Nationals 
With Japan 

In March 1944 the Department of State re- 
opened, through the Swiss Government, the ques- 
tion of further exchanges of nationals with the 
Japanese Government. A complete plan was 
presented under which, on a reciprocal basis, ac- 
celerated exchanges might be made. In May 1944 
the Japanese Government informed the Swiss 
Government that it would study this proposal. 
Since then the Department of State has done 
everything possible to obtain the Japanese Gov- 
ernment's views in this matter and, deeply con- 
cerned about Japan's dilatory attitude, has also ad- 
vanced further proposals, including one suggest- 
ing a series of continuous small-scale exchanges 
involving the use of available railroad connections 
between JaiJanese-held territory on the Asiatic 
Continent and the Soviet Union. Despite such 
efforts the Japanese Government has so far not 
shown a disposition to discuss this subject. 

The reluctance of the Japanese Government to 
negotiate for further exchanges of nationals will 
not deter the United States Government from tak- 
ing all necessary and proper steps to keep the 
question of such exchanges continually before the 
Japanese authorities and to be prepared to ensure 
the speedy execution of any further exchanges of 
whatever character to which Japanese agreement 
may eventually be obtained. 

Shipment of Relief Supplies to the Far East 

The matter of the transportation to Japanese- 
held areas of the relief supplies now on Soviet 
territory for distribution to American and other 
Allied nationals in Japanese hands stands as fol- 
lows: The Soviet Government has generally 
agreed to the additional conditions imposed by the 
Japanese Government (Biilletin of Aug. 20, 
1944, p. 179) and has granted permission for a 
Japanese ship to enter a Soviet port to take on 
the supplies. The Japanese ship will be accorded 
safe-conduct by the Soviet Government within 
Soviet waters and by the Allied military au- 

thorities outside those waters. The United 
States Government has agreed to pay all costs 
connected with the transportation of these sup- 
plies to Japan and has confirmed to the Japanese 
Government the willingness of the United States 
fully to reciprocate in regard to the transporta- 
tion and distribution of relief supplies sent by 
Japan for Japanese nationals in United States 
custody. It is hoped that as a result of these de- 
velopments the supplies that have been so long 
awaiting onward shipment from Soviet territory 
will soon reach those for whom they are intended. 

As regards subsequent shipments of relief sup- 
plies, the Soviet Government has again suggested 
to the Japanese Government tliat shipments be 
sent overland to Japanese-controlled territory if 
the Japanese Government fails to utilize the port 
named by the Soviet Government for this purpose. 
The United States Government for its part has 
urged the Japanese Government to use this means 
by which regular and continuous shipments can be 
made of sujjplemental foodstuffs, medicines, and 
clotliing for American and other Allied nationals 
in Japan and Japanese-occupied territories. 

In a further effort to bring aid to Americans 
through any means available, the American Red 
Cross is attempting to forward by the mail route 
through Tehran described below small packages 
containing concentrated vitamins and medicines 
of a sort which are thought to be scarce in the Far 
East. There are, however, no assurances that sup- 
plies so sent will reach those for whom they are 

Regardless of all obstacles the Department and 
the American Red Cross are continuing diligently 
to endeavor to arrange with the Japanese Govern- 
ment for the shipment of relief supplies on a regu- 
lar and continuing basis to American prisoners of 
war and civilian internees in Japanese custody. 

' Information contained herein amends the summary 
printed in the BtriXETiN of Jan. 15, 1944, p. 77. Informa- 
tion in sections 1, 3, 4, and 5 of that summary remains 
current. See also Bulletin of July 2, 1944, p. 6; July 16, 
1944, p. 63; July 30, 1944, p. 115; Aug. 6, 1944, p. 142; 
and Aug. 20, 1944, p. 176. 



Sending of Individual Parcels to American Na- 
tionals Interned by the Japanese Government 

No means of transportation are currently avail- 
able for the sending of any next-of-kin parcels to 
American nationals in Japanese custody. In the 
event the Government's further efforts to arrange 
for the regular and continuous shipment of such 
relief supplies as those discussed above should be 
successful, the Department would expect the Japa- 
nese Government reciprocally to accept and to de- 
liver next-of-kin packages sent by the same means 
of transportation for delivery to interned Amer- 
ican nationals, both military and civilian, in Japa- 
nese hands. 

The Office of the Provost Marshal General, War 
Dei^artment, has jurisdiction over the issuance of 
labels permitting next of kin to send parcels to 
American nationals in enemy custody whenever 
facilities for this purpose are available. All per- 
sons desiring to be provided with such labels, in 
the event facilities for shipment of individual pack- 
ages to the Far East should become available, are 
advised to communicate with that office for infor- 
mation in this regard. 

Provision of Financial Assistance to American 
Nationals in the Far East 

Monthly transfers of United States Government 
funds to American civilian-internment camps in 
the Philippine Islands (Bulletin of Jan. 15, 1944, 
ID. 82) were increased from the original monthly 
total of $25,000 to $37,500 and subsequently to 
$100,000. The Department of State has generally 
authorized the Swiss Government to furnish such 
additional amounts as may be required by rising 
price levels. 

The United States Government, acting through 
the Swiss Government, has constantly endeavored 
since the spring of 1942 to arrange for the transfer 
of funds to American prisoners of war in the Phil- 
ippine Islands. The Japanese Government has 
now indicated that it would be disposed to consider 
requests made by the Swiss Government to transfer 
funds through Japanese military channels for the 
assistance of American prisoners of war in the 
Philippine Islands, limiting such payments to 20 
pesos monthly (approximately $10) for each pris- 
oner of war. The Department of State has re- 

quested the Swiss Government to arrange for the 
transfer on a continuing basis of sufficient United 
States Government funds to provide the maximum 
amount permitted by the Japanese authorities for 
each prisoner of war. 

The Japanese authorities recently agreed to per- 
mit the extension of financial assistance to Ameri- 
can prisoners of war as well as to interned civilians 
in the Netherlands East Indies, and the Swiss Gov- 
ernment has been specifically requested to arrange 
for the transfer of United States Government 
fmids to the maximum amount allowed by the Jap- 
anese authorities. 

Elsewhere in the Far East, in territory under 
Japanese control, financial assistance is being ex- 
tended to all American prisoners of war and civil- 
ian internees who can be reached either by Swiss 
Government representatives or by delegates of the 
International Red Cross Committee. Both the 
Swiss Government and the International Red Cross 
Committee are being allowed to exercise broad 
discretion in the disbursement of United States 
public funds in order to ameliorate to the greatest 
extent possible the detention of American na- 

Transmission of Mail Between the Untted 
States and Areas Under Japanese Control 

The Post Office Department is now sending aU 
mail addressed to prisoners of war and civilian in- 
ternees in the Far East by air without charge to 
the sender to Tehran, Iran, from which point, with 
the cooperation of the Soviet Government, it is for- 
warded across Soviet territory and delivered to the 
Japanese authorities. According to reports re- 
ceived from the International Red Cross Commit- 
tee at Geneva, prisoner-of-war and civilian-inter- 
nee mail has reached the Far East. Mail to the Far 
East is, of course, subject to the delays and uncer- 
tainties of war, and once it reaches the Far East 
its delivery to Americans is dependent upon the co- 
operation of the Japanese authorities. Prisoner- 
of-war and civilian-internee mail addressed to per- 
sons in the United States which originates in Japan 
and Japanese-controlled territory is being routed 
by the Japanese authorities to Tehran, from which 
point this mail is being carried by air to the United 
States free of charge. 

OCTOBER 15, 1944 


Visit of Director of 
Peruvian Hospital 

Dr. Guillermo Almenara Irigoyen, director of 
the Workers' Hospital at Lima, Peru, and head 
of the Peruvian National Security Organization, 
is ^^siting medical and public-health centers in 
this counti-y as a guest of the Department of State. 
The Inter-American Hospital Association is co- 
operating with the Department in making arrange- 
ments for his itinerary. 

Dr. Almenara was elected vice president of the 
Inter- American Hospital Association at the meet- 
ing of the First Regional Institute of Hospitals 
held in Mexico in January of this year, and he was 
made an honorary fellow of the American College 
of Hospital Administrators at their recent meetijig 
at Cleveland, Ohio. 


The Inter-Agency Economic Digest' 

Purpose. This instruction is issued in order to 
describe the functions and locate within the De- 
partment the secretariat servicing the ^''Inter- 
Agency Economic Digest". 

1. Nature of the, '■'Inter- Agency Economic Di- 
gest", (a) The Department is interested in stimu- 
lating a flow of selected materials on background 
information and policy developments to United 
States missions abroad, in order that overseas 
staffs may be currently and fully apprised of 
economic developments in Federal agencies in 
Washington. Some months ago, on the instigation 
of the Mission for Economic Affairs in the United 
States Embassy in London, a group of inter-de- 
partmental representatives of several Federal 
agencies in Washington began sending fortnightly 
progress and policy reports on economic activities 
to certain United States missions abroad.- 

(b) There has developed an increasing demand 
from overseas missions for current economic in- 
formation in the form of a consolidated report, 
rather than progress reports from individual agen- 
cies. This would not only obviate the confusion 
from duplicate reporting, but would also provide 

a concise summary of major economic activities of 
direct concern to our foreign missions. 

(c) F'ollowing an interchange of letters between 
the Under Secretary of State and appropriate offi- 
cials of other agencies, an Inter- Agency Editorial 
Board was created for the purpose of compiling a 
consolidated periodical, the "■Inter- Agency Eco- 
nomic Digest" with representation from the fol- 
lowing agencies : 

Combined Production and Resources Board 

(U. S. side) 
Combined Raw Materials Board (U. S. side) 
Department of Agriculture 
Department of Commerce 
Department of State 
Department of Treasury 
Foreign Economic Administration 
Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American 

Petroleum Administration for War 
War Food Administration 
War Production Board 
War Shipping Administration 

(d) The Inter-Agency Editorial Board, in a 
meeting August 25, 1944, defined the coverage of 
the digest as : 

A brief digest of the most important economic 
developments of special concern to the U. S. Gov- 
ernment staffs abroad. Emphasis will be given 
to emerging problems and policy developments. 
The report will be confined largely to information 
and material not generally available from other 
sources to officials of all U. S. Government agencies 

2. Location and Fmictions of the Secretariat. 
In accordance with the policy of the Department 
to assume the leadership in seeing that United 
States missions receive adequate background and 
current information and policy guidance, the sec- 
retariat for servicing the consolidated "/n^er*- 
Agency Economic Digest" shall reside in the De- 
partment of State. The secretariat, including the 
Chairman of the Inter-Agency Editorial Board, is 

' Administrative Instruction (General Administration 
7) , dated and effective Oct. 2, 1944. 

' Bulletin of Feb. 12, 1944, p. 181, and June 24, 1944, p. 



hereby established in the Office of the Foreign 
Service, in accordance with Departmental Order 
1229, of February 23, 1944, which located the De- 
partment's Information Service Committee in that 
office. It shall be responsible for liaison with the 
Inter-Agency Editorial Board, assembling and 
analyzing pertijient materials, compiling and 
editing the consolidated Digest, and processing and 
distributing the Digest. 


Trade Marks 

On September 29, 1944 the Secretary of State 
transmitted to the Director General of the Pan 
American Union a letter giving notice of denuncia- 
tion by the United States of America of the Pro- 
tocol on the Inter- American Registration of Trade 
Marks signed at Washington on February 20, 1929.^ 
The text of the letter follows : 

Septembee 29, 1944. 
The DnsECTOR General, 

or THE Pan American Union. 


As the result of the experiences of the last sev- 
eral years, the Government of the United States 
of America has come to the conclusion that the 
Inter- American Trademark Bureau at Habana and 
the Protocol on the Inter-American Registration 
of Trade Marks signed at AVashington on February 
20, 1929 have failed to serve any purpose which 
would adequately justify the annual quota of funds 
contributed by it for the support of the Bureau. 

Accordingly, the Government of the United 
States of America, acting in conformity with the 
provisions of the third paragraph of Article 19 
of the Protocol under reference, gives notice hereby 
of its denunciation of the Protocol, and, having 
thus given notice, understands that the Protocol 
will cease to be in force as regards the United 
States of America upon the expiration of one year 
from the date of this notice. 
Very truly yours, 


The Director General of the Pan American 
Union informed the Secretary of State, by a letter 
of October 3, 1944, that, in accordance with the 
terms of paragraph 3 of article 19 of the Protocol, 
under which notice of denunciation is given, the 
Pan American Union will inform the countries 
parties to the Protocol of the decision of the Gov- 
ernment of the United States of America. 

Inter-American Coffee Agreement 

The English text of a declaration signed on July 
25, 1944 by the delegates of the governments par- 
ticipating in the Inter-American Coffee Agree- 
ment, signed at Washington on November 28, 1940, 
follows : " 

Declaration by the Inter-American Coffee 
Board Providing for the Continuation or 
THE Inter-Asierican Coffee Agreement for 
A Period of One Year From October 1, 1944. 

Whereas : The Inter-American Coffee Board, in 
its resolution adopted August 5, 1943, recom- 
mended to the participating Governments the con- 
tinuation without any change of the Inter-Amer- 
ican Coffee Agreement for a period of one year 
from October 1, 1944. 

Wheee.\s: All the participating Governments 
have expressed their acceptance of the aforesaid 
resolution, as evidenced by official communications 
received from the Governments of Brazil, Colom- 
bia, Costa Rica, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, 
Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haiti, Hon- 
duras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Peru, the United States 
of America, and Venezuela; 

The Inter-American Coffee Board, in accord- 
ance with the provisions of Article XXIV of the 
aforesaid Agreement. 

Declares : 

That the Inter-American Coffee Agreement, 
subscribed to in the City of Washington, D.C., the 
28th day of November, 1940, shall be deemed to 
be renewed and in effect, without any change what- 

' Treaty Series &33, p. 46. 
= Treaty Series 970 and 979. 

OCTOBER 15, 1944 


soever, for all the signatory Governments, for a 
period of one year from the first of October, 1944. 

As provided for in Article XXIV a certified 
copy of this Declaration shall be sent to the Pan 
American Union and to each of the Governments 
I^articipating in the Agreement. 

The original of this Declaration shall be de- 
posited in the Pan American Union, as an appen- 
dix to the Inter-American Coffee Agreement and 
to the Protocol to same. 

Done at Washington, D.C., in English, Spanish, 
Portuguese and French, this 25th day of July, 

The chairman of the Inter-American Coffee 
Board has informed the Secretary of State that 
the original signed copy of the declaration, in the 
four official languages of the Inter-American 
Coffee Board, has been forwarded to the Pan 
American Union for deposit. 

Canadian-New Zealand Mutual-Aid 

The American Legation at Wellington trans- 
mitted to the Department of State, with a despatch 
of September 20, 1944, the text of an agreement 
(New Zealand Treaty Series 1944, No. 2), signed 
at Ottawa on June 30, 1944, between the Govern- 
ments of Canada and New Zealand on the princi- 

ples applying to the provision by Canada of Ca- 
nadian war supplies to New Zealand under the 
War Appropriation (United Nations Mutual Aid) 
Acts of Canada, 1943 and 1944. The agreement 
became effective on June 30, 1944, the date of sig- 
nature. The Canadian - New Zealand agreement 
is similar to the mutual-aid agreement between the 
Government of Canada and the French Committee 
of National Liberation printed in tlie Bulletin of 
May 13, 1944, pages 456-457 ; see also Bulletin of 
May 27, 1944, page 504. 


Depaktment of State 

Dumbarton Oaks Documents on Organi- 
zation. Conference Series 56. Publication 2192. 27 pp. 

Copyright Extension: Agreement between the United 
States of America and the United Kingdom of Great 
Britain and Northern Ireland — Effected by exchange of 
notes signed at Washington March 10, 1944 ; effective 
March 10, 1944. Executive Agreement Series 401. Pub- 
lication 2181. 12 pp. 50, 

Reciprocal Trade: Agreement between the United 
States of America and Turkey, in accordance with article 
1 of the Agreement of April 1, 1039— Effected by exchange 
of notes signed at Washington April 14 and 22, 1944. 
Executive Agreement Series 406. Publication 2182. 
4 pp. 50. 





^ r 

„ «/i 



VOL. XI, NO. 278 

OCTOBER 22, 1941 

In this issue 

AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY: Address by the President i, -k -tx 


Green -d-iiiiiririi-tiic-tr-Ct-d-tt 

REGIME: Article by Leon fF. Fuller •(( -h ir ir * * 

^Vl«^NT o*. 

* * 



Vol. XI - No. 278. 


October 22, 1944 

The Department of State BULLE- 
TIN, a tceekly publication compiled and 
edited in the Division of Research and 
Publication, Office of Public Informa- 
tion, provides the public and inter- 
ested agencies of the Government tcith 
information on developments in the 
field of foreign relations and on the 
tcork of the Department of State and 
the Foreign Service. The BVLtETlJS 
includes press releases on foreign policy 
issued by the White House and the De- 
partment, and statements and addresses 
made by the President and by the Sec- 
retary of State and other officers of the 
Department, as well as special articles 
on various phases of international af- 
fairs and the functions of the Depart- 
ment. Information concerning treaties 
and international agreements to which 
the United States is or may become a 
party and treaties of general inter- 
national interest is included. 

Publications of the Department, 
cumulatit^e lists of which are published 
at the end of each quarter, as well as 
legislative material in the field of inter- 
national relations, are listed currently. 

The BULLETIN, published with the 
approval (tf the Director of the Bureau 
of the Budget, is for sale by the Super- 
intendent of Documents, United States 
Government Printing Office, Washing- 
ton 25, D. C; to whom all purchase 
orders, with accompanying remittance, 
should be sent. The subscription price 
is $2.75 a year; a single copy is 10 


American Republics Page 

Pan American Conference on Geography and Cartography . 475 


Participation of United States in Surrender Terms for 

Rumania 453 

Education ih Germany Under the National Socialist Re- 
gime: By Leon W. Fuller 466 

Far East 

Landing of American Forces in the Philippines: 

Statement by the President ' 454 

Messages of the President 455 

Statement by the Secretary of State . , 455 

Economic Affairs 

The Proclaimed List 480 

International Conference on European Inland Transport . . 480 


American Foreign Policy: Address by the President . . . . 447 
The Individual and International Affairs: Address by As- 
sistant Secretary Shaw 456 

Civil Air Attach^ Appointments 458 

The American Outlook in Foreign Affairs: Address by As- 
sistant Secretary Berle 476 

Post-War Matters 

Informal Discussions on Peace Organization: 

Organizations Represented 450 

Remarks by Ernest Martin Hopkins 451 

Remarks by the Under Secretary of State 452 

Remarks by the Under Secretary of State at the Closing 

of the Meeting 453 

The Dumbarton Oaks Conversations: By James Frederick 

Green 459 

Grayson N. Kefauver Returns From London 465 

Treaty Information 

Jurisdiction Over Armed Forces 481 

Inter- American Institute of Agricultural Sciences .... 481 

The Department 

Functions and Responsibilities of the Shipping Division, 

Office of Transportation and Communications .... 482 

Consular Services to Ships and Seamen 483 

Changes in Organization of the Office of Wartime Economic 

Affairs 483 

Functions of the .\dviser on Refugees and Displaced Per- 
sons 485 

Appointment of Officers 486 

The Foreign Service 

Consular Offices 481 

Publications ^°° 

Legislation ^°" 

American Foreign Policy 


[Released to the press by the White House October 21] 

When the first World War was ended, I be- 
lieved — I believe now — that enduring peace in the 
world has not a chance unless this Nation is will- 
ing to cooperate in winning it and maintaining it. 
I thought then — I know now — that we have to 
back our words with deeds. 

A quarter of a century ago we helped to save 
our freedom, but we failed to organize the kind of 
world in which future generations could live in 
freedom. Opportunity knocks again. There is no 
guaranty that it will knock a third time. 

Today Hitler and the Nazis continue the fight — 
desperately, inch by inch, and may continue to do 
so all the way to Berlin. 

And we have another important engagement in 
Tokyo. No matter how long or hard the road we 
must travel, our forces will fight their way there 
under the leadership of MacArthur and Nimitz. 

All of our thinking about foreign policy in this 
war must be conditioned by the fact that millions 
of our American boys are today fighting, many 
thousands of miles from home, for the defense of 
our country and the perpetuation of our American 
ideals. And there are still many hard and bitter 
battles to be fought. 

The leaders of this Nation have always held that 
concern for our national security does not end at 
our borders. President Monroe and every Ameri- 
can President following him were prepared to use 
force, if necessary, to assure the independence of 
other American nations threatened by aggressors 
from across the seas. 

Tlie principle has not changed, though the 
world has. Wars are no longer fought from 
horseback or from the decks of sailing ships. 

It was with recognition of that fact that in 1933 
we took, as the basis for our foreign relations, the 
Good Neighbor policy — the principle of the neigh- 

bor who, resolutely respecting himself, equally 
respects the rights of others. 

We and the other American republics have made 
the Good Neighbor policy real in this hemisphere. 
It is my conviction that this policy can be, and 
should be, made universal. 

At inter-American conferences, beginning at 
Montevideo in 1933, and continuing down to date, 
we have made it clear to this hemisphere that we 
practice what we preach. 

Our action in 1934 with respect to Philippine 
independence was another step in making good the 
same philosophy which animated the Good 
Neighbor policy. 

As I said two years ago: "I like to think that 
the history of the Philippine Islands in the last 
44 years i^rovides in a very real sense a pattern for 
the future of other small nations and peoples of 
the world. It is a pattern of what men of good- 
will look forward to in the future." 

I cite another early action in the field of foreign 
policy of which I am proud. That was the rec- 
ognition in 1933 of Soviet Kussia. 

For 16 years before then the American people 
and the Kussian people had no. practical means 
of communicating with each other. We reestab- 
lished those means. And today we are fighting 
with the Russians against common foes — and we 
know that the Eussian contribution to victory has 
been, and will continue to be, gigantic. 

• • • • ■ 

The American people have gone through great 
national debates in the recent critical years. They 
were soul-searching debates. They reached from 
every city to every village and to every home. 

We debated our principles and our determina- 
tion to aid those fighting for freedom. 

' Excerpts from an address delivered before the Foreign 
Policy Association in New York, N. Y., Oct. 21, 1944. 




Obviously, we could have come to terms with 
Hitler and accepted a minor role in his totalitarian 
world. We rejected that! 

We could have compromised with Japan and 
bargained for a place in a Japanese-dominated 
Asia by selling out the heart's blood of the Chinese 
people. And we rejected tliat ! 

The decision not to bargain with the tyrants 
rose from the hearts and souls and sinews of the 
American people. They faced reality, they ap- 
praised reality, and they knew what freedom 

The power which this Nation has attahied — the 
moral, the political, the economic, and the military 
power — has brought to us the responsibility, and 
with it the opportunity, for leadership in the com- 
munity of nations. In our own best interest, and 
in the name of peace and humanity, this Nation 
cannot, must not, and will not shirk that respon- 

The United Nations have not yet produced such 
a comfortable dwelling-place. But we have 
achieved a very practical expression of a common 
purpose on the part of four great nations, who 
are now united to wage this war, that they will 
embark together after the war on a greater and 
more difficult enterprise— that of waging peace. 
We will embark on it with all the peace-loving 
nations of the world — large and small. . 

Our objective, as I stated 10 days ago, is to 
complete the organization of the United Nations 
without delay and before hostilities actually cease. 

Peace, like war, can succeetl only where there 
is a will to enforce it, and where there is available 
power to enforce it. 

The Council of the United Nations must have 
the power to act quickly and decisively to keep 
the peace by force, if necessary. A policeman 
would not be a very effective policeman if, when 
he saw a felon break into a house, he had to go 
to the town hall and call a town meeting to issue 
a warrant before the felon could be arrested. 

It is clear that, if the world organization is 

to have any reality at all, our representative must 
be endowed in advance by the people themselves, 
by constitutional means through their representa- 
tives in the Congress, with authority to act. 

If we do not catch the international felon when 
we have our hands on him, if we let liini get away 
with his loot because the town council has not 
passed an ordinance authorizing his arrest, then 
we are not doing our share to prevent another 
world war. The people of the Nation want their 
Government to act, and not merely to talk, when- 
ever and wherever there is a threat to world 

^Ve cannot attain our great objectives by our- 
selves. Never again, after cooperating with other 
nations in a world war to save our way of life, 
can we wash our hands of maintaining the peace 
for which we fought. 

The Dumbarton Oaks conference did not spring 
up overnight. It was called by Secretary Hull 
and me after years of thought, discussion, prepara- 
tion, and consultation with our Allies. Our State 
Department did a splendid job in preparing for 
the conference and leading it to a successful ter- 
mination. It was another chapter in the long 
process of cooperation with other peace-loving 
nations — beginning with the Atlantic Charter con- | 
ference, and continuing through conferences at ' 
Casablanca, Moscow, Cairo, Tehran, Quebec, and 
Washington. ; 

The peace structure which we are building must ; 
depend on foundations that go deep into the soil 
of men's faith and men's hearts — otherwise it is ' 
worthless. Only the unflagging will of men can i 
preserve it. 

No President of the United States can make the 
American contribution to preserve the peace with- i 
out tlie constant, alert, and conscious collaboration i 
of the American people. 

Only the determination of the people to use the 
macliinery gives wortli to the machinery. 

Tlie very fact that we are now at work on the ' 
organization of the peace proves that the great 

OCTOBER 22, 19U 


natifOns are committed to trust in each other. Put 
this proposition any way you w\]\, it is bound to 
come out tlie same way; we either work with tlie 
other great nations, or we might some day have 
to fight them. 

The kind of world order which we the peace- 
loving nations must achieve must depend essen- 
tially on friendly human relations, on acquaint- 
ance, on tolerance, on unassailable sincerity and 
good-will and good faith. We have achieved that 
relationshiij to a remarkable degree in our dealings 
with our Allies in this war — as the events of the 
war have proved. 

It is a new thing in human history for Allies to 
work together, as we have done — so closely, so 
hai'moniously and effectively in the fighting of a 
war, and — at the same time — in the building of the 

If we fail to maintain that relationship in the 
peace — if we fail to expand it and strengthen it — 
then there will be no lasting peace. 

As for Germany, that tragic nation which has 
sown the wind and is now reaping the whirlwind, 
we and our Allies are entirely agreed that we shall 
not bargain with the Nazi conspirators, or leave 
them a shred of control — open or secret— of the in- 
struments of government. 

We shall not leave them a single element of 
military power — or of potential military power. 

But I should be false to the very fomidations of 
my religious and political convictions, if I should 
ever relinquish the hope — and even the faith — that 
in all peoples, without exception, there live some 
instinct for truth, some attraction toward justice, 
and some passion for peace — buried as they may b© 
in the German case under a brutal regime. 

We bring no charge against the German race, 
as such, for we cannot believe that God has eter- 
nally condemned any race of humanity. For we 
know in our own land how many good men and 
women of German ancestry have proved loyal, 
freedom-loving, peace-loving citizens. 

There is going to be stern punishment for all 
those in Germany directly responsible for this 
agony of mankind. 

The German people are not going to be en- 
slaved — because the United Nations do not traf- 
fic in human slavery. But it will be necessary for 
them to earn their way back into the fellowship 
of peace-loving and law-abiding nations. And, 
in their climb up that steep road, we shall cer- 
tainly see to it that they are not encumbered by 
having to carry guns. They will be relieved of 
that burden — we hope, forever. 

I speak to the present generation of Americans 
with reverent fiarticipation in its sorrows and in 
its hoj^es. No generation has undergone a greater 
test, or has met that test with greater heroism and 
greater wisdom, and no generation has had a more 
exalted mission. 

For this generation must act not only for itself, 
but as a trustee for all those who fell in the last 
war — a part of their mission unfulfilled. 

It must act also for all who have paid the su- 
preme price in this war — lest their mission, too, 
be betrayed. 

And finally it must act for the generations to 
come — which must be granted a heritage of peace. 

I do not exaggerate that mission. We are not 
fighting for, and we shall not achieve, Utopia. 
Indeed, in our own land, the work to be done is 
never finished. We have yet to realize the full 
and equal enjoyment of our freedom. So, in em- 
barking on the building of a world fellowship, we 
have set ourselves to a long and arduous task, 
which will challenge our patience, our intelligence, 
our imagination, as well as our faith. 

That task requires the judgment of a seasoned 
and a mature people. And this the American 
peof)le have become. We shall not again be 
thwarted in our will to live as a mature nation, 
confronting limitless horizons. We shall bear our 
full responsibility, exercise our full influence, and 
bring our full help and encouragement to all who 
aspire to peace and freedom. 

We now are, and we shall continue to be, strong 
brothers in the family of mankind — the family of 
the children of God. 



Informal Discussions on Peace Organization 


[Released to the press October 16) 

Dr. Ernest M. Hopkins in his capacity as chair- 
man of Americans United for World Organiza- 
tion hivs inquired of the Department of State 
wliether it could have members of its staff avail- 
able for an off-the-record discussion by members 
of organizations interested in world security. Dr. 
Hopkins said he would be happy to invite these 
organization representatives to such a meeting 
with the understanding that they came for in- 
fonnation and guidance without commitments. 

The Under Secretary of State, Mr. Stettinius, 
replied to Dr. Hopkins that he would be delighted 
to meet with representatives of the interested or- 
ganizations and members of the American Group 
participating in the Washington Conversations 
at Dumbarton Oaks for the above-suggested off- 
the-record discussion relating to the proposals for 
an international organization to maintain peace 
and security. 

A tentative list of the representatives of the 
organizations attending this meeting at the invita- 
tion of Americans United and the Commission 
To Study the Organization of Peace appears be- 
low. The meeting was held at the Department on 
October 16, at 2 : 30 p.m. 

American Bar Association, Mr. William L. Ransom 
American Bankers Association, Mr. Leonard P. Ayres 
American Federation of Labor, Mr. Robert Watt 
American Association of University Women, Dr. Helen 

Dwight Raid 
American Legion, Mr. Ray Murpliy 
American Legion Auxiliary, Mrs. Charles Gilbert 
American Council on Education, Dr. George Zook 
American Library Association, Mr. Harry M. Lydenberg, 

Mr. Archibald, Miss Clara W. Herbert 
American Jewish Committee, Mr. Max Gottschalk 
American Association of Advertising Agencies, Mr. Emmett 

Dougherty ^ 

American Academy of Political and Social Sciences, Dr. 

Ernest Minor Patterson 
American Peace Society, Mr. Phillip Marshall Brown 
American Friends Service Committee, Mr. Clarence E. 

American Unitarian Association, Rev. A. Powell Davies 
Americans United, Dr. Hopkins, Mr. Ulric Bell, Mrs. 

Geiirge Bell, Mrs. C. Reinold Noyes, Sir. Hugh Moore, 

Mr. J. A. Migel, Mr. Edward T. Clark 
American Veterans Committee, Mr. William Best 

American Society of International Law, Mr. Pitman B. 

Brookings Institution, Dr. Cleona Lewis 
Common Council on American Unity, Miss Elizabeth East- 
Catholic Association for International Peace, Rev. Edward 

A. Conway 
Carnegie Endowment for Inteniatioual Peace, Mr. George 
A. Finch, Mr. Frank L. Warren (as representative of 
Thomas .1. Watson) 
Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, Mrs. Quincy 

Church Peace Union, Mr. Richard M. Fagley 
Citizens Conference on International Economic Union, 

Jlr. Louis H. Pink, Mr. Otto Mallery 
Commission To Study the Organization of Peace, Dr. Wil- 
liam Allan Neilson 
Congress of Industrial Organizations, Mr. James Carey 
Commission To Study the Bases of a Just and Durable 

Peace, Mr. Walter W. Van Kirk 
Congregational Churches, Mr. Vernon H. Halloway 
Council for Democracy, Mr. Robert Norton 
Cleveland Council on World Affairs, Dean Wilbur W. 

Daughters of the American Revolution, Mrs. William A. 

Disabled War Veterans, Mr. Millard W. Rice, Mr. Milton 

East and West As.sociation, Miss Trace Yaukey 
American Farm Bureau Federation, Mr. W. R. Ogg 
Foreign Missions Conference of North America, Dr. 

Emory Ross 
Foreign Policy Association, Mr. Blair Bolles, Mr. William 

Federal Union, Mr. John Howard Ford 
Food for Freedom, Mr. Harold Weston 
Friends Peace Committee, Mrs. Esther Holmes Jones 
General Federation of Women's Clubs, Mrs. Bryce Clagett 
General Assembly of Presbyterian Church, Dr. William 

Barrow Pugh 
Institute for International Education, Mr. A. Randle El- 
Institute of Pacific Relations, Dr. William Johnstone 
Junior Leagues of America, Mrs. Ralph J. Jones 
Kiwanis International, Mr. Martin T. Wiegand 
League of Nations Association, Mr. Clark M. Bichelberger 
League for Fair Play, Mr. Robert Norton 
Lions International, Mr. Clifford D. Pierce 
Lawyers Guild, Mr. Martin Popper 
Methodist Church— Women's Division, Miss Dorothy Mc- 

Military Order of the Purple Heart, Mr. Frank Haley 
National Association for Advancement of Colored People, 
Dr. W. E. DuBois 

OCTOBER 22, 19U 

National Council of Catholic Women, Miss Catlieriue 

National Peace Conference, Miss Jane Evans 
National Council of Negro Women, Mrs. Mary McLeod 

National Council of Jewish Women, Miss Helen Raebeok 
National Catholic Welfare Conference, Right Kev. Mgr. 

John A. Ryan 
National Association of Manufacturers, Mr. Patrick Mc- 

Mahon Mann 
National League of Women Voters, Miss Anna Lord 

National Federation of Business and Professional Women's 

Clubs, Miss Josephine Schain 
National Foreign Trade Council, Mr. B. V. Fountain 
National Grange, Mr. A. S. Goss 
National Small Business Men's Association, Mr. De Witt 

National Conference of Christians and Jews, Mrs. A. W. 

Gotschall or Mr. William Ryan 
National Parent and Teachers Association, Mrs. William 

A. Hastings 
National Education Association, Mr. Willard E. Givens 
National Council of Farmer Cooperatives, Mr. John H. 

National Council of Protestant Episcopal Churches, Right 

Rev. Angus Dunn 
Northern Baptist Convention, Dr. C. M. Gallup 
Non-Partisan Council To Win the Peace, Mr. WheelrigUt 
Rotary International, Mr. Luther Hodges 
Railroad Brotherhoods of America, Mr. Martin H. Miller 
Southern Council on International Relations, Mr. Eugene 

Southern Baptist Convention, Rev. J. M. Dawson 
Synagogue Council of America. Rabbi Aaron Opher 
Twentieth Century Fund, Mr. Evans Clark 
Town Hall, Inc., Mrs. Marion S. Carter 
United States Student Assembly, Miss Margot Hass 
United States Chamber of Commerce, Mr. Joyce O'Hara 
United States Conference of Mayors, Col. Paul V. Betters 
United States Junior Chamber of Commerce, Mr. Douglas 

H. Timmerman 
Urban League, Mr. Lester Grange 
Union for Democratic Action, Mr. Cesar Searchinger 
Universities Committee of Post-War Problems, Mr. Arthur 

O. Lovejoy 
United Christian Council on Democracy, Mr. Richard 

Veterans of Foreign Wars, Mr. Paul C. Wolman 
Western Policy Association, Mrs. Helen Hill Miller 
Women's Action Committee, Mrs. Dana Backus, Mrs. Lil- 
lian T. Mowrer 
World Peace Foundation, Mr. Leland M. Goodrich 
Woodrow Wilson Foundation, Mrs. Burnett Mahon 
World Government Aeaeciation, Mrs. Stanley P. Woodard 
War Activities Committee of the Motion Picture Industry, 

Mr. Francis S. Harmon 
World Federalists, Mr. Thomas Griessemer 
Toung Men's Christian Association, Mr. J. Leslie Putnam 
Young Women's Christian Association, Mrs. James Irwin 
Young Women's Hebrew Association, Mrs. Walter Mack 



[Release to the press October IGl 

I think I can say on behalf of everyone here 
that we welcome this excejjtional opportunity to 
learn the true inwardness of the proceedings 
which have been going on at Dumbarton Oaks for 
some weeks. I know of no more representative 
way tlian is here offered for conveying the facts 
concerning this most momentous endeavor — one 
in which not only Americans but the people of 
all the world have a vital stake. We so greatly 
value the i^rivilege here offered, Mr. Under Sec- 
retary, that we venture to hope there will be even 
more opportunities like this for bringing our 
people closer to our Government. 

To you who have responded to the invitation to 
gather here let me say a few words about what led 
us to venture to call you together in this manner. 

Without presuming to enter upon the domain 
of any other national group we, nevertheless, felt 
that the implications of our title would be justi- 
fied if we could bring about a representative meet- 
ing like this for the purpose, first of all, of estab- 
lishing the facts. We explored the matter with 
the State Department. When we found Mr. Stet- 
tinius to be willing to have such a meeting at the 
State Department with distinguished partici- 
pants of the Dumbarton Oaks conversations in 
association with him, I joined with my colleagues 
and with the Commission To Study the Organiza- 
tion of Peace in inviting you to assemble here. I 
am grateful to you for your presence. The num- 
ber is indicative of the very deep concern you 

But let me say again that I am most impressed 
by your very evident determination along with 
the rest of us to do all that we can for the estab- 
lishment of peace — peace in our time and for our 
sons and grandsons and on through successive 
generations. I have seen too many young men 
go out to die in two wars to be willing to take the 
slightest risk that such a disaster shall ever again 
recur. I know that you, too, feel with the same 
fervor that we must build quickly a peace agency 
that will have not only the strength of arms but 
the strength of democracy. 

' Delivered at the meeting in the Department of State of 
representatives of Americans United for World Organi- 
zation and the Commission To Study the Organization of 
Peace. Mr. Hopkins is national chairman of Americans 
United for World Organization. 




[Released to the press October 16] 

Secretary Hull had hoped that it would be 
possible for him to be here this afternoon and 
to meet with you ladies and gentlemen. How- 
ever, he has had a little trouble with his throat 
and cannot be with us^ and I am pinch-hitting for 

On his behalf and on my own, I am happy to 
welcome to the Department of State the repre- 
sentatives of so many important American or- 
ganizations and such a distinguished group of 
leaders of national thought. I wish to congratu- 
late you. President Hopkins, and all who have 
worked with you, on the group that has been as- 
sembled liere by "Americans United" and the 
"Commission To Study the Organization of 

As President Hopkins has said, we are met to 
discuss fully and frankly the proposals for an 
international organization to maintain peace and 
security recently formulated at Dumbarton Oaks. 
My colleagues, who participated in the conversa- 
tions, and I shall endeavor to explain the pro- 
posals to you in detail and to answer your ques- 
tions about them. 

The proposals which were agreed upon at Diun- 
barton Oaks are a synthesis and development of 
the views brought to the conversations by each 
of the participating Delegations. These pro- 
posals contain most of the essential framework 
of an international organization capable of main- 
•taining peace and security, of advancing economic 
and social cooperation, and of promoting the con- 
ditions essential to peace and security. 

The wide area of agreement achieved between 
the representatives of the United Kingdom, the 
Soviet Union, the Republic of China, and the 
United States is evidence of the broad harmony 
of purpose and intention which unites the four 
principal United Nations. This common deter- 
mination is of vital importance for every step that 
must yet be taken to complete the task. 

It cannot too often be emphasized that the pres- 
ent proposals are tentative, and as yet incomplete. 
They are the recommendations of technical ex- 
perts to their governments, which are now con- 
sidering them. Much work remains to be done 
before the international organization can take 
definitive form and become a living reality. 

The four signatories of the Moscow Declara- 
tion of October 30, 1943 are in full agreement that 
the task of building an effective system of inter- 
national peace and security is a joint responsi- 
bility of all peace-loving nations, large and small. 
The Diunbarton Oaks conversations were a first 
step in giving effect to that joint responsibility. 
There will be no international organization un- 
less and until the peace-loving nations of the world, 
now joined together in the prosecution of the war, 
aoree among themselves upon what that organiza- 
tion should be. This will be done at a general con- 
ference of United Nations at which the charter for 
the proposed organization will be drafted. After 
that, the charter must be accepted and ratified by 
the governments concerned, in accordance with 
their respective constitutional processes. 

Throughout this process there is need for wide, 
intelligent, and maturing consideration of the pro- 
posals on the part of the American people and of 
all other peace-loving peoples. Only as there de- 
velops in this country a substantial and informed 
body of public opinion can the Government go for- 
ward successfully in the task of participation in 
the further steps needed for the establishment of 
an international organization. Only against the 
background of such a body of public opinion can 
the organization itself, once established, function 
effectively, for no institution, however perfect, can 
live and fulfil its purposes unless it is continuously 
animated and supported by strong public will and 

I devoutly hope that in the work which lies 
ahead we shall have the same cooperation and 
support from the organizations represented here 
which they gave so generously during the many 
months of planning and consultation which pre- 
ceded the conversations at Dumbarton Oaks. I 
hope, too, that the discussions within this Nation 
will continue with the same single-minded devo- 
tion to the national interest in peace and security, 
above regard for political or other affiliations, 
which has characterized all previous discussions. 

In this spirit, those who are charged with the 
official duty of carrying forward the work begun 
at Dumbarton Oaks invite critical and candid 
scrutiny of the present proposals. Cognizant as 
they are of the important problems that must yet 

OCTOBER 22, 1944 


be solved, they will welcome every constructive 
suggestion for the solution of those problems. I 
am confident, President Hopkins, that the able 
group of re^jresentatives whom you have brought 
here today will seek to foster discussion of these 
proposals in the same spirit. I think it is par- 
ticularly fortunate, therefore, that we have this 
opportunity to consider the proposals together. 

I should like to begin the discussions this after- 
noon by calling upon Dr. Pasvolsljy to review in 
some detail the proposals agreed upon at Dum- 
barton Oaks. Later I shall call on Judge Hack- 
worth to discuss that part of the proposals relat- 
ing to the International Court of Justice. Then 
the meeting will be thrown open for questions 
which my associates and I shall do our best to 


[Released to the press October 16] 

It is my earnest hope that this is but the first 
of many such discussions. I am confident that 
each of us shares fully the deep conviction that the 
great sacrifices of this war must bring not only 
victory over the aggressor nations and the liber- 
ation of the peoples whom they have oppressed, 
but something beyond and enduring — ^the hope 
and the prospect of a world in which mankind 
can live at peace and with a greater measure of 
well-being, free from the specter of insecurity. 
This is the hope which lies nearest the hearts of 
peace-loving peoples everywhere. Ours is the 
grave responsibility to assure that this hope is ful- 

Participation of United States 
In Surrender Terms 
For Rumania 

LKeleased to the press October 19] 

On October 19 the Department of State issued 
the following statement in reply to requests for 
comment on Governor Dewey's remarks regarding 
the surrender terms for Rumania. 

614934 — 44 2 

Governor Dewey's statement leaves out the fol- 
lowing facts : 

The terms of surrender for Eumania were in 
the form of an armistice agreement in which 
this Government participated at all stages. Pre- 
cisely because it was a military document and not 
a peace settlement it was presented by Marshal 
Malinovski, the theater commander, duly author- 
ized by the Governments of the United States, 
the U.S.S.R., and the United Kingdom. This 
action by Marshal Malinovski followed directly 
the j)attern of General Eisenhower in signing the 
armistice with Italy on behalf of the United States, 
the United Kingdom, and the U.S.S.R. With 
regard to the terms themselves, Secretary Hull on 
September 20, 1944 pointed out in a statement to 
the press that the question of the final disposition 
of Transylvania would depend upon confirmation 
at the time of the general peace settlement.^ The 
settlement with regard to Bessarabia merely re- 
stores the frontier between the two states as estab- 
lished by the Soviet-Rumanian agreement of June 
8, 1910. 

Secretary Hull made it clear to correspondents 
that this Government participated at all stages in 
the discussions leading to the armistice agreement 
with Eumania, when, in a press statement on 
September 20, 1944, he pointed out that this Gov- 
ernment had pai'ticipated in the discussions leading 
to the surrender terms, and he stated specifically 
that this Government had been kept fully advised 
of the terms regarding Transylvania. 

Wien the Secretary of State at his press and 
radio news conference on September 13 announced 
that the Rumanian armistice had been agreed to 
and indicated that he had not received its con- 
tents, he, of course, referred to the final official 
text, the provisions of which had been agreed to 
by this Government's representative on the basis 
of his sjJecific instructions from this Government 
and the discussions in which the Department had 
participated. The definitive text was received 
later the same day and immediately released to 
the press.^ 

' Secretary Hull's statement referrert to in this release 
was made to correspondents at the Department. 
^BuiXETiN of Sept. 17, 1944, p. 289. 



Landino; of American Forces in the Philippines 


[Released to the press by the White House October 20] 

This morning American troops landed on the 
island of Leyte in the Philippines. The invasion 
forces, under the command of General Douglas 
MacArthur, are supported by the greatest con- 
centration of naval and air power ever massed m 
the Pacific Ocean. 

We have landed in the Philippines to redeem the 
pledge we made over two years ago when the last 
American troops surrendered on Corregidor after 
5 months and 28 days of bitter resistance against 
overwhelming enemy strength. 
We promised to return; we hare returned. 
In my last message to General Wainwright, sent 
on the fifth of May 1942 just before he was cap- 
tured, I told him that the gallant struggle of his 
comrades had inspired every soldier, sailor, and 
marine and all the workers in our shipyards and 
munitions plants. I said that he and his devoted 
followers had become the living symbol of our war 
aims and the guaranty of our victory. 

That was true in 1942. It is still true in 1944. 
We have never forgotten the courage of our 
men at Bataan and Corregidor. Their example 
inspired every American in the stern days of 
Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Salerno, and Normandy. 
And in every campaign— on battle-front or home 
front— we remember those men, and their memory 
spurs us to greater effort. 

Nowhere has the desire to avenge their comrades 
been stronger than among the forces of the South- 
west Pacific. Leyte is another rung in the long 
ladder General MacArthur's men have been climb- 
hig for two years. 

Starting on the underside of New Guinea in the 
autumn of 1942 when Australia herself was in 
danger, pushing over the Owen Stanley Moun- 
tains, burning and blasting the Japanese out of 
Buna and Gona, digging them out of Wewak, 
starving them at Hollandia— the advance has been 
a slow, tough struggle by our jungle fighters. 
Now they have reached Leyte. 
In the six years before war broke out, the Philip- 
pine Government, acting in harmonious accord 
with the United States, made great strides toward 

complete establishment of her sovereignty. The 
United States promised to help build a new nation 
in the Pacific, a nation whose ideals, like our own, 
were liberty and equality and the democratic way 
of life — a nation which in a very short time would 
join the friendly family of nations on equal terms. 
We were keeping that promise. When war came 
and our work was wrecked, we pledged to the 
people of the Philippines that their freedom would 
be redeemed and that their independence would 
be established and protected. We are fulfilling 
that pledge now. When we have finished the job 
of driving the Japs from the Islands, the Philip- 
pines will be a free and independent republic. 

There never was a doubt that the people of the 
Philippines were worthy of their independence. 
There will never be a doubt. 

The Filipinos have defended their homeland 
with fortitude and gallantry. We confidently ex- 
pect to see them liberate it with courage and 

Under the leadership of President Manuel 
Quezon, whose death came on the eve of his coun=- 
try's liberation, and now under the leadership of 
tlieir President, Sergio Osmena, the Filipinos 
have carried on, and are carrying on, with gal- 
lantry — even in midst of the enemy. 

We are glad to be back in the Philippines but we 
do not intend to stop there. 

Leyte is only a waystation on the road to Japan. 
It is 700 miles from Formosa. It is 850 miles from 
China. We are astride the life-line of the war- 
lords' empire ; we are severing that life-line. Our 
bombers, our ships, and our submarines are cut- 
ting off the ill-gotten conquests from the home- 
land. From our new base we shall quicken the 
assault. Our attacks of the last week have been 
destructive and decisive, but now we shall strike 
even more devastating blows at Japan. 

We have learned our lesson about Japan. We 
trusted her and treated her with the decency due 
a civilized neighbor. We were foully betrayed. 
Tlie price of the lesson was high. 

Now we are going to teach Japan her lesson. 

OCTOBER 22, 1944 


We have the will and the power to teach her the 
cost of treachery and deceit, and the cost of steal- 
ing from her neighbors. With our steadfast 
Allies, we shall teach tliis lesson so that Japan will 
never forget it. 

We shall free the enslaved peoples. We shall 
restore stolen lands and looted wealth to their 
rightful owners. We shall strangle the Black 
Dragon of Japanese militarism forever. 


[Released to the press by the White House October 20] 

77i.c President to General MacArthur 

The whole American nation today exidts at the 
news that the gallant men under your command 
have landed on Philippine soil. I know well what 
this means to 3'ou. I know what it cost you to 
obey my order that you leave Corregidor in Feb- 
ruary 1942 and proceed to Australia. Since then 
you have planned and worked and fought with 
whole-souled devotion for the day when you would 
return with powerful forces to the Philippine 
Islands. That day has come. You have the na- 
tion's gratitude and the nation's prayers for suc- 
cess as you and your men fight your way back to 

fixed resolve to restore peace and order and de- 
cency to an outraged world. 

"Until we were attacked at Pearl Harbor we 
had done our utmost to live as friendly self- 
respecting neighbors of the Japanese in the 

"For half a century, in spite of signs of a de- 
cadent and militaristic Japanese leadership, we 
studiously avoided any acts that might provoke 
distrust or alarm. Our decency was mistaken for 

"Our plans for the dignity and freedom of the 
people of the Philippines have been ruthlessly — 
but only temporarily — ^brushed aside by Japanese 
acts of exploitation and enslavement. When the 
Japanese invaders have been driven out, the 
Philippines will take their place as a free and 
independent member of the family of nations. 

"On this occasion of the return of General Mac- 
Arthur to Philippine soil with our airmen, our 
soldiers and our sailors, we renew our pledge. 
We and our Philippine brothers in arms — with 
the help of Almighty God — will drive out the in- 
vader; we will destroy his power to wage war 
again, and we will restore a world of dignity and 
freedom — a world of confidence and honesty and 

The President to Admiral Nimits and 
Admiral Halsey 

The country has followed with pride the mag- 
nificent sweep of your Fleet into enemy waters. 
In addition to the gallant fighting of your flyers, 
we appreciate the endurance and superb seaman- 
ship of your forces. Your fine cooperation witli 
General MacArthur furnishes another example of 
teamwork and the effective and intelligent use of 
all weapons. 

The President to President Osm^na 

Please deliver the following message to the 
Philippine people from me : 

"The suffering, humiliation and mental torture 
that you have endured since the barbarous, unpro- 
voked and treacherous attack upon the Philippines 
nearly three long years ago have aroused in the 
hearts of the American people a righteous anger, 
a stern determination to punish the guilty, and a 


[Released to the press October 20] 

The landing of American forces on the strategic 
island of Leyte in the Philippines not only ful- 
fils General MacArthur's promise that he would 
return to the Islands, but it also marks an im- 
jjortant step toward the realization of the Presi- 
dent's pledge given to the Filipino people on 
December 28, 1941.'^ On that occasion the Presi- 
dent said: "I give to the people of the Philip- 
pines my solemn pledge that their freedom will 
be redeemed and their independence established 
and protected." The landing on Leyte is an in- 
spiring example of the resourcefulness, determina- 
tion, and courage of the American armed forces. 
It represents magnificent qualities of leadership 
and exemplifies the fighting spirit of our officers 
and men — a guaranty of complete triumph over 
our enemy in the Pacific. 

' BaLLETiN Of Jan. 3, 1942, p. 5. 



The Individual and International Affairs 


[Released to the press October 21] 

The older alumni of any university are an in- 
evitable and oftentimes an irritating source of ad- 
vice. You have greatly honored me today by 
making me an alumnus of Bucknell University, 
and as unhappily I cannot count myself among 
the yomiger alumni you must bear the conse- 
quences of your generous action and listen to a 
talk which has a very definite purpose, and a talk 
with a purpose cannot altogether escape the ele- 
ment of advice. 

I want to urge j'ou to interest yourselves and in- 
terest yourselves actively and positively in the con- 
duct of the foreign affairs of the United States. 
That in a word is the purpose of my remarks this 
morning. Now in trying to carry out this purpose 
please do not expect me to reveal to you the in- 
wardness of some problem of our foreign relations 
now in the headlines. I am going to begin far 
more realistically — perhaps, you will feel, far 
more prosaically. I am going to begin with yuu, 
with you as the individuals your lives so far and 
your formal education have helped you to become. 

Just how ready are you to play a part in the 
carrying on of the foreign relations of the United 
States? Perhaps you are thinking of making of 
that participation your career and your profes- 
sion, but perhaps j'our participation is destined to 
be that of the alert and informed citizen. The kind 
of participation matters little when it comes to 
the first and the foremost prerequisite I am going 
to emphasize. In interviewing prospective candi- 
dates for the Foreign Service recently out of col- 
lege we ask them a couple of questions which often 
throw them into quite a bit of confusion. The 
first is : "Do you think people like you and do you 
like jjeople; are you reasonably popular?" Of 
course most of us, while we do not proclaim the 
fact too loudly, consider ourselves quite reasonably 
popular, and within limits we are of course right, 
so that the answer that we usually get to that ques- 
tion is a more or less embarrassed ''yes". But then 
comes the second question, and that is the real ques- 
tion : "How popular are you among people whose 

' Delivered at the commencement exercises of Bucknell 
University, Lewisburg, Pennsylvania, Oct. 21, 1944. 

economic background, race, or religion is alto- 
gether different from your own?" That question 
usually starts a very interesting and a very reveal- 
ing conversation, and without going into details I 
may say that it is discouragingly seldom that we 
find someone whose practice of democracy is so 
genuine and whose basic preparation for the For- 
eign Service is so adequate that that person can 
truthfully say that he understands and likes all 
kinds of people and that all kinds of people under- 
stand and like him. If you analyze through that 
second question and its implications I do not be- 
lieve you will have any difficulty in grasping why 
it is a very practical question to address to candi- 
dates for the Foreign Service. If at home you dis- 
like people because they have fewer dollars than 
you have and therefore live in a different kind of 
house or on the other side of the tracks, or because 
the color of their skin is not the same as yours, or 
the terms in which they describe their relationship 
to God are not as your terms — if you dislike these 
people for any such reasons or even if these differ- 
ences arouse in you any emotions other than a 
genuine desire to understand and to appreciate, if 
that really is j'our attitude at home, what chance is 
there that when you are called upon as an officer of 
the United States Government to understand and 
work abroad for 3'our country with foreign gov- 
ernments and with foreign peoples your attitude 
will in any degree change for the better? Your 
college education should of course have taught you 
to appreciate differences and to understand the 
factors which have led to them, should have 
aroused your intellectual curiosity and stirred you 
deeply with a desire to study and know these dif- 
ferences at first hand, should have enabled you to 
achieve those essentially philosophical concepts 
without which democracy has little or no meaning. 
That is one thing the privilege of a college educa- 
tion should have done for you, but there is some- 
thing more and something which is fully as im- 
poi'tant if you are to take an effective part in the 
conduct of the foreign relations of this country at 
this time. When I graduated from college in 1915 
we were naive enough to believe in a stable world 
inevitably improving by the mere elapse of time 

OCTOBER 22, 1944 


and through the application of rules which we 
genially took for granted that we understood. 
That is not the world of today, not the world in 
which you are to take the leading part. That 
world is essentially a revolutionary world, a world 
which may get better or may got worse depending 
upon the quality of the thought and the moral and 
the intellectual courage which you bring to its 
problems. I do not for a moment mean that you 
should ignore the jiast, that you should ignore the 
great underlying lessons of history or the tradi- 
tions of thought. On the contrary your education 
is a defective education, a caricature of an educa- 
tion, unless you have a clear and a thorough grasp 
of those lessons and of those traditions. But I 
do mean that your education should also have 
endowed you with that quality of intellectual flex- 
ibility which will enable you to understand new 
illustrations of those lessons and new forms in 
which those traditions may manifest themselves. 
The future leaders of Europe, for instance, many 
of whom have participated in the underground, 
will not be as the leaders of pre-war Europe. Be- 
cause of the soul-searing experiences they have 
suifered they will have gained a renewed insight 
into the meaning of brotherhood and a new appre- 
ciation of what is essential in life and of what is of 
second- or even third-rate importance. We must 
not meet their eilorts to apply that which the bit- 
terness and the heroism of these experiences have 
taught them by an overly rigid adherence to forms 
useful indeed in the past but subject to restatement 
and modification in the light of new conditions. 
The tradition of American radicalism is one of the 
most authentic of our traditions, and the names of 
such radicals as Jefferson and Lincoln are names 
which we revere. We were born of a revolution 
and we should be the last to fail to understand a 

Some of you I hope will go into foreign affairs as 
a profession and become Foreign Service officers 
or officers of the Department of State. But for 
most of you your 23art in the conduct of foreign 
affairs will be less direct, although none the less 
real. "Less direct, but none the less real" — those 
words will perhaps puzzle you. Here is what I 

Our place in the world as a great power depends 
not only upon our material resources and the im- 
pressive utilization which we make of them, nor 
upon our military strength, but also — and person- 

ally I think primarily — upon our standing for a 
great idea and upon the consistency and the effec- 
tiveness of our practice of that great idea. I am 
of course referring to the fundamental beliefs 
which are at the very heart of our American life, 
the conviction of the worth of each and every indi- 
vidual human being, regardless entirely of eco- 
nomic status or of race or creed, of the rights with 
whicli that human being is endowed, and of our 
unrelenting efforts to fashion a government, an 
economic system, and a society in which that con- 
viction may constantly be translated into an ever 
larger measure of reality. That of course in es- 
sence is what we mean by democracy, and its effec- 
tive formulation and practice constitute an essen- 
tial element — indeed the most essential element — 
in determining our influence and our significance 
in the world. You, therefore, who are going to 
take part in efforts to combat racial discrimina- 
tion in any one of its many menacing forms or to 
abolish the scandal of the slum or to assure a wider 
distribution of medical services — you will not only 
be helping to solve some vital domestic problem. 
Because you will be helping to translate more per- 
fectly into reality our democratic ideal, you will 
also be contributing to the power and to the sig- 
nificance of the United States abroad; to a most 
important degree, you will be participating in the 
conduct of our foreign relations. 

But that is not the only way in which you can 
achieve that participation. Our foreign policy 
and the hundreds of acts and the thousands of 
words which are its manifestation are not the 
product of the thinking of some isolated, esoteric 
gi-oup of individuals housed in some mysterious 
building in Washington. Constantly impinging 
upon these individuals and shaping their thoughts 
and their words and acts are opinions and counter- 
opinions of all sorts emanating from Congress, 
from the press, and from the jDublic, whether ex- 
pressed by groups or by individuals. Public criti- 
cism of officials is the surest criterion of the 
existence of genuine democratic government, and 
the part which that criticism, particularly if it is 
informed criticism, must play in the formulation 
of our foreign policy and in its execution is of the 
highest importance. Since those of us who are 
professionally concerned with foreign affairs nec- 
essarily have access to sources of information not 
available to the general public it is our obligation 
to make available to that public as large a part 



of that information as is compatible with the obvi- 
ous practical conditions under which international 
relations must be carried on. But do not forget 
that it is no less your obligation, particularly as 
educated members of the public, to distinguish be- 
tween fact and fancy, between fact and the selfish 
or sinister distortion of fact; to analyze those 
facts; to discuss them; and to make known your 
considered judgments conscientiously and with a 
maximum of effectiveness. 

And finally there is a way of taking an active 
part in international affairs to which you here at 
Bucknell have made an important contribution. 
You have extended the hospitality of your class- 
rooms and of your campus to students from coun- 
tries to the south of us. You have practiced what 
we call cultural cooperation, and cultural coopera- 
tion I firmly believe is destined to play a most 
significant pai't in our efforts to bring about that 
better, that happier world in which we hope future 
generations may live. In the past we have often 
seen efforts on the part of one country to impose 
its culture on some other country ; that indeed has 
been the characteristic attitude of countries of 
so-called superior culture in their relations with 
countries which have been classified as backward. 
Thei"e is nothing new in that sort of relationship. 
It is simply cultural imperialism. In the present 
war and even before its formal outbreak we have 
also seen what has come to be termed "psychologi- 
cal warfare" — an unmensely powerful weapon of 
first-rate military significance. Cultural coopera- 
tion, however, has nothing in common with either 
cultural imperialism or psychological warfare. 
There are three fundamental principles which ex- 
plain cultural cooperation. In the first place is the 
conviction that relations between peoples, given 
the progress which transportation and communica- 
tion have made, are even more important than 
relations between governments and that one of the 
most important functions of government is to 
foster those very relations between peoples. Sec- 
ondly is the belief that cultural cooperation must, 
as the very name proclaims, be carried on on a 
sincerely reciprocal basis. There can be no ques- 
tion of imposing or even exclusively of giving 
those things which our history and our culture 
enable us to give to the world. There must of 
course be that giving, but just as certainly there 
must also be receiving; there must be a genuine 
interdependence. And finally if cultural coopera- 
tion is to fulfil its real opportunity there must be 

even more than an understanding and an apprecia- 
tion of differing cultures ; there must be, doubtless, 
a slow and often a precarious but none the less a 
real and a growing perception that underneath 
these differing cultures are principles, beliefs, 
emotions fundamentally the same, fundamentally 
unifying, essentially calculated, instead of driving 
us apart, to bring us all together. 

Civil Air Attache Appointments 

[Released to the press October 20] 

The Department of State announces that the 
following civil air attaches have recently been 
assigned to posts abroad in recognition of the 
growing importance of civil aviation : 

A. Ogden Pierrot will be civil air attache at 
Lisbon and Madrid. Mr. Pierrot until recently 
was Washington representative for an aircraft 
manufacturing firm. In 1942 he organized the 
office of the United States Commercial Corpora- 
tion at Lisbon, prior to which he was an official 
of the Aircraft Production Division of the War 
Production Board. He also represented a num- 
ber of American aircraft manufacturers in Argen- 
tina from 1934 to 1940 and before that was assist- 
ant commercial attache at the American Embassy 
in Eio de Janeiro for 11 years. 

The civil air attache at Paris will be Howard B. 
Railey, who for the jDast six years has been liaison 
consultant for the Civil Aeronautics Board, spe- 
cializing in problems in international aviation. 

Charles M. Howell, Jr., has been designated as 
civil air attache at Rio de Janeiro. For the past 
year he has been in Brazil, connected with a group 
of American technicians who have been aiding in 
the development of certain Brazilian airlines 
under the auspices of the Defense Supplies Cor- 
poration. He was previously associated with an 
aircraft manufacturing firm in Kansas City, and 
was also Assistant Attorney General of the State 
of Missouri. 

The first civil air attache, assigned to London, 
was designated several months ago. He is Living- 
ston Satterthwaite, who is likewise assigned to 
several other Eurojjean countries. 

It is expected that the above-mentioned civil 
air attaches will attend the International Civil 
Aviation Conference to be convened in Chicago 
on November 1, 1944. 

OCTOBER 22, 1944 


The Dumbarton Oaks Conversations 


CAmi:D in stone on the west wall of Dumbarton 
Oaks are these prophetic words : "Quod Seve- 
ns Metes — As you sow, so shall you reap"'. Within 
a few hundred yards of this wall the representa- 
tives of (he United States, the United Kingdom, 
and the So^'iet Union and, more recently, of the 
Republic of China began the arduous task of 
creating an international organization for the 
maintenance of international peace and security. 
The difficulties of the task were apparent on occa- 
sion diiring the seven weeks of discussions; its 
successful accomplishment never seemed impos- 
sible. The alternative to the creation of such an 
international organization — a third world war 
within our lifetime — seemed unthinkable to those 
laboring at Dumbarton Oaks. 

Few settings in this continent could have been 
more suited to these preliminary conversations 
than that gracious estate, with its fine Georgian 
house, its formal rose gardens and boxwood hedge, 
its rambling paths and pleasant arbors. For 
there, atop an oak-crowned knoll, a pioneer Scots- 
man banished from his homeland more than 200 
years ago sought peace and security from a Eu- 
rope incessantly racked by war. There, in 1801, 
when the world was in turmoil, the present house 
was built in the thriving port of Georgetown. 
The spacious halls and handsome rooms of Dum- 
barton Oaks, where for a time John C. Calhoun 
lived, have almost spanned the life of the Repub- 
lic. They have lent a quiet dignity and a sense 
of history to the labors of twentieth-century 
statesmen who endeavored once again to solve the 
ancient problem of war. 

The physical arrangements at Dumbarton Oaks 
proved entirely satisfactory for a small interna- 
tional meeting. In an alcove in the central hall, 
facing the front door, was placed a reception and 
information desk. A reference library was near- 
by. The large music room, from which many of 
the furnishings were temporarily removed, served 
as an assembly hall. In this magnificent two-story 
room. Renaissance in character, the European tap- 
estries and cabinets and a bronze Chinese owl 
seemed equally appropriate as the background for 
these historic talks. At the opposite end of the 

house, an English drawing-room of the Adam pe- 
riod was used as a lounge. The paneled library 
on the first floor was occupied by Under Secretary 
Stettinius and his staff. The headquarters of the 
American Delegation were in the former dining- 
room of the house, a handsome square room with 
buff walls, French windows, and a marble-trimmed 
fireplace. The British Delegation occupied, during 
both jjhases of the Conversations, a lai'ge library 
on the second floor of the house and an adjoining 
room which was used as an office by Sir Alexander 
Cadogan. A suite of rooms on the second floor 
of the east wing was used by the representatives 
of the Soviet Union during the first phase of the 
Conversations and by the Chinese during the sec- 
ond. I'he diplomats were not alone in their toil, 
for in remote parts of the house scholars pursued 
their studies in the art collections and libraries, 
which, together with the house and grounds, were 
given to Harvard Univei-sity in 1941 by Mr. and 
Mrs. Robert Woods Bliss. Harvard University 
generously lent the estate to the Department for 
the Conversations. 

Informality was the keynote of these prelim- 
inary conversations at Dumbarton Oaks. The 
usual trappings of a conference, attended by large 
delegations and secretaries and hedged in by pro- 
tocol, were strikingly absent. The arrangements 
were simple and informal, designed to facilitate 
frank and rapid exchange of views. When obliged 
to work all day at Dumbarton Oaks the various 
participants, delegates and staff alike, lunched to- 
gether in the vine-covered orangerie or on the ad- 
jacent terrace. Wliile most of the large meetings 
were held in the music room, considerable business 
was also transacted in the rooms of Fellows House, 
a smaller building, about one block away on the 
estate, that is normally used as a residence by 
visiting scholars. More informal talks took place 
in the gardens or on the terrace beside the swim- 
ming pool. 

'Mr. Green, of the Division of International Security 
and Organization, Office of Special Political Affairs, De- 
partment of State, was Documents Officer at the Washing- 
ton Conversations on International Organization, Aug. 21- 
Oct. 7, 1944. 



Although the havish entertainment that is 
usually associated with international conferences, 
at least in novels and movies, was notably absent 
during the Conversations, informal social func- 
tions did much to smooth the interchanges of views 
and viewpoints among tlie several national 
groups. Special efforts were made to give the 
foreign visitors as mucli insight into American 
life as possible during the period of the Conver- 
sations. On tlie weekend of August 25-27 the 
British and Soviet delegates visited New York, 
which some of them had never seen before, and 
were entertained at dinner in Rockefeller Center 
by Mr. Nelson Rockefeller and were shown through 
Radio City. Tliey made a journey around 
lower Manhattan and the harbor aboard the yacht 
of Maj. Gen. Homer M. Groiiinger, USA, Com- 
manding General of the New York Port of 
Embarkation. Some of the delegates subse- 
quently attended theaters, and others attended a 
baseball game or viewed the art collections of the 
Metropolitan Museum. Several weeks later, on 
September 10, the British and Chinese partici- 
pants travelled across the Skyline Drive to Char- 
lottesville, where they were greeted at the 
University of Virginia by the Governor of Vir- 
ginia and the President of the University. After 
brief visits to Monticello, Ashlawn, and Mont- 
pelier, the homes of Jefferson, Monroe, and Mad- 
ison, respectively, they were entertained for supper 
at the Under Secretary's farm, "The Horseshoe", 
in Culpeper County. 

The American Participants 

The American Group at Dumbarton Oaks was 
characterized by remarkable resources of political 
and military experience. Among its eleven civil- 
ian members were four who have been Ambas- 
sadors, three who have been Under Secretaries 
of State, one who lias twice been Assistant Secre- 
tary of State, and three who participated in the 
Paris Peace Conference. The civilian members 
were as follows : Edward R. Stettinius, Jr., Under 
Secretaiy of State and Chairman of the Group; 
Dr. Isaiah Bowman, President of Johns Hopkins 
University and Special Adviser to the Seci-etary 
of State on post-war problems and plans; Dr. 
Benjamin V, Cohen, General Coimsel to the Office 
of AVar Mobilization; James Clement Dunn, 
Director of the Office of European Affaii-s, De- 
partment of State; Henry P. Fletcher, Special 
Adviser to the Secretary of State; Joseph Clark 

Grew, formerly Ambassador to Japan and now 
Director of the Office of Far Eastern Affairs, 
Department of State ; Green H. Hackworth, Legal 
Adviser, Department of State; Dr. Stanley K. 
Hornbeck, Special Assistant to the Secretai\y of 
State and Ambassador-designate to the Nether- 
lands ; Breckinridge Long, Assistant Secretary of 
State; Dr. Leo Pasvolsky, Special Assistant to 
the Secretary of State and Executive Director of 
the Committee on Post -War Programs ; and Edwin 
C. Wilson, Director of the Office of Special 
Political Affaii's, Department of State. 

Tlie six military members of the American 
Group included some of tlie most distinguished 
men in our armed forces, leaders in the post-war 
I^lanning work of the Army and Na\'y. Among 
them were a former Deputy Chief of Staff of the 
United States Array and a former Commander in 
Chief of the United States Fleet. They included 
the following : Admiral Arthur J. Hepburn, USN, 
Chairman of the General Board of the Navy De- 
partment; Lt. Gen. Stanley D. Embick, USA, 
Chairman of the Inter-American Defense Board 
and Member of the Joint Strategic Survey Com- 
mittee in the United States Joint Chiefs of Staff; 
Vice Admiral Russell Willson, LTSN, Member of 
the Joint Strategic Survey Committee in the 
United States Joint Chiefs of Staff; Maj. Gen. 
George V. Strong, USA, Member of the Joint 
Post-AVar Committee in the United States Joint 
Chiefs of Staff; Rear Admiral Harold C. Train, 
USN, Navy Member of the Joint Post-War 
Committee in the United States Joint Chiefs of 
Staff; and Maj. Gen. Muir S. Fairchild, USA, 
Member of the Joint Strategic Survey Committee 
in the United States Joint Chiefs of Staff. Three 
of these officers have specialized in international 
conf ei-ence work : Admiral Hepburn and Admiral 
Train attended the Geneva Conference on Limita- 
tion of Armaments in 1927 and the London Naval 
Conference in 1930, and they, as well as General 
Strong, participated in the Traffic in Arms Con- 
ference, Geneva 1925, the Preparatory Commis- 
sion, Geneva 1926-31, and the Conference on Lim- 
itation of Armaments at Geneva in 1932. 

Michael J. McDermott, Special Assistant to the 
Secretary, served as the friendly and experienced 
Press Officer of the Conversations. G. Hayden 
Raynor, Special Assistant to the Under Secretary, 
assisted the Group and secretariat alike. 

Most of the 17 members of the American Group 
had worked together for manv months in the vari- 

OCTOBER 22, 1944 


ous committees organized in the Department of 
State to consider post-war problems. All of them 
attended daily study and discussion meetings of 
the Group for two weeks before the opening of the 
Conversations, and later participated in meetings 
that lasted for full days — occasionally from 9 : 30 
in the morning until midnight. 

Throughout the period of preparation and dur- 
ing the Conversations the American representa- 
tives were assisted by three principal secretaries or 
technical advisers designated from the Depart- 
ment of State: Benjamin Gerig and Durward V. 
Sandifer, Assistant Chiefs of the Division of Inter- 
national Security and Organization, and Charles 
W. Yost, Executive Secretary of the Policy Com- 
mittee. The following officers from the Office of 
Special Political Affairs and from the War and 
Navy Departments served as assistant secretaries : 
Donald C. Blaisdell, Mrs. Esther C. Brunauer, 
Ralph J. Bundle, Col. Paul W. Caraway, USA, 
Capt. Jolm M. Creighton, USN, Clyde Eagleton, 
Dorothy Fosdick, Grayson L. Kirk, Walter M. 
Kotschnig, Col. David Marcus, USA, Marcia 
Maylott, Mrs. Alice McDiarmid, Lt. Col. W. A. 
McRae, AUS, Norman Padelford, Lawrence 
Preuss, Mrs. Pauline R. Preuss, Col. W. F. Rehm, 
USA, and John D. Tomlinson. In addition to 
their services for the American Group, these 
officers became at Dumbarton Oaks the inter- 
national secretariat for the Conversations, keeping 
the records of the various meetings and being 
responsible for the drafting of documents. 

The American Delegation was further aided by 
a General Adviser, Harley A. Notter, Chief of the 
Division of International Security and Organiza- 
tion, and by six Area Advisers : Joseph W. Ballan- 
tine, Deputy Director of the Office of Far Eastern 
Affairs; Charles E. Bohlen, Chief of the Division 
of Eastern European Affairs; John M. Cabot, 
Chief of the Division of Caribbean and Central 
American Affairs ; Raymond A. Hare, Division of 
Near Eastern Affairs; John D. Hickerson, Chief of 
the Division of British Commonwealth Affairs; 
and Joseph E. Johnson, Division of American Re- 
publics Analysis and Liaison. 

The British Representatives 

The British Delegation at Dumbarton Oaks in- 
cluded men outstanding in the civil service, mili- 
tary affairs, and public life. The Chairman of 
the Group during the first phase, Sir Alexander 

614934 — 44 3 

Cadogan, Permanent Under Secretary of State for 
Foreign Affairs, is one of Britain's most expe- 
rienced diplomats. The other members were as 
follows : Col. Denis Capel-Dunn, Military Assist- 
ant Secretary of the War Cabinet ; Gladwyn Jebb, 
Head of the Economic and Reconstruction Depart- 
ment of the Foreign Office ; Peter Loxley, Private 
Secretary to the Permanent Under Secretary of 
State for Foreign Affairs; Lieutenant General 
Macready, Chief of the British Army Staff in 
Washington ; Sir William Malkin, Legal Adviser 
of the Foreign Office; Admiral Sir Percy Noble, 
Head of the British Naval Delegation in Washing- 
ton ; Prof. C. K. Webster, member of the Research 
Department of the Foreign Office and outstanding 
scholar in the field of nineteenth-century diplo- 
matic history; Air Marshal Sir William Welsh, 
Head of the Royal Air Force Delegation in Wash- 
ington. The British advisers and secretaries in- 
cluded Paul Falla, Economic and Reconstruction 
Department of the Foreign Office; P. H. Gore- 
Booth, First Secretary, British Embassy; Maj. 
Gen. M. F. Grove- White; A. R. K. Mackenzie, 
Press Officer; and A. H. Poynton, official of the 
Colonial Office and Private Secretary to the 
Minister of Production. 

After the opening of the second phase of the 
Conversations, the Right Honorable the Earl of 
Halifax, British Ambassador to the United States, 
became Chairman of the Delegation, which was 
reconstituted as follows: Conunodore A. W. 
Clarke, British Chief of Staff to the Head of 
the Admiralty Delegation to the Joint Staff Mis- 
sion and Acting Deputy Head of the Admiralty 
Delegation; Gore-Booth; Major General Grove- 
White; Jebb; Lieutenant General Macready; Sir 
George Sansom, Minister and Adviser on Far 
Eastern Affairs, British Embassy, and authority 
on Japanese history and culture ; Professor Web- 
ster; and Air Vice-Marshal R. P. Willock, Deputy 
Head of RAF Delegation to the Joint Staff Mis- 
sion. Berkeley Gage served as Secretary. 

The Soviet Delegation 

The Soviet participants at Dumbarton Oaks 
were men of broad and varied experience. Chair- 
man of the Delegation was Ambassador Andrei 
A. Gromyko, Ambassador to the United States 
and Minister to Cuba. The other members of the 
Soviet Group were Grigori G. Dolbin, Foreign 
Office official who accompanied Vice President 
Wallace on his recent trip through the Soviet 



Union ; Prof. Sergei A. Golunsky, Foreign Office 
official and distinguished scholar in the field of 
international relations; Prof. Sergei A. Krylov, 
Professor of International Law, University of 
Moscow ; Kear Admiral Konstantin K. Rodionov, 
Chief of the Administrative Division of the Navy 
Commissariat; Maj. Gen. Nikolai V. Slavin, at- 
tached to the Soviet General Staff and liaison 
officer between the Red Army Staff and the Amer- 
ican and British Military Missions; Arkadii A. 
Sobolev, Counselor of the Soviet Embassy in Lon- 
don, with the rank of Minister, and formerly 
Secretary General of the Commissariat of For- 
eign Affairs ; and Semen K. Zarapkin, Chief of the 
American Section, Soviet Foreign Office. The 
Soviet advisers and secretaries included Valentin 
M. Berezkhov, Secretary and Translator; Fedor 
T. Orekliov, Press Officer ; and Mikhail M. Yimin, 

The Chinese Participants 
The Chinese Delegation, which participated in 
the second phase of the Conversations at Dum- 
barton Oaks, was headed by Dr. V. K. Wellington 
Koo, Ambassador to London and one of China's 
most experienced diplomats. Other delegates 
were: Dr. Wei Tao-ming, Ambassador to the 
United States of America; Dr. Victor Chi-tsai 
Hoo, Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs; and Gen. 
Shang Chen, Chief of the Military Mission to the 
United States. The technical delegates of the 
Chinese Group included the following : Dr. Chang 
Chung-fu, Director of the Department of Ameri- 
can Affairs of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; 
Dr. Kan Lee, Commercial Counselor, Chinese Em- 
bassy; Liu Chieh, Minister-Counselor, Chinese 
Embassy, and Secretary-General of the Delega- 
tion; Rear Admiral Liu Ten-fu, Naval Attache 
to Washington; Maj. Gen. P. T. Mow, Deputy 
Director of the Commission on Aeronautical Af- 
fairs and concurrently Director of the Washing- 
ton Office of the Commission on Aeronautical 
Affairs; Poe D. Hsueh-feng, Counselor of the 
Supreme Defense Council ; and T. L. Soong, Dele- 
gate to the United Nations Monetary and Finan- 
cial Conference. 

The advisers to the Delegation were Dr. S. H. 
Tow, Dr. C. L. Hsia, Dr. C. Y. Cheng, Dr. James 
Yu, Dr. Liang Yun-li, Chen Hung-chen. Serving 
as secretaries were Tswen-ling-Tsui, F. Y, Chai, 
C. K. Hsieh, Dr. Men Sheng Lin. 

The Executive Secbetariat 

During both phases of the Conversations, a 
small central secretariat, with the assistance of the 
secretariats of the four groups, provided necessary 
services. Alger Hiss, Special Assistant to the 
Director of the Office of Special Political Affairs, 
served as Executive Secretary in charge of general 
arrangements; Easton Rothwell, Executive Sec- 
retary of the Committee on Post-AVar Programs, 
served as Assistant Executive Secretary. Under 
their direction, Donald B. Eddy, of the Division 
of International Conferences, and Louise 'Wliite, 
Administrative Assistant in the Office of Special 
Political Affairs, handled most of the physical 

James Frederick Green, of the Division of In- 
ternational Security and Organization, served as 
Documents Officer with responsibility for the proc- 
essing, safekeeping, and distribution of docu- 
ments. The stenogi'aphic staff was located on the 
third floor of Dumbarton Oaks and on the second 
floor of nearby Fellows House. The fact that all 
hectographed documents were processed at Fel- 
lows House required frequent sprinting between 
the two buildings when memoranda were needed 
urgently at Dumbarton Oaks. All documents were 
handled through the Communications Center, a 
somewhat ostentatious name for the Dumbarton 
Oaks kitchen, and were stored for safekeeping in a 
large and secure icebox approximately ten feet 
long, five feet wide, and eight feet high. 

The servants' entrance of the house was dignified 
by the name of Receiving Room, where incoming 
and outgoing communications were handled. 
Documents and papers were carried between 
buildings on the estate and between Dumbarton 
Oaks and other buildings in Washington by a 
regular courier service maintained by Army and 
Navy officers. 

Lt. Frederick Holdsworth, Jr., USNR, was in 
charge of transportation and courier arrange- 
ments, the Army and Navy having provided suffi- 
cient cars to take care of both the principal par- 
ticipants and the secretariat. 

The Formxtlation of Proposals 

The meeting of the representatives of these four 
states at Dumbarton Oaks was a direct result of 
the Moscow Declaration. In the Four Nation Dec- 
laration signed on October 30, 1943, the United 
States, the United Kingdom, the Soviet Union, and 

OCTOBER 22, 1944 


China recognized "the necessity of establishing at 
the earliest practicable date a general international 
organization, based on the principle of the sov- 
ereign equality of all peace-loving states, and open 
to membership by all such states, large and small, 
for the maintenance of international peace and 
security." Since the Soviet Government is a neu- 
tral in the Pacific war, it proved necessary to 
arrange separate discussions with the Chinese 
Government. The Russians, British, and Amer- 
icans began their work on August 21 ; the Chinese, 
British, and Americans commenced discussions on 
September 29. 

Completion of the task of drafting an agreed set 
of recommendations within a period of only seven 
weeks, August 21 to October 7, was an extraor- 
dinary achievement. The process of discussion and 
agreement was prolonged not only by the complexi- 
ties of the subject-matter but also by mechanical 
difiiculties of translation and communication. 
Each of the foreign governments had to consult 
at intervals with its home government by cable or 
radio messages, and the Russians and Chinese had 
to translate the texts of documents during the 
course of those consultations. 

The Conversations were preceded only by an 
exchange of tentative proposals. After barely 
sufficient time had been allowed for the British, 
Soviet, and American Govenunents to study and 
compare the three sets of docimients, the first 
phase of the Conversations was inaugurated on 
August 21 in a formal opening session, presided 
over by Secretary Hull and attended by the Brit- 
ish Ambassador, Lord Halifax. It was apparent 
throughout the Conversations that the three gov- 
ernments were genuinely determined to work to- 
gether toward the creation of an effective interna- 
tional organization. The emphasis and tone of 
the three opening addresses were strikingly simi- 
lar — agreement that the present wartime unity 
must be continued in peacetime. 

Immediately after the opening session, the three 
groups announced the appointment of a series of 
subcommittees to expedite their work, including a 
Joint Steering Committee, a Drafting Subcom- 
mittee, a Legal Subcommittee, a Subcormnittee on 
General Questions of International Organiza- 
tion, and a Subcommittee on Security.^ The Joint 
Steering Committee consisted of the chairmen of 
the thi-ee groups, together with Mr. Dunn, Mr. 

Jebb, Mr. Pasvolsky, and Mr. Sobolev. Mr. Hiss 
acted as secretary, and Mr. Berezhkov, secretary- 
interpreter of the Soviet Group, also attended the 
meetings of the Committee. It met at frequent 
intervals, planned the work, and passed upon the 
work of the subcommittees. Most of the other 
groups met regularly during the first two weeks 
in order to seek general agreement on basic prin- 
ciples. As agreement was reached, specific pro- 
posals were drafted by a small formulation 
group — composed of Mr. Pasvolsky, Mr. Dunn, 
and Mr. Hackworth for the United States; Mr. 
Jebb, Sir William Malkin, and Professor Webster 
for the United Kingdom; and Mr. Sobolev and 
Mr. Berezhkov for the Soviet Union. Admiral 
Willson, Admiral Train, General Grove-White, 
and Colonel Capel-Dunn participated on occasion. 
Mr. Notter also regularly attended, and Mr. Gerig 
and Mr. Yost assisted the group. 

The remaining three weeks and more were de- 
voted to refining and reconsidering the basic 
text — point by point, word by word. By Septem- 
ber 28 the three delegations had reached a suffi- 
cient consensus of view to be able to adjourn their 
discussions. At the final plenary meeting all 
expressed the feeling that the work accomplished 
constituted a substantial beginning. 

On the day following the conclusion of the first 
phase of the discussions, the Chinese, British, and 
American Delegations began their negotiations. 
After an opening session, addressed by Secretary 
Hull, Ambassador Koo, and Sir Alexander Cado- 
gan, and attended by Lord Halifax and Dr. H. H. 
Kung, Finance Minister of the Chinese Govern- 
ment,^ the participants recessed until Monday, 
October 2, in order to study and to plan their 
discussions during the week to follow. 

During the following week, October 2-7, the 
three delegations gave consideration both to the 
basic princii^les of international organization and 
to detailed proposals for providing future peace 
and security. Several plenary sessions were held 
to open and close this phase of the Conversations, 
while a small formulation group drafted specific 
recommendations. This group consisted of the 
following : Mr. Dunn, Mr. Grew, Mr. Hackworth, 
Mr. Pasvolsky, and Rear Admiral Train for the 

' For a list of the members of these subcommittees, see 
Bin,i£TiN of Aug. 27, liM4, p. 203. 
' BtJLLETiN of Oct. 1, 1944, p. 342. 


United States; Major General Grove-Wliite, Mr. 
Jebb, Mr. Sansom, and Professor Webster for the 
United Kingdom, with Mr. Gage as adviser ; and 
Ambassador Koo, Dr. Hoo, Dr. Chang, and Dr. 
Liu for China, with Dr. Cheng, Dr. Liang, and 
Mr. Liu as advisers. 

The general program of work was directed and 
reviewed by a Joint Steering Committee, com- 
posed of the chairmen of the three delegations, 
together with ^h: Dunn, Mr. Grew, and Mr. Pas- 
volsky for the United States; Mr. Jebb and Pro- 
fessor Webster for the United Kingdom ; and Dr. 
Koo and Mr. Liu for China. Mr. Hiss acted as 
secretary for the Committee. 

At the close of the first phase of the Conversa- 
tions, the American, British, and Soviet Govern- 
ments simultaneously issued a joint communique 
summarizing their work.^ Because of the differ- 
ence in time in Washington, London, and Mos- 
cow, careful preparation was required to insure 
simultaneous publication at a convenient hour in 
all three capitals. The date finally agreed upon 
by the three press officers was 10 a.m., Washington 
time, on Friday, September 29. At the close of 
the second phase of the Conversations, similar 
arrangements were undertaken for the simul- 
taneous issuance on October 9 of the final pro- 
posals, together with a brief explanatory statement 
by all four governments.^ In this country further 
information about these proposals was provided 
in statements by President Roosevelt and Secre- 
tary Hull and in the report of Under Secretary 
Stettinius on the work of the American Delegation. 
The peoples of the four participating nations, as 
well as the rest of the world, were thus fully 
informed, according to the finest traditions of the 
democratic system, about the recommendations 
agreed upon at Dumbarton Oaks. 

Pkeparations by the American Government 

The work of the American Delegation at Dum- 
barton Oaks was the culmination of three and one- 
half years of intensive research and discussion 
within the Department of State, under the active 
leadership and wise guidance of Pi-esident Roose- 
velt and Secretary Hull. During this long period 
of gestation, the Department had the aid and 
counsel of high officers of the War and Navy 
Departments, many members of the Senate and 

" Bulletin of Oct. 1, 1944, p. 342. 
" Bulletin of Oct. 8, 1944, p. 367. 


House of Representatives, and a large number 
of eminent private citizens. These painstaking 
preparations were discussed and described by the 
President in his address on October 21 before 
the Foreign Policy Association in New York City : 
"The Dumbarton Oaks conference did not 
spring up overnight. It was called by Secretary 
Hull and me after years of thought, discussion, 
preparation, and consultation with our Allies. 
Our State Department did a splendid job in pre- 
paring for the conference and leading it to a suc- 
cessful termination. It was another chapter in 
the long process of cooperation with other peace- 
loving nations — beginning with the Atlantic 
Charter conference and continuing tlirough con- 
ferences at Casablanca, Moscow, Cairo, Tehran, 
Quebec, and Washington." 

Influence of Public Opinion 

Thorough as all these preparations may have 
been, it is fully appreciated that they can only be 
fruitful and succeed if they accord with the will 
of the people and have the fullest public support 
when implemented. Unprecedented efforts were 
made to conceive the proposals in terms that rep- 
resented the aims of the American people as a 
whole. The Secretary of State conferred fre- 
quently with individuals and groups of members 
of the Congress, including members of the Foreign 
Relations Committee of the Senate and the Foreign 
Affairs Committee of the House. 

During the past three and one half years thou- 
sands of Americans have written to the Depart- 
ment of State and hundreds have called in person 
to express their desire for the establishment of a 
general international organization and to give the 
Department the benefit of their ideas. Indivi- 
duals and organizations have submitted plans, 
blueprints, proposals, and projects of every con- 
ceivable variety, but all to the end that peace and 
security must somehow be achieved. These letters 
and resolutions, as well as newspaper and radio 
comment, have been studied with care by officers 
of the Department, who have endeavored to fasten 
attention upon the ideas that seem most useful. 
The grave sense of responsibility which has under- 
lain this task has been deepened by letters from 
the mothers who, having lost sons in the hedge- 
rows of Normandy or on the beachheads of 
Saipan, beseech their Government to find some 
alternative to war. 

OCTOBER 22, 1944 



The contributions to the proposals that emerged 
from Dumbarton Oaks did not come wholly from 
America or from any one nation. They represent 
a pooling of policies, a sharing and fusion of ideas 
contributed by people of many lands. 

Starting with tentative proposals of the partici- 
pating Governments, the negotiators for many 
long weeks followed at Dumbarton Oaks the ad- 
vice of the Gilbertian Colonel : 

Take of these elements all that is fusible, 
Melt them all down in a pipkin or crucible, 
Set them to simmer and take off the scum. . . 

The residuum was not a Heavy Dragoon but a set 
of proposals that in clarity, precision, and compre- 
hensiveness far surpassed any one of the four pa-, 
pers originally presented. Diplomacy, like chemis- 
try, can compound from a variety of elements 
something stronger and finer than any one of 

Equally significant is the manner in which effort 
has been made to avoid past mistakes of omission 
or commission. Twenty-five years ago, when rela- 
tively few Americans were experienced in inter- 
national relations or even interested in the subject, 
President Wilson tapped out his proposals for a 
League of Nations Covenant on his own type- 
writer; this time the President and Secretary of 
State have been able to draw upon the experience 
and thought of many men and women. The League 
Covenant was drafted at Paris by presidents and 
prime ministers without preliminary exchange of 
views by their technical assistants; now the initial 
drafting is done on what Sir Alexander Cadogan 
calls the "humble official level". In 1919, the prob- 
lem of international organization became ensnarled 
in dozens of difficult territorial questions ; in 1944, 
these territorial problems are being reserved for 
later consideration. Then, the creation of a world 
organization became the central issue of partisan 
politics in the United States; today, this problem 
is being removed from the electoral battlefield by 
the unceasing efforts of the President, Secretary 
Hull, and Governor Dewey, to make the security 
and peace of the United States, and the world, a 
common national endeavor and not a partisan 

Out of the long discussions at Dumbarton Oaks 
has come a set of proposals recommended by the 

614934 — 14 1 

Delegations to the Governments which signed the 
Four Nation Declaration at Moscow. These pro- 
posals constitute merely the foundation and frame- 
work of the ultimate structure of international 
peace and security. Soon they will be considered 
in a larger conference and will undoubtedly be 
improved by the contributions of the many other 
nations which will participate. Not before a final 
agreement of views has been reached will the build- 
ing be constructed. Only after years, perhaps even 
decades, of testing against economic and political 
storms can this earnest and intensive preparation 
and the initial work at the Moscow Conference 
and the Dumbarton Oaks Conversations be fully 

Grayson N. Kefauver Returns 
From London 

[Releasea to the press October 16] 

Dr. Grayson N. Kefauver, member of the Ameri- 
can Education Delegation to the Conference of 
Allied Ministers of Education, has returned to the 
Department of State after a period of six months 
in England. After the return of the other mem- 
bers of the Delegation in May he carried on the 
work of formulating programs for assisting in 
the educational reconstruction of the war-torn 
countries in collaboration with the Conference and 
its various subcommissions.^ He gave especial at- 
tention to international organization for assisting 
in educational and cultural reconstruction and the 
supplying of basic school equipment to the war- 
torn countries. He, has also cooperated with the 
representatives of the Koberts Commission and 
with the Supreme Military Command in work 
which beare on cultural and educational matters. 
In the week before his departure for the United 
States, he visited Brussels and Paris and certain 
rural areas in France, where he saw at first hand 
the reopening of schools. Before returning to 
London Dr. Kefauver will consider with officials 
of the Department certain educational and cul- 
tural problems which the changing military situa- 
tion is bringing to the fore. 

' BuxLEJTiN of May 6, 1944, p. 413. 


Antecedents of National Socialist Education 

Some Aspects of the German Mind 

Before considering the remarkable changes 
which National Socialism has effected in the 
German educational system, it should be empha- 
sized that National Socialism is an ideology as well 
as a political system and that its degree of success 
or failure has depended upon its ability to shape 
the German mind in its own image. While it is 
not maintained that there exists a fixed and stere- 
otyped mentality shared by all Germans, it is the 
consensus of informed opinion that there are cer- 
tain common attitudes and habits of thought, not 
racially inbred but the outcome of history, tradi- 
tion, and circumstance, which are widely charac- 
teristic of Germans. Hitlerism, obnoxious though 
it may be to other nationalities, has gaged cor- 
rectly certain Teutonic traits and folkways, even 
though its ultimate crystallization into a pattern 
of thought and conduct is certainly an exaggera- 
tion and perversion of Germanic ideals. It is sig- 
nificant that Hitler gained his initial hold upon 
the German nation primarily as a popular educa- 
tor and molder of the collective mind ; his political 
system was and is primarily a vast educational 
establishment geared to the mass-production of 
a required type of mentality. 

The German mental character evades sharp 
definition and seems at first a cluster of paradoxes. 
It is complex and many-sided, reflecting the poly- 
glot racial composition of the Reich, its political 
"indeterminacy", and its failure to coalesce into a 
nation of clearly defined traits. The polarity of 
North and South, of Ostelbien and the Rhineland, 
of Protestant and Catholic, and of Potsdam and 
Weimar has impressed all observers. 

' Mr. Fuller i.s a Country Specialist. Central European 
Section, Division of Territorial Studies, Office of Special 
Political Affairs, Department o( State. This is tlie first 
of a series of three articles on German education : In the 
BniLETiN of Oct. 29 will appear "National Socialist Edu- 
cation in Theory and Practise" and in the Bdlletin of 

Nov. 5, "Higher Learning and Extra-Curricnlar 

' F. H. Heinemann, "The Unstable Mind of the German 

Nation", Hihbert Journal, Jan. 1940, pp. 219-20. T. H. 

Minshall, What To Do With Oermany (London, 1941), 

pp. 25-29. 

'George H. Danton, Germany Ten Years After (Boston, 

1928), pp. 41-47. Paul Gaultier, La Uentallti AUemande 

et la Otierre (Paris, 1016), pp. 45-67. 

Education in QjjJ„a„y Under the 
National So,ialist Regime 



hetiveen G, 

«"^erup„;„^ , 

The German often seems to 
combine antagonistic traits — de- 
votion and treachery, lawlessness 
and love of order, sentimentality 
and brutality, romantic mysti- 
cism and gross materialism, love 
of truth and blind acceptance of 
dogma. There is evidence of a 
lack of certainty and an absence 
of that inner sense of security 
which marks those peoples who 
have "arrived at a specific way of 
life". The German will is undetermined, without 
limits or seiLse of direction (Hitler insists that tlie 
average German -wants not freedom but direction 
and a guide to action).^ 

A number of traits, however, may be noted with 
some degree of accuracy, although generalization 
in such matters is always dangerous. 


German thinkers tend to evolve reality out of 
their own consciousness. They are notoriously 
egocentric. Depth, feeling, and inwardness char- 
acterize German art, notably music. The mystic, 
intuitive approach is natural to the German 
{Atischauung is a favorite word in German phi- 
losophy, not quite translatable into "insight"). 
There is an introvert quality about much German 
thinking — it lacks healthy rational objectivity. 
The German is inclined to be hypersensitive, to be 
unable to view himself as he is or as others see 
him. In time of stress this trait becomes exag- 
gerated into a species of national touchiness and 
spiritual isolation which often takes the form of 
an almost pathological resentment of criticism. 
Germans have had little training in the "objective 
evaluation of other people's ideas." " 

Closely associated with his mystical bent is tlie 
German's conception of reality as consisting ^ 
ideal or abstract qualities. Perhaps G'"''^'''!"^^ 
greatest contribution to modern thought has ee^ 
the philosophy of idealism with its profound 
at least abstruse) inwardness, subjectivity, 


■lUntern World. It 

' ,. the amorabsm oj 

the subservience to 

mlbursts of sadistic 

..™,.^rion" «''"'<^'"''""'^/* 

sane cooperation ,aZe^,boring states, the 
craving /or untm.JZet "'^ conquest, and 
the inability lo 



mysticism. Ideals subjectively 
conceived are accepted as abso- 
lutes and constrain to passionate, 
irrational, and unrealistic action. 
The German readily loses him- 
self in a self -subordinating "fol- 
lowership" if convinced that his 
leader embodies the ideal reality 
of his heart's desire — whence his 
unquestioning loyalty, self-efface- 
ment, and willing sacrifice of 
f reedom^and he will pursue his 
ideal "over corpses" if necessaiy.'' 
Dynamic Instability 

A leading Nazi educator has said : "We are the 
ever nascent, never complete; we are the eternal 
strivers after completion, struggling for a higher 
and a final destiny, always at the start and never 
at the finish." This restates clearly a concept of 
the German mind (or will) that has often been 
expressed by German thinkers and one which finds 
vindication in history (Luther : "We are not yet 
but we will be"; Nietzsche: "To be German means 
to be in the process of growth."). A perpetual 
restlessness marks the German. Life is not being 
but becoming. The world is a theater of conflict ; 
struggle, the law of life. There are no natural 
frontiers, fixed and eternal, either to his country 
or to his thought. The "divine discontent" of the 
German was symbolized in the masterpiece of 
Germany's gi-eatest poet. Hegel's dogma that 
reality is only a progressive attempt to realize full 
self-consciousness, never achieved and repudiating 
every stage as insufficient, is applicable to the 
German mind if not to the objective universe. 
The German is richer in dreams and potentialities 
than in achieved realities. Impulse and irrational 
sentiment often prevail over reason. The Ger- 
man has been for the West a catalyst, disturber, 
agitator, and motive force, suffering greatly but 
working much good and evil. 
Polarity With Western Thought 
■ ^<=<=<»-ding to Alfred Biiuraler, German thought 
« the polar opposite of the Roman-derived Euro- 


pean culture. Together these two cultures consti- 
tute the dialectic of Europe. Germany, exposed 
spiritually as well as physically to the Romanized 
West, alternately has been strongly attracted to 
foreign ideas and has reverted to a narrow and in- 
tense Germanism. She is both highly susceptible 
to outside influence and possessed to an unusual 
degree of a "centralized race-personality." Al- 
though she is capable of developing a highly cos- 
mopolitan outlook, of contributing more than her 
share to the intellectual and cultural well-being of 
Europe, Germany has yet remained an element un- 
assimilated by western culture; her separatist 
impulses recurrently engender an acute conscious- 
ness of her own "tribal personality", exaggerating 
the ever-latent tension between Germanism and 
the West. The two worlds, says Hans Backer, 
"face each other in the panoply of their mutiial 
alienation".'^ The German attitude toward the 
West seems to be a blend of two elements : a sense 
of "not belonging", which assumes in poUtics the 
form of an isolation or encirclement complex, and 
the conviction that Germany's fore-ordained mis- 
sion is to achieve a synthesis of the two great 
cultural elements of the West, Latin-Christian 
tradition and Germanic strength. 

Susceptibility to Collective Mania 

Although it is probably unscientific to ascribe 
psychopathic traits to the "mind" of a nation, it 
is generally agreed that Germans have shown 
themselves susceptible to an unusual degree to col- 
lective psychological forces, especially in moments 
of stress and strain deeply affecting the national 
life. The post-1919 German has been described 
as an "anguished man", afliicted with a "crisis men- 
tality". The collapse of old values and a con- 
tinuing sense of inner and external insecurity 
made many Germans increasingly amenable to 
what might be termed psychic mass diseases. The 
failure of German education to develop self-reliant 
and integrated personalities left the average Ger- 
man without adequate defense against irrational 
propagandas and waves of collective emotionalism, 
particularly when the satisfaction of certainty, 
security, and assured guidance was offered. Wliat 

'Charlotte Biihlcr, "Why Do Germans So Easily For- 
feit Their Freedom?". The Journal of Abnormal and So- 
cial Pxlichology, Apr. 1943, pp. 49-57. 

' Erich Kahler, Der deutsche Chariildcr in der O^schichte 
E\iropaa (Ziirich. 1937), I, pp. 5-9. Aurel Kolnai. The War 
Against the West (New York, 1938), pp. fiti2-65. Hans 
Bilcker, Deutschland und das Aicndland (Jena. 1935). 



iipjioai's to I ho mitsidor iis a l;i(eii( iiistiiut for 
sorvitmlo is nitlior (lie instinctive tendeney of thp 
Gerni;ui to seek freedom in subnierijenee of self in 
a movement, a ''foUowership" which resolves the 
dilemmas of his personal confusions in the pur- 
suit of a collective ideality attuned to his inner 
hopes and strivinjis. 

In the opinion of some students of the Cicruian 
problem the German mentality, particularly in 
recent years, is clearly psychotic or paranoiac, 
evidenced, it is argued, by such traits as chronic 
suspiciousness, fancied grievances, a sense of 
mai'tyrdom. extreme ethnocentrism ("we" v. 
"they" complex), mciiahanaiiia, passion for domi- 
nation, and fanatical belief in a mission." Hence 
the amoralism of German political conduct, the 
subservience to unscrupulous leaders, the out- 
bursts of sadistic cruelty, the "fatherland hxa- 
tion" which thwarts s;ine cooperation with neigh- 
boring states, and the craving for unlimited power 
and conquest. Hence also the extreme intolerance, 
the violent insistence by (Jermans upon their own 
point of view, the inability or unwillingness to 
argue controversial issues which has often been 
noted by foreign observers. That such traits are 
prevalent can hardly be doubted ; that they consti- 
tute a national paranoia or neurosis is open to 
([uestion. Obviously such characteristics of the 
German tenipcramcnt have been made more appar- 
ent and obnoxious by her recent historical experi- 
ences and by the National Socialist system of 
education. 'The [u-esent German state of mind 
seems to be a resultant of the interaction between 
tragic group experience as a nation and predispo- 
sitions inherent in the German character. 

Education Before National Socialism 

General Ch-vrvVctee of Ebucation Under the 

As a background for the consideration of Na- 
tional Socialist reforms, certain fundamental char- 
acteristics of (Jerman education prior to 15U4 may 
be noted. Although no system of national con- 
trol then existed, each state being in complete con- 
trol of its own school system, the schools of the 
Heich, particulai'ly of Prussia, constituting two 
I birds of the whole, liad developed a fairlj- uni- 
form pattern of organization, subject-matter, and 
objectives. They were geared to a society essen- 

tially aristocrat ic and authoritarian. Educational 
leaders and the ranks of the teaching profession 
were recruited mainly from the upper classes and 
repi'esented conservative, often reactionary social 
ideals. The universities, the higher professional 
schools, and even the secondary schools were vir- 
tually barred to the sons of workers and the poorer 
classes by jprohibitive tuition fees and a rigidly 
selective system. There existed not even a common 
elementary school for all classes but rather various 
types of schools catering to differences in social 
status and religious creed. Religious instruction 
was — and still is- — imjiarted in the public schools, 
and there were few .schools of an inter-denomina- 
tional character. Pre-1014 education is well char- 
acterized by James Russell : 

''The vigorous discipline of the schools, which 
brooks no opposition and tolerates no parental 
interference; the methods of instruction, which 
leave nothing to chance and individual initiative, 
and the system of privileges, which dominates 
teachers and pupils alike — all tend to the develop^ 
ment of a character which feels no restriction of 
personal liberty in the constant surveillance of the 
police and the rule of a military despotism. The 
social institutions, the school sj'stem and the meth- 
ods of instruction in Germany are calculated to 
beget dependence on authority rather than inde- 
pendence and freedom of action." 

-Vbove the elementary schools, a system of 
middle and vocational schools continued the train- 
ing of the majority who were destined to industrial 
and mechanical pursuits. An elaborate system 
of secondary schools carefully .segregated the 
minority who were to be educated for the higher 
professions and positions of leadership in the 
state. The latter was exceptionally important 
since the German bureaucracy has always enlisted 
a large percentage of highlj' educated personnel. 
The secondary schools wei-e of two main types: 
one (the Gt/mnasiuni) emphasizing classical cul- 
ture and ancient languages, and the other (the 
RtiiI>ir/ni/() stressing science and modern lan- 
guages. The classical universities and the higher 
leehnical and professional schools achieved a world 

" liieliard JI. Hi-iekner, "Tlic German Cultural Paranoid 
Trend", Anwricnn Journal of Orthopftiichiotrii, Oct. 1&42, 
pp. tni-lD. Xatioii. .Tune 5. ISMS, pp. 812-14. Sebastian 
HiitTMor. (Icrmiiiiii: Jcki/U and Jliidc (New York, 19411. 

OCTOBER 22, 1944 

reputation for sound and efficient scholarship and 
a remarkable degree of academic freedom and 
immunity from state interference. Many became 
renowned centers of study and research, attract- 
ing students from all parts of the world. The 
universities of the Empire have often been criti- 
cized, however, on two grounds (significant in 
view of later Nazi reforms) : their extreme loose- 
ness and informality of organization, which re- 
sulted in the elimination of all but the most mature 
and .self-reliant students, and their tendency to an 
isolated inteilectualism which was often out of 
touch with the realities of national life. 

The German schools prior to 1914 did not con- 
cern themselves with political education except in 
the sense of training obedient and loyal servants 
of the state. They educated subjects, not citizens. 
History texts stressed the role of Germany in Eu- 
ropean development, depicting the unification of 
the Reich as its culminating event, and they em- 
phasized the superior merits of the German people, 
their culture, and their rulers. But there was 
little endeavor to acquaint German youth with 
civic institutions or with the principles and func- 
tioning of government. No positive social duties 
were inculcated — civic obligation consisted mainly 
of unquestioning obedience to the civil and crim- 
inal codes. The mechanics of government was 
noted, but politics was viewed as a sphere of 
activity extraneous to the life of the average in- 
dividual. The growth of Social Democracy in 
Germany led to some attempt on the part of the 
Party to impart civic instruction to its members. 
In 1913 the fiist national conference on civic train- 
ing was held in Berlin, sponsored mainly by 
bourgeois and middle-class groups. But the 
dominant tendency in the schools until 1914 was 
to assume that government was the monopoly of 
the ruling elite and did not vitally concern the 
masses of the population. 

German education until 1914 may be said to 
have been marked by meclianical efficiency and 
spiritual decline. It reflected the industrial and 
technological expansion of the Reich and its rapid 
emergence as a world power, but it proved that 
the inner spiritual life was not adjusted to external 
forms and changes. Over-specialization, effi- 
ciency, and "soulless omniscience" characterized an 
era that felt the surge of progress but was losing 
its faith in traditional values. The war of 1914 
demonstrated the high degree of literacy and tech- 


nical proficiency of the German nation but at the 
same time gave evidence of the materialistic stand- 
ards and moral confusion of the (Jerman people 
when they were confronted by a major spiritual 

Educational Refoem Under the Republic 

New Social and Educational Theories 

War and revolution disposed of the old order 
and opened the way for revoluf ionaiy innovations 
in education, yet without generating clear and pos- 
itive criteria for a new society. Educational 
theory reflected this dilemma. A Germany accus- 
tomed to regimentation of social and intellectual 
life controlled from above was unprei)ared for 
the liberty which had been thrust upon it. In 
formulating an educational program little in the 
way of background or experience could be utilized. 
Post-war years were marked by a collapse of norms, 
a sort of "liberty of catastrophe" or "cultural 
Bolshevism" as one scliool of critics called it. It 
was an era of bold and vigorous experimentation 
but one that was characterized by uncertainty and 
divided oi)inion on the ultimate goals of education. 

The Weimar Constitution exi)ressed a liberal 
and idealistic philosophy of education. It advo- 
cated the duty of parents to provide physical, 
social, and spiritual education for their children 
and the necessity of supervision by the state. 
Exploitation or neglect of youtli was to be guarded 
against. Communities, states, and Reich were to 
collaborate in a free, public system of schools with 
compulsory attendance of pupils and uniform 
training of teachers. Greater unity of organiza- 
tion and organic development was to be attained. 
Equalization of opportunity for children of all 
classes was mentioned (although not achieved in 
practice). Religious instruction was to form an 
integral part of the curriculum. In all schools 
"moral training, a sense of civic responsibility, 
personal and vocational efficiency in a spirit of 
national German feeling and international con- 
ciliation" were to be aimed at (article 148). 

Perhaps the keynote of the new education was 
the effort to derive all procedures from tlie needs 
of the child {vo7n Kinde aus). A new humanism, 
akin to the progressive philosophy represented by 
John Dewey in America, aimed at the rationaliza- 
tion of education by seeking to develop the totality 
of the individual's capacities in organic relation 



with the social environment.' Vital experience 
(Erlebnis) became the watchword. There was a 
revolt against standardized procedures. The ob- 
jective was a rounded personality, not uniform 
rights or mechanical freedom; however, the 
Gemeinschaft idea, the Volk, appealed, rather than 
individualism in the prevalent Western sense. 
There was a conscious attempt to counter the ego- 
centric individualism of the time by emphasizing 
civic duty and the demands of a close-knit cooper- 
ative society, and to break down the class and re- 
gional particularism of German life by making 
education an experience of shared living. 

Although far from chauvinistic and, in fact, in- 
clined toward the ideal of international under- 
standing, Weimar education displayed a tendency 
to stress the sources of German cultural national- 
ism {alt Deutschtum) . probably as a defensive reac- 
tion against the feeling of repression, isolation, 
and ostracism induced by Germany's treatment at 
the hands of the Allies. It was animated less by a 
sense of hostility toward the Western powers than 
by a conscious need to find sovirces of strength 
within her own history and traditions in the face 
of a hostile and suspicious world. This emphasis 
on Germanism in the Weimar schools is exceed- 
ingly important since it tended to reenforce the 
introvert traits of the German mind, since it handi- 
capped the really sincere efforts at international 
reconciliation put forth by Rathenau, Stresemann, 
and other leaders, and since it prepared the Ger- 
man people for extreme nationalistic indoctrina- 
tion under Nazi leadership. It had a beneficial 
effect, however, in that the Republic rooted the 
German nation more firmly in the soil of its tradi- 
tional culture than the Empire had ever succeeded 
in doing. 

Educational Innovations 

Vnifoation. Although it left control with the 
state ministries of education, the Reich assumed 
a greater interest in education and influenced 
policy tlirougli directives (suggested, not dictated) 
and tlie effecting of uniform laws with regard to 
teacher-training. A basic four-year elementary 
school {G rundschule) was established through- 
out the Reicli. The age of compulsory schooling 

'Carl H. Beckei', Secondary Education and Teacher 
Training in Germany (New York, 1931), pp. 13-15. 
Thomas Alexander and Beryl Parker, The New Education 
in the German Republic (New York, 1929), pp. 358-62. 

was uniformly extended one year (to the age of 
18). Secondary schools were simplified to four 
basic types. A compulsory three-year vocational 
course (beyond the Grundschule) was uniformly 

Democratization. The reduction of fees and the 
awarding of scholarships afforded greater equality 
of opportunity (the secondary schools remained 
essentially aristocratic, however, as before train- 
ing a selected group for leadership). The maxim 
"an open road for the capable" was adopted as a 
guiding princijile in pupil selection. Co-education 
was admitted to some degree although it has never 
won much approval in Germany, and special 
schools for girls were established. Much more 
attention was given to civic education and specific 
training for participation in a democratic com- 
monwealth. More freedom, pupil initiativa, and 
tolerance were permitted in the classroom — there 
was less regimentation and indoctrination. Ad- 
ministration was decentralized to permit more 
flexible adaptation of schools to local needs. Ad- 
visory parents' councils were established. 

&vhject-matter and methods. More stress was 
placed upon physical training and vocational 
instruction adapted to individual needs; also, as 
previously mentioned, emphasis was placed upon 
civic training and German studies. A greater 
effort was made to integrate subject-matter about 
units of interest related to students' needs. The 
trend was away from purely intellectual training. 
The spontaneous interests and activities of the 
child became the starting-point in teaching pro- 
cedure (untrue, however, of many conservative 
schools). Work groups, student councils, labora- 
tory methods, and activity programs were fostered. 
A more conscious endeavor was made to reshape 
society through the schools than to educate, as 
before 1914, to a given type. 

Teacher training. The preparation of teachers 
was put upon a broader basis. The old-time 
normal schools in Prussia were replaced by peda- 
gogical institutes which offered some basic elements 
of a liberal education as well as the mechanics of 
pedagogy. The training of secondary teachers was 
placed upon a strict university standard. 

New types of schools. A new German high 
school {Deutsche Oherschule) was established as a 
basic type of secondary school, devoted largely to 
the study of Gorman art, literature, and folk- 
ways. The AufhauschuJe, a continuation high 

OCTOBER 22, 1944 


school, especially adapted to rural districts and 
with a vocational emphasis, was established. "Ac- 
tivity schools", inaugurated as early as 1909, were 
greatly extended. They were radical in method, 
centering all education around the natural life 
experiences of the child and dedicated to the re- 
shaping of society through naturalistic education. 
Community schools {Gemeinsch-aftschulen) em- 
phasized social, cooperative living as the essence of 
educational experience. Country home schools 
were established in an effort to counteract city in- 
fluences and to make natural rural surroundings an 
educational force in the life of the city child. This 
attempt to overcome the evils of Germany's exces- 
sive urbanization was later continued and ampli- 
fied by Nazi educators. The People's High 
Schools, which sprang up abundantly after 1919, 
were an attempt to solve the problem of adult edu- 
cation and to counteract the materialistic in- 
fluences of German industrial and urban life. 
They were mainly night schools (a few boarding 
schools wei-e set up), were mainly sponsored by 
worker groups, were entirely free of state control, 
and stressed liberal and cultural subjects in their 
relation to the life and interests of the people. 
They attacked the isolation of culture from the life 
of the nation and pioneered a new, humanistic ap- 
proach, much in the spirit of the famous Danish 
Folk College, seeking to popularize knowledge and 
to break down the monopoly of "detached culture" 
by specialists and elite groups. They were highly 
democratic, non-political, and non-sectarian and 
sought to eliminate class barriers, dogmas, and 
prejudices. The Nazis, naturally, had little use 
for them and eventually supplanted them with 
their own characteristic forms of adult education, 
a part of their system of state control and indoctri- 

The Youth Movement 

Aside from schooling, formal or informal, a 
significant educational force of the Weimar period 
was the largely spontaneous activity and organi- 
zation of youth. This movement had originated 
with the Wandervogel, an exceedingly informal 
association of youth (the first group having gath- 
ered in 1899 under the inspiration of Karl 
Fischer), and had rapidly spread throughout Ger- 
many and neighboring lands. It was what the 
name implies; a free and spontaneous association 
of youth in revolt against the rigid restraints of 
bourgeois social life, scholastic discipline, and the 

artificialities and restraints, the materialism and 
stuffiness of German mores at the end of the cen- 
tury. Its watchwords were Nature, Folk, and 
Freedom. It grew naturally out of the disposition 
of the Germans to wander — a disposition especially 
strong now as a reaction to the restraints imposed 
by a mechanized urban civilization. It was an 
escapist movement which sought refuge in the 
loved objects of the German land and its history — 
old castles, pine woods, the old folk traditions, and 
shrines of historic and patriotic appeal. It re- 
verted instinctively to the older roots of German 
life — to medieval and classical influences and to 
pagan Germanism. It was adventurous, romantic, 
addicted to the simple life, and non-conformist. 
Prior to 1914 it was almost purely individualistic 
in character, with little sense of social responsibil- 
ity or urge for reform, although its members im- 
posed upon themselves a code of self-discipline. 
Its aims were wholesome comradeship, recreation, 
and health, and a greater knowledge of the Ger- 
man fatherland — all transfused with an exhilirat- 
ing sense of freedom. 

The war of 1914 interrupted the movement but 
intensified the patriotism of youth and its sense of 
identity with the Volk. The movement revived 
amid the chaos and difficulties of the war's after- 
math, chastened by a consciousness of social re- 
sponsibility. The old leadership of the Reich had 
been discredited, and youth was more definitely 
committed to creating a new order nearer to its 
heart's desire, more realistic and seeking not escape 
from but mastery of the forces of machine-age 
civilization. The movement no longer held aloof 
from the national life but became associated with 
the various adult organizations, social, religious, 
and political, while retaining its own autonomy 
and youthful idealism. By 1927 the membership 
of the various organizations was as follows : 

Lutheran 595, 772 

Catholic 881, 121 

Jewish 4, 750 




Youth-Movement Clubs 

Athletic Associations 


Total 4, 135, 79T 

These were united in a National Council of Ger- 
man Youth Organizations but, unlike the later 

56, 239 


401, 897 


1, 577, 563 




Hitler Youth, were not rigidly controlled by a 
centralized hierarchy. 

The Weimar youth movement was more serious 
and less irresponsible than the pre-1914 Wander- 
vogel. It continued and intensified, however, cer- 
tain characteristics of the earlier movement. It 
was more nationalistic but not in a chauvinistic 
sense; it was mainly middle-class in composition 
and essentially democratic. More than ever the 
compact German landscape, rich in cultural tradi- 
tion and not yet too completely industrialized or 
motorized, exerted a strong attractive force. Youth 
"hostels were established in town, village, or open 
countiy (2,200 by 1929), providing comfortable 
and congenial facilities for youth on their rambles. 
The school authorities recognized and utilized the 
educational value of "wandering". Instructors 
and their classes often used youth camps on jour- 
neys of exploration into natural lore and folklore. 
Although the majority of high-school and univer- 
sity youth were members of some youth organiza- 
tion and although their extra-cui'ricular activities 
were encouraged by the authorities, the state 
avoided exercising any direct control or super- 
vision over the various groups. There was no effort 
to inculcate nationalistic ideals, yet the movement 
undoubtedly fostered a democratic and unifying 
spirit. An impartial contemporary observer could 
say: "There is not the slightest trace of false na- 
tionalistic propaganda in the movement, but it is 
infused with noble and worthy sentiments that any 
nation would do well to emulate." 

Certain aspects of the movement more sinister 
in import may be noted. Wliile essentially equal- 
itarian and democratic in its own organization, the 
movement was never integrated with the Republic 
nor committed to its ideals. The Weimar credo 
aroused little enthusiasm. With the failure of 
successive regimes to solve the almost insuperable 
problems imposed by the economic and interna- 
tional situation, youth was estranged and disillu- 
sioned with the Weimar brand of democracy. 
Rightly or wrongly, many of the younger genera- 
tion saw in the Republic only a reminder of 
national defeat and humiliation. They viewed 
its politicians as self -centered partisans and time- 
servers, its methods as corrupt or inept, its objec- 
tives as materialistic. Youth was increasingly in 
a mood to be swayed by some new and dynamic 

' Ch.arles H. Herford, The Post-War Mind of Qennany 
(Oxford, 1927), pp. 28-34. 

ideology promising hope and the prospect of a 
"world fit for heroes". Moreover, German youth 
was never strongly oriented to cosmopolitan and 
international ideals. The troublesome and disap- 
pointing era, with its economic disasters, unem- 
ployment, and hopeless outlook for the generation 
just coming of age, accentuated the introvert tend- 
ency in the thinking and reactions of young Ger- 
many. The experiences of the Republic seemed to 
offer little hope of accommodation between Ger- 
many and her former — and always potential — 
enemies. Youth became convinced that a way out 
could be found only in a resort to nationalistic 
policies. Particularly in the hai-sh years from 
1929 to 1932 they were inclined to repudiate 
a regime committed to a policy of "fulfilment" 
and to support extremist programs, especially 
those which seemed grounded in an intense and 
increasingly intransigent and uncompromising 

Liberalism and Reaction 

The major tragedy of the Weimar Republic was 
perhaps that it failed to win the German people 
to whole-hearted devotion and support of its prin- 
ciples. That failure was reflected in its educa- 
tional experience, and it rendered possible the 
success of the psychological blitzkrieg to which 
Hitler subjected the nation. The ultimate failure 
of tlie Republic to retool the German mind was 
due to no lack of idealism or good intentions. No 
modern constitution has ever placed gieater stress 
upon education as a medium of social and inter- 
national enlightenment than the document of 1919. 
It contemplated education in the spirit of freedom, 
democratic equalitarianism, and the harmonious 
adaptation of nationalism to the cosmopolitan 
environment. It was one of the only two constitu- 
tions — the other being that of republican Spain in 
1931 — of modern Europe to specify international 
conciliation as a goal of education. The debacle 
of 1918 had created a genuine, if temporary, reac- 
tion against militarism, which was evidenced in 
the abundant literature of a pacifist nature that 
marked the Weimar decade.* School textbooks 
were revised or rewritten and are generally ad- 
mitted to have been admirably objective in their 
treatment of historical and international data. 
The higher schools gave more attention to the 
study of modern foreign languages and cultures. 
Correspondence with foreign students, as well as 

OCTOBER 22, 19U 


visits abroad, was systematically encouraged. 
Special bureaus in Berlin and Leipzig were estab- 
lished for the puipose of encouraging student ex- 
changes and better mutual understanding of 
European cultures. It was widely realized that 
Germany's tragic experience of 1914-18 was due in 
part to misunderstanding of foreign peoples. 
Also, for the first time, civic education was exten- 
sively introduced, and a conscious effort was made 
to train for intelligent participation in political 
life. History instruction, while still centering 
uijon Germany, emphasized cultural achievements 
and movements for unity and freedom rather than 
military enterprises. 

Yet fundamentally the Republic failed to liberal- 
ize its schools. The old imperial bureaucracy, in- 
cluding most of the teaching personnel, which was 
virtually unchanged by the revolution, remained 
in oifice. A great majority of the teachers at all 
levels probably remained monarchists at heart 
or at best were lukewarm converts to the Republic. 
Some of the high educational officials in the vari- 
ous states pursued a reactionary policy. Repub- 
lican ideals elicited little emotional response either 
from teachers or students. It is highly significant 
that in explaining the rights and duties of citizens 
to the state it was the German, not the republican, 
character of the state that was stressed. The 
woi-k of the school was in large part neutralized 
by the incessant projiaganda emanating from the 
army, veterans' groups, and other reactionary or- 
ganizations. The essentially class basis of educa- 
tion remained relatively unchanged; moreover no 
effort was made to win over the teachers' corps. 
The ReiDublic, deejily involved in its pressing 
economic and financial difficulties, did not offer its 
teachers adequate salaries, security, or satisfying 
IDrestige. Many teachers of the older age group 
still longed for the "good old days" and openly 
propagated monarchism in the classroom. Teach- 
ers of middle-class origin blamed the regime for 
the destructive inflation and the international hu- 
miliations to which the Reich was subjected. The 
youth themselves were never aroused to enthusiasm 
or a sense of true devotion by their republican 

So significant does the failure of the republican 
educators seem in retrospect that a more detailed 
examination of some of the forces making for 
reaction may be of value. One of these forces 
was simply the excessive subjectivity of German 

thinking, which carried the stress on Germanism 
to extremes. Whether under monarchic, I'epub- 
lican, or Nazi regimes, German education has em- 
phasized the teaching of the study of the home 
enviromnent {Heimatkunde), with its motto 
"from the homeland out". This stress on local 
folklore, geography, and history might have been 
entirely beneficial if it had not been exaggerated 
to the extent of making Germany the sole criterion 
of values and creating in the pupil's mind a one- 
sided picture of cultural development. The direc- 
tive of the ministry of education of Saxony 
which exalted "Germanism as the fundamental 
idea of the entire education in the school" was 
tyi:)ical." There was a deliberate effort, even un- 
der the Republic, to awaken in the child a "feeling 
for the common racial and national unity". The 
life, institutions, and history of other peoples were 
to be presented only so far as they had decisively 
influenced German history. Foreign traits were 
to be studied only that the Gei-man character 
might become more clearly etched in contrast. In 
the secondary schools students were to learn to 
"feel, think and live in German"; instruction 
should be in the scientific spirit, but it must never 
"lose sight of its goal beyond the scientific — 
namely, education for a spiritual goal, and cou- 
rageous, joyous Germanism". In all schools 
geography was used to cultivate a love for the 
native soil; literature, to unveil the German soul; 
music, to demonstrate German aesthetic pre- 
eminence ; and history, to stimulate a will for the 
preservation of German culture. 

This extreme orientation of the youthful Ger- 
man mind toward race, folk, and native culture 
might have been innocuous enough under more 
normal conditions, but in tlie turbulent times of 
the Weimar Republic it doubtless contributed to 
the distorted image the German people had 
already formed of themselves in relation to the 
outside world. It fertilized the mind of youth for 
the seeds of destructive racial and ' nationalistic 
propaganda soon to be sown broadcast over the 
land. This point deserves concrete illustration. 
To many a Weimar school child, the following 

"Paul Kosok, Modern Germany (Chicago, 1933), pp. 
1(18-73. Edgar A. Mowrer, Germany Puis the Clock Back 
(New York, 1939), pp. 153-65. 

'"Cecilia H. Bason, The Study of the Homeland and 
Civilization in the Elementary Schools of Germany (New 
York, 1937), p. 31. 


A pui'e and vigorous race 
Soulful music 

Society as organic folk- 
Esthetic appreciation 
Orderly government 

Soldierly virtues 


stereotypes were true pictures of his own country 
and America : 


Vast, crude cities 
Mixed, iiiongrelized races 
.Jazz, negroid music 
Mammonism and greed 

Society as a chaos of un- 
bridled individualism 
Esthetic illiteracy 
Rule by the mob or by 

Excessive emphasis on 
competitive sports 

Similarly, distorted pictures of other nationalities 
were uncritically accepted as truth. The majority 
of Germans traveled little outside their own bor- 
ders; those that did carried their prejudices with 
them. The Republic, unfortunately, did little to 
overcome the German national disposition for 
misunderstanding alien peoples and cultures. 

The teacher, generally a man, well-trained and 
respected in the community, is of unusual im- 
portance in the German school. He relies less 
upon textbooks or routine aids than an American 
teacher, and his personal presentation of material 
is all-important. It was a major tragedy, there- 
fore, that, on the average, the Weimar teacher was 
not won over to republican principles. In thou- 
sands of classrooms monarchism, Prussianism, 
and militarism continued to be eulogized. A reac- 
tionary type of patriotism marked the attitude of 
a majority of the teachers. In many communities 
it was an act of martyrdom to profess republican 
or liberal convictions. The most progressive ele- 
ment was to be found in the elementary schools of 
the industrial districts; in the smaller t«wns and 
rural areas and in the upper schools everywhere 
reaction prevailed. Under these circumstances it 
is not surprising that little enthusiasm for repub- 
lican ideals was aroused in the minds of youth. 
In one Berlin Gymnasium., according to a former 
student, the teachers taught contempt for democ- 
racy and exalted the Prussian monarchical ideal. 
He reports : "The flag of the democratic Republic 
was never raised in our hearts." '^ A survey of 
pupil opinion of children 11 to 14 years old in 
the Volkschulen in 1932 indicated that 69 percent 

" Edward Y. Hartshorne, German Youth and the Nazi 
Dream of Victory (New York, 1941), pp. 11-12. 


hated the French, 92 percent hated the Poles, and 
a majority accepted readily the prospect of a new 
war. Friedrich Walter, in Der Vertrag von Ver- 
sailles, used widely in German schools under the 
Republic, stressed the following points : 

France's "annihilation policy" toward Ger- 
The unfairness of the "war guilt" clause 
Allied violations of the Fourteen Points 
Economic discriminations against Germany 
German heroism, 1914-18 ; defeat due to over- 
whelming superiority of enemy forces 
Necessity of revising the Versailles Treaty 
if Germany is to live 

Many teachers instilled a reactionary point of view 
under the guise of teaching reverence for the na- 
tional past. A law of the Diet of Mecklenburg- 
Strelitz (June 1932) required that "German his- 
tory henceforth be taught on decidedly national- 
istic lines, with the aim of educating the young 
to militarism \Wehrhaftigkeit^''\ 

Youth were educated not only by the schools but 
also through their total environment and associa- 
tions. Social and cultural influences under the Re- 
public were on the whole conservative, often re- 
actionary. A society whose mores remained basic- 
ally unchanged could not create a liberal atmos- 
phere for its youth. Conservative parental in- 
fluence doubtless undid many a lesson learned in 
liberal schools. Reichswehr officers lectured at 
many schools and universities as advocates of 
Wehrwissenschaft and soldierly ideals. The Ger- 
man cinema either was escapist or tended to glorify 
the "good old times" of monarchy and the exploits 
of German war heroes. No films glorified repub- 
lican ideals. The numerous free corps movements 
as well as the revived Reichswehr kept alive the 
military concept. Above all it must be admitted 
that Germany's bitter national experiences of the 
era — defeat and humiliation, poverty, inflation, the 
liquidation of the middle class, the occupation of 
the Ruhr, the barriers to economic and professional 
opportunity, and the unclear guidance and spirit- 
ual chao.s — all these combined to associate democ- 
racy, in the eyes of German youth, with national 
degradation, liberalism with self -centered individ- 
ualism, and republicanism with economic and po- 
litical chaos. AVeimar youth craved a vision of 
the future and reasonable economic opportunity. 
The Republic could offer them neither. 

OCTOBER 22, 1944 


The universities were the chief educational 
stroiigliokls of reaction under tlie Republic." The 
faculties were carried over essentially unchanged 
from the imperial regime. The students (number- 
ing 130,000 in 1932) were either of the old priv- 
ileged classes, always reactionary and now dis- 
gruntled at republican innovations, or of the mid- 
dle classes, which had been decimated by inflation 
and depression. Many were hungry, hopeless of 
jobs in the economically foundering Republic, and 
bitterly hostile to "the System", which they blamed 
for their ills. They were anti-democratic, anti- 
socialist (few Social Democrats could find en- 
' trance into the higher schools), anti-cosmopolitan, 
and anti-Semitic. They looked forward to a day 
of victory over the enemies of Germany both with- 
in and without. Freedom to them became merely 
a symbol of the forces which had brought Ger- 
man}' to its present plight. Even before the ad- 
vent of Hitler to power, students had begun to 
demonstrate against the few liberal professors. 
They opposed the "weak" policy of the Republic 
(the Juden-re'publik to many of them) and gravi- 
tated naturally to National Socialism, attracted by 
its militantly and fanatically nationalistic pro- 
gram. Probably a substantial majority sympa- 
thized more or less openly with the Nazis at the 
time of their advent to power. 

The Republic failed to win over the universities. 
It left their administration in the hands of reac- 
tionary bureaucrats and professors ; it retained the 
selective procedure whereby few but conservatives 
were ever able to matriculate; it failed to over- 
come their aloofness and intellectualism and to in- 
tegrate tliem with the life and needs of the peo- 
ple; and it left the problem of unemployment in 
the intellectual professions not only unsolved but 
considerably more acute. The universities became 
a factor in the ideological attack upon the Re- 
public and were speedily absorbed into the Na- 
tional Socialist educational establishment. 

Pan American Conference on 
Geography and Cartography 

The Second Pan American Consultation on 
Geography and Cartography, to which all the 
American nations were invited by both the Bra- 
zilian Government and the Pan Ajnerican Institute 

of Geography and History, was held in Rio de 
Janeiro, Brazil, from August 14 to September 2, 
1944. Delegates were present from all American 
nations except El Salvador, Haiti, and Nicaragua. 
The Brazilian National Council on Geography 
acted as host agency of the Brazilian Government. 
This meeting was preceded by a consultation of 
leading cartograjjhers of the Americas vhich took 
place in the preceding year at Washington, D. C. 

Mr. Robez't H. Randall, member of tlie Bureau 
of the Budget and chairman of the Commission 
on Cartography of the Pan American Institute, 
was chief of the American Delegation as well as 
a vice chairman of the Consultation. Other offi- 
cial delegates of this Government were Col. Gerald 
FitzGerald, Army Air Forces; Capt. Clement L. 
Garner, Coast and Geodetic Survey; Mr. Otto E. 
Guthe, Department of State; Mr. Thomas P. 
Pendleton, United States Geological Survey; and 
Capt. Charles C. Slayton, Hydrographic Office of 
the Navy Department. Mr. Reginald Kazanjian 
of the American Embassy at Rio de Janeiro acted 
as secretary for the Delegation. Official observers 
from the United States Government were Cmdr. 
K. T. Adams and Lt. Cmdr. Paul A. Smith, Coast 
and Geodetic Survey; Cmdr. Irwin Chase, Hydro- 
graphic Office of the Navy Department; and Col. 
Geoi-ge G. Northrup, Army Air Forces. 

Technical sessions, conducted as open meetings 
of the Commission on Cartography of the Pan 
American Institute, were organized under five dis- 
cussion topics: Geodesy, topographic mapping, 
aeronautical charts, hydrography, and geography 
and cartography. Among the resolutions ap- 
proved by the delegates to the Consultation were 
the furtherance of inter-American collaboration 
for improvement of basic mapping in the Amer- 
icas; the standardization of symbols, scales, and 
projections used in map construction; the exten- 
sion and coordination of basic control for surveys; 
the acceleration of mapping programs; and the 
promotion of effective exchange of cartographic 
materials and technically trained iDersonnel. 

Delegates to the Consultation visited various 
technical agencies of the Brazilian Government 
at Rio de Janeiro. Official visits were also made 
to Petropolis, Volta Redonda, and Santos, and to 
technical agencies in the city of Sao Paulo. 

'■ Edward Y. Hartshorne, TUe German Universities and 
National Socialism (Cambridge, 1937), pp. 42-45. 



Tlie American Outlook in Foreim Affairs 


[Released to the press October 21] 

Ladies and Gentlemen : 

During "this season, your Forum lias rightly de- 
cided to spend the major part of its time in dis- 
cussing problems of foreign affairs. There could 
be no better subject. 

The years 1944 and 1945 closely resemble the 
years 1919 and 1920, which followed the first World 
War. There is a difference. A definite attempt 
is being made, as the present World AVar ap- 
proaches its climax and its end in Europe, to reach 
agreement on the fundamentals of peace during, 
rather than after, the war. At least a part of the 
difficulty with the settlements at Versailles, and 
the American attitude toward them, arose from the 
fact that new questions were suddenly uncovered 
and had to be settled without preparation through 
public discussion. 

Some of us who were in the United States, later 
in Europe, and then returned to the United States 
in 1918 and 1919 had a startling experience. Mat- 
ters which were elementary in Europe, where the 
war was being fought and peace was being made, 
seemed strange, sensational, and surprising to 
most Americans. This country had simply not 
tuned in on the European wavelength. We dis- 
cussed here, as matters of petty partisan politics, 
subjects which meant life and death to millions of 
Europeans. Happily, that is one mistake which 
we shall not make this time. The position which 
America has in the world, and the part she must 
take in the ensuing peace, is being discussed on a 
high plane, and not as a matter of party politics. 

This is mature democracy, and we can be proud 
of it. 


The first point to be made is that the United 
States is entitled to assert, and cannot escape as- 
serting, an American point of view. 

Up to a generation ago in our history we did 
not feel the necessity of initiating world policy. 
Our chief concern was with the development of 
the United States and the handling of affairs in 
conjunction with our neighbors in the Western 
Hemisphere. No one expected us to be a factor 
in the balance-of-power politics in Europe. We 

had the surprising and unusual privilege of stay- 
ing out of the main-line settlements. We had 
little or nothing to do with the defeat of Napo- 
leon; and the kings, princes, and diplomats who 
met in the Congress of Vienna had little con- 
cern with us, or we with them. The Holy Al- 
liance and the concert of powers assumed and 
got authority over Europe, and though their de- 
cisions made history, they hardly rated an item ' 
in the American press. This situation continued 
through the entire nineteenth century and well 
toward the twentieth. The intrigues and move- 
ments between imperial Russia and imperial 
Austria in the Balkans were subjects of romance 
and not of discussion. What interest had we in 
the seizure of Bosnia and Herzegovina, or the de- 
sires of Serbia to weaken the Hapsburg dynasty ? 

Even the crash of World War I affected us 
little; our major preoccupation was that Ameri- 
can ships should not be seized by British warships 
or sunk by German submarines. We were drawn 
into that war really by two forces: the rising 
American indignation against German cruelty and 
wanton slaughter by land and by sea. and by the 
direct affront to the United States when Germany 
declared unrestricted submarine war. But we, as 
a nation, did not feel that we were particularly in 
danger, or that our national interests were vitally 
threatened. Space and time still i^rotected us 

Yet in Europe a quite different notion pre- 
vailed, and history shows that the European view 
was right, and that ours was wrong. Europeans 
saw the United States as a country capable of de- 
veloping great force, economic and military, and 
capable of putting that force onto the other side 
of the world and settling the outcome of Old 
World struggles. The record shows that military 
leaders in Europe, and particularly in Berlin, 
began by assuming that this was a military im- 
possibility, and ended by realizing that a new 
force existed which had to be taken into account. 
From that moment on, America figured in every 
European calculation — though we sailed blissfully 

' Delivered before the Charles Carroll Forum of Wash- 
ington, Washington, Oct. 20, 1944. 

OCTOBER 22, 19U 


tliroiigli the 1020's and the early 1930's in complete 
ignorance of that fact. 

We were due for a rude shock, and we got it. 
Secretary Hull had been steadily warning the 
country that the Axis j)artners planned world con- 
quest, no less, and that this meant a threat to the 
United States. The President vainly endeavored 
to make the country realize that aggression in 
Europe and Asia now involved the United States. 
But there were all too many people in the country 
who were living in the past: international affairs 
were primarily European in origin ; America 
could take them or leave them. While the 
country was considering the situation without par- 
ticular disturbance. Hitler made an alliance with 

That alliance was directly aimed at this country. 
The military theory behind it was perfectly clear. 
Hitler's plans contemplated the domination of 
this hemisphere, probably beginning with South 
America. Also, he had to reckon on the possi- 
bility that we might not wait till he attacked but 
might defend on the other side of the ocean, as 
we now are doing. His alliance with Japan was 
so drawn up that in either case the Japanese would 
declare war on the United States. Equally, 
should the Japanese attack us, the Germans would 
join in the attack. This, it was thought, would tie 
up substantially all the American fleet in the 
Pacific and would render it impossible for this 
country to take any substantial military action in 
the Atlantic or in Europe. With us engaged in 
the Pacific, Hitler was reasonably confident that 
he could defeat his EurojDean victims. 

This was a diplomatic situation which we could 
not take or leave at our option. We were in- 
cluded in the diplomatic-military game, whether 
we liked it or not. 

It is clear now that we shall never again be 
able to say for ourselves whether we shall or shall 
not be a part of world diplomacy. Even with- 
out a world organization, no great power in the 
future will make world plans without calculating 
the position of this country. Either we shall be 
consulted and our agreement asked, or arrange- 
ments will be made to keep us occupied or out of 
action if the plans are hostile to us. 

There is just no escape from this. A country 
which has been able to fight a huge war in the 
Pacific with brilliance and success, and at the same 
time to keep and maintain an army of some mil- 

lions operating on the continent of Europe, and 
while doing that, to make herself the arsenal for 
many other covnitries combined — a country which 
can do that will always figure in every inter- 
national calculation, whether it wills or no. 

This condition of necessity compels the United 
States to consider and to make up its mind in a 
great number of situations which, in yeai-s gone 
by, we merely ignored. 

We had, and we will continue to have, a per- 
manent stake in the continued peace and security 
of the world, because we have a permanent inter- 
est and stake in our own peace and security. The 
combination of circumstances not only entitles us 
but obliges us to have and to maintain an Ameri- 
can point of view. In these circumstances, isola- 
tion at best means weakness and at worst positive 


I think it probable that the changed position 
of the United States does mean some evolution in 
our own practices in dealing with foreign affairs. 
In fact, that evolution has already begun. 

Wien we were a small country, or an isolated 
country, we did not as a general rule take initia- 
tive in foreign affairs. Rather, we considered pro- 
posals made by other countries, and passed upon 
them, agreeing to them or refusing to join as our 
interest dictated. The constitutional processes set 
up in 1787, indeed, were adapted to that end : in- 
ternational commitments were negotiated by the 
executive branch of the Government and presented 
then to the Senate, or, in some cases, to both 
Houses of the Congress, for ratification. The 
Congress was not bound in any way by the gov- 
ernmental negotiation. It could and frequently 
did decline to accept the results of negotiation. 
This meant, in substance, that agreements to take 
future action could not be made. The position 
was advantageous for the representatives of the 
small countrj'. For a great power it was not so 
advantageous; and method had to be found by 
which the legislative and executive branches of 
the Government could act together. 

Other governments — for example, that of Great 
Britain — do not have the same difficulty. A Cabi- 
net, responsible to a Parliament, has its majority 
in its legislature assured in advance, and such 
commitments as it makes will be those which it 
is known the legislature will accept. Some equiv- 
alent for this had to be found in the United States, 



and some measure of progress has already been 
worked out. 

One of the great developments in method was 
worked out by Secretary Hull in the Trade Agree- 
ments Act. In substance, this act gives advance 
legislative authority for agreements which follow 
a line of policy; and the debate npon that policy 
thus precedes the actual negotiation of the agree- 
ment. For 10 years this mechanism has worked 
with great success. 

A second practical development is presently 
going forward. This is the process of consultation 
of the congressional leaders and the relevant com- 
mittees of Congress by the Executive, in the form- 
ative stages of policy. Consultation had between 
members of the Senate and the Congress by the 
President and by Secretary Hull in advance of 
the Dumbarton Oaks conference is a matter of 
history and has received the general approval of 
the American public. In still other fields, this 
practice has been made general : The relations be- 
tween the executive officials primarily concerned 
with the early phases of air settlements, and the 
congressional committees, have been continuous 
and close; and certainly, from the side of the 
Executive, I can testify to the very great useful- 
ness and profit which has been drawn from these 
consultations, which have been going forward for 
a period of well over a year. As this consultative 
practice proceeds, it is fair to assume that a prac- 
tical solution of the problem will be found within 
the framework of our constitutional practice. We 
shall, I believe, arrive at a point where foreign 
affairs become increasingly non-partisan, although 
the subject-matter is increasingly laid out for 
public discussion. 

Indeed, such a development is essential, in view 
of our major interest. Peace and security may 
well depend, in any given set of circumstances, 
on whether other countries can know with cer- 
tainty what we will do — and that means knowing 
in advance, and not afterward. It has frequently 
been argued that if Germany in 1914 had known 
with certainty that Great Britain would declare 
war upon her if she attacked Belgium, there 
would have been no World War I. Proponents of 
that theory insist that Britain did not define her 
position until too late, and thereby permitted the 
Kaiser and the German General Staff to continue 
m the illusion that they could reckon without the 
force of Gi'eat Britain. 

It is not difficult to imagine that a similar set 
of circumstances may apply in the future to us, 
and that the peace and security of the world, and 
incidentally of the United States, may well depend 
upon the ability of an American President or of 
an American Secretary of State to make the posi- 
tion of this country clear in advance, with the cer- 
tainty that the Congress will back him up. All 
that is really called for is an increasingly close 
relationship between the executive and the legisla- 
tive branches of the Government, and an increas- 
ing knowledge by the American public of the real 
position of affairs at any given time. 

This last deserves emphasis. No President, no 
Secretary of State, can move beyond the limits set 
on them by the Congress; and no Congress can 
move beyond the limits set on it by public opinion. 
The three elements must march together in the 
development of policy, realizing that the failure 
of any one of them may mean sacrifice of the vital 
interests of the country. 


By now it is reasonably clear that the over- 
whelming majority of Americans realize perfectly 
that they must play a part in world affaii'S. 

As matters now stand, indeed, this country has 
probably the greatest potential both for war and 
for peace possessed by any single nation in the 
world. This situation may change : The Soviet 
Union has a larger territory, quite as well equipped 
with natural resources as do we, and it has a larger 
IDopulation, and it has demonstrated its ability to 
engage in industrial f)roduction and mechanical 
development. There are also two great countries 
with immense latent j)ower: China, with a huge 
population and a not inconsiderable outfit of 
natural resources, and Brazil, with a territory 
larger and richer than that of the United States 
and a population which is likely to grow rapidly 
both because of its birthrate and because of Euro- 
pean immigration. Our present population can 
unquestionably be maintained in absolute figures 
and can be improved. Relatively, however, we 
nuist assume that other countries will come along, 
slowly or rapidly, as their genius of organization 
permits. The British Commonwealtli, with a vast 
organization throughout the world, indeed de- 
pends now more on its power of organization of 
hnmense and scattered areas than upon tlie con- 
centrated potential of any one area, and thus has 
a unique position in world affairs. 

OCTOBER 22, 19U 


Probably these simple facts, more than any 
elaborate reasoning, determine American thinking. 
A countiy whose primary interest is the assurance 
of peace and security throughout the world in es- 
sence has only three alternatives. It can attempt 
the maintenance of peace through continuous bal- 
ancing of power — the scheme followed during the 
nineteenth century with occasional successes and 
conspicuous failures. The United States has 
never accepted the balance of power as anything 
more than a doubtful expedient, and would prefer 
to see the system discarded. 

The second alternative is world conquest: the 
creation of a new world-wide Koman Empire. 

No sane man believes that possible. A madman 
by the name of Hitler thought it could be done; 
and he should know better tonight. 

The third alternative is a cooperative system 
based on mutual resjiect and relationships, out of 
which international institutions may be soundly 

In the further future, a statesman must like- 
wise consider the emergence of India ; and the re- 
emergence of the potential of Western Europe 
may not be far away. In these circumstances, 
the cooperative solution is the only rational line 
cajjable of being followed. 

Is this a change in American policy? Plainly 
not, though it reflects change in method. Histori- 
cally the United States has always talked the lan- 
guage of world peace, but has preferred to exercise 
influence only by example and by persuasion. 
Even after the defeat of the Covenant of the 
League of Nations in the Senate in 1919, this coun- 
try stimulated and supported conferences looking 
toward disarmament — that being the method 
chiefly advocated as a means of assuriaig world 
jjeace. The Kellogg-Briand pact outlawing war 
was an American attempt to act through strictly 
moral force, since the treaty itself provided no 
means of enforcement. In point of fact, American 
attempts to meet the problem of world peace were 
continuous from 1921 on ; but they assumed that 
agreements to keep the peace, followed by disarma- 
ment through general consent, would be sufficient 
for the task. It remained for the Axis to make it 
unhappily clear that agreements are not self- 
executing and can be broken, and that policing is 
as necessary as piety. Probably the fact that air 
warfare puts this country out of the class of dis- 
tant spectator and in the direct range of events 
was the most powerful argument of all. There was 

universal approval when the Atlantic Charter, put 
forward in August 1941, forecast as a joint aim of 
the United States and Britain the establishment 
of a wide and permanent system of general secu- 
rity, plainly implying closer relations between a 
number of countries ; and there was universal ap- 
proval when Secretary Hull brought back from 
Moscow the pledge that the Soviet Union, Britain, 
China, and the United States would endeavor to 
construct, as soon as practicable, international in- 
stitutions designed to preserve peace. 

That work has been carried forward at Dumbar- 
ton Oaks and may be reasonably regarded as well 
advanced. It may fairly be said that the fact of 
the Dumbarton Oaks agreement is probably even 
more important than the text of the agreement it- 
self. No two nations will use the same language, 
even when they have the same idea; just as two 
men even when they are like-minded will com- 
monly exjDress themselves differently. Nor is it to 
be expected that institutions are created complete ; 
they grow and develop as experience is gained and 
as mutual confidence rises. The ultimate strength 
of the Dumbarton Oaks proposals must rest on the 
common realization that everyone's national inter- 
est is forwarded by the success of the experiment. 
In the early stages there is a great hope, accom- 
l^anied by faith and by a determination that the 
experiment shall be a success. Gradually, as the 
inherent usefulness of the process appears, hope 
and faith are strengthened by actual experience. 

I think it is fair to say that the feeling in the 
United States, strong as it is, perhaps yields by 
comparison to the feeling of the people in Europe. 
They have seen these great experiments tried — as 
in the case of the League of Nations ; they are skep- 
tical of words. But they know the price of failure, 
as we do not. Great masses in the Old World 
literally looked over the brink of extinction : They 
faced not merely the wounds and scars which 
were familiar to them from older wars but the 
actual and tangible possibility of being wiped off 
the face of the planet. They know, as we do, that 
a next war, should it exist, will probably disclose 
weapons 10 times more powerful than those we 
know today — just as the armies in World War I 
were bow-and-arrow troops comjjared to the mech- 
anized land and air armies of the present. No 
national interest, in the limited sense, can com- 
pare with the people's interest in the survival of 
their civilization. To them, debate over relatively 
minor problems of organization is ahnost beside 



the point. The thing simply must work. 

Some of us have had the doubtful privilege of 
seeing a little into the processes of scientific re- 
search which war has pushed forward with the 
exigence of necessity. It is very much like looking 
over the rim of hell. For man is increasingly 
learning to unlock nature on the grand scale ; and 
nature is replying that man had better learn to 
restrain himself. It is literally true that science 
is showing us ways of conducting diabolically ef- 
ficient offenses, but is showing us few, if any, com- 
parable defenses. It needs only slight progress 
in a few fields — a progress already foreshadowed 
by existing experiments — to make it possible for 
any grou]) of men, anywhere, to threaten the exist- 
ence of ahnost any other group of men anywhere 
else, more or less irrespective of geography. 

And so we are brought back, as always, to an 
ultimate realization of certain moral imperatives. 
Begimiing with the national interest in inde- 
pendence, peace, and security, and then proceeding 
to the reality that our independence and i^eace and 
security are safe only if the world is reasonably 
peaceful and secure, and flanking that knowledge 
with the consciousness that a number of coun- 
tries — and ultimately any reasonably sized coun- 
try — may command weapons capable of shatter- 
ing much of the fabric of civilization, we are 
necessarily led to the realization that what goes 
on in men's minds is of first importance. In a 
small state across the sea, a group of men with 
concrete-mixers may be building a structure. 
Only their own desires dictate whether that struc- 
ture may be something capable of launching a 
robot bomb of unheard-of size, loaded with ex- 
plosives of undreamed potential, or whether it is 
a quite innocent stadium for healthy sport. Un- 
less you are to conquer the world, you can only 
influence the minds of those men with their con- 
crete-mixer by some general acceptance of com- 
mon values. This means conquest or conversion ; 
and conquest is impossible. 

For this reason the American outlook on inter- 
national affairs must be universal, and it must 
base itself on certain eternal values : the value of 
life as against death; the value of happiness as 
against misery; the value of freedom as against 
bondage; the value of good-neighborship as 
against the value of domination. There can be 
no other sound apioroach. 

The Proclaimed List 

[Released to the press October 22] 

The Secretary of State, acting in conjunction 
with the Acting Secretary of the Treasury, the 
Attorney General, the Secretary of Commerce, the 
Administrator of the Foreign Economic Admin- 
istration, and the Coordinator of Inter- American 
Affairs, on October 21 issued Cumulative Supple- 
ment 2 to Revision VIII of the Proclaimed List 
of Certain Blocked Nationals, promulgated Sep- 
tember 13, 1944. 

Part I of Cumulative Supplement 2 contains 
33 additional listings in the other American re- 
publics and 209 deletions. Part II contains 103 
additional listings outside the American repub- 
lics and 32 deletions. 

International Conference on 
European Inland Transport 

[Released to the press October 17] 

A United States Delegation is participating in 
an international conference in London on Euro- 
pean inland transport. Tlie United States Delega- 
tion is lieaded by Ambassador John G. Winant 
and Maj. Gen. Frank Ross and includes Mr. Philip 
D. Reed, Chief of American Mission for Economic 
Affairs, London, Mr. Cassius M. Clay, Solicitor 
General of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad on 
leave with the Department of State, Mr. Robert 
G. Hooker, Jr.. and Miss Helen Moats of the De- 
partment of State, Mr. John M. Allison of the 
American Embassy in London, Mr. Winthrop G. 
Brown of the American Mission for Economic 
Affairs, London, and Lt. Col. C. Z. Case, alternate 
for General Ross. 

The conference was convened to discuss arrange- 
ments regarding inland transport in continental 
Europe after the liberation of territories of the 
United Nations in Europe and the occupation of 
any enemy territories, with a view to ensuring 
rapid movement of supplies for both the military 
forces and the civilian populations, to providing 
for the transport of displaced persons, and to 
creating conditions in which the normal movement 
of traffic can be more rapidly resumed. 

The countries participating in the conference 
are Belgium, Czechoslovakia, France, Greece, 

OCTOBER 22, 1944 


Luxembourg:, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland, 
the United Kingdom, tlie United States, the Union 
of Soviet Socialist Republics, and Yugoslavia. 
The Danish JWinister in London has been invited 
to send an observer. 

The opening meeting of the conference took 
place at Lancaster House, St. James, London, on 
October 10, under the chairmanship of Mr. P. J. 
Noel Baker, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minis- 
ter of War Transport. 

The President's War Relief 
Control Board 


Bulletin of October 1, 1944, page 347, first col- 
umn, first paragraph, second line: Delete "not" 
and in lieu thereof insert "now" ; same paragraph, 
third line : Delete "but was" and in lieu thereof 
insert a comma; page 348, second column, third 
paragraph, eleventh line : Delete "only" and in lieu 
thereof insert "ordinarily." 


Consular Offices 

The American Vice Consulate at Mendoza, Ar- 
gentina, was closed on October 14, 1944. 

The American Consulate at Rome, Italy, was 
opened to the 23ublic on October 16, 1944. 


Jurisdiction Over Armed Forces 

On October 11, 1944, under authority of the act 
of June 30, 1944, Public Law 384, 78t"h Congress, 
entitled "An act to implement the jurisdiction of 
service courts of friendly foreign forces within 
the United States, and for other purposes", the 
President issued Proclamation 2626^ respecting 
armed forces of the United Kingdom and Canada 

within the United States. Agreements regarding 
criminal offenses committed by members of armed 
forces have been concluded by the United States 
with the United Kingdom ~ and Canada.^ 

Inter-American Institute of 
Agricultural Sciences 


The Director General of the Pan American 
Union informed the Secretary of State, by a letter 
of October 12, 1944, that on October 10, 1944 the 
Ambassador of Venezuela in the United States, 
Senor Dr. Don Diogenes Escalante, signed in 
the name of his Government, with reservations, 
the Convention on the Inter-American Institute 
of Agricultural Sciences, which was opened for 
signature at the Pan American Union on Jan- 
uary 15, 1944. 

A translation of the Venezuelan reservations 

First: With respect to the stipulation con- 
tained in article XII by which the signatory 
states undertake to grant exemption from State 
or Municipal taxes in favor of the real property 
belonging to the Inter- American Institute of Ag- 
ricultural Sciences, it declares expressly that it 
cannot grant the said exemption, because the sys- 
tem of such taxes does not come within the com- 
petence of the Federal Power, according to 
number 3 of section 4 of article 17 of the National 

Second: With respect to the stij^ulation con- 
tained in section 2 of article XVI, by which it is 
provided that the future destiny of the Institute 
shall be determined by the Board of Governors of 
the Pan American Union, in case the present Con- 
vention should cease to be in effect, the Govern- 
ment of Venezuela reserves to itself the rights that 
may belong to it, should that eventuality arise, 
with regard to the real property situated in its 
territory which might be devoted to the purposes 
contemplated in the Convention, and which can- 
not be transferred, ceded nor alienated or incum- 
bered in any way except in conformity with the 
laws in force in the country. 

' 8 Federal Register 12403. 

' Executive Agreement Series 35.5. 

' Executive Agreement Series 405. 




Functions and Responsibilities of the Shipping Division, Office of 
Transportation and Communications ' 

Purpose. Thi s order is issued in order to clarify 
and amplify the description of functions and re- 
sponsibilities of the Shipping Division, Office of 
Transportation and Communications, as set forth 
in Departmental Order 1218 of January 15, 1944, 
pp. 10 and 11. It is necessary that the functions 
of this Division be understood throughout the De- 
partment, in order that matters belonging pri- 
marily within the scope of its responsibilities will 
be referred to that Division and in order that the 
Shipping Division will be consulted on matters 
handled by other offices when aspects of problems 
or policy bear on international shipping. 

1 Functions and responsibilities of the Shipping 
Division. The Shipping Division of the Office of 
Transportation and Communications shall have re- 
si^onsibility for the initiation, formulation, and 
coordination of policy and action of the Depart- 
ment of State in matters concerning international 
shipping (excepting those functions relating to 
shipping space requirements and allocations vested 
in the Division of Supplies and Resources of the 
Office of Wartime Economic Affairs). This in- 
cludes such activities as : 

(a) Analysis and study of all international as- 
pects of shipping and, in cooperation with other 
economic and geographic divisions, formulation of 
policy concerning the economic, commercial, and 
political aspects of international shipping. 

(b) Observation and review of developments in 
the maritime services and laws of other countries 
in order to identify and advise on their implica- 
tions to the foreign policy of the United States. 

(c) Analysis and recommendation with regard 
to foreign policy aspects of subsidies and other 
governmental assistance to sliipping and with re- 
gard to discriminatory laws or practices against 
American shipping. 

(d) Development and recommendation on for- 
eign policy aspects involved in relationships be- 
tween private and governmental shipping, with 
particular reference to problems of the transitional 
period of adjustment from war to post-war con- 
ditions. ' 

(e) In cooperation with the geographic and 
other interested offices of the Department, conduct 
of negotiations between foreign governments and 
tlie Maritime Commission and War Shipping Ad- 
ministration with regard to disposal of tonnage, 
transfer of nationality, redistribution of ships to 
essential trade routes, and other shipping matters. 

(f) Formulation and carrying through of 
policy recommendations on matters that involve 
the effect of ocean freiglit rates, marine insurance 
rates, and war risk insurance rates on foreign 

(g) Analyzing and making reconnnendations 
regarding legislation and executive orders affect- 
ing international shipping, and international con- 
ventions, treaties, and agreements governing 
shipping and shipbuilding industries. 

(h) Analyzing and recommending on policy of 
the Def)artment regarding revision of navigation 
laws and tlieir adjustment to current sea-going 

(i) Interpretation and liaison in all matters 
within the responsibility of the Division relative 
to international conventions concerning seamen. 

(j) In cooperation with the Office of the For- 
eign Service and other interested divisions, and in 
collaboration with the Maritime Commission and 
other agencies, drafting of instructions to the For- 
eign Service establishments regarding reports on 
matters of economic and political significance in 
the maritime services and shipbuilding industries 
of other countries. 

(k) Analyzing reports from the field for de- 
velopments that are significant from a policy 
standpoint, and furnishing of pertinent informa- 
tion to offices of the Department or other Govern- 
ment agencies on international shipping matters. 

(1) Analysis of regulatory measures and stan- 
dards that affect shipping and trade, in order to 
determine their relationship to foreign policy. 

2 Relations vnth other divisions of the Depart- 
ment and other agencies. In carrying out these 

^Departmental Order 1291, dated Oct. 13, 1944, effective 
Oct. 16, 1944. 

OCTOBER 22. 1944 


functions and responsibilities, the Shipping Divi- 
sion shall work closely with the geographic, eco- 
nomic, and other divisions of the Department 
which may be concerned. The Shipping Division 
shall maintain effective liaison with the Maritime 
Commission, the War Shipping Administration, 
the Navy Department, the Commerce Department, 
and other departments and agencies of the Govern- 
ment concerned witli shipping and seamen. 

3. Routing symbol. The routing symbol of the 
Shipping Division shall continue to be SD. 

CoRDELii Hull 

Consular Services to Ships and Seamen' 

Purpose. This order is issued to centralize 
within one division the responsibility for direction 
and administration of the work of the Department 
of State concerned with consular services to ships 
and seamen by the Foreign Service of the United 

1 Transfer of responsibility for consular serv- 
ices to ships and seamen. The responsibility for 
direction and -administration of the work of the 
Department concerned with protection abroad of 
seamen and official services to ships by the Foreign 
Service of the United States, is hereby transferred 
from the Shipping Division, Office of Transporta- 
tion and Communications, to the Division of For- 
eign Service Administration, Office of the Foreign 
Service. This includes such activities as : (a) ship- 
ment, discharge, relief, repatriation, and burial of 
seamen, and also services to American aircraft 
and crews; (h) adjustment of disputes between 
masters and crews of vessels; (c) handling of 
estates of deceased seamen; (d) issuance of bills 
of health, and liaison in that connection with the 
United States Public Health Service; and (e) as- 
sistance to masters of vessels in matters relating 
to entrance and clearance of vessels in foreign 
ports and in ports of the United States. 

2 Departmental Order amended. Departmental 
Order 1218, January 15, 1944, (p. 10 and p. 41) is 
accordingly amended. 


'Departmental Order 1292, dated Oct. 13, 1944, ef- 
fective Oct. 16, 1944. 

' Departmental Order 1293, dated Oct. 13, 1944, efCective 
Oct. 16, 1944. 

Changes in Organization of the Office 
Of Wartime Economic Affairs^ 

Purpose. This order effects certain organiza- 
tional changes among the Divisions of the Office 
of Wartime Economic Affairs, including the 
abolition of two divisions and the renaming of 
two divisions, and outlines the main functions of 
the Supply and Resources Division in terms of its 
sectional organization and states certain of its 
functions in detail. It also makes certain i-elated 
and clarifying adjustments in the Office. 

1 Title and organization of the Supply and Re- 
sowces Division. The title of the Supply and Re- 
sources Division is hereby changed to War Supply 
and Resources Division. The principal functions 
of the War Supply and Resources Division, as out- 
lined in Departmental Order 1218, January 15, 
1944 (pp. 12 and 13), are conducted by the fol- 
lowing sections : 

(a) The Industrial Resources Section is con- 
cerned with the discharge of the Division's re- 
sponsibility with respect to all wartime economic 
problems relating to supplies and resources other 
'than agricultural. 

(b) The Agricultural Resources Section is con- 
cerned with the discharge of the Division's re- 
sponsibilities with respect to all wartime economic 
problems relating to agricultural supplies and 

(c) The Shipping Section is concerned with the 
discharge of the Division's responsibilities in war- 
time shipping matters. 

(d) The Munitions Control Section is concerned 
with administration of Section 12 of the Neu- 
trality Act of November 4, 1939, the Helium Act 
of September 1, 1937, and the Tin Plate Scrap 
Act of February 15, 1936. For purposes of clarifi- 
cation, these responsibilities are described more 
fully in section 2 of this order. 

(e) The Surplus Property Section is concerned 
with the interim coordinating role of the Division 
in matters that concern surplus war property. 
In this connection, the Section services the Director 
of the Office of Wartime Economic Affairs who 
is the liaison officer of the Department of State 
with the government agency handling surplus 
property. In discharging the Section's responsi- 
bility for coordinating the policy of the severaj 
offices and divisions of the Department concerned 



with various aspects of surplus war property and 
related matters, including installations abroad, the 
Surplus Property Section assumes the initiative 
for convening from time to time, and acting in 
concert with, a working group of representatives 
of the various divisions concerned, including the 
Commodities Division and the Division of Com- 
mercial Policy and the Division of Financial and 
Monetary Affairs, Office of Economic Affairs, and 
the office of the Legal Adviser, together with such 
other units within the Department (including the 
Shipping Division, the Aviation Division, and the 
Telecommunications Division) as may be involved 
in particular matters. 

(f) The Wartime Trade Policy Section is con- 
cerned with coordination of Departmental views 
on the economic policies to be followed in the appli- 
cation of wartime trade controls by various 
governmental agencies. In this connection, the 
Section convenes and acts with a working group 
of representatives of the various divisions con- 
cerned, including those of the Office of Economic 

2 Description of the functions of the Mmiitio77S 
Control Section. For purposes of clarification, the 
duties of the Munitions Control Section, War 
Supply and Resources Division, are described in 
detail : 

(a) Initiation of policy and action of the De- 
partment on problems arising from the interna- 
tional traffic in arms, ammunition, and implements 
of war and other munitions of war, and the rela- 
tion of such controls to the national defense of 
the United States; 

(b) Formulation of policy regarding treaties 
and international agreements, and obligations un- 
der treaties and agreements, pertaining to inter- 
national traffic in arms, ammunition and imple- 
ments of war and other munitions of war; 

(c) Performance of duties with which the De- 
partment may be concerned in connection with the 
administration of the Tin Plate Scrap Act of 
February 15, 1936 and the Helium Act of Septem- 
ber 1,1937; 

(d) Performance of all necessary duties in con- 
nection with the administration of the statutes 
providing for the control of the international traf- 
fic in arms, ammunition and implements of war 
and other munitions of war, so far as the adminis- 
tration of these statutes is vested in the Secretary 
of State; 

(e) Assistance to the Secretary of State in the 
performance of Itis duties as Chairman and Execu- 
tive Officer of the National Munitions Control 
Board ; 

(f ) Assistance to the Department of Justice and 
other Departments and agencies of the Govern- 
ment, as may be required, in the investigation 
and prosecution of violations of the treaties and 
statutes within the scope of the duties of the sec- 
tion ; 

(g) Performance of duties with which the De- 
partment may be concerned in connection with 
the administration of sections (1) and (2) of title 
1 of the Espionage Act, dated June 15, 1917, re- 
lating to the exportation of articles involving mili- 
tary secrets; 

(h) Performance of necessary duties as may 
concern the Department in connection with the 
clearance of all military and other inventions with 
the National Inventors' Council, Department of 
Commerce ; 

(i) Conduct of special surveys and studies as 
may be required by the Director of tl.e Office of 
Wartime Economic Affairs or the Secretary of 
State; and 

(j) Maintenance of liaison with the War and 
Navy Departments and with otlier Departments 
and agencies of the Government regarding matters 
within the jurisdiction of the section. 

These duties require that the Munitions Control 
Section shall maintain liaison with the various 
interested divisions within the Department, and 
that the various divisions of the Department shall 
consult with the section in matters pertaining to 
the resj)onsibilities of the section. 

3 Chanr/e in title of the Liberated Areas Divi- 
sion. The name of the Liberated Areas Division 
is hereby changed to War Areas Economic 

4 Abolition of the Eastern Hemisphere Divi- 
sion and transfer of its functions. The Eastern 
Hemisphere Division is hereby abolished. Its 
functions and persomiel responsible for initiation 
and coordination of policy and action in wartime 
economic matters pertaining to European neutral 
countries and their colonial possessions, France 
and the French Empire, Belgian Congo, Turkey 
and the Middle East, are transferred to the War 
Areas Economic Division. The functions and per- 
sonnel of the Eastern Hemisphere Division re- 
sponsible for coordination of policy and action in 

OCTOBER 22, 1944 


all wartime economic matters pertaining to other 
countries of the Eastern Hemisphere including 
the British Empire and, in the Western Hemi- 
sphere, to Iceland, Greenland, Canada and British 
Colonies and Possessions (except in the Caribbean 
area and in South America) are transferred to 
the War Supply and Resources Division. 

5 Abolitian of Amencan Republics Require- 
ments Division and transfer of its functions. 
The American Republics Requirements Division 
is hereby abolished. Its functions and personnel 
are transferred to the War Supply and Resources 

6- Amendment of Departmental Order. Depart- 
mental Order 1218 of January 15, 1944 (pp. IS- 
IS) is accordingly amended. 

7 Routing si/mhoh. The routing symbol for 
the AVur Supply and Resources Division shall con- 
tinue to be SR, and for the War Areas Economic 
Division, LA. 


Functions of the Adviser on Refugees 
And Displaced Persona' 

Purpose. The growing activities of the Depart- 
ment on the foreign policy aspects or problems of 
displaced persons warrant a clarification of the 
responsibilities of the Adviser on Refugees and 
Displaced Pei-sons, Office of Wai-time Economic 
Affairs (Departmental Order 1227, February 16, 

1 Changing emphasis in the work of the Adviser 
on Refugees and Displaced Perso)is. The work of 
the Adviser on Refugees and Displaced Persons, 
in the Office of Wartime Economic Affairs, has 
been growing as the devastation and dislocations 
of the war have spread and as the United Nations 
governments have become more active in planning 
and taking measures to cope with resulting condi- 
tions. The stress will fall increasingly on the 
problem of displaced populations. This problem 
must be worked out in terms of long-range inter- 
ests and policies which take into consideration so- 
cial and economic, as well as political, conditions 
of particular areas and countries of the world. 
The problems of displaced persons which are aris- 
ing from wartime conditions are admittedly of a 
nature that demands planning and attention for 

' Departmental Oiaer 1294, dated Oct. 13, 1944, effective 
Oct. 16, 1944. 

an extended transitional period lasting well into 
the period after cessation of hostilities. Later 
they will merge into long-run problems of migra- 
tion and settlement. 

2 Functions of the Adviser on Refugees and 
Displaced Persons. The Adviser on Refugees and 
Displaced Persons shall be resj^onsible for the fol- 
lowing functions : 

(a) Coordination of policy and action on all 
displaced jjersons and refugee affairs within the 
Department of State. 

(b) Special research and analysis on problems 
comiected with displaced persons and refugees to 
develop data and recommendations for meeting 
these problems during the period of hostilities and 
the post-war period. 

(c) Development of documents and studies and 
participation in the deliberations of the Special 
Committee on Migration and Resettlement. 

(d) Representation for the Department, as the 
United States representative, on the Technical Ad- 
visory Committee on Displaced Persons of the 
Council of the United Nations Relief and Rehabili- 
tation Administration. 

(e) Following for the Department of State 
the activities of the Intergovernmental Committee 
on Refugees meeting in London and, when apj^ro- 
priate, assisting in its work. 

(f ) Provision of the secretariat of the interde- 
partmental committee known as the Special Com- 
mittee on Migration and Resettlement. 

(g) Liaison between the Department and the 
War Refugee Board, established by Executive 
Order 9417 of January 22, 1944. The Board, con- 
sisting of the Secretary of State, Secretary of the 
Treasury, and Secretary of War, is responsible 
for "the development of plans and programs and 
the inauguration of effective measures for (a) the 
rescue, transportation, maintenance and relief of 
the victims of enemy oppression, and (b) the 
establishment of temporary refuge for such vic- 
tims". The Secretariat of the Board is a unit in 
the Treasury Department. The liaison relation of 
the Department of State is indicated in section 3 
of Executive Order 9417, which directs that: 

It shall be the duty of the State, Treasury, and 
War Departments, within their respective spheres, 
to execute at the request of the Board, the plans 
and programs so developed and the measures so 
inaugurated. It shall be the duty of the heads 
of all agencies and departments to supply or ob- 


tain for the Board such information and to extend 
to the Board such supplies, shipping and other 
specified assistance and facilities as the Board 
may require in carrying out the provisions of this 
Order. The State Department shall appoint 
special attaches with diplomatic status, on the 
recommendation of the Board, to be stationed 
abroad in places where it is likely that assistance 
can be rendered to war refugees, the duties and 
responsibilities of such attaches to be defined by 
the Board in consultation with the State Depart- 

3 Relationships of the Adviser on Refugees and 
Displaced Persons icith other offices and divisions. 
In coordinating and taking action on matters 
within its jurisdiction, the Adviser on Refugees 
and Displaced Persons shall consult and work in 
cooperation with the geographic divisions, the 
Labor Relations Division, the Office of Special 
Political Affairs, the Division of Special War 
Problems, and any other units which from time 
to time may be concerned. These offices shall assure 
that matters concerning international migration 
and displaced persons and refugees which may 
arise in the course of their work are referred to 
the Adviser on Refugees and Displaced Persons. 
4 Routing symlol. The routing symbol of the 
Adviser on Refugees and Displaced Persons shall 
continue to be WRB. 

CoEDELL, Hull 

Appointment of Officers 

Jesse E. Saugstad as Chief, of the Shipping Di- 
vision, effective October 13, 1944. 

The following designations are effective Octoler 
16, 19U-- 

Wayne G. Jackson as Deputy Director, Charles 
F. Knox as Adviser, Robert D. Howard as Execu- 
tive Officer, and Mrs. Nancy W. Davis as Acting 
Information Liaison Officer, Office of Wartime 
Economic Affaii-s. 

Courtney C. Brown as Chief, and Everett R. 
Cook, Frederick W. Gardner, and Hallett John- 
son as Advisers, War Supply and Resources 

Livingston T. Merchant as Chief, and Elmer G. 
Burland, Dallas Dort, Sidney L. W. Mellen, Ed- 
ward G., Miller, Stephen A. Mitchell, Abbott Low 
Moffat, Orsen Nielsen, James A. Stillwell, and 


Frederick Winant as Advisers, War Areas Eco- 
nomic Division. 


Administration of Alien Property : Hearing Before Sub- 
committee No. 1 of the Committee on the Judiciary, House 
of Representatives, 7Sth Cong., 2d sess., on H.R. 4840 
(subsequently amended and reintroduced as H.R. 5031) 
To Amend the First War Powers Act, 1941 ; June 9, 13, 14, 
and 15, 1944, Serial No. 18. iv, 133 pp. 

The Merchant Marine in Overseas Aviation : Executive 
Hearings Before the Subcommittee on Merchant Marine 
in Overseas Aviation of the Committee on the Merchant 
Marine and Fisheries, House of Representatives, 78th 
Cong., 2d sess., on H.Res. 5^, a Resolution Authorizing 
Investigation of the National Defense Program as It Re- 
lates to the Committee on the Merchant Marine and Fish- 
eries ; Sept. 11, 12, and 13, 1944. [State Department, p. 78.] 
iii, 247 pp. 

To Permit the Naturalization of Approximately Three 
Thousand Natives of India: Hearings Before a Subcom- 
mittee of the Committee on Immigration, United States 
Senate, 78th Cong., 2d sess.. on S. 1595, a Bill To Permit 
Approximately Three Thousand Natives of India Who 
Entered the United States Prior to July 1, 1924, To Become 
Naturalized; Sept. 13 and 14, 1944. iii, 58 pp. 


Depaetment of State 

Presidential Elections: Provisions of the Constitution 
and of the United States Code. Publication 2177. 14 pp. 

United Nations Monetary arid Financial Conference, 
Bretton Woods, New Hami>shire, July 1 to July 22, 1944 : 
Final Act and Related Documents. Conference Series 55. 
Publication 2187. iii, 122 pp. 25c. 

Military Mission : Agreement between the United States 
of America and Ecuador— Signed at Washington June 29, 
1944 ; effective June 29, 1944. Executive Agreement Series 
408. Publication 2184. 14 pp. 5c. 

Construction of a Port and Port Works: Agreement 
between the United States of America and Liberia — Signed 
at Monrovia December 31, 1943; and exchange of 
notes. Executive Agreement Series 411. Publication 2186. 
7 pp. 5c. 

Jurisdiction Over Criminal Offenses Committed by the 
Armed Forces of the United States in the Belgian Congo : 
Agreement between the United States of America and 
Belgium — Effected by exchanges of notes signed at Wash- 
ington March 31, May 27, June 23. and August 4, 1943. .. 
Executive Agreement Series 395. Publication 2180. 7 pp. i; 
5c. I 

Military Mission : Agreement between the United States y 
of America and Peru — Signed at Washington July 10, 1944 ; J 

OCTOBER 22, 1944 


effective July 10, 1944. Executive Agreement Series 409. 
Publication 2185. 14 pp. 5c. 

The Proclaimed List of Certain Blocked Nationals : 
Cumulative Supplement No. 2, October 20, 1944, to Revision 
VIII of September 13, 1944. ii, 30 pp. Free. 

Other Government Agencies 

The articles listed below will be found in the October 
21 issue of the Department of Commerce publication en- 

titled Foreign Commerce Weekly, copies of which may be 
obtained from .the Superintendent of Documents, Gov- 
ernment Printing Office, for 10 cents each : 

"Mexican Fats and Oiljs Meet Wartime Challenge", 
based in part on a report from the American Embassy, 
Mexico, D.F. 

"Brazil's Chemical and Drug Industries and Trade Ex- 
pand" by Aldene Barrington Leslie, economic analyst, 
American Embassy, Rio de Janeiro. 







1 r 


VOL. XI, NO. 279 

OCTOBER 29, 1944 

In this issue 

Edward G. Miller, Jr. ^-{f-h-b-h-d-tt-tr-k* 


Article by Leon W. Fuller ii-k-ttir-A-kiriti! 

VV^^^'T o^ 



Vol. XI • No. 279 . W^W • PoBllCiTloN 2207 

October 29, 1944 

The Department of State BULLE- 
TIN, a weekly publication compiled and 
edited in the Division of Research and 
Publication. Office of Public Informa- 
tion, provides the public and inter- 
ested agencies of the Government with 
information on developments in the 
field of foreign relations and on the 
work of the Department of State and 
the Foreign Service. The BULLET IIS 
includes press releases on foreign policy- 
issued by the White House and the De- 
partment, and statements and addresses 
made by the President and by the Sec- 
retary of State and other officers of the 
Department, as ire// as special articles 
on various phases of international af- 
fairs and the functions of the Depart- 
ment. Information concerning treaties 
and international agreements to which 
the United Stales is or may become a 
party and treaties of general inter- 
national interest is included. 

Publications of the Department, 
cumulative lists of which are published 
at the end of each quarter, as well as 
legislative material in the field of inter- 
national relations, are listed currently. 

The BULLETIN, published with the 
approval of the Director of the Bureau 
of the Budget, is for sale by the Super- 
intendent of Documents, United States 
Government Printing Office, Washing- 
ton 25, D. C, to whom all purchase 
orders, with accompanying remittance, 
should be sent. The subscription price 
ii $2.75 a year; a single copy is 10 


American Republics Page '■ 

Statement on Reported Communication From Argentina , . 498'- 

Consultation on Matters Relating to International Orgaui- j 

zation 525 


Recognition of the de /ac(o French Authority 491 

Renewal of Diplomatic Relations With Italy 491 ' 

Anniversary of Czechoslovak Independence: ■; 
Message From President Roosevelt to President BeneS 

of Czechoslovakia 497 '■ 

Statement by the Acting Secretary of State 497 1 

Passports for Travel to France 498 j 

Education in Germany Under the National Socialist Regime: ' 
National Socialist Education in Theory and Practice. 

Article by Leon W. Fuller 511 1 

Far East , j 

Relief Supplies for Allied Nationals Interned in the Far ' 

East 494' 

Our Navy and a Warning to Japan: Address by Joseph C. , 

Grew 496 ( 

Gener.^i, ' 

Degrees Conferred on the Under Secretary of State j 

Remarks Upon Acceptance of Degree From New York i 

University 509 ] 

Remarks Upon Acceptance of Degree From Stevens ' 

Institute of Technology 509,1 

Post-War Matters 

International Civil Aviation Conference 

Members of the American Delegation 4995; 

Members of the Secretariat 499 I 

The Second Session of the Council of UNRRA: Article by 

Edward G. Miller, Jr 501 

Treaty Information 

Armistice Terms for Bulgaria 492 ■ 

Protocol Prolonging International Sugar Agreement . . . 526 I 

Rubber Agreement With Venezuela 526 | 

Monetary Agreement, United Kingdom and Belgium . . , 526 

Commercial Modus Vivendi, Venezuela and Spain .... 526- 

The Department , 

Appointment of Officers 525 i 

The Foreign Service j 

Diplomatic and Consular Offices 510 i 


Publications 525! 

Legislation 524| 

Recognition of the De Facto French 



[Released to the press October 23] 

The Government of the United States has today 
recognized the French de facto autliority estab- 
lished in Paris under the leadership of General de 
Gaulle as the Provisional Govermnent of the 
French Republic. A communication in this sense 
has today been addressed to the Provisional Gov- 
ernment. Mr. Jefferson Caft'ery will, if agree- 
able to the Provisional Government, assume the 
duties of Ambassador to France. 

This action on the part of the United States 
Government is in harmony with its policy toward 
France as publicly enunciated from time to time 
by the President and the Secretary of State. 

As the Secretary of State in his si>eech of April 
9, 1944 stated, it was always the thought of the 
President and himself that Frenchmen themselves 
should undertake the civil administration of their 
country and that this 
Government would 
look to the organiza- 
tion then known as 
the French Commit- 
tee of National Lib- 
eration to exercise 
leadership in the 
establishment of law 
and order. In ac- 
cordance with this 
policy, agreements 
were entered into be- 
tween the Supreme 
Allied Commander 
and the de facto 
French authority, 
headed by General de 
Gaulle, covering the 
administration of 
civil affairs in France 
and other related 

Renewal of Diplomatic 
Relations with Italy 

[Released to the press October 26] 

The following statement was made by the Act- 
ing Secretary of State : 

"After consultation with the other American re- 
publics, as provided in the resolutions made at Rio 
de Janeiro in January 1942, it has been agreed 
that diplomatic relations with the Government of 
Italy should be resumed. The Governments of 
Great Britain and the Soviet Union likewise have 
been consulted. 

"Consequently, the President will submit to the 
Senate, after it reconvenes on November 14, 1944, 
the nomination of the Honorable Alexander C. 
Kirk as American Ambassador to Italy. Mr. Kirk 
is presently American Representative on the Ad- 
visory Council for Italy in Rome." 

In accordance with the pi'ocedure envisaged in 
the civil-affairs agreement, an "Interior zone" has 
been established to include a large part of France, 
including Paris. The agreement provides that in 
the interior zone the conduct of the administration 
of the territory and responsibility therefor will be 
entirely a matter for the French authorities. 

Today the vast majority of Frenchmen are free. 
They have had opportunity during recent weeks 
to demonstrate their desire to have the duties and 
obligations of government assumed by the admin- 
istration which is now functioning in Paris and 
which has been reconstituted and strengthened by 
the inclusion of leaders of the valiant forces of re- 
sistance within France. 

The intention of the French authorities to seek 
an expression of the people's will at the earliest 
possible date, following the repatriation of French 

prisoners of war and 
deportees in Ger- 
many, has been made 
known on different 
occasions. Pending 
the expression of the 
will of the French 
people through the 
action of their duly 
elected representa- 
tives, the Provisional 
Government of the 
French Republic, in 
its efforts to prose- 
cute the war until 
final victory and to 
lay the foundations 
for the rehabilitation 
of France, can count 
on the continued, 
full, and friendly 
ooofDeration of the 
Government of the 
United States. 




Armistice Terms for Bulgaria 

[Released to the press October 29] 

The terms of the Bulgarian armistice agreement 
which has been signed in Moscow follow : 
Agreement Between the Governments of the 

United States or Asierica, the United liiNG- 

LICS, ON THE One Hand, and the Government of 
Bulgaria, on the Other Hand, Concerning an 

The Government of Bulgaria accepts the armis- 
tice terms presented by the Government of the 
United States of America, the Union of Soviet 
Socialist Republics and the United Kingdom act- 
ing on behalf of all the United Nations at war 
with Bulgaria. 

Accordingly the representative of the Supreme 
Allied Commander in the Mediterranean, Lieuten- 
ant General Sir James Gammell, and the rep- 
resentative of the Soviet High Command, Mar- 
shal of the Soviet Union, F. I. Tolbukhin, duly 
authorized thereto by the governments of the 
United States of America, the Union of the Soviet 
Socialist Republics and the United Kingdom act- 
ing on behalf of all the United Nations at war 
with Bulgaria, on the one hand, and representa- 
tives of the Government of Bulgaria, Mr. P. 
Stainov, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. D. Ter- 
peshev. Minister Without Portfolio, Mr. N. Petkov, 
Minister Without Portfolio and Mr. P. Stoyanov, 
Minister of Finance, furnished with due powers, 
on the other hand, have signed the following 
terms : 

Article One. (A) Bulgaria having ceased hos- 
tilities with the Union of Soviet Socialist Repub- 
lics on September 9, and severed relations with 
Germany on September 6, and with Hungary on 
on September 26, hostilities has ceased against all 
the other United Nations. 

(B) The Government of Bulgaria undertakes 
to disarm the German armed forces in Bulgaria 
and hand them over as prisoners of war. The 
Government of Bulgaria also undertakes to in- 
tern nationals of Germany and her satellites. 

(C) The Government of Bulgaria undertakes to 
maintain and make available such land, sea and 
air forces as may be specified for service under the 
general direction of the Allied (Soviet) High Com- 

mand. Such forces must not be used on Allied 
territory except with the prior consent of the Allied 
Government concerned. 

(D) On the conclusion of hostilities against 
Germany the Bulgarian armed forces must be de- 
mobilized and put on a peace footing under the 
supervision of the Allied Control Commission. 

Article Two. Bulgarian armed forces and of- 
ficials must be withdrawn within the specified 
time limit from the territory of Greece and Yugo- 
slavia in accordance with the pre-condition ac- 
cepted by the Govermnent of Bulgaria on October 
11; the" Bulgarian authorities must immedi- 
ately take steps to withdraw from Greek and 
Yugoslav territory Bulgarians who were citizens 
of Bulgaria on January 1, 1941, and to repeal all 
legislative and administrative provisions relating 
to the annexation or incorporation in Bulgaria of 
Greek or Yugoslav territory. 

Article Three. The Government of Bulgaria 
will afford to Soviet and other Allied forces free- 
dom of movement over Bulgarian territory in any 
direction if, in the opinion of the Allied (Soviet) 
High Command, the military situation so requires, 
the Government of Bulgaria giving to such move- 
ments every assistance with its own means of 
communication, and at its own expense, by land, 
water and in the air. 

Article Four. The Government of Bulgaria 
will immediately release all Allied prisoners of 
war and internees. Pending further instructions, 
the Government of Bulgaria will at its own ex- 
pense provide all Allied prisoners of war, in- 
ternees and displaced persons and refugees, in- 
cluding nationals of Greece and Yugoslavia, with 
adequate food, clothing, medical services and sani- 
tary and hygienic requirements and also with 
means of transportation for the return of any 
such persons to their own country. 

Article Fh-e. The Govermnent of Bulgaria will 
immediately release, regardless of citizenship or 
nationality, all persons held in confinement in con- 
nection with their activities in favor of the United 
Nations or because of their sympathies with the 
United Nations cause or for racial or religious rea- 
sons, and will repeal all discriminatory legislation 
and disabilities arising therefrom. 

OCTOBER 29, 1944 


Article Six. The Govenunent of Bulgaria will 
cooperate in the apprehension and trial of persons 
accused of war crimes. 

Article Seven. Tlie Government of Bulgaria 
undertakes to dissolve immediately all pro-Hitler 
or other Fascist political, military, para-military 
and other organizations on Bulgarian territory 
conducting propaganda hostile to the United Na- 
tions and not to tolerate the existence of such or- 
ganizations in the future. 

Article Eight. The publication, introduction 
and distribution in Bulgaria of periodical, or non- 
periodical literature, the presentation of tlieatrical 
performances or films, the operation of wireless 
stations, post, telegraph and telephone services 
will take place in agreement with the Allied 
(Soviet) High Command. 

Article Nine. The Government of Bulgaria 
will restore all property of the United Nations and 
their nationals, including Greek and Yugoslav 
property, and will make such reparation for loss 
and damage caused by the war to the United Na- 
tions, including Greece and Yugoslavia, as may 
be determined later. 

Article Ten. The Government of Bulgaria will 
restore all rights and interests of the United Na- 
tions and their nationals in Bulgaria. 

Article Eleven. The Government of Bulgaria 
undertakes to return to the Soviet Union, to Greece 
and Yugoslavia and to the other United Na- 
tions, by the dates specified by the Allied Control 
Commission and in a good state of preservation, 
all valuables and materials removed during the 
war by Germany or Bulgaria from United Na- 
tions territory and belonging to state, public or 
cooperative organizations, enterprises, institu- 
tions or individual citizens, such as factory and 
works equipment, locomotives, rolling-stock, trac- 
tors, motor vehicles, historic monuments, museum 
treasures and any other property. 

Article Twelve. The Government of Bulgaria 
undertakes to hand over as booty to the Allied 
(Soviet) High Command all war material of Ger- 
many and her satellites located on Bulgarian ter^ 
ritory, including vessels of the fleets of Germany 
and her satellites located in Bulgarian waters. 

Article Thiri'een. The Government of Bul- 
garia undertakes not to permit the removal or ex- 
propriation of any form of property (including 
valuables and currency), belonging to Germany or 
Hungary or to their nationals or to persons resi- 

dent in their territories or in territories occupied 
by them, without the permission of the Allied Con- 
trol Commission. The Government of Bulgaria 
will safeguard such property in the manner speci- 
fied by the Allied Control Commission. 

Article Foi;eteen. The Government of Bul- 
garia undertakes to hand over to the Allied (So- 
viet) High Command all vessels belonging to the 
United Nations which are in Bulgarian ports no 
matter at whose disposal these vessels may be, for 
the use of the Allied (Soviet) High Command 
during the war against Germany or Hungary in 
the common interest of the Allies, the vessels to 
be returned subsequently to their owners. 

The Government of Bulgaria will bear full ma- 
terial responsibility for any damage to or de- 
struction of the aforesaid property up to the mo- 
ment of its transfer to the Allied (Soviet) High 

Article Fifteen. The Government of Bulgaria 
must make regular payments in Bulgarian cur- 
rency and must supply goods (fuel, foodstuffs, et 
cetera), facilities and services as may be required 
by the Allied (Soviet) High Command for the 
discharge of its functions. 

Article Sixteen. Bulgarian merchant vessels, 
whetlier in Bulgarian or foreign waters, shall be 
subject to the operational control of the Allied 
(Soviet) High Command for use in the general 
interest of the Allies. 

Article Seventeen. The Government of Bul- 
garia will arrange, in case of need, for the utiliza- 
tion in Bulgarian territory of industrial and trans- 
port enterprises, means of communication, power 
stations, public utility enterprises and installa- 
tions, stocks of fuels and other materials in ac- 
cordance with instructions issued during the armis- 
tice by the Allied (Soviet) High Conuuand. 

Article Eighteen. For the whole period of the 
armistice there will be established in Bulgaria an 
Allied Control Commission which will regulate 
and supervise the execution of the armistice terms 
under the chairmanship of the representative of 
the Allied (Soviet) High Command and with the 
participation of representatives of the United 
States and the United Kingdom. During the pe- 
riod between the coming into force of the armistice 
and the conclusion of hostilities against Germany, 
the Allied Control Commission will be under the 
general direction of the Allied (Soviet) High Com- 



Article Nineteen. The present terms will come 
into force on their signing. 

Done at Moscow in quadruplicate, in English, 
Russian and Bulgarian, the English and Russian 
texts being authentic. 

October 28, 1944. 

For the Governments of the United States of 
America, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 
and the United Kingdom: 

Marshal F. I. Tolbukhin, representative of the 
Soviet High Command. 

Lieutenant General James Gammell, repre- 
sentative of the Supreme Allied Commander in 
the Mediterranian. 

For the Government of Bulgaria: P. Stainov, 
D. Terpeshev, N. Petkov and P. Stotanov. 

Protocol to the Agreement Concerning an 
Armistice With Bulgaria 

At the time of signing the armistice with the 
Government of Bulgaria, the Allied Governments 
signatory thereto have agreed to the following : 

One. In connection with Article IX it is under- 
stood that the Bulgarian Government will imme- 
diately make available certain foodstuffs for the 
relief of the population of Greek and Yugoslav 
territories which have suffered as a result of Bul- 
garian aggression. The quantity of each product 
to be delivered will be determined by agreement 
between the three governments, and will be con- 
sidered as part of the reparation by Bulgaria for 
the loss and damage sustained by Greece and Yugo- 

Two. The term "war material" used in Article 
XII shall be deemed to include all material or 
equipment belonging to, used by, or intended for 
use by enemy military or para-military formations 
or members thereof. 

Three. The use by the Allied (Soviet) High 
Command of Allied vessels handed over by the 
Government of Bulgaria in accordance with Ar- 
ticle XIV of the armistice and the date of their 
return to their owners will be the subject of dis- 
cussion and settlement between the Allied Govern- 
ments concerned and the Government of the Soviet 

Four. It is understood tliat in the application of 
Article XV the Allied (Soviet) High Command 

will also arrange for the provision of Bulgarian 
currency, supplies, services, et cetera, to meet the 
needs of the representatives of the Governments 
of the United Kingdom and the United States in 

Done at Moscow in triplicate, in English and 
Russian languages, both English and Russian texts 
being authentic. 

[Note: The foregoing Protocol was signed in Moscow 
on October 28, 1044 on behalf of the three Allied Govern- 
ments by George F. Kennan, American Charg6 d'Affaires; 
Andrei Ya. Vyshinski, Vice Commissar of Foreign Affairs 
of the U.S.S.K.; Sir Archibald Chirk-Kerr, the British 

Relief Supplies for Allied 
Nationals Interned in 
The Far East 

[Released to the press October 24] 

The Japanese Government, through neutral 
channels, has informed the United States Govern- 
ment that on October 28 a Japanese ship, the Haku- 
san Maru, will depart from Japan and proceed to 
a Soviet port to pick up relief supplies previously 
sent from the United States and Canada intended 
for distribution to American, British, Canadian, 
Dutch, and other Allied prisoners of war and civil- 
ian internees held by Japan.' The Japanese Gov- 
ernment's announcement culminates protracted 
negotiations in this regard carried on through the 
Swiss Government between the Governments of the 
United States and Japan. The Soviet Government 
has cooperated in making this operation possible 
by permitting the use of a Soviet port as a transfer 
point and by giving safety guaranties for the Japa- 
nese ship while in Soviet waters, in addition to 
moving these supplies from the United States to 
Soviet territory. The United States Government 
has agreed to the departure dates and route pro- 
posed by the Japanese authorities and has taken 
the necessary steps to safeguard the Japanese ves- 
sel from Allied attack during its voyage to and 
from Soviet waters. Previous recent announce- 
ments in regard to this matter were made in the 
Department's press release dated September 1, 
1944 - and b}' the Under Secretary of State in his 
press conference on October 20. 

' Bulletin of Oct. 15, 1944, p. 439. 
' Bulletin of Sept. 3, 1944, p. 235. 

OCTOBER 29, 1944 


Our Navy and a Warning to Japan 

Address by JOSEPH C. GREW 

[Released to the press October 27] 

In the life of every nation, as in the life of 
every individual, tliere come occasions wlien it 
is good to pause for a moment in the midst of 
great endeavor to take stock of the road already 
traveled, and of the road ahead. Navy Day 1944 
is such an occasion. And if the Japanese are 
listening in, let them take stock, too. 

First, the road already traveled. The darkest 
day in the naval history of our country was De- 
cember 7, 1941, the day of infamy. There we were 
on the threshold of a two-ocean war, a war which 
rapidly spread to the seven seas, confronted with 
what then appeared to be the ruins of a substantial 
part of our one-ocean navy. The Japanese had 
ione their despicable work well; just as at Port 
A.rthur, at the opening of the Russo-Japanese 
War in 1904, they struck without a declaration 
Df war. Perhaps we ought to have remembered 
:liat every seasoned criminal has a special tech- 
lique of his own, and is likely to follow the 
same technique in successive crimes. But that is 
ill water over the dam now. Tlie Japanese gang- 
ster is not going to be given the opportunity to 
Mmmit further international crimes if the present 
emper and determination of our people and of 
Hir Allies are any criterion. 

At any rate, there we were, on December 7, 
L941, momentarily stunned in contemplation of 
ffhat then appeared to be the smoking ruins of 
3ur once-proud Pacific fleet and in contemplation 
)f our dead. Had the Japanese at that moment 
jeen prepared to land in force on the island of 
3ahu and to occupy Pearl Harbor, we might now 
la^e been very far from entering upon what we 
:onfidently believe are the decisive phases of the 
Pacific war. Fortunately for us, they hadn't the 
rision to follow through. Vision is not one of 
;heir strong points. If it had been one of their 
strong points, they would never in the world have 
ittacked us anywhere. 

Then came the American miracle. It was a 
niracle by every standard of experience and of 
listory. Had the Japanese military and naval 
ligh command been told at that time what we were 
;o do, they would have scoffed with their hilarious 

but mirthless humor. But now they know. No 
dream castle ever erected could have surpassed 
the construction in these three years of the great- 
est, most powerful, and certainly the most efficient 
and effective navy that the world has ever seen. 
Yes, now they know. They began to know in the 
Coral Sea, and they continued to learn at Midway, 
at Guadalcanal, in the Kula Gulf, at Attn, at 
Kwajalein and Saipan, at Tinian and Guam and 
Palau, and now, at last, in the Philippines them- 
selves, in what may prove to have been a decisive 
naval battle and one of the greatest victories in 
history, rivaling Trafalgar itself. They have not 
only continued to learn of the fighting power of 
our ships and of the aggressive spirit of our officers 
and men, whether in the Army or Navy, the Ma- 
rine Corps or the Air Forces — a quality in which 
the Japanese believed themselves paramount and 
to which they attached the greatest importance in 
their own fighting machine — but they have dis- 
covered one other essential truth, namely, that our 
American fighting men do not go into battle like 
regimented automatons; they use their heads as 
well as their guns and thus constantly outguess 
and outmaneuver the enemy. 

The Japanese Navy, ivifhoui a declaration of 
war, exploited the tactical advantage of initiative 
and surprise. They had their day, but now they 
are learning to their sorrow that initiative and 
surprise — when war is on — are no Japanese mo- 
nojioly. The glories of our victories and those of 
our Allies already achieved will ring down through 
the ages in the annals of military and naval 

So much for the past and present. Now for 
the road ahead. This is no time for our people to 
sit back in smug contentment. Pride in past and 
present achievements should be but a spur to future 
effort. This Navy Day should be not a day of 
exultation, but a day of rededication — rededica- 
tion to the mighty task of winning the war against 

"Delivered at the Navy Day Dinner sponsored by the 
District of Columbia Council of the Navy League of the 
United States at Washington on Oct. 27, 1944. Mr. Grew, 
former American Ambassador to Japan, is Director of the 
Office of Par Eastern Affairs, Department of State. 



both Germany and Japan. And when we think 
and speak of winning tlie war, let us not again 
fall into the fatal error of believing the enemy 
finally defeated just because he asks for an armis- 
tice and a peace conference. 

I wish to take this important occasion to repeat, 
with all possible force, the warning which I have 
continually tried, all over the country, to drill 
home into the consciousness of our people, namely, 
that we must not, under any circumstances, accept 
a compromise peace with Japan, no matter how 
alluring such a peace may be or how desirous we 
may become of ending this terrible conflict. An 
enticing peace offer may come from Japan at any 
time. The facts of the situation are beginning to 
seep into the consciousness of the Japanese people. 
Some of them — perhaps only a few at the present 
time, but the number will grow steadily — know 
beyond peradventure that they are going to be 
defeated, that their merchant fleet is being whittled 
down to the vanishing point, that their war plants 
are gradually being blotted out of existence, and 
that their gangster loot will eventually be taken 
away from them. They know that if the war con- 
tinues long enough their military machine and cult 
will be — to use the word so much loved by our 
enemies — liquidated, and that their nation will then 
be reduced to the status of a third-class power. 
All Japanese are not stolid, long-suffering, blindly 
obedient peasants or emotionally unstable fanatics. 
There are many shrewd, level-headed, coldly cal- 
culating Japanese — including not only some of 
their statesmen but also men such as those who 
built up the great business houses and shipping 
companies and industrial concerns of Japan. Be- 
fore the complete ruin of Japan, these men are 
almost certain to make an attempt to save some- 
thing from the wreckage. I can foresee with little 
doubt the general methods they would use. As a 
facade, they would in all probability produce as 
Prime Minister some former statesman who they 
believe is labeled in our minds as a liberal, rein- 
forced by an ostensibly liberal cabinet. They 
would probably offer to withdraw their troops from 
the occupied areas and return those areas to their 
former status. They miglit even offer to give up 
their control of their puppet state in Manchuria. 
All this they might offer to do if only we would 
agree to leave their homeland free of further attack. 
Yes indeed, the bait would be beautifully sugar- 

coated and painted in the most attractive colors, 
the sort of bait that the American people, a peace- 
minded and kindly people, weary of war and eager 
to get our fighting men home from the far-flung 
battle-fronts would, the Japanese believe, grate- 
fully accept. 

Should that moment come, xVmerica, the United 
Nations, would be put to a most severe test. The 
temptation to call it a day might be stronger than 
we can now visualize. That, my friends, would be 
the moment to fear, not for ourselves but for our 
sons and grandsons, lest they should have to fight 
this dreadful war over again in the next genera- 
tion. For assuredly, if we should allow ourselves 
to relax before carrying to completion our present 
determination to render the Japanese impotent 
ever again to threaten world peace, that would be 
the fate of our descendants. That cancerous 
growth of Japanese militarism would follow the 
example of the German war-machine after 1918 — 
perpetuate itself and prepare Japan again for 
some future Armageddon. I have no fears as to 
the nature of our decision, so long as our people 
fully understand the dangers of a premature and 
compromise peace, but let us be warned in time. 

There is, however, still an alternative open to 
Japan, and I address these words directly to the 
more intelligent elements in that misguided coun- 
try. There is one way bj' which the Japanese can 
keep their homeland free from further attack. If 
the Japanese leaders can read the handwriting on 
the wall and can come to the realization that for 
them the war is already lost and that their situa- 
tion is hopeless, if they can realize that the deter- 
mination of the United Nations to carry through, 
regardless of time or cost, to complete and un- 
equivocal victory is inflexible, and that no tem- 
porizing or compromise is conceivable, let them 
unconditionally surrender now. That alternative 
is open and will remain open. The Japanese can- 
not avert defeat by postponing the inevitable. If 
they act now, they will avoid useless sacrifice of 
lives and wholesale devastation. Let fficm- call it 
a day. 

Now, what of the future of our Navy? May I 
quote from a recent article in the Saturday Eve- 
ning Post by Secretary Forrestal a passage which 
should be the fundamental creed of the American 
people in the difficult 3'ears that lie ahead? "In 
spite of this war," he wrote, "we shall continue to 

OCTOBER 29, 1944 


be a peace-loving nation, with neither greed nor 
desire for world domination. The very concept of 
imposing our rule upon other people is not con- 
sistent with our national character and would be 
repugnant to our peoi^le. Therefore, it is good 
and desirable that we keep the dream that some 
day, somehow, a framework of permanent peace 
will be evolved by men of sense and good will 
throughout the world. 

"In the meantime, we dare not forget an anony- 
mous admiral's words after the last war: 'The 
means to wage war must be in the hands of those 
who hate war'." 

May our country take those words to heart. At 
Dumbarton Oaks we have tried to lay a firm foun- 
dation upon which that framework can and will 
be built. I believe that never before have the peo- 
ples of the world been more determined that such 
a structure shall be built, that it shall be effective, 
and that it shall endure. 

"The means to wage war must be in the hands of 
those who hate war." Behind our day-to-day 
diplomacy abroad there lies a factor of prime im- 
portance, namely, national support, demonstrated 
and reinforced by national preparedness. With 
such a background, and only with such a back- 
ground, can we pursue our diplomacy with any 
confidence that our representations will be listened 
to or that they will lead to favorable results. Gen- 
eral Douglas MacArthur, when Chief of Staff of 
the United States Army, said : "Armies and na- 
vies, in being eiScient, give weight to the peaceful 
words of statesmen, but a feverish effort to create 
them when a crisis is imminent simply provokes 
attack." We need thorough and permanent pre- 
paredness not in the interests of war but of peace. 
Let us constantly have in mind the eminently 
wise advice of Theodore Roosevelt : "Speak softly 
<md carry a hig stick.'''' 

Let our people appreciate the tremendous im- 
portance of learning the lessons of history for 
future guidance. We intend, with all the deter- 
mination and energy that is in us, to contribute to 
the erection of a world organization for the main- 
tenance of peace and security that will some day 
render superfluous the great armaments that now 
so heavily handicap the development of peaceful 
economies. But until that day comes, I wish that 
every American would consider it a patriotic duty 
to familiarize himself with Secretary Forrestal's 

615883 — 44 2 

article entitled "Will We Choose Naval Suicide 
Again?" and let his warning become a funda- 
mental concept in our national thinking, our fu- 
ture action, and our inexpressible pride in the 
American Navy. 

Anniversary of Czecho- 
slovak Independence 


[Released to the press October 28] 

October 28, 1944. 

This anniversary of the independence of Czecho- 
slovakia is of especial significance. 

The people and armed forces inside Czechoslo- 
vakia have joined actively and gloriously with 
their comitrymen abroad in the ranks of the na- 
tions united against tyranny, and can look for- 
ward confidently to the celebration of future anni- 
versaries in the full enjoyment of unsuppressed 

We Americans salute our Czechoslovak com- 
rades-in-arms who are today so bravely contribut- 
ing to the liberation of their homeland and the 
rest of Europe. 

The close ties and deep sym[>athy between the 
democratic peoples of Czechoslovakia and the 
United States have never ceased to find concrete 
exjjression since the days of President Masaryk 
and President Wilson. 

I look forward to the day when, victorious after 
a second great war for freedom, they can continue 
to work in harmony for their mutual security and 
welfare in a peaceful world. 

Franklin D. Roosevelt 


[Released to the press October 28] 

Today is the anniversary of the founding of 
the Republic of Czechoslovakia. The people of 
Czechoslovakia, within their own country as well 
as abroad, are boldly facing the despoilers of 
Europe and wisely planning with the other free- 


spirited nations for a sound and just peace when 
that struggle shall have been won. They are win- 
ning their fight for freedom; they, with all the 
United Nations, propose to win the fight for lasting 

This occasion makes it appropriate to recall the 
great contributions which the people of Czecho- 
slovakia have always made in maintaining free- 
dom, in advancing civilization and culture, and 
in forwardmg international cooperation. May 
they long continue in that role. 

Passports for Travel to 

[Released to the press October 23] 

In view of the agreement which has been reached 
between the French and the Supreme Headquar- 
ters Allied Expeditionary Force declaring a con- 
siderable part of France including Paris an "inte- 
rior zone", the Department of State will accept 
applications for passports from American citi- 
zens for such zone if they are accompanied by ap- 
propriate evidence establishing (1) that their 
presence in France will contribute directly or indi- 
rectly to the military effort, or (2) that their pur- 
pose in desiring to travel in France will serve the 
national interests by the resumption of economic 
or other activities disrupted by the war, or (3) 
that their going to France would materially aid 
that country in meeting its requirements for civil- 
ian consumption and for reconstruction. 

A person who considers that his presence in 
France will contribute directly or indirectly to 
the military effort should support his application 
by a letter from an appropriate department or 
agency of this Government stating in what way his 
going to France would contribute to the war 

A person who represents an American business 
organization must establish that the organization 
has heretofore had a branch or subsidiary in 
France or that his organization prior to the dis- 
ruption caused by the war periodically sent a 
representative or representatives to France. 

American professional men who had established 
themselves in their professions in France and left 


that country because of conditions growing out of 
the war must submit with their passport applica- 
tions satisfactory evidence that they previously 
followed their professions in France. 

It must be clearly understood, however, that the 
facilities for transportation between the United 
States and France are extremely meager, and the 
appropriate authorities in the United States hold 
out no encouragement at this time that such facil- 
ities will be increased. Consequently, any Ameri- 
can citizen who considers that he comes within one 
of the classes of persons above mentioned should 
advise the Department of the arrangement he has 
concluded for his transportation to and from 

Military permits will not be i-equired for the 
interior zone of France, but each American citizen 
desiring to enter the zone must obtain a French 
visa on his American passport. 

Statement on Reported 
Communication From 

[Rele.ise(l to the press October 28] 

Asked for comment upon a reported communi- 
cation from the Argentine Government through 
the Pan American Union, the Department of State 
issued the following statement : ' 

No communication has as yet been received by 
the Government of the United States. In the event 
that a communication such as that reported in the 
press is received either through a government 
which maintains relations with the Argentine Re- 
public or through the Pan American Union, the 
Government of the United States will, of course, 
exchange views fully with the Governments of the 
other American republics before taking any deci- 

' As reported in the on Oct. 28, Argentina has asked 
the Pan American Union in Wasliington to call a confer- 
ence of foreign ministere of the American republics to set- 
tle the current crisis between Argentina and other countries 
of the Western Hemisphere. That government is reported 
to have sent memoranda to foreign offices of the American 
republics, a<lvising them of this action and inviting them 
to support its move. 

OCTOBER 29, 1944 


International Civil Aviation Conference 


[Released to the press October 27] 

The President lias designated the following 
members of the American Delegation to the Inter- 
national Civil Aviation Conference which will 
convene at Chicago on November 1: 


The Honorable Adolf A. Bci-Ie, Jr., Assistant Secretary 
of State, Chairman of the Drlegation 

The Honorable Josiah W. Bailey, Chairman, Committee 
on Commerce. United States Senate 

The Honorable Owen Brewster, Member, Coiomittee on 
Commerce, United States Senate 

The Honorable Alfred L. Bulwinkle, House of Repre- 

The Honorable William A. M. Burden, Assistant Secre- 
tary of Commerce for Air 

Rear Admiral Richard E. Byrd, U. S. N., retired, Boston, 

The Honorable Fiorello H. LaGuardia, Chairman, United 
States Section, Permanent Joint Board on Defense 
(Canada-United States) 

The Honorable L. Welch Pogue, Chairman, Civil Aero- 
nautics Board 

The Honorable Edward Warner, Vice Chairman, Civil 
Aeronautics Board 

The Honorable Charles A. Wolverton, House of Repre- 


The Honorable Artemus L. Gates, Assistant Secretary 
of the Navy for Air 

Dr. J. C. Hunsaker, Chairman, National Advisory Com- 
mittee for Aeronautics 

The Honorable Robert A. Lovett, Assistant Secretary of 
War for Air 

Maj. Gen. C. R. Smith, Air Transport Command 

Secretary Oeneral of the Delegation 
Mr. Stokeley W. Morgan, Chief, Aviation Division, De- 
partment of State 


Mr. John C. Cooper, Vice President, Pan American Air- 

Mr. Ralph Danson, Vice President, American Airlines, 

Col. H. R. Harris, Chief of Staff, Air Transport Com- 

Mr. Stephen Latchford, Adviser on Air Law, Aviation 
Division, Department of State 

Mr. Carleton Putnam, President, Chicago and Southern 

Comdr. Paul Richter, U.S.N.R. 

Mr. Frank Russell, National Aircraft War Production 
Council, Inc., and President, Cerro de Pasco Copper 
Seereiaries of the Delegation 

Mr. Livingston Satterthwaite, Civil Air Attach^, Ameri- 
can Embassy, London 

Mr. Joe D. Walstrom, Assistant Chief, Aviation Division, 
Department of State 

Technical Experts 

Mr. Russell Adams, Civil Aeronautics Board, Depart- 
ment of Commerce 

Mr. R. W. Craig, Weather Bureau, Department of 

Mr. C. F. Dycer, Civil Aeronautics Administration, 
Department of Commerce 

Mr. Glen A. Gilbert, Civil Aeronautics Administration, 
Department of Commerce 

Mr. James L. Kinney, Civil Aeronautics Administra- 
tion, Department of Commerce 

Mr. Eugene Sibley, Civil Aeronautics Administration, 
Department of Commerce 

Lt. Comdr. Paul A. Smith, Coast and Geodetic Survey, 
Department of Commerce 

Mr. Harry G. Tarrington, Civil Aeronautics Adminis- 
tration, Department of Commerce 

Mr. A. A. Vollmecke, Civil Aeronautics Administration, 
Department of Commerce 

Press Relations Officer 
Mr. John C. Pool, Department of State 

Special Assistant 

Mr. William J. Primm, Assistant Clerk, Committee on 
Commerce, United States Senate 


[Released to the press October 30] 

The President has designated Adolf A. Berle, 
Jr., Assistant Secretary of State, as tem^jorary 
president of the International Civil Aviation 
Conference which will convene at Chicago, Illi- 
nois, on November 1, 1944. The President also 
has designated Warren Kelchner, Chief of the 
Division of International Conferences, Depart- 
ment of State, as Secretary General of the Con- 

In accordance with international practice, this 
Government will provide certain conference offi- 
cers to be responsible, under the direction of the 
Secretary General, for units of the Secretariat 


being furnished by the host government. With 
the approval of the President, the Acting Secre- 
tary of State has designated the following indi- 
viduals to serve in the capacities indicated : 

Secretary General 

Warren Kelchner, Chief, Division of International 
Conferences, Department of State 
Special Assistants 

James Espy, Foreign Service OflBcer, Department of 

Morris Nelson Hughes, Foreign Service Officer, De- 
partment of State 

Technical Secretary 

Theodore P. Wright, Administrator of Civil Aeronau- 
tics, Civil Aeronautics Administration, Department 
of Commerce 
Special Assistants 

Thomas B. Bourne, Director of Federal Airways, Civil 
Aeronautics Administration, Department of Com- 
John M. Cliamberlain, Assistant Director, Safety Bu- 
reau, Civil Aeronautics Board, Department of Com- 
Douglas D. Crystal, Senior Attorney, Aeronautical Le- 
gal Division, Civil Aeronautics Administration, De- 
partment of Commerce 
Fred M. Lanter, Director of Safety Regulations, Civil 
Aeronautics Administration, Department of Com- 
Secretaries and Assistant Secretaries of Technical Coni- 
mittees and Su1)Committ€es 
Harry A. Bowen, Civil Aeronautics Board, Department 

of Commerce 
Paul T. David, Bureau of the Budget, Executive Office 

of the President 
Alfred Hand, Civil Aeronautics Administration, De- 
partment of Commerce 
Robert D. Hoyt, Civil Aeronautics Board, Department 

of Commerce 
Alfred S. Koch, Civil Aeronautics Administration, De- 
partment of Commerce 
Delbert M. Little, Weather Bureau, Department of 

Virginia C. Little, Bureau of the Budget, Executive 

Office of the President 
Erwiu R. Marlin, Bureau of the Budget, Executive 

Office of the President 
Keuneth Matucha, Civil Aeronautics Administration, 

Department of Commerce 
John T. Morgan, Civil Aeronautics Administration, De- 
partment of Commerce 
Jeremiah S. Morton, Coast and Geodetic Survey, De- 
partment of Commerce 
George C. Neal, Civil Aeronautics Board, Department 

of Commerce 
Howard Railey, Civil Aeronautics Board, Department 
of Commerce 


Lloyd H. Simson, Civil Aeronautics Administration, 
Department of Commerce 

Omer Welling, Civil Aeronautics Administration, De- 
partment of Commerce 

Executive Secretary 

Clarke L. Willard, Assistant Chief, Division of Inter- 
national Conferences, Department of State 
Assistatit Executive Secretary 

Lyle L. Schmitter, Foreign Affairs Specialist, Division 
of International Conferences, Department of State 

Chief Press Relations Officer 

Lincoln White, Office of the Special Assistant to the 
Secretary of State 
Press Relations Officers 

William H. Donaldson, Superintendent, House Press 

Joe S. McCoy, Jr., Civil Aeronautics Administration, 
Department of Commerce 

Raymond Nathan, Civil Aeronautics Administration, 
Department of Commerce 

Ben Stern, Civil Aeronautics Administration, Depart- 
ment of Commerce 

Liaison Secretaries 

Philip O. Chahners, Acting Chief, Division of BrazUian 

Affairs, Department of State 
Raymond A. Hare, Foreign Service Officer, Department 

of State 
Charles M. Howell, Jr., Civil Air Attach^ at Rio de 

Janeiro, Brazil 
Paul W. Meyer, Foreign Service Officer, Department 

of State 
A. Ogden Pierrot, Civil Air Attach^ at Lisbon and 

Robert B. S'tewart, Division of British Commonwealth 
Affairs, Department of State 


Samuel W. Boggs, Chief, Division of Geography and 
Cartography, Department of State 
Arthur J. Hazes, Division of Geography and Cartog- 
raphy, Department of State 

Administrative Secretary 

Millard L. Kenestrick, Chief, Division of Administra- 
tive Services, Department of State 
Operations Officer 

R. M. F. Williams, Division of Administrative Services, 
Department of State 
Assistant Operations Officer 

Victor Purse, Office of Departmental Administration, 
Department of State 

Technical Documents Officer and Secretary for Docu- 
John O. Bell, A,viation Division, Department of State 
Assistant Technical Documents Officer 

R. B. Maloy, Civil Aeronautics Administration, Depart- 
ment of Commerce 

{Continued on page 525) 

OCTOBER 29, 1944 


The Second Session of the Council of 



Anticipated as an important and even critical 
point in the history of the United Nations Relief 
and Rehabilitation Administration was the Sec- 
ond Session of the Council, which was held in 
Montreal " September 16-26. For the member 
governments that had created UNRRA, the Ses- 
sion afforded the first opportunity to discharge 
their duty and privilege of examining and criticiz- 
ing the progress of this first post-war organiza- 
tion. For UNRRA itself, the Session presented 
an occasion of reminding these governments that 
UNRRA's success, like that of any other mutual 
undertaking, can be no greater than the support 
that the members accord to it. 

The First Session of the Council at Atlantic 
City last November was in itself a notable 
achievement in international cooperation. 
UNRRA, with the enthusiastic backing of its mem- 
ber governments and of the public, got off to a 
flying start. The Second Session, while less spec- 
tacidar, was in many respects a more difficult 
occasion, not only for the organization itself but 
also for its member governments. 

The First Session, which followed immediately 
upon the signature of the agreement at the White 
House,' was in effect part of the organization of 
UNRRA: the culmination of two years of nego- 
tiations among governments for the establishment 
of an international administration for post-war 
relief and rehabilitation in war-torn countries. 
Although many controversial questions arose at 
Atlantic City, it was not difficult to find a common 
gi'ound for a solution of all pi'oblems. Getting 
UNRRA started was the fundamental concern of 
each delegation at Atlantic City; all other con- 
siderations of national interest were subordinated 
to this one. 

Between November 19-13 and September 1944 
UNRRA went through what will undoubtedly 
prove to be one of the most difficult periods in its 
history. It became the task of the Director Gen- 

eral and his staff to put in operation the purposes 
of the Agreement and Resolutions with little to 
go on in the way of precedent and, at the begin- 
ning, without funds or material resources. A 
large and specialized organization, international 
in character, had to be created under exceedingly 
trying wartime conditions. Relations with a va- 
riety of agencies, national and international, mili- 
tary and civilian, had to be established. Most 
trying of all, by force of circumstance, the role of 
the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Ad- 
ministration has been confined to sitting on the 
sidelines with little to do beyond the planning 

A sympathetic public interest, eager for the suc- 
cess of this first operating international organiza- 
tion, began gradually to become critical, first of 
UNRRA and then of the support accorded to it 
by its member governments. 

As to the latter, it was charged that UNRRA 
was being deliberately stifled by its member gov- 
ernments for reasons of jurisdictional rivalry and 
for other motives. It had been deliberately re- 
duced, it was said, to the status of a soup kitchen 
and deprived of all its rehabilitation activities. 
The combined armies, according to the allegations, 
were going to monopolize relief and rehabilitation 
activities in liberated areas and manipulate them 
to suit their convenience. Finally, it was charged, 
the governments were not releasing first-class per- 
sonnel to UNRRA. On the other hand, there were 
certain sectors of public opinion in this country to 
whom UNRRA was always per se anathema. 
These persons expressed alarm over our contribut- 
ing funds to rehabilitate foreign lands, possibly to 
enable them to compete with our industry, and es- 
pecially over our giving substantial United States 
funds to an international organization in which 

' Mr. Miller is Adviser in the War Areas Economic Divi- 
sion, Office of Wartime Economic Affairs, Department of 

' Bulletin of Sept. 10, 1944, p. 255. 

' Bulletin of Nov. 13, 1943, pp. 317, 335. 



we had only one vote in 44. The drafters of the 
Agreement doubtless realized that it is not possible 
to please everyone. 

As to UNRRA itself, the charge was sometimes 
heard that its sole activity consisted of turning out 
reams of mimeographed paper in the form of press 
releases and requirements programs and that its 
failure to progress beyond the planning stage was 
due to lack of initiative rather than to other 

The Montreal session affoi-ded, therefore, a 
timely opportunity to review the status and prog- 
ress of the organization and to assess the degree of 
cooperation by the member governments. 

At the outset, one thing was made clear by all 
concerned ; no effort had been made to constrict the 
nature of UNRRA's duties more narrowly than the 
program that had been provided for at Atlantic 
City. The re25resentatives of the Combined Chiefs 
of Staff who addressed the Council on behalf of the 
American and British Governments iterated the 
military position that they will relinquish the task 
of civilian relief behind the lines as soon as mili- 
tary necessity permits. The armies, they pointed 
out, are not relief organizations, and they are only 
too glad to be relieved of tliese functions as soon 
as practicable ; this position has been made abund- 
antly clear in France. On the other hand, long 
before the Atlantic City meeting, it has been clear 
that the armies will have to exercise discretion in 
determining when the responsibility for civilian 
supply can be relinquished to the civilian author- 
ities. The entire pattern of civil-affairs arrange- 
ments in liberated areas recognizes that basic fact. 

Secondly, it was emphasized that there has oc- 
curred no change in UNRRA 's scope so far as re- 
habilitation is concerned. Under the basic Agree- 
ment UNRRA is concerned with the rehabilitation 
of industry, transport, and public utilities only to 
the extent necessary to meet immediate relief 
needs. Other agencies, such as the prospective 
Monetary Fund and Reconstruction and Develop- 
ment Bank, will concern themselves with prob- 
lems of a more long-range character. As was ex- 
pected, the United States Congress was emphatic 
in its disapproval of any long-term reconstruction 
functions for UNRRA. This does not mean, how- 
ever, that UNRRA will be simply a soup kitchen 
and that it will not endeavor to confer lasting 
benefits upon the countries which it may aid. Cer- 
tainly in the field of agriculture, rehabilitational 

activities will form an important part of UNRRA's 
contribution to the recovery of these countries. 
Those activities should prove considerably more 
economical, both of UNRRA's funds and of ship- 
ping, than the furnishing solely of processed foods. 

The extent of UNRRA's functions in the field 
of industrial rehabilitation will depend to a large 
degree upon the conditions found in the areas 
after liberation. Even within the limited scope 
prescribed in the Agreement and Resolutions of 
the Council (which parallel those set forth in 
the act of the United States Congress), there are 
many usefid functions which UNRRA can per- 
form in this field and which may be considerably 
more economical from the standpoint of its re- 
sources, as well as more beneficial for the recipient 
country, than concantiating exclusively on the 
provision of finished goods. For example, in an- 
ticipation of the critical need for transport in 
eastern Europe and the Balkans, UNRRA has 
already taken steps to commit part of its funds 
for the procurement of 280 locomotives for that 
area, although the Director General expects that 
locomotives and other transport equipment fur- 
nished by him should be sold as soon as possible 
to individual countries or to an international 
transport authority. But since the first call on 
UNRRA's resoui-ces will be to provide for the 
immediate needs of the liberated areas, its ability 
to engage in industrial rehabilitation to any great 
extent will depend upon the degree of damage 
done to j^roduction and transportation facilities 
and the consequent ability or inability of these 
areas to begin to meet their own immediate needs. 
It is significant in this connection that there has 
been a tendency on the part of the supply authori- 
ties of the countries of western Europe to shift in 
recent months from demands for finished goods 
exclusively to demands for supplies including raw 
materials of a more rehabilitational character. 

A perhaps inevitable cause of delay in UNRRA's 
planning and the definition of the actual scope of 
its operations has been, until the present time, the 
uncertainty with regard to the degree to which the 
occupied member countries will require its finan- 
cial assistance. It is understood that formal re- 
quests for financial assistance in accordance with 
the procedure prescribed in the Financial Plan 
have already been received from Greece, Poland, 
Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, and China. It is 
probable that these countries will be those in be- 

OCTOBER 29, 1944 


half of which UNRKA will perform its principal 
functions at least in respect of the furnishing of 
bulk supplies. In addition, it will have important 
duties in Italy and probably in Albania and Den- 
mark. The status of the Soviet Union as a recipi- 
ent of assistance from UNRRA has not yet been 

UNRRA's only function, however, with refer- 
ence to the wealthier countries of northwest Eu- 
rope, will not necessarily be the purely negative 
one of monitoring supply programs in the interest 
of preventing them from obtaining excessive 
amounts of short items at the expense of poorer 
countries. Although no official determination has 
yet been made of the capacity of the western Euro- 
pean countries to pay for supplies or, indeed, of 
their desire for financial assistance from UNRRA, 
it is likely that they will themselves meet all or 
the greater part of the cost of their import pro- 
grams in accordance with the principle that 
UNRRA is a service agency designed to perform 
only those functions that cannot be undertaken by 
existing agencies — and, specifically, that it will not 
deplete its resources for the relief of any area that 
is in a position to pay in foreign exchange.' How- 
ever, even in the field of supply, it is expected that 
UNRRA may be of considerable assistance to some 
of these governments in helping them procure and 
ship specific commodities. The same may be true 
to a large extent with respect to some or all of the 
British, French, and Netherlands territories in 
Asia which have been occupied by Japan. 

Beyond the field of supply, however, UNRRA 
has important functions with respect to all the 
occupied countries in the fields of health and wel- 
fare and in the care and repatriation of displaced 
persons. In varying degrees, depending upon con- 
ditions found after liberation, it is likely that these 
governments will look to UNRRA as a reservoir 
of assistance in those activities. The importance 
of UNRRA's work in the field of displaced persons 
speaks for itself; the care and orderly repatriation 
of the 20 million displaced persons of Europe is a 
task which is vital to the future of every Allied 
country of Europe. With respect to public health, 
UNRRA's functions will range from direct med- 
ical assistance in the more ravaged countries to 
the furnishing, in the case of others, of key tech- 
nical personnel to help in the reestablishment of 
national agencies. All the countries of northwest 
Europe have indicated to UNRRA that they will 

wish to avail themselves of these services. In 
view of the universal importance of this work to 
the occupied countries, it is encouraging to note 
the close working relations that have been estab- 
lished between UNRRA and the Anglo-American 
military authorities in matters of health and 
displaced persons which will permit UNRRA per- 
sonnel to participate in operations in these fields 
during the military period. 

It is hoped that as the great nations of north- 
west Europe arise again to resume their accus- 
tomed places among the nations of the world, their 
greatest source of interest in participating in 
UNRRA will be to contribute in personnel and in 
other ways to the Administration's work in other 
lands. This in effect was the answer of these 
countries, as indicated by the quality of the dele- 
gations which they sent to Montreal, to the rumors 
that some or all of them were to withdraw from 


The Report of the Dy-ector General to the Coun- 
cil on the progress of the organization disclosed 
many encouraging and concrete steps in making 
effective the provisions of the Agreement and Reso- 

With respect to finance, 34 of the 44 governments 
have paid in whole or in part their quotas of ad- 
ministrative expenses for 1944, the amounts paid 
by tliem aggregating about $8,300,000 out of an 
administrative budget of $10,000,000 for this year. 
In addition to the United States, which has au- 
thorized total appropriations of $1,350,000,000 in 
accordance with the Financial Plan and made a 
substantial appropriation under this authorization, 
several member governments have taken significant 
action on their operating contributions. The 
United Kingdom, Canada, and Brazil have com- 
pleted action to make available the full amount of 
1 percent or more of their respective national in- 
comes for the year ended June 30, 1943, in accord- 
ance with the Financial Plan. The amounts of 
their contributions are the equivalent of $320,000,- 

' Recent press report.s indicate, in view of the extent of 
destruction in tlie Netherlands owing to recent military 
developments, enemy sabotage of non-military installa- 
tions, and general disruption of economic activities, that 
the Netherlands Government may find it necessary, de- 
spite earlier indications to the contrary, to request finan- 
cial assistance from UNRRA in obtaining needed imports 
of relief supplies. 



000, $70,000,000, and $30,000,000, respectively. The 
Union of South Africa, Iceland, and Liberia have 
made initial appropriations for this purpose of 
the equivalent of $1,000,000, $50,000, and $15,000, 
respectively. Australia and New Zealand have ini- 
tiated legislation on contributions of the equivalent 
of $39,000,000 and $8,500,000, respectively, corre- 
sponding in each case to 1 percent of the national 
income for the period in question, and Uruguay 
on a contribution of the equivalent of $500,000. 
Other countries have indicated their intention of 
initiating action toward their contributions in the 
near future so that it is expected that a fund of 
approximately $2,000,000,000 as visualized at At- 
lantic City should in fact be realized.' 

With respect to supplies, the Report disclosed 
that excellent progress had been made in estab- 
lishing relationships with the combined supply 
boards and the national supply agencies of the 
supplying countries. The Administration has 
made noteworthy progress in pressing its require- 
ments programs before these agencies. Arrange- 
ments have been made with the military author- 
ities for the integi-ation of planning for liberated- 
areas requirements, including the understanding 
that in the event of the relinquishment by the mili- 
tary of their responsibility for relief in any given 
area before the termination of the assumed period 
of six months of military responsibility, the mili- 
tary will deliver to UNRR A, upon reimbursement, 
the remainder of the supplies procured by them 
for that area. 

Encouraging reports were delivered to the Coun- 
cil by the combined boards, the purport of which 
was that it should be possible to meet the require- 
ments of the liberated areas for 1945 with the ex- 
ception of certain items, notably textiles, with 
which considerable diiiiculty may be experienced. 
In general, these reports disclosed a firmness of 
purpose on the part of the responsible agencies of 
the supplying countries in discharging their re- 
sponsibilities for relief. Since the termination of 

'An UNRRA mission, headed by Deputy Director Gen- 
eral Eduardo Santos, formerly President of the Republic 
of Colombia, and including Assistant Diplomatic Adviser 
Laurence Duggan, formerly Director, Office of American 
Republic Affairs. Department of State, is now engaged in 
an official tour of most of the other American republics for 
the purpo-se of discussing with them various phases of their 
participation in UNRRA. Preliminary reports indicated 
that this mission has been most cordially received in the 
countries thus far visited and that an important degree of 
support can be expected for UNRRA from these countries. 

the Session it is understood that, in connection 
with the Brazilian contribution, a special UNRRA 
mission to Brazil has completed arrangements 
with the Brazilian Government for the delivery of 
90 million square yards of cotton textiles for the 
liberated areas. 

In the organization for relief and rehabilitation 
services and specifically in the organization and 
recruitment of personnel, the Administration's 
record is likewise one of considerable accomplish- 
ment. A staflf of more than 450 is now on hand at 
headquarters and about 300 at the regional office 
in London, and more than 500 have been recruited 
for the Balkan-Cairo mission. In addition, the 
Administration has made arrangements for ap- 
proximately 400 representatives of voluntary re- 
lief organizations to serve under its direction in 
the Balkans (a fact which, incidentally, should 
dispel some publicly expressed fears concerning 
the extent to which voluntary agencies were to be 
allowed by UNRRA to participate in relief in 
liberated areas). Substantial numbers of these 
agencies have already been transported to Cairo, 
and with the liberation of Greece rapidly becom- 
ing an accomplished fact, this personnel will soon 
be actively engaged in this critical area of UNRRA 

Although thus far the Administration's ener- 
gies have been devoted primarily to Europe, plan- 
ning for operations in the Far E,<ist is under way, 
and increasing attention should be given to them 
with the opening in the immediate future of 
branches in Sydney and Chungking in accordance 
with the announcement made by the Director Gen- 
eral in presenting the Report. 

The foregoing is a summary of some of the high 
lights of the Director General's Report, which was 
well received by the member governments in the 
debate before the Council. The members of the 
Council from the United States and the United 
Kingdom both recognized, however, that UNRRA, 
for reasons previously alluded to, had been sub- 
jected to considerable public criticism in their re- 
spective countries. Both urged that UNRRA 
should mobilize itself for action and be prepared 
upon immediate notice to begin its duties in the 
liberated areas; both pledged their country's full 
cooperation and support to the success of UNRRA. 


Although the principal item of business at the 
Session was the receipt and consideration of the 

OCTOBER 29, 1944 

Director General's Keport, significant questions of 
policy which had arisen since the First Session 
were placed before the Council for decision. The 
principal decisions made by the Council are sum- 
marized as follows : 

1. The Council unanimously adopted a resolu- 
tion introduced by the United States member of 
the Council, Assistant Secretary Acheson, accept- 
ing certain declarations and reservations of the 
United Spates Congress in the enabling legislation 
which authorized aj)propriations for our partici- 
pation in UNRRA and declaring that the provi- 
sions in question are consistent with the provisions 
of the Agreement and Resolutions on Policy. The 
Council also accepted parallel recommendations of 
the United States Congress and of the Legislative 
Assembly of India to the effect that, so far as funds 
and facilities permit, any area of importance to 
the military operations of the United Nations 
which is stricken by famine or disease may be in- 
cluded in the benefits to be made available through 
UNRRA. Although this resolution meets a wide- 
spread public demand for making areas such as 
India eligible for assistance from UNRRA in tlie 
event of their being adversely affected by the war, 
other principles applicable to UNRRA's opera- 
tions apply to these areas as well as to those which 
have suffered from enemy occupation, including 
the provision that UNRRA shall not deplete its 
available resources for the relief of any area which 
is in a position to pay in foreign exchange. 
"~2. The most important and difficult problem pre- 
sented to the Council was the motion of the United 
States member to authorize UNRRA to conduct 
certain operations in Italy. The presentation of 
this resolution was strongly urged by all agencies 
of this Government having responsibility for eco- 
nomic and health conditions in Italy, and it also 
had wide-spread popular support throughout this 
country. In presenting the resolution, the United 
States representative made reference to the poor 
health conditions in Italy resulting from occupa- 
tion by the enemy and destructive activities dur- 
ing his retreat. He stressed also that the action 
was not to be considered as a precedent for opera- 
tions to relieve the civilian populations of Germany 
or Japan. The debate on the resolution and also 
particularly the statements of the members of the 
Council for France, Greece, Ethiopia, and Yugo- 
slavia were moving and impressive. The Council 
unanimously authorized the Director General to 

615883 — i4 3 


operate in Italy for the purposes of (a) providing 
medical and sanitary aid and supplies; {h) assist- 
ing in the care and return to their homes of dis- 
placed persons of Italian nationality; and (c) car- 
ing for children, pregnant women, and nursing 
mothers. The Director General was authorized in 
the resolution to expend up to $50,000,000 in for- 
eign exchange for the cost of this program. The 
UNRRA program for Italy, of course, will solve 
only partially the problem of meeting the imme- 
diate needs of that country. The greater part of 
the bulk supplies which must be moved into Italy 
from abroad will continue to be financed through 
other sources. The Italian Government will hence- 
forth be in a position to pay for a substantial part 
of such supplies by virtue of the recent action of 
this Government in making available to the Italian 
Government for this purpose certain dollar funds 
resulting from the issue of lira for the pay of 
United States troops in Italy, from emigrant re- 
mittances, and from exports from Italy to this 

3. Certain complicated questions arose concern- 
ing operations in enemy or ex-enemy territory and 
certain classes of persons of enemy or ex-enemy 
nationality. On the motion of the United King- 
dom Delegation a resolution was adopted making 
it clear, despite the restrictions in the Resolutions 
with respect to operations by UNRRA in ex-enemy 
areas, that UNRRA should have authority to oper- 
ate in such areas for the purpose of combatting 
epidemics and assisting in the care and repatri- 
ation of displaced United Nations nationals. On 
the motion of the United States Delegation, there 
was adopted an am.endment to that resolution, 
based in part upon recommendations submitted by 
Jewish and other interested organizations, which 
gives UNRRA authority to assist persons, regard- 
less of nationality, who have been obliged to leave 
their country or place of origin or former residence 
or have been deported therefrom, by action of the 
enemy, because of race, religion, or activities in 
favor of the United Nations; the Council also 
authorized the Administration to assist such per- 
sons found in the liberated areas. These resolu- 
tions, therefore, will give UNRRA considerably 
more flexibility in its operations than that given 
under the more rigid provisions of the resolution 
adopted at Atlantic City which required specific 
Council approval for any operations in ex-enemy 

' BuixETiN of Oct. 1, 1944, p. 338, and Oct. 15, 1944, p. 403. 



areas ; one of UNRRA's principal tasks will be the 
care and repatriation of displaced persons of 
United Nations nationality fomid in such areas. 

4. With furtlier reference to restrictions on 
operations in ex-enemy areas, the Council, on the 
motion of tlie Greek Delegation, declared the 
Dodecanese Islands eligible for assistance from 
UNRRA. In view of subsequent military devel- 
opments, this action was particularly timely and 
will enable UNRRA to assist the distressed in- 
habitants of these islands who are almost entirely 
of Greek origin or nationality. 

The Greek proposal was followed by the presen- 
tation of resolutions by the Yugoslav and Polish 
Delegations proposing that minorities of their 
respective nationalities in certain enemy terri- 
tories should be eligible for assistance from 
UNRRA. These proposals were subsequently 
withdrawn, however, with the expression of the 
hope on the part of the Yugoslav and Polish 
Delegations that the acceptance of the Greek pro- 
posal might eventually constitute a precedent for 
these types of operations. 

5. The Council voted to include India on the 
Committee on Supplies of the Council. The 
Government of India has informed the Director 
General that it proposes to submit to the Legis- 
lative Assembly of India at its next session, 
commencing November 1, the question of India's 
contribution to the operating expenses of the 

6. The Council approved, virtually without 
change, the bases of requirements (relief stand- 
ards) recommended by the Committee of the 
Council for Europe, on the basis of which the 
Director General will compute the requirements 
for the European area. The Council also adopted 
a separate resolution introduced by the Soviet 
Delegation, recognizing that it is UNRRA's pri- 
mary responsibility to secure relief and rehabili- 
tation supplies for liberated areas of the United 
Nations and that special weight and urgency shall 
be given to the needs of those countries in which 
the extent of devastation and the suffering of the 
people is greater and has resulted from hostilities 
and occupation by the enemy and active resistance 
in the struggle against the enemy. 

7. The Standing Conunittee on Displaced Per- 
sons considered certain difficult questions within 
its competence which had not been entirely clari- 
fied at Atlantic City. Tlie politically difficult 
question of the handling of so-called "intruded" 

enemy nationals was decided by the adoption of a 
resolution which confers upon the Administration 
authority, if invited by the government of any lib- 
erated area, to assist in the removal of enemy or 
ex-enemy nationals who have been intruded into 
the liberated areas. 

The Council also adopted a recommendation of 
the Displaced Persons Committee, the purpose of 
which is to define the extent of UNRRA's respon- 
sibility for the care and repatriation of displaced 
persons located in territories which the enemy has 
never occupied. This recommendation refers to 
the problem of displaced persons and refugees of 
war located in territories such as Africa, the Mid- 
dle East, and the Western Hemisphere. The reso- 
lution, which is in conformity with the principle 
that UNRRA's resources shall be devoted prima- 
rily to relief activities in liberated areas of the 
United Nations, provides that (a) the Adminis- 
tration shall allot its resources for the care of per- 
sons in this category princij^ally when they are in 
congregated groups rather than in favor of dis- 
placed individuals; (6) the 'Administration shall 
render assistance to such persons only when they 
lack resources to return to their homes; and (c) 
the Administration shall in general assume re- 
sponsibility for such persons only in areas where 
the resources for their maintenance are inade- 
quate or cannot continue to be made available. 

8. The Council authorized the Central Commit- 
tee under certain conditions to admit Denmark 
after its liberation to membersliip in UNRRA. 

9. The Council considered a proposal of its 
Committee on Health for the amendment in cer- 
tain respects of the existing international sanitary 
conventions which provide for the exchange of 
epidemiological information and for quai-antine 
measures in connection with international mari- 
time and air travel. The purpose of the amend- 
ments is to adjust the provisions of these conven- 
tions to modern medical practice and to authorize 
UNRRA to exercise for a limited period the func- 
tions previously exercised under these conventions 
by the International Office of Public Health in 
Paris which is unable for the time being to carry 
out its duties. The Council approved in principle 
preliminary drafts of amending conventions and 
requested the Director General to submit copies of 
these drafts to the member governments for their 
consideration and for the subsequent submission 
of their comments to the Council's Committee on 
Health. It is estimated that UNRRA would be 

OCTOBER 29, 1944 


able to assume the functions of the International 
Office of Public Health for a minimum of addi- 
tional expense and that it would thereby be placed 
in a better position to discharge its functions in the 
fields of displaced persons and epidemic control. 

10. The Committee on Financial Control held 
detailed hearings on the admmistrative budget for 
1945. While recommending that tlie activities of 
the Administration should be decentralized to the 
regional offices and field missions, it commended 
the Director General for having laid the founda- 
tions of a soundly designed organization. The 
Council also accepted the recommendation of the 
Committee for the approval of an administrative 
budget for 1945 of $11,500,000, of which $4,000,000 
is to be carried over from tlie unexpended amount 
of the administrative budget for 1944. Of the 
additional funds of $7,500,000 allocated to the 
member governments for 1945, the share of the 
United States is 40 percent or $3,000,000. This 
amount will, of course, be paid out of the funds 
already appropriated by the Congress for United 
States particijjation in the work of UNRRA. The 
Council also approved the recommendation of the 
Committee on Financial Control for the appoint- 
ment of the firm of Deloitte, Plender, Griffiths & 
Co. as the auditors of UNRRA and provided that 
the auditors shall consult with an Audit Subcom- 
mittee of the Committee on Financial Control to 
consist of not less than three and not more than 
five persons of special technical competence from 
the member countries. 

11. On the motion of the Delegation of Czecho- 
slovakia, the Council adopted a resolution calling 
the attention of the member governments to the 
restricted scope of UNRRA's activities in indus- 
trial rehabilitation and to the importance of pro- 
viding means for joint consideration of the prob- 
lems of continued rehabilitation. Although the 
agreements recommended at Bretton Woods would 
afipear to go far toward meeting the needs pointed 
out by the Czechoslovak Delegation, the need for 
action in this field certainly will contiiuie to exist 
at least until the Bretton Woods arrangements 
have been made effective or until other methods 
of financing have been evolved. 

Other features of the Session included an in- 
spiring address of welcome by Prime Minister Mac- 
kenzie King ; the reports of the combined military 
authorities and combined boards referred to above; 
and a joint meeting of members of the Standing 
Committees of the Council on Health, Welfare, and 

Displaced Persons with representatives of volun- 
tary agencies for the purpose of discussing prob- 
lems of mutual concern in connection with relief 
in liberated areas. 

Although the agenda did not present questions 
approaching the complexity of those discussed at 
Atlantic City, many of the items at Montreal were 
of a highly controversial nature which, if consid- 
ered under less favorable circumstances and if co- 
operation on the part of the delegations had been 
lacking, might well have given rise to irreconcil- 
able differences of view and tendencies toward 

It will be noted particularly that many of the 
proposals presented, in addition to some that were 
discussed during the Session but not formally 
moved, called for the extension of the Administra- 
tion's activities into new fields. However justifi- 
able these proposals may have been intrinsically, 
it is difficult to quarrel with the views expressed 
by certain members of the Council that UNRRA 
should not extend itself into new fields before it 
has mastered the tasks with which it is primarily 
concerned, namely, relief to the liberated areas of 
the United Nations. One of the most difficult 
points in connection with the American proposal 
for relief to Italy was that by force of circumstance 
Italy, an ex-enemy country, will be one of the first, 
if not the first, direct recipients of UNERA's bene- 
fits. It can be understood that this fact was not 
viewed with enthusiasm by countries whose con- 
tinued occupation by the enemy is due in part at 
least to Italy's previous attitude and actions. 

In view of factors of this nature as well as of 
the concern of the governments of the occupied 
countries over the adequacy of the resources of 
UNRRA and the availability of sufficient supplies 
and personnel to enable it to perform its basic 
duties, it is of some consequence that agreement 
was reached on points where compelling reasons 
led to the imposition of new demands upon the 
Administration's facilities — even though such new 
demands do not in any sense alter the basic pattern 
of UNRRA's operations. Although it is fre- 
quently said that "if the nations can agi-ee on 
anything, they can agree on UNRRA," the achieve- 
ment of that agreement is somewhat easier in con- 
templation than in execution. Perhaps we may 
indulge in the hope, however, that the tendency to 
reach agreement will be cumulative, in this and in 
other sectors of international endeavor. 



It seemed to be generally agreed that the Ses- 
sion was successfully concluded. Although more 
liberty might have been accorded to the press in 
attending meetings of the Council and its commit- 
tees, there was no lack of official information on 
the proceedings; press comment was remarkably 
accurate and understanding throughout the Ses- 
sion, and the members of the press were unanimous 
in praising the manner in which relations with 
them were conducted. 

The efficiency and courtesy of tlie Government 
of Canada, an outstanding supporter of UNKRA 
since its inception, and the effective leadership of 
the Canadian Council member, Mr. L. B. Pearson, 
as Chairman of the Session, contributed notably 
to the success of the proceedings. 


The Council Session has resulted in a definition 
of UNREA's scope so far as it can now be set 
down on paper and, with the rapid military de- 
velopments in recent weeks, the way is now clear 
for UNRRA to undertake important activities in 
the field. 

Two main jobs remain to be completed before 
large-scale operations can be undertaken, namely, 
the mobilization of personnel for action and the 
accumulation of reserve stocks of supplies. With 
respect to organization, competent staffs have 
been assembled to handle UNRRA's planning, 
particularly in the vital functions of supply, 
health, and displaced persons and in other key 
positions. Much progress has been made in as- 
sembling and training personnel for the field 
within the limits of UNRRA's present knowledge 
of the actual extent of its responsibilities. But, 
as urged by certain members of the Council at 
Montreal, the organization and personnel must be 
constantly scrutinized in the light of actual de- 
mands to insure that it is adapted to action. 

In the matters of personnel and supplies, as in 
all phases of UNRRA's work, the support and 
cooperation of its members will be decisive in the 
performance of its tasks. 

The Congress of the United States has by large 
majorities taken the first important step, so far 
as our participation is concerned, by voting funds 
in accordance with the recommendations of the 
Council. The President, in appointing the For- 
eign Economic Administration as the service 
agency for UNRRA in the United States, has 

strongly emphasized the importance as a matter 
of national policy of our participation in UNRRA 
and of there being available in all liberated areas 
those supjjlies that will be necessary for the health 
and welfare of the peoples in those areas. The 
national allocating-and-supply agencies have 
given great attention to the problem of meeting 
UNRRA's requirements. The military authori- 
ties have shown an increasing recognition of 
UNRRA's importance and have taken significant 
steins toward establishing liaisoji with it in all 
fields of its activities. 

There are many difficulties, particularly in war- 
time, in adjusting national governmental proce- 
dures to those of an international organization. 
Those difficulties can be overcome only through 
trial and error and through the practical working 
out of operating relationships. 

On the one hand, there is a wide-spread diffi- 
dence in dealing intimately with an international 
organization. Aside from obvious and frequently 
overstressed security considerations, the novelty 
of such an organization', particularly when it is 
concerned with duties of a somewhat eleemosynary 
nature, has sometimes led to the characterization 
of UNRRA as an idealistic enterpi'ise which may 
furnish a calm haven for international do-gooders 
but one that will never accomplish much of lasting 
value. (''We handled it alone last time in a hard- 
headed and businesslike way and that should be 
good enough this time.") The great advantages 
of a pooling of the resources,' talents, and knowl- 
edge of all interested nations, whether suppliers 
or recipients, may become obscured by its strange- 
ness. There is a tendency to forget that we have 
entrusted upon this organization our participation 
in the first vital post-war job abroad and that we 
in this country have a very great stake in its 

On the other hand, there is sometimes an equally 
unfortunate tendency to look upon this organiza- 
tion as an agency of this Government and to deal 
with it accordingly. Familiar faces well-known 
throughout Washington constantly turn up in 
UNRRA, and it is natural that these persons carry 
the brunt of the liaison with our national agencies. 
This unconscious sense of familiarity is all too 
often coupled with a conscious realization of the 
preponderance of United States funds and sup- 
plies in meeting the UNRRA programs to tlie ex- 
(Continucd on page 524) 

OCTOBER 29. 1944 


Degrees Conferred on the Under Secretary 

of State 


[Released to the press October 23] 

I am deeply gratified to receive this honorary. 
degree of doctor of laws from a university which 
has so outstanding a record as one of America's 
great institutions of higher learning. In your 
contributions to the enlightened leadership of 
American youth, who are carrying to the far bat- 
tlefields of this war the traditions which make 
America great and her universities a bulwark of 
civilization itself, I can see the great influence for 
enduring values which you, and others of the Re- 
public of Letters, will bring into the life of this 
Nation, and of all nations, when peace comes 
again. New York University, through its Insti- 
tute on Post-war Reconstruction, its seminars on 
post-war problems, its far-seeing lectures mider 
the Stokes Foundation, is continuing the best tra- 
ditions of higher education throughout the ages. 

One of the statements embodied in the Dum- 
barton Oaks proposals looks forward to the pro- 
motion of '"human rights and fundamental free- 
doms". These are the same human rights and the 
same fundamental freedoms for which the great 
intellectual leaders of mankind have struggled 
since the ancient beginnings of Athens, Jerusalem, 
and Rome. The Charter of the United Nations, 
toward the establishment of which we took the 
first steps at Dumbarton Oaks, will be designed to 
advance these rights and these freedoms for all 
peace-loving peoples. Organization, however, 
will never alone suffice : Pacts and treaties and in- 
stitutions are necessary instruments, but they will 
lead to effective action only when there is a firm 
will to support peace and to develop the fuller life 
which they are intended to make possible. 

The challenge to our colleges and universities 
now and in the future is as unmistakable as their 
opportunity. It is for them to assert anew the 
great principles which have given rise to our civi- 
lization. It is for them to strengthen the ties with 
our own past, that glorious history of a people in- 
tent on freedom and haj)piness for all in a law- 

abiding society. And it is for them to demon- 
strate the not fully understood truth tliat in this 
interdependent ■<yorld of the twentieth century 
the freedom and well-being of nations and peo- 
ples, hand in hand with security itself, must be 
advanced by international cooperation rather than 
by national action alone. As reflected by the 
Dumbarton Oaks proposals, security resides not 
only in the collective determination and action of 
all peace-loving nations and peoples but also in 
their friendly coopei-ation for the solution of inter- 
national economic, social, and other humanitarian 

The great opportunity of American colleges and 
universities lies in the fact that they are institu- 
tions of the people. They ai-e open not only to 
the selected few but to those of gift and promise 
from all walks of life. Their research and their 
teaching belong to the people. This has been 
one of our great sources of strength as we built 
our own democracy. This will enable us also as a 
nation to act in the future with enlightened self- 
intei'est, with thoughtfulness, and with a common 
will for the realization of a world order within 
which we shall be able to live at peace. Hitler 
destroyed his universities and as a result the mind 
of Germany was blighted and science was dis- 
torted for deadly purposes. Our universities and 
their students must continue to serve the truth 
which alone can make mankind truly free and 
enable our people and all peoples to live the life 



[Released to the press October 28] 

I am deeply gratified to receive this honorary 
degree of doctor of engineering from Stevens In- 
stitute of Technology, the same great institution 
of learning which at the close of the last war 
honored my father by the award of a similar 

' Delivered on the occasion of receiving the degree of 
doctor of laws, New York University, on Oct. 23, 1944. 

"Delivered on the occasion of receiving tlie degree of 
doctor of engineering, Stevens Institute of Technology, on 
Oct. 28, 1944. 



degree. In addition I must mention, at this point, 
my long association and great admiration and 
friendship for the distinguished chairman of your 
board of trustees, Mr. Robert C. Stanley. 

Ever since its establishment in 1870, Stevens 
Institute has been among the pioneers of scientific 
advance and of progress in engineering. It has 
thus perpetuated the great traditions laid down by 
the Stevens family, from Col. John Stevens to 
Robert L. and Edwin A. Stevens, who are justly 
counted among the greatest contributors to the 
industrial development of this country, and who, 
by their work for steam navigation and railroad 
transportation, opened up ever wider horizons 
before the American people. In recent years, 
Stevens Institute has made outstanding contribu- 
tions towards making our country the arsenal of 
democracy. In this connection I desire to pay 
special tribute to President Harvey Nathaniel 
Davis, who, as Director of the Office of Produc- 
tion Research and Development of the War Pro- 
duction Board, has carried the traditions of Stev- 
ens Institute for public service into his splendid 
achievements in aiding 'our Nation and our Allies 
toward the attainment of victory. 

Great tasks await the men of science during the 
years to come. The peace-loving nations of the 
world are determined to put an end to wanton ag- 
gression and wars. To this end they are now en- 
gaged in creating an international organization 
for the maintenance of peace and security, in 
which this country is to play a role commensurate 
with its strength and resources. It will be for our 
scientists and engineers to give us the technical 
equipment, embodying the best scientific achieve- 
ments, which will enable our great Nation, in co- 
operation with the other peace-loving nations, to 
carry out its mission. The forces of destruction 
must not again dare to break the peace and assault 
the forces of freedom in the world. 

It is in such a world built on law and order that 
science and engineering will be able to attain their 
greatest triumphs. The inventive genius of scien- 
tists and engineers, having helped to free the world 
from fear, will be called upon to help create a 
world free from want. Their work will be as vital 
in laying the foundations of a new prosperity in 
this country as it will be in building peaceful inter- 

national relations through the improvement of 
communications, of transport — of all the helpful 
exchanges and interchanges which support peace 
and advance the well-being of peoples. The pro- 
posals resulting from the international conversa- 
tions at Dumbarton Oaks envisage that under an 
Economic and Social Council of the United Na- 
tions there should be a number of specialized agen- 
cies. By these and other means, experts in various 
fields of human endeavor, including the humani- 
ties, will be able to further the peace, security, and 
well-being of the peoples of the world once their 
vast achievements can again be fully devoted to 
the progress of mankind. 

In 1928 the faculty of Stevens Institute under- 
took to strengthen the study of economics and the 
humanities. It thus gave recognition to the fact 
that scientific progress must be accompanied by 
an equal growth in understanding of the great 
moral laws of life. By this pioneering move Ste- 
vens Institute advanced the day when science itself 
will be generally recognized as one of the great 
branches of the humanities, with scientists and 
engineers in the vanguard of human advancement, 
serving the needs and aspirations of a humane 
society. This, as much as anything, gives us hope 
that the time is near when nature's resources will 
be harnessed, not for destructive warfare, but for 
the construction of a society in which the least 
among us will be able to live a creative life in peace 
and security. 

I am indeed proud that from this day on I shall 
have an even closer association with your great 
institution, which embodies the genius of our peo- 
ple at their best, their inventiveness and their skill, 
as well as their abiding faith in humanity. 


Diplomatic and Consular Offices 

The American Embassy at Bru.ssels, Belgium, 
was opened to the public on September IS, 1944. 

The American Consulate General at Antwerp, 
Belgium, was established on October 17, 1944. 

OCTOBER 29, 19U 


Education in Germany Under the 
National Socialist Regime 


National Socialist Education in Theory 
and Practice 

The Educational Theory of National Sociaijsbi 
The Appeal of National Socialisnk 

The Nazi conquest of power came about largely 
as a result of a successful educational campaign to 
win the mind of the nation ; not that even a major- 
ity were convinced adherents of Nazism in Jan- 
uary 1933, but the foundations had been laid for 
acceptance of its doctrines. Hitler's talents were 
primarily those of the popular educator and prop- 
agandist — Mein Kampf was a fighting document, a 
creed, and a program fervidly and fanatically pre- 
sented. The Nazi gospel was an effective fusion 
of three elements — nationalism, socialism, and 
racism — and it was broadcast to a population at- 
tuned by their discontent to a ready acceptance of 
its irrational but compelling appeal. 

The strength of the Nazi movement resided in a 
population group of from 20 to 35 years of age, the 
unrooted generation who had never experienced 
normal and stable conditions and whose youth and 
early maturity had paralleled an era of war, revo- 
lution, social and economic chaos and insecurity, 
and international disturbance. Adventurous and 
reckless, unadjusted to civilian pursuits, contemp- 
tuous of the bourgeois ethos and of a system which 
had failed, they were ready to accept iconoclastic 
dogmas and dangerous but alluring programs. 
This group was relatively easy to win over, and 
with its enthusiastic support the Nazi leaders were 
enabled to broaden their appeal to the many dis- 
contented elements in the nation. To reaction- 
aries they could offer a war on Bolshevism and a 
strongly nationalist creed. To workers and the 
unemployed they could promise an end to the sys- 
tem of capitalistic exploitation and a rehabilitated 
economy. To those disillusioned with parliamen- 
tary government they offered the Fuhrerprinzip 
in the old German tradition. To nationalists and 
militarists they promised revision of the Versailles 

Treaty and the rearmament of the Reich. To all 
who had suffered from humiliation and loss of 
status they offered a scapegoat theory, anti-Semit- 
ism, and a sense of racial pride and superiority. 
The formula of National Socialism, however in- 
consistent and irrational, was a common denomi- 
nator of the fears and hatreds, the hopes, cravings, 
and ambitions of thousands of Germans of every 
group and class. 

Moreover the National Socialist ideology was 
exclusively derived from German and European 
thinkers whose concepts already were a part of 
the mental furniture of many Germans. Among 
the seminal ideas which inspired the Nazi theo- 
rizers were : 

Subordination of private interests to public 

welfare (Plato, Adam Midler, Fichte) 
Freedom as organic relatedness and limitation 

or Bindung (Hegel) 
The Folk as organic entity embraced m total 

state (Fichte and many others) 
The Nordic or "Aryan" race myth (Gobineau, 

H. S. Chamberlain, Lagarde, Wagner) 
The leader principle (Fichte) 
Duty as absolute imperative (Kant) 
State as total power (Machiavelli, Treitschke) 
Sense of a German mission (Geibel, Fichte, 

Lagarde, and innumerable others) 

However distorted to their own uses by the 
Nazis, these and other ideas were at least familiar 
to most educated Germans and highly acceptable 
in their Nazi guise to many. In fact it may be 

' Mr. Fuller is a Country Specialist, Central European 
Section, Division of Territorial Studies, OflBce of Special 
Political Affairs, Department of State. This is the second 
in a series of three articles by Mr. Fuller on education in 
Germany under National Socialism. For the first article 
on "Antecedents of National Socialist Education" and 
"Education Before National Socialism", see Bulletin of 
Oct. 22, 1944, p. 466 ; the third article, "The Higher Learn- 
ing and Extra-Curricular Education", will appear in the 
BuiXBTiN of Nov. 5, 1944. 



argued that National Socialism has come to be 
considered widely in Germany as a definitive 
statement of Germanism in essence — hence the 
ease with which it has been propagated and the 
difficulties which will probably be encountered in 
any attempt to destroy it by severing its rootage 
in traditional German views which are an out- 
growth of German historical experience and, as 
part of the national heritage, are tenaciously held. 

The Nasi Critique of Liberal and Hiumamstic 

That National Socialism is an attack upon the 
Western heritage is now a generally accepted tru- 
ism, nowhere more applicable than in the field of 
education. Before considering this basic antago- 
nism the underlying premises of Nazi educational 
theory may be noted.= To the Nazis the individual 
is a myth, having no separate existence apart fi-om 
the "total collective-personality" of which he is a 
member. This larger, all-comprehending corpo- 
rate personality is the Volk, a spiritual-historical 
being, the ideal form, mold, or type for all its 
members. It is immutable and eternal, the reality 
which endures and transcends ephemeral circum- 
stance, always embodying the ideality and objec- 
tives of personal, group, and national life. Thus 
educational objectives cannot be devised or formu- 
lated for preconceived ends — they are predestined 
by the nature of the Volk and must be discovered. 
Personality is a derivative of race and cannot be 
fashioned arbitrarily, nor can it evolve autono- 
mously in accordance with its own laws. The 
forming of personality consists in activating those 
powers which are inherent in the individual as a 
member of the collective organism, the Volk. The 
goal of education is "German, folk-bound, moral- 
religious character" or, more simply, the making 
of a German man. True education is always "to 
type"; its objectives are shaped by the "world- 
outlook" (Weltanschauung) of a particular Volk. 

- Walthei- Wallowitz, Deutsche Nationalerziehxing (Leip- 
zig, 1036) , pp. 5-14. Max Troll, Die Schule im drittcn Reich 
(Langensalza, 1933), p. 2. 

' Fritz Solllioim, Erziehimg im neueti Btaat (Berlin, 
1934), pp. 2.5-83. Karl F. Sturm, Deutsche Erziehung im 
Werden (Berlin, 1938), pp. 75-77. Hermann Schaller, Die 
Bchule im Slaat Adolf Hitlers (Breslaii, 1935), pp. 28-85. 
Richard Oechsle, Erziehimg und QIauben (WUrzburg, 
1939), pp. 31-55. Erich Lohl, Das pUdagogische Erbe des 
Libcralismus und das volkische Weltbild (Dilsscldorf, 
1937), pp. 1-52. Alfred Biiumler, Politik und Erziehung 
(Berlin, 1937), pp. 57-66. 

There is no place for free, that is arbitrary and 
unmotivated, cultivation of the mind; "abstract 
life-strange theories" are to be avoided. The to- 
tality of life is embraced in the educational proc- 
ess, which is a function of life itself, life conceived 
as unending struggle, activity, tasks to be per- 
formed. But life has meaning and values only as 
it flows naturally from the necessities of the Volk. 
An ethno-cultural determinism must rule all edu- 
cational procedures. 

It becomes evident that Nazi education could 
have little in common with the liberal and human- 
istic concepts which have guided modern progres- 
sive education and which had gained a foothold in 
the schools of the Weimar Republic. Nazi educa- 
tional theorists developed an elaborate critique of 
so-called "liberal" education in contrast to the 
volkisch type which they championed.' Liberals, 
they argued, ever since the Renaissance had mis- 
takenly posited the free, unbound personalitj' em- 
bodying its own law of development, without root- 
age (Bindung) in society, folk, or state. Hence 
humanistic education became essentially "egocen- 
tric self-cultivation" {selbstzxveckliche Elgenbil- 
dung). From this erroneous concept flowed all the 
evils of modern liberal "reformist pedagogy". It 
ignored the existence of the folk-community 
(Volkische Gemeinschaft), the concrete, historical 
realities of folk and state, race and culture as con- 
ditioning factors. "Psychologism" became an ob- 
session, pedagogy a mere "technology of instruc- 
tion" isolated from its "social feeding ground", cut 
off from the living histoi'ical social structure. The 
positivist pedagogical science of Herbart had as- 
sumed an abstract, generalized humanity, an atom- 
ized, disassociated individual. Hence it had pro- 
duced a mechanical system adapted only to the 
mythical lone individual in a general qualityless 
society. "King Child ruled the school", a condi- 
tion resulting only in a training without values, 
goals, or objectives. All talk of the "unchaining of 
creative powers", or the "harmonious development 
of personality" was meaningless as long as it ig- 
nored the Volk as frame of reference. The inevi- 
table evils of such schooling were over-emphasis 
on sheer intellectualism and the acquisition of use- 
less knowledge, anarchic individualism, one-sided 
development, estrangement of the academic world 
from life, a flabby cosmopolitanism, and ultimately 
social and political chaos and disintegration. 

Nazi theorists were convinced that the era of 
liberal education had ended and that a new day 

OCTOBER 29, 1944 


had dawned. The "world picture" (WeltbUd) 
must now be redrawn in terms of "folkish" con- 
cepts, instead of seeking to portray an abstract 
humanity. Education must have firm rootage in 
the soil of native culture. There was to be no 
self-contained or self-determined schooling but 
only the shaping of the individual as a cell of the 
organic whole. The limits of reason were to be 
recognized — instinct and emotion, blood, race, and 
folk-personality must come into their own. In as 
much as the state was merely the incarnation of 
the folk {Volk in Form) all education must be po- 
litical. Thus leadership would emerge, "folk- 
rooted, heroic personalities" endowed with phy- 
sique, will, and character. The autonomy and 
isolation of the school would be ended — it would 
become one of many forces guiding and molding 
the ideal racial type and aiming not at an abstract 
perfectionism but at growth and maturation of the 
folk-bound personality. 

The contrast between liberal and Nazi educa- 
tional theories may be presented graphically as 
follows : 

Liberal theory: The Child (Sole Determi- 
nant)— >Life Forms (Free Development) -^Insti- 
tutions (Economic, Social, Political, Cultural, Re- 

Nazi theory: Nature (Blood-Eace-Soil)— » 
FoZA;-^Physique, Intellect, Character, Spirit (Pre- 
Determined Development) — »The German Man. 

Hitler's Educational Views 

From the beginning Hitler has proclaimed edu- 
cation to be the foremost task of the state. In his 
New Year's pronoimcement of January 1, 1939 he 
declared: "The first task is and remains — as 
always in the past — the education of our people 
for the National Socialist community." His Mein 
Kampf is basically a textbook of Nazi doctrine, 
and his speeches have been devoted largely to 
popular enlightenment and indoctrination. In 
both, as well as through his policies, he has made 
clear his conception of education. His success in 
putting his ideas into effect is only too apparent 
to the world at large. 

In Hitler's opinion the first goal of an educa- 
tional program must be the elimination of the 
errors and fallacies arising from miseducation in 
the past.* Education is at first an instrument of 
warfare against men, influences, and ideas con- 
sidered false or harmful to a people. According 

to Rauschning he has said : "I shall eradicate the 
thousands of years of human domestication. 
Then I shall have in front of me the pure and noble 
natural material." Erroneous ideas are slow 
poison, undermining and corrupting the healthy 
folk-organism and destroying it by disease 
(V oikskrankheit) . They must be rooted out and 
supplanted by indubitable and unchallengeable 
truth. This requires complete control and utili- 
zation not only of the schools but also of all media 
through whicli thought and conduct may be in- 
fluenced. Total experience educates, and conse- 
quently social control must be complete and all- 
embracing. In a modern complex urban society 
much education comes about as an unconscious 
conditioning through environment — hence the 
necessity for the extensive regimentation of social 

True education. Hitler maintains, is a shaping of 
the will through instinct and emotion, directed to 
action. Its purpose is not to transmit a heritage 
but to change men. They are to be changed 
through directed activity guided by a clear sense 
of values and ends. While he stresses the forma- 
tive aspect of education, he admits that all educa- 
tion arises from self-knowledge and self-activity. 
It cannot be compelled. It is not a forced modifi- 
cation of essential nature but a means of assisting 
and stimulating the development of what is latent 
and innate, awaiting maturation. False education 
thwarts natural development; true education 
considers the potentialities of the individual, what 
he is capable of becoming. But underlying all is 
Hitler's major premise of the rootage of the indi- 
vidual in the folk-community, his organic related- 
ness to it — hence the danger either of "autono- 
mous" education or of the attempt to superimpose 
alien ideas or concepts. Man cannot absorb learn- 
ing passively, and since he can act only in accord- 
ance with his own nature education must plumb 
the depths of racial instinct and heritage. 

In Hitler's opinion physical training is of pri- 
mary importance, the molding of character and 
will of less importance, and the training of the 
mind and the acquisition of knowledge of least im- 
portance. Hitler's emphasis on physique and will 
at the expense of intellect is due in part to his de- 
sire to counteract the over-stress on intellectualism 

*Wilhelm Hoper, Adolf Hitler, 
Deutschen (Breslau, 1934), part I. 

der Erzieher der 



for which German education has often been criti- 
cized, but more fundamentally to his racial and ac- 
tivistic theories. He believes that a people degen- 
erates if it neglects or attempts to transcend its 
natural instincts. Education must be kept near 
the level of the primitive, even the barbaric, in 
man. Instinctive intelligence (Vernunft) is a 
surer guide than mere intellectual understanding 
(Verstamd) or knowledge {Wissenschaft). His 
revolutionary program required that he elicit the 
utmost energy and capacity for action from every 
individual, which fact may explain his compara- 
tive indiffei'ence to purely academic training. He 
condemned the' "pumping in" of useless knowl- 
edge and the indiscriminate indulgence in "for- 
eign fare" apt to poison the true German nature. 
This is evident in his attitude toward history, 
which he maintains should be taught in broad 
outlines as a guide to behavior and a source of na- 
tional pride and inspiration, not as objective rep- 
resentation of facts. All education should be mo- 
tivated by faith rather than reason. It was an 
unending process, guiding, shaping, and inspiring 
the nation on the road to the fulfilment of its des- 
tiny ; and always it was rooted in and determined 
by the bio-cultural inheritance, never free, autono- 
mous, or arbitrary, but responding to the life-im- 
peratives of a race-rooted Volk. 

Basic Concepts of Nasi Theory 

The broad lines of Nazi educational theory 
should now be apparent. Its specific character 
and impact upon Western theory and practice may 
be further clarified by an analytical summary of 
its most fundamental concepts, which, incidentally, 
are basic to the whole Nazi ideology. 

Naturalism. This much-abused term must be 
used here with caution. To Nazis it imj^lies the 
organic wholeness, relatedness, and determinism of 
life-forms.^ Education is the shaping {Bihhtng) 
and unfolding of the organic. It is always goal- 
determined, its objective being fruitage in success- 
ful functioning and activity. Goethe has inspired 
many Nazi educators with his maxim: "I detest 
everything which I am merely taught and which 
does not bear fruit in my actions." But Goethe 
admired a cultivated personality ; Nazis prefer an 
education which will release and enhance collec- 

"Karl Weber, Der organixclie Oniiuhjcdanke in dcr 
neuerstchcvden riJIkisch-poUtischen Bilchirig (Diisseldorf, 
1939), pp. 1-33. Hans Suren, Volkscrsiehung im dritten 
Reich (Stuttgart, 1934), pp. 64-67, 112-26. 

tive powers. The forces to be tapped lie deep; 
hence "the irrational and vital values must be 
respected." Peasant life, rural landscapes, the 
song of the lark — these lie close to nature and have 
jDotentiality for education. Deepest in man lie the 
spiritual powers {seeUsche Krdfte), springing 
from the mystical tie between soul and landscape, 
blood and soil. Man's intimate relatedness {Ge- 
hundenheit) with nature is the source of all 
culture, the inspiration of all true educational 

Race. Race is the natural form which differ- 
entiates life, a primal unity of living substance 
expressing itself in body, spirit, and soul, the basic 
reality which gives meaning to all knowledge. 
Humanity is a myth — there are only racial types. 
Education, then, cannot develop man but can only 
elicit responses characteristic of a racial group. 
Blood has symbolic significance — it is the source 
of the sj^irit of a race and transmits the ancesti'al 
heritage. The end of education is the develop- 
ment of the child for full membership and func- 
tional participation in the folk-community based 
on blood and soil. The preservation of racial 
purity is of paramount importance; education 
becomes a matter of breeding in the literal sense. 
It must o-uard against the infiltration both of alien 
blood and of alien ideas. 

Volk. The German word Volk is untranslatable 
as "folk" or "people." It implies the organic union 
of a raciallj' determined community in a collective 
personality embracing generations past, present, 
and to come. Hence it is eternal, immutable — as 
fixed as a Platonic type or form. It is somewhat 
elusive but none the less real as a spirit or symbol 
to which men attach themselves, in which they fer- 
vently believe — a myth, in the Sorelian sense, 
which gives meaning to their lives. Its existence 
and perpetuati(m depend upon a common body of 
teachings which provide a people with an inner 
bond and conviction and spiritual nourishment. 
It is the magic formula of National Socialism, 
not conceived by the Nazis — for Herder, Fichte, 
and many others had emphasized it — but utilized 
by them as a universal solvent of problems, the 
criterion of all policies and values. For education 
it meant that the curriculum must be .shaped by 
the heritage and needs of the folk-community 
{Volk-Gemeinschaft). The rootless individual 
and a mythical humanity were no longer of value 
as criteria ; education must return to the organic 

OCTOBER 29, 1944 


unity and wholeness of the Volk. It must view the 
total coniniiinity as a school, all culture as Ileinmt- 
KuJftir." Alien cultures must be studied with cau- 
tion and only against the background of the cul- 
ture of the homeland ; all contact with what is alien 
to one's being {Artfremdeu) is dangerous. It is a 
law of education that each individual can grow 
only into what his own nature dictates. This na- 
ture is predetermined by that organic entity of 
which he is a member; hence all education that 
ignores this fact can result only in undisciplined, 
ill-balanced, and unintegrated personalities. 
Only through "folkish" education can the indi- 
vidual achieve fullness of personality and the har- 
monious development of capacities and powers. 
The emphasis upon the volkisch principle in edu- 
cation, which antedates the Nazis, illustrates the 
introvert character of German thinking and con- 
tributes to a dangerous distortion of reality, since 
the German tends to give the surrounding world 
the form and imprint of his own ideas. 

Anti-inteUectu<dism. The Volk is a communion 
as well as a community, a fellowship of faith and 
feeling. The lone thinker easily becomes divorced 
from his community and no longer shares its in- 
tuitive grasp upon vital truths. The typical in- 
tellectual is described by Hitler as "always indulg- 
ing in sophistry, always searching and probing but 
always wavering and uncertain". Nazis argue 
that modern education has disturbed the natural 
balance between the human faculties; "the lost 
equilibrium must be restored", declares Rust. 
They cite Froebel: "The whole life of man is edu- 
cation" {'■'■ AUe ersiehen AUe") . ■ The intellect must 
be put in its place and the dangers of soulless 
specialization avoided. The mechanical, isolating, 
abstracting function of reason (Verstand) must be 
held within bounds. Nazi educators profess to 
aim at the creation of rounded, dynamic char- 
acters, and they feel that the potency of intellec- 
tual training alone for this purpose is limited. 
"You do not grasp after the truth with cold- 
blooded reason, but with the passion of a glowing 
heart, in which reason ranges side by side with, 
will, courage, imagination, and enthusiasm." 

Freedom. Nazi thinkers, as indicated earlier, 
criticize the liberal concept of freedom in its ap- 
plication to education as mistakenly assuming an 
autonomous and self-directive principle in the in- 
dividual considered apart from his folk-commu- 
nity and state. They maintain — as German phi- 
losophers, notably Hegel, have generally done — 

that the only freedom is the realization of poten- 
tiality; there can be no freedom to achieve the 
impossible. The individual is free if he wills as 
the Volksstaat wills — all else is anarchy and fu- 
tility. Society is a hierarchy of unequal person- 
alities of varying and unique capacities, and free- 
dom can consist only in their development through 
the participation of the individual in the life of the 
folk-community in harmony with its collective 

This view of freedom eliminates the dualism be- 
tween the individual and society which pervades 
liberal educational theory; self and society are 
merged and freedom becomes organic relatedness 
(Bitulunff). It is scarcely accurate to speak of 
Nazi education as destroying the freedom of the 
schools, since the Western-liberal concept of free- 
dom has never prevailed in Germany. The Nazis 
simply utilized the old German concept {deutsche 
Freiheit), taking advantage of the fact that the 
average German desires direction and orders from 
above and feels most free when he is serving some 
super-personal end. But undoubtedly the regime 
has placed more restraints upon the schools and 
brought them into a more rigid scheme of regi- 
mentation than they have ever experienced before. 

State and Politics. The state is held to be the 
outward form, bearer, and protector of the Volk, 
and as such it is absolute collective power, main- 
taining and jDerpetuating the national community. 
Education is the inner molding of life for fitness 
to share creatively in the tasks of the political 
community. Politics is the outward, education 
the inward aspect of national life. The two are 
vitally related and mutually indispensable. Since 
education is the inner preservative of the folk life 
as embodied in the state, it must follow the pattern 
set by the state and cannot function in a zone of 
detachment and aloofness from liolitics. Educa- 
tion becomes essentially the "political manipula- 
tion" of youth — education and political science are 
one. Schooling means national discipline.' The 
state, however, is no inflexible instrument of 
power; it responds to the living, growing will of 
the Volk. Thus education by molding popular 
culture and ideals may influence the state. Since 

" Walter Gross, Rasse, Weltanschaiiunff, Wissenschaft 
(Berlin, 19.36), p. 11. SoUhelm,, op. cit., pp. 5-7, 41-49. 

'Ernst Krieck, National PoUHsche Erziehimg (Leipzig, 
1933), imssim. Cecilia H. Bason, The Study of the Bome- 
land and Civilization in the Elementary Schools of Ger- 
many (New York, 1937), p. 106. 



the state can function only through an elite of 
leaders, the selection and training of leaders be- 
comes one of the most essential tasks of education 
in the National Socialist state. 

The Soldierly Ideal. Since war is the crucial 
test of survival for the state, education must con- 
tribute to the moral and technical armament of the 
nation. It must from the earliest years inculcate 
the warlike or soldierly virtues. Since struggle is 
the law of life the educator cannot neglect its im- 
plications. A heroic will outweighs encyclopedic 
knowledge. All subjects must contribute to de- 
fense-mindedness and to understanding of the art 
and science of war. Perhaps half the articles pub- 
lished in National Socialist educational journals 
during the last decade relate directly or indirectly 
to preparedness for war. From folk tales of he- 
roes to the study of chemical warfare, school in- 
struction becomes training in W ehnvissenschaft.^ 
The prefix ^'■Wehr" has of late years become at- 
tached to many subjects of the curriculum. The 
Nazi stress on "education for death" is to be ex- 
plained in part by the political imperatives of the 
movement; but it is also due to the underlying 
philosophy which holds that all life is warfare and 
that states can survive in the modern world only 
by mobilizing the moral energies as well as the 
material resources of their peoples for war. 

The Relativity of Truth. Nazi theory denies the 
existence of a positivist system resting on truths 
of universal validity. "Every science is an ever- 
changing thing, its contents ever renewed, always 
growing with the total scientific and cultural de- 
velopment, hence an eternally new science." More- 
over truth is a unifying principle engendered 
within — the central axis or "kernel-concept" which 
harmonizes all detail into a Welthild, a structure 
of thought stemming from a particular Gcsamt- 
schmi, comprehensive over-view, or Weltanschau- 
ung. Its source is the unconscious — a healthy 
folk-instinct is a surer guide than reason. "Reality 
is not a thing one can see from without . . . one 
can only understand it by belonging to it." Truth 
is a self-generated myth. 

'An entire issue of Deutsche Volkserzlehung (German 
People's Education) was devoted to air defense. Other 
issues, 193.5-39, dealt with geopolitics, Jewish imperialism, 
the psychology of defense, the service of mathematics and 
physics to warfare, Germany's colonial needs, and similar 

It follows that no educational system can claim 
eternal verity and validity. Education is bound 
to an ever-changing social and cultural complex 
as fluid and dynamic as the life supporting it. But 
the constant factor, the Volk, as a community ra- 
cially and historically determined and evolving its 
own unique form and style, conditions its own type 
of education, thus avoiding the chaos of interests 
and ideals characteristic of liberal pedagogy. It 
preserves its own form and values through all the 
vicissitudes of historical change. Thus while, in 
the words of Max Scheler, there is no "absolute 
historical constant" as a guide for all peoples at all 
times and in all places, a Volk in a given state of 
development, that is, at a given time and under 
particular historical circmnstances, creates its own 
valid criteria for science and truth and conse- 
quently for its own educational theory and practice- 

Views of Krieck and Rust. This analysis of 
Nazi educational concepts may be concluded by 
noting the views of the two men who are, perhaps, 
the most important official exponents of Nazi edu- 
cational doctrine: Ernst Krieck, long associated 
with Heidelberg University as professor of phi- 
losophy and rector, and Bernhard Kust, Reich 
and Prussian Minister of Science, Education and 
Popular Instruction. 

Krieck maintains that character is destiny. The 
individual is indissolubly related to his Volk — 
education cannot be autonomous but can only de- 
velop in him the potentialities of his people and 
race. Race determines national character, which 
in turn shapes the individual. Education is 
merely the unfolding of race-bound traits in 
accordance with the native capacity of each indi- 
vidual. The rootless, self-centered dilettante 
can have no place in a national community. All 
Germany's troubles have arisen from the defects 
of her Volk character or lack of it. Not Weimar 
dilettantism but the soldierly spirit of Potsdam 
has created the new Germany. The notions of 
general education and the universality of culture 
will "melt away together with the outworn idea of 
humanity". Methodology in education is less 
important than the play of social forces — life has 
meaning only in the great organic whole. Hence 
education derives its entire meaning from the his- 
torical necessities and present tasks of the state; 
it must be essentially political in character. The 
pupil must be treated as an "evolving member of 

OCTOBER 29, 1944 


the Volk"; the school is a smaller segment of the 

Rust sees in education a weapon of the Volk in 
the struggle for a more abundant life. The con- 
sciousness of race, long slumbering in Germany, 
has awakened to new life and has supplanted 
every other consciousness, whether religious or 
humanistic. "Action and action alone, not indo- 
lent pondering of the past, is the soul of educa- 
tion." The school must emulate life, which is 
struggle. Passion, will, and feeling are all-impor- 
tant in learning which depends not on understand- 
ing only but on the creative powers. "Life can 
only be kindled by life." Race is the "fecund and 
animating principle" of human life, shaping the 
social order and inspiring the directives of educa- 
tional procedure. The aim of education is not 
culture, spiritual freedom, or emaiicipation of the 
mind. It is the shaf)ing of each individual as a 
proper member of his Volk and for the common 
tasks imposed upon all by this membership. 
"Education is training for a life of might." 
Learning is conquest.'" 

National Socialist School Reform 
Changes in Organization 

The M'mistnj of Education. In 1934 all educa- 
tional authorities of the Reich were centralized in 
a Reich and Prussian Ministry of Science, Edu- 
cation and Public Instruction, effective January 
1, 1935. This included : 

1. Central Office for Administration 

2. Office of the Minister 

3. Office of Science, with control over univer- 

sities, higher education, and research 

4. Office for Education, controlling the ele- 

mentary, middle, secondary, and voca- 
tional schools 

5. Office for Adult Education and Popular 


6. Office for Physical Education 

7. Land Year Division 

8. Division for Church Affairs 

In each state the former education ministry was 
supplanted by a State Education Office under the 
Reich ministry. In the Prussian provinces the 
control over the elementary, middle, and sec- 
ondary schools was further centralized. Thus for 

the first time the entire school system of Germany 
was placed under a single control. 

Centralization was carried further by the appli- 
cation of the leader principle throughout the 
system, which now, from elementary school to 
university, became a hierarchy culminating in the 
Ministry of Education. The school principal was 
restored by decree to a dominant position in school 
administration, a status wliich he had lost under 
the Republic when he shared power with a demo- 
cratically controlled Teachers' Council. He could 
now visit, criticize, or discipline teachers as 
National Socialist exigencies might demand. All 
groups of teachers and students were brought 
together in miified national associations. A 
stream of decrees and directives emanating from 
the central ministry sought to mold the entire 
system in harmony with the national interest. 
All aspects of school administration were stand- 
ardized and coordinated; the system became the 
"perfection of deputized efficiency". 

The Elementary and Middle Schools. The basic 
elementary school {Grundschule) was retained by 
the Nazis. Its task remained essentially the same 
but with increased emphasis upon "German" 
studies. Classroom instruction was supple- 
mented — often interfered with — by outside ac- 
tivities related to the youth organizations and 
national services. The pedagogical institutes of 
the Republic were transformed into high schools 
for teacher-training {Hochschulen fiir Lehrer- 
hildung),eL name which significantly avoided alien 
terminology. These were purposely located in 
smaller towns to give the cadet teachers close con- 
tact with the countryside and its people. There 
was for a time a requirement, later eliminated, that 
secondary teachers as well must spend one year in 
the elementary training schools before going on 
to the university, the aim being to level the barrier 
of caste which has traditionally separated elemen- 
tary and secondary teachers in Germany and to 
imbue all teachers with the sense of a common 
national obligation. The trauiing of the teacher 

'Krieck, op. cit., pp. 16-23. Aurel Kolnai, The War 
Against the West (New York, 1938), pp. 818-20. 

■"From official pronouncements cited in Volkische Beo- 
hachter, Feb. 13, 1938. Gregor Ziemer, Education for 
Death (London, 1941), pp. 17-19. L'enseignement pri- 
maire et Veducation raciste in Allemagne (Paris, 1940), 
pp. 63-64. 



was more along the lines of YoTkskunde than peda- 
gogical method. The German landscape, the tra- 
ditions and folklore of the comitryside, folk arts, 
race hygiene, the German national idea, and the 
requirements of ''Greater Germany" were stressed. 
In turn, then, the schools were converted to the 
service of the state, the subject-matter, methods, 
and atmosphere of the schoolroom jjromotmg not 
so much the free development of childish capaci- 
ties as the subjection of the child to influences 
molding him for service to the National Socialist 

There were attempts to simplify the various 
types of middle school (extending six years be- 
yond the four-year Gi'undschule) along the lines 
of the Prussian model. Vocational emphasis was 
increased, but a minimum of '"cultural" education 
was retained. These schools were designed to pre- 
pare for the "middle" type of vocations in indus- 
try, trade, and public service. Qualified gradu- 
ates might enter the upper classes of the secondary 
schools. In 1940 it was decreed that the Haupt- 
schule (four years of free, compulsory instruction 
and two years of optional work with fees) should 
be introduced and ultimately should supplant all 
other types of middle schools. It was distinctly a 
vocational school, intended to deflect pupils from 
the still-exclusive secondary schools and to elimi- 
nate gradually the class idea in public-school edu- 
cation. School authorities were to exercise broad 
jurisdiction in deciding what coui-se each student 
should follow. 

Secondanj Schools. The Xazi leaders were dis- 
turbed at the class-selective character of the sec- 
ondary schools, yet they had no wish to open the 
way to higher education for the masses. The clas- 
sical Gyratiasium has been reduced in importance 
as being too far out of touch with current life and 
l)roblems ; other tyj)es of higher schools have been 
simplified, with one basic type predominating, the 
Oherschule or upper school. The period of sec- 
ondary education has been reduced from nine to 
eight years. Schools are separate, as heretofore, 
for boys and girls : Those for boys offer two main 
types of programs, one' emphasizing science and 
mathematics, the other modern languages; those 

" Hans-Joachim von Schumann, Die nalionat-soziaUs- 
tischc Erzichung im Rahmfn amtlicher Bcstimmunncn 
< Langensalza. 1943), pp. 21-24. Bason, op. cit., pp. 53-58. 

'^Deutsche Wissenschaft, Erziehung und Volksbildung, 
Feb. 0, 1938, official organ of the Ministry of Education 
(Berlin), pp. 48-52. 

for girls offer a language program and another 
with stress on home economics. The major em- 
phasis in the newer-type secondary schools is upon 
nationalistic ideology and training for war serv- 
ices. These schools are rapidly supplanting the 
old Gymnasium with its classical and humanistic 
training. The Aufhau school continues as a six- 
year institution, mainly vocational and found 
chiefly in rural districts. 

The Nazi concept of education is clearly ex- 
pressed in the comments of Minister Rust on the 
decree of March 27., 1937 for reform of the higher 
schools.'^ The older schools, he argued, had lost 
contact with the vital currents of national life 
which alone can create a social order and shape its 
culture. The classical GymnaMum with its ideal 
of a cultivated personality must make way for a 
school fitted for the real German man as blood and 
historic destiny had made him. A new society 
must set for itself definite goals to which educa- 
tion must conform. "The German school is a part 
of the National Socialist educational establish- 
ment. Its task is, along with the other educational 
forces of the people but in accord with its own par- 
ticular means, to form the National Socialist man," 
The upper schools, while no longer the prerogative 
of a class, were still to be selective, but blood, con- 
duct, attitude, and character were to be the criteria 
rather than intellecual accomplishment. Like all 
other Nazi institutions they must be "fighting or- 
ganizations"; there could be no "closed system" of 
education standing aloof from the battle. The 
schools must close ranks. Not pedagogy but 
"shared combat" in behalf of a preconceived polit- 
ical order was the true educator. 

The Land Tear and the Rural School-Home. 
Nazi educational philosophy is well expressed in 
the institution of the land year, established in 
March 1934 in Prussia, whereby qualified Aryan 
students who left school after the eighth year, the 
period of compulsory education, were to spend 
eight months in the countiy combining a program 
of practical work with physical exercise, recrea- 
tion, and study. It was intended particularly for 
■children from the crowded industrial areas who 
might never have an opportunity otherwise to en- 
joy the invigorating contact with the soil and with 
peasant and rural surroundings. Such a life was 
to link city with country, develop a taste for 
healthful rural living, and train for community 
life and responsibility. In 1936 there were 31,500 
children in 600 camps throughout rural Prussia, 

OCTOBER 29, 19U 


The country school-home, an institution already 
common under the Republic but developed by the 
Xazis, served a similar purpose. School groups 
migrated to the country, there to live and study 
together in intimate contact with peasant life and 
ideas. Instruction was adapted to the region, re- 
lating to such matters as landscape, local resources, 
crafts and industries, type of settlement, racial 
make-up of population, historical background and 
destiny of region, and values of regional activities 
for the National Socialist state. Its goal was "the 
incorporation of youth into homeland, folk and 
state through the awakening and directing, in a 
politically conscious sense, of sound racial 
powers."" School journeys utilizing special 
school-homes, youth hostels, and historic sites were 
a common practice and endeavored to connect' 
learning with actual observation and experience, 
always with an eye to developing pride in the na- 
tional heritage and a sense of the unity of all Ger- 
man life. 

7'he Teacher Under National Socialism 

As indicated above, the teacher is all-important 
in the German schools. The Xazis went even fur- 
ther than earlier regimes in stressing the impor- 
tance of the personal factor in instruction. There 
must be an end of the "bloodless intellectual", the 
"stoop-shouldered pedagogue'' who could never in- 
spire his young charges. The Nazi schoolmaster 
must be a rugged outdoor man skilled in sports 
and military techniques, a statesman well grounded 
in National Socialist principles and qualified to 
inculcate them in an effective manner. He must be 
a stimulating leader, a living exponent of National 
Socialist ethos. The man is prior to methods; 
hence capable teachers can be developed only 
through a regimen of living experience. Says a 
Nazi educator : 

"Youth is anxious to embrace everything that con- 
tributes to enthusiasm, devotion, courage, and 
good-will, and every teacher must of necessity lose 
his hold on young hearts who thinks he can satisfy 
them merely by feeding their intellectual appetite. . 
This is the very reason why, for three decades, the 
young have continuously turned away from school 
with disinterest and dislike.'" 

Teacher-training under National Socialism was 
modified to accord with these principles. The 
curriculum was now to include more "German sub- 
jects" : Race hygiene, political psychology and ped- 
agogy, VolksJcunde, prehistory, defense geogra- 

phy, the German borderlands, and the "Greater 
Germany" idea. Teachers from the primary to the 
university level were to spend some time in a la- 
bor camp accjuiring a sense of community life and 
cooperation and an understanding of peasant life 
and folk values. Secondary teachers, still trained 
mainly in the universities, must correct any regret- 
table tendency toward excessive intellectualism by 
demonstrating their thorough familiarity with the 
requirements for training youth "in the spirit of 
National Socialism". The test in philosophy pre- 
viously required in the oral examination was re- 
placed by problems relating to the required subject- 
matter and to "fundamental political ideological 
questions'". The official regulations of Septem- 
ber 1938 for the qualifying of teachers in the con- 
tinuation schools of Austria required that candi- 
dates be examined in the following subjects: Race 
eugenics, the Nuremberg laws, blood and soil, 
Mein Kampf, the Four Year Plan, army organiza- 
tion, the Labor Front, organic, as opposed to lib- 
eral, views of the state, the menace of Bolshevism, 
folk culture, recent German history, Hitler"s 
achievements, and the greatness of eternal Ger- 

The new regime lost little time in "coordinating" 
the teachers. The Civil Service Law of April 7, 
1933 provided for dismissal or exclusion from 
teaching posts on the following grounds : 

1. Inadequate training 

2. Political unreliability 

3. Non-Aryan descent 

4. Need of reorganizing school administration 

A personal oath of loyalty to Hitler was required. 
Large numbers of police records were examined 
and many teachers were dismissed, although exact 
figures are unavailable. A considerable per- 
centage of the teachers under the Republic was 
conservative or reactionary by conviction and no 
doubt accepted the new regime whole-heartedly. 
In July 1933 a decree was issued which required 
that all teachers who were members of the Social 
Democratic Party, which embraced many primary 
teachers, sever their connections with that organ- 
ization. Communists, of course, were promptly 
dismissed. Teachers' councils, which had been 
established under the Republic, were abolished. 
All suspected saboteurs on the educational front 

" yationatpolitische Lchrgange It"' ScliiiJer (Denksehrift 
des Oberprasidenten der Rhelnprovinz) (Frankfurt, 1935), 
p. 1. 


were liquidated, and absolute political conformity 
was imposed. All self -administering associations 
of teachers were eliminated and a National So- 
cialist League of Teachers was made the ofScial 
organization of all educators. This league was 
mainly political in character, and under the lead- 
ership of Hans Schemm it has been concerned 
chiefly with providing political instruction to its 
members along lines dictated by National Socialist 
ideology. Applicants for admission to training 
institutions are carefully examined regarding 
their previous record, "Aryanism", labor and 
military service, and membership and activity in 
youth or other party organizations. The selective 
and sifting process insures that none but devotees 
of National Socialism may find their way into 
the teaching profession. 

Contents, Methods, and Objectives of Instruction 
German Studies. German schoolrooms often 
display European and world maps with the areas 
inhabited by Germans carefully marked and ac- 
companied by the admonition: "Germans all! 
Wlierever you may be, never forget that you are a 
German." A child exposed to the Nazi system of 
instruction is not likely to forget. The emphasis 
on Heimathimde in the lower schools, already sig- 
nificant under the Republic, was considerably in- 
creased by the Nazi authorities. A decree of April 
10, 1937 declared that the child must '"learn to 
know, experience, and love the homeland, and 
. . . feel himself a rooted member of the Ger- 
man people". To this end German sagas and folk- 
lore, heroic legends, local history and geography, 
folkways, traditions, and literature were to be 
studied. School journeys were to inculcate pride 
in homeland, race, and culture. From the earliest 
years the child was to think of freedom as attach- 
ment to his country and people, as a fulfilment of 
self in service to race and nation. According to 
a decree of January 22, 1938 the amount of time 
to be devoted to German studies in the secondary 
schools ranged from 35 percent of the total hours 
in the Gymnasium to 44 percent in the girls' upper 
school. The main objectives of these studies are 
to inculcate a leverence for the old Germany {alt 
Deutschtum) and to train, discipline, and inspire 
youth to a defense of their nation, now always 
depicted as menaced by sinister forces both within 

" W. M. Kotschnig, "The Learned Class in Germany To- 
day", World, Education, Jan. 1940, p. 66. 


and without. Youth must evolve, or be given, a 
philosophy which nothing can shake. The tech- 
nique is to arouse strong feeling rather than to 
develop understanding. 

The Nazi emphasis upon Germanism has been 
clearly oriented to political objectives. Heimat- 
kimde has stressed the urgency of defense, military 
routes and strategy, and modes of approach to 
"enemy" countries as well as the superiority of 
German culture. The schools devoted much at- 
tention in their geography classes to the colonial 
question, hammering home the iniquity of the 
Versailles Treaty in this particular and Germany's 
need for colonies. A superior race must be a rul- 
ing people ; hence a colonial empire was essential. 
A Colonial Society carried on an active campaign 
in the schools, collecting funds and disseminating 
propaganda. The Verein fiir das Deutschtum in 
Auslwul was diligent in cultivating contacts with 
Germans abroad. A decree of March 8, 1933 de- 
clared it the duty of the school to create a feeling 
of racial solidarity with the 30 million Germans 
abroad, particularly those in the adjoining areas 
severed from Germany by treaty. Even the study 
of foreign peoples and cultures was to serve one 
purpose only — the attainment of a clearer under- 
standing and appreciation of German culture and 
achievements. Germanism was the invariable 
criterion for a critical approach to all things alien. 
Prussian students might not travel abroad before 
they had learned to know their own land from 
personal observation. "The ultimate goal of such 
travel must be that the student arrive at a height- 
ened national consciousness and a deeper under- 
standing of his own Volkstmn.'''' 

The Teaching of History. The use or abuse of 
subject-matter for political ends is most obvious in 
the teaching of history. Nazi educators agree with 
the Fascist Brodrero (cited in Hartshorne, Ger- 
man Universities, p. 116) : "History is effective as 
myth and not as truth. It is not the truth of the 
historical fact which is of significance, but the 
effect which follows from it." Karl F. Sturm 
frankly admits : "We take sides in teaching history. 
And our side is Germany. Far be it from us to 
taint the hearts of our children with the curse of 
objectivity. We educate our young to recognize 
exclusively the rights of our own nationality."" 
Walter Franck, president of the Reichsinstitut fur 
die Geschichte des neuen Deutschlands (established 
in 1935) asserts : "History is a fighting science and 

OCTOBER 29, 1944 


as such it cannot be obiective." It rests upon value 
judgments and can never be the outcome of ''mere 
scholarship". Eust dech^res for objectivity "cor- 
rectly interpreted". History must be functional 
and dynamic, a molder of men, the "central, uni- 
fied, patriotic and political experience" of the race. 
Its purpose is to demonstrate the direction, mis- 
sion, and destiny of a people, not to offer a com- 
pendium of irrelevant facts. Nazism has thus 
broken completely with the Von Ranke tradition 
of history "as it actually happened". This is now 
supplanted by Hitler's dictum: "One learns his- 
tory not in order to know about what has happened 
but in order to possess a key to the future and to 
the progress of one's own people." '° 

According to official decrees and directives his- 
tory is now presented in the German schools to 
achieve the following specific objectives : '"^ 

To exalt the heroic achievements of the Ger- 
man past 

To produce inner conviction and loyalty to 
"folkish" ideals 

To stress the supreme importance of the 
racial factor in history and to exalt 
the Germans as the "primal people" 
(Urvolk) of Europe 

To portray German culture as antithetical to 
Latin-Christian culture 

To stress the sinister and corrupting influ- 
ences of alien forces upon Germany at all 

To inculcate respect for the leader principle 
through exaltation of German heroes, 
such as Frederick the Great 

To present the history of other peoples only in 
its bearing upon German history 

To glorify German conquest of the Ostland in 
the Middle Ages and depict Germans 
always as bearei-s of civilization 

To show war as a creative and necessary 
pi'ocess in the making of nations and in 
the triumph of superior cultures 

To show Germany as struggling for existence 
in a hostile world and to contrast her 
"heroic world viewpoint" with the mate- 
rialism or barbarism of other peoples 

To emphasize the reasons for Germany's de- 
feat and humiliation, 1918-33, and her 
revival under National Socialist lead- 

To show at all times the salutary (volkisch) 
forces shaping German destiny and the 
corrupting, alien influences at work to 
thwart its fulfilment 

A survey of courses and textbooks in use in the 
German schools is enlightening. Topics generally 
emphasized are the creative role of the Nordic 
race, Luther as a German national hero, anti- 
Semitism in history, the career of Frederick the 
Great, the "dictate of Versailles" and the "war- 
guilt lie", the weakness and humiliation of the 
Weimar Republic, the Ruhr invasion and Ger- 
many's resistance, the Hitler movement, Ger- 
many's need for living-space, the menace of 
Communism, and Germany's national ideals and 
destiny. The central theme and thesis of histoi-y 
instruction is about as follows : 

Germany is a nation in process of becoming. 
In spite of racial superiority and heroic leader- 
ship she has incessantly been attacked, encircled, 
or corrupted by lesser breeds. Her history is a 
tragedy of frustration and incomjalete achieve- 
ment. Yet Germany and Germany alone pos- 
sesses the genius for order and creative achieve- 
ment that can end Europe's long tale of futile and 
fratricidal wars. She alone can become the 
^^europdische Ordmrngsmacht". The Hitler move- 
ment is her final struggle for liberation and self- 
fulfilment — its triumph will mean the liberation 
of Europe and its unification under the aegis of 
the one race predestined by history and fate to 
achieve the task. 

Books and Literature. The reading of German 
children is carefully controlled and directed to 
political ends. Of a list of preferred children's 
books for use in the schools, published in the 
official school journal, some 40 percent related to 
military or racial topics. Representative titles of 
recommended books for the year 1938 include : 

German Defense 
School and Weltamcha^mng 
On the Way to World Power 
German Blood in German Space 

"■ John B. Mason, "Nazi Concepts of History", The Review 
of Politics. April 1940, pp. 180-96. 

"Adolf Viernow, Zur Theorie und Praxis des national- 
sozialistischen Geschichtstinterrichts (Halle, 1935), pp. 
5-41. C. A. Beard, "Education under the Nazis", Foreign 
Affairs, April 1936, p. 447. 


Fly, German Youth! 

German Colonial Pioneers in Africa 

What German Youth Must Know About 
Racial Inheritance 

Race, Folk and Soldierliness 

Race and History 

Soldiers of Tomorrow 

German Tanks, Attack ! 

Heroism and Belief in Destiny 

Versailles and St. Germain— World Peace 
Against the German People 

Atlas of German Living Space in Central 

Nuremberg— the Spirit of Old Germany 

Carl Schurz : German and American 

Nordic Beauty in Art and Life 

Folk in Fire 

Nation in Need 

Folk Science on German Principles 

Comradeship, Battle and Death 

The Heroic Form in German Art 

Stories of Front Fighters 
The minds of young Germans are nourished al- 
most exclusively on reading dealing with the fol- 
lowing themes : Old German myths and folklore, 
tales of adventure and heroism, wars and battles, 
rural and peasant life, racial science and anti- 
Semitism, travel, geography, politics, soldiers' ex- 
periences, and the lives of German warriors and 

The teaching of literature at the higher school 
levels is designed to strengthen political convic- 
tion. Goethe's Goefz von Berlichingen is pre- 
sented to exemplify the fighter-for-freedom of 
the Reich, but attention is not called to the great 
poet's cosmopolitan ideals. Schiller's WaUen- 
stein portrays the strong politically minded 
fighter, and Wilhelm. Tell the awakening of 
Volkstum against alien oppression, but Schiller's 
concept of freedom is not generalized. War liter- 
ature is abundantly used to illustrate German 
heroism as well as the causes of collapse. Front- 
line experiences are idealized as furnishing the 
inspiration for Germany's political and moral re- 
awakening. An eighth-grade reader, Da.s Ewige 
Deutschland., by F. Hackenberg and B. Schwarz, 

" Wilhelm Hartnacke, Der Neiibau des deutschen SchuU 
wrscns (Lpipzig, 1033), pp. 17-18. Claus Tletjen, Lehr- 
plan im Aufbau der deutschen Schitle (Leipzig, 1934), 
p. 24. 


may be described as typical. The first part con- 
tains excerpts from Klopstock, Kant, Schiller, 
Goethe, and others, each with a special application 
to present events; the second part includes patri- 
otic extracts from Hiilderlin, Fichte, Clausewitz, 
and others, glorifying German traits and deeds 
(Fichte is depicted as rallying the German people 
in the War of Liberation by arousing them to a 
true sense of their racial origins and worth). 
Albrecht Diirer is presented as "our venerable 
ancestor" ; Nietzsche is quoted on "German manli- 
ness". The final portion applies historical ideas 
to the present era of the Reich, justifying hatred 
of the Jews, showing Germany to be the land of loy- 
alty and truth, and praising Hitler as the leader 
predestined to fulfil Germany's historic mission. 

Mathematics and Scierice. Even the more ob- 
jective and abstract subjects have been mobilized 
in the Nazi crusade for the minds of the young. 
Scientific instruction, argues a Nazi educator, can 
no longer be a "poorly concealed materialism" ; as 
now offered it "opens the way to life's highest 
values, to faith in the soul, the free will and divine 
powers". No recondite or disconnected matter 
unrelated to the German spirit need be presented. 
After all, Nature herself is an organic community 
through the study of which the child derives in- 
sight into his own Volhsge^neinschaft in its natural 
and cosmic setting." 

An "Aryan" mathematics was developed which 
was calculated to safeguard the youthful German 
from the distorted concepts introduced by such 
"non-Aryans" as Einstein. Geometry was pre- 
ferred to algebra as offering a concept of nature 
based on "spatial intuition" rather than a con- 
fused juggling with numbers. Arithmetical ex- 
ercises which dealt with "German" problems, rang- 
ing from declining birthrates to the acceleration 
of falling bombs, were formulated. Among the 
titles of new educational works in this field were 
The German PeopWs Fate in Figures, Examples 
of Calculation in a New Spirit, Mathematics 
Teaching in Relation to the Fall and Rise of Ger- 
many, and Mathematics in the Service of National 
Socialist Edxusation. Mathematics was not a mere 
"tool of learning" but a means to an understand- 
ing of that "ordering and arranging power" which 
Hitler had brought into German life. It had been 
misused and corrupted by liberalism and capital- 
ism; it was now to function in behalf of a renewed 
Reich in characteristically German fashion. 

OCTOBER 29, 1944 


The distortion of the various sciences to suit 
Nazi purposes is well known. Biology became 
race science. Sociology was the "study of the folk 
community". Physics and chemistry merely 
added the prefix "IFe/;?-" and made their contribu- 
tions to aviation, ballistics, and chemical warfare. 
A considerable percentage of the articles in Ger- 
man educational journals between 1935 and 1940 
deals with the applications of the sciences to war- 
fare. *' So important was the new study of race 
"science" considered that by decrees of September 
13, 1933 and Jnnuary 15, 1935 it was made com- 
pulsory in the fifth year of the Volkschule and in 
the lower years of the secondary and middle 
schools. A more thorough study was to follow in 
the upper years in order to achieve a "full appre- 
ciation of the necessity and spirit of blood purity". 
Examinations in this field were to be required for 
the issuance of the certificate of maturity by any 
school and for all teaching credentials. 

Education for War. The official journal of the 
German League of Teachers {Der Deutsche Er- 
sieher, 1938, No. 2) declared: "Every German 
child should know that the future war will not be 
waged merely by front-line combatants but also by 
all the people — men, women, old folks and chil- 
dren. . . . The idea of war should be inculcated 
in every child." The necessity of education for 
war is reflected in virtually every educational peri- 
odical, every pedagogical work, and every text- 
book of the pei'iod. In an issue of the Hitler 
Youth organ, WiUe und Macht, April-May, 1941, 
the goal for German youth — heroic courage and 
soldierly bearing {soldatische Haltung) — was 
elaborated in great detail through excerpts from 
Hitler's speeches. Years before the outbreak of 
war the theory of Ewald Banse, Germany's fore- 
most exponent of total national mobilization for 
war, had been fully embodied in the Reich's educa- 
tional program. Banse advocated teaching that 
would not hand out mere "lumps of knowledge" but 
would "pour steel into the nerves of the German 
people". Such a program was too vast to be 
achieved by the schools alone but had to enlist' 
the cooperation of schools, youth organizations, 
labor service, the army itself as a "university of 
patriotic education", and all instrumentalities 
of propaganda. The German people were to be 
made war-conscious — def ense-mindedness ( Wehr- 
gedanke) must be thoroughly inculcated. 

The role of the school in achieving these ends 
was not to offer actual military training but to 
become a preparatory school for the army and 
for the war to come.^^ The curriculum, as indi- 
cated above, was thoroughly militarized. Instruc- 
tion emphasized physical fitness, the training of 
character, will, courage, endurance, political con- 
sciousness, and a knowledge of military tech- 
niques. Aviation was particularly stressed — -it 
was officially stated to be the duty of the schools 
to further it as a "condition of life for the German 
people".^" Germany's "regrettable past" and her 
mistakes, humiliations, and sufferings of the first 
World War were to be harped upon. All studies 
were to be "politicalized" to develop a clear con- 
sciousness of Germany's needs and objectives. 
The soldier was to be glorified as the "embodiment 
of purest manhood", military service as the highest 
honor. The ideal of pacifism {nie wieder Krieg) 
was to be relentlessly attacked. History must 
l^resent the "becoming," of the nation through 
struggle and glorify military heroes and virtues. 
Political training must instil a passionate aware- 
ness of national objectives. Foreign languages 
and cultures must demonstrate the superiority of 
Kultw and the dangers of Uherfremdung . Geog- 
raphy became the science of Geojjolitik, a justifica- 
tion for German expansion. Science must justify 
its place in the curriculum by its contributions to 
total war preparedness. A "political-military 
elite" must be trained to become the bearers of 
state power, the active, disciplined, soldierly nu- 
cleus of the embattled Volk. Nazi education in 
all its aspects, in school and out, was essentially a 
play on emotions and attitudes, a Begeisterwng; 
its central drive was the spiritual preparation of 
the people for war. 

Religion. The anti-Christian tendency of Naz- 
ism has not been so influential in education as 
often supposed. There is no evidence that "Nor- 
dic religion" has superseded Christianity in the 
schools ; instruction in both Catholic and Evangeli- 

" This was found to be true of Deutsche Volkserziehung, 
(Frankfuj-t a.M. ), Nationalsozialistisches Bildungswesen, 
(Munich), Die Brzieliung (Leipzig), and Monatschrift fiir 
Hijliere Schulen (Berlin). 

'"Leo Gruenberg, Wehrgedanke und Schule (Leipzig, 
1934), pp. 4-11, 39-42. 

=°"Pflfge der Luftfahrt in den Schulen und Hoch- 
schulen", Deutsche Wissenschaft, Erziehung und Volks- 
bildung, Feb. 5, 1940, p. 85. 



cal faiths continues to be given. Yet a number 
of significant developments indicate clearly the 
lessening importance of religion as a factor in 
German education, a situation, it may be noted, 
common today throughout the Western World. 

Religion remains, as in the past, part of the cur- 
riculum of the common schools, but the time de- 
voted to it has been reduced in favor of physical 
education. In secondary schools the number of 
hours per week has been reduced from 19 to 12. 
A decree of 1938 assures freedom of conscience 
and bans the forced indoctrination of pupils by 
teachers. Sectarian schools are still legal but have 
been largely closed down by the device of local 
plebiscites under Nazi auspices, the choice being 
between a parochial school and a public inter- 
denominational one. Virtually all elementary 
schools have now become non-denominational. 
The elementary teachers, even prior to 1933, were 
largely anti-clerical in sentiment and supported 
the government's efforts to curtail sectarian in- 
fluences in the school. Many clerical teachers have 
been replaced by laymen. School prayers were 
abolished in 1939. Undoubtedly the hours de- 
voted to religious instruction have frequently been 
used for the inculcation of National Socialist doc- 
trines. Many teachers have made a sincere effort 
to reconcile Nazi ideas with Christianity, but it 
seems that they have achieved only moderate suc- 
cess. Religion has been less effectively coordi- 
nated with National Socialism than any other ele- 
ment of German culture. 

The crisis in German thought is very real and 
as yet unresolved. The German mind is inherently 
mystical and craves a faith. The disillusionment 
and cynicism of the post- Weimar era created a sus- 
ceptibility to new spiritual forces. Hitlerism, in 
the minds of many, is essentially a secular religion. 
It fills the vacuum left by the collapse of old values. 
But in spite of the pagan tendencies of the Hitler 
Youth, especially under its former leader, Baldur 
von Schirach, and the "German Christian" move- 
ment, the vast majority of converts to National 
Socialism have not renounced traditional Christi- 
anity. Although no doubt disturbed by the in- 
herent conflict between the particularism of the 
German "folkish" concept and the universalism 
of the Christian ideal, these converts are appar- 
ently able to accept both — perhaps an instance of 
the dualism that so often characterizes German 

UINRRA — Continued from page 508 
tent of blotting out completely the stake and voice 
of other nations in this organization. 

Between these two extremes of maladjustment, 
however, an encouraging degree of unanimity has 
been arrived at among all agencies of this Govern- 
ment concerning the proper procedures for dealing 
with UNRRA. For example, the arrangements 
which have been worked out by the national supply 
agencies for the consideration of import programs 
for the liberated areas show not only an apprecia- 
tion of the importance of this work and of the 
important position of UNRRA in relation thereto 
but also a serious effort to adjust their procedures 
to the complex administrative problems involved. 
The same is true, as has been noted, of the progress 
of UNRRA 's relations with the combined military. 
Much remains to be done, however, both here and 
in other member nations, in developing and con- 
tiiming the necessary support for UNRRA. 

The actual work of UNRRA is onlj' now begin- 
ning. It would be foolhardy for anyone to under- 
estimate the complexity and difficulty of its tasks; 
it would be even moi-e rash to predict the degree 
to which it will attain success. It would be even 
more mistaken to assume that the most brilliant 
success of this venture would be more than a begin- 
ning toward a better world. 

But we can be equally positive that this is our 
task and that we are in it, not merely to justify 
some charitable impulse or an urge to practice up 
on international cooperation, but because of the 
intrinsic importance to us, politically and eco- 
nomically, of this work and its most effective 


Scieutiflc and Technical Mobilization : Hearings Before 
a Subcommittee of tlie Committee on Military .•\-ffairs, 
United States Senate, TSth Cong., 2d sess., pursuant to S. 
Res. 107, a Resolution Authorizing a Study of the Possi- 
bilities of Better Mobilizing the National Resources of the 
United States. Part 16, Aug. 29 and Sept. 7, 8, 12, and 13, 
1944. Cartel Practicea and National Security, xvi, pp. 

OCTOBER 29, 1944 


Consultation on Matters 
Relating to International 

[Released to the press October 26] 

The Acting Secretary of State, Edward K. Stet- 
tiniiis, Jr., was host on October 2G to chiefs of mis- 
sions representing other American republics at an 
informal meeting at Bhiir House for an exchange 
of views regarding provisions of the Dumbarton 
Oaks proposals and related inter-American ar- 

The present consultation is being undertaken 
pursuant to the good-neighbor policy, in accord- 
ance with which exchanges of information and 
views regarding matters of peace and security have 
long been customary among the American repub- 
lics. It is intended to provide opportunity for 
consideration of points raised by various repre- 
sentatives of the American republics from the 
standpoint of their national and the general in- 

Studies relating to international organization 
and inter-American arrangements have been in 
progress in the American republics throughout the 
war. By enabling American governments 
through their diplomatic representatives to be- 
come fully acquainted with each other's attitudes 
toward such fundamental questions, each govern- 
ment will be better able to formulate, in its indi- 
vidual sovereign capacity, its policy toward these 
vital matters of common interest. 

AVIATION— OonMn wed from page 500 

Chief of the Interpreting and Translating Bureau 

Guillermo A. Suro, Acting Chief, Central Translating 
Division, Department of State 
Assistant Chief of the Interpreting and. Translating 
Jean Pierre de Loeschnigg, OflBce of War Information 

Director of Air and Courier Services 

Maj. John R. Young, War Department Liaison Officer ; 
Chief, Air Priorities Section, Division of Foreign 
Service Administration, Department of State 

Security Officer 

Maj. John E. Johnson, Director, Security and Intelli- 
gence Division, Fort Custer, Michigan 

Secretary for Transportation and Special Services 
Daniel H. Clare, Jr., Department of State 
Assistant Secretary for Transportation and Special 
Albert Fletcher, Department of State 

Finance and Disbursing Officer 

William J. Heneghan, Division of Budget and Finance, 
Department of State 
Personnel Relatioins Officer 

Virginia Brittingham, Division of Departmental Per- 
sonnel, Department of State 
Editor of the Journal 

Frances Armbruster, Division of Research and Pub- 
lication, Department of State 

Ruth K. Wailes, Division of International Conferences, 
Department of State 


Appointment of Officers 

Louis Silverfield as agent of the DejJartment of 
State for the purpose of taking applications for 
passports and administering oaths in connection 
therewith in the area of San Francisco, California, 
effective October 19, 1944. 

Louis G. Owens as agent of the Department of 
State for the purpose of taking applications for 
passports and administering oaths in connection 
therewith at the Department of State, effective 
October 26, 1944. 

George V. Allen as Executive Officer of the Office 
of Near Eastern and African Affairs in concur- 
rence with his duties as Chief of the Division of 
Middle Eastern Affairs, effective October 16, 1944. 


Department of State 

Purchase of Dominican Food Surpluses : Agreement be- 
tween the United States of America and the Dominican 
Republic approving memorandum of understanding dated 
November 1, 1943 — Effected by exchange of notes signed 
at Ciudad Trujillo December 17, 1943 and February 11, 
1944. Executive Agreement Series 404. Publication 2188. 
21 pp. 10«i. 

Military Service: Agreement between the United States 
of America and Colombia and related note of February 
12, 1944 — Effected by exchange of notes signed at Wash- 
ington January 27, 1944 ; effective January 27, 1944. Ex- 
ecutive Agreement Series 407. Publication 2195. 7 pp. 5^. 

Regulations for the International Radioelectric Service 
of Air Navigation, May 1938. [Reproduction of Volume 
I (General Regulations) Published by International Com- 
mission for Air Navigation.] Publication 2200. 31 pp. 




Protocol Prolonging International 
Sugar Agreement 

Tlie American Embassy at London transmitted 
to the Department, with a despatch of October 14, 
1944, certified copies of a protocol, dated at London 
on August 31, 1944, to prolong for one year after 
August 31, 1944 the International Agreement Re- 
garding the Regulation of Production and Market- 
ing of Sugar, signed at London on May G, 1937,' 
as enforced and prolonged by a protocol dated at 
London on July 22, 1942.= The protocol of Au- 
gust 31, 1944 was signed on behalf of the United 
States of America (with a reservation "Subject to 
ratification"), the Commonwealth of the Philip- 
pines, Australia, Belgium, Brazil, Cuba, Czecho- 
slovakia, Dominican Republic, Haiti, Netherlands, 
Peru, Poland, Portugal, the Union of South Africa, 
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and the 
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern 

Rubber Agreement With Venezuela 

The American Embassy at Caracas transmitted 
to the Department, with a despatch of September 
28, 1944, the text of an agreement eifected by an 
exchange of notes dated September 27, 1944 be- 
tween the Government of the United States and 
the Govermiient of Venezuela, amending the 
rubber agreement between the United States and 
Venezuela signed October 13, 1942.' 

' Trenwith, Treaties, Conventions, International Acts, 
Protocols, and Aorcements Between the United States of 
America and Other Powers, 1923-1937, vol. IV, p. 5599; 
Treaty Information Bulletin 92, May 1937, p. 19. 

' Bulletin of Aug. 1, 1942, p. 678. 

' Bulletin of Oct. 17, 1942, p. 838. 

Monetary Agreement, United Kingdom 
and Belgium 

The Ajnerican Embassy at London transmitted 
to the Department, with a despatch of October 10, 
1944, the text of a monetary agreement between 
the Government of the United Kingdom of Great 
Britain and Northern Ireland and the Govern- 
ment of Belgium, signed at London on October 
5, 1944 (Belgium No. 1 (1944), Cmd. 6557). 

Article 8 provides in part as follows: 

"If during the currency of this Agreement the 
Contracting Governments adhere to a general in- 
ternational monetary agreement, they will review 
the terms of the jjresent Agreement with a view to 
making any amendments that may be required." 

Article 12 provides that the agreement shall 
come into force on the day of its signature and 
that it may be terminated by notice of either con- 
tracting government to the other, the agreement 
ceasing to have effect three months after the date 
of such notice. The agreement "shall terminate 
three years after the date of its coming into force, 
unless the Contracting Governments agree other- 

The agreement of October 5, 1944 abrogates the 
Anglo-Belgian financial agreements of June 7, 
1940 and of January 21, 1941. 

Commercial "Modus Vivendi'", 
Venezuela and Spain 

The American Embassy at Caracas transmitted 
to tlie Department, with a despatch of October 3, 
1944, a copj' of an exchange of notes signed at 
Caracas on September 18, 1944 effecting a further 
renewal for one year from September 18, 1944 of 
the commercial modus vii'oull between Venezuela 
and Spain concluded on September 17, 1942. The 
notes of September 18, 1944 are published in the 
Venezuelan Gaceta Ofcial No. 21,514 of Septem- 
ber 19, 1944. 









VOL. XI, NO. 280 

NOVEMBER 5, 1944 

In this issue 


Message of President Roosevelt and Addresses by Assistant Secretary Berle 

INTERNATIONAL FINANCE: Article by John Parke Young ft ft 

EDUCATION. Article by Leon W. Fuller ft ft ft ft ft 

VV«^NT o^ 

■^tes °* 

DEC 4 1944 



Vol. XI . No. 280 

Pdblication 2210 

November 5, 1944 

The Department of State BULLE- 
TIN, a weekly publication compiled and 
edited in the Division of Research and 
Publication, Office of Public Informa- 
tion, provides the public and inter- 
ested agencies of the Government tcith 
information on developments in the 
field of foreign relations and on the 
work of the Department of State and 
the Foreign Service. The BVLLETIIS 
includes press releases on foreign policy 
issued by the White House and the De- 
partment, and statements and addresses 
made by the President and by the Sec- 
retary of State and other officers of the 
Department, as well as special articles 
on various phases of international af- 
fairs and the functions of the Depart- 
ment. Information concerning treaties 
and international agreements to which 
the United States is or may become a 
party and treaties of general inter- 
national interest is included. 

Publications of the Department, 
cumulative lists of which are published 
at the end of each quarter, as well as 
legislative material in the field of inter- 
national relations, are listed currently. 

The BULLETIN, published with the 
approval of the Director of the Bureau 
of the Budget, is for sale by the Super- 
intendent of Documents, United States 
Government Printing Office, Washing- 
ton 25, D. C, to whom all purchase 
orders, with accompanying remittance, 
should be sent. The subscription price 
is $2.75 a year; a single copy is 10 


American Republics Fage 
Meeting of the Governing Board of the Pan American Union: 

Remarks by the Acting Secretary of State 550 

Anniversary of the Independence of Panama 561 


Invitation to the President and the Secretary of State To 

Vi.sit France 536 

Education in Germany Under the National Socialist Regime: 
Higher Learning and Extracurricular Education. 
Article by JLeon W. Fuller 551 

Far East 

Birthday of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek 561 

Economic Affairs 

American Delegates to the International Wheat Council . . 536 

Economic Mission to Liberia 536 

Economic Aid to Italy: Exchange of Letters Between the 

Mazzini Society and the Department of State . . . 537 
Conference at Bretton Woods Prepares Plans for Interna- 
tional Finance: Article by John Parke Young . . . 539 

Post-War Matters 

International Civil Aviation Conference — • 

First Plenary Session: 1 

President Roosevelt's Message to the Delegates . . . 529 1 

Address by Assistant Secretary Berle 530 i 

Second Plenary Session: Address by Assistant Secretary 

Berle 530 


The Department I 

Appointment of Officers 562 | 

The Foreign Service 1 

Retirement of Homer M. Byington: Remarks by the Act- i 

ing Secretary of State 560 ' 

Diplomatic and Consular Offices 561 I 


Treaty Information * 
Commercial Modus Vivendi, Venezuela and Brazil .... 562 | 
Customs Union, Belgium, Luxembourg, and the Nether- 
lands 562 

Publications 156 

International Civil Aviation Conference 

First Plenary Session 
PRESIDENT Roosevelt's message to the delegates' 

On behalf of the United States, I offer a hearty 
welcome to the delegations of the 51 nations rep- 
resented at this International Conference on Civil 
Aviation. You were called to undertake a task 
of the highest importance. I am very sure that 
you will succeed. 

The progress of the armies, navies, and air 
forces of the United Nations has already opened 
great areas to peaceful intei-course which had been 
closed for more than four black years. We can 
soberly hope that all Europe will be reclaimed for 
civilization before many months have passed. 

Steadily the great areas of the Pacific are like- 
wise being freed from Japanese occupation. In 
due time, the Continent of Asia will be opened 
again to the friendly intercourse of the world. 

The rebuilding of peace means reopening the 
lines of communication and peaceful relationship. 
Air transport will be the first available means by 
which we can start to heal the wounds of war and 
put the world once more on a peacetime basis. 

You will recall that after the first World War a 
conference was held and a convention adopted de- 
signed to open Europe to air traffic; but under the 
arrangements then made years of discussion were 
needed before air routes could actually be flown. 
At that time, however, air commerce was in its in- 
fancy. Now it has reached maturity and is a 
pressing necessity. 

I do not believe that the world of today can 
afford to wait several years for its air communi- 
cations. There is no reason why it should. 

Increasingly, the airplanes will be in existence. 
When either the German or the Japanese enemy is 
defeated, transport planes should be available for 
release from military work in numbers sufficient 
to make a beginning. Wlien both enemies have 
been defeated, they should be available in quantity. 

Every country has airports and trained pilots; and 
practically every country knows how to organize 

It would be a reflection on the common sense of 
nations if they were not able to make arrangements, 
at least on a provisional basis, making possible the 
opening of the much-needed air routes. I hope, 
when your Conference adjourns, that these ar- 
rangements will have been made. Then, all that 
will be needed will be to start using the air as a 
great, peaceful medium, instead of a battle area. 

You are fortunate in having before you one of 
the great lessons of history. Some centuries ago, 
an attempt was made to build great empires based 
on domination of great sea areas. The lords of 
these areas tried to close these seas to some and to 
offer access to others, and thereby to enrich them- 
selves and extend their power. This led directly 
to a number of wars both in the Eastern and the 
Western Hemispheres. We do not need to make 
that mistake again. I hope you will not dally with 
the thought of creating great blocs of closed air, 
thereby tracing in the sky the conditions of pos- 
sible future wars. I know you will see to it that 
the air which God gave to everyone shall not be- 
come the means of domination over anyone. 

As we begin to write a new chapter in the funda- 
mental law of the air, let us all remember that we 
are engaged in a great attempt to build enduring 
institutions of peace. These peace settlements 
cannot be endangered by petty considerations, or 
weakened by groundless fears. Kather, with full 
recognition of the sovereignty and juridical equal- 
ity of all nations, let us work together so that the 
air may be used by humanity, to serve humanity. 

' Read b.v Assistant Secretary Berle to the delegates at 
Chicago on Nov. 1, 1944. 





[Released to the press by the Conference November 1] 

The International Conference on Civil Aviation 
is declared open. 

In the name of the United States, let me extend 
a cordial welcome to the delegations from the 51 
countries who are assembled here today. 

We are met in a high resolve that ways and 
means may be found, and rules may be evolved, 
which shall permit the healing processes of peace 
to begin their work as rapidly as the interruptions 
resulting from aggressive war can be cleared away. 

Few of our countries have escaped grief and 
agony, and many are sore with honorable wounds 
in a common struggle. All of us know that the 
pain can be alleviated and tlie wounds healed only 
by common action in reestablishing peaceful life. 

There are many tasks which our countries have 
to do together. In none have they a clearer and 
plainer common interest than in the work of mak- 
ing the air serviceable to mankind. God gave the 
air to everyone; every nation in the world has 
access to it. To each nation th^re is now available 
a means of friendly intercourse with all the world, 
provided a working basis for that intercourse can 
be found and maintained. 

It is our task to find this working basis and 
thereby to open the highways of friendship, of 
commerce, and of thought. 

The United States counts it a high privilege to 
be host to a conference called for that purpose. 

The world has learned to take seriously the scien- 
tific develoiiments which enlarge the scope of na- 
tional and international life. The lesson has been 
long in the learning. At the close of the Napo- 
leonic wars, there was convened the Congress of 
Vienna, famous in diplomatic history. But while 
it met, men then obscure were working in shops to 
develop the use of steam. Today, more than a 
century later, who will say that Watt in Scotland, 
Trevithick in England, Woolf in Cornwall, Fulton 
in the United States, Cugnot in France, and their 
later followers, did not do more to change the face 
of the world with their steamships and railroads 
than did all the diplomats and ministers at Vienna 
in 1815? 

Even as late as 1919 it was the opinion of the 
jDowers assembled at Paris — the United States 
among them — that aerial navigation was not a sub- 
ject pertaining to the peace conference. 

This time we shall not make that mistake. 

The air has been used as an instrument of ag- 
gression. It is now being made a highway of lib- 
eration. It is our opportunity to make it hereafter 
a servant of peojjles. 

In bidding you welcome, let our labors be lighted 
by vision, and made fruitful by insight. 

Second Plenary Session 


[Released to the press by the Conference November 2] 

On behalf of the American Delegation, I set 
forth the position of the Govermnent of the United 

The use of the air has this in common with the 
use of the sea : it is a highway given by nature to 
all men. It differs in this from the sea : that it is 
subject to the sovereignty of the nations over which 
it moves. Nations ought, therefore, to arrange 
among themselves for its use in that manner which 

' Delivered at Chicago on Nov. 1, 1&44. Mr. Berle is 
ch.Tirman of the American Delegation and temporary 
president of tlie Confeience. 

= Delivered Nov. 2, 1944. 

will be of the greatest benefit to all humanity, 
wherever situated. 

The United States believes in and asserts the 
rule that each country has a right to maintain 
sovereignty of the air which is over its lands and 
its territorial waters. There can be no question of 
alienating or qualifying this sovereignty. 

Consistent with sovereignty, nations ought to 
subscribe to those rules of friendly intercourse 
which shall operate between friendly states in time 
of peace to the end that air navigation shall be 
encouraged, and that communication and com- 
merce may be fostered between all peaceful states. 

It is the position of the United States that this 
obligation lests upon nations because nations have 
a natural right to communicate and trade with each 

NOVEMBER 5, 1944 


otlier in times of peace ; and friendly nations do not 
have a right to burden or prevent this intercourse 
b_v discriminatory measures. 

In this respect, there is a simihirity between in- 
tercourse by air and intercourse by sea; for, ab is 
well known, intercourse by sea between friendly 
nations in times of peace often requires the passage 
of ships tlirough the waters of other countries so 
that voyages may be directly and safely made. 

At sea, the custom of friendly permission for 
such transit has, after centuries, ripened into the 
right of innocent passage, but its beginning was in 
the customary permissions granted by friendly na- 
tions to each other. 

It is the view of my Government that, in the 
matter of passage through the air, we are in a 
stage in which there should be developed estab- 
lished and settled customs of friendly permission 
as between fi'iendly nations. Indeed, failure to 
establish such customs would burden many coun- 
tries and would actually jeopardize the situation 
of most of the smaller nations of the world, espe- 
cially those without seacoasts. For, if the custom 
of friends did not permit friendly communication 
and commerce and intercourse through the air, 
these countries could at any time, or at all times, 
be subjected, even in peace, to an air blockade. 

Clearly this privilege of friendly passage ac- 
corded by nations can only be availed of or ex- 
pected by nations which themselves are prepared 
to accord like privileges and permissions. 

It is, therefore, the view of the United States 
that, without prejudice to full rights of sover- 
eignty, we should work upon the basis of the ex- 
change of needed privileges and permissions which 
friendly nations have a right to expect from each 


No greater tragedy could befall the world than 
to repeat in the air the grim and bloody history 
which tormented the world some centuries ago 
when the denial of equal oi:)portunity for inter- 
course made the sea a battleground instead of a. 

You will recall that for a time nations forgot 
the famous Koman observation that the law was 
lord of the sea, and endeavored to establish great 
closed zones, from which they attempted to ex- 
clude all intercourse except through their own 
ships, or to place any other nation permitted to 
enter these zones at a discriminatory disadvantage. 
At various times there were included in these zones 

a great part of the north Atlantic and the North 
Sea; the waters lying between North and South 
America which today we call the Caribbean and 
the Gulf of Mexico, together with much of the 
middle Atlantic; the Mediterranean; and great 
parts of the western Pacific and the waters sur- 
rounding the East Indies. These zones became fer- 
tile breeding grounds for commercial monopolies, 
which sought to levy tribute on the commerce of 
the world or to exclude or discriminate against 
the trade of other nations. Political complications 
followed which set neighbor against neighbor and 
friend against friend. War after war resulted 
from the attempts of bold pioneers, supported by 
extreme nationalist policy, to claim and exercise 
these special privileges. One result of one such 
controversy was the emergence of a young Dutch 
lawyer, by name Hugo Grotius, who, in a contro- 
versy over a Dutch ship, undertook to argue the 
case for the right of friendly intercourse, in a 
book addressed to the free and independent 
peoples of Christendom, and thereby began the 
long march of history toward the law of freedom 
of the sea in time of peace. 

It is true that there are differences between 
closed zones upon the sea and closed zones in the 
air, arising from sovereign rights of nations af- 
fecting the air above them which they do not have 
in the open sea. Yet the dangers from closed air, 
where it lies across established or logical routes 
of commerce, are not dissimilar from the dangers 
which arose through the closing of the sea lanes. 
Indeed the base from which Grotius argued was 
not different from the base of our contention to- 
day, namely, that friendly nations in time of peace 
have the right to have intercourse each with the 
other, and, in friendliness, should make this inter- 
course possible to others. 

Perhaps no greater misfortune could befall the 
world than to set up a scheme of things by which 
new, shadowy barriers are traced in the air, mark- 
ing out for the future huge invisible frontiers, cer- 
tain to become high future battlelines. 

The United States accordingly will propose that 
there shall be an exchange of the needed privileges 
of intercourse between friendly nations, and that, 
in such exchanges, no exclusion or discrimination 
shall exist. 


The privilege of communication by air with 
friendly countries, in the view of this Government, 


is not a right to wander at will throughout the 
world. In this respect traffic by air differs mate- 
rially from traffic by sea, where commerce need 
have no direct connection with the country from 
which the ship may come. In air commerce, there 
appears at present to be little place for tramp trade. 
In point of fact, the great air routes are not as 
yet sources of profit to the carriers, or indeed to 
nations fostering them, but rather have been de- 
veloped at large expense by subsidies and other 
assistance. It would seem neither equitable nor 
just that routes so developed should be claimed 
by other countries not for the purpose of main- 
taining their own communications but merely for 
the purpose of speculating in the possible profits 
of a commerce worked up by others among them- 
selves. In this respect the air routes of the world 
are more like railroad lines than like free ship- 
ping; and, indeed, the right of air intercourse is 
primarily a right to connect the country in which 
the line starts with other countries, from which, to 
which, or through which there flows a normal 
stream of traffic to and from the country which es- 
tablishes the line. 

These problems may well be left for later con- 
ferences. It is probably best not to try to see too 
far into the unknowable future. The business we 
have in hand now is the business of establishing 
the means by which communications can be estab- 
lished between each country and another, by rea- 
sonably direct economic routes, with reasonably 
convenient landing points connecting the chief 
basins of traffic. So far as this country is con- 
cei-ned, the United States has made public the 
routes which it will endeavor to obtain by the 
friendly exchange of permissions of transit and 
landing between it and the countries concerned. 
It is prepared to discuss like permissions with 
other countries seeking intercourse with the 
United States, and it hopes that similar agree- 
ments may be worked out between the other coun- 
tries here present to take care of their own needs 
for comraimication. 

In respect of establisliment of routes which do 
not affect the United States, this Government dis- 
claims any desire to intervene ; and it does not be- 
lieve that countries not interested in the routes 
sought by the United States will wish to intervene. 

Rather, by common counsel, we should work out 
the general form of the friendly permissions here 


to be exchanged on a provisional basis and then 
avail ourselves of the opportunity here presented 
to bring together all the countries interested in any 
route which may be proposed at this time for the 
purpose of reaching, now, the relevant arrange- 

As the United States conceives it, this will be 
the work of the Committee on Provisional Eoutes. 
If its work is well done, I hope that we shall be able 
at the close of the Conference to report a great 
number of agreements between the interested coun- 
tries, which, taken together, shall thus establish a 
provisional-route pattern capable of serving the 
immediate needs of the world and ready to be put 
in effect where and when the military interruptions 
of war shall have ceased. 

Thus handled, no existing route or rights will 
be prejudiced or need come into discussion. The 
desire of any nation to obtain routes in the future, 
which it may not presently be able to use, will not 
be foreclosed. The pressing necessities of the situ- 
ation will be taken care of, and the customs and 
practices will have ample room in which to grow 
as experience makes us wiser. 


There is, in the view of the United States, a basis 
for attempting now, in addition to the route agree- 
ments proposed, an air-navigation agreement 
which shall modernize and make effective the rules 
of aerial navigation. 

This task was attempted in Paris in 1910 with- 
out success, was carried forward with more suc- 
cess by the drafting of the Paris Convention of 
1919.' Another effort was made in the Habana 
Convention of 1928,^ and there were other agree- 
ments, among which must be cited the Warsaw 

Yet the fierce developments compelled by five 
years of war have vastly changed and advanced 
the art of aviation, and at the same time have 
vastly increased the division between military avi- 
ation and civil air transjjort. According to ex- 
perts, it is not possible to convert a peaceful trans- 
port plane into an effective instrument of war de- 
spite wide-spread popular misconception to the 
contrarj'; and it is very nearly impossible to con- 
vert a warplane into an economically available in- 
strument of commerce. Twenty-five years of ex- 

' Department of State publication 2143. 
'Treaty Series 840. 

NOVEMBER 5, 1944 


perience since the Paris Convention have taught us 
many things about the needs of travel and com- 
nierce by air. It is the hope that we shall here be 
able to agree upon a draft of an air-navigation 

The customs affecting friendly intercourse in 
the air between nations, giving effect to the natu- 
ral right of communication, have been far devel- 
oped. So far as possible, it is hoped that they 
can be embodied in a document which will set out 
in these respects the fundamental law of the air. 

"Should this prove impossible, the Government 
of the United States believes that in any case we 
shall be able to agree upon a number of guiding 
principles which may serve, at least in part, as 
terms of reference and instructions for an interim 
drafting committee which can complete the work, 
should we be unable to finish it here, and submit 
the result for ratification by all nations. 

This task is a challenge to a noble piece of work. 
To the extent that intercourse by air can be 
brought within accepted rules of orderly develop- 
ment, we shall have removed great areas of con- 
troversy from future generations. If we are suc- 
cessful, we shall have rendered a real service to 


Intimately connected with the problem of 
routes and that of rules of the air is the problem 
of international organization, designed to make 
more effective that friendly cooperation which is 
essential if airplanes are not to be locked within 
their national borders. 

The preparatory conversations for this Confer- 
ence have revealed two schools of thought on this 
subject, both of which are entitled to be examined 
witli respect. 

All agree that an effective form of world organ- 
ization for air purposes is necessary. Tliis does 
not exclude regional organizations having pri- 
mary interest in the problems of their particular 
areas; but no regional organization or group of 
regional organizations can effectively deal with 
the new problems resulting from interoceanic and 
intercontinental flying. This development, ten- 
tatively begun before the outbreak of the present 
World War, has now achieved a vast develop- 
ment, so that planes span oceans and continents 
on regular schedule with less difficulty than was 
involved in crossing the English Channel a few 
years ago. 

The problems resulting from this development 
fall roughly into two great categories : The com- 
mercial and economic problems occasioned by 
competition between different transit lines and 
streams of commerce, private or governmental; 
and the technical problems involved in establish- 
ing a system of air routes so handled and so stand- 
ardized that planes may safely fly from any point 
in the world to any other point in the world under 
reasonably uniform standards of pi'actice and 
regulation. Of this last, a separate word will be 
said later. 

But while there is general agreement on the 
need of organization, there is difference as to the 
extent of powers to be accorded a world authority 
or commission such as has been forecast. 

It is generally agreed that, in the purely tech- 
nical field, a considerable measure of power can 
be exercised by, and indeed must be granted to, a 
world body. In these matters, there are few in- 
ternational controversies which are not susceptible 
of ready solution through the counsel of experts. 
For example, it is essential that the signal ar- 
rangements and landing practice at the Chicago 
airport for an intercontinental plane shall be so 
similar to the landing practice at Croydon or Le- 
Bourget or Prague or Cairo or Chungking that 
a plane arriving at any of these points, whatever 
its country of origin, will be able to recognize 
established and uniform signals and to proceed 
securely according to settled practice. 

A number of other technical fields can thus be 
covered, and, happily, here we are in a field in 
which science and technical practice provide com- 
mon ground for everyone. 

Some brave spirits have proposed that like 
powers be granted to an international body in the 
economic and commercial fields as well. One 
cannot but respect the boldness of this conception 
and the brilliance and sincerity with which it has 
been urged. But — and this, to the Government 
of the United States, is tlie cardinal difficulty — 
there has not as yet been seriously projDosed, let 
alone generally accepted, any set of rules or prin- 
ciples of law by which these powers would be 
guided. Thus it is proposed that an international 
body should allocate routes and divide traffic, 
but a great silence prevails when it is asked on 
what basis shall routes be allocated or traffic di- 
vided, or even, what is "equitable" in these mat- 
ters. Shall an international body be authorized 



The press release of October 30 listing 
the members of the Secretariat for the In- 
ternational Civil Aviation Conference at 
Chicago was printed in the Bulletin of 
October 29, 1944, page 499. 

to say, "We do not like Lusitania at present; 
therefore we deny her carriers routes; we favor 
for the moment the aspirations of Shangri-la; 
therefore we give her license to fly" ? Shall it be 
empowered to say, "We wish to preserve a Scy- 
thian route from competition, and accordingly 
divide traffic so that Numidia shall have little or 
none"? Shall the first flying line in the field be 
protected against newcomers, or shall there be a 
policy of fostering newcomers to the end that 
aviation may be encouraged ? Shall the members 
of such a board represent their national interest, 
or shall they be denationalized, vmcontrolled arbi- 
ters? On the political side, can any nation dele- 
gate at this time, in the absence of such estab- 
lished law, the power to any international group 
to say, "You are entitled to access to the air; but 
we deny it to your neighbor" ? Tender these cir- 
cumstances, imprecise formulae mean in reality 
arbitrary power, or petty deals to exclude com- 
petitors where one can and to divide traffic and 
profits where one must. 

For this reason, the opposite school of thought, 
which is shared by the United States, believes 
that international organization at tliis time in eco- 
nomic and political fields must be primarily con- 
sultative, fact-gathering, and fact-finding, with 
power to bring together the interested states when 
friction develops; with power to suggest to the 
countries possible measures as problems existing 
and unforeseen come up; and designed to set up 
a system of periodic conferences which may lay 
out and agree upon and continuously develop the 
necessary rules as experience and prudence shall 
indicate their possibility and gathering custom 
shall make them feasible. 

After a reasonable period of experience, and 
the development of ever-growing areas of agree- 
ment through processes of consultation and mu- 
tual agreement, we may then reexamine the pos- 
sibilities of entrusting such an organization with 
such added powers as experience may have shown 
wise, and as prudence and well-being may dictate. 

No one in the English-speaking world is un- 
familiar with the real and poignant hopes which 
lie behind the position of our friends from New 
Zealand and from Canada, who have been most 
active in propounding the doctrine of an organi- 
zation with power as a solution. Most of us are 
familiar with the hopes expressed by the great, 
imaginative English writer. Mr. H. G. Wells, that 
an aerial-transport board might come to regulate 
the airways of the world untrammelled by these 
blundering things called government, and thereby 
minimize the danger of struggles like that through 
which we are now passing. All of us have read 
the brief, disguised as a piece of brilliant fiction, 
by Mr. Kudyard Kipling called With the Night 
Mail in which, under cover of a description of an 
airship crossing the Atlantic in a heavy storm, 
he developed his theory of an aerial-transport 
authority, regidating the affairs of the world. 
Many of us are not too old to remember that it 
was Alfred Lord Tennyson who connected the 
hope of a lasting world federation for peace with 
the coming of air commerce, in passionate lines 
showing the wonders of the world yet to come 
which he never saw but part of which have proved 
marvelously and terribly true : 

Saw the heavens (511 with commerce, argosies of magic 

Pilots of the purple twilight, dropping down with 
costly bales; 

Heard the heavens fill with shouting, and there rain'd 
a ghastly dew 

From the nations' airy navies grappling in the cen- 
tral blue. . . . 

Till the war drum throbbed no longer and the battle 
flags were furled 

In the Parliament of Man, the Federation of the 

I would not willingly close any door to the ulti- 
mate realization of that splendid dream, and I be- 
lieve that, painfully and point by point, we are 
peihaps beginning to approach an era in which 
it may be realized. But it would be neither states- 
manship nor practical to pretend that that situa- 
tion has presently arrived. It would be un- 
worthy not to go as far, at present, as we can. 
But the process must be one of evolution, for 
world peace must be world law and not world 
dictatorship. You solve no problem of peace 
merely by delegation of naked power. 

For that reason, the United States will support 
an international organization in the realm of air 
commerce jiaving power in technical matters and 

NOVEMBER 5, 1944 


havmg consultative functions in economic matters 
and the political questions which may be directly 
connected with them under a plan by which con- 
f inuiii"; and collected experience, widening custom, 
and the growing maturity of its counsel may es- 
tablish such added base as circumstances may 
warrant for the future consideration of enlarging 
the functions of the consultative group. 


Certain s])ecific matters remain to be dealt with. 
It is the view of the United States that each coun- 
try should, so far as possible, come to control and 
direct its own internal air lines. In the long view, 
no country will wish to have its essential internal 
air communications under the domination of any 
save their own nationals. This, of course, does not 
exclude arrangements by which assistance can be 
obtained from other countries in the form of capi- 
tal, or technical assistance, but suggests recogni- 
tion of the principle that the people of each coun- 
try must have the dominant voice in their own 
transport systems. If air transport is not to be- 
come an instrument of attempted domination, 
recognition of this principle seems to be essential. 

For this reason, this country reserves, and be- 
lieves that every country will insist on the right to 
reserve to itself, the internal traffic known as 
cabotage, so that, if it chooses, traffic between 
points within its borders may be carried by its own 
national lines. Clearly, the right of reserved 
cabotage can be exercised by one counti'y only, for 
if a number of countries were to combine to pool 
their cabotage as between each other, the result 
would be merely to exclude nations not parties to 
the pool ; and it is the firm conviction of this Gov- 
ernment that discriminatory or exclusive agree- 
ments are raw material for future conflict. 

Partly as a result of the turn which has been 
taken by war production, the United States has, at 
the moment, substantially the only supply of trans- 
jiort planes and of immediate productive facilities 
to manufacture the newer types of such planes. 

The Government of the United States does not 
consider that this situation is permanent — or, in- 
deed, that it should be permanent. It knows very 
well that other countries are quite as capable of 
manufacturing planes as we are; that their engi- 
neers are as good, and their science as far-reaching. 
Far from using tliis temporary position of monop- 
oly as a means of securing permanent advantage, 
we feel that it is against our national interest and, 

616728—44 — —2 

we think, against the interests of the world to try 
to use this as a means of preventing others from 

Consequently, this Government is prepared to 
make available, on non-discriminatory terms, civil 
air-transport planes, when they can be released 
from military work, to those countries which rec- 
ognize, as do we, the right of friendly intercourse 
and grant permission for friendly intercourse to 

This means that no country desiring to enter the 
air is barred from the air because it may have suf- 
fered under the hea\'y hand of enemy invasion or 
because we may have played a leading part in the 
task of manufacturing and developing long-range 
commercial planes. 

A by-product of war has been the development 
of a great range of aids to navigation and flying 
which should vastly increase the safety and speed 
and comfort of aii- connnerce. We are prepared 
to encourage the exchange of technical information 
between ourselves and other countries, to the end 
that the best of the art of aviation may become a 
part of the general fund of the world's resources. 

There has been fear, a fear widely spread in this 
country, that devices such as subsidies would be 
used by us or by other nations so that the rates and 
charges in air commerce might reach such levels 
as would be designed to drive other planes out of 
the air. We have no such intent ourselves, and we 
would ojipose any such policy if practiced by others. 
No country can expect at present to have wide-flung 
aviation lines without subsidies, as matters now 
stand ; but while a subsidy is legitimate and usef id 
to keep needed planes in the air, it is cei'tainly 
noxious if designed to knock the planes of others 
out of the air. For this reason, the United States 
is prepared to discuss ways and means by which 
minimum rates can be agreed upon and by which 
the subsidies which are involved in all transport 
trade shall be used for the purpose of legitimate air 
communication but not for the purpose of assisting 
rate wars or uneconomic competition. 

In this way, we believe there can be achieved a 
rule of equal opportunity from which no nation at 
this table shall be excluded. 


All of us here assembled are in some sense ti'ustees 
of the present, and what we do will also influence 
the future in ways which we can hardly calculate. 
Science has vouchsafed us a great tool of interna- 
tional relationships, and custom is beginning to 



teach us its use. But science leaves human values 
to men; and this tool may serve or injure, unite or 
divide, kill or save, as men use it. If we are able, 
now and later, to bring the experience and the 
knowledge gained in the laboratory, on the battle- 
field, and in peaceful flying within the range of 
sound and effective rules and of gracious practices, 
excluding none and conceived on a basis of world- 
wide equality of opportunity, we may open a new 
and statelier chapter in the history of the conquest 
of the air. 

Oppressing none, considering all, establishing 
law where we can, and taking common counsel 
where the law has yet to emerge through custom 
and experience, liberating the wings whose line 
goes out to the ends of the earth, we shall succeed 
if our decisions are informed by that honor and 
vision and common kindness which, now and al- 
ways, are the great content of wisdom. 

American Delegates to Interna- 
tional Wheat Council 

[Released to the press November 1] 

The President has now approved the designa- 
tion of the following persons as American dele- 
gates to the International Wlieat Council : ' 

Carl C. Farrington, Vice President of the Com- 
modity Credit Corporation, Department of 

Edward G. Cale, Assistant Chief of tlie Com- 
modities Division, Department of State 

Mr. Farrington is an additional delegate to the 
Council and Mr. Cale has been designated in place 
of Robert M. Carr, who at the time of his appoint- 
ment was Assistant Chief of the Division of Com- 
mercial Policy and Agreements, Department of 
State, and who now has a new assignment in the 
Office of Economic Affairs, Department of State. 

Invitation to the President 
And the Secretary of State 
To Visit France 

[Released to the press November 5] 

The following note, dated November 4, was sent 
to the Secretary of State by the Minister Pleni- 

' BULLEIIN of July 4, 1942, p. 582, and Aug. 1, 1942, p. 670. 

potentiary. Delegate of the Provisional Govern- 
ment of the French Republic to the United States. 
A translation follows: 

Mr. Secretary of State: 

I have been requested by Mr. George Bidault, 
Minister of Foreign Affairs, to inform Your Ex- 
cellency that the Provisional Government of the 
French Republic, as an expression of the appre- 
ciation of the entire French Nation for the out- 
standing contribution which the people and 
armies of the United States have made to the liber- 
ation of the capital of France and of the greater 
part of her territory, would be happy to receive 
President Roosevelt in liberated Paris. 

The Provisional Government would be par- 
ticularly hap])y should Your Excellency accom- 
pany tlie President on this visit. 

I should be grateful if j'ou would deliver this 
invitation to the President of the United States. 

I hold myself at your complete disposal for the 
purpose of transmitting to my Government Presi- 
dent Roosevelt's reply and of informing it, in the 
event that tliis reply, as the French Government 
hopes, is favorable, the time at which this visit 
might take place. 

Please accept [etc.] Henri Hoppenot 

Economic Mission to Liberia 

[Keleitsed to the press October 31] 

The Foreign Economic Administration at tlie 
suggestion of the Department of State and with 
the approval of the Liberian Government is send- 
ing an economic mission to Liberia. The mission, 
which will leave in the near future, will have the 
dual aim of increasing Liberia's production of 
such strategic materials as rubber and palm oils, 
wliich are vitally needed in the war effort, and 
developing other resources needed by the United 
Nations. An important part of the mission's 
work will be connected with the development of a 
seaport to be constructed by a private American 
contractor under the supervision of the Bui'eau 
of Yards and Docks of the United States Navy. 
Funds advanced by the Foreign Economic Ad- 
ministration for this purpose are to be repaid 
from commercial port income. The mission will 
be concerned with coordinating port activities 
with other plans for aiding Liberia in the devel- 
opment of its resources. 

Mr. Earl Parker Hanson, FEA special repre- 
sentative to Liberia, will head the mission. 

NOVEMBER 5, 1944 


Economic Aid to Italy 


[Released to the press November 4] 

October 30, 1944. 
Mv Dear ISIr. Secretary : 

Reports from Italy have given rise to some con- 
fusion and concern among Americans of Italian 
descent and to friends of Italian democracy with 
resp2ct to the present economic situation and the 
future outlook in that stricken land.^ 

We would appreciate it, therefore, if you would 
help to clarify a situation which holds for us a 
deep interest for the present and the future. We 
believe that such clarification would help the mo- 
rale of those of us who have ardently desired to 
see Italy fight and win for itself an honored place 
among the United Nations. 

Very respectfully yours, 


National Secretary 

November 3, 1944 
Mt Dear Mr. Gualtieri : 

In reply to your letter of October 30, 1914, re- 
questing information on the economic situation in 
Italy, I am happy to give you the following facts : 

The Government of the United States has been 
and continues to be very much interested in the 
plight of the Italian people, particularly in their 
economic wellbeing. The heritage of Western and 
Christian civilization, which has played such a 
fundamental role in the life of this country, is 
based largely on the contributions made by Greece 
and Italy. No .small part of the population of the 
United States is of Italian origin, making Ameri- 
can interest in conditions in Italy even more direct 
and real. Furthermore, Italy is the first European" 
country to be liberated by the Allies. Italy thus 
presented a challenge to the United Nations and 
called for such interest owing to the fact that eco- 
nomic conditions in the liberated parts of Italy 
were critical. 

It must be remembered that we went into Italy 
to defeat the enemy and to liberate that country 

' Bulletin of Oct. 15, ltW4, pp. 401, 403. 

from the control of the Fascists and the Germans. 
Our prime contribution, therefore, was military. 
As the Allies moved in, they found a country whose 
economy had progressively deteriorated under 
Fascist mismanagement, Nazi oppression, and as 
a result of military operations to drive the Nazis 
from Italy. Under FascLst control a large part of 
Italian resources and productive capacity had been 
devoted to preparing for and engaging in war 
rather than producing to meet the needs of the 
people of Italy. A country which has always been 
economically insufficient and dependent on large 
imports from abroad had thereby been put in a 
deplorable state. Nazi oppression and plundering 
made the situation worse. Bombing and other 
military operations to drive the Germans out 
caused further devastation and deterioration of 
Italy's economic, agricultural, and industrial sys- 

Such was the chaotic and critical situation which 
faced us and our Allies in Italy and which had to 
be met despite the fact that we were carrying on 
active wai'fare against the enemy in the Mediter- 
ranean, in Northwest Europe and in the Far East 
and these military efforts were straining our re- 
sources severely in shipping, port facilities, critical 
supplies and manpower. Our accomplishments to 
date in remedying the conditions inherited from 
nearly a quarter of a century of Fascist misrule, 
Nazi oppression and the devastation of war have 
been substantial. The facts and figui-es relating 
to the accomplishments speak for themselves. 

In addition to our prime aim in ridding most of 
Italy of Fascist and German oppression we and 
our Allies have accomplished the following : 

1. We have supplied 1,107,000 tons of basic food- 
stuffs to the Italian civilian population and pro- 
vided another 1,193,000 tons of other civilian sup- 
plies making an aggregate material contribution 
to Italy's economic wellbeing of 2,300,000 tons. In 
order to insure the equitable distribution of these 
supplies and to make their use more effective, we 
have helped the Italians iron out the inequalities 



and render more efficient their rationing system 
and assisted them in every way possible in tlie col- 
lection and distribution of domestic supplies, par- 
ticularly the food crops of the current year. 

2. The United States has made available to the 
Italian Government the dollar proceeds of the pay 
of United States troops in Italy as well as the 
dollar proceeds of remittances from and through 
the United States, and of Italian exports to the 
United States in order to permit Italy to procure 
such supplies as the United States and British 
Ai'mies are not bringing in as part of their program 
of military operations. 

3. The United Nations Relief and Rehabilita- 
tion Administration is supplementing our direct 
efforts in the relief and rehabilitation of Italy. 
UNRRA has undertaken to make an allocation of 
$50,000,000 for supplemental relief within Italy. 
UNRRA plans, as part of this expenditure, to de- 
liver 15,000 tons of extra foods monthly, to care 
for approximately 1,700,000 children and ex- 
pectant or nursing mothers. In addition, pro- 
fessional personnel would assist Italian health au- 
thorities and UNRRA would supply about $8,000,- 
000 worth of supplemental medical supplies over 
a period of a year. This is over and above the aid 
being given by UNRRA to United Nations na- 
tionals who are refugees in Italy. 

4. We have restored postal services with the 
rest of the world for most parts of liberated Italy, 
arranged for the shipment of supplies by private 
relief organizations and for parcel post gift pack- 
ages, and have lifted the ban on commercial com- 
munications with Italy at a time when a major 
military campaign is still being waged on Italian 

5. We have encouraged the export of Italian 
products to this country and Great Britain, both 
in the hope of aiding the Allied etfoi-ts and of 
restoring Italy's place in international commerce. 

6. We have assisted and reorganized the ad- 
ministrative machinery of the nation and its 
provinces so as to facilitate the country's rehabili- 

7. We have repaired and reconstructed shat- 
tered vital lines of transport, including highways, 
bridges, railways, and the doclts and facilities of 
many ports. 

8. We have restored, repaired, and rebuilt es- 
sential public utilities — such as waterworks, elec- 
trical systems, gasworks and sewers — to the extent 

necessary for military usage and for essential 
civilian economy in many cities, including Rome, 
Naples, and the devastated areas of Sicily. 

9. We have assisted labor, after the abolition of 
Fascist syndicates, to set up its own organizations, 
and mediated and advised in settling all disputes. 
No major strikes have occurred and work stop- 
pages were prevented without the use of 

10. We have rehabilitated key industries, 
wrecked by bombing and German demolition, in 
order to process food stuffs, manufacture textiles, 
mine essential minerals and to jjrocess them, both 
for military and essential civilian use, thus pro- 
viding jobs as well. Planning for the rehabilita- 
tion of the following industries is well under waj' : 
soap, paper, textiles, tobacco and matches (im- 
portant for government revenue as a monopoly) 
and fertilizers. 

11. We supported banks after the crisis of liber- 
ation and permitted their rapid reopening on a 
sound basis, as indicated by the fact that deposits 
have increased. 

12. We set up price controls for 21 major neces- 
sities, and we ai'e curbing black market operations. 
This has been especially successful where it has 
been possible to increase rations. 

13. We have made a complete study of agricul- 
ture, forestry and fishing with a view to deter- 
mining precisely the supplies and finances needed 
for their restoration. 

14. We initiated a quick and complete census of 
the people and of industry in order to obtain a 
clear picture of the country's needs and potentiali- 
ties for rehabilitation and helped the Italian Gov- 
ernment to set up appropriate machinery for re- 
establishing their industrial and transportation 

The Government of the United States foresees 
that with the termination of military operations 
and with the reduction in the calls being made on 
our resources and facilities for the conduct of 
the war, the Italian Government and people will 
be affoi-ded even greater opportunities to rehabili- 
tate their basic national economy and to take their 
rightful place in the world's economy. 
Sincerely yours, 

For the Secretary of State : 

Dean Acheson 
Assistant Secretary of State 

NOVEMBER 5, 1944 


Conference at Bretton Woods Prepares 
Plans for International Finance 


The United Nations Monetary and Financial 
Conference which met at Bretton Woods, New 
Hampshire, from July 1 to July 22, 1944 pro- 
duced two major proposals: The International 
Monetary Fund and the International Bank for 
Reconstruction and Development. These two in- 
stitutions are parts of the general program being 
planned by the United States and other peace- 
loving nations to improve economic conditions 
generally throughout the world. 

At Dumbarton Oaks plans were made for gen- 
eral security and for an international organiza- 
tion with broad responsibilities. The Economic 
and Social Council proposed there would be a 
high coordinating body and would perform such 
functions as are assigned to it by the General 
Assembly. In addition, several specialized agen- 
cies whose responsibilities and authority would 
cover the major economic fields are planned. 
Plans for the Food and Agriculture organization 
were worked out at the conference at Hot Springs, 
Virginia. Measures are also being considered to 
bring about a general reduction of trade barriers 
and the abandonment of undesirable practices. 
The various measures and machinery that are be- 
ing planned at this time constitute a unified pro- 
gram and are to be considered as parts of a whole. 

In the field of finance, the agencies proposed are 
the International Monetary Fund and the Inter- 
national Bank for Reconstruction and Develop- 
ment. These two companion institutions are de- 
signed to provide a basis for the development of 
international financial transactions and thereby 
to facilitate expansion of trade and fuller utiliza- 
tion of the world's productive resources. They 
are pointed toward the goal of higher national in- 
comes and general security. 

The two plans represent the combined eiforts of 
44 nations and are the culmination of study and 
informal discussions spread over an extended pe- 
riod of time, among the technical experts of these 
governments. The main outlines and principles 

of the plans were thus generally agreed upon prior 
to the Conference, but a great deal of work 

From the near-range viewpoint the Conference 
was marked by an unusually large amount of hard 
and intensive work and by a determination of the 
nations represented to find common ground for 
agreement and to produce a plan. The delega- 
tions included men of the highest level of tech- 
nical competence. 

From the long-range viewpoint the Conference 
represents a significant step in international col- 
laboration. Technical experts from 44 nations 
have set forth what they consider to be rules of 
the game in the field of currency and exchange. 
With pre-war currency and trade disorders fresh 
in mind, the nations recognized that their eco- 
nomic interests were interlocked and that coopera- 
tion was essential; they recognized also that the 
machinery they were designing could, if properly 
designed, make a major contribution to the lasting 
health and prosperity of the world. 

The agreements worked out at the Conference 
do not commit any government. They are now 
before the governments of the United Nations for 
their considei'ation and action. The Fund agree- 
ment shall go into effect when approved by na- 
tions having 65 percent of the quotas; the Bank 
agreement shall go into effect when approved by 
members of the Fund whose minimum subscrip- 
tions to the Bank comprise 65 percent of the total 
subscriptions scheduled. 

Origin of Plans 
Wlien currency systems were restored after the 
last war there was little or no attempt at coordi- 
nation of measures to provide stability; no ma- 
chinery was set up to facilitate an orderly adjust- 
ment of exchange rates when fundamental condi- 

' Mr. Young, Adviser on International Financial In- 
stitutions, Division of Financial and Monetary Affairs, 
Olflce of Economic Affairs, Department of State, was a 
member of the Secretariat at the Bretton Woods 



tions necessitated such a revision. The disturb- 
ances of the 1930's, involving a resort to com- 
petitive currency depreciation, imposition of ex- 
change restrictions, import quotas, and other de- 
vices which all but stifled trade, made it clear that 
improved international financial arrangements 
were necessary. The currency and exchange diffi- 
culties of that period are generally regarded as 
contributing to a considerable extent to the out- 
break of the present war. 

As the war progressed, discussion of interna- 
tional financial objectives and procedures was stim- 
ulated. In the United States Dr. Harry Wliite 
of the Treasury Department prepared a plan for 
an international stabilization fund and an invest- 
ment bank which he presented confidentially early 
in 19i2 to a small group in Washington. 

Discussions had also been under way in Eng- 
land, and soon thereafter Lord Keynes offered a 
proposal for an "International Clearing Union". 
The British Government printed this proposal as 
a secret document without Lord Keynes' name. 
Copies were made available to United States Gov- 
ernment officials. These two proposals became 
known as the AVhite Plan and the Keynes Plan. 
They were actively discussed in government circles 
both in Washington and London beginning about 
the middle of 1942, and early in 1943 they were 
confidentially communicated to other United 

In April 1943 the two plans were made public. 
The American release to the press of a "Prelimi- 
nary Draft Outline of Proposal for a United and 
As.sociated Nations Stabilization Fund" and the 
British White Paper presenting "Proposals for an 
International Clearing Union" pointed out that 
each proposal was the work of government tech- 
nical experts and that it did not involve any official 
commitment. Although the original White Plan 
provided for the creation of an investment bank 
as well as a stabilization fund, the material made 
public in April 1943 did not include the proposal 
for a bank. Attention was concentrated on the 
stabilization fund. The British proposal referred 
to the need for other institutions, including a 
Board for International Investment, and men- 
tioned the services which the Clearing Union 
might perform for such a Board. 

In the spring of 1943 the President created a 
committee known as the Cabinet Committee, con- 
sisting of the heads of the Department of State, 

DeiJartment of Commerce, Foreign Economic Ad- 
ministration, and Board of Governors of the Fed- 
eral Reserve System, to work with the Secretary 
of the Treasury on the question. A technical 
commission composed of Government financial ex- 
perts under the chairmanship of Dr. Wliite was 
also established. 

When the American proposal was made public 
the Secretary of the Treasury sent copies to 37 
nations and invited them to send technical experts 
to Washington to make suggestions and to dis- 
cuss the jji'oposal. Accordingly, about the middle 
of 1943 discussions with experts from a large num- 
ber of countries were held informally in Wash- 
ington. Many valuable changes and additions 
developed from these discussions. Shortly after- 
ward the Canadian experts offered a plan which 
presented their views, and a little later China and 
France came forward with proposals. The sim- 
ilarities of the various viewpoints were much more 
marked than were the differences. Following 
these discussions between American and foreign 
technical experts a revision of the so-called AVliite 
Plan was published in July 1943.'" 

In the fall of 1943 British economic and finan- 
cial experts came to the United States to discuss 
various topics. The financial discussions dealt 
almost entirely with the currency-stabilization 
proposals and only to a small extent with plans 
for a bank. The British and American experts 
found themselves in substantial agreement on the 
major principles of stabilization, so that the pros- 
pects of designing a plan agreeable to both coun- 
tries appeared bright. The discussions continued 
by correspondence, and there was prepared a so- 
called joint statement of principles on which there 
was agreement. 

Meanwliile, in November 1943 the Treasury De- 
partment liad publibhed a draft of the bank pro- 
posal. Russian experts came to Washington early 
in 1944 and engaged in extended discussions with 
respect to both prof)osed institutions. These dis- 
cussions were undertaken with considerable inter- 
est in view of the differences between the Russian 
economic system and the systems prevailing in 
most other countries. It soon developed that 
agreement with Russia on both the Fund and the 
Bank was possible. 

Out of these various discussions there developed 
a document known as the Joint Statement of Ex- 

' Bulletin of Aug. 21, 1943, p. 112. 

NOVEMBER 5, 1944 


pcrts on the International Monetary Fund. This 
document represented the common area of agree- 
ment among the nations that had participated in 
the discussions. It was publislied on April 22, 
1944 simultaneously in Washington, London, 
Moscow, Chungking, Ottawa, Rio de Janeiro, 
Mexico City, and Habana, and in full or abbrevi- 
ated form in many other countries. It represented 
tlie views of the experts of approximately 30 coun- 
tries and constituted a basis for the development 
of the subsequent detailed plan. 

Time had not permitted preparation of a simi- 
lar statement with respect to the Bank. The dis- 
cussions had indicated a large measure of agree- 
ment on the Bank, but the plan was not so far ad- 
vanced as was that for the Monetary Fund. 

During this period tha Secretai'y of the Treasury 
kept the Congress informed regarding develop- 
ments and at various times made arrangements to 
appear before congressional committees. Prior to 
the publication of the Joint Statement he ex- 
plained the proposals in considerable detail to 
congressional committees; he indicated that an 
international conference on the subject would 
probably be called. This Government's position, 
as explained by Secretary Morgenthau, was to the 
effect that the Joint Statement was a statement of 
the Government's financial experts and that it was 
not a commitment of the Government itself. 
Whatever plan the conference would work out 
would, necessarily, be submitted to the Congress 
for its consideration. Other governments took a 
similar position. 

In ]\Iay 1944 the Piesident issued invitations to 
the 44 United and Associated Nations to attend a 
conference to be held at Bretton Woods, New 
Hampshire, in July 1944. The conference was to 
discuss the proposed Monetary Fund within the 
terms of the Joint Statement and was to consider 
if possible the bank proposal. 

In order to facilitate the work of the conference 
and to work out some of the many details, a pre- 
liminary meeting was held at Atlantic City. On 
June 15 a group of American financial experts 
assembled there and were joined a few days later 
by experts from 15 other countries. The group 
worked intensively, endeavoring to deal with some 
of the unsettled questions and to produce a more 
finished document. At this preliminary confer- 
ence the British experts presented proposals for 
the Bank which involved some changes from the 
earlier plan but which met with almost immediate 

approval of the experts of the other nations, in- 
cluding the United States. It became clear that 
the Bank proposal was to receive major consider- 
ation at the Conference. The group at Atlantic 
City went directly from there to the Conference at 
Bretton Woods which assembled on July 1, 1944. 

International Monetary Fund 


The International Monetary Fund Agreement, 
drawn ui^ at the Conference, sets forth what the 
nations consider to be the principles and pro- 
cedures or "rules of the game" in the field of 
currency and exchange, as well as with respect to 
certain phases of commercial policy. These princi- 
ples and the machinery of the Fund are designed 
to facilitate the expansion of trade and also to 
prevent conditions which cause governments to im- 
pose restrictions on trade and resort to other un- 
economic devices. A consultative procedure, 
moreover, is established whereby representatives of 
the member governments would regularly consider, 
in a dispassionate manner, their mutual problems. 
The Fund, as noted above, is part of the program 
to promote a fuller flow of trade and to improve 
economic conditions generally throughout the 

The Fund provides facilities to assist countries 
in reducing or avoiding many of the disturbances 
that accompany changes in trade and other condi- 
tions. In periods of exchange stringency it would 
relieve the pressure for deflation and would tend 
to check many of the influences which depress 
trade, production, and employment. It would pro- 
mote orderly changes in exchange rates and other 
economic adjustments when changes and adjust- 
ments are necessary. 

The Fund is designed to provide machinery 
which would, so far as possible, make the currencies 
of its members freely convertible one for the other 
at established rates. Such convertibility would 
permit foreign trade and other international 
transactions to take place with a minimum of risk 
and difficulty arising out of the existence of dif- 
ferent currency systems. These risks and diffi- 
culties in the past, especially during the 1930's, 
have greatly restricted international trade. 

The proposed plan endeavors to provide a sys- 
tem wherein traders would be able to buy and sell 
in any market in the world, wherever such buying 
and selling could be done to the best advantage, 



and to discourage arrangements whereby trade is 
channeled or is confined to pairs of countries. A 
broad muUilateral trading system is the type en- 
visaged, in order that trade may expand and may 
realize its full potentialities. Traders would re- 
ceive accordingly some assurance regarding the 
amount of their own money to be realized from 
tlie ])roceeds of a foreign sale and that the money 
could be transferred without hindrance. 

The purposes of the Fund are stated in article I 
at the begiiming of the Agreement. The Fund is 
to be guided in all its decisions by these purj^oses, 
which are as follows : 

(i) To promote international monetary cooper- 
ation through a permanent institution which pro- 
vides the machineiy for consultation and collabo- 
lation on international monetary problems. 

(ii) To facilitate the expansion and balanced 
growth of international trade, and to contribute 
thereby to the promotion and maintenance of high 
levels of emijloyment and real income and to the 
development of the productive resources of all 
members as primary objectives of economic policy. 

(iii) To promote exchange stability, to main- 
tain orderly exchange arrangements among mem- 
bers, and to avoid competitive exchange deprecia- 

(iv) To assist m the establislmient of a multi- 
lateral system of pajnnents in respect of current 
transactions between members and in the elimina- 
tion of foreign exchange restrictions which 
hamper the growth of world trade. 

(v) To give confidence to members by making 
the Fund's resources available to them under ade- 
quate safeguards, thus providing them with op- 
portunity to correct maladjustments in their bal- 
ance of ])ayments without resorting to measures 
destructive of national or international prosperity. 

(vi) In accordance with the above, to shorten 
the duration and lessen the degree of disequi- 
librium in the international balances of payments 
of members. 

Gen-eral Nature of Provisions 

The basic principles or means by which the above 
purposes are to be achieved are fairly simple. 
They are essentially these: 

1. Member countries undertake to keep their ex- 
change rates as stable as possible; accordingly, no 
changes in rates are to be made unless essential to 
correct a fundamental disequilibrium. 

2. If basic conditions have changed so that a 
new rate becomes necessary, an adjustment can be 
made, but it must in all cases be made by consul- 
tation with the Fund and according to estab- 
lished procedures. Beyond certain limits rates 
can be changed only with the concurrence of the 

3. Currency values are to be stated in terms of 
gold (or U. S. dollars), and the stability of a 
currency is to be gaged by its relation to gold 
(or U. S. dollars). Gold is to be accepted by 
members in settlement of accounts. 

4. A common pool of resources, contributed by 
the members, is to be established and made avail- 
able under safeguarding conditions to meet tempo- 
rary shortages of exchange and thereby to help 
maintain the value of a member's currency until 
such member has had time to correct the mal- 
adjustment which may be causing the difficulty. 

5. Member countries agree not to engage in 
discriminatory currency practices and similar de- 
vices or to impose restrictions on the making of 
payments and transfers for current international 
transactions. Existing restrictions are to be 
abandoned as soon as the post-war transitional 
l^eriod permits. 

C. During the post-war transitional period 
flexibility in rates is provided, until rates can be 
found which give promise of permanence. The 
resources of the Fund are protected during this 

7. Countries agree to maintain the gold value of 
their currency held by the Fund, so that the assets 
of the Fund will not depreciate in terms of gold. 
Countries thus guarantee the Fund against loss 
due to possible depreciation of their currency. 

8. The Fund is to deal only with governments 
or their agencies and is to have no direct contact 
with the exchange market. Its facilities are to 
be utilized to clear only those balances not other- 
wise cleared by the market. 

In the proposed Agreement tliese and other pro- 
visions are elaborated in detail. The provisions 
of the Fund are summarized below. 

Memhership and Subscription to Fund's Re- 
Although original membership is confined to 
the United Nations that were represented at the 
Bretton AVoods Conference, other countries may 
become members on such terms as the Fund may 

NOVEMBER 5, 1944 


prescribe. Each member is to contribute to a 
common pool which will constitute the resources 
of the Fund. For this purpose each country is 
assigned a quota which is related to the size of the 
member's foreign trade and other international 
transactions and to fluctuations therein. A table of 
quotas for the nations at the Conference is given on 
page 54G. The total of these is $8,800,000,000. 

Subscriptions are to be paid in gold to the ex- 
tent of 25 percent of the quota or 10 percent of the 
country's net official holdings of gold and United 
States dollars, whichever of these amounts is the 
smaller. In the case of the United States this 
would be about $688,000,000 and for all nations 
at the Conference about $1,800,000,000. Each 
country is to pay the remainder in its own cur- 

A member may withdraw from the Fund at any 
time. If a member misuses the Fund or fails to 
fulfil its obligations under the Agreement it may 
be denied access to the Fund and may eventually be 
required to withdraw.^ 

Rates of Exchange 

In order to provide for stability of exchange 
rates, each currency unit is to have a definite par 
value in terms of gold or in terms of the United 
States dollar. These pars are to be determined 
originally as follows. Each member will commu- 
nicate to the Fund the par value which it desires 
for its currency, such par being based on the rates 
of exchange prevailing on the sixtieth day before 
the Agreement comes into force. Unless within 
90 days the Fund notifies the member that the rate 
is unsatisfactory, or the member so notifies the 
Fund, this par value becomes effective. If the 
Fund and the member cannot agree on a suitable 
par, the member must withdraw from the Fund. 

Countries that have been occupied by the enemy 
are allowed more time to select and adjust their 
pars, under conditions prescribed by the Fund. 
This period of adjustment provides flexibility dur- 
ing the transition until currencies have settled to 
levels that the Fund believes can be maintained. 
This arrangement also protects the Fund's re- 
sources because during such a period access to the 
Fund is limited or denied entirely. 

Rates for transactions between members may 
not differ from parity by more than one percent in 
the case of spot transactions and by a percentage 

' This requires a majority vote of the Governors repre- 
senting a majority of the total voting power. 

616728 — 44 3 

that the Fund considers reasonable for other trans- 

Membere are given a certain amount of initial 
leeway with regard to changes in rates; but once 
that leeway has been used up, rates can be changed 
only by permission of the Fund. Changes are not 
to be made under any conditions except to correct a 
fundamental disequilibrium, and then only by con- 
sultation with the Fund.* The Fund is not allowed 
to deny a proposed change if it is satisfied that the 
change is necessary to correct a fundamental dis- 

Special arrangements exist for the post-war 
transitional period. The Fund may postpone be- 
ginning exchange transactions until it is satisfied 
that conditions are appropriate. It may also post- 
pone transactions with any member if it believes 
such transactions would be prejudicial to the 
Fund. Countries that have been occupied by the 
enemy and that are granted an extension of time 
to select and adjust their par values may be re- 
stricted in their access to the Fund's resources. 

Use of Fundus Resources 

The resources of the Fund are intended to help 
members meet temporary needs for foreign ex- 
change due to fluctuations in their current foreign 
transactions. Members may therefore acquire 
from the Fund, under certain conditions, the cur- 
rency of any other member by paying their own 
currency, or gold, in exchange. For example, a 
country that ordinarily exports agricultural prod- 
ucts may as a result of a crop failure find itself 
short of foreign exchange with which to pay for 
its regular imports. If it has not previously been 
using the Fund to excess or is not otherwise ineligi- 
ble, it could acquire foreign exchange from the 

The resources of the Fund are not intended to be 
used to provide a member with foreign capital for 
investment or long-term needs. The currency 
acquired must be needed for making payments for 
current transactions and not for the purpose of 

■ The Agreement provides that if a memher proposes to 
change the par value of its currency because of a funda- 
mental disequilibrium, the Fund may not object if the 
total of all previous changes (whether increases or de- 
creases) does not exceed 10 percent of the initial par. Any 
change beyond this requires approval by the Fund. If 
the member proposes a change which exceeds the 10 per- 
cent but does not exceed a further 10 percent of the par, 
the Fund must give its opinion within 72 hours. 



transferring capital from one country to another. 
Capital transfers of a large and sustained nature 
are excluded, since, if allowed, tliey might soon 
cause the Fund to be depleted of currencies which 
happened to be in strong demand. If the Fund 
were to be able to provide for flight of capital 
it would need to be very much larger. It is in- 
tended to provide only for fluctuations in current 
' or noncapital items in the balance of payments. 
Current transactions are defined to include pay- 
ments having to do with foreign trade, short-term 
banking, the transfer of interest and dividends, 
moderate amortization of the principal of loans, 
and remittances for family living expenses. 

The needs for foreign exchange that are to be 
met by the Fund are the net amounts that are 
not cleared through ordinary market transactions. 
The Fund does not deal with the public but only 
with governments or their agencies. If a coun- 
try needs foreign exchange from the Fund, its 
government must do the buying and can then 
make the exchange available to private parties. 

A member may not ordinarily acquire foreign 
currencies in exchange for its own currency to a 
point where the Fund's holdings of such mem- 
ber's currency increase by more than 25 percent of 
its quota during the previous 12 months, nor ex- 
ceed 200 percent of its quota. Furthermore, if the 
Fund believes that a member is using the resources 
of the Fund in a manner contrary to the purposes 
of the Fund, it may limit or deny such member 
access to its resources. If the Fund believes that 
a member is making improper use of the Fund's 
resources, it is required to make a report to such 
member setting forth the views of the Fund. 

Members using the Fund's resources are re- 
quired to pay certain charges which increase as 
the member's recourse to the Fund increases, and 
which also increase according to the length of 
time that its currency in excess of its quota is 
held by the Fund. 

Several provisions exist to build up or replenish 
the Fund's holdings of gold and of curi-encies 
which may be in strong demand. The purpose 
of these important provisions is to strengthen the 
Fund over the years and to keep its holdings of 
the different curi'encies in reasonable balance. 

In the first place, members desiring to buy the 
currency of other members with gold shall do so 
from the Fund if this purchase can be made with 
equal advantage. Moreover, in certain cases mem- 

bers are I'equired at the end of each financial year 
of the Fund to repurchase from the Fund a portion 
of their currency held by the Fund if such holding 
has increased during the year or if the member's 
monetary reserves have increased.* These provi- 
sions are designed to prevent countries from in- 
creasing their own reserves at the expense of the 
Fund and from using the Fund's resources when 
their own are available. If the Fund is short of a 
certain currency, it may borrow the currency, pro- 
vided the member whose currency is involved ap- 
jjroves. Members also agree to sell their curren- 
cies to the Fund for gold, so that if the Fund needs 
more of a certain currency, it can, if it desires, ob- 
tain this with gold. 

Access to a large pool of foreign currencies, as 
provided to members of the Fund, would, it is be- 
lieved, tend to inspire confidence in a member's 
currency and thereby to prevent speculative at- 
tacks on such currency and to promote stability. 
It would also give a country time in which to make 
necessary adjustments when the lack of balance in 
its foreign payments and receipts is not of a self- 
correcting but of a continuing nature. 

Exchange Restrictions 

Since restrictions on the purchase and sale of 
foreign exchange are inconsistent in general with 
the expansion of world trade and with the pur- 
poses of the Fmid, these transactions are with a 
few exceptions prohibited by the Fund. This is 
an important aspect of the Fund Agi-eement and 
recognizes that the stability which the Fund en- 
deavors to promote would be interfered with by 
measures which restrict trade. Such restrictions 
have been used to interfere with the flow of trade 

' The amount to be so repurchased is to be equal to one 
half of any increase in the Fund's holdings of such cur- 
renc.T, plus one half of any increase that may have oc- 
curred in the member's monetary reserves. If the mem- 
ber's reserves have decreased, there is to be subtracted 
from the amount to be repurchased one half of such de- 
crease. If, after the above repurchase, a member's hold- 
ings of the currency of another member have increased 
as a result of transactions in that currency with other 
members, the member whose holdings of such currency 
have increased must use the increase to repurchase its own 
currency from the Fund. None of the above adjustments, 
however, are to be carried to a point where the member's 
monetary reserves fall below its quota, or where the Fund's 
holdings of .such currency fall below 75 percent of its quota, 
or where the Fund's holdings of the currency to be paid 
to the Fund are above 75 percent of the quota of the mem- 
ber concerned. 

NOVEMBER 5, 1944 


and to discriminate between countries and have 
been the soiu'ce of serious economic difficulties. 
Tile Fund Agreement therefore provides that, 
apart from a few exceptions and approval of the 
Fund, no member may impose any restrictions on 
the making of payments for current international 
transactions. Current transactions, as noted 
above, include those dealing with foreign trade, 
short-term banking, payments of interest and divi- 
dends, reasonable amortization, and remittances 
for family living expenses. 

Exceptions that are permitted deal with re- 
strictions on the transfer of capital, on a currency 
that is scarce and camiot be supplied in adequate 
amounts by the Fund, and on transactions during 
the post-war transitional period. Restrictions are 
allowed on transactions with non-members unless 
the Fund disapproves. 

Since members are not allowed to use the re- 
sources of the Fund to meet large or sustained 
outflows of capital, restrictions on capital trans- 
fers may be necessary fi-om time to time in some 
countries. Large capital movements can be so 
unpredictable and can so upset economic and 
fuiancial stability that members are permitted to 
exercise such controls of capital movements as 
they consider necessary. The Fund may require 
a member to restrict capital movements if it be- 
lieves such movements are utilizing the Fund's 

If a scarcity of a particular currency develops, 
the Fund may formally declare such cun-ency 
scarce and thereafter apportion the Fund's sup- 
ply as it deems appropriate. This is a necessary 
safety valve since it is possible that in spite of the 
Fund and the corrective measures i^rovided a sit- 
uation may develop wherein there is a general 
shortage of a certain currency. Whenever the 
Fund declares a currency scarce, members may 
thereafter impose restrictions on exchange opera- 
tions in that currency, but this must be done in 
consultation with the Fund. The restrictions are 
to be no greater than necessary to limit the de- 
mand for the scarce currency to the supply held 
by the member, and they must be removed when- 
ever the Fund declares the currency no longer 

If the Fund anticipates that a scarcity is de- 
veloping it may issue a report setting forth the 
causes of the scarcity and giving the Fund's rec- 
ommendations. In the event the Fund declares a 
currency scarce it is required to issue a report. 

Members are allowed to retain or impose ex- 
change restrictions during the post-war transi- 
tional period provided they believe that otherwise 
they could not settle their balance of payments 
without undue recourse to the Fund. During this 
period the Fund is to report on restrictions si ill in 
force, and after five years from the time when it 
begins operations it may make representations to 
a country regarding the removal of such restric- 
tions. If the member persists in i-etaining them 
the member may be denied access to the Fund and 
may even be compelled to withdraw from the Fund. 

An important provision of the Fund is that 
which prohibits members from engaging in dis- 
criminatory currency arrangements or multiple 
currency practices, except as may be authorized by 
the Fund. If any such arrangements or practices 
exist, members must consult with the Fund con- 
cerning their progressive removal. These devices 
were especially damaging to trade and to interna- 
tional economic conditions generally during the 
1930's, so that the ban on them by the Fmid is 
a notable accomplishment. 

In order to provide for the convertibility of 
members' currencies each member agrees to redeem 
any of its currency that is held by other members, 
provided such currency has been acquired as a re- 
sult of current transactions or its conversion is 
needed to make payments for current transactions. 
A member may redeem its currency either in gold 
or in the currency of the member requesting re- 

In cases where a member is authorized according 
to the Fund Agreement to maintain or establish 
exchange restrictions, and at the same time has 
engagements with members previously entered into 
which conflict, the parties to such engagements are 
to consult regarding any adjustments necessary. 
Previous engagements, however, are not to be al- 
lowed to interfere with restrictions that may be- 
come necessary when a currency has been declared 
scarce by the Fund. This provision means that 

° Certain exceptions are made to this requirement, such 
as when the convertibility of the balances for which re- 
demption Is requested has been restricted by permission of 
the Fund, when the balances were accumuhited from trans- 
actions which took place before the restrictions had been 
removed, when the balances had been acquired contrary 
to the exchange regulations of the member asked to re- 
deem then*, when the currency of the member requesting 
redemption has been declared scarce, or when the member 
requested to make redemption is not entitled to buy cur- 
rencies from the Fund for its own currency. 



the stability of exchange rates is not to be upset 
when the situation is of such a nature that a tempo- 
rary imposition of exchange restrictions would per- 
mit the maintenance of established rates. 


The Fund is to be administered by a Board of 
Governors consisting of one Governor appointed 
by each member. The Board meets annually or 
oftener if it desires. The immediate management 
of the Fund is entrusted to the Executive Direc- 
tors, who function in continuous session. There 
must be at least twelve Executive Directors, five 
of whom are appointed by the five members hav- 
ing the largest quotas. Two are to be elected by 
the American republics not entitled to appoint 
Directors, and the remaining five are to be elected 
by the other members. 

Each member of the Board of Governors may 
cast 250 votes plus a number of votes determined 
by the size of the member's quota. On the basis 
of the present quotas the United States will have 
27,750 votes, or 28 percent of the total. The 
United Kingdom comes next with 13,250 votes, or 
13.4 percent of the total. Russia is third with 
12,250 votes, or 12.4 percent of the total. China 
has 5.8 percent of the votes, France 4.8, India 4.3, 
and Canada 3.3. Each Executive Director is al- 
lowed to cast the number of votes which counted 
toward his election. 

The above voting power is to be adjusted de- 
pending upon whether, and the extent to which, a 
member has recourse to the resources of the Fund. 
A member acquires one additional vote for the 
equivalent of each $400,000 of net sales of its cur- 
rency. Similarly, a member who is buying cur- 
rencies from the Fund loses one vote for the equiv- 
alent of each $400,000 of its net purchases of the 
currencies of other members. 

Any net income realized by the Fund is to be 
distributed to the members in proportion to their 
quotas, although before this is done a two-percent 
non-cumulative payment is to be made to countries 
whose currencies have been in special demand, on 
the amount by which the Fund's average holdings 
of such currencies fall below 75 percent of their 

The Fund may at any time that it desires advise 
any member concerning the Fund's views on mat- 
ters affecting the Fund. By a two-thirds major- 
ity of the total voting power the Fund may publish 

a report made to a member regarding monetary or 
economic conditions in such country which tend 
to produce disequilibrium in the balances of pay- 
ments of members. 

The principal office of the Fund is to be in the 
territory of the member having the largest quota. 
Depositories are to be maintained in other mem- 
ber countries. 

Quotas for Inteknational Monettabt Fund poa Countries 
Represented at the Conference 

(In mlUions of United States dollars) 























New Zealand 










Costa Rica 














Dominican Republic 










Union of 

El Salvador 


South Africa 




Union of Soviet So- 



cialist Republics 




United Kingdom 




United States 




















•The quota of Denmark shall be determined by the Fund after 
the Danish Government has declared its readiness to sign the 
Agreement but before signature takes place. 

International Bank for Reconstruction and 

The international flow of long-term capital has 
been seriously disrupted for some years and has 
also at times been subject to excesses and other 
difficulties. Judging from existing facilities and 
conditions, including the hesitancy of private 
capital to seek investment abroad, it does not ap- 
pear likely that very large sums of money will 
be available for foreign investment unless con- 
structive action is tftken. But it is generally be- 
lieved that a large volume of foreign investment, 
properly guided, is of special importance to the 
United States and to the world at large from 

NOVEMBER 5, 1944 


the standpoint of economic expansion, full em- 
ployment, and stable international conditions. 
Moreover, during the immediate post-war yeai-s 
the needs of capital for reconstruction are 
expected to be pressing. 

The resources of the Monetary Fund, as noted 
above, are not to be used for capital investment 
or long-t^rm transactions. They are therefore 
not available to finance reconstruction of devas- 
tated countries or for economic development. 
The Bank for Keconst ruction and Development 
is designed, as a companion institution to the 
Fund, to help meet these needs. The Bank is in- 
tended to facilitate the flow of long-term capital 
on proper terms and for productive purposes. , 

If private foreign lending is to revive and achieve 
its purpose it should be on a basis which protects 
the interests of both investors and recipients of the 
capital. The proposed Bank would endeavor to 
promote such a condition by offering its facilities 
for loans that were properly approved and that 
came up to certain standards. The Bank is al- 
lowed to make direct loans itself, but most of its 
capital is available only to guarantee loans. In 
making or guaranteeing loans, the Bank would 
give careful attention to all the circumstances, 
including the capacity of the borrower, the 
nature of the project for which the loan is con- 
tracted, and the terms and conditions. The Bank 
presumably would not make or guarantee a loan 
which imposed onerous or unreasonable conditions 
upon the borrower. Loans would need to be scru- 
tinized from the standpoint both of their invest- 
ment soundness and of their broad economic as- 

The BaiJi is not concerned with provision of 
funds for relief ; that is the responsibility of other 
agencies. Loans to governments for public pur- 
poses that may be socially desirable though non- 
revenue-producing are permitted, provided repay- 
ment and service on the loan are amply provided 

By eliminating certain risks, by minimizing 
others, and by spreading widely those risks which 
could not be avoided, the Bank would perform an 
important economic function. The risks, accord- 
ing to the Agreement, would be spread mternation- 
ally among the members in proportion to their 
shares of stock. 

The Bank would endeavor to use its influence 
and facilities to promote the development of stable 

and prosperous international financial conditions; 
thus it would supplement the work of the Fund in 
the field of currency and exchange. It would 
endeavor to stimulate trade and to increase the 
level of national incomes. It is part of the general 
economic program for the post-war world. It 
would tend to eliminate basic causes of disequi- 
librium by regularizing and reducing the wide 
fluctuations in the flow of investment and also by 
raising the levels of economic activity in the 
nations of the world. By making capital avail- 
able under proper conditions it would hasten eco- 
nomic adjustments as well as help to prevent I 
maladjustments. The Bank would thus operate j 
directly on the causes of disequilibrium. j 

The purposes of the Bank, which are stated in 
article I of the Agreement and which are to guide 
the Bank in all its decisions, are as follows : 

(i) To assist in the reconstruction and devel- 
opment of territories of members by facilitating 
the investment of capital for productive purposes, 
including the restoration of economies destroyed 
or disrupted by war, the reconversion of produc- 
tive facilities to peacetime needs and the encour- 
agement of the development of productive facili- 
ties and resources in less developed countries. 

(ii) To promote private foreign investment by 
means of guarantees or participations in loans and 
other investments made by private investors; and 
when private capital is not available on reason- 
able terms, to supplement private investment by 
providing, on suitable conditions, finance for pro- 
ductive purposes out of its own capital, funds 
raised by it and its other resources. 

(iii) To promote the long-range balanced 
growth of international trade and the maintenance 
of equilibrium in balances of payments by en- 
couraging international investment for the de- 
velopment of the productive resources of mem- 
bers, thereby assisting in raising productivity, the 
standard of living and conditions of labor in their 

(iv) To arrange the loans made or guaranteed 

4 by it in relation to international loans through 

other channels so that the more useful and urgent 

projects, large and small alike, will be dealt with 


(v) To conduct its operations with due regard 
to the effect of international investment on busi- 
ness conditions in the territories of members and, 
in the immediate post-war years, to assist in bring- 



ing about a smooth transition from a wartime to 
a peacetime economy. 

MemhersMp and Subscriptions 

Membership in the Bank is open only to mem- 
bers of the International Monetary Fund. Apart 
from the original members of the Fund, other 
countries may become members of the Bank on 
terms prescribed by the Bank, but they must also 
be members of the Fund. If a country ceases to be 
a member of the Fund it automatically ceases to 
be a member of the Bank unless retained by a 
three-fourths majority of the total voting power. 

Since the existence of the Fund would promote 
stable currency and exchange conditions, which 
are of considerable importance to international in- 
vestment, it was decided that members of the Bank 
should be required to participate in the Fund. 
The requirement also helps protect the Bank by 
providing safeguards for reasonable stability of a 
borrower's currency. 

The authorized capital of the Bank is 10,000,000,- 
000 United States dollars, of the present weight and 
fineness, but the total of the prescribed minimum 
suhscriptions amounts to $9,100,000,000. Each 
member is required to subscribe to a minimum laum- 
ber of shares of the capital stock assigned to such 
member in the Agreement. 

The capital is to be divided into two parts. The 
first portion, namely 20 percent, may be used to 
make direct loans. The remaining portion, 80 
percent, is not available for lending but constitutes 
a reserve fund for guaranteeing loans. It may be 
called up only when needed to meet obligations of 
the Bank in connection with loans which the Bank 
has guaranteed or to make payments on the Bank's 
own borrowings. 

Payments on subscriptions are to be made partly 
in gold or United States dollars and partly in the 
currencies of the members. Each share of stock 
must be paid for in gold or United States dollars 
to the extent of two percent of its price and in the 
currency of the member to the extent of 18 percent. 
This accounts for the first or 20-percent portion of 
the capital. As regards the other portion, namely 
80 percent, payment may be made either in gold. 
United States dollars, or the currency required to 
discharge the obligations of the Bank for which 
the call was made. On the basis of the quotas 
assigned at the Conference the gold or United 
States dollar subscription (apart from tbe 80-per- 
cent portion) would amount to $753,500,000, of 

which the United States subscription would ac- 
count for $635,000,000. Twenty percent of the 
quotas would amount to $1,820,000,000. 

The above two percent is to be paid within 60 
days from the beginning of operations and the 18 
percent when the Bank calls for it. During the 
first year of operations, however, the Bank must 
call for at least 10 percent of its subscribed capital. 

If a member's currency depreciates the member 
must provide the Bank with enough additional cur- 
rency to maintain tlie original gold value of its cur- 
rency held by the Bank and derived from the 20- 
percent portion of capital. 

Loans and Guaranties 

The Bank would provide funds to borrowers 
either by making loans itself or by guaranteeing 
loans in order to aid borrowers to obtain them on 
reasonable terms from the private market. The 
Bank is not allowed to have outstanding at any 
one time loans or guaranties in excess of its unim- 
j)aired capital, surplus, and reserves. 

All loans which the Bank may make or guaran- 
tee must be guaranteed by a member or its central 
bank or equivalent agency. The resources of the 
Bank are not available for the benefit of non-mem- 
bers. The Bank may guarantee or make a loan 
only when it is satisfied that the borrower would 
otherwise be unable to obtain the loan on reason- 
able terms. The Bank thus would not interfere 
with private lending unless exorbitant terms were 
being imposed. 

In order to safeguard the resources of the Bank 
and to make sure that loans are for proper pur- 
poses, each loan or guaranty must first be recom- 
mended by a tecluiical committee after it makes a 
careful study of the project. The Bank must also 
assure itself that the proceeds of a loan are used for 
the purposes for which the loan was granted. 
Loans and guaranties are ordinarily to be for spe- 
cific projects of reconstruction and development. 

The Bank may acquire additional funds to lend 
by borrowing in the market of a member, provided 
the member approves and agrees that the proceeds 
may be freely convertible into the currency of any 
other member. Loans out of the Bank's resources, 
namely out of the 20-percent portion of the capital, 
however, must be approved by the member whose 
currency is involved. The Bank is not allowed to 
impose any conditions tliat the proceeds of a loan 
be spent in any jiarticular country. 

NOVEMBER 5, 1944 


When the Bank makes a loan it provides the 
borrower with such currencies as may be needed 
for expenditures within the territories of other 
menibers. Only in exceptional circumstances will 
the Bank provide a borrower with the borrower's 
own currency. 

Payments of interest and principal on loans out 
of the Bank's own capital are to be made in the 
same currency as that lent, unless the member 
whose currency is lent agrees otherwise. These 
payments are to be equivalent to the value of the 
contractual payments at the time the loan was 
made, in terms of a currency specified for the pur- 
pose by the Bank. Loans out of money borrowed 
by the Bank may be in any currency, but the total 
outstanding loans in any one currency may not 
exceed the total of outstanding borrowings by the 
Bank in the same currency. This means that the 
Bank is protected in the event of depreciation of 
a currency owed to it. 

If a member suffers from an exchange strin- 
gency, the Bank may accept that member's own 
currency temporarily or make other adjustments, 
provided adequate safeguards are arranged. 

The commission which the Bank is to receive 
for loans which it may guarantee is to be between 
one percent and one and a half percent a year. 
After 10 years' experience the commission may 
be adjusted if the Bank deems advisable. In the 
event of default by a borrower guaranteed by the 
Bank, the Bank may terminate its liability by 
offering to purchase the obligations at par and 
accrued interest. All commissions received by 
the Bank are to be set aside as a special reserve to 
meet liabilities. 

The Bank may buy and sell securities which 
it has issued or guaranteed, with the approval of 
the member in whose territories the securities are 
to be bought or sold. It may buy and sell other 
securities for the investment of its special re- 
serve. Each security which the Bank guarantees 
or issues must carry a conspicuous statement to 
the effect that it is not the obligation of any 
government unless exjjressly stated on the 

The Bank may not interfere in the political 
affairs of a member, nor may it be influenced in 
its decisions by the political character of the 
member concerned. 


The Bank is to be administered by a Board of 
Governors, one Governor appointed by each mem- 
ber. The Board of Governors is to meet at least 
annually. Each member of the Board is to have 
250 votes plus one vote for each share of stock 
held. On the basis of the quotas drawn up at 
the Conference, the United States would have 
32,000 votes or 31.4 percent of the total; the 
United Kingdom, 13 percent; Russia, 12 percent; 
China, 6.1 percent; and France, 4.6 percent. 

The immediate conduct of the Bank's opera- 
tions is in the hands of twelve Executive Di- 
rectors. Five of the Executive Directors arc 
to be appointed by the five members having the 
largest number of shares; the remaining seven 
are to be elected by all the Governors other than 
those appointing the above five membei-s. The 
system of election of these seven Directors is 
arranged so that it gives special consideration to 
small countries whose votes might otherwise be 

In making decisions on applications for loans re- 
lating to matters within the competence of other 
international organizations, the Bank is to give 
consideration to the views of such organizations. 
The principal office of the Bank is to be in the 
territory of the member holding the largest num- 
ber of shares. The Bank may establish agencies, 
branches, or regional offices elsewhere. 

The net income of the Bank is to be distrib- 
uted to shareholders in proportion to their shares, 
although a two-percent non-cumulative dividend 
is to be paid first to each member on the basis of 
the average amount of loans outstanding dur- 
ing the year out of currency corresponding to its 

A member may withdraw from the Bank at any 
time. If a member fails to fulfil its obligations to 
the Bank it may be suspended by a decision of the 
majority of the Governors exercising a majority 
of the total voting power. 

Amendments to the Bank Agreement require a 
vote of three fifths of the members having four 
fifths of the total voting power. The Bank is to 
have an Advisory Council of not less than seven 
persons selected by the Board of Governors, in- 
cluding representatives of banking, commercial, 
industrial, labor, and agricultural interests. 




VELOPMKN !■ Allocated to Countries Represented at the 

(In millions of United States dollars) 

Australia 200 Iraq 6 

Belgium 225 Liberia .5 

Bolivia 7 Luxembourg 10 

Brazil 105 Mexico 65 

Canada 325 Netherlands 275 

Chile 35 New Zealand 50 

China 600 Nicaragua • 8 

Colombia 35 Norway 50 

Costa Rica 2 Panama .2 

Cuba 35 Paraguay . 8 

Czechoslovakia 125 Peni 17.5 

Denmark (*) Philippine 

Dominican Republic 2 Commonwealth 15 

Ecuador 3.2 Poland 125 

Egypt 40 Union of 

El Salvador 1 South Africa 100 

Ethiopia 3 Union of Soviet So- 

France 450 cialist Republics 1, 200 

Greece 25 United Kingdom 1, 300 

Guatemala 2 United States 3, 175 

Haiti 2 Uruguay 10.5 

Honduras 1 Venezuela 10.5 

Iceland 1 Yugoslavia 40 

India 400 

Iran 24 Total 9,100 

•The quota of Denmark shall be determined by the Bank after 
Denmark accepts membership in accordance with the Articles of 

Other Actions of the Bretton Woods 


Although the Conference was devoted pi-imarily 
to consideration of the Fund and the Bank, it 
passed several resolutions dealing with economic 
and financial questions. These included a I'esolu- 
tion that the wide fluctuations in tlie vakie of silver 
were to receive further study by the interested 
nations; that the Bank for International Settle- 
ments be liquidated at the earliest possible mo- 
ment ; that measures be taken to see that the prop- 
erty looted by the enemy is restored to its rightful 
owners, and that all neutral countries be asked 
to take measures to prevent the enemy from trans- 
ferring or concealing such looted property; that in 
order to attain the broader objectives of economic 
policy and the purposes of the Fund, the govern- 
ments participating in the Conference seek agree- 
ment on the best means to reduce obstacles to inter- 
national trade, to bring about orderly marketing of 
staple commodities, to deal with problems arising 
from the cessation of war production, and to har- 
monize national policies directed toward main- 
taining high levels of employment and rising 
standards of living. 

Meeting of the Governing Board of the Pan American Union 


[Released to the press November 1] 

I should like to express on behalf of Secretary 
Hull his deep and sincere appreciation for tlie gen- 
erous remarks of the Ambassador of Honduras in 
proposing his name for reelection as chairman of 
the Governing Board of the Pan American Union. 
It is, moreover, a great honor to my Government 
that its Secretary of State should once again be 
chosen to preside over so distinguished a body of 
statesmen, whose accomplishments have won for it 
a position of highest significance in the interna- 
tional atfaii-s of the world. 

Were Secretary Hull able to be here this after- 
noon, he would be able to state far more clearly 
than anyone else the importance which he has 
attached throughout the past 11 years to his asso- 
ciation with the members of this body. The 

'Delivered at the meeting of the Governing Board, Pan 
American Union, Nov. 1, 1944. 

friendships made here, the devotion with which the 
members of this Board have undertaken their 
work, and the enlightened spirit of mutual trust 
and cooperation which have characterized its de- 
liberations have played no small part in making 
l^ossible the growth of our inter-American sys- 
tem of consultation and collaboration. 

At this time in history, when the minds of lead- 
ing statesmen throughout the world are wrestling 
with the problem of establishing a world order 
for the maintenance of peace, the eyes of all men 
are turned to the inter-American system. They 
are weighing its significance and scrutinizing the 
principles on which it rests. Above all they seek 
to derive from it a faith that through international 
cooperation, guided by men of good-will, the world 
can establish a peaceful order in which to cultivate 
the spiritual advancement of mankind. 

I know I speak for Secretary Hull when I re- 
affirm his unquestionable faith that we can achieve 
(Continued on page 562) 

NOVEMBER 5, 1944 


Education in Germany Under the 
National Socialist Regime 


Higher Learning and Extracurricular 

Science and the UNrvERSiTiES 

The Nasi Attitude Toward Science 

National Socialist reforms in the field of higher 
learning can be understood only in the light of 
the Nazi attitude toward science and research — an 
attitude which springs inevitably from the ethno- 
centric nature of the premises underlying all Na- 
tional Socialist thinking. It attacks first the de- 
tachment of the scientist. "Scientific objectivity", 
asserts a German educational journal, "is only one 
of the many errors of liberalism. The libei-al man 
is only an artificial construction. He does not 
exist in reality ; there are only men who belong to 
a nation and to a specific race." Science, then, like 
all other aspects of culture, is conditioned by its 
"folkish" environment and camiot exist without 
presuppositions. Modern liberal thought has 
eri-ed in removing man from the center of things, 
presupposing a universe of abstract and eternal 
law in which human cultures could exist as de- 
tached entities. National Socialism seeks a return 
to man (as a particular type, a Volk) as the living 
center and criterion of scientific investigation. 
Science thus becomes "critical anthropomor- 
phism" ; the task of German thinkers is to "build 
up a culture which corresponds to this, the German 

Every science is ne<;essarily conditioned by a 
racial-political awareness; each observer is bound, 
whether consciously or not, by the forces of his 
race, surroundings, people, and soil. The alleged 
objectivity of science is, in fact, only a reflection 

' Mr. Fuller is a Country Specialist, Central European 
Section, Di%'ision of Territorial Studies, OflBce of Special 
Political Affairs, Department of State. This article con- 
cludes a series on education in Germany under National 
Socialism. For the first article, on "Antecedents of Na- 
tional Socialist Education" and "Education Before Na- 
tional Socialism", see Bulletin of Oct. 22, 1944, p. 466 ; for 
the second article, on "National Socialist Education in 
Theory and Practice", see BtjLLEriN of Oct. 29, 1944, p. .'511. 

of the "bourgeois secular spirit" of the times. Sci- 
ence is no mere "function of the intellect"; it can- 
not shut out will, faith, and passion.^ 

According to Bernhard Rust science must pos- 
sess a binding central idea. For National Social- 
ists a WeltanschMiimng is the "fruitful Mother 
Earth from which ever'y creation of the human in- 
tellect takes its growth. . . . Science is as 
much free as it is bound". Emst Krieck repudi- 
ated "scientific absolutism". There can be no 
"pure reason" since man is both subject and object 
of knowledge. Science is necessarily conditioned 
by time and place; each generation, each unique 
national group arrives at its own form of truth. 
Thus there can be no "liberal neutrality" for sci- 
ence or education. Science must share in the total 
life of the community — must, in short, be "politi- 
cal" science. Science depends on the scientist. To 
Alfred Baumler science was "heroic rationalism" ; 
research was conquest. A bellicose, not theoret- 
ical, approach has created a science which must be 
as partial, as one-sided as a cavalrj' attack in pur- 
suing its objectives. Philipp Lenard (eminent 
Nazi physicist and author of DeuAsche PhysiTt) 
denied that science could be universal : "Science, 
like every other human product, is racial and con- 
ditioned by blood." 

It follows from the Nazi assumptions that 
science can have no autonomy — there can be no 
"science for science's sake". It nuist serve the 
German folk-movement. Its specialists must en- 
rol in the joint enterprise, and learning must 
serve the great cultural and political tasks of the 
epoch. Only pragmatic and useful truths are of 
value. In the preamble of the law of March 16, 
1937 for establishing a National Research Coun- 
cil, the mobilization of research in behalf of 
the Four Year Plan was justified on the grounds 
that, by necessity, "scientific investigation has the 
task of reaching goals on which the existence of 

' Erich Jaeusch,' Hie Wissensohaft und die deutsche 
volkische Bewcgung (Marburg, 1933), pp. 4-9. G. Leib- 
brandt and E. Zechlin, "Weltpolitik und Wis.senschaft", 
Nationalsoxialistische Monatshefte, Dec. 1940. 


tlie whole nation depends". The entire purpose 
of Nazi science was expressed most candidly by 
Professor Kahrstedt of Gottingen: 

""VVe renounce international science. We re- 
nounce the international republic of learning. 
"We renounce research for its own sake. We teach 
and learn medicine, not to increase the number 
of known microbes, but to keep the German 
people strong and healthy. We teach and learn 
history, not to say how things actually happened, 
but to instruct the German people from the past. 
We teach and learn the sciences, not to discover 
abstract laws, but to sharpen the implements of 
the German people in their competition with 
other peoples." 

Nazi-fication of the Universities and Higher 

The Nazi View of Uigher Learning. The at- 
titude of the Nazi regime toward Germany's 
world-famous universities and other institutions 
of higher learning was dictated by its conception 
of the role of education and science as outlined 
above. Despite the fact that the universities had 
remained distinctly reactionary under the Repub- 
lic and had continued to recruit both student 
bodies and faculty personnel from upper-class 
conservative elements, Nazi educational leaders 
discovered ample grounds for attacking them. 
The university (in the words of student-Fiihrer 
Dr. Schul) is "in constant danger of degenerating 
into a purely intellectual institution, whereas its 
true function is that of a training center". 

There must be no dabbling in irrelevant knowl- 
edge; all research must contribute directly to the 
upbuilding of the nation. All work, even the most 
specialized, must rest upon the firm ground of 
a common Weltanschauung. So-called academic 
freedom was a sham since there could be no free- 
dom to question truths historically conditioned 
by the imperatives of "folkish" existence. The 
"salon skepticism", the "pulpit nihilism" of teach- 
ers who felt no sense of responsibility to Volk and 
nation could no longer be tolerated. The aloof- 
ness of the universities from political life and the 
ivory-tower existence of the professor engi-ossed 
in his researches but indifferent to the vital needs 
of his students and of his nation were condemned. 

The true function of the institution of advanced 
learning, training, and research in the National 
Socialist state was tlie furnishing of direction, 
leadership, and inspiration in the molding of those 


students best qualified for high responsibility. 
The German university had never enrolled more 
than an exceedingly small percentage of the 
eligible age group, which by the Nazis was re- 
duced still further. The last remnants of indi- 
vidualism were swept away, bringing to an end the 
"positivist cult of the intellect". Student and pro- 
fessor alike were to be deemed public functionaries 
performing essential national tasks. Research 
was to become directed investigation determined 
by the demands of a totalitarian society. The uni- 
versity must become volMsch, rooted in the na- 
tional soil, serving the most vital interests of the 

Administrative Reorganisation. German higher 
institutions of learning had traditionally been con- 
trolled by the appropriate state authorities (there 
were 23 universities and a total of 106 institutions 
of all types). These were all placed under the sin- 
gle authority of the Reich Ministry of Education 
and every vestige of particularist or state control 
was eliminated. Each university was reorganized 
in accord with the leader principle. The rector, 
formerly chosen by the faculty, was now appointed 
by the Minister of Education, as were also the 
deans presiding over the various faculties. All 
faculty appointments or promotions, formerly in 
the power of the faculty itself, were now subject 
to state control and required the approval of the 
Minister, who acted in consultation with high 
party officials. The entire instructional staff 
(Dozenten.<<chaft) was coordinated under a leader 
appointed by the Ministry; the students {Sfwlent- 
enschaft) were similarly organized under a state- 
appointed student leader. The Ministry had the 
absolute right to demote, transfer, or dismiss fac- 
ulty members. Student bodies were coordinated 
in a Reichxchaft under a government-appointed 
leader. A Studentenhund of party members oc- 
cupied a privileged status within the general stu- 
dent organization. The historic Studentencorps 
of the universities were liquidated, against per- 
sistent opposition, and every effort was made to 
promote the solidarity of the national student 
group and its sense of identity with the VoJh. A 
special office was established for SA groups in the 

An elaborate system of controls has been set up 
for the selection of university teaching personnel. 
The former "habilitation" by the faculty, testing 
scientific competence, is retained, but additional 
requirements are imposed. The applicant for the 

NOVEMBER 5, 1944 


license to teach (Dozentwr) must take a four-week 
training course "which is intended to familiarize 
him with the main questions of science and research 
in relation to the National Socialist Party and to 
devoloi^ his community spirit beyond that of mere 
faculty boundaries". He must serve in a com- 
munity camp where his character traits and views 
come under the scrutiny of party officials. There, 
for six weeks, hard physical labor, common tasks, 
and simple fare are calculated to harden him and 
broaden his mental horizon beyond his own spe- 
cialty. His qualifications as an inspiring leader 
of youth as well as his ability to impart scientific 
instruction are rigorously examined. As a uni- 
versity teacher he remains under the continuous 
observation of rector, deans, faculty, student lead- 
ers, and special party representatives. 

Decline in Enrolment. The rapidly declining 
enrolment of students in higher institutions has 
been one of the most s,triking aspects of Nazi-con- 
trolled education. The approximate enrolment 
in all such institutions showed a decrease as fol- 
lows:^ 1933, 127,000; 1935, 77,000; 1939, 58,000. 
Decline has been most marked in the technical 
schools, least, in the schools of theology. The 
number of women in the schools by 1939 was little 
more than one third the pre-Nazi figure. The 
war, which closed many of the universities, has 
aggi'avated still further the decline. The Frank- 
furter Zcifvng of December 3, 1941 estimated that 
Germany may expect a deficit of from 50,000 to 
80,000 students in the next decade. 

The reasons for reduced enrolments are various. 
In Germany in 1933, as elsewhere, the intellectual 
professions, particularly law and medicine, were 
seriously overcrowded. The annual demand for 
university graduates was less than half the number 
available. It is estimated that there was a reserve 
army of from 40,000 to 50,000 intellectual workers 
in 1933. In 1935 there were 6,411 judges and at- 
torneys in the Reich, but there were an additional 
5,542 qualified candidates for such posts. In 
Prussia in 1934 there were 2,649 applicants for 250 
posts. The discontent and bitterness among this- 
intellectual proletariat was one significant factor 
in the collapse of the Republic and the advent of 
National Socialism. 

The Nazis undertook to remedy the situation 
through planned restriction and selection. The 
law of April 25, 1933 for combating the overcrowd- 
ing of the higher schools established maximum 
quotas for all the states and provided for assistance 

in securing employment for those persons excluded. 
By subsequent decrees selective tests for admission 
to the universities were to be of three types : physi- 
cal-intellectual, moral-political, and racial. The 
criterion of admission became inci-easingly that of 
political rectitude and fitness for service to the 
state. Ultimately the quota system was elimi- 
nated; qualitative tests in the selection of candi- 
dates were relied upon entirely. Preference was 
given to party members and also, later, to those 
with a background of combat service. Maximum 
quotas were later set for the seven largest univer- 
sities and technical schools located in metropolitan 
areas, but no restrictions were placed upon enrol- 
ments in other institutions located mainly in small- 
er towns — evidence again of the Nazi preference 
for the rural and village environment. A network 
of selective measures and institutions helped to 
eliminate those who were not qualified for higher 
education in the National Socialist sense; among 
these were the Land Year, the Labor Service, mili- 
tary service, a Reich vocational competition, a Na- 
tional Student Welfare Organization, and the 
youth organizations. 

Another significant cause of reduced enrolments 
was the simple fact that the university was no 
longer the main road to a career. It had been by- 
passed by the party organizations. Economic 
considerations bar many students from the uni- 
versities. Fees are high and scholarships few and 
inadequate, and not many students are self-sup- 
porting. The regime has failed, at least at the 
higher levels, to fulfil its promise to equalize edu- 
cational opportunities. The requirements of two 
years of military service and a half-year in labor 
camp defer or eliminate a college education for 
many. Furthermore, reduced enrolments at the 
college age between 1933 and 1939 resulted from 
the decline in birthrates from 1914 to 1918. More- 
over the disrepute of the intellectual under the 
Nazi regime and the enlisting of manpower and 
talent in activities which require little academic 
preparation have not created a situation favorable 
to increased college enrolments. 

Coordination of the Faculties. A purge of the 
faculties of the higher institutions was inevitable 
in view of the attitude of the Nazis toward learn- 
ing. They were hostile to the whole world of im- 

' W. M. Kotschnig, V nemployment in the Learned Pro- 
fessions (London, 1937), pp. 206-207. Detitsches Hoch- 
schidvci-;:cichnis (Berlin, 1935-38). William Ebenstein, 
The Nazi State (New York, 1943), p. 165. 



partial and objective scholarship. The Nazi tend- 
ency to see in diversity of opinion disloyalty to the 
regime meant that any exponent of views consid- 
ered unorthodox by the canon of National Socialist 
dogma was in danger. Although the Jews repre- 
sented only about one percent of the population, 
members of that race occupied 12 percent of the 
university professorships. Any instructor tainted 
with Marxist or pacifist ideas was suspected. 
Warning was given that academic freedom was 
not to be used as a cloak for an aloofness or detach- 
ment {Ungebundheit) which ignored the well- 
being of the National Socialist community. 

Under the Civil Service Law of April 7, 1933, 
members of the teaching staifs of the universities 
and other collegiate institutions might be sum- 
marily removed for "non-Aryan" origin, unsatis- 
factory political records or views, membership 
in "subversive" organizations, or on grounds of 
administrative necessity. By May 4, according to 
reports in the German press, about 200 teachei-s 
had been dismissed, mostly because of their Jewish 
origin or liberal views.'' This number included 
former ministers of state, world-famous scientists, 
historians, jurists, and two Nobel prize-winners. 
A year later, according to an estimate of the Lon- 
don T!inp!i (Apr. 18, 1934). 800 college and univer- 
sity teachers had been dismis.sed because of their 
Jewish blood. Other techniques than outright dis- 
missal were frequently used, such as transfer to a 
smaller institution, denial of the right to teach 
certain lucrative courses (many German instruc- 
tors are largely dependent financially upon course 
fees), or demotion and loss of status. 

It is difficult to obtain reliable data on personnel 
changes in the German universities, but fairly 
trastworthy statistics are available to 1939. 
Hartshorne estimates that of a total teaching staff 
of 7,979 in all higher institutions in 1932-33, 1,145 
had been dismissed by 1935. This figure does not 
include normal retirements or deaths.' Thus in 
two years about 14 percent of the staff had been 
dismissed on racial or political grounds. The 

' MatwhFxter Guardian, May 13, 1933. 

'Edward T. Hartshorne. The German Unirersities and 
National Socialism (Cambridge, 1037), pp. 87-95; "Ger- 
man Universities and the Government", Ayinals of the 
American Academy of Political and Social Science. Nov. 

° Statement of Professor Menzel, leader of the Office of 
Science in the Reich Mini.stry of Education, in Frankfurter 
Zeitung, May 31, 1939. 

percentage of loss ranged from as high as 32.4 at 
Berlin to only 1.6 at Gottingen. As a rule the 
metropolitan universities suffered most severely. 
It is estimated that by 1936 over 21 percent of the 
faculty personnel had been eliminated for racial 
or political reasons; by 1939, according to official 
German statement, 45 percent of the teaching staff 
of all higher schools had been replaced either on 
political grounds or because of retirement." Of this 
number probably two thirds represent arbitrary 
dismissals. Thus on the eve of the war approxi- 
mately 2,300 scholars (about 30 percent of the pre- 
Nazi total) had been ousted, and almost one half of 
the teaching personnel had been replaced. Pre- 
sumably by that time the others had given evidence 
of their loyalty to the regime — whether from con- 
viction or from motives of expediency it is impos- 
sible to assert. 

The position of the college or university teach- 
er in Germany has become one of complete subor- 
dination to the regime. Incessant pressure is put 
upon him to participate in party functions (which, 
incidentally, monopolize much of the time and 
energy of his students), to subscribe for the official 
journals, to lecture at Land-Year camps and SA 
gatherings, to favor students who miss work be- 
cause of party activity, and to refrain from mak- 
ing complaints except through official channels. 
He may be disciplined in innumerable and vexa- 
tious ways. His lectures may be canceled if they 
conflict with party functions. He may not travel 
abroad without official permission. His favorite 
seminar may be abolislied. He may be transferred 
as a disciplinary measure. If he is retired his 
utterances are still to be officially approved. He 
may be excluded from important examining com- 
mittees. Boycotts of his lectures may be engi- 
neered by the Nazi student organization. He may 
be attacked by party organs. His post may be 
placed in jeopardy by charges made by colleagues, 
students, and even menials. His courses may be 
"doctored" or their contents prescribed. In short, 
his position, security, and livelihood are completely 
dependent upon the zeal he displays in cooperat- 
ing with the powers that now dominate the admin- 
istration of the universities. 

Cvrricular Tendencies. The curriculum in Ger- 
man colleges and universities has been modified 
mainly in two directions — greater stress on Ras- 
senkunde (race science) and on Wehrwissenschaft 
(science of war). New chairs have been estab- 
lished in such fields as peasant lore, race science, 

NOVEMBER 5, 1944 


defense physics, and folk problems. All subjects 
are to be presented from the Nazi viewpoint; old 
courses are adapted to this end and all knowledge 
that is "useless" or volksfrernde is to be elimi- 
nated. The autonomy of the universities with re- 
spect to determination of courses has been super- 
seded by the fornudation by the central Ministry 
of identical study plans in the various profes- 
sional fields. These plans blend practical and 
ideological considerations. For instance, the state 
study plan for economics prescribes courses on 
German economic life, folklore, people and race, 
people and state, Germans abroad, injustice of 
the Versailles Treaty, the folk-community, and de- 
fense economics. Extreme political orientation 
tends to undermine speculative science. Rearma- 
ment has tended to reinvigorate the study of 
science along practical lines; the great theoretical 
innovators are viewed with distrust, although 
some of them (Planck, Heisenberg) have been re- 
tained in service. The social studies and the hu- 
manities are completely dominated by race 
science, in which subject the University of Berlin 
alone offers 30 seminars. Nazi mathematicians 
have founded a new journal, Deutsche Mathe- 
matik, to deal with their subject along racial lines. 
The party has financed at Frankfurt an Institute 
for the Investigation of the Jewish Question, de- 
signed as the first division of a Nazi high academy 
as a center of scientific study from the point of 
view of race. It is significant that the number of 
users of 18 leading university libraries dropped 
from 37,000 in 1932 to 10,000 in 1937 ; the average 
daily attendance dropped from 3,357 to 1,169. 
Books play a decreasingly important role in Nazi 
education. Virtually every course has been con- 
scrif)ted for war. A host of new subjects whose 
names contain the prefix "Tf'eAr" have appeared, 
and "war philosophy'' is the culminating science 
in the Nazi educational pattern. All doctoral dis- 
sertations, by decree of November 9, 1939, must be 
submitted to the Party Examining Committee for 
the Protection of National Socialist Literature for 
the elimination of any taint of "politico-ideologi- 
cal"' heresy. 

National Socialist policy toward higher learn- 
ing did achieve a number of beneficial results. 
Admission was more effectively controlled so as to 
forestall professional unemployment ; there was a 
gain in unity of goal and purpose ; and the univer- 
sities were more closely integrated with society and 

state. These gains were far more than offset by 
the complete loss of academic freedom, the whole- 
sale exodus of eminent scholars from the Reich, the 
perversion of science to racial and political ends, 
and the increasing isolation of German intellec- 
tual life from that of the rest of the world. Ger- 
many had secedecl from the republic of learning. 
Thus there were immediate though dubious gains 
for the nation but far more significant losses to 
science and universal scholarship. 

ExTRActnuaoDiiAR Education of the Nation 

2'he Hitler Youth 

Tlie Nazi totalitarian ideal as applied in the 
field of education does not stop with the schools but 
envisages the utilization of every social grouping 
and thought-molding agency to achieve its ends. 
It has been noted that both prior to and after the 
first World War the youth movement in Germany 
was becoming a significant educational force. Na- 
tional Socialism, itself essentially a movement of 
j'outh, immediately enlisted the youth organiza- 
tions in its national enterprise, and through them 
it has endeavored to influence the social, recrea- 
tional, and political life of youth outside the 
school. The Hitler-Jug end and the Bund 
Deutscher Mcidel were established, open to boys 
from 10 to 18 and girls from 10 to 21. By 1936 
all other sectarian and political youth organiza- 
tions were dissolved and the entire youth of the 
Reich was brought within the Nazi orders. A 
smaller and more select group constituted a "Stock 
Hitler Youth" who were prepared especially for 
party activity and membership. The entire or- 
ganization was unified in a rigid hierarchy under 
the control of a Reich youth leader. The organi- 
zation is similar to that of the army, embracing as 
many as 14 levels or ranks and integrated by the 
leader principle. 

The educational function of the youth organi- 
zations has been to supplement academic school- 
ing by a broadly conceived program of physical 
and recreational training directed toward war 
activity and by j)olitical and cultural indoctrina- 
tion. After-school hours and Saturdays are used 
for these purposes. The fundamental objective 
is the creation of attitudes — blind obedience to 
the regime, devotion to the leader principle, com- 
munity consciousness, and war-mindedness. The 
youth hostels are extensively used for journeys 
intended to arouse a feeling of loyalty to the 


unified fatherland. A love of Spartan living and 
a sense of comradeship are inculcated. Hitler 
has declared: "I want the German boy to be 
weatherproof, quick as a greyhound, tough as 
leather, hard as Krupp steel. We must educate 
a new species of man, lest our people succumb 
to the degenerative tendencies of the age." ' The 
official youth organ of the Reich, Wille und 
Macht, has in recent issues included articles on 
the following significant topics: Sport, and Poli- 
tics, The German Infantry, France as Aggressor, 
National Socialist War Economy, Germans in 
the East, Our Living Space in Europe, A New 
Historical Consciousness, A Journey to the Front, 
Southeastern Europe and the German Spirit. 
The organization has continually extended its 
scope so as to embrace the whole field of interest 
and activity of each German youth. Its primary 
function is to train the prospective members of 
the party and to prepare a generation for active 
and whole-hearted participation in the new so- 
ciety, which since 1936 has meant a society geared 
to total war. 

The failure of many of the nominal members 
of the youth organization to take an active part 
resulted in executive orders (Mar. 25, 1939) pro- 
viding for the compulsoi-y service of all youth 
from 10 to 18. General organization activities 
and also special duties relating to the war are 
required. For neglect to observe the law severe 
penalties, including imprisomnent up to a period 
of three months, are imposed. There is evidence 
that violations are rather frequent. The attitude 
of youth, as well as the apparent resentment of 
many parents, indicates a significant growth of 
opposition to the govenunent's attempt to regi- 
ment the younger generation completely in the 
service of the state. 

Training for Leadership 

The chief responsibility for instilling political 
consciousness into the nation and for qualifying 
a selected elite for leadership is delegated to the 
party. It is an all-embracing educational or- 
ganization, utilizing a great variety of techniques, 
such as mass meetings, parades, evening classes, 
sports, uniforms, and symbols, to mold the citi- 
zenry through vital experiences. Its innumer- 
able branches and affiliated organizations com- 

' Address to Hitler Youth at Nuremberg, Sept. 1935. 


prehend or affect virtually the entire population. 
The skill of its leaders has been highly developed 
in the art of "educating" the masses through 
crowd manipulation and appeals to group senti- 
ment, as in the great assemblages at the Keich 
sport stadium or the Sportspalast at Berlin or, 
before the war, at the "Party day" at Nurem- 

Three types of schools for the development of 
future leaders have been set up under the ex- 
clusive control of the party : 

1. The Adolf Hitler Schools. These schools, 
established in 19.37, are 10 in number and are 
designed to train selected boys from 12 to 18 
who are recruited from the ranks of the 
Hitler Youth. Scholastic background is unim- 
portant; leadership traits are considered the 
prime essential. Successful graduation is the key 
to entrance to a university or professional school 
or to posts in the army or state or party bu- 
reaucracy. "Political orientation" is the essence 
of the course which centers around biological, ra- 
cial, and "folkish" science. World affairs are 
presented from the party standpoint. The in- 
structors are specially trained party leaders who 
are devoid of any academic background or ex- 
perience. Only a few hundred boys are admitted 
to these schools each year. 

2. The National Political Institutes of Educa- 
tion. These are Nazified versions of the old Prus- 
sian cadet schools. They are 31 in number and 
concentrate on preparation of leaders in the armed 
formations of the party. Storm Troopers and Elite 
Guards, or in the Labor Service camps. Their 
program, according to Das Reich, April 27, 1941, 
"is essentially centered around struggle and com- 
petition. Combat is the organ of selection in peace 
and war is the primary instrument of education in 
these institutions." The curriculum emphasizes 
physical training supplemented by Nazi indoc- 
trination. Entrance is based on the results of rig- 
orous selective tests, and the xmfit are rapidly 
weeded out. The term is eight years, after which 
time graduates may enter a university, the state 
police, or posts in the armed formations of the 
party. A large number of these institutes, some 
of which have operated since 1933, have been added 
since the outbreak of war in 1939. 

3. The Order Castles (Ordenshurgcn). Four 
of these have been set up for the purpose of de- 

NOVEMBER 5, 1944 


veloping a super-elite from tlie most select grad- 
uates of tlie other leadership schools. Admission 
must be preceded by two years of military service, 
one year of labor service, and one to three years of 
activity in youth and party organizations. Stu- 
dents concentrate first on racial and ideological 
"science", second on physical training, and finally 
on political education accompanied by the devel- 
opment of physical and military skills. The cul- 
minating year at Marienburg in East Prussia em- 
phasizes the medieval conquest of the East by the 
Teutonic Kniglits and the predestined right of the, 
master race to living space in the East at the ex- 
pense of the native Slavic population. 

In all these leadership schools the aim is not so 
much to educate as to develop a type and to train 
and condition youth for a specific task. Books 
and classroom methods play little part in the 
process. The totality of environment and experi- 
ence is carefully adapted to the ends in view. It is 
too early to judge the results of such training. 
"Leaders" produced by these schools might func- 
tion effectively within the Nazi scheme, but they 
would probably be lacking in initiative and in flex- 
ibility of mind if confronted by new and luifamil- 
iar situations. 

The Labor Service 

By law of June 26, 1935 labor service, previously 
introduced under the Republic, was made compul- 
sory for all males. More recently this requirement 
has been extended to women as well. A six-month 
period of work is required, generally in a rural 
camp or (for women) in the homes of peasants. 
There were 1,300 labor camps in 1938. The edu- 
cational objective of the service is "to inculcate in 
the German youth a community spirit and a true 
concept of the dignity of work". It is, in a sense, 
a "back to the land" movement, similar in purpose 
to the Land Year. Love of nature and ffeimat, 
physical development, character values, and a sense 
of patriotic collaboration in the service of the state 
are among the desired ends. It is an experiment 
in total education, forming youth to a specific bear- 
ing (Haltung) which combines the qualities of 
worker, peasant, and soldier. It is democratic in 
that no classes are exempt, but it is highly anti- 
individualistic in that free personality is sup- 
pressed. Here as everywhere under National So- 
cialism every effort is made to inculcate in the Ger- 
man youth a sense of the solidarity of all Germans 

{Volhsgenossen) and to indoctrinate them in the 
tenets of the Nazi WeltanschavMng.^ 

'■'Strength Through Joy'' 

The adult masses of Germany are regimented 
largely in the Labor Front, whose "Strength 
Through Joy" division superintends their leisure- 
time activities. Although mainly devoted to social 
and recreational interests, this organization has de- 
veloped a comprehensive scheme of adult education. 
It conducts study courses of a vocational or cultural 
character and in many ways seeks to cultivate the 
interest and even active participation of the work- 
ing people in drama, music, and the arts. Under 
its egis the German people with their bent for asso- 
ciation have formed innumerable leagues and clubs 
devoted to various hobbies. Of most immediate 
educational significance is the taking-over of the 
People's Colleges, established under the Republic, 
which have been converted into propaganda units 
of the party. Conducted primarily as evening 
schools, they serve the purpose of indoctrinating in 
racial and "folkish" precepts the great number of 
adults who have not had the advantages of ad- 
vanced schooling. Like all other institutions at 
the higher level they have been largely "political- 
ized" and have become ideological supfiorts of the 

The Propaganda Mhiistry 

The Nazi system for shaping the mass mind is 
an integral and vital part of the regime. The 
Ministry for Propaganda and Public Enlighten- 
ment, established in 1933, has carried into effect the 
ideas of Hitler and of its chief, Herr Goebbels, re- 
garding the "enlightenment" of the German 
people." These men deemed it essential that a 
revolutionary regime win over and mobilize for 
action the powerful force of public opinion. The 
Nazis have astutely realized that the present era is 
one of mass organization and force in the psycho- 
logical and political as well as the economic fields. 
Propaganda to them is essentially psychological 

' Wolfgang Schiebe, Aufgabe und Aufbati des Reichs- 
arbeitsdienstes (Leipzig, 1938), pp. 19-26. C. W. Guille- 
baud, The Social Policy of Nazi Qermany (Cambridge, 
1941), pp. 65-68. 

" Hans Herma, "Goebbels' Conception of Propaganda", 
Social Research, May 1943, pp. 200-218. Wilhelm Hoper, 
Adolf Hitler, der Erzieher der Deutschen (Breslau, 1934), 
pt. 1, pp. 85-87. Bbenstein, op. cit., pp. 108-25. Hart- 
shorne, op. cit., pp. 28-35. 


warfare. "Enlightenment" informs the masses by 
attacking and undermining erroneous beliefs and 
by sui^planting them with passionately held con- 
victions. Propaganda disseminates doctrine, wins 
new adherents, and converges upon a program of 
action. The Nazis have had considerable success 
in gaging the German mentality, its traditional 
attitudes and its emotional values. 

The depressed, almost neurotic state of the 
German mind of the early thirties made easy the 
task of eliciting and manipulating emotional re- 
sponses through the media of stereotypes and sym- 
bols. The goals have been to convert, to clarify 
insight, to strengthen community feeling, to spur 
the will, and to inflame to action. 

The new Ministry was set up, in the words of 
Goebbels, "to serve the purpose of building the 
intellectual-spiritual foundation of our power and 
of capturing not only the apparatus of the state 
but the people as a whole". Although Hitler has 
expressed contempt for the intelligence of the 
masses and has openly advocated deliberate falsi- 
fication of fact, Goebbels' concept is more subtle. 
He believes that truth, for the vast majority, rests 
upon the manner in which objective reality is 
presented to their minds. Hence propaganda 
must create a picture sufficiently distorted to suit 
the needs of policy but near enough to reality so 
that it may be later corroborated by events and 
thus verified. This kind of presentation requires 
adroit manipulation of facts and skilled manage- 
ment of attitudes and ideas. Propaganda must 
achieve "a ruthless and fanatically one-sided 
orientation". Objectivity weakens the will to ac- 
tion; all incompatible points of view other than 
the one relevant to a predetermined policy must 
be precluded. The educational objectives of Goeb- 
bels' policy, since they characterize all Nazi edu- 
cation to some degree, are worth stating. They 
are to achieve emotional involvement ; the elimina- 
tion of alternative choices other than the one of- 
fered ; the exclusion of "frames of reference" other 
than the folk-community; the imposition of an 
egocentric conception of reality; the scientific 
building-up of the "psyche" of the people; the 
inhibition of the use of autonomous reason; and 
the substitution of action for thinking. 

The Ministry has comprehensive jurisdiction 
over all opinion-forming agencies of the Reich ex- 
cept the schools. A Culture Chamber provides 
separate yet integrated units for the press, film, 
radio, theater, art, music, and literature. Within 


these divisions are regimented all acceptable 
artists, writers, and practitioners of culture of the 
Reich, and only these are authorized to engage in 
their respective professions. In addition every 
activity or function calculated to influence the 
popular mind in any way is placed within the 
scope of the Ministry, which is made "competent 
to deal with all measures for mental influence 
upon the nation, the publicity for state, culture 
and business, the instruction of the public within 
and outside the nation concerning the above, and 
the administration of all devices that serve these 
purposes". In all matters the Minister has ab- 
solute administrative, legislative, and judicial 

In short, the Propaganda Ministry becomes .^ 
"national witch-doctor", relieving the populace of 
enervating worry about insoluble questions and 
organizing the collective will for the common task. 
It acts upon the maxim "what cannot be coordi- 
nated must be eliminated". Its success has 
blighted creative thought and cultural activity — 
in Germany, especially, always fertilized by for- 
eign contact — and has powerfully reenforced the 
introvert tendencies of German thinking. But it 
has achieved its primary purpose by consolidat- 
ing the national will in support of the political 
objectives of the Nazi regime. 


The changes effected in the German educational 
system by the National Socialist regime represent 
an attempt on the part of a revolutionary group 
to achieve total control over the national mind in 
the interests of the "folkish state" and its military 
objectives. Perhaps never has there been a more 
conspicuous instance of the neglect of values in- 
trinsic to true education and of the subordination 
of schooling to ulterior objectives. 

Nazi policy even prior to the war was rapidly 
depleting the ranks of the teaching profession. By 
1939 the German press was reporting 3,000 vacant 
teaching posts in Prussia alone; the universities 
and training schools were preparing only 2,500 
candidates a year for 8,000 posts to be filled an- 
nually. Nazi anti-intellectualism has brought the 
scholarly professions into disrepute, and the co- 
ordination of schools, universities, and all cultural 
agencies has had a devastating effect upon creative 
cultural activity. Many of Germany's most emi- 
nent scholars, writers, and artists have emigrated, 



voliintrti-ily or by compulsion, while those that re- 
mained have been hedged about with restrictions 
which, with a few rare exceptions, have permitted 
little freedom of action. 

The war has had a destructive effect upon the 
schools. It has meant shorter hours and lowered 
standards. Tliousands of children receive only 
part-time schooling. War work occupies much of 
the time even of younger children. More than 
ever education has been militarized. More re- 
cently the bombing of German cities has seriously 
interfered with the maintenance of schooling in 
some areas. The shortage of textbooks is uni- 
versally felt. The supply of qualified teachers is 
totally inadequate — many are now teaching who 
lack proper credentials, and subjects are often 
dropped for lack of competent personnel. So few 
were the candidates for teacher training that in 
1941 the newly established Hochschulen fur 
Lehrerhildung were supplanted by LehrerMldung- 
sanstalten, which dropped all pretense of univer- 
sity standards and provided for a five-year course 
beyond the eight years of the elementary- and 
middle-school period. These would provide a 
minimum of special and professional training, 
highly "politicalized" and with little attention to 
general or cultural background. The work of the 
schools at all levels as well as the extracurricular 
training of youth is more than ever influenced by 
the national emergency and is subordinated to the 
war effort. 

The universities, most of which were closed at 
the outbreak of war, have reopened and, accord- 
ing to recent reports of the German press, in 1943 
enrolled 80,000 students, a substantial increase over 
1939. However, many of these are members of the 
armed forces on special furlough. Few students 
are able to devote full time to academic pursuits. 
The student disorders at the University of Munich 
in February 1943, in which three leaders were ar- 
rested, tried on charges of "giving comfort to the 
enemy", and guillotined, seem to indicate a spirit 
of revolt among the younger generation and a 
sense of disillusionment with Nazi war objectives. 
The force of this sentiment is difficult to gage with 
accuracy at this time, but there are indications 
that it is wide-spread. 

The balance-sheet of Nazi education may be 
briefly presented, with the qualification that all 
points are definitely controversial.^" To its credit 
are the following: More adequate emphasis on 

physical training and skills and upon the role of 
labor in the educational process; an attempt to 
root education in the folk-life of the nation ; a 
somewhat greater degree of educational oppor- 
tunity for talented youth regardless of social 
status; training of will and character and chan- 
nelizing of individual energies into community 
service ; systematic selection and training for lead- 
ership ; and the expansion of adult education, espe- 
cially through party and Labor Front organi- 

To its discredit stand the following: Denial of 
free inquiry ; complete indoctrination and "thought 
control"; neglect of cultural and intellectual 
values; deliberate misinformation through the dis- 
torted teaching of history, science, and racial con- 
cepts; inculcation of false or unethical ideals; un- 
due subordination of all instruction to the objec- 
tives of total war; and insulation of the German 
mind against all foreign and cosmopolitan 

Nazi educational reform has undoubtedly 
achieved a certain spectacular if temporary suc- 
cess in attaining the goals set for itself. This suc- 
cess has been due in part to the crisis in German 
life and thought which marked the inter-war pe- 
riod and to the failure of a liberal-democratic 
leadership to emerge capable of inspiring and 
mobilizing German spiritual energy in the task 
of national rehabilitation. It has been due even 
more to the acumen of Nazi leaders in fashioning 
a system well adapted not only to the crisis but 
also to ingrained German cultural traits and ways 
of thinking. It is open to serious question, how- 
ever, whether such a system can, or could, even 
mider more favorable circumstances, withstand the 
test of time. Its more creditable features are not 
original and were embodied to some degree in the 
Weimar school system. Its more aggressive traits 
are obviously the corollary of crisis government 
and adapted only to an emergency situation. Its 
ethnocentric excesses and its repudiation of uni- 
versal values of time-tested validity may well re- 
sult in its speedy collapse, once the special cir- 
cumstances that engendered this latest German 
revolt against the ethos of the West no longer 

" Based in part on a memorandum, "Postwar Educa- 
tional Reconstruction in Germany", by B. Q. Morgan and 
associates in the department of German, Stanford Uni- 



Retirement of Homer M. Byington From the 

Foreign Service 


[Released to the press November 2] 

Mr. Byington and my colleagues in the Depart- 
ment and in the Foreign Service : 

It is a great honor this afternoon to share in this 
tribute to Mr. Homer M. Byington. From every 
aspect he heads the Foreign Service List. His 
lifetime reflects the highest ideals of our Foreign 
Service : advancement by merit ; assigimients faith- 
fully discharged to the lasting ci'edit of the United 
States at posts throughout the world ; a full share 
in guidance to the Service ; a lifetime of devotion to 
duty. You must always be proud, Mr. Byington, 
of your decision in 1897 to join the Service. 

The best possible recognition of your contribu- 
tions of forty-seven years to the Service would be 
an assurance for the future, an assurance that 
plans are under way to meet the ever-increasing re- 
sponsibilities of the Foreign Service, that they are 
such as to add further strength to the organiza- 
tion you in such great measure have helped to 

During the coming years, our Government's 
representation abroad must be equipped to meet 
tremendous assignments ahead. It must be vigor- 
ous, intelligent, and manned for the task. This re- 
sponsibility has not been overlooked. As a fonner 
Chief of Foreign Service Personnel, I know that 
you must have given this problem the most careful 
consideration. I have myself given the matter 
much attention and consideration. Study has 
been devoted to requirements and ways and means 
of improving the Foreign Service. A program is 
coming into focus based on our experience in meet- 
ing the demands of war, a f)rogram attuned to new 
international responsibilities of peace. 

There can be little disagreement on the main 
problems of our Foreign Service. 

We need more men. I am confident that when 
the problem is put frankly before the Congress the 
necessary funds will be appropriated to the De- 

' Delivered at a reception given by the Foreign Service 
Association in honor of Consul General Homer M. Bying- 
ton on the occasion of his retirement after 47 years in the 
Foreign Service. 

partment to carry through speedily a successful 
recruitment program. We shall draw extensively 
upon the fighting men who are now in our mili- 
tary forces. They deserve heavy representation 
in the Department that will maintain the peace. 

We need some mature men, particularly for spe- 
cialized Service jobs. For this purpose we should 
perfect an orderly scheme of drawing talent from 
the Federal Government for temporary assign- 
ments in today's complex foreign relations. 

We need talent from civil life. Just as the Army 
and Navy drew upon reserve officers in the hour 
of crisis, we in the Foreign Service may need a re- 
serve corps wherein prestige will help to enlist 

We must increase the interchange of personnel 
between the Foreign Service and the Department. 
Such an interchange, extended to all branches of 
the Department and the Foreign Service, will en- 
hance mutual understanding of our common re- 

In all this we must safeguard the career prin- 
ciple. On the basis of your intimate and mature 
knowledge of the Foreign Service and its problems, 
I know you will agree with me that our tested 
organization must be the nucleus of expansion. 
Morale will be fortified and recruitment facili- 
tated by speeding up the machinery for promotions, 
by better evaluation and recognition of work well 
done, by making top diplomatic posts available to 
men without private means, by opening assign- 
ments of responsibility to men of ability while they 
are still young. 

We must continue to improve operating condi- 
tions overseas. This means better offices and bet- 
ter equipment. It means realistic living allow- 
ances. We should never require men to choose be- 
tween skimping on the responsibilities of their 
assignments or neglecting their personal and fam- 
ily requirements. 

Out of the fullness of your experience, Mr. By- 
ington, I know that you fully appreciate the neces- 
sity for these imi^rovements and that you will 
welcome the efforts being made to bring about 

NOVEMBER 5, 1944 


these improvements. In your case, your Govern- 
ment has demanded your talents and devotion for 
a lifetime. These you have given in full measure. 
In addition, you and your wife have given one son 
to the Foreign Service, a young man whom I see 
every day and in whom I have great confidence; 
another to American civil aviation abroad ; another 
to the Naval Academy; one daughter honored by 
a doctor's degree in her teaching of languages ; two 
daughters who are mothers of families, one of 
whom awaits her husband's return from the Pa- 
cific theater of war. 

It is my great privilege now, in behalf of my 
associates in the Department and in the Foreign 
Service, to hand you three gifts in commemora- 
tion of your outstanding contribution to the Serv- 
ice. Tliey are evidence of our profound esteem^ 
a silver tray engraved with the affection and ad- 
miration of your colleagues and friends in the 
Department; these goblets for a toast to your 
health and continued happiness; this testimonial 
of our respect and good wishes always to you and 
Mrs. Byington. 

Birthday of Generalissimo 
Chiang Kai-shek 

[Released to the press November 3] 

President Roosevelt has sent the following tele- 
gram to His Excellency Generalissimo Chiang 
Kai-shek, President of the National Government 
of the Republic of Cliina, on the occasion of the 
Generalissimo's birthday : 

October 31, 1944 

It gives me great pleasure to extend, on this the 
anniversary of your birthday, my warm good 
wishes to you for your health and for the well- 
being of the people of China. 

Franklin D. Roosevelt 

Anniversary of the 
Independence of Panama 

[Released to the press November 3] 

President Roosevelt has sent the following tele- 
gram to His Excellency Ricardo Adolfo de la 
Guardia, President of the Republic of Panama, on 
the occasion of the anniversary of the independ- 
ence of Panama : 

November 3, 1944. 

It gives me great pleasure upon this national 
anniversary of Panama to join with the people of 
the United States in sending to you and to the 
people of Panama congratulations and best wishes. 

I take this opportunity to express my confidence 
that the success which has attended the cooperative 
efforts of our two countries in the cause of the 
United Nations will continue to our mutual bene- 
fit in the difficult times which lie ahead. 

Franklin D. Roosevelt 


Diplomatic and Consular Offices 

The American Embassy at Athens, Greece, was 
reestablished as a combined office on October 27, 

The American Consulate at Gibraltar was re- 
opened to the public on November 1, 1944. 


Department of State 

Jurisdiction Over Prizps: Agreement between the 
United States of America and Canada, and Proclama- 
tion — Agreement effected by exchange of notes signed at 
Washington May 24 and August 13, 1943. Executive 
Agreement Series 394. Publication 2196. 9 pp. 50. 

Jurisdiction Over Prizes: Agreement between the 
United States of America and the United Kingdom of 
Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and Proclamation — 
Agreement effected by exchange of notes signed at Lon- 
don October 1 and November 3, 1942. Executive Agree- 
ment Series 393. Publication 2199. 7 pp. 5t 

Other Government Agencies 

The articles listed below will be found in the November 
4 issue of the Department of Commerce publication en- 
titled Foreign Commerce WeeJcly, copies of which may be 
obtained from the Superintendent of Documents, Govern- 
ment Printing Otiice, for 10 cents each : 

"Swedish Industries' Trends in War-time", based on a 
report by Harold Carlson, vice consul, American Legation, 

"Sweden Needs Fishnets and Finds Supply Scarce", 
based on a report by Harold Carlson, vice consul, 
American Legation, Stockholm, and Margaret Wambs- 
ganss. Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce, 
Department of Commerce. 




Customs Union, Belgium, Luxembourg, 
and the Netherlands 

The American Embassy near the Belgian Gov- 
ernment at London transmitted to the Depart- 
ment, with a despatch of September 12, 1944, a 
copy of the text of a convention between Belgium, 
Luxembourg, and the Netherlands relating to a 
customs union, signed at London on September 5, 
1914. The convention provides that it shall come 
into force eight days after the exchange of ratifica- 
tions and that, pending the exchange of ratifica- 
tions, the convention shall come into effect pro- 
visionally as soon as the Belgian and Netherlands 
Governments are reinstated in their territories. 

Commercial "Modus Vivendi", 
Venezuela and Brazil 

The American Embassy at Caracas transmitted 
to the Department, with a despatch of October 2, 
1944, a copy of an exchange of notes signed at 
Caracas on September 27, 1944, effecting a further 
renewal for one year from September 27, 1944 of 
the commercial modus vivendi between Venezuela 
and Brazil concluded on June 11, 1940. The notes 
of September 27, 1944 are published in the Vene- 
zuelan Gaceta Ofickil No. 21,522 of September 28, 



Appointment of Officers ! 

James H. W right as Chief of the Division of , 

North and West Coast Affairs, effective October 

16, 1944. Mr. Wright will continue as Assistant : 

to the Director of the Office of American Republic , 


PAN AMERICAN VmO?i— Continued from page 550 

that goal. His faith owes much to his association 
with his colleagues on this Board and to the warm 
friendships he has enjoyed with other statesmen 
of your countries. The record of Pan American 
relations, in which the members of this Board 
have played so important a part, has demonstrated 
that even the gravest problems which nations must 
face in the changing current of world affairs can 
be solved if intelligent thought is applied in a 
spirit of honesty, mutual respect, and good-will. 
That fact is of the greatest significance to the 
world today. 

Gentlemen, I thank you again for the honor you 
have bestowed upon my Government and our Sec- 
retary of State. It is an honor received with a 
deep sense of the responsibility involved but with 
a profound confidence that our cooperative effort 
will lead us to ever gi-eater achievements. 




VOL. XI, NU. 2<;l 

NOVEMBER 12, 1944 

In this issue 


Article by tVilliam Yale 

Article by Hugh Barton 

Vl^NT o^ 

* i^ 




November 12, 1944 


The Department of State BULLE- 
TIN, a weekly publication compiled and 
edited in the Division of Research and 
Publication, Office of Public Informa- 
tion, provides the public and inter- 
ested agencies of the Government icith 
information on developments in the 
field of foreign relations and on the 
tcork of the Department of State and 
the Foreign Service. The BULLETIN 
includes press releases on foreign policy 
issued by the White House and the De- 
partment, and statements and addresses 
made by the President and by the Sec- 
retary of State and other officers of the 
Department, as tcell as special articles 
on various phases of international af- 
fairs and the functions of the Depart- 
ment. Information concerning treaties 
and international agreements to which 
the United States is or may become a 
party and treaties of general inter- 
national interest is included. 

Publications of the Department, 
cumulative lists of which are published 
at the end of each quarter, as tcell as 
legislative material in the field of inter- 
national relations, are listed currently. 

The BULLETIN, published with the 
approval of the Director of the Bureau 
of the Budget, is for sale by the Super- 
intendent of Documents, United States 
Government Printing Office, Washing- 
ton 25, D. €., to whom all purchase 
orders, with accompanying remittance, 
should be sent. The subscription price 
is $2.75 a year; a single copy is 10 

American Republics Page 

Recognition of Guatemalan Government 568 

Certain New Instrumentalities for Economic Development 
in the South American Republics: Article by William 
Yale 571 


Anniversarj- of the Founding of the Soviet Union: 

Message of President Roosevelt to the President of the 

Presidium 569 

Message of the Acting Secretary of State to the People's 

Commissar for Foreign Affairs 569 

Destruction by the Nazis in the Netherlands 570 

Full Membership for Provisional Government of France on 

European Advisory Commission 583 

Appointment of Harold MacMillan as Head of the Allied 

Commission 583 

Far East 

Milton J. Helmick To Visit China 576 

George H. Grim Returns From China 576 

Korea: Internal Political Structure. Article by Hugh 

Borton . 578 

Near East 

Death of the Ambassador of Turkey: 

Telegram from President Roosevelt to the President of 

Turkey 570 

Telegram from the Acting Secretary of State to the 

Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs 570 

Statement by the Acting Secretary of State 570 


Renunciation of Nationality in the United States 576 

American Commission for the Protection and Salvage of 

Artistic and Historic Monuments in War Areas . . . 577 

Civilian Travel in Certain Foreign Areas 584 

Death of Lord Moyne 585 

Post-War Matters 

Discussion of Dumbarton Oaks Proposals: 

Meeting of Representatives of American Republics and 

Department of State 565 

Meeting of Representatives of Peace-Study Groups: 

Address by Benjamin Cerig 565 

Anniversary of UNRRA: Letter from the President to 

Herbert H. Lehman 569 

Treaty Information 

Inter-American Automotive Traffic 585 

Educational and Publicity Films; Nature Protection and 

Wildlife Preservation 585 

Barbadian Laborers in the United States 585 

The Department 

Designation of Officers 586 

The Foreign Service 

Consular Offices 583 

Publications 586 

Discussions of Dumbarton Oaks Proposals 

Meeting of Representatives of American Republics and 

Department of State 

[Released to the press November 9] 

On the afternoon of November 9 there was 
held in the Department of State another meeting 
of the heads of mission of the American repub- 
lics in Washington with officials of the Depart- 
ment of State, headed by the Acting Secretary 
of State, Edward R. Stettinius, Jr. The purpose 
of the meeting was to continue the exchange of 
comments on the Dumbarton Oaks proposals.^ 

Following the meeting the Acting Secretary 
of State said : 

"We met today with the heads of mission of 
the American republics for the purpose of further 
exchange of comments on the Dumbarton Oaks 
proposals. We had a most fruitful discussion, 
and we are encouraged by the support that the 
American republics are showing for the basic 
ideas embodied in the Dumbarton Oaks pro- 
posals. We received assurances today that all the 
American republics are giving careful study to 
the jDroposals and are going to bring their com- 
ments to the group. Some of the heads of mis- 
sion have already placed the views of their govern- 
ments before the group." 

Meeting of Representatives of Peace-Study Groups' 

{Address by BENJAMIN GERIG' 

[Released to the press November 10] 

I welcome this opportunity to consider with you 
some aspects of the Dumbarton Oaks proposals, 
more particularly as the groups represented here 
today approach the great question of world or- 
ganization with a long background of experience 
and with a sincere desii'e to assist in finding an 
effective way to develop enduring peaceful inter- 
national relations. 

The Department of State has followed with 
close attention the splendid woi'k which has for 
years been carried forward by your several organ- 
izations in the field of education and as regards 
the principles which must guide any successful 
program for good understanding among nations on 
which peace depends. The Carnegie Endowment 
for International Peace and the Commission To 
Study the Organization of Peace have produced 

many objective and incisive studies in the field of 
international organization and law, which have 
been of the greatest value to all students of the 
subject. The League of Nations Association and 
the National Peace Conference have in their sev- 
eral ways sought to disseminate an understanding 
of the principles which should underlie successful 
international cooperation, while the Church Peace 
Union and the World Alliance for International 

' Bulletin of Oct. 29, 1944, p. 525. 

'Meeting of the Commission To Study the Organiza- 
tion of Peace, the Church Peace Union, and the National 
Peace Conference in cooperation with the World Alliance 
for International Friendship Through the Churches, the 
League of Nations Association, and the Carnegie Endow- 
ment for International Peace held in New York, N. Y., 
Friday, Nov. 10, 1944. 

' Mr. Gerig is Associate Chief of the Division of Inter- 
national Security and Organization, Office of Special 
Political Affairs, Department of State. 




Friendship Through the Churches both at home 
and abroad have for years upliekl without sec- 
tarian bias those moral and religious standards 
without which mankind cannot live on a plane of 
mutual cooperation and resjaect. 

The Dumbarton Oaks proposals are relatively 
simple in form and brief in content, but I think 
you will find in them a reflection of many of the 
principles and proposals which have been urged 
upon American attention by your own groups 
over recent years. It is true, of course, that when 
streams of thought and experience coming from 
different nations and peoples must be taken into 
account none of us will find in such a composite 
document all the points to which we may severally 
have attached great importance. The Dumbar- 
ton Oaks proposals represent, as Secretary Hull 
rightly said, "the highest common denominator 
rather than the plan of any one nation". 

I think you will not wish me to attempt any 
detailed exposition of the document as it now 
stands nor to discuss in any detail those open ques- 
tions which still remain under consideration before 
the completed document is formally and officially 
submitted to the various governments prior to the 
forthcoming international conference. It might 
be more profitable if we consider together several 
of the major features of the proposals which have 
emei'ged in the discussion of the proposals since 
they have been before the public. 

First of all, I would like to stress the essentially 
democratic character of the proposed international 
organization. I realize that there is some discus- 
sion that in one major respect the Organization, 
by reason of the fact that very special and heavy 
responsibilities for the maintenance of peace and 
security are laid upon the great powers, departs 
from this democratic basis. I believe, however, 
that a closer examination of the proposals will lead 
one to a different conclusion. 

The maintenance of security must inevitably be 
a special responsibility of those states which have 
the capacity and the will to contribute effectively 
to it. The Security Council, therefore, would be 
organized in such a way that enforcement action 
may be taken promptly and effectively. The 
special powers conferred upon the Security Coun- 
cil, and in particular upon the members capable 
of exercising them, are clearly defined and limited. 
Tlie functions of the proposed Security Council 

should not be compared with the functions of the 
League of Nations Council, which covered a much 
wider field. It should be noted that action by the 
Security Council would require discussion among 
all its members and would be based upon a decision 
which — no matter how the voting question is 
settled — would almost certainly require the assent 
of some of the non-permanent members who would 
be elected by the General Assembly. Moreover, 
the action of the Security Council is not one of 
complete freedom ; it would be obligated to act in 
accordance with the principles and purposes laid 
down in the Charter. The place of the perma- 
nent members of the Security Council, therefore, 
is not one of domination but rather one of leader- 
ship aiid responsibility flowing from the position 
of these powers in the world. 

There is some discussion to the effect that the 
proposed Organization would be more democratic 
if a weighted voting system were adopted in the 
General Assembly. This, however, would have 
the effect of emjahasizing the position of the great 
powei's not only in the Security Council but also 
in the General Assembly, thus accentuating in 
some degree the difference between great and 
small powers. 

A second feature of the Dumbarton Oaks pro- 
posals to which I should like to refer is the pro- 
posed security arrangements. The experience of 
the inter-war period, together with the experience 
of the United Nations in conducting the present 
war to a successful conclusion, was fuUy taken 
into account in developing these arrangements. I 
think it will be generally agreed that in the Dum- 
barton Oaks proposals the security machinery is 
much more fully developed and laid out in a more 
detailed and well-defined manner than in any pre- 
vious plan. Promptness of action is rendered 
more likely by placing responsibility for action in 
one organ alone without the possibility of shift- 
ing it to another venue, as for example the General 

Furthermore, in developing a Military Staff 
Committee composed of the Cliiefs of Staff of the 
permanent members of the Security Council there 
is an extension of the experience which has 
proved, even in a limited way, to be so successful 
in this war. And finally, by making it possible 

NOVEMBER 12, 1944 


to utilize regional arrangements or agencies for 
enforcement action taken under the authority of 
the Security Council, there is a further promise 
that the security objectives of the new proposals 
can be more successfully and efficiently cari'ied 
into effect. 

An additional feature of the security arrange- 
ments of the proposed Organization is the pro- 
posal that all the members of the Organization 
should, by special agreement, undertake to make 
available at the call of the Security Council 
armed forces, facilities, and other assistance, and 
that in particular national air-force contingents 
should be held immediately available for combined 
international enforcement action when an emer- 
gency arises. The philosophy behind this proposal 
is that armed force should become the strong arm 
of the universal will to peace, available for the 
protection of all jDeace-loving states, rather than 
something which in itself is objectionable and to 
be dispensed with ; hence the emphasis on the reg- 
ulation of armaments, with a definite anticipation 
that this arrangement should and would result in 
the maintenance of international peace and secu- 
rity "with the least diversion of the world's human 
and economic resources for armaments". 

All this security action is, of course, based on 
the principle that all members of the Organiza- 
tion shall settle their disputes by peaceful means 
and shall refrain in their international relations 
from the threat or use of force in any manner in- 
consistent with the purposes of the Organization. 

A third feature of the Dumbarton Oaks pro- 
posals is the wide scope which is given to ma- 
chinery and activity for the creation of the condi- 
tions which in the longer view will make for 
greater prosperity and well-being and thus take 
away the occasion for war. Repressive measures 
alone would not appeal to the moral conscience or 
the intelligence of mankind. Positive and con- 
structive forms of international cooperation for 
the benefit of all have long been regarded by all 
the principal faiths of the world as essential to an 
orderly and civilized world. 

While responsibility for maintaining peace is 
equally shared by all states, not all states are 
in an equal position to discharge this responsibility 
for the maintenance of peace and security. But 
when it comes to facilitating solutions of economic, 

social, and other humanitarian problems, par- 
ticularly in the field of educational and cultural 
activity, the distinction between large capacity 
and power and smaller capacity and power tends 
to disappear. In the world of economics, of sci- 
ence, and of education contributions do not cor- 
respond with the size or power of states. 

In the proposed plan the General Assembly, 
where all states are represented, is given the func- 
tion — which in the longer view is likely to be the 
most important constructive function within the 
scope of the Organization — of considering and 
making recommendations for the purpose of pro- 
moting international cooperation in political, eco- 
nomic, and social fields and of adjusting situations 
likely to imj^air the general welfare. I think you 
will agree that this function of wide range and ef- 
fect opens up a vista of usefulness which is almost 
unlimited. In carrying out this responsibility the 
General Assembly would make recommendations 
for the coordination of the policies of economic, so- 
cial, and other specialized agencies brought into 
relation with the Organization. Here may be seen 
an activity which in a world of peace and stability 
would enable mankind to attain standards of 
health, well-being, and general advancement such 
as the world has never seen. 

As an instrument for giving effect to this great 
field of activity there would be established the Eco- 
nomic and Social Council of 18 states-members, 
elected by the General Assembly. Here may be 
seen an extension and development of the efforts 
that had been made just prior to the war by the so- 
called Bruce Committee, which recommended on 
the basis of experience and world needs that cer- 
tain steps in this direction be taken by the League 
of Nations. 

This Economic and Social Council would not 
only carry out recommendations of the General 
Assembly but also on its own initiative would make 
recommendations with respect to international 
economic, social, and other humanitarian activi- 
ties. It would receive and consider reports from 
all the various specialized agencies brought into 
relationship with the Organization and would 
make recommendations for the cooi'dination of 
their activities whenever it would be in the general 

All this economic and social activity is appro- 
f)riately recommendatory rather than executive in 



character. Wlien all the states, through common 
action in the General Assembly, and when 18 
governments send their most highly qualified rep- 
resentatives to the Economic and Social Council 
to consider these questions in their widest impli- 
cations, it is clear that the recommendations is- 
suing from such bodies would carry the greatest 
weight among all the governments of the world. 

As my fourth and last point I should like to 
call your attention to a phrase which will deserve 
your steadfaf^t interest, namely, that the Organi- 
zation should "promote respect for human rights 
and fundamental freedoms." All the churchmen 
in this audience will be full}' aware of the far- 
reaching implications of these few but pregnant 
words. It has now become api:>arent to almost 
everyone that the present conflict is, in a very 
important degree, the result of a denial of those 
human rights and fundamental freedoms with- 
out which political liberty and the human con- 
science must ever be stultified. Territorial con- 
siderations will have their important place in the 
eventual peace settlements, but who can doubt 
that such a jpeace would be ephemeral so long 
as human beings were denied those rights and 
freedoms which are necessary to life itself and 
which we, as Americans, will always regard as 
the very basis of our national existence? 

The implementation of this provision will be 
slow and undoubtedly difficult, and it would be 
impossible to forecast at this time all the ways 
and means for carrying it into effect. Its im- 
plementation must vary according to circum- 
stances and places. States are rightly jealous of 
their domestic jurisdiction. The experience of 
the League of Nations with the minorities treaties 
shows how difficult it is to apply regulations which 
are not by treaty universally applicable. The 
American Law Institute in this country has at- 
tempted to foreshadow the content of what might 
be called an international "Bill of Eights" by 
which minimum standards might be agreed to by 
all subscribing nations. The determination of the 
best machinery for the application of this prin- 
ciple is left for the future, but just as some of 
the sentiments in the Preamble of the Constitution 
of the United States proved to be so far-reaching 
in our history, so it may well be that the doctrine 
of promoting respect for human rights and fun- 
damental freedoms may emerge as one of the chief 
cornerstones of the new edifice. 

Mr. Chairman, I should like to say just a word 
about the spirit in which the Dumbarton Oaks 
conversations were conducted. The British, So- 
viet, and Chinese Delegations exhibited the finest 
spirit of cooperation, always trying to find prac- 
ticable, working solutions susceptible of winning 
the widest degree of assent. There was no evi- 
dence of an attempt to score points which would 
embarrass other governments but rather a sincere 
desire to make' possible the establishment of an 
effective international organization, conscious that 
the prosperity and even the destiny of their na- 
tions depended upon its success. It was because 
of this spirit that the President was able to ex- 
press his satisfaction "that so much could have 
been accomplished on so difficult a subject in so 
short a time". If other governments and peoples 
will approach this subject in the same spirit of 
cooperation and accommodation there can be no 
doubt that the high hopes of the peoples of the 
world can be realized in the establishment of the 
Organization, and, if the public will and deter- 
mination do not flag, there also can be no doubt 
that this great instrumentality will faithfully 
serve its high purposes. 

Recognition of 
Guatemalan Government 

[Released to the press November 7] 

The Acting Secretary of State, Edward K. Stet- 
tinius, Jr., announced on the afternoon of No- 
vember 7 that the Government of the United States 
would extend recognition to the Government of 
Guatemala on that day. 

The American Ambassador in Guatemala City 
was to call on the new Minister for Foreign Af- 
fairs of Guatemala at 5 p.m., Guatemala time (7 
p.m., E.W.T.), November 7, to inform him of this 
action by the Govermnent of the United States. 
It is understood that many other American re- 
publics are taking similar action following full 
consultation and exchange of information pursu- 
ant to resolution XXII of the Committee for Po- 
litical Defense at Montevideo, 

NOVEMBER 12, 1944 


Anniversary of the Founding of the Soviet Union 


[Released to the press November G] 

November C, 1944. 

It gives me great pleasure on this national an- 
niversary of the Union of Soviet Socialist Re- 
publics to send greetings to you and to the people 
of the Soviet Union. 

At this fateful time when the Red Army and 
the armies of the United States and other United 
Nations are fighting on German soil, we can look 
forward with even greater confidence to the early 
defeat of the Nazi aggressors and the attainment 
of our common goal — a durable and just peace and 
a continuance of close collaboration between all 
the United Nations. 

Franklin D. Roosevelt 




[Released to the press November 6] 

November 6, 1944. 
On this the twenty-seventh anniversary of the 
founding of the Union of Soviet Socialist Re- 
publics, may I express on behalf of Secretary 
Hull and myself sincere felicitations to you. We 
may all look forward with full confidence to an 
early victory over the Nazi barbarians and the 
establishment of an enduring and just peace built 
upon the firm foundations of cooperation and 
mutual understanding which have been wrought 
so firmly in the crucible of war. 


Anniversary of UNRRA 


[Released to the press by the White House November 9] 

On the first anniversary of the creation of 
UNRRA, I wish to send to you and to the mem- 
bers of your staff my warmest congratulations on 
the great progress which you have made during 
this last year in preparing for the tremendous 
tasks ahead and my renewed good wishes for the 
successful fulfillment of your noble undertaking. 

I and the other responsible officials of this Gov- 
ernment have watched with keenest interest the 
development of UNRRA from the signing of the 
Agreement in the White House last November 9 
to the present moment when UNRRA men and 
women are actually engaged in bringing hard- 
won assistance to the gallant people of Greece. 
This Government has endeavored in every way to 
support you and your staff to the fullest limit of 
our ability. This has not always been an easy 

task in the face of the pressing and staggering 
demands which the fighting of a deadly war on 
many fronts has placed and will continue to place 
upon our resources of manpower, of supplies and 
of transportation. But we are determined that 
the sacrifices of the liberated peoples shall be re- 
warded and that, to the extent we have it in our 
power to help, these people shall promptly receive 
the clothing, food, and other supplies which they 
need to start life over. 

I am confident that your inspiring leadership, 
together with the cooperation of the member gov- 
ernments, will result in making UNRRA an en- 
during example of international cooperation in 

" Mikhail Kalinin is President of the Presidium of the 
Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. 

' V. M. Molotov is People's Commissar for Foreign Af- 
fairs of the U.S.S.R. 

'Director General of the United Nations Relief and 
Rehabilitation Administration, 



Death of the Ambassador of Turkey 


[Released to the press November 11] 

I send you my sincerest condolences in connec- 
tion -with the death of your Ambassador to this 
country and personal friend, Mehmet Miinir 
Ertegun. You must be proud of his able record 
here and tlie officials of this Government who have 
learned to appreciate Ambassador Ertegun's per- 
sonal integrity and noble and kindly spirit share 
in your loss. It is with particular sadness that I 
send to you, and through you to the Government 
and to the people of Turkey, the deep regret of my 
country upon the death of such a distinguished 
Turkish citizen and public servant. 




[Released to the press November 11] 

On behalf of Secretary Hull and myself I send 
you our deepest sympathy. The death of Mehmet 
Miinir Ertegiin has filled us with a sincere and 
deep sorrow, a sorrow which we share with his 
hundreds of friends in this country. His kindly 
and noble spirit and his great ability have given 
him a beloved position both in and out of Gov- 
ernment circles. His loss will not be forgotten. 
For more than ten years he has represented Turk- 
ish interests in the United States with skill and 
honesty and all of us in the Department of State 
will miss his many high qualities. 


[Released to the press November 11] 

I have just returned from a call at the Turkish 
Embassy to express nij' sincere condolences to the 
family and staff of the late Turkish Ambassador, 
His Excellency Mehmet Miinir Ertegiin, who died 
this morning. I am speaking for all of his many 
friends in the Department of State when I say that 
his death has filled us with a deep sense of personal 

For more than 10 years Ambassador Ertegiin, 
or Miinir Bey, as he was known to his many inti- 
mate friends, has ably represented the interests 
of Turkey in the United States, and his invaria- 
bly fair dealings and high personal integrity, his 
great personal charm, and his unfailing coopera- 
tion have given him an almost unique place among 
the diplomats in Washington. Since the death of 
the Peruvian Ambassador last April, he has been 
the distinguished Dean of the Diplomatic Corps. 
His kindly spirit, illuminated by his conviction 
that the nations in the world not only should but 
could follow the way of peace, will not be forgotten. 
He must have taken considerable satisfaction in 
the fact that American-Turkish relations have 
been most cordial throughout his tour of duty in 
this country. 

In the death of Ambassador Ertegiin the Re- 
public of Turkey has lost one of its most able 
public servants. 

Destruction by the Nazis in the Netherlands 


[Released to the press November 9] 

November 9, 1944. 
I have been inexpressibly shocked by the re- 
ports which have reached me of the savage and 
willful destruction being carried out by the Nazi 

' His Excellency Hasan Saka. 

barbarians in the Netherlands. I am confident, 
however, that the blows being struck by our united 
forces will soon result in the total liberation of 
your country and in the meantime you may be sure 
that all possible steps are being taken to ensure 
that relief will be made available to the people of 
the Netherlands. 

Franklin D. Roosevelt 

NOVEMBER 12, 194i 


Certain New Instrumentalities for Economic 
Development in the South American Republics 


During the past five j'eai-s new types of finan- 
cial and managerial organizations to deal with 
the problems of economic development have been 
evolved in the South American republics. 

The foment u (development) organizations 
created in South American countries, at times 
with the cooperation of the United States, are 
not sufficiently well Iniown. Consequently, the 
future potentialities of this type of organization 
remain unknown to those interested in similar 
economic problems in other countries. 

The South American fonwntos are in tlie process 
of modifying the ways in which foreign capital 
has been invested in South American countries 
since the middle of the nineteenth century. A 
planned and rational development of the natural 
resources and potentialities of countries whose 
economies are not fully developed did not result 
from the traditional form of economic imperial- 
ism. Under it, on tlie contrary, capital which was 
invested in such countries, although it brought 
substantial but limited benefits, did not lead to 
a well-considered economic development. In some 
cases cajDital was lent to governments to carrj' out 
public works, to balance tlie budget, or for un- 
specified purposes. In other cases capital was 
lent to municipalities and to private companies. 
Frequently those who made the loans had no other 
interest than in floating bond and stock issues at 
a considerable profit. Often high discount and 
interest rates were charged, and in some cases 
graft and corruption were concomitants of the 
transactions. Much capital was dissipated with- 
out creating tangible benefits to the countries 

Although directly invested capital was often 
soundly and wisely invested, it was usually em- 
ployed to develop some specific natural resource 
or to create some one specialized industry or type 
of agriculture. Such investments were generally 
made for the sole puipose of enriching the creditor. 
Foreign capital invested in countries with unde- 
veloped economies has not been interested, nor 
has it been employed, under the traditional forms 


of foreign investment, in bringing about the gen- 
eral, well-rounded economic development of such 
countries. Nevertheless, certain large American 
corporations with important investments in for- 
eign countries have made considerable contribu- 
tions to the social welfare and economic well-being 
of their workers aiid to the immediate communities 
in which they operate. The f omenta organizations, 
on the contrary, are changing the emphasis from 
limited development, through the exploitation of 
exceedingly profitable undertakings, to general 
development for the improvement of basic eco- 
nomic conditions. The fomento organizations are 
designed to provide financial, managerial, and 
operational instrumentalities which will assure 
security and a reasonable return on investments 
to foreign and local investors, and, at the same time, 
to malce possible a rational and planned all-round 
development of the economic resources and po- 
tentialities of the countries in which investments 
are made. 

The fomento organizations in considerable 
measure free those charged with implementing a 
development program from political pressures 
and interference. They provide the instruments 
by which commercial methods may be employed 
in carrying out development projects efficiently 
and wisely under the supervision of skilled tech- 
nicians. Furthermore, the South American fo- 
mento organizations tend to facilitate the pur- 
chase of foreign machinery and supplies and to 
jjrovide the means of securing prompt and full 
payment for such materials exported to the re- 
cipient countries. The foTnentos are used to as- 
sist private enterprise and to encourage private 
capital to participate in the general program of 
national economic development. They serve in a 
capacity similar to that of a national chamber of 
commerce, for the purpose of inducing domestic 
and foreign capital to invest in new industries for 
which the fomenton provide financial assistance. 

' Mr. Yale Is Area Specialist in the Near Eastern and 
African Branch of the Division of Territorial Studies, 
Office of Special Political Affairs, Department of State, 



In other parts of the world the political and 
economic leaders of countries with weak economic 
systems might study witli considerable profit the 
structure and functioning of the famento organi- 
zations of the South American republics. They 
could thus determine in what ways the fomento 
type of organization might best be adapted to 
meet the needs of their own countries. By em- 
ploying the fmnento method small countries with 
undeveloped economic systems might avoid the 
possibility of falling under the econoinic domi- 
nation and political control of powerful states. 
Such small countries might thus improve consid- 
erably the economic well-being of their people and 
the financial stability of their governments. 

The Fomento Organizations 

The idea of a fomento or development corpora- 
tion originated in Chile in 1939. To meet the 
national emergency resulting from the devastat- 
ing earthquake of January 1939 the Chilean Gov- 
ernment created the Chilean Fomento Corpora- 
tion, which was soon adapted to carry out a broad 
program of economic development. The out- 
break of the war in the summer of 1939 sharply 
revealed the weaknesses in the econo