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::ULTURAL RELATIONS: U.S.— U.S.S.R.
Efforts to Establish Cultural-Scientific
Exchange Blocked by the U.S.S.R 403
PROVISIONAL RECTIFICATIONS ALONG
THE WESTERN GERMAN FRONTIER
Communique of the Belgium, France,
Luxembourg, Netherlands, United King-
dom, and the United States 427
THE NORTH ATLANTIC PACT: A HISTORIC
STEP IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF
AMERICAN FOREIGN RELATIONS • By
Charles E. Bohlen 428
THIRD SESSION OF THE ILO PERMA-
NENT MIGRATION COMMITTEE • Article
by Irivin Tobin 421
For complete contents see back cover
Vol, XX, No. 509
April 3, 1949
^.^..^y^. bulletin
Vol. XX, No. 509 • Publication 3479
April 3, 1949
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Cultural Relations: U.S.— U.S.S.R.^
Efforts to Establish Cultural-Scientific Exchange Blocked by the U.S.S.R,
PARTI: INTRODUCTION
The United States and the Problem
of Cultural Exchange
THE free interchange of ideas and persons be-
tween nations has always been a cardinal Amer-
ican principle. In a real sense the cultural
structure of the United States has been derived
from an interplay of outside and native influences.
Without outside contacts the United States could
not have developed as it has, nor would its further
development be enriched and diversified without a
continuation of such contacts.
The United States is not unique in its inherit-
ance of cultural influences from other countries of
the world ; all civilized nations owe a considerable
debt to ideas and art forms borrowed from outside
their borders and amalgamated with their own
contributions to produce a new and richer product.
Individuals and private groups in the United
States have long actively sponsored cultural-
exchange activities. In addition, the United
States Government recently adopted an official
program for international information and educa-
tional exchange. Its objectives, as defined by law,
are "to promote a better understanding of the
United States in other countries, and to increase
mutual understanding between the people of the
United States and the people of other countries." ^
Cultural Exchange and the U.S.S.R.
Because relations between the United States and
the U.S.S.K. are obviously of great importance to
both nations and to the world at large, special em-
phasis has been placed by Americans on cultural
exchange with the U.S.S.R.
It became apparent during World War II that
an interchange of ideas and a mutual understand-
ing between the two peoples would constitute a
prime necessity for the building of a healthy world
society after the victory was won. The political,
economic, and cultural traditions of these two
April 3, 1949
peoples differed so vastly that only a tolerant ac-
ceptance of each other's viewpoints could prevent
unfortunate misunderstandings. This problem
was recognized as particularly acute when it be-
came obvious that in the postwar era the United
States and the Soviet Union would control the pre-
ponderance of the world's military and economic
power. Therefore, as early as the Moscow con-
ference of October 1943, the American Government
sought to establish an information and exchange
program with the Soviet Union. The United
States continued these efforts throughout the re-
mainder of the war and long after the military vic-
tory was gained. The postwar Aiiibassador to the
Soviet Union, Gen. Walter Bedell Smith, succinctly
stated the American interest in cultural inter-
change when he said, "the more the people of the
world know about each other, the better they under-
stand each other, and the less friction there is likely
to be." ^
It soon became obvious, however, that the Soviet
Government did not share the U. S. Government's
views on the importance of creating genuine instru-
ments for bridging the gulf between the two
peoples. In putting forth concrete proposals for
cultural cooperation, American officials consistent-
ly encountered obstacles placed in their path by the
Soviet authorities. Whether U. S. efforts were
aimed at establishing an exchange of students, pro-
fessors, and artists, or books, research findings, and
films, the results were the same. The uncoopera-
tive attitude, the lack of interest, the interminable
delay or absence of replies by the Soviet Govern-
ment thwarted American attempts at establishing
Department of
' Released to the press Mar. 24, 1949.
State publication 3480.
' United States Information and Educational Exchange
Act of 1948, Public Law 402 (80th Cong., 2d sess.).
' United States Information and Educational Exchange
Act of 1947 : Hearings Before a Special Subcommittee of
the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representa-
tives, SOth Congress, 1st session, on H. R. 3342, p. 48.
403
cultural relations between the two wartime Allies.
Furthermore, since the middle of 1947 the Soviet
Government has embarked upon a campaign to
place every sort of legal obstacle (backed by the
threat of heavy punishment) in the way of contacts
between the Russian people and foreigners and to
instill in the Russian people the belief that cul-
tural relations with Americans and other outsiders
carry a threat to the well-being of the Soviet state,
American Technical and Material Aid to the
Soviet Union
Long before the war the Soviet Union experi-
enced concretely and to its benefit one of the many
contributions which American culture could render
in the international field — namely, technical know-
how. Stalin himself acknowledged this in 1932
when he stated that "We observe the United States
with interest, since this country ranks high as re-
gards science and techniques. We should be glad
to have American scientists and technicians as our
teachers and in the technical field to be their
pupils."*
During the first two Five Year Plans of the
Soviet Union, American aid in technical assistance
and equipment was very important, as the Soviet
Government itself admitted. During a conversa-
tion with Eric Johnston, then president of the
U. S. Chamber of Commerce, in June 1944, Mar-
shal Stalin asserted that about two thirds of all
the large industrial enterprises in the Soviet Union
had been built with United States material aid or
technical assistance. Col. Hugh Cooper was in-
strumental in designing and constructing the
power project Dneprostroi, for which, according
to the Soviet encyclopedia, the machinery was fur-
nished by the American concerns, Newport News
Drydock Company and General Electric. In the
play Tempo, which deals with the efforts of the
Soviet people in building a construction project,
the American engineer, Mr. Carter, a symbol of
efficiency, was patterned after Colonel Cooper.
John Littlepage was a principal technical adviser
to the Soviet gold-mining trust. United States
engineers helped design and erect the most famous
plants of the Soviet auto, truck, and tractor indus-
try, which was modeled after the United States
automotive industry. Stalin himself said that
"The Soviet Union is indebted to Mr. Ford. He
'Amtorg, Review of the Soviet Union (no. 2, Fel)ruary
1934), "Soviet Industry and US," by Z. Suchliov, p. 45.
•Eric .lolinston, We're All In It, p. 81.
helped build our tractor and automobile indus-
tries." ' The Ford Motor Car Company, Hercules
Motor Car Company, Electric Autolite Company,
and many others, mentioned in the Bohhaya So-
vetskaya Entsiklopediya, contributed to building
of the Soviet automotive industry. The Soviet
petroleum industry was patterned after the U. S.
industry, the Entsiklopediya stating that much of
U. S. equipment and processes was used. Also,
E konomicheskaya Zhizn (June 26, 1930) credited
American techniques with increasing the efficiency
of the sugar industry. Ralph Budd, president of
Great Northern Railway, was an important ad-
viser to the Soviet engineers charged with the re-
organization of railroad transport during the first
two Five Year Plans.
Peter Bogdanov, head of Amtorg, said that in
1930 there were 600 to 700 American engineers in
the Soviet Union and publicly thanked the many
American companies and individuals for their aid
to the Soviet Union.
During World War II the American people
contributed to the war effort of their Ally by send-
ing tlie Soviet Union whole plants, together with
the newest machinery, and the necessary tech-
nicians to supervise the erection of the plants and
the installation of machinery. Much of the equip-
ment has been invaluable in Soviet reconstruc-
tion — for example, electric-power-generating
equipment totaling some one and a half million
kilowatts capacity (total installed capacity in the
U.S.S.Ii. at the time of the invasion was less than
eleven and a half million kilowatts) ; four huge
refineries using the most advanced Houdry avia-
tion-gasoline process, which gives a higher-content
octane than the Soviet ever had ; thousands of
macliine tools, 50 million dollars' worth of con-
struction machinery, 1,900 locomotives (in 1935
only 1,500 locomotives were in operation through-
out the U.S.S.R.), 427,000 trucks (approximately
half as many as the U.S.S.R. produced in its entire
history before the Nazi invasion) ; a lO-million-
dollar tire plant bought from the Ford Company
by the U. S. Government and given to the
U.S.S.R. — to mention but a few of the more nota-
ble contributions.
During the immediate postwar period the United
States exported industrial equipment to the
U.S.S.R., and at the same time United States engi-
neers engaged in aiding the Soviet workers rebuild
Dneprostroi, for which a considerable part of the
404
Department of State Bulletin
key equipment was supplied by the General Elec-
tric Company.
The United States supplied more commodities
to the U.S.S.R. during the period 1917-1947 than
did any other country ; the total value was roughly
12 billion dollars, of which 9.5 billion dollars was
lend-lease material, much of which has been indis-
pensable in Soviet reconstruction and for which
the United States has not been remunerated to
date. From 1921 to 1947 the United States fur-
nished the Soviet Union with 3.3 billion dollars'
worth of essential machinery and 2 billion doUai^s'
worth of metals (1.3 and 0.9 billion dollars' worth
respectively under lend-lease). (See Soviet Sup-
ply Protocols, Department of State publication
2759.)
The people of the Soviet Union are aware of the
United States aid to their economy, and they ad-
mire the technical efficiency of the American engi-
neer and workman. They also remember the
tanks, trucks, and food which America sent to
them during the war against the Nazi, despite their
Government's attempts to belittle the flow of
American equipment and foodstuffs to the U.S.S.R.
The Soviet peoi^le have some notion about the
high living standards of the American people.
They realize that the political system which has
produced such achievements must possess consid-
erable merit. This situation confronts the Soviet
Government with a serious problem in its attempt
to persuade its people that the Soviet system is
superior, that America is decadent and its people
starving and oppressed. Yet this it must seek to
do, since it is essential for the Kremlin to induce
its citizens to tolerate the obvious failure of the
Soviet system to provide for their needs and to
accept, at least passively, the oppressive aspects of
the Soviet state. It is also necessary to keep gul-
lible and misguided Soviet sympathizers beyond
the U.S.S.R.'s borders ignorant of actual condi-
tions prevailing in the Soviet Union.
The foregoing considerations in large part may
explain the refusal of Soviet authorities to permit
a genuine interchange of ideas and persons with
the United States. Information about the pros-
perity and freedom of the world outside the
U.S.S.R. would leak in ; information about actual
conditions within the Soviet Union would leak
out. Seepage in either direction would weaken
the Soviet Government.
Soviet authorities are faced in this policy, how-
ever, with a disturbing balance of alternative po-
AprW 3, J 949
tential damages to their regime. On the one hand,
free interchange of information would weaken
their iron grip on the Soviet people ; on the other,
the exclusion of expert knowledge from abroad
would in the long run hold back the development
of the backward economy of the U.S.S.R. Per-
haps this dilemma explains occasional apparent
inconsistencies in what has otherwise become an
iron-clad Soviet policy of noncooperation in cul-
tural exchange. Certainly it suggests the reason
why the small flow of persons between the U.S.S.R.
and the United States has included preponderately
technical and scientific personnel and why the in-
formation stimulated by these visits has gone in
one direction only — to the U.S.S.R.
PART II: CULTURAL EXCHANGE OF PERSONS
U. S. Attempts To Establish a Basis for Cultural
Interchange During the War
While World War II was still in progress, the
American Government sought to establish the first
concrete acts of cultural cooperation with the
Soviet Union which would pave the way for close
postwar ties. Following the Moscow conference
of October 1943, Ambassador Averell Harriman
took the initiative in a note to Foreign Minister
Molotov, in which he expressed the desire of the
United States to institute a program of cultural
interchange in the realization that "The relations
between our two countries must, to be enduring,
be based on sympathetic understanding of and
friendship between our peoples." Mr. Harriman
requested Soviet approval for American dis-
tribution in the U.S.S.R. of two bimonthly
magazines designed to explain to the Russian pub-
lic the nature of the American war effort and
the outstanding features of American life; he
submitted suggestions for direct contact with
Soviet news editors for the exchange of in-
formation and the dissemination of American
news ; he proposed the publication of a daily news
bulletin for the Embassy and diplomatic missions
which might also be made available to Tass, the
Soviet news agency, for distribution as it saw fit ;
he advocated the continued distribution of Amer-
ican films to the Soviet Film Committee, the latter
to negotiate directly with producers in the United
States if it so wished; and finally he asked that
VOKS (All-Union Society for Cultural Relations
Abroad) serve as a contact for "cultural purposes."
Mr. Molotov replied on December 31, 1943, in a
letter in which he acknowledged "the importance
of an exchange of press information between the
U.S.S.R. and the U.S.A. for mutual understand-
ing between the two peoples" and in which he
stated that "With regard to . . . the exchange of
ideas, materials, and assistance in the fields of
radio and motion pictures, the Embassy of the
United States and its representatives can count
on the assistance of the Press Section of Xarko-
mindel."
Unfortunately, the implementation by Soviet
authorities of Mr. Molotov's favorable reply never
reflected any enthusiasm for the spirit of Mr.
Harriman's proposal nor any understanding of
the nature of genuine cultural interchange. Dur-
ing the succeeding 18 months of the war period,
Soviet cooperation in advancing the mutual under-
standing of the two peoples through cultural
media was indeed much greater than it was after
the war ended. But even during those relatively
friendly months Soviet reactions to American
overtures were hesitant, sporadic, and usually
artificial. Despite continual efforts from the
American side, Soviet intransigence made it im-
possible to build a solid foundation of cultural
relations upon which to erect a firm structure after
the war.
Soviet Passive Resistance to American Overtures
From the end of the war until mid-1947, the
Soviet authorities treated American overtures to
establish cultural interchange with obvious cool-
ness, delaying aclniowledgement of notes, offering
various specious excuses for their inability to
respond favorable to American proposals, or com-
pletely failing to respond.
In October 1945, shortly after the termination
of hostilities, the U. S. Department of State
evinced its interest in establishing a firm basis for
postwar cultural relations with the U.S.S.R.
It informed the Embassy at Moscow that the U. S.
Government would be interested in Imowing the
earliest practical date at which the Soviet Union
would consider sending the Red Army Chorus or
other similar groups to the United States for a
tour, possibly in exchange for a visit to the Soviet
Union of similar United States groups. It also
expressed the interest of the United States Gov-
ernment in instituting an exchange of ballet
groups, theater groups, and orchestras and of hold-
ing reciprocal exhibits of art, architecture, and
handicraft as means of increasing the mutual \m-
derstanding of the Soviet and American people.
Shortly thereafter, on November 13, 1945, Am-
bassador Harriman informed Deputy Foreign
Minister Vyshinsky that the State Department
would appreciate a frank discussion of the possi-
bilities of student exchange and asked the Soviet
Government whether it had any objection in prin-
ciple to starting such an exchange in the 1946-47
academic year. A reply was never received to this
overture.
In 1946 there were a number of offers on the part
of various interested groups and individuals who
hoped to establish cultural interchange with the
Soviet Union. The United States Office of Educa-
tion on behalf of an American university sought
to obtain a Soviet professor to lecture on Soviet
education for a year, but VOKS, through which
the request was made, did not respond. Texas,
Amherst, and Columbia, among other institutions,
were interested in offering tuition scholarships to
Soviet students ; the American Council of Learned
Societies was interested in sending ten or twelve
professors and research workers to the U.S.S.R. ;
the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and
Princeton, among others, expressed their desire to
exchange scientific personnel. Nothing mate-
rialized.
In February 1946 the president of Princeton
University, through the Soviet Ambassador in
"Washington, extended invitations to the Univer-
sity's bicentennial celebration to a number of dis-
tinguished Soviet scholars, including Peter L.
Kapitsa, L. D. Landau, Sergei I. Vavilov, and
others. The invitations, extended on two other
occasions later in the year, never were acknowl-
edged. The Rockefeller Foundation also ex-
tended invitations to Professors Ivan Vinogradov
and Lev 8. Pontryagin without eliciting anj' re-
sponses.
An invitation tendered Eugene Mravinsky, of
the I^ningrad Philharmonic, to be a guest of the
Boston Symphony in Boston on one of several
dates kept open for him in October, November, or
December was unanswered.
In May and again in July 1946, Sergei Kousse-
vitzky and the members of the Boston Symphony
offered to travel to the Soviet Union for twt) weeks
in September at their own expense and give a series
of performances, the proceeds to be used for what-
ever local benefits the Soviet Government might
select. This offer was not acknowledged.
In August 1946 the Soviet Ministry of Health
failed to respond to the proposal of Dr. E. D.
Department of State Bulletin
Young, representative of Russian War Relief, to
provide the Soviet Government witli a complete
penicillin plant and to work out a mutual exchange
of scientists, particularly in the medical field.
Following her visit to the Soviet Union, at the
invitation of the Soviet Government, Mrs. La Fell
Dickinson, president of the General Federation
of Women's Clubs in the United States, offered a
scholarship to a Soviet girl student, but the Soviet
Union failed to display any interest.
In July 1946 Mr. E. C. Ropes and Dr. Lorwin
of the Department of Commerce discussed with
the Soviet Ministry of Higher Education pro-
posals which Cornell University had submitted for
acceptmg four Soviet students to engage in
graduate work and give instruction in the Russian
language. The university did not insist upon any
reciprocal arrangement. Failing to elicit any re-
sponse, Cornell found it necessary to abandon the
project in November. On January 29, 1947, A.
Samarin, Deputy Minister of Higher Education,
amiounced that the Ministry regarded the pro-
posal favorably but could not realize its execution
during the current 1946^7 year. He did not sug-
gest that the invitation might be accepted for the
next academic year, nor did Soviet authorities
even refer to the matter again.
On December 16, 1946, the Presidium of the
Soviet Academy of Sciences received the biog-
raphy and request of Professor Richard Foster
Flint of Yale to engage in some field work with
Soviet geologists and to confer with them on
Pleistocene features of the U.S.S.R. On March
31 of the following year the Soviet Government
informed the American Embassy that since the
Academy of Sciences would not be working in the
districts of interest to Flint there was not any
reason for his visit.
A Soviet ballet company was invited through
VOKS to participate in the International Dance
Spring Festival which was held in New York City
in 1947 and then to go on tour, but nothing de-
veloped. Certain Soviet institutions were ap-
proved under the G. I. Bill of Rights in the hope
that American veterans might study in the
U.S.S.R. It was impossible, however, to make
arrangements for their admittance.
There were additional proposals similar to the
foregoing, all of which met with the same lack of
favorable response from the Soviet Union.
Through 1946, despite the general recalcitrance
of the Kremlin in effecting any cultural inter-
Apr;/ 3, 7949
change, some persons did visit the Soviet Union,
while a few Soviet scientists and writers traveled
in the United States.
The Soviet authorities cordially received play-
wright Lillian Hellman ; John Strohm, president
of the Association of United States Agricultural
Publications; Edwin S. Smith, President of the
National Council of American-Soviet Friendship;
and scientists, including Professors Shapley, of
Harvard, Langmuir, of General Electric, and
McBain, of Stanford, who were invited to the
220th anniversary of the Russian Academy of
Sciences. The scientists were invited to deliver
reports to the Academy, and all visitors were
granted extensive latitude in their sight-seeing.
However, this spasmodic hospitality, extended also
to a few additional persons not mentioned above,
was not long continued. The following year visas
were denied to such distinguished applicants as
Dr. George Schadt, Director of the New England
Laboratories, who was interested in an interchange
of information on clinical pathology; Reeves
Lewenthal, representative of the Associated
American Artists, who sought to acquire firsthand
information about Soviet art; Dr. Elliott P.
Joslin, world-famous Boston diabetes specialist;
and others.
During the war period American industry had
opened wide its portals to Soviet engineers, tech-
nicians, and scholars. This continued in 1946,
when leading industrial plants and radio corpora-
tions provided the limited number of young
Soviet technicians whom the Soviet Government
permitted to visit the United States with tecluiical
training in machine tooling and radio manufac-
ture; and some 15 Russian students working for
the Ministry of Foreign Trade continued to ob-
tain technical instruction at Columbia University.
In 1946 a group of Soviet astronomers, headed
by Professor A. A. Mikhailov, Chairman of the
Astronomy Council of the Soviet Academy of
Sciences, spent six months in the United States,
where they were familiarized with the latest
astronomical instruments and research projects in
astronomy.
For a ten weeks' period in the early summer of
1946 the prominent Soviet writers, Ilya Ehren-
burg, Major General Galaktionov, and Konstantin
Simonov toured the United States as guests of the
Department of State. During their visit they
attended the convention of the American Society
of Newspaper Editors, which they were invited to
address. In a farewell article Ehrcnburg, who has
frequently attacked the United States in full ac-
cordance with the approved Party line, acknowl-
edged the freedom of movement afforded him. He
wrote: "When I traveled through the United
States I was accompanied by representatives of the
State Department, and I not only do not complain
about any restriction of freedom, but I am sin-
cerely thankful for the attention shown to me."'°
In November-December 1946 Dr. Thomas Par-
ran, Surgeon General of the U. S. Public Health
Service, invited four prominent Soviet doctors, in-
cluding the eminent Dr. Vasili V. Parin, then Sec-
retary General of the Soviet Academy of Medical
Sciences, to make an extensive inspection tour of
United States hospitals and 12 main cancer re-
search centers. All the latest scientific develop-
ments were shown the group during its visit. By
this time, however, the Soviet Government ap-
parently began to look with suspicion upon those
having contacts with the free world. Upon his
return to Moscow Dr. Parin apparently vanishodi
Then, possibly as a sequel, the Soviet Minister of
Health was shortly thereafter dismissed.
Hopes Raised by Stalin's Statements;
Ambassador Smith's Notes
American officials and representatives of Amer-
ican intellectual and artistic life still were reluc-
tant to accept the long record of lack of coopera-
tion as conclusive evidence that the Soviet Govern-
ment refused to accept cultural exchange on
principle. They clung to the hope that some rela-
tively unimportant and nonpolitical factors might
underlie Soviet intransigence. Even those whose
study of the basis of Soviet conduct led them to
consider remote the possibility of effective coopera-
tion with the U.S.S.R. in the cultural field reserved
judgment and remained patient.
Many who had been waiting hopefully believed
that their patience was rewarded and that the
U. S. S. R.'s cultural-exchange policy was on the
verge of becoming cooperative when Stalin him-
self expressed publicly a favorable attitude in the
matter.
On December 21, 1940, during an interview with
Elliott Roosevelt at the Kremlin, Marshal Stalin
was asked : "Do j'ou favor a broad exchange of cul-
•New York Tinim, June 26, l!)4n.
'/,ooA-, Fob. 4. 10-17.
'New York Timen, May 4, 1947; Pravda, May 8, 1047.
•Bulletin of Mar. 2, 1047, p. 303.
" See pp. 405 and 406.
tural and scientific information between our two
nations? Also are you in favor of the exchange
of students, artists, scientists, and professors?"
Marshal Stalin's reply was an unequivocal "Of
course." ' In an interview with Harold Stassen
on April 9, 1947," Marshal Stalin again expressed
his assent to the desirability of a cultural ex-
change. According to the Tass account of the
meeting : "Stassen would like to know whether J.
V. Stalin hopes for a wider exchange of ideas,
students, teachers, artists and tourists in the future
in the event that collaboration [i. e. economic and
commercial] is established between the U.S.S.R.
and the U. S. A. J. V. Stalin replies that this will
be inevitable if collaboration is established. An
exchange of goods will lead to an exchange of
people." Mr. Stassen reverted to this question
later in the interview in saying (Tass version) :
"The press, trade and cultural exchange are the
spheres in which the two systems must find ways
of setting to right their mutual relations. J. V.
Stalin says that this is true."
The U. S. Government accepted Stalin's reply
to Elliott Roosevelt at its face value. Ambassador
Smith in February wrote Foreign Minister
Molotov that the view expressed by Stalin is —
". . . gratifying to me since, as you know, I have
strongly advocated such exchange to broaden the
base of contact which is necessary in order that
the people of each of our nations may understand
and appreciate the cultural life and objectives of
the other. ... I am encouraged by Generalissimo
Stalin's expression of views to bring to your per-
sonal attention a number of proposals for ex-
change of the nature referred to above which
have recently been made through this Embassy
by organizations and institutions in the United
States, and which are awaiting Soviet agreement
to be put into effect."'
Ambassador Smith then enumerated a number
of offers " which had been made, and asserted
that he was certain that most of them still were
open to Soviet acceptance.
After a reasonable period of time had elapsed
without an}' response from the Soviet Foreign
Ministry, Ambassador Smith in April passed on
to Mr. Vj'shinsky a si^ecific proposal to the effect
that the United States would welcome visits to
the United States of approximately 50 Soviet
scholars in various fields of science and cultural
studies "to confer with American scholars in the
Deparfmenf of Sfate Bulletin
same fields on matters of mutual professional in-
terest," and that it would welcome a similar invi-
tation by the Soviet Union to American scholars.
The Foreign Ministry acknowledged receipt of
the note and advised the American Embassy that
the note had been forwarded for consideration to
the appropriate authorities. There the matter
ended. Ambassador Smith's letter to Mr. Molotov
was never answered in full. After a delay of
several weeks the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Af-
fairs sent to the American Embassy a few sporadic
notes referring to some but by no means all of
the proposals made in the Ambassador's letter
and rejecting them for various specious reasons,
often transparent, or without explanation.
Dr. Simmons Visits the U.S.S.R.; Turning Point in
Soviet Attitude Toward Cultural Excliange
The American Council of Learned Societies, in-
terested in establishing cultural exchange with
the Soviet Union and deciding that perhaps a
direct approach rather than one through the nor-
mal diplomatic channels might be more successful,
sent Professor Ernest J. Simmons of Columbia
University to Moscow in the summer of 1947. He
carried specific proposals concerning cultural
exchange.
Although the specific proposals which Professor
Simmons presented offered the U.S.S.R. greater
benefits than were asked in return, he encountered
an utter lack of response, delaying tactics, and
outright refusals based upon obviously trivial
excuses.
Professor Simmons proffered five definite invi-
tations from major universities for Soviet pro-
fessors of Russian literature and culture, Soviet
economics, Soviet jurisprudence, international re-
lations, and Russian history to deliver courses,
four in English and one in Russian. An American
Embassy aide-memoire dealing with these invita-
tions of Columbia, Yale, Chicago, and Washington
Universities was acknowledged but was never
satisfactorily answered.
Not only was Professor Simmons met with offi-
cial coolness, and his proposals in effect ignored,
but soon after his return to the United States
Soviet officialdom deemed it opportune to launch
a crude personal attack on him for his Outline of
Modern Russian Literature. In Izvestiya of Octo-
ber 19, Miss T. Motyleva termed him "the learned
servant of the 'Yellow Devil' " (Gorky's name for
the "all powerful" dollar). This personal attack
April 3, 1949
was undoubtedly the answer to the proposal sub-
mitted by Professor Simmons on behalf of the
American Council of Learned Societies.
Even the cold reception encountered by Dr. Sim-
mons did not stem the flow of proposals from pri-
vate institutions. A Soviet delegation was invited
to a convention of military surgeons held in Bos-
ton, but the Ministry of Foreign Affairs an-
nounced in November 1947 that those invited would
be "unable to attend."
Invitations extended to either the Moscow or
Leningrad Ballet and the Moiseyev dance ensemble
to participate in an International Dance Festival
in the United States in the spring of 1948 elicited
no response. As recently as January 1949 Pro-
fessor Shapley of Harvard submitted a request,
which as yet has not borne any fruit, to the Soviet
Ambassador in Washington for Dr. Ambarzumian,
distinguished Soviet astrophysicist, to present a
series of lectures at Chicago and Princeton Uni-
versities. He also asserted that Harvard would
welcome a visit by Dr. Kukarkin or Dr. Parengago
of the Sternberg Astronomical Institute in Mos-
cow, and that M. I. T. and Princeton would be
pleased to have Professors Alexandrov, Pontri-
jagin, or others to confer with American mathema-
ticians on specific mathematical problems, and that
various universities were interested in having as
guest lecturers in mathematics any one of half a
dozen distinguished Soviet mathematicians, such
as Professors Komogorov, Vinogradov, Golfand,
Markov, Pontrijagin, Alexandrov, Khintchine,
and Kurosch. Several of those invited had been
highly honored by their fellow scientists in the
United States. In 1948 Professor Ambarzumian
was elected a member of the American Astronom-
ical Society; Professors Vinogradov and Gregory
Shain were elected honorary fellows of the Amer-
ican Academy of Arts and Sciences, and Dr. Alex-
ander G. Vologdin was awarded a medal and an
honorarium by the National Academy of Sciences
for individual achievement in paleontology.
From the first proposals of Ambassador Harri-
man in 1943 for developing cultural interchange
until Professor Simmons' visit, Soviet officials had
maintained a practice of either ignoring proposals
or offering an excuse for refusing a specific one.
Not before the middle of the year 1947 were rea-
sons officially proffered which would apply gener-
ally to all cases. Then, during Professor Simmons'
visit, he was told by Jacob Malik, Deputy Foreign
Mmister, that since there were hundreds of appli-
cants for each place in the Soviet higher schools, it
was extremely difficult for the Soviet Union to
accept foreijrn students. Similarly the demand
for teachers in the U.S.S.R. made it very difl&cult
to send professors abroad to teach or lecture at
American universities. Of course this was a spe-
cious argiunent even theoretically, since the United
States was willing to accept as students at Amer-
ican universities at least as many if not more stu-
dents than the number of Americans who might be
involved in study at Soviet universities, and simi-
larly would have been willing to send interested
professors to lecture at Soviet higher institutions.
In practice, the excuses appeared even more poorly
concocted in the light of Soviet policy of extensive
student exchange with satellite nations.
On September 25, 194f), Izveatiya announced
that "The Ministry of Higher Education of the
U.S.S.R. has made it possible for students from
Slavic countries to study in institutions of higher
education in Moscow, Leningrad, Sverdlovsk and
other cities, where they will go through a full
course of instruction." On October 2-1, 1946, Mos-
cow News stated that 500 students from Slavic
countries were studying in the Soviet Union, and
ai)parently receiving extraordinary treatment,
since the article related that the Director of the
Sverdlovsk Industrial Institute was treating as his
own sons several Albanians studying there. In-
formation coming from Seoul. Korea, in December
1940 related that over 300 Koreans were studying
in the Soviet Union. By May 1947 there were
apparently 700 students in the U.S.S.R. from the
Balkans alone.'' Facts were hardly consistent
with the Soviet plea of overcrowded schools as an
excuse for rejecting exchange of students with the
United States.
Soviet officials also utilized another excuse for
the general refusal of all United States proposals
for exchange of scholars. Deputy Foreign Min-
ister Malik in his conversation with Ambassador
Smith and Professor Simmons raised the issue of
the U. S. Alien Registration Act. He averred that
Soviet students and professors were unwilling to
visit the United States, where they would be com-
pelled to register as agents of a foreign power un-
der the provisions of that law. Ambassador
Smith pointed out that he had taken special pains
to remove this alleged barrier in connection with
" New York Times, May 7, 1947.
" Uchitelskava Oaeeta (Teachers Gazette) , Jan. 31, 1948.
his previous invitation to 50 Soviet scholars. At
that time he had obtained a ruling by the Attorney
General to the effect that students traveling to the
United States to engage in educational pursuits
would not be required to register under the act so
long as they limited their activities to cultural ac-
tivities. While here they could, if they wished,
engage in political affairs, but if they chose to do
so, they would then be required to register. To
this Malik replied evasively that the act still con-
stituted a psychological hazard for prospective
Soviet students and professors, though he did not
explain how.
Campaign Against Alleged "Ulterior Motives"
Underlying U.S. Cultural-Exchange Policy
Although the iUiti-American propaganda cam-
paign had been increasing in momentum during
1947. and although the "State Secrets Act'" of June
1947, a supplementary decree of December 1947,
and press attacks upon scientists maintaining
Western contacts were indicative of a new Soviet
line towards the question of cultural relations with
the United States, it was not before early 1948 that
the American proposals were vehemently attacked
on the ground that they concealed ulterior and evil
motives. A Soviet Professor Bernstein bitterly
denounced the Institute of International Educa-
tion of New York and its director, Stephen Dug-
ganr- Obviously with official approval, Bernstein
described the organization as a "monopoly Ameri-
can institution for international pedagogic rela-
tions, for training legal 'pedagogic' spies and
informers, and for establishing an 'American col-
umn' in every country."
This article placed Soviet actions of the pre-
vious three years in proper focus. It verified what
seasoned observers of Soviet society had known to
be the underlying cause of Soviet coolness to sug-
gestions for cultural exchanges: i. e. feelings of
inferiority, lack of confidence that Soviet ideas
and ways of life would withstand competition with
the capitalist world, and stemming from these,
suspicions that Americans intended eventually to
undermine the Soviet system, Professor Bern-
stein's views were only a logical development in
the increasingly chauvinistic and xenophobic path
taken by the Kremlin.
The secrecy act of June 1947 had provided severe
penalties for Soviet citizens divulging information
which is regarded in other countries as perfectly
normal data for publication and free dissemination
Department of Sfofe Bulletin
domestically and internationally. The decree
promulgated in December 1947 forbade any Soviet
institution other than the Ministry of Foreign Af-
fairs and the Ministry of Foreign Trade to have
any relations with representatives of foreign
states. The perverted apprehensiveness regard-
ing espionage which Soviet propaganda had beaten
into the consciousness of Soviet citizens was re-
vealed in Professor Bernstein's charge of malicious
intent in the fact that "Students sent abroad by
the Institute of International Education are ad-
vised not to confine themselves to their academic
pursuits, but to study the cultural, political and
social life of the country to which they are sent,
make friends with the local students and visit their
homes, and establish friendly relations with the
population." Official mentalities so warped as to
see evil in this vital basis of mutual understanding
could not be expected to comprehend the American
approach to studying in other countries, as defined
by Ambassador Smith :
"Of course, naturally, all Soviet colleges teach the
Soviet political ideology and political economy,
the doctrines promulgated by Marx, Engels, and
later, Lenin. An American student going there to
attend a university would study the same thing,
and I think it well that he should, because I think
the people of this country ought to understand the
political ideology that motivates the one other
country in the world which corresponds to ours in
size and potential strength." "
Having disposed of one of the lanes of what
should be a two-way traffic highway in student
exchange, Professor Bernstein proceeded to at-
tack the other. Pointing out that the Institute
also arranges for foreign students to study in the
United States, he found that "The selection of
scholars invited to America, like the selection of
American professors sent abroad, has a specific
character. Both, as a rule, belong to the openly
reactionary camp."
The patent foolishness of this charge was espe-
cially laid open when applied to Soviet citizens to
whom invitations had been extended and to those
who had actually visited the United States. No
questions were asked about their politics, and it
could hardly be said that any of them belonged to
the "openly reactionary camp," since, if they had,
they would have been confined to a Soviet concen-
tration camp.
Individual Scientists Want Cultural Exchange
The Soviet Union has been eminently successful
in exercising almost complete control over the
actions and words of its citizens, but it has not been
able entirely to enslave their minds.
Unfortunately for the Kremlin, men of science
still think. They realize that as broad as possible
an interchange of ideas is necessai-y for scientific
advancement. They understand that widespread
exchange of information pertaining to projects-
in-work, to preliminary findings, to new tech-
niques and methods saves many long hours of
wasted and fruitless effort and is essential to scien-
tific progress. Consequently, scientists and men
of letters in the Soviet Union have been exceed-
ingly desirous of the development of cultural ex-
change between the United States and the Soviet
Union, and for a time freely expressed their views.
The ill-fated Dr. Vasili V. Parin, when he ad-
dressed the American-Soviet Medical Society in
New York in December 1946, said : "It is obvious
that our plan includes practically the same prob-
lems as those studied in the U.S.A. It indicates
once more that modern science is really interna-
tional in character, and proves once more the need
for scientific interchange." ^^
The Soviet representative on the United Nations
Atomic Energy Commission, Professor Simon P.
Alexandrov, recognized the desirability of reduc-
ing the impediments making cultural interchange
between his country and the United States dif-
ficult. He urged an easing of visa restrictions,
reduced costs of travel between the two countries,
and an increased study of one another's language.
Alexandrov strongly advocated the use of the
press, radio, and movies to promote better under-
standing, and the desirability of an interchange
of large numbers of business and professional men,
engineers and students.
Even those journalistic pillars of the Soviet way
of life, Messrs. Ehrenburg, Galaktionov and
Simonov, wrote the Department of State to thank
it for its assistance during their visit to the United
States and said: "We think mutual travels of
representatives of culture will assist the coopera-
tion and friendship between our countries."
" Hearings on H. R. 3342, as cited, p. 52.
"^^ American Revieio of Soviet Medicine, April 1947, p.
297.
April 3, 7949
However, such views ran contrary to the views
of the Soviet leadei-s wl>o are desirous of keepin<;
their people uninformed about the progress tak-
ing phice in the free world. Consequently, it was
deemed necessary to launch an all-out attack upon
the Soviet people to intimidate them and make
them afraid to engage in any relations with the
West.
In June 1947 there was the State Secrets Act,
by which almost any information became suscepti-
ble to interpretation as a state secret, so that a
Soviet citizen would avoid any conversation that
he might have with a foreigner for fear of being
charged with violating the act.
On July 24, 1947, in a broadcast speech on the
subject of "Soviet Patriotism," a writer, P.
Vyshinsky, stated that "every Soviet patriot must
realize the importance of keeping secret our
scientific discoveries and inventions." "
The theory behind this statement is that since
in the Soviet Union the state makes possible the
education of the scientist, the engineer, and the
technician, their work becomes completely the
property of the state. It then becomes a criminal
offense, from the view of the Soviet leaders, for
anyone within the Soviet Union to make available
any of the products of his research to other coun-
tries, unless with the permission of the state. Add
to this the theme running through Soviet propa-
ganda at home and abroad that all the people be-
yond the Iron Curtain are engaged in a continuous
espionage campaign to pry loose from the Soviet
Union the secrets of its "unrivalled discoveries",
and the reason is clear why the Soviet Govern-
ment, infallible as always, is acting for the welfare
of its people in its refusal to participate in cul-
tural exchange with the West. Recently, to "but-
tress" its ridiculous contention that Westerners
are assigned to spy on it, the Soviet Union has
published the absurdly distorted writings of a
former administrative clerk of the American Em-
bassy in Moscow, in which she asserts that every
American in the Soviet Union, herself excluded,
is engaged in espionage activities. Implicit is
the warning that the Soviet citizen should not risk
involvement by having any contact with these
spies.
"Also in Bolshevik, No. 18, 1947, p. 37.
" Literatumaya Oazeta (Literary Gazette), Aug. 30,
1947.
" Partiinaya Zhizn (Party Life), No. 14, 1047.
Cultural Interchange Becomes Disgraceful and
Unpatriotic
Evidently having decided in mid- 1947 that they
would not engage in any cultural exchange with
the United States, and in consonance with the
implication of Vyshinsky *s speech on patriotism,
Soviet policy-makers began to attack those of its
citizens who favored or engaged in cultural in-
terchange. For a scientist or artist to maintain
any correspondence with foi-eign colleagues be-
came in Soviet eyes a sin defined as "obsequious-
ness before bourgeois cosmopolitanism", and took
on the connotation of a treasonable act. The cru-
sade against cultural interchange became inextri-
cably interwoven with spy phobia on the one hand
and blatant chauvinism in scientific and cultural
matters on the other. As a result of this atmos-
phere, scientists, well-known and obscure alike,
were attacked in the press for having been so "un-
patriotic" as to publish their works in foreign
periodicals.
In September, 1947, A. R. Zhebrak, the Soviet
geneticist, who had been a delegate to the United
Nations at San Francisco and who had established
friendships among American scientists, was at-
tacked for criticizing the work of a fellow scientist,
Lysenko, in an American magazine. This act was
called inconsonant "with an elementary under-
standing of the civil honor of a Soviet man.""
Zhebrak was promptly deposed as president of the
Academy of Sciences of the Byelorussian S.S.R.
for his crime.
At the same time, Dr. X. P. Dubinin, of the In-
stitute of Experimental Biology of the U. S.S.R.
Academy of Sciences, was blasted for "pandering
to the West" by publishing articles in foreign
periodicals.
The effrontry of an obscure Soviet professor in
publishing in a French journal material pertain-
ing to Soviet research in perfume chemistry drew
a stinging rebuke from a Communist Party maga-
zine. "Unfortunately," wrote the author of the
tirade, "persons are still to be found among the
oflicials of the machinery of state, in particular
among the scientific workers, who indulge in ob-
sequiousness and fawning to bourgeois culture."
Why should any loyal Soviet citizen wish to pub-
lish his ideas or views in the capitalist press, it was
asked, when "to have an article published in
Soviet periodicals is not a smaller, but a greater
honor than in the foreign periodicals." ^"
Department of State Bulletin
In February 1948, Professor Y. I. Frenkel, a
highly esteemed atomic physicist, was similarly
called to task for having published some of his
works abroad, but because of the importance of his
work to the Government he was not denounced.
Apparently, despite the State Secrets Act,
various speeches, and the attacks on scientists for
having published works abroad, there were still
many people who believed in the desirability of
cultural exchange . Therefore, it was necessary to
strike hard at such evil thoughts by damning those
holding them before the entire people. This could
best be accomplished through the medium of the
stage, and so came into being the "propaganda
piece". Court of Honor, a viciously anti-American,
but hardly original play, which is closely pat-
terned after an earlier Soviet play. Fear, by Afino-
genov. The play primarily rails against the mis-
guided villains in the Soviet Union who believe in
the universality of science and the interchange of
information. Such a view, it is explained, is dan-
gerous to hold since all American scientists are
either intelligence agents or the slaves of monopoly
corporations anxious to obtain Soviet scientific
secrets which they can use in their preparations for
an aggressive war. Thus does the Soviet Govern-
ment seek to justify to its people its refusal to
grant visas to such capable medical men as Doctor
Dixon of the Mayo Clinic and Doctors Hauschka,
Shimkin, and Shear, who wished to study cancer
research with the world-famous Soviet Doctors
Roskin, Klueva, and their associates.
The many attacks upon eminent men in the
scientific world, the publication of the ex-Amer-
ican Embassy clerk's concoctions about American
espionage, and the scurrilous attacks on American
scientists and international-minded scientists in
the U.S.S.R. are all obviously motivated by the
Kremlin's determination to discourage the Soviet
citizen from maintaining any contacts with the
outside world, and to justify the Kremlin's rejec-
tion of the multifold American attempts to effect a
genuine program of mutually beneficial cultural
interchange.
PART III: EXCHANGE OF PUBLICATIONS
In its efforts to facilitate the exchange of pub-
lications, the United States has been confronted
with the same Soviet obstructionist tactics which
it faced in its attempts to obtain an exchange of
persons between the two countries. Generally,
Soviet librarians and heads of cultural institu-
Apri7 3, 7949
tions have manifested a sincere interest in ex-
panding the international exchange of books, pe-
riodicals, newspapers, and government documents.
However, the official Soviet policy has been de-
signed to impede such an exchange.
The crux of the problem has been the difference
between the attitudes of the American Govern-
ment and the Soviet Government on dissemination
of information. The former, believing in the de-
sirability of the widest possible international ex-
change of publications as a basis for enabling
people in all fields to understand better develop-
ments in other countries, has made available to all
interested governments, institutions, and individ-
uals all publications printed within the United
States. Similarly, libraries, scholarly institutions
and publishers in the United States have always
been very liberal in their distribution of printed
materials.
In the Soviet Union, on the other hand, an en-
tirely different attitude exists toward the distribu-
tion of publications. The Goverimient is by no
means inclined to make available to foreign gov-
ermnents and institutions all the printed mate-
rials published in the U.S.S.R. It is suspicious
of the interest of foreign countries in Soviet pub-
lished materials, and is even unwilling to make
available important bibliographies, to say nothing
of materials included in such bibliographies. At
the same time, since the Soviet leaders wish to
keep their people ignorant of progressive develop-
ments in the West, they are not motivated by the
same enthusiasm for an exchange of publications
as the United States, which seeks to make avail-
able to its citizens all the products of domestic and
foreign thought.
It is not to be thought, however, that the Soviet
Union is disinterested in the acquisition of Ameri-
can publications. On the contrary, it has in the
United States two agencies whose duty it is to
make extensive purchases of American publica-
tions, which are used by Soviet institutions for
official research on American affairs but not made
accessible to the Soviet public. These organiza-
tions are Amtorg and the Four Continents Book
Store in New York City. The latter, supposedly
primarily a commercial outlet for Soviet publica-
tions, actually devotes about 80 percent of its
business to the purchase of American publications
for export to the U.S.S.R. Amtorg, which also
spends large sums in the purchase of American
publications for the U.S.S.R., devotes considerable
time to compiling information obtained from in-
formative American industrial publications and
investment manuals, such as those published by
Standard Statistics Company, Poor's, Moody's
and Thompson's. Whereas American scholars
find it almost impossible to obtain adequate eco-
nomic information about the Soviet Union,
Amtorg has been free to gather so much economic
information about the United States that it has
been able to issue annual comprehensive volumes
entitled S]>ravochnik Amerikanskoi Tekhniki i
Promyshlennosti (Handbook of American Tech-
nique and Industry), which contain extraordi-
narily detailed information, including photo-
graphs. Thase give information on plant loca-
tion, performance, and types of products of United
States plants. In addition to its interest in pur-
chasing certain United States publications, the
Soviet Union is also interested in acquiring some
printed material by exchange. The Government
has created a system for the ostensible purpose of
facilitating international exchange. Through
1S)45, Soviet exchange was handled primarily
through VOKS and the All-Union Lenin Library
in Moscow, with the Library of the Academy of
Sciences sometimes acting independently and
sometimes through the All-Union Lenin Library.
Actually, exchange of materials has been increas-
ingly centralized in the All-Union Lenin Library.
However, regardless of the organs handling ex-
change, the attitude has continually been that of
attempting to secure as much as possible for the
Soviet Union while giving as little as possible to
American libraries. This becomes clear in a re-
view of the course of American efforts to improve
exchange relationships.
At the close of the recent war, American organi-
zations, commercial as well as professional, liber-
ally participated in campaigns to send gift books
to the Soviet Union. In 1945, the members of the
U. S. International Book Association contributed
a hundred books, chiefly medical, to Soviet librar-
ies; the American Medical Association sent the
All-Union Lenin Library 75 copies of an 18-volume
medical encyclopedia, purchased with A.M.A.
funds. In April of the following year, the Amer-
ican Library Association sent as a gift to the
U.S.S.R. 300 copies of its bibliography, Book.^ Pvh-
lished in the United ,States ID.ID-WP, as well as
over 2,400 different books published during that
period valued at over $13,000. Other institutions
forwarded similar gifts to fill out gaps in Soviet
libraries. These gifts were in addition to the large
quantity of books, periodicals, newspapers, and
government documents which were sent to the
U.S.S.R. under established exchange procedures
by the Library of Congress, the Smithsonian In-
stitution, the U. S. Department of Agriculture,
and many other organizations.
However, in contrast to the attitude of American
institutions, Soviet publication institutions were
not at all helpful. Not only were American librar-
ies finding it diflScult to acquire desired publica-
tions through exchange, but conmaercial dealings
with Vsesoyuznoye Obedineniye Mezhdunarod-
naya Kniga (All-Union Combine for International
liooks — the centralized book-export firm of the
U.S.S.R.) were found to be extremely ineffectual
because it often was unable to meet requests for
material which it claimed to have, and because of
the frequent changes in methods which it pre-
.scribed for dealing with it. For instance, in No-
vember 1945 it advised one large purchaser of
Soviet materials that all requests should be made
directly to it. On the other hand, in its more
widely distributed advertisements, potential pur-
chasers are instructed to place their orders with
Mezhdunarodnaya Kniga "s ^Vmerican representa-
tive, the Four Continents Book Corporation in
New York City. Regardless of which organiza-
tion handled purchase orders, those submitting
tliem received but a fractional part of the material
requested.
To remedy the unsatisfactory status of affairs in
the purchase and exchange of publications with the
Soviet Union, a plan was worked out by the De-
jiartment of State, the Library of Congress, and
fourteen other libraries to expedite the acquisition
of Soviet materials, and a special representative
was sent to the Soviet Union, as an attache to the
United States Embassj', for the purpose of imple-
menting the program. He was instructed not only
to investigate ways of enlarging the flow of Soviet
materials to American libraries, but to be attentive
to Soviet suggestions for improving the flow of
materials to the U.S.S.R.
This representative of the Embassy quickly dis-
covered that VOKS, which had been established
for the purpose of facilitating cultural relations
between foreigners and Soviet institutions, was
extremely reluctant to arrange any contacts for
him with individual Soviet libraries; all ex-
changes were to be effected through the All-Union
Lenin Library. At the latter, the American rep-
Deparlment of State Bulletin
resentative learned the reason for the inadequate
and delayed flow of publications to the United
States. First, the deposit of books in the library
for the purpose of exchange is a matter deter-
mined by each of the dozens of publishers in the
Soviet Union, and consequently many publica-
tions are not available to the library for use in
exchange. More important, however, is the fact
that of these books the library receives only three
copies, with which it is expected to meet the ex-
change requests of all foreign libraries.
There might have been some excuse for such a
limited number of copies to be set aside during the
war when there was a considerable paper shortage
in the Soviet Union. But after the war it was
quite ridiculous that such an enormous country as
the U.S.S.R., with all its resources was unable to
spare a lai^ge enough number of books to supply
the needs of foreign scholars interested in study-
ing all the work being turned out by Soviet authors
and institutions, and to reciprocate for the large
quantities of publications sent from abroad for
which exchange in kind was expected.
Another dead end was encountered by American
attempts to obtain Soviet bibliographies. Where-
as the Library of Congress made available to the
U.S.S.R. bibliographies containing the titles of the
full output of American publishers, including
United States Government publications, the All-
Union Lenin Library, in answer to a request, in-
formed the American representative that the 1946
files of the Soviet National Bibliography, Knizh-
naya Letopis, could not be obtained in sufficient
quantity by the Lenin Library for exchange pur-
poses. To date, United States institutions have
not been able to purchase or secure in exchange this
bibliography, which is of the greatest importance
to any American libraries interested in selecting
the best or most appropriate books published in
the Soviet Union.
When Professor Ernest J. Simmons visited the
Soviet Union in the summer of 1947, he experi-
enced the lack of cooperative spirit which had
characterized the Soviet side of the publications-
exchange program. He had brought with him a
proposal by the Library of Congress to establish
a combined American-Soviet bibliography of all
available materials on pre-Revolution and post-
Revolution materials on United States-Soviet re-
lations. This suggestion was turned down on the
grounds that the AU-Union Lenin Library was too
busy reorganizing its own files, bibliographies, etc.
April 3, 7949
Professor Simmons also submitted a proposal for
an exchange of two research library representa-
tives between the Library of Congress and the All-
Union Lenin Library for a period of six months.
The answer was negative, and the excuse flimsy.
In the past, the Soviet Government has closely
pursued a policy of channeling all its own export
of publications through two main agencies,
Mezhdunarodnaya &iiga for sales, and the All-
Union Lenin Library for exchange, while mani-
festing its disinclination to negotiate with any
central exchange agent of the United States,
whether that be the United States Embassy in
Moscow or the Library of Congress. In January
1946 the Lenin Library informed the United States
Embassy in Moscow that whereas during wartime,
when the mails were unreliable, it was desirable
to utilize diplomatic channels for book exchange,
it was now preferable to revert to "normal" chan-
nels. It was also asserted that the All-Union
Library preferred to deal directly with individual
American libraries.
The net result of conducting publications inter-
change with the Soviet Union under "normal"
conditions has been that the many interested
American institutions which have forwarded ma-
terials to the All-Union Lenin Library for ex-
change purposes have been competing for the very
limited number of desired publications which the
Lenin Library has available.
When exchange has taken place, it has been made
less valuable to the recipient libraries in the
United States by two facts. On the one hand, the
necessary bibliographical material of Soviet pub-
lications is lacking or arrives so late that desired
books are out of print; on the other, when selec-
tion is left up to the Soviet Union the results are
unsatisfactory, partly because of the limited choice
open to the Soviet librarians.
Not only has the actual number of publications
sent to the Soviet Union by American institutions
always far exceeded the number received in re-
turn, but the substance (quite apart from the stul-
tification inherent in Soviet works due to the con-
fining strictures of Marxian dogma) of the former
is vastly superior. The American contributions
include mostly volumes containing considerable
amounts of solid information. Most of the Soviet
publications consist of periodicals, newspapers,
brochures, pamphlets, posters, and theater pro-
grams, with the latter two categories predominat-
ing. Each of these items is counted separately by
Soviet library officials, and the total is cited as
the number of publications sent on exchange. The
operation of Soviet cooperation under "normal"'
conditions is further illustrated by the refusal of
the Lenin Library on more than one occasion after
the war to provide American libraries with micro-
films of essential out-of-print materials, though
the requests included offers to reimburse the li-
brary for the costs involved.
Lack of resources, due largely to the war, and
the traditional inefficiency of the Soviet bureauc-
racy might have explained in part the early post-
war failure of the Soviet Union to cooperate in the
matter of publications exchange. American insti-
tutions for a long period gave Soviet libraries and
other book organizations generous benefits of the
doubt on this score. But as the record became re-
plete with case after case in which the Soviet un-
cooperative attitude could not be explained in these
terms, it became clear that the refusal to engage
in genuine book exchange was a fixed Soviet official
policy. It became evident that in book exchange,
as in international politics, it is possible to deal
■with the Soviet Union only so long as the business
is conducted according to the rules established by
the Soviet Union, and so long as the major share
of benefits involved accrue to the U.S.S.R. As in
international politics, too, the basis of the rela-
tionship is a deep undercurrent of official Soviet
distrust and antipathy toward the Western world.
PART iV: CONCLUSIONS
Present conditions do not indicate that cultural
relations between the United States and the
U.S.S.R. will develop to the mutual benefit of the
peoples of both countries.
Despite Pravda's assertion of November 3, 104(),
that "There are absolutely no obstacles, unless they
are created by non-Soviet parties, to the most lively
trade, scientific, and cultural bonds between our
countries based on a firm foundation of mutual
respect and equal rights," the events of the past
four years of continuous efforts upon the part of
the American Government, American institutions,
and American individuals to establish cultural ex-
change in the realm of education, science, or publi-
cations, thoroughly invalidate Pravda''s statement.
The United States repeated proposals for an ex-
change of persons has met with scant success. A
handful of persons have been granted visas by the
Soviet Government, but with few exceptions they
have been people thought "politically acceptable"
by Soviet authorities. On the other hand, the
United States has accorded visas to any outstand-
ing Soviet citizen in the field of the arts and sci-
ences, regardless of his political views. The
United States has recently granted visas to notable
Communist propagandists to attend the Interna-
tional Cultural and Scientific Conference for
World Peace, fully conscious of the party line to
which such artists, writers, and scientists have
adhered at past gatherings. However, to do so
is in accordance with the American view of free-
dom of intellectual interchange.
To do so also demonstrates the vast difference
between the policies of the two governments, for
the Soviet Government has never permitted within
its borders a nongovernmental international meet-
ing representing a wide range of political views.
Despite the postwar efforts of the United States
Government to widen the channels of cultural
interchange, the Soviet Government persistently
pursued an obdurate policy. First the resistance
was of a passive nature, delayed replies, incom-
plete replies, failures to reply. Then after the
summer of 1947, rejections became more definite,
based upon positive although specious reasons such
as overcrowded housing conditions and psycho-
logical fears allegedly incited by the U. S. Alien
Registration Act. Finally, in 1948, the Soviet
Government took the open position of refusal to
participate in cultural interchange with the
United States because of suspicions that American
motives behind the program were aimed at under-
mining Soviet security.
Concomitant with the increasingly vehement
opposition to cultural interchange has been the
increasing emphasis upon Soviet priorities and
Soviet superiority in the realm of the arts and
sciences. The mounting tight control exercised
over Soviet artists and scientists, and the increas-
ing attack upon those who maintained contacts
with fellow specialists in the free world have also
poisoned the atmosphere and inhibited Soviet in-
tellectuals.
The only conclusion that can be drawn from
Soviet opposition to an exchange of students and
professors and an expansion of publications ex-
change is that the Soviet Government fears a free
interchange of ideas because of a realization that
thirty years of Communism have failed to provide
the patient Soviet people with a living standard
anywhere approximating that enjoyed by the
Department of %tate Bulletin
workers in the United States ; because thirty years
of Communism have deprived the Soviet people of
freedom of thought and action, freedom which
once experienced through contact with American
people or American books will make them ill-
content with their life in the Soviet Union.
Unfortunately, the attitude of the Soviet Gov-
ernment determines the course of the U.S.-
U.S.S.R. cultural interchange; its opposition de-
prives almost 350 million people of the multifold
advantages to be derived from a broader range
of understanding of peoples, their views, and their
accomplishments.
President Truman related the concept of cul-
tural exchange to the vital issue of peace in an
address on July 4, 1947, in which he said :
"The third requisite of peace is the free and full
exchange of knowledge, ideas, and information
among the peoples of the earth. . . ."
Research and Teaching Opportunities
in United Kingdom
[Released to tlie press March 25]
Announcement of opportunities for American
citizens to undertake advanced research or serve
as visiting professors in the United Kingdom was
made by the Department of State on March 25.
The awards will be made, under the provisions of
the Fulbright Act, in pound sterling. Grants for
research and teaching under the Fulbright pro-
gram ordinarily cover round-trip transportation
for the grantee, a stipend, a living and quarters
allowance, and an allowance for the purchase of
necessary books and equipment.
The awards announced include visiting profes-
sorships at British universities and university col-
leges. Although well qualified applicants in other
fields will be considered also, the following subjects
are among those which have been suggested as
ajjpropriate by the British host institutions:
Economics, geography of North America, Amer-
ican history, history of the American Revolution,
economic history, Russian history, philosophy.
Chemical engineering, crystallography, physics,
physiology, social psychology, statistical genetics,
operative dental surgery.
English literature, Elizabethan literature,
American literature, Biblical criticism.
Final selection of professorial condidates will be
made by the Board of Foreign Scholarships upon
the basis of the personal qualifications of the indi-
viduals. Definite assignment to one of the British
universities or university colleges will be made at
the time of selection.
April 3, 7949
830397 — 49 3
Awards were also announced for advanced re-
search under the sponsorship of British institu-
tions of higher learning in the humanities, the
social sciences, the natural and mathematical
sciences, medicine, and dentistry. Library and
laboratory facilities for studies in many special-
ized branches of these fields will be placed at the
disposal of the grantees by the host universities.
Although well qualified candidates in other fields
will receive consideration also, the British institu-
tions have indicated the existence of appropriate
research facilities in various specialized branches
of the following fields :
Archeology, linguistics, literature. Oriental
studies, theology, anthropology, economics, edu-
cation, geography, history, international relations,
law, philosophy, political science, sociology, agri-
culture, biology, chemistry, biochemistry, en-
gineering, geology, mathematics, physics, psy-
chology, medicine, surgery, psychiatry, dentistry,
veterinary medicine.
Final selection of candidates for advanced re-
search grants will be made by the Board of Foreign
Scholarships upon the basis of the personal quali-
fications of the applicants, the merit of their re-
search projects, and the facilities available in the
United Kingdom for the accomplishment of their
projects.
British universities which have expressed a de-
sire to be sponsors either to American visiting pro-
fessors or research scholars include: Aberdeen,
Belfast, Birmingham, Bristol, Cambridge, Dur-
ham, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Leeds, Liverpool,
London, Manchester, Nottingham, Oxford, Read-
ing, Sheffield, St. Andrews, Swansea, Abery-
stwyth, Bangor, Cardiff, Exeter, Hull, Leicester,
Southampton, Welsh National School of Medicine.
Candidates for all grants will be selected on the
basis of merit by the Board of Foreign Scholar-
ships. Veterans will be given preference provided
their other qualifications are approximately equal
to those of other candidates. Persons receiving
awards will normally be expected to remain abroad
for one academic year.
The awards are offered under Public Law 584
(79th Congress), the Fulbright Act, which
authorizes the Department of State to use certain
foreign currencies and credits acquired through
the sale of surplus property abroad for programs
of educational exchange with other nations.
Persons interested in the opportunities listed
above for visiting professors and research scholars
should write to the Conference Board of As-
sociated Research Councils, 2101 Constitution
Avenue, Washington 25, D.C., for application
forms and additional information concerning
fields of teaching and research, sponsoring in-
stitutions, and conditions of award.
The United States in the United Nations
General Assembly
IMarcb 26-April 1)
Delegation
Secretary Acheson will join the United States
Delegation for the opening session of the United
Nations General Assembly on April 5, it was an-
nounced on March 28 by Assistant Secretary Rusk.
The United States Delegation, with one exception,
will be the same as for the first part of the As-
sembly session, wliich met in Paris from mid-
September to mid-December of last year.' Erwin
D. Canham, editor of the Christian Science Moni-
tor and president of the American Society of
Newspaper Editors, joins the delegation as an al-
ternate delegate in lieu of Assistant Secretary
Gross, who is now carrying the responsibility of
congressional relations for the Department of
State. Mr. Canham will take part in the consid-
eration of three draft conventions on freedom of
information which will come before the Third
Committee of the Assembly.
The United States Delegation will be composed
of Ambassador Warren R. Austin, United States
Representative and Chief of the United States
Mission to the United Nations, John Foster Dulles,
Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt, Ambassador Philip
C. Jessup, and Benjamin V. Cohen. Alternate
delegates are Assistant Secretary Thorp, Ambas-
sador Ray Atherton, Ambassador Francis B.
Sayre, Mr. Canham, and Assistant Secretary Rusk.
The delegation will meet in Washington on Satur-
day, April 2, for preliminary consultation with
the Secretary of otate and other departmental
officers before moving to New York.
Interim Committee
A long-range plan for the study of methods of
pacific settlement of disputes and of promoting
international cooperation in the j'jolitical field was
approved by the Interim Committee of the Gen-
eral Assembly (familiarly known as the ''Little
Assembly") at its meeting on March 31.
The plan was presented to the Interim Com-
mittee by James N. Hyde of the United States,
who acted as rapporteur of Subcommittee 6, which
had been given the responsibility for prei:)aring
implementation of Paragraph 2 (c) of a Greneral
Assembly resolution of December 3, 1948, request-
ing systematic study of these matters.
As the first step in the series of studies proposed
to the Interim Committee over the next several
years, the subcommittee recommended that an
analysis be made of the operation of United Na-
tions Commissions. The Secretariat will be asked
to record and synthesize the experience of Com-
missions appointed by the General Assembly and
the Security Council during the past several years
in eflForts to investigate, conciliate, and prevent
hostilities.
' Bi-iiETiN of Sept. 12, 1948, p. 330.
The program of study proposed by the sub-
committee was given wholehearted support by
the United States. Charles P. Noyes, sitting for
the fli-st time as Deputy Representative for the
United States on the Interim Committee, spoke
of the proposed studies as being "of inestimable
value to the United Nations." He pointed out
that they would "add very greatly to the under-
standing which member nations and the public
at large have regarding the processes of peaceful
settlement available under the United Nations
Charter, as well as the other aspects of political
cooperation."
The Interim Committee, in giving its unani-
mous approval to the subcommittee proposal, made
provision for the consultation of individual ex-
perts and learned societies outside of the United
Nations.
At the same meeting, the Interim Committee
designated a subcommittee to study and formulate
proposals regarding the present constitution, du-
ration and terms of reference of the Interim Com-
mittee. The subcommittee was asked to submit by
August 15, 1949 concrete proposals which might
be put before the General Assembly in September.
Transport and Communications
The third session of the Transport and Com-
munications Commission, which began on March
21, ended on March 30 with the adoption of the
Commission's report to the Economic and Social
Council containing ten resolutions. Among
those approved at its final meetings was one re-
questing the Secretary General to ascertain the
views of governments, in order to facilitate Com-
mission consideration of the problems of maritime
shipping affecting Latin America at its next ses-
sion. Another defined "inland transport" to in-
clude rail, road, inland waterways, and pipe lines.
A third resolution called the Economic and Social
Council's attention to the fact that solution of
problems facing the Commission would be greatly
•facilitated when the International Trade Organ-
ization and Inter-governmental Maritime Consul-
tative Organization conventions came into force.
Another recommended continued study of the
problem of coordination of inland transport.
Unesco
More than 2,500 delegates from this country
and representatives from 22 other countries as-
sembled in Cleveland March 30 for the second na-
tional conference of the United States National
Commission for tiie United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization (Uxesco) to
learn of Unesco's accomplishments to date and of
its plans for the future. The primary function
of Unesoo is the promotion of international coop-
eration through tlie free exchange of infonnation
and ideas on education, art, and science.
Department of State Bulletin
Fleet Admiral Nimitz Nominated
as Kashmir Plebiscite Administrator
Statement hy Secretary Acheson
[Released to the press March 23]
Since the beginning of the year, when India and
Pakistan put into effect a cease-fire in Kashmir,
the two Governments have shown a most coopera-
tive and praisewoi'thj' spirit in working toward
a final settlement of the Kashmir issue with the
assistance of the United Nations Commission for
India and Pakistan (Uncip). The nomination
of Fleet Admiral Nimitz as Plebiscite Adminis-
trator is further evidence of the progress being
made toward a peaceful solution of this difficult
question. Wliile the task which Admiral Nimitz
will now assume is one in which he will act as an
international public servant of the United Nations
and not as a representative of this Government,
we feel honored that India and Pakistan have
agreed to repose their confidence in an outstanding
American whose immeasurable contribution to the
successful conclusion of the recent war in the Pa-
cific remains vividly in our memories.
We hope that with these various recent encour-
aging developments the Kashmir issue will be
brought to an early and satisfactory settlement.
The Kashmir issue arose in the fall of 1947
following the partition of India into the separate
dominions of India and Pakistan. The Maharaja
of Kashmir, a Hindu who rules over a predom-
inantly Moslem population, acceded to India,
thereby causing fightmg between the Indian forces
on the one hand and rebel insurgents aided by
raiding tribesmen and later augmented by Pak-
istan troops. This issue was brought to the Se-
curity Council on January 1, 1948, by India. The
United Nations Commission (Uncip) composed
of representatives of Argentina, Belgium, Colom-
bia, Czechoslovakia, and United States was estab-
lished. This Commission has succeeded in effect-
ing as of January 1 of this year a cease-fire, and
conversations are now being held in New Delhi
between the United Nations Commission and the
disputants regarding the implementation of a
truce. Both India and Pakistan have agreed to
a plebiscite in Kashmir to determine the will of
the people. Admiral Nimitz as Plebiscite Ad-
ministrator will take over this difficult task.
U.S. Contribution for Relief of
Palestine Refugees
Statement hy the President
[Released to the press by the White House March 24]
It is with gratification that I have today signed
Senate Joint Resolution 36 authorizing a special
contribution by the United States of $16 million
for the relief of Palestine refugees.
The United Nations General Assembly on No-
vember 19, 1948, urged all States members of the
United Nations to make voluntary contributions as
soon as possible to a relief fund totaling $32 mil-
lion. The Secretary of State informs me that thus
far fifteen other Members of the United Nations
have contributed and that other Governments have
signified their intention to send money or contri-
butions in kind. Tliere is a pressing need for this
fund, for seven hundred thousand refugees are
living almost on starvation level. It is the hope
of the United States that very promptly the total
$32 million fund will be subscribed by the mem-
bers of tlie United Nations, or other countries,
which have not yet given to the fund.
I trust that before this relief program is ended
means will be devised for the permanent solution
of the refugee problem, and that the efforts of
the Palestine Conciliation Commission to estab-
lish a lasting peace will bring hope of a brighter
future to these destitute victims of the recent hos-
tilities in the Holy Land.
Current United Nations Documents:
A Selected Bibliography '
General Assembly
Official Records of the Second Session
First Committee, Political and Security Questions
including Regulation of Armaments. Summary Rec-
ord of Meetings. 16 September-19 November 1947.
xsii, 628 pp. Printed. $6.50.
• Fifth Committee, Administrative and Budgetary
Questions. Summary Record of Meetings. 16 Sep-
tember-18 November 1947. xxii, 500 pp. Printed.
$5.00.
General Committee. Summary Records of Meetings,
17 September-3 November 1947. vii, 47 pp. Printed.
50(i.
Joint Committee of the Second and Third Com-
mittees. Summary Record of Meetings. 8 October-
5 November 1947. xix, 98 pp. printed. $1.25.
Official Records of the Second Session. Plenary Meetings.
Volume I. 80th-109th Meetings. 16 September-13
November 1947. LXXVI, 753 pp. printed. $8.00.
—Volume II. 110th-12Sth Meetings. 13 November-
29 November 1947. pp. 753-1637. printed. $10.00.
Survey of International Law in relation to the work of
codification of the International Law Commission.
. . . [A/CN.4/1, November 5, 1948] 70 pp. Printed.
500.
' Printed materials may be secured in the United States
from the International Documents Service, Columbia Uni-
versity Press, 2960 Broadway, New York City. Other ma-
terials (mimeographed, or processed documents) may be
consulted at certain designated libraries in the United
States.
AptW 3, 1949
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Calendar of Meetings ^
Adjourned during March
IcAO (InteriiHlioiial Civil Aviation Organization):
Council: Bixlh Session
Operations Division
Airworlliincs.s Division
International Wheat Conference
L'liitod Nations:
Ecosoc (Economic and Social Council):
Einhth Session
Who (World Health Organization):
E.\ecutive Board: Third Session
Fao (Food and Agricultural Organization):
Near East Regional Meeting on Animal Breeding Under Tropical
and Subtropical Conditions.
International Bice Commission: First Meeting
IcEF (International Children's Emergency Fund):
Executive Board
Ilo (International Labor Organization):
Industrial Committee on Civil Engineering and Public Works:
Second Session.
In Session as of April 1, 1949
United Nations:
Commission on Korea
Commission on India and Pakistan
Conciliation Commission for Palestine
Trusteeship Council: Fourth Session
Ecosoc (Economic and Social Council):
Commission on the Status of Women: Third Session. . . . . .
Subcommission on Economic Development: Third Session . .
Transport and Communications Commission: Third Session ._ .
Economic Commission for Europe: Committee on Electric
Power.
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East: Committee
of the Whole.
Itu (International Telecommunication Union):
Provisional Frequency Board
International Confere'nce on High Frequency Broadcasting . . .
Cfm (Council of Foreign Ministers) : Deputies for Austria
Itu (International Telecommunication Union) :
Aeronautical Radio Committee
IcAO (International Civil Aviation Organization): African-Indian
Ocean Regional Meeting.
Fad (Food and Agriculture Organization): Indo-Pacific Fisheries
Council.
Rubber Study Group: Sixth Session
Ino (International Refugee Organization): Second Session of the
General Council.
Ilo (International Labor Organization) :
Committee on Application for Conventions and Recommenda-
tions.
Conference of European Experts on Training of Supervisors and
Instructors within Industry.
Scheduled for April
American Internation.al Institute for the Protection of Childhood:
Annual Meeting of the Directing Council.
Tin Study Group: Management Committee
United Nations:
Ecosoc (Economic and Social Council):
Economic Commission for Europe: Committee on Industry and
Materials.
Population Commission: Fourth Session ..........
Subcommission on Employment and Economic Stability: Third
Session.
Statistical Commission: Fourth Session
Montreal .
Montreal .
Montreal
Washington
Lake Success .
Geneva . . .
Cairo . . . .
Bangkok . . .
Lake Success .
Rome . . . .
Seoul
Lake Success .
Jerusalem . .
Lake Success ,
Beirut. . . .
Lake Success .
Lake Success .
Geneva . . .
Bangkok
Geneva . .
Mexico City
London . .
Washington
Londoh . .
Singapore
London .
Geneva .
Geneva
Geneva
Montevideo
London . .
Geneva
Geneva . . .
Lake Success .
Geneva
1949
Jan. 18-Mar.
Feb. 8-Mar.
Feb. 22-Mar
Jan. 26-Mar.
ls
13
29
23
Feb. 7-Mar.
18
Feb. 21-Mar
. 9
Mar. 1-12
Mar. 7-15
Mar. 9-10
Mar. 15-26
1948
Dec. 12-
1949
Jan. 3-
Jan. 17-
Jan. 24-
Mar. 21-
Mar. 21-
Mar. 21-
Mar. 21-
Mar. 28-
1948
Jan. 15-
Oct. 22-
1949
Feb. 9-
Mar. 15-
Mar. 22-
Mar. 24-
Mar. 28-
Mar. 29-
Mar. 23-
Mar. so-
Apr. 1-2
Apr. 4
Apr. 4-
Apr. 11-
Apr. 11-
420
Apr. 25-
Department of State Bulletin
Calendar of Meetings — Continued
General Assembly : Second Part of Third Session
International Law Commission
Permanent Central Opium Board
Sixteenth International Congress of Geography
Gatt (Genera! Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) : Third Session of
Contracting Parties.
Ilo (International Labor Organization) :
Coal Mining Committee: Third Session
Fourth Regional Conference of American States Members . . . .
IcAO (International Civil Aviation Organization) :
North Atlantic Meteorological Communications Meeting . . . .
European Frequency Meeting: Second Session
Special Meeting on Notices to Air Men
Meeting on Joint Support for Ocean Weather Ship Stations and
Joint Support for Air Navigation Facilities in Danish Territory
and in Creels Territory.
XXIV Italian Congress of Stomatology
Diplomatic Conference for the Drawing Up of a New Convention
Intended to Protect War Victims.
Fag (Food and Agriculture Organization) :
Preparatory Conference on World Wood Pulp Problems
Conference on Rice Breeding
Southeast Asia Conference on Rinderpest Control Problems . . .
International Cotton Advisory Committee: Eighth Meeting . . . .
First International Congress on Civil Engineering
Lake Success
Lake Success
Geneva
Lisbon
Annecy, France
Pittsburgh
Montevideo
London
Paris
Montreal
London
Taormina and Catania, Italy
Geneva
Montreal
Bangkok
Bangkok
Brussels
Mexico City
1949
Apr. 5-
Apr.
Apr.
Apr. 8-15
Apr. 11-
Apr. 19-
Apr. 25-
Apr. 11-
Apr. 10-
Apr. 19-
Apr. 20-
Apr. 20-24
Apr. 21-
Apr. 25-
Apr.
Apr.
Apr. 2.5-30
Apr. 30-
Prepared in the Division of International Conferences, Department of State.
Third Session of the ILO Permanent Migration Committee
BY IRWIN M. TOBIN
Background
The Pei'manent Migration Committee (Pmc)
of the International Labor Organization, which
held its Third Session at Geneva, January 13-27,
1949, was set up by the Govei'uing Body of the
International Labor Office as a result of a recom-
mendation made by the Conference of Experts on
Migration for Settlement, held at the Office in 1938.
Its terms of reference were originally limited to
migration for settlement, but in 1944, when it
became clear that migration for employment
might also become a problem of considerable im-
portance after the war, the terms of reference of
the Committee were broadened to enable it to deal
with all forms of migration.
The membership of the Committee consists of
representatives of the governments of all states
members of the International Labor Organization
which wish to participate, representatives of the
Governing Body, and three experts appointed by
the Governing Body, together with advisory mem-
bers representing the United Nations and other
intergovernmental organizations.
The First Session of the Committee, which con-
vened in Montreal in August 1946, exchanged
views on postwar migration prospects, discussed
the forms of international cooperation capable of
facilitating an organized resumption of migration,
and also considered the effect of racial discrimina-
tion upon migration.
The Second Session, held in Geneva in Febru-
ary-March 1948, drafted a migration for employ-
ment convention and related instruments, and thus
laid the basis for the subsequent inquiries to gov-
ernments by the Ilo and the preparation of
amended draft texts submitted to the present meet-
ing of the Committee. The Second Session also
considered the division of responsibilities between
the Ilo and other international organizations con-
cerned with migration.
In order to develop fully the background of the
Third Session there must also be taken into ac-
count the increasingly active role of the Ilo in
migration as it is related to manpower and eco-
nomic-development programs. As a result of this
growing interest, which was formalized at the
107th Session of the Ilo Governing Body in De-
cember 1948, there were added to the agenda of
the Third Session of the Pmc three new items re-
lating to the migration aspects of the Ilo man-
power program.
Agenda
The agenda of the Third Session was thus com-
posed of two items referred to the Committee by
the previous session of the Permanent Migration
Committee, and three further items which were
later placed on the agenda at the instance of the
April 3, J949
IiiO Governing Bod}-. The agenda read as
follows :
1. Miirration for Kinployiiif'nt : Revision ct tli<> Miprra-
tlon for Eniplo.viiK'iit ('"nvciiti<in, l!t39; tlie MigTiiticm for
EniplD.vinent Kecoiiiiiu'inlation, 19H9 ; and the SliKnition
for Einployraent (Cooperation between States) Kt-coni-
niendMtion, 1939.
2. Foniiulation of Principles concerning MiRtation for
I.anil Si'ltlenient, ini'liulins Preparation of a Model Agree-
nii'iit on Mi^'ration for Land Sfttlenicnt.
3. Migration within the Manpower Program of the Ilo.
4. Migration and Uesettlement of "Specialists."
i). Metliods to P'urther Exchanges of Trainees, including
Preparation of a Model Agreement.
Participation
T\venty-fo\ir governments were represented at
the Third Session by fully accredited delegations,
two additional governments having sent observers.
The Committee also included two representatives
each of the three groups (government, employers,
workers) which compose the Ilo Governing Body.
Advisory members were also present from the
United Nations, International Bank and Fund,
Ito Interim Commission, Fad, Iro, Who, and
ITxEsco. Observers representing the Economic
Commission for Europe, the Oe?:c ^lanpower
Committee, and the Labor Division of ECA at-
tended some of the sessions; however, tlie repre-
sentative of the International Committee for
European Migratory Movements, who was origi-
nally scheduled to attend, did not appear.
The number of governments represented was
approximately the same as at the 1948 session, thus
indicating a sustained interest in migration on the
part of a substantial number of governments in
almost every part of the world. The wide rep-
resentation of specialized agencies indicated both
an alertness of interest and the desire to coordinate
as closely as possible the activities of the various
organizations interested in the migration field.
Governing Body representation was double that
of the previous year, with the possible implication
that the Ilo felt that greater participation of rep-
resentatives of employers and workers in the de-
liberations of a Committee basically governmental
in composition was desirable, especially in con-
sidering the manpower items.
Proceedings and Recommendations
Opening address
The opening plenary meeting was featured by
the address ot Jef Reus, Assistant Director Gen-
eral of the Ilo and Secretary General of the
Session. Mr. Rens outlined the background of the
Committee's agenda and stated tlie problems with
wiiich it was confronted, in particular those in-
volved in tlie newly undertaken manpower pro-
gram of the lu). Delegates showed special inter-
est in tlie schedule of conferences contemplated by
David Morse, the Director General, whicli was to
include (1) a meeting of re]iresenta(ives of the
I'nited Nations and s[)('cializ(>d agencies to be held
in Geneva in February 104!) to study the measures
to be taken to insure as complete coordination as
possible of their manpower and migration activi-
ties and (2) an international conference of govern-
ments directly concerned with migration, the task
of wliicli would he to negotiate and conclude multi-
lateral and bilateral agreements for the transfer of
migrants from manpower surplus to manpower
deficit countries. The Permanent Migration Com-
mittee was asked to indicate the conditions which
it considered must be fulfilled to assure that the
latter meeting could be successfully held, since the
Office recognized that most careful preparation for
it would be required. The Committee was also
asked to advise (he Governing Body concerning the
projected manpower program as a whole.
Commenting upon the proposed migration con-
vention, Mr. Rens, after describing the earlier his-
tory of the draft convention on migration for em-
ployment and related instruments, stated that the
texts prepared by the Office on the basis of previ-
ous discussions by the Committee and the subse-
quent comments of governments were designed
"to give the greatest possible protection to mi-
grants, while at the same time facilitating mi-
gration."
The Rights of Migrants
The main business before the Session was to
redraft for presentation to the forthcoming con-
ference of the Il(5 the texts of the -convention,
reconunendation, and model agreement on migra-
tion for empIo3ment and a separate proposed con-
vention concerning the personal effects and tools
of migrants for employment. These instruments,
in the form in which they came before Subcom-
mittee I, had been drawn u]) by the Office upon
the basis of the proposals of the Second Session
of the Pmc and the observations made by govern-
ments on the drafts circulated to them. Ihe key
instrument, the convention on migration for em-
ploj'inent (referred to hereafter as the convention)
contained two principal parts: I, applicable to
migration in general: and II, applii'ablc to mi-
grants recruited to till particular jobs. Taking
into account the changes made in the text by the
Tliird Session, part I of the draft convention now
embraces obligations by signatory states to (1)
provide accurate information concerning employ-
ment opportunities and regulations atfecting mi-
gration for emploj'ment; ('2) take measures to fa-
cilitate the dej)arture, journe}-, and receiation of
migi-ants, with special concern for their health and
welfare; and (3) assure to migrants treatment
equal to that of domestic labor, so far as law or
government regulations a])ply, in fields such as
remuneration, housing, social security, trade union
membership and collective-bargaining rights, and
access to schools. Part II, applicable to migrants
recruited for specific employment, provides for
(1) regulation of procedures governing recruit-
ment, introduction, and placement of migrants;
(li) free access to i)ublic employment services: ('.))
written contracts; and (4) special types of pro-
Departmenf of State Bulletin
tective supervision for migrants under govern-
ment-si3onsored group migration schemes.
The principal controversy which dominated the
deliberations of Subcommittee I had been fore-
shadowed in the statements made at the opening
plenary session. One group, led by the United
Kingdom, favored a drastic reorganization of the
texts, with a view to limiting the convention on
migration for employment to an agreement on the
basic rights of all migrants. It was argued that
such a procedure would facilitate ratification by
a wide circle of governments of immigration
countries, thus giving the convention greater
force and influence. This point of view was in
the end rejected by the majority of the Committee
on the ground that a convention limited to such
general provisions would withhold from migrants
the protection they require and thus fail to serve
the purposes of the convention as originally con-
templated. It was also considered by many dele-
gations that such a drastic change in procedure
would require new instructions from their Gov-
ernments, prolong the period required for prepa-
ration of the convention, and thus make it im-
possible to fulfil the Committee's mandate to
propose a test for adoption by the forthcoming
Ilo conference. This difference in over-all ap-
proach necessarily determined the spirit in which
many delegates discussed the convention draft as
it was examined article by article. In the end the
revised text as reported out by the subcommittee
and approved by the closing plenary session gave
more detailed and specific protection to migrants
than the text prepared by the Office.
The dilemma involved in redrafting the con-
vention was stated succinctly in the final report
of the Session, which drew attention to "the de-
tailed and often teclmical character, and the ex-
tensive implications of many of the provisions of
the texts," and remarked that at its deliberations
Subcommittee I "had as its aim to arrive at a
satisfactory compromise on the various provisions
which would adequately protect the interests of
migrants but which would not at the same time
effect such a radical departure from the practices
and policies of Members as to endanger the accept-
ability of the instruments to a sufficient number of
Governments. The latter result would, of course,
be to deprive migrants of that very protection
which it is the aim of the Conventions and the
other instruments to achieve."
While the United States Delegation was of the
opinion that some of the proposed detailed amend-
ments were inappropriate to a convention, it took
the view — in accordance with its instructions—
that the draft convention was in general satisfac-
tory to the U.S. Government, and that a radical
revision, such as that proposed by the U.K. Rep-
resentatives, would render impossible the prepa-
ration by this Session of the Pmc of a draft text
to be placed before the 1949 Ilo conference for
adoption. The U.S. Representatives therefore
April 3, 1949
participated in the discussion of the text princi-
pally in order to forestall the adoption of amend-
ments which would run counter to American
policy and practice with respect to migration.
On specific controversies as they emerged between
countries of immigration and emigration the
United States Representatives generally took the
attitude that the countries particularly concerned
with migration movements of the kind covered by
the text should play the principal role in drafting
the appropriate articles.
ILO Manpower Program
The Ilo manpower program, submitted to the
±^Mc tor Its advice, was greeted with substantial
but cautious approval. After a discussion of the
prospects of migration and the practical difficul-
ties encountered by countries of immigration and
emigration, the Committee welcomed the initiative
being taken by the Ilo in dealing with migration
questions, and m particular endorsed the proposed
meeting of the United Nations and specialized
agencies to be held in February 1949, with a view
to coordinating activities in this field. The Com-
mittee also considered a number of specific prob-
lems which might be dealt with by the forthcom-
ing Ilo Governing Body Session, such as the
absorptive capacity of possible countries of immi-
gration, the adaptability of migrants to their new
environments, and certain practical aspects of the
international mobility of labor. The Committee
noted with approval the intention of the Office to
call a conference of interested governments to
negotiate bilateral and multilateral migration
agreements, but emphasized in this connection the
need for the most careful preparatory planning
and consultation of goverimients before such a
conference could be convened with a reasonable
prospect of achieving practical results.
The Committee also considered a proposal put
forward by Albert Monk, workers' delegate, that
the Permanent Migration Committee should as-
sume a tripartite character representative of
governments, employers, and workers according
to the customary Ilo pattern. It was generally
felt that such tripartite representation might be
accorded in the regional manpower committees
being established by the Governing Body, of which
those for Europe and Asia have already been set
up, while another for Latin America is under con-
sideration. It was the sense of the Committee that
the Pmc should continue to exist essentially in its
present form, open to membership on a universal
basis, and serving as a technical advisory com-
mittee on migration and manpower questions.
Finally, the Committee took note of a recommen-
dation from Subcommittee III, which resulted
from a U.S. proposal, to the effect that the Ilo
should undertake to make studies and provide
technical advice with a view to assisting govern-
ments interested in developing land-settlement
projects capable of absorbing surplus manpower
available for migration.
Land Settlement
Tlie discussion of niignition for laiul settlement,
in Subcommittee III, was, in view of limitations
of time and the complexity of the subject, confined
to general principles, leaving it to the Office to
draft a model agreement text for circulation to
governments and discussion by the next session of
the Pmc. The Subcommittee was also in agree-
ment that, in addition to considering the stand-
ards which should be applied in the treatment of
migrants for land settlement, the Ilo should take
practical steps within its competence to facilitate
migration for land settlement at the request of in-
terested governments. The recommendations of
the Subcommittee, whicli were adopted by the full
Committee at the final plenary session, proposed
(1) that the Office submit to governments for their
comments the texts of the general principles for-
mulated by the Committee and the model agree-
ment to be drafted by the Office ; (2) that the ques-
tion of the model agreement be taken up by the
next session of the Pmc; and (3) that the Office,
with the agreement and cooperation of interested
governments and specialized agencies, study pos-
sibilities for land settlement and make available
to governments, upon their request, the Ilo's tech-
nical facilities to assist them in preparing land-
settlement projects.
Specialists and Trainees
Discussion by Subcommittee II of the migra-
tion and resettlement of specialists and methods to
further the excliange of trainees resulted in rec-
ommendations, approved by the full Committee,
designed to give tlie Ilo limited, but nevertheless
practical, responsibilities in both fields. With re-
gard to the migration of specialists and techni-
cians, particularly those who are DP's under the
care of the Iro, it was proposed that the Office cir-
cularize information concerning the availability
of such technicians, request member governments
to inform it of opportunities for their resettle-
ment, and attempt in other ways to build a bridge
between known surpluses and known demands.
With regard to the exchange of trainees it was
proposed that the Office be requested to make a
survey of regulations concerning the exchange of
trainees and the organizations, private and public,
having responsibilities in this field. The Office
was also requested to assist governments, upon re-
quest, in facilitating the international movement
of trainees. The question was further to be re-
ferred to the industrial committees and regional
conferences of the Ilo and to the next session of
the Permanent Migration Committee.
Conclusions
Summary of the Session
In certain respects the Third Session of the Pmo
marked a turning point in the conception of the
Conmiittee's task and gave a pi-actical impetus to
the new role being played by the Ilo in the field
of migration. There was a marked bipolarity in
the discussions of the Committee, which, on the one
hand, was moving toward completion of work pre-
viously initiated dealing with the protection of
migrants and, on the other hand, was exploring
available and effective means to facilitate migra-
tion movements wherever such movements would
promote individual and national welfare. It was
observed by many delegates that the framework
of discussion had changed considerably since the
organization of the Pmc in 1940 in tlie light of
the experience of migration acquired by various
governments during the postwar years and the
new awai-eness on tne part of many governments
of the relationship between migration and a high
level of employment and prosperity.
The Convention on Migration for Employment
The U.S. Delegation believes that it would be
in the interest of the U.S. Government to ratify
the convention on migration for employment,
sliould the forthcoming Ilo conference adopt the
text recommended by the Third Session of the
Pmc. However, the Delegation believes that con-
sideration should be given to the possibility of
separating the present text into two conventions,
one containing general provisions applicable to
all migrants for employment, the other laying
down detailed rules for the recruitment, transfer,
and conditions of labor of group migrants. Such
an approach would insure the greatest possible
protection to all types of migrants, while avoiding
the danger that a single detailed convention may
not meet with ratification on a sufficiently wide
scale to bring it into force. Such separation would
also be better adapted to the needs and practices of
the United States, which must necessarily draw
a distinction between the position of immigrants
entering normally under our immigration laws
and those brought to this country under group
schemes for limited periods to engage in agricul-
tural and other pursuits for which domestic labor
is unavailable.
Migration and the ILO Manpoicer Program
Tlie U.S. Government should welcome the in-
itiative now being taken by the Ilo to assist gov-
ernments which have an interest in the promotion
of emigration and immigration. Broadly speak-
ing, such a program is in line with those objectives
of U.S. foreign policy which are related to the
maximum utilization of resources, including man-
power, and the fullest realization of the capabili-
ties of the so-called underdeveloped areas. The
regional economic conunissions of the Ecosoc and
the Manpower Conunittee of the Oeec are looking
to the Ilo for concrete assistance towards attain-
ing these objectives. The U.S. Government
should, through continued participation in Ilo
conferences dealing with migration and man-
power, contribute advice derived from its own
experience to (he fullest possible development of
this Ilo i)rogram.
Department of State Bulletin
U.S. Delegations to International Conferences
ICAO: African-Indian Ocean Regional Meeting
Tlie Department of State announced on March
21 the United States Delegation to the first In-
ternational Civil Aviation Organization (Icao)
regional air navigation meeting for the African-
Indian Ocean region, which convened at London,
March 22, 1949. The United States Delegation is
as follows:
Clifford P. Burton, Chief of Tt>chnical Mission, Civil Aero-
nautics Administration, Department of Commerce
Vice Chairman
Reuben H. CUnkscales, Technical Assistant, International
Standards Division, Civil Aeronautics Board
Alternates
James F. Angier, Chief, Foreign Section, Civil Aeronautics
Administration, Department of Commerce
Norman R. Hagen, Meteorological Attache, American Em-
bassy, London
Victor J. Kayne, Airways Operations Specialist (Icao)
Civil Aeronautics Administration, Department of
Commerce
Ray F. Nicholson, Representative, Flight Operations
(Icao) Civil Aeronautics Administration, Depart-
ment of Commerce
George L. Rand, Representative, International Telecom-
munications Standards, Civil Aeronautics Adminis-
tration, Department of Commerce
Robert Lawrence Stark, Assistant Branch Chief, Inter-
national Branch, Aviation Division, Bureau of En-
gineering, Federal Communications Commission
Lieut. Comdr. Clement Vaughn, Jr., U.S.N., Search and
Rescue Agency, United States Coast Guard, Depart-
ment of the Treasury
Advisers
Alden Patterson Bowser, Radio Engineer in Charge,
Terminal Aids, Civil Aeronautics Administration,
Department of Commerce
Alick B. Currie, Airways Operations Specialist, Civil
Aeronautics Administration, Department of Com-
merce
Maj. Paul M. Hulier, U.S.A.F., United States Air Force,
Germany
Maj. Grove C. Johnson, U.S.A.F., Icao Liaison Section,
Headquarters Military Air Transport Service, Depart-
ment of the Air Force
Comdr. Herman T. Krol, U.S.N., Head, Airspace Section,
Civil Aviation Branch, Department of the Navy
Scott Magness, Civil Aeronautics Administration Coordi-
nator, London
William C. Peck, Deputy Chief, Planning and Develop-
ment Branch, Engineering Division, Directorate of
Installations, Department of the Air Force
Ralph D. Rhea, Division Communications Superintendent,
Atlantic Division, Pan American World Airways
Comdr. William N. Stevens, U.S.N.. Staff Aerologist for the
Commander-in-chief of Naval Forces, Eastern Atlantic
and Mediterranean, Department of the Navy
Secretary of Delegation
Mason LaSelle, Division of International Conferences,
Department of State
Staff
Mary E. Bean, Office of Chief of Technical Mission, Civil
Aeronautics Administration, Department of Commerce
Isabell Erzen, Division of International Conferences, De-
partment of State
It is expected that about 20 governments will
attend this meeting for the purpose of examining
the problems of air navigation and operations in
the region. The delegates will prepare a plan of
aids to navigation and recommended practices in
the region, make recommendations to the Council
of Icao regarding facilities, services, and priori-
ties on the international civil air routes, and stim-
ulate the development of aviation and safety
methods and measures in the region. It is ex-
pected that the meeting will follow the usual pat-
tern of regional meetings of the Icao and that the
principal committees formed will inclitde aero-
dromes, air routes, and ground aids, air-traiBc con-
trol, communications, meteorology, and search and
rescue. The practices and procedures recom-
mended by the meeting will be forwarded to the
Icao Council at Montreal for consideration and
approval.
The African-Indian Ocean meeting will be the
last in the original series of ten regional meetings
scheduled by the Icao to survey aviation facilities
throughout the world.
U.S. Observers Attend World Engineering
Conference
The Department of State announced on March
21 that the following United States unofficial ob-
servers are attending the Second International
Technical Congress of the World Engineering
Conference, which convened at Cairo on March
20, 1949 :
Charles R. Enlow, Agricultural Attach^, American Em-
bassy, Ankara
T. W. Mermel, Engineering Assistant to the Commissioner
of Reclamation, Department of the Interior
Edwin R. Raymond, Agricultural Attach^, American Em-
bassy, Cairo
Commander Robert D. Thorson, Assistant Naval Attach^,
American Embassy, Cairo
Col. Theodore A. Weyher, Assistant Military Attach^,
American Legation, Bern
One of the major sections of the Congress will
be devoted to the problem of water in the Middle
East. This problem of the Middle Eastern coun-
tries is in many respects similar to that of our
AVestern States, and the Congress will provide an
opportunity to exchange views on the subject.
Other subjects to be discussed will be industrial
raw materials and their rational utilization
throughout the world and the social aspect of
technical development and of raw material.
April 3, 7949
IRO: Executive Committee and General Council
Tlio Department of State announced on March
22 tlie f<tllf)winp U. S. Delepiitions to meetings of
the Executive Committees and the General Council
of the International Refugee Organization (Iro)
scheduled to meet at Geneva, March 24-28 and
March 2!)-April 9, 1949, respectively:
Fourth Meeting of the Executire Committee
United States Representative
George L. Warren, Adviser on Refugees and Displaced
Persons, Department of State
Adviser
Alvin J. Roseinan, Cliief, International Activities Branch,
Bureau of the Budget
Second Session of the General Council
United States Representative
George L. Warren, Adviser on Refugees and Displaced
Persons, Department of State
Advisers
Koswell D. McClelland, Economic Analyst, American
Legation. Bern
Paul McCormack, Chief, Repatriation and Resettlement
Office, Operations Uraneh, Civil Affairs Division,
European Command
Alvin J. Roseman, Chief. International Activities Branch,
Bureau of the Budget
Lt. Col. R()l)eit L. Walton, Deputy Chief, Internal Affairs
Branch, Civil Affairs Division, United States Forces,
Austria
These meetings will consider the Director Gen-
eral's report on the activities of the Iro for the
period July 1-Decemher 31, 1948, the financial
report for the same period, the question of i>ay-
ment by the Iito for the movement of Jewish
refugees from Central Europe to Palestine, the
Director General's statement on plans for the
liquidation of the Iro and his recommendations
with respect to proposals which may be made by
the Iro to the United Nations Economic and Social
Council concerning action which may be taken by
the United Nations with regard to problems of
refugees after tlie liquidation of the Iro.
Protection of Childhood
The Department of State announced on March
17 that Elisabeth Shirley Enochs, Director of the
International Cooperation Service, Children's
Bureau, Federal Security Agency, will attend the
annual meeting of the Directing Council of the
American Intei-nsitional Institute for the Protec-
tion of Childliood as alternate technical delegate
of the United States. The meeting is scheduled
to be held at Montevideo, April 1-2. Katharine
F. Lenroot, Chief of the Children's Bureau, who
is technical delegate of the United States to the
Directing Council is unable to attend the forth-
coming meeting. United States participation in
the Institute was authorized by a joint resolution
of Congress in May 1928.
ITU: U.S. Submits Proposal on Telegraph
Regulations
Tlie United States Government will send rep-
resentatives, to be named at a later date, to the
Administrative Conference to Revise the Inter-
national Telephone and Telegraph Regulations.
This meeting, sponsored by the International Tele-
communication Union (Itu), is being held under
the auspices of the French Government and is
scheduled to convene at Paris on May 19. 1949.
Although for many years a party to international
communication conventions, the United States has
not heretofore become a party to the International
Telegraph Regulations. After consideration of
the views of the telegraph industry and users, this
Government has concluded that it should partici-
pate in the Paris meeting in the interest of devel-
oping regidations to which the United States may
adhere. A letter has been forwarded to the Secre-
tary General of the International Telecommunica-
tion Union, at Geneva, containing the text of the
United States proposals for revising the existing
International Telegraph Regulations (Cairo,
1938). These proposals will be placed on the
agenda for consideration by the conference when
it convenes in May.
The United States does not expect to adhere to
the International Telephone Regulations, but will
be represented by observers on the committees of
the conference relating to the International Tele-
phone Regulations.
The proposals of the United States include pro-
visions regarding the classifications of telegrams
and rates. These provisions were made public in
a report of tlie Federal Communications Commis-
sion dated February 23, 1949, Docket 9094, and
propose that there should be unification of the rates
for ordinary telegrams composed of plain lan-
guage, cipher language, code language, or any
mixture thereof. Such unification of rates would
take place initially at 75 percent of the prevailing
rates for ordinary full-rate messages. Other pro-
posals refer to the revision of the existing Inter-
national Telegraph Regidations and are of a
technical nature concerning accounting and tariffs,
and operations.
These proposals were formulated by the Federal
Comnuinications Commission and submitted to the
Department of State for transmission to the Inter-
national Telecommunication Union. The Com-
mission held public hearings and sponsored two
working groujis, composed of government experts
ami representatives of the telegraiih industry and
users, lor liie purpose of drafting the proposals.
This (iovernment participated in the Telegraph
Regulations Revision Committee of the Itu, which
met at Geneva in January of this year. At this
meeting the United States made known its objec-
tions to the existing telegraph regidations and
indicated the form that the new regulations should
take in order to be acceptable to it.
Departmenl of State Bulletin
THE RECORD OF THE WEEK
Provisional Rectifications Along the Western German Frontier
COMMUNEQUE OF BELGIUM, FRANCE, LUXEMBOURG, NETHERLANDS,
UNITED KINGDOM, AND THE UNITED STATES'
It was announced at the conclusion of the Lon-
don talks on Germany on June 7, 1948, that pro-
posals were being submitted to the Governments
of the United States, France, the United Kingdom,
and the Benelux countries for bringing about pro-
visionallv certain minor territorial adjustments in
the western boundary of Germany.^
The six governments, taking into account the un-
foreseen delays to which the conclusion of a final
peace settlement with Germany has been subjected,
consider it necessary to proceed to a preliminary
examination of the problem of frontiers and to put
into effect the minor adjustments justified by ad-
ministrative necessities and by conditions affecting
communications along Germany's western frontier.
The problem of Germany's frontiers will be re-
examined and settled definitively in its entirety
at the time of final peace settlement.
After detailed study, the six governments have
approved the proposals for provisional adjust-
ments of the frontier which have been submitted
to them by a working-party meeting in Paris.
The six governments have also examined the
frontiers of the Saar territory and have agreed
that, pending confirmation or modification by the
terms of the final peace settlement, the present
frontier shall be maintained with the minor
modifications.
The areas affected by the adjustments will be
placed under the administration of the countries
adjacent to Germany.
These adjustments may be confirmed or modified
by the terms of the final settlement concerning
Germany.
The London recommendations fixed a very re-
stricted frame of reference for the working party.
Only those proposals might be examined which
involved no appreciable loss to the German econ-
omy and which, being of minor character only,
could be regarded as desirable to eliminate local
anomalies and improve communications.
This limited frame of reference did not permit
the working party to take into consideration cer-
tain major territorial claims of Germany's western
neighbors.
Within the limits thus defined, 31 minor rectifi-
cations will be effected at a date to be announced
later, along the frontier between Germanj% on the
one hand and the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxem-
bourg, the Saar, and France, on the other.
These will affect a total area of approximately
135 square kilometers (approximately 52 square
miles) and a population of some 13,500 persons.
These modifications have been defined in general
outline. Their exact limits will be fixed by de-
limitation commissions. These commissions will
make their decision after having heard if this ap-
pears desirable, the local authorities and persons
in the area capable of giving information or ex-
planations necessary for the accomplishment of
the commissions' task.
All measures will be taken with a view to safe-
guarding the interests of the inhabitants, as re-
gards both their personal status and their movable
and real property. No one will be forced to ac-
cept the nationality of the country to which the
area is attached. Persons not desiring to accept
this nationality will enjoy the protection accorded
to persons and property by the laws of the country
and no crimination will be exercised against them.
They will have the right to settle in Germany, in
which case they will be allowed to take with them
their movable property, either retaining owner-
ship of their real property or selling it and being
permitted to transfer the funds to Germany under
the special regulations which will be prescribed.
They will, on the other hand, have the right to
continue to reside in the area concerned, if they
so desire.
' Released to the press simultaneously by all countries
on Mar. 26, 1949.
' Bulletin of June 20, 1948, p. 807. For communique
on the Ruhr, see Bulletin of Jan. 9, 1949, p. 43.
April 3, 1949
The North Atlantic Pact: A Historic Step in the Development
of American Foreign Relations
BY CHARLES E. BOHLEN >
Counselor of the Department of State
The text of the proposed North Atlantic pact
has been made public' The Secretary of State, in
a Nation-wide broadcast last Friday nif^iit, has
explained to the American people the general pur-
poses of the pact and most of its specific provisions.
It will be signed during the first week of April
by the Foreign Ministers of the participating
countries, who will come to Washington for that
purpose. It will then be submitted by the Presi-
dent to the Senate of the United States for the con-
sent of that body to its ratification.
In accordance with our Constitutional processes
and operation of our democratic system, tlie execu-
tive branch of the Government is submitting to the
judgment of tlie people and their elected repre-
sentatives this measure to enhance the preservation
of peace in the world and the security of the
United States.
This treaty, which has been laid before you, was
not hastily improvised. It has not been considered
and negotiated in an atmosphere of alarm and
hysteria. Tliat has been reserved for those who
do not wish to see the purposes of this pact
achieved.
It has received the most careful consideration
possible from the executive branch of this Govern-
ment, which has kept in close touch with the
leaders of the United States Senate.
It is in full conformity with the advice of the
Senate embodied in the resolution passed by a vote
of 64 to 4 on June 11, 1948.'
It has been carefully worked out with the repre-
sentatives of the nations forming part of the North
Atlantic connnunitj' to which we belong in order
to give the clearest expression possible to their
joint aims and purposes. It has been drafted with
the most scrupulous regard for the Constitutional
processes of this and of the other countries which
have joined with us in the association.
It is an historic step in the development of the
foreign relations of this Republic. But it is not in
any sense a sudden or sharp departure from the
policy which this Government has pursued since
the end of the war. On the contrary, it is the
logical development of those policies and also of
those of the nations sharing our concept of civi-
lization, who together with us have formed, and
' Address delivered before the Philadelphia Bulletin
Forum on Mar. 23, 19-19, and released to the press on the
same date.
'Buu.icTiN of Mar. liO, 1949, p. 339; also printed as De-
partment of State publication 34G4.
'Bulletin of July 18, 1948, p. 79.
428
U.S. Interest in Security of Areas Outside
North Atlantic Community
STATEMENT OF SECRETARY ACHESON
Duriug the drafting of the North Atlantic pact,
we were aware of the possibility that our formal
expression of serious interest in the security of
countries in the North Atlantic area might be mis-
interpreted as implying a lessening of our interest
in the security of countries in other areas, particu-
larly the Near and .Middle East.
In my radio discu.ssion of the North Atlantic
pact last Friday night, I tried to make clear our
continuing interest in the security of areas out-
side tlie North -Atlantic community, particularly in
Greece, Turkey, and Iran.' I will repeat the por-
tion of my speech bearing upon this subject :
"In the compact world of today, the security of
the United States cannot be defined in terms of
boundaries and frontiers. A .serious threat to in-
ternational peace and .security anywhere in the
world is of direct concern to this country. There-
fore it is our policy to help free peoples to maintain
their integrity and independence, not only in West-
ern Europe or the Americas, but wherever the aid
we are able to provide can be effective. Our actions
in supporting the integrity and independence of
Greece, Turkey, and Iran are expressions of that
determination. Our interest in the security of
these countries has been made clear, and we shall
continue to pursue that policy."
I think that should speak for itself.
' BuLLETi.N of Mar. 27, 1949, p. 384.
still do, the chief supporters of the United Na-
tions.
Tonight I propose to deal primarily with those
questions or doubts which may perhaps arise in
the minds of the people of the United States in
relation to this treaty.
For example : Why is such a treaty necessary
when the Charter of the United Nations was con-
ceived as a means of assuring protection and se-
curit V to all the nations of the world ?
I tliink the answer is familiar to all of us and
is to be found in the chronicle of events since the
end of World War II. It is to be found in the
fate of Eastern Europe, in the record of ob.'^truc-
tion in tiie United Nations itself, and in the fact
which cannot be ignored — that formal peace has
not brought security or banished fear from the
world.
The United Nations, whose Charter bears so
strong an imprint of American thought and initia-
tive, was and .^till is based on the concept that
aggression anywhere is a mutter of concern to
Department of State Bulletin
all the peoples and nations of the world. It was
intended to provide a meclianisni whereby this con-
cern could be translated into action in order to
enfoi-ce peace against any would-be aggressor. It
was further based upon the belief that the prin-
cipal powers which had borne the greatest respon-
sibility in the last war would act in unison in
defense of the purposes and principles of the Char-
ter to which they had solemnly subscribed. The
unity of the great powers was to be a unity brought
about by an honest observation on their part of
the rules of international conduct set forth in the
Charter. It was not, as some state, to be a unity
achieved at the expense of principle and through
a series of deals in order to preserve a solid front
of the great powers against the I'est of the world.
I think the record shows that four of the five
permanent members of the Security Council who
were given this special position have, on the whole,
faithfully and honestly been guided in their for-
eign relations by the Charter. The same cannot
be said of the fifth member — the Soviet Union.
I shall not recite the dreary record of Soviet
frustration and obstruction in the United Na-
tions — the abuse of the veto, the defiance of resolu-
tions of the General Assembly.
I mention it merely to show that the fault lies
not in the United Nations itself, nor in the mech-
anism set up under the Charter, but in the policies
and attitude which the Government of one of the
great powers has pursued in relation to the or-
ganization. As a result, the United Nations has
not been permitted to establish throughout the
world the condition of security for which it was
designed.
However, the great objectives of the Charter —
the maintenance of international peace and secu-
rity, the creation of conditions which will foster
and encourage the rule of law rather than force
and anarchy in international affairs — still remain
valid. They still remain the aims of the United
States and those like-minded countries which have
joined with us in the Atlantic pact.
The North Atlantic pact is no substitute in any
way for the United Nations, but the utilization of
what Secretary Marshall referred to before the
General Assembly in 1947 as the "untapped re-
sources" of the Charter for the advancement of
the purposes for which the United Nations was
founded. The pact is not only in full conformity
with the great aims of the Charter but it is, as the
published text reveals, squarely within its pro-
visions.
Under article 51, the Charter expressly recog-
nizes the inherent right of individual and collective
self-defense, which is the birthright of every free
and independent nation. It makes clear that it
was not the intention of the framers of the Charter
to favor anj' potential aggressor by denying to the
law-abiding and pacific state the exercise of the
elementary right of self-defense.
The pact specifically recognizes the overriding
responsibility of the Security Council for the
maintenance of international peace and security.
Article 5 states that any measures adopted by the
parties to the present treaty to resist armed attack
shall not only be reported to the Security Council
as the Charter provides but shall be terminated as
soon as the Security Council has taken the neces-
sary measures to restore international peace and
security.
In certain quarters it has already been asserted
that this treaty is provocative and aggressive in
relation to the Soviet Union. This will continue to
be asserted by certain Governments, organizations,
and persons who do not wish to see confidence,
securit\', and recovery return to the world.
There are a number of answers to this question.
The terms of the treaty themselves make very clear
the defensive nature of this pact. Article 1 specifi-
cally binds the parties to settle any international
dispute in which they may be involved bj' pacific
means and furthermore contains a solemn re-
affirmation of their obligation under the Charter
to refrain from armed force or threat of armed
force in the conduct of their international affairs.
Behind this pledge stand the character and policies
of the countries which are parties to this treaty.
The very nature of their institutions makes a cal-
culated plan of aggression a virtual impossibility.
They are the countries who have not only demon-
strated their will for peace, but who have the most
to lose and the least to gain from war. There is,
however, one very simple and, I think, overriding
answer to any doubts on this subject which are
honestly held. The common power of defense au-
thorized by this treaty will never be exercised un-
less some country resorts to armed attack against
one of the parties. The obligation under article 5,
which, under the conditions stated, might involve
the use of armed force to meet such an attack, will
not and cannot be put into effect unless an actual
armed attack occurs.
Any nation which professes fears as to this pact
has the power to render its military aspects non-
operative by the simple expedient of abiding by the
commitment in the Charter — not to use force in
its international relations. Should, however, any
nation be so unwise, and so criminal, as to launch
an attack against any member of this community,
then it would know in advance that it could not
deal with its intended victim without bringing
against itself the full weight of the community
as a whole.
The Secretary of State has already explained,
and the public debates and the hearings before the
Senate will undoubtedly make even clearer, that
this treaty contains no automatic obligation for
this country to go to war. We assume the obliga-
tion to exercise an honest judgment as to what,
in the face of an armed attack on one of the mem-
bers, is required to restore and maintain the secu-
rity of the North Atlantic area.
April 3, 1949
In adding to the security of the Xorth Atlantic
area this treaty is not only contributing to the
sense of confiaence of the nations involved in
this treaty, and directly to that of the United
States, it is also contributing to the maintenance
of international peace and security in the world,
for under modern conditions it is difficult to imag-
ine any war that does not involve the vital area
covered by the treaty.
If the would-be aggressor knows in advance that
this area — without question one of the most vital
strategic areas in the world — has been rendered
secure by the voluntary and defensive association
of the nations joined by this ocean, it is doubtful
if it would be tempted to take the first step leading
to the outbreak of general hostilities.
Another question which inevitably arises with
respect to tliis pact is its connection with any
future program of military supplies from this
country. In other words: Is there a price tag
attached to flie Atlantic pact?
Tlie answer to that is "No."
Under article 3 of the treaty, we undertake with
the other signatories to act togetlier as follows :
In order more effectively to achieve the objectives of
this Treaty, the Parties, separately and jointly, by means
of continuous and effective self-help and mutual aid, will
maintain and develop tlieir individual and collective
capacity to resist armed attack.
Under this article, the United States accepts an
obligation to use its honest judgment as to the
wisest and most effective contribution it can make
to further the purposes of this treaty.
The President has already announced his inten-
tion to present to Congress a recommendation pro-
viding for American assistance in the form of arms
and equipment to other countries when, in the
opinion of this Government, such assistance is in
our national interest.
A number of considerations will, of course, enter
into the drawing up of any such program, with
particular reference to the effect upon our do-
mestic economy, the state of our own national de-
fense establishment, and full recognition that it
is the policy of tliis Government and of the
countries associated with us in this pact to give
clear priority to economic recoverj'. This means
that the supply of any arms and equipment under
the proposed program to foreign countries will
be done in such a manner as not to impair but
rather to assist the major goal of economic re-
covery and reconstruction. If Congress approves
this measure and appropriates the funds necessary
for its execution, it would clearly become one of
the principal means by which the United States
could make its contribution to the effectiveness of
the pact.
I said, in the beginning, that this treaty repre-
sents an historic step in the development of Ameri-
can foreign relations. This is true in the sense that
for the first time in our historj' we are prepared
formally to enter into an association for 20 years
with countries outside this hemisphere, under
wiiich we undertake to regard an attack on any of
tliose countries as the equivalent of an attack on
the United States.
It is a recognition of the fact that in the inter-
dependence of the modern world there are certain
geogi'aphic areas whose safety is directly and
vitally linked with the safety of the United States.
It is a recognition, furthermore, of a community
of interest and civilization which, twice in history,
has found its expression in unity only after ag-
gression occurred, but which now is clearly,
calmly, and explicitly proclaimed to the whole
world.
It should remove from the mind of any aggres-
sor the tempting prospect of being able to deal
with its victims one by one.
It permits the nations who joined in this pact
to work out an integrated and intelligent system
of defense for the whole area so that if, despite
every effort, the pact should fail of its chief i)ur-
pose of preventing a recourse to armed attack, the
victims of this attack will not, as in the past, have
to improvise in haste and in mortal jieril the
measures essential for their self-preservation.
This pact effectively links the two comnumities
which stem from a common civilization on both
sides of tlie Atlantic.
It is limited in its operation to an attack in
Europe, including the French departments of
Algiers, or North America and the intervening air
and sea spaces between them. It is so limited not
by any intention to be an exclusive arrangement,
but simply because, in a formal association of this
kind dealing with a specific area, there must be
some relation between the extent of the commit-
ment and the possibility of makino; it effective.
But any would-be aggressor would, I think, be
making a tragic mistake if he believed that non-
inclusion, for geographic or other reasons, of other
nations in this pact means that the independence
and integrity of such nations are not a matter of
deep concern to us.
Tliis pact is designed to contriiiute to world
peace by securing an area of vital interest to the
t'nited States and to the European nations which
form a natural part of that area. It does not
imply by any means that it is only in this area that
we have an interest in preserving peace.
Many of the aspects of this treaty cannot pos-
sibly be covered in so limited a time. It is of ex-
treme importance that the people of the United
States thoroughl}' understand the meaninji and
intent of this treaty. An undertaking of this na-
ture cannot possibly succeed unless its full signifi-
cance is understood and supported by the jieople.
It is not tlie type of measure that can be entered
into halfheartedly or superliciallv if it is to
achieve its purpose. AYe are confident that with
full understanding will come full support and that
the people of this country will thereby demon-
strate to the world that they have not only learned
the lessons of history but have learned them well.
Department of State Bulletin
Voice of America to Iran Inaugurated
On March 21 the Voice of America beamed to
Iran the first of a daily, 30-minute Persian broad-
cast of information and commentary. It was the
first Voice of America broadcast to the Near East
since the war.
The voices of Mr. Barkley and Mr. Allen were
heard in English and also in Persian translations.
Ambassador Ala spoke in Persian.
The remainder of the broadcast consisted of
news, a roundup of editorial opinion from Ameri-
can newspapers, and a feature about Iranians in
the United States.
The program will be beamed to Iran daily from
11 : 30 a. m. to 12 : 00 noon e. s. t. (8 to 8 : 30 p. m.
Iranian time) and relayed by American trans-
mitters at Munich and by facilities leased from
BBC. The new broadcast series will increase to
20 the number of languages beamed by the Voice
of America.
President Truman's Message
On behalf of the people of the United States, I
take great pleasure in extending cordial greetings
and best wishes to the people of Iran, on this,
the first Persian-language broadcast of the Voice
of America.
It is my sincere hope that this program will
serve to strengthen the historic bond of friend-
ship which already links the Iranian and Amer-
ican peoples. We look forward to a period of
continued good will and of increased understand-
ing between your nation and mine.
Such understanding will help toward the cre-
ation of tlie kind of world the American people
and their government most desire: a peaceful
world, free of the fears of war, free of oppression,
and free of want: a prosperous world in which
peoples of every creed, color and nationality can
live together as good neighbors in friendship and
fellowship. I am certain that your people arid
ours stand earnestly together in this desire. May
the new year, which you celebrate today, see great
achievement towards the goal of peace and free-
dom for all mankind.
Vice President Barkley^s Message
I take great pleasure in extending greetings to
the people of Iran.
Our admiration goes to the Iranian people for
their past resistance to antidemocratic forces and
we look forward to continued good will between
your nation and ours — to a period of increased
understanding.
Seldom if ever in recorded history has there
been a greater need for international understand-
ing — for intelligent separation of truth from dis-
tortion. Much of the friction which has devel-
oped in the wake of the war could be dispelled
if the true desires of the people and their leaders
could be brought into clear focus.
Assistant Secretary Allen's Message
It was my privilege, while serving as American
Ambassador in Iran, to have frequent opportunity
to speak directly with the Iranian people. I have
missed this privilege keenly since my return to
the United States.
I am therefore especially glad to be able to speak
directly to you again, this time over the Voice
of America.
The broadcasting service which we are inaugu-
rating to Iran today is dedicated to bringing the
people of our two countries closer together in
international friendship. Through these broad-
casts we shall seek to convey the good will which
our people hold for your country.
We shall attempt, in our Persian language trans-
missions, to let the people of Iran know more
about America and the American people: about
our genuine efforts to achieve lasting world peace ;
about our hopes for a world of greater prosperity
in which we can all share ; but above all, our desire
that Iran shall always be a strong and indepen-
dent nation.
It is my sincere hope that these broadcasts will
give the Iranian people a fuller appreciation of
America's deep interest in the welfare of Iran,
which I assure you, is constant.
It is now my honor and pleasure to present to
you the Ambassador of your own Government,
His Excellency, Hussein Ala.
Ambassador Aid's Message
Mt dear fellow countrymen, On the occasion
of the New Year, I am delighted and proud to
convey to you two congratulations. Firstly, on
account of the Noi'ouz celebration and the safety
and well being of our beloved King, who by the
Grace of God, was saved from the attempt made
on his life by an evil element, and was preserved
to continue to render everlasting public service to
the country and the people of Iran.
My other congratulation is for the inauguration
of the program of the Voice of America to Iran;
one of the services under the charge of a true
friend of Iran, Mr. George Allen.
As American Ambassador to Iran, Mr. Allen
manifested his friendly feelings towards our
country, at a very critical time, and used all his
eifoi'ts to strengthen sincere relations between the
two countries.
Now in his new post, animated by the same
feelings, he desires to bring to the people of Iran
April 3, J 949
news and interesting information about the cus-
toms and the way of life in America as well as
world events.
I do not believe that anyone can deny that the
most effective means of good understanding among
nations and the maintenance of world peace is the
freedom of the press, exchange of views, and dis-
semination of correct information. I am. tiiere-
fore, certain that this new step of the American
Government in extending the Voice of America to
the far-olT land of Iran will be received by you
with eagerness and good will and that you will
draw due benefit from it.
On my part, I will do my best, with the co-
operation of my colleagues, to reciprocate this pro-
gram by informing the American nation of the
events and happenings in Iran.
During my stay of over three years in Wash-
ington, I have become convinced that this great
country has no other purpose or aim but the main-
tenance of peace and good will in the world ; it
desires to cooperate in the progress, and social
and economic development of other nations, so
that America too might benefit from the fruits
of such a desirable state of affairs.
American foreign policy is based on the support
and strengthening of the United Nations and the
observance of the Charter. This is the vei\y policy
and ideal of the Government and people of Iran.
Our country has the distinction of being the
only country in the Middle East which during the
war gave real and valuable assistance to the Allies
and made outstanding contributions and sacrifices
to further the common cause in the defeat of
aggression and oppression. Having done this,
Iran later realized the necessity of devoting atten-
tion to rehabilitation in the postwar period. She
has undertaken an economic development program
to raise the standard of living and bring prosperity
to the people. Under His Majesty's auspices, firm
steps are being taken to improve economic condi-
tions and promote the welfare of the people, more
especially in tlie fields of health, education, and
agriculture. This desirable policy and self-help
will enable us to obtain considerable assistance.
All the Iranians residing in America, loving
their country as they do, pray that, under tiie lead-
ership of their benevolent Shah-in-Shah, the
Majlis, the Senate, and the Government may suc-
ceed in bringing about basic reforms and pre-
serving the rigiits, independence, and territorial
integrity of Iran. They earnestly trust that in
the coming year and for many long years to come,
Iran may enjoy happiness and prosperity.
May gladness come to the land of Iran, our country,
May the land and its people ever enjoj' prosperity ;
Should there be no Iran, let me not be;
Let there be no Iranian alive such condition to see.'
' Translated from the Shah-Ncmch, famous Iranian epic,
by the Iraniau Ambassador.
Reports of the Exertion of Soviet
Pressure on Iran
Statement by Secretary Acheson
[Released to the press March 23)
For some time now, our Embassy at Tehran has
reported Soviet pressure upon Iran in the form of
persistent press and radio propaganda, alleging,
among other things, activities by United States
advisers in Iran hostile to the Soviet Union. That
pressure seems to have intensified in recent weeks.
AVhen Ambassador Ala called on me on the four-
teenth of this month, he iianded me a copy of a
memorandum to the Soviet Ambassador in Tehran
in which the Iranian Government protested against
disturbing Soviet press and radio attacks upon
Iran. This memorandum was also released to the
press in the Iranian capital. One type of Soviet
allegation mentioned in the Iranian memorandum
is that "American advisers intend to transform
Iran into a military base to be used against the
Soviet Union." Such charges are altogether false
and demonstrably untrue. In this connection, I
might refer to certain statements which I tried to
emphasize in my radio talk last Friday : "This
country is not planning to make war against any-
one. It is not seeking war. It abhors war."
I might say in connection with Soviet allega-
tions of hostile United States activity in Iran what
I have already said with regard to allegations that
aggressive designs underlie our particijiation in
the Atlantic pact, namely, tliat this "can rest only
on a malicious misrepresentation or a fantastic mis-
understanding of tlie nature and aims of American
society."
Chester H. Opal Transferred From
Post in Warsaw
[Released to the press March 23]
Assistant Secretary George V. Allen announced
on March 23 the transfer to another post of Chester
H. Opal, attache at the Embassy in Warsaw,
wliose recall was requested by the Polish Foreign
Office because tlie ^VircIc^<H BitUetin issued by the
United States Information Service in Warsaw re-
ferred to Poland as a "Soviet satellite."' Mr. Allen
said that the United States Government was ac-
ceding to the request of the Polish Government
that Mr. Opal leave Poland.
Mr. Allen pointed out that the article in the
Polish edition of the Wireless Bulletin to which
the Polisli Government took exception contained,
among other tilings, an immoderately worded de-
nunciation of "point 4" in tlie President's inau-
gural achhess l)y a duly accredited representative
of tlie Polish Cioveinnient. This kind of fair and
unprejudiced reporting is not to be found in the
controlled press of Poland.
Department of Stale Bulletin
Procedure for Filing Claims for Looted
Property in Japan
[Released to the press March 21]
On March 21 the Department of State called
attention to the fact that April 5, 1949, is the
closing date, established under the Far Eastern
Commission policy for the filing of claims with
the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers
for the restitution of identified property looted
from areas occupied by the Japanese. After that
date tlie Supreme Commander may, in his dis-
cretion, accept only claims for property known
to have been looted but not yet identified as to
ownership.
In an earlier announcement, persons whose
property was looted from occupied areas were
urged to file claims for restitution since substan-
tial quantities of looted property unidentified as
to ownership or origin which had been recovered
in Japan may be liquidated unless valid claims
are forthcoming.^
It was pointed out that, in general, claims for
restitution must be filed with the Supreme Com-
mander througli the present government of the
area from which the property was looted. The
Department of State is prepared to accept such
claims on behalf of United States nationals for
forwarding to appropriate foreign governments.
Claims should describe the jDroperty as fully as
possible to facilitate its identification, should
state the ciicumstances under which it disap-
peared, and should be accompanied by proof of
ownership.
Work and Victory Demonstration in Greece ^
Statement iy Secretary Acheson
[Released to the press March 23]
As you may know, the Greek Government and
people are this week conducting a series of demon-
strations for "work and victory"' to assert tlieir
determination to preserve their independence in
the face of rebellion from within, which is largely
directed by antidemocratic forces outside Greece's
borders.
The demonstrations being held throughout
Greece today are devoted to the theme of "inter-
national solidarity." I am happy to reaffirm the
solidarity of the Government and people of the
United States with the Government and people
of Greece in their struggle to preserve Greek in-
dependence and democracy.
Greece, which gave democracy to the world, was
also the site of one of history's earliest attempts
to give legal expression to international solidarity
on behalf of peace. This was the Amphictyonic
League, founded by the independent city states of
ancient Greece five hundred years before Christ.
Today, Greece is again a testing ground of a
new organization, the United Nations, established
to provide a means for the peaceful settlement of
international disputes. By extending their sup-
port to Greece at the present time, the American
people are endeavoring not only to act as good
neighbors, but also to give practical effect to their
determination that the principle of collective or-
ganization for peace, to which the Amphictyonic
League pointed the way, shall be made to work.
The present rededication of the Greek people to
"work and victory" is a renewed manifestation of
the valor of the Hellenic race. The final success
of their efforts and of those being made by the
United States and other members of the United
Nations on their behalf will insure the pi'eserva-
tion of that race. It will also mark important
progress in mankind's long quest for enduring
peace.
Statement hy the President
[Released to the press by the White House March 25]
I have been deeply impressed by the "work and
victory" manifestations in Greece, demonstrating
the united will of the Greek people to labor and
fight for the preservation of their ancient demo-
cratic heritage and of their independence, so
jjroudly proclaimed 128 years ago today. I have
also been moved by the concurrent expressions of
Greek ajjpreciation of American aid and of the
Greek people's determination to use the help ex-
tended by their American and other friends to the
best advantage.
Greek heroism displayed in the Greek War of
Independence and in the First and Second World
Wars evoked the admiration and enlisted the sup-
port of Americans. Today, on this anniversary
of Greek independence, the reaffirmation of Greek
resistance to a new alien threat is a further shining
example of courage in the face of adversity.
Despite the continuing ravages of the foreign-
inspired guerrilla warfare, the Greek people re-
main determined to rebuild their own land in their
own way, in freedom and in peace. This is the
significance of the "work and victory" rally. The
spirit of the people and the recent successes of the
Greek armed forces confirm my confidence that
the new totalitarian pressure will be contained,
whatever difficulties may lie ahead.
The American people are proud of their part
in helping to preserve Greek independence and the
structure of world peace through the Greek aid
program.
' Bulletin of Aug. 22, 1948, p. 245.
■ Tlie President of tlie United States named Henry F.
Grady, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary
of the United States of America to Greece, as his Personal
Representative with the rank of Special Ambassador to at-
tend the celebration.
Apn7 3, 1949
Korean Ambassador Presents Credentials
[Released to the press March 25]
The remarks of the newly appointed Amha^mdor
of Korea, Dr. John M. Chang, upon the occa-
sion of the presentation of his letter of credence,
on March 25 follow :
Mr. President: It is my proud and unique
privilege to deliver into Your Excellency's hands
this letter of credence of the Honorable President
of the Republic of Korea, Dr. Syngman Rhee,
accrediting me before Your Excellency as his first
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary
in the United States of America.
This historic ceremony today is evidence of the
earnest desire of the people and the Government
of Korea to maintain and to make even closer the
most friendly relations between our two Govern-
ments, united by strong bonds of sympathy and
mutual interest.' My people have watched and
studied with profound admiration and interest the
political, economic and cultural achievements of
3'our great people.
I wish to express to Your Excellency that my
Government and my people are sincerely ap-
preciative of the part played by the United States
of America within very recent memory in helping
us in our efforts to regain independence and
establish a constitutional democracv. We re-
member particularly, with profound gratitude,
your very gi-acious action in according the first de
jure recognition to the Republic of Korea on Jan-
uary first of this year, thereby restoring the posi-
tion of our country to an international standing as
a duly qualified member of the community of the
freedom-loving nations.
I am entrusted, Mr. President, with the pleasant
commission to express to Your Excellency in the
name of the President of the Republic of Korea
and our Government the sincere wishes, to which
I have the honor to join mine, for the personal
happiness of Your Excellency, who has won by
such magnificent statesmanship the love and ad-
miration and respect of all the nations, and the
prosperity of this gi-eat country. I may assure
you that my people and my Government are also
anxious to cooperate with your great people and
Government in any effort that may be inspired by
principles of justice and democracy directed to the
task of establishing a permanent basis for a demo-
cratic and peaceful workL
I am aware of the very heavy responsibility of
my mission, but with the friendship and coopera-
tion which I feel confident that I shall receive from
your people and your Government, I will do my
utmost to carry out my Government's instructions
with the greatest care and devotion to deserve the
confidence of Your Excellency and your Govern-
ment.
In entering upon my duties, I am fully confident
that the machinery of diplomatic intercourse set
in motion today will be productive of results which
will not only be conducive to our mutual benefit
but will prove to be an appreciable contribution to
the task of building a free and prosperous world.
The Presidents reply to the remarks of the newly
appointed Ambassador of Korea, Dr. John M.
Chang, upon the occasion of the presentation of
his letter of credence follows:
Mr. Ambassador : It is with sincere pleasure that
I accept from you, as the first Ambassador Ex-
traordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Govern-
ment of the Republic of Korea to the United
States, this letter of credence from your President,
Dr. Syngman Rhee.
This occasion, indeed, marks a significant and
happy day in both Korean and American history.
It is a great step toward the fulfilment of the de-
sires of both our countries and of the objectives of
United States foreign policy with respect to Korea,
wherein your country puts on the formal mantle
of freedom and independence. Over the past
years, our two Governments and our peoples have
worked together to achieve these ends, which were
so clearly stated in the Cairo and Potsdam Declara-
tions, subscribed to by four of the Allied Nations,
and the principles of which have since been sup-
ported by an overwhelming majority of the mem-
l)er states of the United Nations.
May I express, Mr. Ambassador, on behalf of
the people and the Government of the United
States the deep appreciation we feel for the gra-
cious sentiments of President Rhee which you
have conveyed and for your own kind thoughts
on this memorable day. I may tell you that it
is the desire of the people of this country that the
friendly relations existing between our two Gov-
ernments, which this occasion so eloquently rep-
resents, shall prosper and grow strong.
I welcome you, Dr. Chang, in your position as
Ambassador of the Government of the Republic
of Korea, and extend to you my congi-atulations,
sure in the knoweldge of your capabilities and ef-
forts on the behalf of your own country and of the
freedom-loving nations of the world.
Letters of Credence
Honduras
The newly appointed Ambassador of Honduras,
Sefior Dr. Rafael Heliodoro Valle, presented his
letters of credence to the President on IMarch 24,
1949. For texts of the ^Vmbassador's remarks and
the President's reply, see Department of State
press release 18S of March 24.
Department of State Bulletin i
Proclamation Supplement on Trade With Cuba
The President of the United States issued
Proclamation 2829,^ supplementing proclamations
of December 16, 1947, and January 1, 1948, and
carrying out general agreement on tariffs and trade
and exclusive trade agreement with Cuba.^
THE FOREIGN SERVICE
American Legation at Pretoria Elevated
to Embassy
[Released to the press March 23]
The American Legation at Pretoria, Union of
South Africa, will be elevated to Embassy status
on March 23, when Ambassador-designate North
Winship presents his credentials to the Governor-
General of the Union of South Africa at Capetown.
Mr. Winship has been serving as Minister to the
Union of South Africa since June 11, 1948,
THE DEPARTMENT
Appointment of Officers
James S. Moose, Jr. as Chief of the Division of African
Aff.iirs, effective February 9, 1949.
Donald L. Nicholson as Chief of the Division of Secu-
rity, effective August 27, 1948.
Joint Brazil-U.S. Technical Commission
Report Released
[Released to the press March 24]
The Department of State released on March 24
the full text of the Joint Brazil-United States
Technical Commission Report. Release was made
simultaneously in Rio de Janeiro and Washington.
A summary of this report was released in Wash-
ington on March 10.^ The Commission, which was
established by authority of President Dutra and
President Truman, functioned under the joint
chairmanship of Octavio Gouvea de Bulhoes and
John Abbink. It completed its work in Brazil on
February 7.
Copies of the report of the Commission, includ-
ing several special sub-commission studies, are
expected to be made available to the public in a
few weeks and will be sold by the Superintendent
of Documents, Government Printing Office, Wash-
ington, D.C. Agencies of the Government and
representatives of private organizations may now
obtain copies of the report without the special
studies from the Division of Publications of the
Department of State which has a limited supply.
PUBLICATIONS
Department of State
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Oovem-
ment Printing Office. Washington 25, D. C. Address re-
quests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, except
in the case of free puhlications, which may he obtained
from the Department of State.
Naval Forces on the American Lakes: Application and
Interpretation of the Rush-Bagot Agreement. Treaties
and Otlier International Acts Series 1830. Pub. 3369. 17
pp. 10<>.
Understandings Between the United States and Can-
ada regarding the Agreement of Apr. 28 and 29, 1817,
effected b.v Exchange of Notes— Signed at Ottawa
June 9 and 10, 1930 ; entered into force June 10, 1939;
signed at Ottawa Oct. 30 and Nov. 2, 1940; entered
into force Nov. 2, 1940; signed at Ottawa Feb. 26 and
Mar. 9, 1942; entered into force Mar. 9, 1942; signed
at Washington Nov. 18 and Dec. 6, 1946 ; entered into
force Dec. 6, 1946.
Whaling. Treaties and Other International Acts Series
1849. Pub. 3383. 17 pp. 200.
Convention Between the United States and Other Gov-
ernments—Signed at Washington under date of Dec.
2, 1946 ; entered into force Nov. 10, 1948.
Initial Financial and Property Settlement. Treaties and
Other International Acts Series 1851. Pub. 3395. 25 pp
m.
Agreement and Supplement thereto Between the
United States and Korea— Signed at Seoul Sept. 11,
1948 ; entered into force Sept. 20, 1948.
The United States Goal in Tomorrow's World. General
Foreign Policy Series 6. Pub. 3450. 6 pp. 50.
A discussion of American foreign policy by Ambassa-
dor Philip C. Jessup.
The North Atlantic Pact. General Foreign Policy Series
7. Pub. 3462. 16 pp. 100.
The fact sheet on the treaty for collective defense and
the preservation of peace, security, and freedom in the
North Atlantic community.
North Atlantic Treaty: Proposed for Signature During
First Week in April 1949. General Foreign Policy Series
8. Pub. 3464. 5 pp. 50.
Includes the preamble and 14 articles of treaty.
CORRECTION
"Security Council Studies Berlin Currency and
Trade Problems," in the Bulletin of March 27,
1949, page 377, second line: The date should be
identified as "released for publication on March 16."
' 14 Fed. Reg. 1151.
' Bulletin of Jan. 4, 1948, p. 28.
'For text of the summary see Documents and State
Papers for March-April 1949.
April 3, 1949
-^' .•■!"l??;?;-^
wyyvC€^nl6^
. OTit-^^^^/fv-W.."
General Policy Page
Cultural Relations: U.S. — U.S.S.R. Efforts To
Establish Cultural-Scientific Exchange
Blocked by the U.S.S.R 403
U.S. Contribution for Relief of Palestine Ref-
ugees. Statement by the President . . . 419
U.S. Interest in Security of Areas Outside North
Atlantic Community. Statement by Sec-
retary Acheson 428
Reports of the E.xerlion of Soviet Pressure on
Iran. Statement by Secretary Acheson . 432
Work and Victory Demonstration in Greece:
Statement by Secretary Acheson 433
Statement by the President 433
Letters of Credence: Honduras 434
Korean Ambassador Presents Credentials . . . 434
The United Nations and
Specialized Agencies
The United States in the United Nations . . . 418
Fleet Admiral Nimitz Nominated as Kashmir
Plebiscite Administrator. Statement by
Secretary Acheson 419
U.N. Documents: A Selected Bibliography . . 419
Third Session of the Ilo Permanent Migration
Committee. By Irwin Tobin 421
U.S. Delegations to International Conferences:
\ctfo: African-Indian Ocean Regional Meet-
ing 425
U.S. Observers Attend World Engineering
Conference 425
Iro: E.xecutive Committee and General
Council 426
Protection of Childhood 420
Occupation Matters
Provisional Rectifications Along the Western
German Frontier. Communique of Bel-
gium, France, Luxembourg, Netherlands,
United Kingdom, and the United States . . 427
Economic Affairs Page
U.S. Observers Attend World Engineering Con-
ference 425
Itxj: U.S. Submits Proposal on Telegraph
Regulations 426
Procedure for Filing Claims for Looted Property
in Japan 433
Treaty information
Provisional Rectifications Along the Western
German Frontier. Communique of Bel-
gium, France, Luxembourg, Netherlands,
United Kingdom, and the United States . . 427
The North Atlantic Pact: A Historic Step in
the Development of American Foreign Re-
lations. By Charles E. Bohlen 428
Proclamation Supplement on Trade With Cuba . 435
International Information and
Cultural Affairs
Cultural Relations: U.S.— U.S.S.R. Efforts
To Establish Cultural-Scientific Exchange
Blocked by the U.S.S.R 403
Research and Teaching Opportunities in the
United Kingdom 417
Voice of America to Iran Inaugurated .... 431
Calendar of Meetings 420
The Foreign Service
Chester H. Opal Transferred From Post in War-
saw 432
American Legation at Pretoria Elevated to
Embassy 435
The Department
Apijoiiiimi'iit of Officers 435
Publications
Joint Brazil-U. S. Technical Commission Report
Released 435
Department of State 435
m/?i^iwlo^
Irtcin M. Tohin, author of the article on the Third Session of
the Ii.o Permanent Migration Committee, is an International
Labor Economist in the Division of International Labor and
Social Affairs, Depiirtment of State. Mr. Tobin was Adviser to
the U.S. Delegate, and Secretary of the U.S. Delegation to the
Third Session of the Ii.o Permanent Migration Committee.
^^m^mm^^mmmmmmmm
fj/ie/ ^e/ict'y^^^teni/ ^ t/iaie/
BULGARIA, HUNGARY, AND RUMANIA
ACCUSED OF VIOLATING FUNDA-
MENTAL FREEDOMS 450
NINTH GENERAL CONFERENCE ON
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES • Article by
Dr. Edward (J. Condon 447
DEVELOPING INTERNATIONAL UNDER-
STANDING • An Article 439
Vol. XX, No. 510
April 10, 1949
For complete contents see back cover
^.s,w^./r.. bulletin
Vol. XX, No. 510 • Pubucation 34S3
April 10, 1949
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
" U.S. Qovemraent Printing Oflice
Washington 26, D.C.
Price:
62 issues, domestic $5.00, foreign $7.25
Single copy, 16 cents
The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (February 18,
1849).
Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and Items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
or State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a tceekly publication compiled and
edited in the Division of Publications,
Office of Public Affairs, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government icith information on
devtlopments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
press releases on foreign policy issued
by the White House and the Depart-
ment, and statements and addresses
made by the President and by the
Secretary of State and other officers
of the Department, as well as special
articles on various phases of inter-
national affairs and the functions of
the Department. Information is in-
cluded concerning treaties and in-
ternational agreements to which the
United States is or may become a
party and treaties of general inter-
national interest.
Publications of the Department, as
tcell as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
U. S. SUPERIHTENOENT Of OOCtlEAiilSI
Developing International Understanding
An Article
Few incidents demonstrate more clearly the in-
tense interest of other peoples in things American
than the reaction to the recent display of an Amer-
ican mail-order company catalog in one of the
United States Information Service libraries in
Eastern Europe. Scores of people formed a line
outside the building before the library opened and
stood in line for hours waiting their turn to look
at the catalog. The librarian and her assistant
received innumerable requests for translations of
descripitions of the articles it offered for sale. So
many people wanted to see the catalog that the
normal functioning of the library was seriously
interfered with, and the catalog was withdrawn.
Not only did visitors request that the catalog be
put back on display but they also called at both
the library and the librarian's home pleading for
an opportunity to look at the catalog and for in-
formation on how they could buy the articles
described.
This incident illustrates the reception given the
many and varied activities of this Government's
International Information and Educational Ex-
change Program throughout the world. Through
libraries, press services, radio broadcasts, and doc-
umentary motion pictures the program is pro-
viding peoples of other nations with a balanced
picture of American life and thought. Under this
program students, teachers, experts in various
fields, and professors are helped to come to this
country for serious work in recognized fields of
scientific and cultural learning. The program also
seeks to facilitate travel and study abroad by com-
petent Americans capable of contributing to the
knowledge and skills of other people and of add-
ing, on their i-eturn, to the store of knowledge in
their respective fields.
The Government's educational-exchange pro-
gram originated in 1939 with Congressional au-
thorization for scientific and cultural exchanges
between the United States and the other American
republics and the Philippines. The Smith-Mundt
Act (Public Law 402) of January 1948 for the
first time provided legislative authority for the
conduct of a com^jrehensive overseas information
program and at the same time extended authority
for the conduct of educational-exchange activities
to include the Eastern Hemisphere. No new funds
were appropriated, however, for this latter activ-
ity, and plans for the development of government-
sponsored educational exchanges outside the west-
ern hemisphere, except for such activities under
the Fulbright Act (Public Law 584), await Con-
gressional appropriation. The Fulbright Act
authorizes the use of certain foreign currencies
obtained from the sale abroad of United States
surplus property for study and teaching by
American scholars and professors wishing to pur-
sue their work overseas, and for the round trip
transportation to the United States of foreign
nationals for similar purposes.
Equally valuable in the impact on international
understanding and in contributions to teclinical,
scientific, and cultural knowledge in the United
States are the exchanges of scholars and technical
experts between the United States and other coun-
tries facilitated by the Government's educational-
exchange program. The sending of American
teachers and professional persons to other coun-
tries is complemented by the award of grants
and fellowships to outstanding experts from other
nations for training or study in the United States.
The Philippine Training Program exemplifies
one type of exchange now being carried on. Under
this program 196 Filipinos were brought to the
United States in 1948 and about 170 more are
expected in 1949 for training in government ad-
ministration and other fields.
An example of a mutually beneficial exchange
is Oscar Barahona Streber of Costa Rica, who
came to the United States in 1945 to study our
civil-service laws and social legislation. He had
April 10, J 949
already compiled Costa Rica's codigo del trahajo
and the ganmtias sociales and was an adviser
on labor matters to liis Government. To assist Mr.
Barahona, the Department of State awarded him
a six-month field study j?rant which enabled him
to continue research in his field.
Partly as a result of his work in the United
States he was recalled to Costa Rica to draw up
their civil-service law. As a further result of his
studies, he was later called upon by the Govern-
ment of Guatemala to assist in drawing up social
legislation of great importance to that country and
in establishing the Instituto Guatemalteco de
Seguridad Social, of which he is President. In
June 1948, the Guatemalan Government presented
to Mr. Barahona the "Orden del Quetzal" in recog-
nition of his services to the country.
In writing of his studies in the United States,
Mr. Barahona makes the following remarks about
the general value of his stay in the United States :
"While studying here I have learned to speak
and write fairly the English language; I have
been making lots of friends and pei-sonal acquaint-
ances, who enable me to know exactly which are
your ways of thinking and your social realities;
I am nowadays familiar and extremely fond of
the American way of life; I have been visiting
museums, theatres, galleries, monuments, collec-
tions of painting and numerous other places of
art ; and not to make this a very large enumeration,
I must tell you that I have tried to be as open-
minded as possible in order to grasp all that I can
of this wonderful environment."
Dr. C. E. Pomes, of Guatemala, was awarded a
fellowship in 1944 to pursue studies in dentistry at
the University of Chicago. Following his work
at Chicago, Dr. Pomes accepted a fellowship to
teach and undertake further studies at Northwest-
ern University Dental School. On his return to
Guatemala, Dr. Pomes wrote, "I wish to express at
this time my sincerest gratitude to the Department
of State for its valuable assistance to further my
knowledge in dental science. I bought a substan-
tial amount of scientific material for my school
and have a number of plans to further dental
education in Guatemala.
Another type of exchange is exemplified by ac-
tivities undertaken several years ago during an
outbreak of poliomyelitis in Ecuador. The Gov-
ernment of Ecuador asked the United States for
an orthopedic surgeon to work with the Ecuadoran
public-health administration and a technician to
organize hospital techniques for getting the af-
flicted children back on their feet. After the sur-
geon had been in Ecuador for several months and
her work had been reported in the newspapers, she
was approached on the street one day by a taxi
driver, who took off his sombrero and said,
"Senorita, I am sent by my fellow taxi drivers to
tell you how grateful we are for what you are do-
ing for the children of Ecuador. They asked me
to tell you that if at any time of the day or night
you need a taxi, they are at your service.''
After the surgeon returned to the United States,
the American technician remained to help reor-
ganize the National School of Social Service in
Ecuador. A member of the faculty of the school
came to Washington for training in the Children's
Bureau. Last June the school graduated its first
class of 17 specialists, most of whom were taken
into the Ecuadoran Government to continue their
work. Meanwhile the United States had been
sending to Ecuador translations in Spanish of
widely-known authoritative books on children's
problems.
Cooperative agricultural experiment stations
are maintained in a number of Latin American
countries. At these stations American technical
experts work side by side with local technicians on
soil, fertilizer, crop, and pest problems. For ex-
ample, a farmer came to the San Andres Valley
Station in El Salvador for advice on corn pro-
duction. After a study of his farm, specialists
from the station recommended the use of sodium
nitrate fertilizer. The farmer, after following
the station's advice, reported a tripled corn yield.
Several years ago production of the cocoa bean
in Ecuador was steadily declining because of a
disease which in twenty j'ears reduced production
approximately 75 percent. Ecuadoran cocoa
production, comparable in importance to cotton
growing in the United States, affects employment,
government revenue, and many other economic and
social conditions. In addition to the hardship
caused Ecuadorans by the decline of this crop,
American chocolate manufacturers began to ex-
perience increasing difficulty in obtaining adequate
supplies of Ecuadoran cocoa bean. By agree-
ment between the United States Department of
Agriculture and the Ecuadoran Ministry of Ag-
riculture a joint experiment station was set up.
The United States supplied the technical experts;
Ecuador furnished the land, buildings, and local
staff required. Within two years the experiment
DepaMmeni of State Bulletin
station had developed two specific insecticides and
fungicides for treating the disease.
Long-range research programs of this kind have
been developed in collaboration with Brazil, Cuba,
Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Nicaragua, and
Peru. Each experiment station is governed by a
supervisory commission on which both the United
States and the other country are represented.
Projects are under the guidance of United States
technicians, who assist local technicians in acquir-
ing increased technical knowledge. As the local
technicians gain experience, they assume increas-
ing responsibility for the M'ork of the station.
Projects include soil technology, plant diseases
and pests, farm building construction, drainage
and irrigation, crop rotation, and studies of the
uses of fertilizers.
Work at the agricultural experiment stations
is based on the fact that the economies of the
other American republics are primarily agricul-
tural and that increased production of complemen-
tary crops will raise living standards, add to the
purchasing power of the countries, and aid in de-
veloping more stable and diversified economies.
Here is the good-neighbor policy at work.
In Sao F'aulo, Brazil, during 1948 over 6,700
persons attended English classes of the Uniao
Cultural Brazil-Estados Unidos, using American
teaching materials supplied by this center. The
Uniao is one of twenty-eight such cultural centers
in the other American republics. Persons study-
ing English at these centers pay for their lessons
and the receipts, and other local revenue secured
by the centers cover more than sixty percent of
the cost of operating the centers. The United
States Government contributes the remainder of
the cost.
The cultural centers are independent organiza-
tions cooperatively directel by local boards com-
posed of American residents and nationals of the
countries in which they are located.
President Truman in his inaugural address on
January 20 pointed out that "our imponderable
resources in technical knowledge are constantly
growing and are inexhaustible" and that by mak-
ing them available to other peoples we can lielp
them to realize their aspirations for a better life.
A project in which this type of technical assist-
ance is being made available to the mutual benefit
of the United States and the other nations con-
cerned is the preparation for the 1950 census of
the jVmericas. Periodic censuses of population,
April 10, 1949
agriculture, mining, industry, business, housing,
and other subjects are essential to an analysis of
the economic and social problems of any country.
There are serious gaps in information of this kind
concerning many of the countries of the Western
Hemisphere.
Eecognizing this lack, the Inter-American Sta-
tistical Institute in 1946 appointed a committee
composed of one technician from each country to
develop procedures and standards to be used in
taking a hemisphere census in 1950. The United
States Government has been actively aiding in
preparations for the census by giving technical
assistance to ofiicials preparing for the census,
by assisting in integrating census work with re-
lated statistical activities, and by strengthening
statistical staffs and organizations.
United States assistance has included the send-
ing of consultants to the other American repub-
lics and training Latin American statisticians in
this country. Special statistical consultant serv-
ices have been provided to Costa Rica, Cuba, Ecua-
dor, Honduras, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, and
Uruguay in the fields of foreign trade, agricul-
ture, labor, prices, vital statistics, and national
income.
Nearly one hundred technicians have been
awarded training gi'ants for intensive study in
the United States of census and other statistical
metliods. A number of young economists and
statisticians have come to the United States for
advanced study.
The attitude of local peoples to the American
libraries in other countries is typified by a recent
incident of the United States Information Service
library in Shanghai. A devoted reader of medical
books at the library told the desk attendant one
morning that he was sure he had identified one of
the library's books on sale in a second-hand book-
shop. When the library staff investigated, they
found that several b»ooks had been stolen, the
identifying library stamps defaced or removed,
and the books offered for sale. The interest of
local people in the maintenance of American li-
braries has led to many incidents illustrating the
value which is placed on the books and facilities
made available by the United States Information
Service. Sixty-six libraries containing a cross
section of America's literary, scholastic, and tech-
nical traditions are today being maintained in 44
countries. These libraries, like good libraries in
the United States, have in addition to their book
collection, a broad selection of United States Gov-
ernment documents, subscriptions to American
periodicals, music scores, and commercial record-
ings of American music. It is hoped to expand the
number of libraries to 80 and to add around
50,000 volumes as well as several hundred thou-
sand technical documents, ^Vmerican magazines.
and congressional and other significant publica-
tions to their collections.
With millions of people throughout the world
eager to learn more about the United States, its
people and their way of life, the Information and
Educational Exchange Program is becoming an in-
creasingly important factor in supplementing the
private media of information and exchange in fur-
nishing a true picture of America and thus helping
to promote mutual understanding among peoples
in all parts of the world. The American libraries
in foreign cities have become focal points for con-
tacts between nationals of the countries in which
they are located and the best of American litera-
ture, art, music, technical, and scientific writings.
The role of the government's information program
is to make available information about the United
States where it would be unprofitable or otherwise
impossible for private American groups or enter-
prises to operate.
In several countries of Eastern Europe, Ameri-
can books and magazines are difficult if not im-
possible to obtain. However access to American
thought is maintained through these United States
libraries even though citizens of these nations are
discouraged in many ways from using this source
of information. So eager are citizens of these
countries to study American books, that in spite of
persecution, they are resorting to a number of
methods for obtaining books. One of these was
sending an elderly, illiterate peasant woman to the
library to borrow technical treatises on medical
engineering and other scientific subjects.
A technical school in an Eastern Euroj^ean coun-
try recently wrote to the American library :
"We wish to express our deep gratitude for of-
fering to allow us to consult American reviews and
technical books from the American Library. Al-
though some time has elapsed since the end of the
war, it has not been possible for us to renew our
subscriptions to scientific i-eviews or to procure
those American technical books which are so im-
portant for us and which we need in our scientific
•Department of State publication 3313.
442
work. Tliis same situation also prevails in other
branches. The interruption of cultural contacts
with other countries will have serious eflfects on the
progress of civilization in this country and this
situation is becoming more serious with the pass-
ing of time. Were it not for the American
Library, our isolation would have been complete.
The American generosity in opening this Library
has greatly alleviated one of the most fatal conse-
quencies of the war."
Refusing to pull down an Iron Curtain on this
side of the Atlantic, the United States has adopted
the policy of stimulating private exchange-of-
persons programs, maintaining at the same time
its standards for assurance of safeguards against
subversive activities. Government-supported ex-
changes, however, will not be initiated before funds
are provided nor before the other Governments
evidence a desire to cooperate in the helpful and
friendly spirit of the Smith-Mundt Act. Although
this policy had been in eflFect for some time on
informal case-by-case basis, it was formally
adopted as a result of recommendations by the
United States Advisory Commission on Educa-
tional Exchange on October 19, 1948.^ This Com-
mission urged in its report to the Secretary that
we not close our doors to all contacts with those
nations whose philosophy disagrees with ours.
The report maintained that for the United States
to cut off contacts with totalitarian nations
through fear of the effects of such contacts on our
democratic institutions implies weakness in our
own institutions.
The policies and activities of the State Depart-
ment's Educational Exchange Program are an
arm of United States foreign policy — one of the
ways in which the United States is continually
seeking to achieve international peace and secu-
rity, increased material well-being for its own and
other peoples, and the extension and protection of
fundamental human rights and freedoms.
Vigorous efforts b}- the government to supple-
ment private activities in the field of educational
and cultural intercliange are helping to achieve
the objectives of United States foreign policj'.
The promotion of international understanding
througli tlie exchange of persons and ideas is one
of the strongest weapons we have in the struggle
to maintain democratic institutions against the
subtle attempts by totalitarian states to under-
mine human liberty and freedom.
DeparfmenI of State Bulletin
Resolutions and Decisions of Eighth Session of the ECOSOC
U.N. doc. E/1309
Dated Mar. 24, 1949
The following is a list of resolutions and de-
cisions of the Council at its eighth session. The
number under which each will appear in printed
form in the five official languages is given (VIII
denotes the eighth session) , together with the doc-
ument symbol under which it has been issued in
mimeographed form and the agenda item to which
it relates :
Agenda item no.'
16
17
18
54
19
20
52
21
22
23
24
25
26
28
27
6
14
3
7
29
41
32
33
8
34
36
11
35
30
31
38
39
15
World economic situation
Economic development of under-developed countries ....
Technical assistance for economic development
Creation of a central publication for the promotion of and
advising on development projects.
Report of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the
United Nations on progress in the co-ordination of studies
of suitable measures to bring about an increase in food
production.
The problem of wasting food in certain countries
Availability of DDT insecticides for combatting malaria in
agricultural areas.
Proceeds of sale of Unrra supplies
Interim report of the Economic Commission for Europe . .
Interim report of the Economic Commission for Asia and
the Far East.
Interim report of the Economic Commission for Latin
America.
Report of the International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development.
Report of the International Monetary Fund
General Assembly resolution 217 (III) regarding human
rights.
Report of the third session of the Commission on Human
Rights.
Trade union rights (freedom of association)
Infringements of trade union rights
Survey of forced labour and measures for its abolition . . .
Principle of equal pay for equal work for men and women
workers.
Sub-Commissions on Freedom of Information and of the
Press.
Declaration of old age rights
Question of procedure for the election of members of the
Commission on Narcotic Drugs.
Annual report of the Permanent Central Opium Board . . .
Administrative arrangements between the Council and the
Permanent Central Opium Board.
Appointment of members of the commission of inquiry into
the effects of chewing the coca leaf.
Teaching of the purposes and principles, the structure and
activities of the United Nations in the schools of Member
States.
Translation of the classics
Use of the central library at Geneva by the United Nations
and the specialized agencies.
Reports of the Executive Board of the International Chil-
dren's Emergency Fund.
United Nations Appeal for Children
Report of the International Refugee Organization on resettle-
ment of non-repatriable refugees and displaced persons.
Procedure to be followed in connection with the draft con-
vention on declaration of death of missing persons.
Implementation of recommendations on economic and social
matters.
E/1195
E/1215
E/1216
E/1263
E/1258
E/1259
E/1262
E/1156
E/1274
E/1275
E/1276
E/1260
E/1261
E/1162
E/1163/Rev. 1
E/1300
E/1236
E/1237
E/1177
E/1193
E/1219
E/1205
E/1203
E/1202
E/1204
E/1155/Rev. 1
E/1250
E/1157
E/1306
E/1305
E/1251
E/1220
E/1307
April JO, 1949
RcsolutloD no.
Agenda Item no.'
Title
Document
211 (VIII) . . .
42
Relations with and co-ordination of specialized agencies . .
E/1178
212 (VIII) . . .
Suppl. item 3 . .
Convention on privileges and imnniiiiiies of the specialized
agencies: Annex relating to the International Refugee Or-
ganization.
E/I253
213 (VIII) . . .
53
Application of Ceylon for raembership in the United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization.
E/1153
214 (VIII) . . .
9
47
Reports of the Council Nao Committee
E/1179
215 (VIII) . . .
Distribution of membership in subsidiary organs of the Eco-
E/1152
nomic and Social Council.
216 (VIII) . . .
55
Report of the Joint Committee of the Economic and Social
Council and the Trusteeship Council on arrangements for
E/1154
co-operation in matters of common concern.
217 (VIII) . . .
43
Revision of the rules of procedure of the Council
E/1304
218 (VIII) . . .
49
44
Agenda Committee
E/1289
E/1299
219 (VIII) . . .
Revision of the rules of procedure of the functional commis-
220 (VIII) . . .
13
Draft rules for the calling of international conferences . . .
E/1221
DECISIONS
(a)
1
58
Election of officers of the Council
See E/SR.226
See E/SR.282
(b)
Election of members of the Agenda Committee
(c)
57
Confirmation of members of functional commissions ....
See E/1235, E/-
1235/Add 1, E/-
1235/ Add l/Corr
1, E/1235/ Add.
2, E/1235 /Add.
3,E/SR.272and
(d)
45 (i)
Interim Committee on Programme of Meetings
See E/SR.231
(e)
45 (ii)
Date of the second session of the Sub-Commission on the
Prevention of Discrimination and the Protection of Minor-
ities.
Deferment of agenda items
See E/SR.232
(f)
(')
See E/SR.227,
272, and 282
(g)
50
Discharge of agenda item
See E/SR.282
' See documents E/1090 and E/1090/Corr. 1.
» Items deferred: 4, 5, 10, 12, 37, 40, 46.
Current United Nations Documents: A Selected Bibliography^
27 pp.
Security Council
Official Records of the Second Year
No 69, 174th meeting: 4 August 1947.
printed. 25^.
Supplement No. 13.
Supplement No. 14.
Supplement No. 15.
Supplement No. 16.
Supplement No. 17.
Supplement No. 10.
Official Records of the Third Year
360th Meeting: 28 September 1948, No. 112.
Printed. 30^.
Supplement for September 1948. 10 pp. Printed. 100
361st Meeting: 4 October 1948. No. 113. 30 pp.
Printed. 30^.
s
pp.
printed.
10*.
3
pp.
printed.
10*.
4
pp.
printed.
10*.
2
pp.
printed.
10*.
3
pp.
printed.
10*.
9
pp.
printed.
10*.
30 pp.
'Printed materials may be secured in the United States
from the Inteinatlonal Documents Service, Columbia
University Press, 2960 Broadway, New York 27, N. Y.
Other materials (mimeographed or processed documents)
may be consulted at certain designated libraries in the
United States.
-362nd Meeting : 5 October 1, 1948. No. 114. 23 pp,
Printed. 25*.
-363r(l and 364th Meetings : 6 October 1948. No. 115,
46 pp. Printed. 50(!i.
-365th Meeting; 14 October 1948. No. 116. 38 pp.
Printed. 40*.
-366th Meeting: 15 October 1948. No. 117. 17 pp.
Printed. 20^.
-367th and 36Sth Meetings: 19 October 1948. No. 118.
67 pp. Printed. 700.
-369th. 370th and 371st Meetings: 22 October 1948.
No. 119. IS pp. Printed. 20*.
-372nd .Meeting: 25 October 1948. No. 120. 14 pp,
Printed. 15*.
-373rd Meeting: 26 October 1948. No. 121. 27 pp.
Printed. .30*.
-374th Meeting: 28 October 1948. No. 122. 40 pp.
Printed. 40*.
-375th Meeting: 29 October 1948. No. 123. 25 pp.
Printed. 25*.
-Supplement for October 1948. 72 pp. Printed. 70f!.
-376th and 377th Meetings: 4 November 1948; 378th
Meeting: 9 November 1948; 379th Meeting: 10 No-
vember 1948. No. 124. 64 pp. Printed, mi.
— No. 130. 3S,'')th and 386th meetings: 17 December
1948 37 pp. printed. 35*.
Department of State Bulletin
The United States in the United Nations
Italian Colonies
John Foster Dulles, U.S. Representative, initi-
ated the debate in Committee I (Political and Se-
curity), consisting of 58 members, on the disposal
of Italy's prewar colonies in Africa. His specific
suggestions were that eastern Eritrea be ceded to
Ethiopia; that Italy be invited to administer
Italian Somaliland under a trusteeship; and
that Cyrenaica, which is in eastern Libya, be
placed under British administration, regardless of
whether the General Assembly decided to deal
with Libya as a whole or in part. Mr. Dulles said
that Libya should be placed under the U. N.
trusteeship system with primary emphasis on
achieving early independence. He also urged
finding a separate solution for western Eritrea,
which is more closely allied to the peoples to its
west.
Mr. Dulles gave two principles as a basis for his
suggestions : first, that the interests of the inliabi-
tants are paramount, and second, that regard
should be had for international peace and security.
Prior to the U.S. statement, Ethiopia renewed
her bid to receive two of the colonies, Eritrea and
Italian Somaliland. Italy has expressed the view
that she should be granted administration over all
three.
Approval of a United States motion per-
mitted Italian participation in the Committee's
discussion.
Human Rights in Bulgaria and Hungary
After a lengthy debate, the General Committee
of the General Assembly voted on April 7, 11 to 2,
(U.S.S.R. and Poland), to include in the General
Assembly agenda a combination of the Bolivian-
proposed item on the Mindszenty case and the Aus-
tralian proposal on the observance of fundamental
freedoms and human rights in Bulgaria and
Hungary. The United States had proposed com-
bining these two items, and as amended by Aus-
tralia, the item reads : "Having regard to the pro-
visions of the Charter and of the peace treaties,
the question of the observance in Bulgaria and
Hungary of human rights and fundamental free-
doms, including questions of religious and civil
liberties, with special reference to recent trials of
church leaders."
Palestine
A general armistice agreement between Israel
and Hashemite Jordan Kingdom [Transjordan]
was signed in Rhodes April 3 by their delegations
after 33 days of negotiations. Thus all of Israel's
immediate neighbors except Syria have signed
April TO, 1949
armistice documents as a major step toward a
permanent peace settlement in Palestine.
Discussions of the Palestine Conciliation Com-
mission with representatives of six Arab states
in Beirut on implementation of the General As-
sembly resolution on repatriation of refugees
came to a close on April 5. Five of the Arab
states, Egyi^t, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and
Ti'ansjordan, approved the Commission's sugges-
tion to continue the exchange of views on a broader
basis with all governments concerned in the near
future at some neutral place. The representative
of Iraq declared that in the view of his Govern-
ment, there would be no useful purpose in con-
tinuing the exchange of views before the refugee
problem is solved.
Commission on Status of Women
More than a score of proposals, aimed at help-
ing women everywhere to lead a fuller and happier
life on the basis of equality with men, were made
at the third session of the Commission on the
Status of Women which is now drawing to a close.
The proposed measures include steps to secure
voting and other political rights for women the
world over, to remove outdated, conflicting na-
tionality laws which often deprive married or
divorced women of their nationality and even
confound the citizenship status of their children,
to improve educational and professional facilities
for women in metropolitan as well as in depend-
ent areas, and to give increasing recognition to
the principle that women doing the same work
as men should be paid equal wages.
In the field of equal pay for equal work, the
resolution decided to enlist the aid of the Ilo
in drawing up a plan to secure international aboli-
tion of restrictions on the pay of women workers
and to grant women the equal technical training
and access to jobs. After studying numerous re-
ports showing gross discrimination in the field
of education in many comitries, the Commission
decided to request the Secretary-General to organ-
ize a world-wide study, in collaboration with
UNESCO.
Indonesia
Secretary Acheson in his talk with the Nether-
lands' Foreign Minister, Dirk U. Stikker, reiter-
ated the hope that the instructions sent from the
Security Council to the Commission for Indonesia
on March 23 be put into effect at the earliest possi-
ble date.
This March 23 resolution called on the Cormnis-
sion for Indonesia, of which the United States is
a member, to assist the Dutch and Republican
authorities to reach agreement on three points:
(1) restoration of tlie republican government in
its capital, now occupied by the Dutch; (2) dis-
continuance of Dutch military action and of re-
publican guerrilla operations; and (3) the time
and conditions for holding a subsequent confer-
ence at The Hague to negotiate a final settlement
of the over-all Indonesian dispute.
Mr. Stikker, who was in Washington to partici-
pate in the North Atlantic Treaty signing, after
making cleiir that the suggestions of the Security
Council have been accepted by the Netherlands
Government, expressed similar desires and out-
lined to the Secretary the paths along which he
believed progress could be achieved most effec-
tively.
Australia and India have asked for discussion
of the Indonesian situation by the General As-
ssembly at this session. Though the Assembly can-
not make any recommendations while the item
is on the Security Council agenda, it can discuss
the question.
Promotion of International Cooperation in
Political Field
The Ad Hoc Political Committee of the Gen-
eral Assembly approved on April 7 a recommenda-
tion of the Interim Committee dealing with IT. S.-
Chinese proposal for creation of a panel of ex-
perts to serve on commissions of inquiry and con-
ciliation. There was strong Soviet opposition and
the six nations forming the Slav bloc voted against
the proposal. Tliis recommendation, together
with three others which have already been dealt
with by the Ad Hoc Political Committee and now
await action liy the General xVssembly, represents
specific proposals submitted by the Interim Com-
mittee in its report to the General Assembly.
U.N. Special Committee on the Balkans
The U.N. Special Committee on the Balkans,
on which tlie United States is represented, has
ordered its northern Greek border observation
teams to report whether aid from Albania, Bul-
garia, and Yugoslavia to the Greek guerrillas has
increased within recent months. The Greek Gov-
ernment has pre.sented new complaints to the Sec-
retarj'-General as evidence of increasing aid to
guerrillas, one of which alleges that late last month
a guerrilla brigade of some 800 men entered Al-
bania, obtained fresh supplies, and then slipped
back across the border into Greece.
International Refugee Organization
'I'iie Iro's General Council of 10 members is de-
bating in Geneva whether to approve an extension
of one year of the Iro, which expires Jidy 1, 1950.
Although each of the Council's members has ex-
pressed his government's views, no final vote has
tjeen taken. According to Director General Wil-
liam Hallam Tuck, "It has been my impression
that there has been in a broad sense a general
recognition — often a reluctant recognition — of the
fact that some functions of Iro must continue be-
yond the original target date for termination."
Mr. Tuck favors a j'ear's extension for resettlement
work, but suggested that the care and maintenance
of refugees in camps cease in June 1950.
World Medical Council Planned
A conference composed of representatives from
more than oO nongovernmental health agencies be-
gan April 1 at Brussels to consider creation of a
permanent council to coordinate congresses of
medical science on a world-wide basis. This con-
ference is being held under the sponsorship of
l^NKsco and the World Health Organization. The
jjermanent council would strive to unify the work
of medical congi-esses and other agencies, inter-
nationally, in order to avoid duplication of studies
and gathering. World scientific gi'oups would
have a central bureau of information. In addi-
tion, the permanent council is expected to give
financial assistance to scientific works of con-
gresses and to organize courses in connection with
such gatherings for the benefit of i)hysicians.
Conservation and Utilization of Resources
Secretary C)f the Interior Krug has announced
the names of 119 outstanding United States scien-
tists and experts who will present treatises at the
U.N. Scientific Conference on the Conservation
and Utilization of Resources convening August 17
at Lake Success. This world meeting to pool the
most advanced scientific knowledge oi resources of
all nations was proposed by President Truman in
September 1946. The conference will have no
policy-making responsibilities, since the experts
will represent the sciences rather than govern-
ments. During the three-week conference, experts
will exchange ideas and experiences on the tech-
niques of resources conservation and use. costs and
l)enefits, and tested waj's of setting projects into
operation.
Department of State Bulletin
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Ninth General Conference on Weights and Measures
BY DR. EDWARD U. CONDON
Director, National Bureau of Standards
The Ninth General Conference on Weights and
Measures, hekl at Paris and Sevres October 12-21,
1948, marked the revival of an international or-
ganization which was established by treaty in 1875
and which has held regular meetings since 1889
with the exception of interruptions due to the two
World Wars. The Eighth General Conference
was held in 1933. The Ninth General Conference
was originally scheduled for October 1939 but was
postponed because of the outbreak of war in Sep-
tember of that year. The Conference, therefore,
had to consider developments which had taken
place over a period of 15 years.
Thirty-three countries now belong to the inter-
national organization. Twenty-eight of these
named fifty-five delegates to the Ninth General
Conference. The United States delegates were Dr.
Edward U. Condon, Director of the National Bu-
reau of Standards, and Dr. E. C. Crittenden,
Associate Director.
The International Bureau of Weights and Meas-
ures, located at Sevres, serves both as a laboratory
and as a secretariat for the General Conference and
for the permanent International Committee on
Weights and Measures. The Bureau was able to
continue its work throughout the war period, al-
though working under difficult conditions. The
buildings of the Bureau suffered some damage
from aerial bombardment, but the "prototype"
international standards of length and mass, the
International Meter and the International Kilo-
gram, were not damaged since they were stored in
well-protected, subterranean chambers.
Among the functions of the International Bu-
reau is the periodic comparison of national stand-
ards with the international prototypes stored at
Sevres. At the Ninth General Conference the
Bureau reported measurements on a few national
meters and on a considerable number of national
kilograms. With the exception of two kilograms
which were known to have been used a great deal,
no one of the national standards supplied for com-
parison showed changes from its original value
greater than the possible errors of measurement.
For example, among the standards compared was
the kilogram No. 20, which constitutes the basic
standard of mass, or "weight," of the United
States. This kilogram was compared with the in-
ternational standards in 1937. The measurements
April 10, 1949
obtained in 1948 differed from those found in 1937
by only two parts in a thousand million.
In spite of the excellent performance of the
platinum-iridium meter bars during the 60 years
since they were distributed, the search for a less
arbitrary standard of length has gone on. In
particular it is expected that eventually the wave
length of some spectral line might be used as such
a standard. Reports made to the Conference in-
dicated very definite progress in this direction.
The production of several materials consisting of
a single isotope of an element rather than a mixture
of several isotopes has made it possible to obtain
lines of simple structure giving sharp patterns in
the optical instruments by which measurements
are made. One of the most promising of these is
the green line of mercury-198, an isotope produced
by transmutation of gold under neutron bombard-
ment. While not sj^ecifically mentioning mer-
cury-198, the Conference formally recognized the
fact that spectral lines of this type combine in the
highest degree the qualities required to constitute
satisfactory standards of length. It requested the
national laboratories and the International Bureau
to continue the study of such lines with the expec-
tation of establishing eventually a new definition
of the meter based upon the wave length of a
particular line emitted under specified conditions.
In the field of electrical measurements the con-
summation of the plan approved by the Eighth
Conference, in 1933, to redefine the units so as to
make them concordant with the basic mechanical
units of length, mass, and time was reported to
the Conference, The revised values of electrical
units were in fact introduced into use as of Janu-
ary 1, 1948, in accordance with action taken by
the Intei-national Committee on Weights and
Measures.^ At the same time a new system of
photometric units was introduced replacing the
two diverse systems which had been in use previ-
ously. The Ninth General Conference confirmed
both of these actions.
The most important new teclmical development
dealt with by the Conference was the adoption of
a revised text describing the International Tem-
perature Scale. This scale, extending from — 190°
C. to temperatures in the neighborhood of 4000° C,
'Announced in National Bureau of Standards Circular
No. C459.
has been in use since 1027. The changes made
are largely in details of procedure for making
measurements in various parts of this range. The
lower limit to which the scale is to apply is raised
to the boiling point of oxygen, —182.970° C. ; the
upper range is changed somewhat and made to
extend to extremely high temperatures by adopt-
ing improved constants and a better expression for
the lelation between temperature and the energj'
radiated (Planck's Law instead of Wien's, and
1.438 cm-degrees for the second constant of radia-
tion, instead of 1.432). Numerical values for
temperatures in the neighborhood of 1000° C. are
raised a few tenths of a degree because the melting
point of silver is taken as 960.8° instead of 960.5°.
A translation of the complete revised text is being
published in the March 1949 issue of the Journal
of Research of the National Bureau of Standards.
Incidentally, as a result of discussion of the two
terms "centigrade" and "centesimal," which liave
been applied to the temperature scale used in
metric countries and in scientific work elsewhere,
the Conference recommended the adoption of the
name "celsius" in preference to either of the two
other terms.
The International Temperature Scale is a prac-
tical realization of the theoretical thermodynamic
scale, which has commonly been defined by refer-
ence to two fixed points — the freezing point and
the boiling point of water. Following a proposal
of the International Union of Physics, the Confer-
ence recognized the possibility of defining an abso-
lute thermodynamic scale of temperature by fixing
a single fundamental point, for which the triple
point of water would now be taken. However, to
make a scale so defined agree with the Kelvin scale
now in use it would be necessary to determine
precisely the numerical value for that fixed point,
and on this numerical value the Conference could
not agree, opinion being divided between 273.16°
and 273.17° C.
Another point on which there was much discus-
sion was definition of units of heat. The joule
was unanimously recommended as a preferred
unit, but some workers prefer to continue the use
of a calorie, and it has not been possible to reach
agreement on the definition of any single unit
bearing this name. The Conference, therefore,
recommended that the workers using the calorie
should furnish all the information necessary to
convert their results into joules.
From various sources the Conference received
recommendations for the establishment of a gen-
eral international system of practical units.
(These recommendations of course referred to
metric units, since the international organization
does not attempt to deal with the Anglo-Saxon
system of units.) The French national office of
weights and measures presented detailed proposals
regarding such a general system. The Conference
instructed the International Committee on
Weights and Mea.sures to undertake a survey of
opinions in scientific, technical, and pedagogical
circles of all countries in the hope of establishing
a single system of units. Inquiries to this end will
be transmitted through official governmental
agencies.
Various other technical questions were con-
sidered by the Conference. One of these which
may be of general interest was the naming of large
numbers. In many countries names ending in
illion are applied to digits in groups of six where-
as in other countries, including the United States,
such names are applied to groups of three digits.
For example, in the United States a thou.sand mil-
lion is called a billion and a thousand billion a
trillion, but in Great Britain a "billion" is a million
million, and a "trillion" is a million "billion." In
tlie hope of reconciling this difference the Confer-
ence adopted a recommendation favoring the use
of six-digit groups; but, since the United States
delegates could not agree to such a recommenda-
tion, the resolution as adopted proposed the use
of that particular system in European countries.
In addition to the technical problems mentioned,
the Conference had also to deal with various ad-
ministrative matters affecting the International
Bureau. For example, a new scale of contribu-
tions to be paid by member countries was estab-
lished, and it was agreed that the basic contribu-
tion to the International Bureau should be raised
from 150.000 gold francs ($49,005) to 175,000 gold
francs ($57,172.50) as soon as the major countries
which are not now able to pay their dues (Japan
and Germany) resume payments . The amount of
the contribution paid by each member country
depends upon its population. The United States,
one of the largest countries, pays 15 percent of the
total. Event\ially, therefore, when the new scale
comes into effect, the regular annual dues of the
United States will become 26,250 gold francs
($8,575.88) instead of 22,500 gold francs ($7,-
350.75).
Deparlment of %»aie Bulletin
Significance of New International Wheat Agreement to U.S. Wheat Farmers
STATEMENT BY CHARLES F. BRANNAN
Secretary of Agriculture
[Released to the press by the
Department of Agriculture March 23]
The United States and other nations have just
concluded an international wheat agreement
which, if put into effect, will be of great benefit
to the farmers of this country.
It has not been done without difficulty. This
agreement has been concluded only through a
great demonstration of international cooperation.
You know how much the world wheat situa-
tion has changed within the jjast year. The se-
vere shortage that prevailed a year ago has been
modified. The price has dropped sharply. These
changes weakened our hands and sti'engthened
those of the importers. In spite of that change
the ceiling price in this agreement is only 20 cents
a bushel lower than the agi'eement drawn last
year, while the floor price for the next four years
is 10 cents higher than was provided by the 1948
agi-eement. If a world wheat surplus develops,
that increase in the floor will be extremely bene-
ficial to U.S. farmers.
There are three basic reasons why I feel that
this agi-eement is of great benefit to our farmers.
In the fii-st place, it will stabilize our foreign
market for wheat. Under this agreement we will
have a guaranteed market for 167.5 million busliels
of wheat each year.^ In addition, we are obliged
to supply large quantities of wheat to occupied
areas in Germany and Japan. Together, those
two obligations will amount, at the present time,
to well over 300 million bushels a year. That
is about as much wheat as we feel we could guaran-
tee to deliver annually over a four-year period.
We expect some years to have more wheat for
export than that. But considering the possibility
of unfavorable weather, we would not want to
guarantee delivery of much more.
Between the Wars our wheat exports dwindled
to next to nothing while wheat stocks in this coun-
try rose higher and higher and prices fell lower
and lower. Our normal customers were raising
more and more wheat themselves even though it
was extremely uneconomical to do so. That was
the outcome of a chain of events which I don't
have to recount here. But our farmers don't want
to go through that again. They are able to raise
wheat efficiently for export, and they want to
retain a reasonable foreign market. Because of
the acute dollar shortage throughout much of the
world, some of those same tendencies toward un-
econmic self-sufficiency are again manifesting
themselves. By assuring those countries a stable
supply we believe that this agreement will help
stem that tide and protect our foreign wheat
market.
Second, this agreement will complement our
domestic wheat program. As you know, in our
domestic agi-icultural program we are attempting
to assure an abundance of food and fiber to our
consumers, at the same time making sure that our
farmers are not penalized for producing abun-
dantly. This is the aim of our price-supi^ort pro-
gram. Yet with a commodity which we export in
large quantities, such as wheat, it will be difficult
to support the price at home should world prices
fall to very low levels. This agreement puts a
floor under the foreign price for much of our ex-
port wheat. To the extent that the government
finds it necessary to support the domestic price of
wheat, this agreement will considerably reduce
the cost of that operation.
My third and last point is that this agreement,
if put into operation, will set a pattern of inter-
national cooperation in solving agricultural
problems which can be carried over to other com-
modities. We have proved to ourselves and to the
wox'ld that a large body of nations can agree on
solutions to complex agricultural problems. This
is a ijostwar "first" in its field. We have, in the
case of this commodity at least, shown that inter-
national cooperation can be substituted for eco-
nomic warfare.
' Later, on March 23, the Brazilian Government re-
quested an increase in its import quota, which in turn
will cause a slight increase in the aforesaid published
quota for the United States export market above the
167.5 million busliels given.
April 10, J 949
THE RECORD OF THE WEEK
Bulgaria, Hungary, and Rumania Accused of Violating Human Rights
and Fundamental Freedoms
[Released to the press April 21
The United States representatives in Bulgaria,
Hungary, and Kuniania delivered the notes given
below to the respective Ministries of Foreign Af-
fairs of those countries on Saturday, April 2. In
these notes the United States Government charges
the Bulgarian, Hungarian, and Rumanian (io\ern-
ments with having repeatedly violated their obli-
gations nnder the respective peace treaty articles
requiring them to secure to all persons under their
jurisdiction the enjoyment of human rights and
of the fundamental freedoms.^
At tlie reiiuest of the Canadian Government,
whicli does not maintain direct diplomatic rela-
tions with those governments, the United States
representatives simultaneously gave formal notifi-
cation to the Hungarian and Rumanian (lovern-
ments that the Canadian Government associates
itself with the contents of the respective United
States notes. The United States representative
in Bulgaria, at the time of presenting the United
States note, stated that, while Canada is not a
signatory of the peace treaty with Bulgaria and
accordingly is not in a position to make represen-
tations on the basis of the peace treaty, the views of
the Canadian Government in this matter are
identical with those expressed in the United
States note.
U.S. NOTE TO BULGARIAN GOVERNMENT
March 29. 19J,9
The Legation of the United States of America
presents its compliments to the Ministry of For-
eign Alfairs of Bul<;aria and, acting under the in-
structions of the Uiiited States Government, has
the honor to refer to Article 2 of the Treaty of
Peace with Bulgaria, and to the Bulgarian Gov-
ernment's record with respect to fulfillment of its
obligations under that Article to protect luunan
rights and the fundamental freedoms.
Article 2 of the Treaty of Peace reads as follows :
Bulgaria shall take all measures necessary to secure
to all persons under Bulgarian jurisfiiction, without dis-
tinction as to race, .sex, language or religion, tlio enjo.vment
of human rights ami of the fundanient.'il frt'i'ilmiis, includ-
ing freedom of osprcssion, of press and i>uliliraticin, of re-
ligious worship, of political opinion and of public meeting.
Since the entry into force on September 15,
1047 of the Treaty of Peace with Bulgaria, the
United States Government, as a signatory of that
instrument, has observed closely clevelopments in
Bulgaria with a view to ascertaining whether the
' See also Buu.etin of Mar. 27, 1949, p. 391.
450
Bulgarian Government has been fulfilling its obli-
gations under the Treaty. The United States
Government attaches particular importance to
the obligations, set forth in the aforementioned
Article, which require the Bulgarian Government
to secure to all persons under Bulgarian jurisdic-
tion the enjoyment of human rights and of the
fundamental freedoms. On the basis of its ob-
servations during this period, the United States
Government concludes that the Bulgarian Gov-
ernment, although it has had ample opportunity
to carry out its commitments in good faith, has
deliberately and systematically denied to the Bul-
garian people, by means of privative measures
and oppressive acts, the exercise of the very rights
and freedoms which it has pledged to secure to
them under Article 2 of the Treaty. The disre-
gard shown by the Bulgarian Government for
the rights and liberties of persons under its juris-
diction, as illustrated below, has indeed become
so notorious as to evoke the condemnation of free
peoples everywhere.
Through the exercise of police power the Bul-
garian Government has deprived large numbers
of its citizens of their basic human rights, assured
to them under the Treaty of Peace. These depri-
vations have been manifested by arbitrary ar-
rests, systematic perversion of the judicial proc-
ess, and the prolonged detention in prisons and
camps, without public trial, of persons whose
views are opposed to those of the regime.
Similarly, the Bulgarian Government has de-
nied to persons living under its jurisdiction, as
individuals and as organized groups including
democratic political parties, the fundamental free-
doms of political opinion and of public meeting.
It has dissolved the National Agrarian Union, the
Bulgarian Socialist Party and other groups, and
has imprisoned many of their leaders. With the
Treaty of I'eace barely in eifect and in the face
of world opinion, the Bulgarian Government or-
dered the execution of Ni1<ola Petkov. National
Agrarian Union leader, who dared to express
democratic political opinions which did not cor-
respoiui to those of the Bulgarian Government.
I*roceediiigs were instituted against those deputies
who did not agree with its policies, with the re-
sult that no vestige of parliamentary opposition
now remains, an illustration of the effective denial
of freedom of political opinion in Bulgaria.
By restrictions on the press and on other publi-
cations, the Bulgarian Government has denied to
persons under its jurisdiction the freedom of ex-
Department of State Bulletin
pression guaranteed to them under the Treaty
of Peace. By laws, administrative acts, and the
use of force and intimidation on the part of its
officials, the Bulgarian Government has made it
impossible for individual citizens openly to ex-
press views not in conformity to those officially
prescribed. Freedom of the press does not exist in
Bulgaria.
By legislation, by the acts of its officials, and by
"trials" of religious leaders, the Bulgarian Govern-
ment has acted in contravention of the express
provision of the Treaty of Peace in respect of free-
dom of worship. Recent measures directed
against the Protestant denominations in Bulgaria,
for example, are clearly incompatible with the
Bulgarian Government's obligation to secure free-
dom of religious worship to all persons under its
jurisdiction.
Tlie Bulgarian Government bears full responsi-
bility not only for acts committed since the effec-
tive date of the Treaty of Peace which are in
contravention of Article 2, but also for its failure
to redress the consequences of acts committed prior
to that date which have continued to prejudice
the enjoyment of human rights and of the funda-
mental freedoms. The United States Government,
mindful of its responsibilities under the Treaty
of Peace, has drawn attention on appropriate oc-
casions to the flagrant conduct of the Bulgarian
authorities in this regard. The Bulgarian Gov-
ernment, however, has failed to modify its conduct
in conformity with the stipulations of the Treaty.
In the circumstances, the United States Govern-
ment, as a signatory of the Treaty of Peace, finds
that the Bulgarian Govermnent has repeatedly
violated the provisions of Article 2 of that Treaty.
In as much as the obligation of the Government of
Bulgaria to secure to all persons under Bulgarian
jurisdiction the enjoyment of hinnan rights and
fundamental freedoms is expressly stipulated in
the Treaty, no specious argument that the matters
raised in the present note are purely of a domestic
character can be accepted. The United States
Government, accordingly, calls upon the Bulgar-
ian Government to adopt prompt remedial meas-
ures in respect of the violations referred to above
and requests the Bulgarian Government to specify
the steps which it is prepared to take in imple-
menting fully the terms of Article 2 of the Treaty
of Peace.
U.S. NOTE TO HUNGARIAN GOVERNMENT
March 29^ 19J,9
The Legation of the United States of America
presents its compliments to the Ministry of For-
eign Affairs of Hungary and, acting under the
instructions of the United States Government, has
the honor to refer to Article 2 of the Treaty of
Peace with Hungary, and to the Hungarian Gov-
ernment's record with respect to fulfillment of its
obligations under that Article to protect human
rights and the fundamental freedoms.
Apr/7 JO, J 949
Article 2 of the Treaty of Peace reads as follows :
1. Hungary shall take all measures necessary to secure
to all persons under Hungarian jurisdiction, without dis-
tinction as to race, sex, language or religion, the enjoyment
of human rights and of the fundamental freedoms, in-
cluding freedom of expression, of press and publication,
of religious worship, of political opinion and of public
meeting.
2. Hungary further undertakes that the laws in force
in Hungary shall not, either in their content or in their
application, discriminate or entail any discrimination be-
tween persons of Hungarian nationality on the ground
of their race, sex, language or religion, whether in ref-
erence to their persons, property, business, professional
or financial interests, status, political or civil rights or
any other matter.
Since the entry into force on September 15,
1947 of the Treaty of Peace with Hungary, the
United States Government, as a signatory of that
instrument, has observed closely developments in
Hungary with a view to ascertaining whether the
Hungarian Government has been fulfilling its ob-
ligations under the Treaty. The United States
Government attaches particular importance to the
obligations, set forth in the aforementioned
Article, which require the Hungarian Government
to secure to all persons under Hungarian juris-
diction the enjoyment of human rights and of
the fundamental freedoms. On the basis of its
observations during this period, the United States
Government concludes that the Hungarian Gov-
ernment, although it has had ample opportunity to
carry out its commitments in good faith, has de-
liberately and systematically denied to the Hun-
garian people, by means of privative measures
and oppressive acts, the exercise of the very rights
and freedoms which it has pledged to secure to
them under Article 2 of the Treaty. The dis-
regard shown by the Hungarian Government for
the rights and liberties of persons under its juris-
diction, as illustrated below, has indeed become
so notorious as to evoke the condemnation of free
peoples everywhere.
The abridgment of rights and freedoms begun
by the Hungarian Government in the armistice
period has continued without abatement since the
entry into force of tlie Treaty of Peace. Through
arbitrary exercise of police power and perversion
of judicial process, tlie Hungarian Government
and its agencies have violated the rights of citizens
as free men to life and liberty. Denial of free-
dom of political opinion is complete in Hungary.
Democratic political parties which held substan-
tial mandates from people have been through the
Government's initiative successively purged, si-
lenced in Parliament, fragmentized and dissolved.
To enforce rigid political conformity the Hun-
garian Government and the Communist Party
which controls it have established a vast and insid-
ious network of police and other agents who ob-
serve, report on, and seek to control the private
opinions, associations, and activities of its citizens.
The Hungarian Govermnent, despite the pro-
visions of the Treaty of Peace, has circumscribed
freedom of expression. Freedom of press and
publication does not exist. Basic decrees pertain-
ing to the pre.ss are restrictive in character and are
so interpreted in practice. No substantive criti-
cism of the Government of the Communist Party
is permitted. Government control of printing es-
tablishments and of the distribution of newsprint
has been exercised to deny freedom of expression
to individuals or groups whose political opinions
are at variance with those of the Government.
In the field of reporting, absence of formal cen-
sorship has not obscured the record of the Hun-
farian Government in excluding or expelling
oreign correspondents who have written des-
patches critical of the regime or in intimidating
local correspondents into writing only what is ac-
ceptable or favorable to the regfme.
Freedom of public meeting on political matters
has been re^jularly denied to all except Communist
groups and their collaboratoi-s. In the case of
religious meetings, on various occasions attendance
at such gatherings has been obstructed and the
principals subjected to harassment. The Hun-
garian Government, moreover, has pursued policies
detrimental to freedom of religious worship. It
has sought by coercive measures to undermine the
influence of the churches and of religious leaders
and to restrict their legitimate functions. By
arbitrary and unjustified proceedings against re-
ligious leaders on fabricated grounds, as in the
cases of Cardinal Mindszenty and Lutheran
Bishop Ordass, the Hungarian dovernment has at-
tempted to force the submission of independent
church leaders and to bring about their replace-
ment witli collaborators subservient to the Com-
munist Party and its program. Such measures
constitute violations of the freedom of religious
worship guaranteed by the Treaty of Peace.
The Hungarian Government bears full respon-
sibility not only for acts committed since the effec-
tive date of the Treaty of Peace which are in con-
travention of Article 2, but also for its failure to
redress the consequences of acts committed prior
to that date which have continued to prejudice the
enjoyment of human rights and of the fundamen-
tal freedoms. The United States Government,
mindful of its responsibilities under the Treaty of
Peace, had drawn attention on appropriate occa-
sions to the flagrant conduct of the Hungarian
authorities in this regard. The Hungarian Gov-
ernment, however, has failed to modifv its conduct
in conformity with the stipulations of the Treaty.
In the circumstances, the United States Gov-
ernment, as a signatory of the Treaty of Peace,
finds that the Hungarian Government has re-
peatedly violated the provisions of Article 2 of
that Treaty. In as much as the obligation of the
Government of Hungary to secure to all persons
under Hungarian jurisdiction, the enjoyment of
human rights and the fundamental freedoms is
expressly stipulated in the Treaty, no specious
argument that the matters raised in the present
Note are purely of a domestic character can be ac-
cepted. The United States Government, accord-
ingly, calls upon the Hungarian Government to
adopt prompt remedial measures in respect of the
violations referred to above and requests the Hun-
garian Government to specify the steps which it
IS prepared to take in implementing full}' the
terms of Article 2 of the Treaty of Peace.
U.S. NOTE TO RUMANIAN GOVERNMENT
March 29, IBlfi.
The Legation of the United States of America
presents its compliments to the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs of Rumania and, acting under the
instructions of the United States Government, has
the honor to refer to Article 3 of the Treaty of
Peace with Rumania, and to the Rumanian Gov-
ernment's record with respect to fulfillment of its
obligations under that Article to protect human
rights and the fundamental freedoms.
Article 3 of Treaty of Peace reads as follows :
1. Rouijiania shall take all measures necessary to se-
cure to all iXTsoiis under Roumanian jurisdiction, with-
out distinction as to race, sex, language or religion, the
enjoyment of human rights and of the fundamental free-
doms, including freedom of expression, of press and pub-
lication, of religious worship, of political opinion and of
pultlic meeting.
2. Itouniania further undertakes that the laws in force
in Roumania shall not, either in their content or in their
application, discriminate or entail any discrimination
between persons of Roumanian nationality on tlie ground
of their race, sex, language or religion, whether in ref-
erence to their persons, property, business, profession or
financial interests, status, political or civil rights or any
otlier matter.
Since the entry into force on September 15,
1947 of the Treaty of Peace with Rumania, the
United States Government, as a signatory of that
instrument, has observed closely developments in
Rumania with a view to ascertaining whether the
RuiiKinian Government has been fulfilling its obli-
gations under the Treaty. The United States
Government attaches particular importance to the
obligations, set forth in the aforementioned
Article, which require the Rumanian Government
to secure to all persons under Rumanian juris-
diction the enjoj'inent of human rights and of the
fundamental freedoms. On the basis of its ob-
servations during this period, the United States
Government concludes that the Rumanian Gov-
ernment, although it has had ample opportunity
to carry out its commitments in good faith, has
deliberately and systematically denied to the Ru-
manian jieople, by means of privative measures
and oppressive acts, the exercise of the very rights
and freedoms which it has pledged to secure to
them under Article 3 of the Treaty. The disre-
gard shown by the Rumanian Government for
the rights and liberties of persons under its juris-
diction, as illustrated below, has indeed become
so notorious as to evoke the condemnation of free
peoples everywhere.
During the Armistice period the Rumanian
Government took or countenanced actions which
Department of State Bulletin
progi-essively deprived persons under its jurisdic-
tion of their essential rights and freedoms. The
Kumanian Government accelerated these depriva-
tions after it had signed the Treaty of Peace on
February 10, 1947, and in June and August 1947,
the United States Government warned the Ku-
manian Government concerning such actions as
being prejudicial to the fulfillment of provisions
of the Treaty. The Rumanian Government, how-
ever, took no corrective measures. This process
was not only not revei-sed but continued without
abatement after the Treaty came into force.
In violation of freedom of political opinion,
assured by the Treaty of Peace, the Kumanian
Government and the minority Communist Party
which controls it disrupted, silenced and outlawed
democratic political parties and deprived demo-
cratic leaders of their liberty. To this end, the
Rumanian Government employed methods of in-
timidation and perversions of the judicial process.
The inequities of these actions, as exemplified by
the "trial" and condemnation to life imprison-
ment of luliu Maniu, President of the National
Peasant Party, and other leaders were recited by
the United States Government in the Legation's
note No. 61 of Februaiy 2, 1948. Moreover, large
numbers of Rumanian citizens have been seized
and held for long periods without public trial.
By laws, decrees and administrative measures
as well as by extra-legal acts of organizations
affiliated with the Government and the Com-
munist Party, the Rumanian Government has
stifled all expression of political opinion at vari-
ance with its own. Freedom of press and publi-
cation, guaranteed by the Treaty of Peace, does
not exist in Rumania. No substantive criticism
of the Government is permitted. The Rumanian
Goveriunent has taken control of printing estab-
lishments and has suppressed all publications
which are not responsive to its direction or which
do not serve the purposes of the Communist Party.
Despite the express provision of the Treaty of
Peace, only Communist and Communist-approved
organizations are able in practice to hold public
meetings. In view of the threat of forcible inter-
vention and reprisals by the Government or by the
Communist Party, other groups have not at-
tempted to hold such meetings.
The Rumanian Government has likewise
abridged freedom of religious worship, guaran-
teed under Article 3 of the Treaty of Peace, by
legislation and by other measures which effectively
deny such freedom. It has assumed extensive con-
trol over the practice of religion, including the
application of political tests, which is incom-
patible with freedom of worship. These powers
have been used in at least one instance to destroy
by Governnaent decree a major religious body and
to transfer its property to the state.
The Rumanian Government bears full respon-
sibility not only for acts committed since tlae
April 10, 1949
effective date of the Treaty of Peace which are
in contravention of Article 3, but also for its fail-
ure to redress the consequences of acts committed
prior to that date which have continued to preju-
dice the enjoyment of human rights and of the
fundamental freedoms. The United States Gov-
ernment, mindful of its responsibilities under the
Treaty of Peace, has drawn attention on appro-
priate occasions to the flagrant conduct of the
Rumanian authorities in this regard. The Ru-
manian Government, however, has failed to modify
its conduct in conformity with the stipulations of
tne Treaty.
In the circumstances, the United States Govern-
ment, as a signatory of the Treaty of Peace, finds
that the Riunanian Government has repeatedly
violated the provisions of Article 3 of that Treaty.
In as much as the obligation of the Government of
Rumania to secure to all persons under Rumanian
jurisdiction the enjoyment of human rights and
the fundamental freedoms is expressly stipulated
in the Treaty, no specious argument that the
matters raised in the present note are purely of a
domestic character can be accepted. The United
States Government, accordingly, calls upon the
Rumanian Government to adopt prompt remedial
measures in respect of the violations referred to
above and requests the Rumanian Goveriunent to
specify the steps which it is prepared to take in
implementing fully the terms of Article 3 of the
Treaty of Peace.
THE CONGRESS
U.S. Extends Invitation for 195610lymplc
Games '
Whereas the United States Olympic Association
will invite the International Olympic Commit-
tee to hold the Olympic Games in the United
States at Detroit, Michigan, in 1956: Now,
therefore, be it
Resolved hy the Senate and House of Repre-
sentatives of the United States of America in Con-
gress as'sembled, That the Government of the
United States joins in the invitation of the United
States Olympic Association to the International
Olympic Committee to hold the 1956 Olympic
Games in the United States at Detroit, Michigan ;
and expresses the hospitable hope that the United
States may be selected as the site for this great
enterprise in international good will.
Sec. 2. The Secretary of State is directed to
transmit a copy of this joint resolution to the
International Olympic Committee,
Approved March 23, 1949.
' Public Law 22, 81st Cong., 1st sess.
National Conference of Christians and Jews Protest Denial of
Religious Freedom in Hungary and Bulgaria
[Released to the press March ;!1]
Text of Petition
March 28, 1949
Sir : It has become tragically clear to the world
that calculated assaults on and suppression of free-
dom of religion are now practiced in various na-
tions as matters of national policy. These actions
imdermine tlie cornerstone of world peace which
55 nations laid in San Francisco.
There the peoples of those nations proclaimed
"faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity
and worth of the human person, the equal rights of
men and women'' and undertook to "achieve inter-
national cooperation ... in promoting and en-
couraging respect for human rights and funda-
mental freedoms for all without distinction as to
race, sex, language or religion'*.
Lest these solemn covenants with the peoples
of the world become empty phi-ases. tlio n'ligious
rights thus guaranteed must, in deeds as well as in
words, be protected. Such safeguards the United
Nations was constituted to provide.
In furtherance of the Charter's provisions, the
General Assembly of the United Nations, in De-
cember, 1948, by Vote of 48 nations, none dissent-
ing, proclaimed a Universal Declaration of Hu-
man Rights which provides that "everyone has
the right to freedom of thought, conscience and
religion'", and the right "in public or private to
manifest his religion or beliefs in teaching, prac-
tices, worship and observance"; that "everyone is
entitled in full equality to a fair and public hear-
ing by an independent and impartial tribunal in
tiie determination of . . . any criminal charge
against him".
These fundamental rights, we submit, have been
violated in recent prosecutions of religious leaders
in Hungary and Bulgaria. An issue of para-
mount importance tliercfore confronts the United
Nations, which both its General Assembly and its
Economic and Social Council have power to
examine.
The Charter not only authorizes but directs the
General Assembly (Chap. IV, Art. 13) to "initiate
studies and make recommendations for the pur-
pose of . . . assisting in the realization of human
rights and fundamental freedoms for all". Like
powers are granted to the Economic and Social
Council (Chap. X, Art. C2). The Member States
of the United Nations (Chap. IX, Art. 55 and 56)
"pledge themselves" to promote "universal respect
for. and observance of. liuman rights and funda-
mental freedoms for all." Chapter I, Article 2,
Section 6 of the Charter also enacts that the United
Nations "shall ensure that states which are not
members of the United Nations act in accordance
with these principles so far as may be necessary
for the manitenance of international peace and
security".
Pursuant to these and other mandates of the
Charter, treaties were made on Februarj- 10, 1947,
bv twelve of the victorious Allies including the
U.S.S.R., Great Britain, U. S. A., China and
France, with the vanquished governments of Bul-
garia. Hungary and Roumania. These treaties
declare that in their respective territorial jurisdic-
tion each of these states "shall take all measures to
secure to all persons . . . without distinction as
to race, sex, language or religion the enjoyment of
human rights and of the fundamental freedoms
including freedom of expression, of press and pub-
lication, of religious worship, of political opinion
and of public meeting". These treaties declare
that the parties thereto shall appoint a commis-
sion to consider disputes arising from their
violation.
Pursuant to those treaties, to the United Na-
tions Chaiter and the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights ample jurisdiction exists for in-
quiry into the grave violations of religious rights
whicli have lately occurred. The authority to
conduct such inquiries carries with it a commen-
surate duty.
"Wlierefore, we urge that our Government raise
these issues, either in the United Nations, or by
sucli other means as may be inost appropriate, to
the end that recent imprisonments, trials and con-
victions of religious leaders by the Governments of
Bulgaria and Hungary shall be made the subject of
jjrompt. impartial, public examination.
Very respectfully,
National Conference of Christians and Jews.
Deparfmenf of Sfofe Bullelin
[Here follow the signatures of the members of the Human
Rights Committee, the National Co-Chairman, the
President, and other participants of the Conference]
Reply of Secretary Acheson to the President and
Chairman of the Human Rights Commiittee
Sirs : The Department of State welcomes your
petition of Marcli 29 protesting against tlie denial
of religious freedom in Hungary and Bulgaria.
We Americans know the importance of freedom
of religion. Our country was settled very largely
by individuals who fled intolerance to find free-
dom to worship their God according to the dictates
of their conscience. In the United States they
established a haven of individual freedoms which
we, their inheritors, enjoy in full measure today.
With other nations which share our belief in
individual liberty, we are now seeking to promote
fundamental human rights through the United
Nations and other means. What appears to be a
brutal threat to freedom of thought, conscience
and religion has been developed by the authori-
tarian regimes which control Eastern European
peoples. A Godless Inquisition has apparently
been set in operation to abolish, through thought
police, the right of the individual to follow any
kind of religious belief.
The United States will join with like-minded
nations in focusing world attention on this
tyranny through appropriate means.
To the best of our national ability, your petition
will be answered.
Very truly yours.
Dean G. Acheson
Secretary of State
ECA] Anniversary
Voice of America Broadcast
[Released to the press April 1]
The Voice of America will commemorate the
first anniversary of the Economic Cooperation Ad-
ministration with a series of special broadcasts to
the world this week end.
George V. Allen, Assistant Secretary of State
for public affairs, said the special broadcasts are
designed to give overseas listeners a clear and
accurate picture of the true aims of the European
Recovery Programs and the accomplishments that
have been made under it.
The commemoration will be climaxed with a
Voice of America broadcast on Sunday of a 30-
minute documentary entitled "The Marshall
Plan." Paul Hoffman, Eca Administrator;
Christian Christiansen, editor of Verdensgang, of
Oslo; A. P. Wadsworth, editor of the Manchester
Guardian, and Raymond Aron, editor of Figaro,
of Paris, will participate in the program.
Another special broadcast Sunday will be a
radio forum, "One Year of Eca." during which
Anne O'Hare McCormick of the New York Times
April 10, 1949
and Quincy Howe of the Columbia Broadcasting
System will be interviewed.
During the week leading up to the Eca anni-
versary, the Voice of America has broadcast state-
ments by a number of officials and private citizens
of nations cooperating in the recovery program.
Participants include : Erik Brof oss, Norwegian
Minister of Commerce; J. O. Krag, Danish Minis-
ter of Commerce; Sean McBride, Irish Minister
of External Affairs; Maurice Petsche, French
Minister of Finance; Moens de Fernig, Belgian
Minister of Foreign Trade; Stephan Stephano-
poulos, Greek Minister of Coordination; P.
Makris, Secretary General of the Greek Federa-
tion of Labor; Dr. Peter Krauland, Austrian
Minister for Economic Planning ; Tage Erlander,
Swedish Prime Minister; Sir Stafford Cripps,
British Chancellor of the Exchequer ; and Robert
Marjolin of France, Secretary of the Organiza-
tion of European Economic Cooperation.
Eca ofiicials who made special talks for over-
seas broadcast included T. K. Finletter, Chief of
the Eca Mission to the United Kingdom; J. D.
Zellerbach, Chief of the Eca Mission to Italy ; W.
Averell Harriman, Eca Ambassador; John Nu-
veen, Jr., Chief of the Eca Mission to Greece ; and
David K. E. Bruce, Chief of the Eca Mission to
France. Other anniversary statements include
those by AVilliam Green, President of the Ameri-
can Federation of Labor, and Vera Micheles Dean
of the Foreign Policy Association.
Additional statements are being recorded in the
United States and abroad for use in connection
with the Eca anniversary broadcasts.
■Message to the President From Prime Minister Attlee
[Released to the press by the White House April 2]
A year has now gone by since you signed the
Foreign Assistance Act of 1948 and gave us hope
and help when most we needed it. In the short
space of these twelve months, nineteen free na-
tions and territories, joining together in the organ-
ization for Euroi^ean Economic Co-operation,
have embarked on a co-operative effort which is
without precedent in times of peace. As a result,
during the last year the whole economic scene in
Western Europe has been transformed to a degree
which must astonish all of us when we recall the
uncertainties and perils of the immediately pre-
ceding years.
That this progress towards full recovery has
been and continues to be accomplished, is due to
the generosity and far-sightedness of the people
and Government of the United States. Without
their help the achievements of the past year would
not have been possible nor would Europe now
have the confidence to go forward to grapple the
great tasks which yet remain to be fulfilled. On
this happy anniversary, so pregnant for the peace
of civilization, we send to you and to the American
peoi^le our heartfelt thanks.
Selecting Our Future Citizens
BY HERVE J. L'HEUREUXi
Chief, Visa Division
Thore are two basic theories or fundamental sys-
tems for the control of immigration into any coun-
try. One is that no alien shall be permitted to
enter the national territory of a country unless
there is some specific provision of the law of the
country concerned which authorizes the admission
of the individual alien or the particular class of
aliens to which he belongs. In other words, under
this theory the national law of the particular coun-
try bars ail aliens from admission into the national
territory except in such cases or classes of cases
as the law may specifically provide for the ad-
mission of aliens.
The other basic concept of iramigi-ation control
is predicated upon the theory that all aliens may
have the privilege of entering the national terri-
tory of a country, so far as the fundamental law
of the country is concerned, unless there is some
particular provision in the national law which
specifically provides for the exclusion of an alien
in an individual case, according to the excluded
class of aliens to which he belongs. This is the
fundamental concept of immigration control
which is followed by the United States, although
most countries of the world follow the first basic
principle I have mentioned.
You can appreciate the reason why our immigra-
tion laws are based upon the second theoretical
concept. It is simply a matter of our historical
development as a nation of immigrant people. In
the early days of our history we welcomed and
encouraged all immigrants who wanted to come
here. We needed manpower to develop the vast
wilderness which has become what we know today
as the United States of America. AVe were looking
for men and women who wanted to start a new
life in this new world of rugged individualism and
collective opportunity — men and women who loved
human freedom and who cherished political and
religious liberty. We wanted immigrants who
would leave their old-world problems and contro-
versies behind them and come here to establish
upon the continent of North America a new nation
of people from many lands — a new nation based
upon new political and economic concepts of na-
tional life. That we have succeeded so well is in
' Adflre.ss delivered at the Annual Conference of National
Council of Naturalization and Citizenship, New York Cit.v,
on Mar. 25, 1949, and released to the press on the same
date.
itself a tribute to the sturdy character of our early
immigrants.
We want to keep the doors open for worthy im-
migrants and yet preserve our heritage. We do
not wish to see our favorable position in the world
frittered away by a lackadaisical immigration
policy which would permit a vast influx of people
from other countries of the world who would
create insurmountable problems for those who are
already here.
This is a time of great and far-reaching achieve-
ment in the fields of science and invention. In
these modern days of global-freinjht aircraft, ra-
dio, radar, television, and other electronic as well
as mass-production developments, not to mention
atomic energj'. we are living in a much smaller
world. It is also a more highly developed civili-
zation from many points of view. There is, there-
fore, sound basis for a new concept of immigration
control. We need to have a more selective immi-
gration policy in the interests of our own people,
and yet we would not close the door to immigrants
who, for their own benefit alone, may desire to
come to this country.
In a more technical sense, it has been our prac-
tice in past years to follow the "first-come-first-
served'" rule in granting the privilege of immigra-
tion into the United States. This was necessary
because of the fact that we have imposed numerical
as well as qualitative restrictions upon the entry
of immigrants into this country. In other words,
when you have more applicants for permission to
enter than there are seats in the hall, it is custom-
ary for people to line up at the entrance. Those
first in line may be admitted, but the hall may be
filled before the last person in line is reached.
In enacting our quota immigration laws. Con-
gress has provided that we may take certain immi-
grants out of line and move them ahead of others.
This we call granting a preference. But Congress
has stipulated precisely in the law the classes
which may be granted such a preference over
others, whom we call nonpreference immigrants.
We are therefore precluded from taking other per-
sons out of their normal order and. in effect, gi'ant-
ing to them an unathorized preference, or a
l^reference not provided by law.
The only occupational preference authorized by
law is for aliens having skill in agriculture above
that of an ordinary farm laborer, but the law pro-
vides that this shall not apply to applicants who
Department of State Bulletin
are chargeable to quotas of less than 300 annually,
and it is, of course, in the quotas smaller than 300
annually that preference may mean the difference
between coming to the United States or not being
able to come at all, because of the heavy demand
for visas on the part of aliens who are the close
relatives of citizens or residents and who are en-
titled to preference as such in accordance with
the law.
Our experience of a quarter of a century in
the work of controlling immigi-ation into the
United States, primarily at the foreign source,
through the visa or double-check system shows that
there is sound basis for an amendment of the law
which will enable us to penetrate further into the
field of selective immigration. We have been
obliged to tell American industrial, commercial,
and scientific institutions and firms that they may
not bring to the United States as immigrants out
of the regular turn on a quota waiting list, a highly
skilled and greatly needed technician or scientist.
In some such cases it may be many years before
the aliens they may desire to bring to this country
can be reached on the waiting list.
This situation, in my opinion, is one that would
justify early remedial legislation, not for the pur-
pose of assisting for his own sake an immigrant
who wants to come here as soon as possible but for
the purpose of enabling the important American
interests involved to fill an urgent need, which in
turn will provide for greater activity and expan-
sion of our business and industry and provide more
and greater employment for our citizens and resi-
dents. In other words, a sovereign nation should
have the power to select and bring immigrants
into its territory whenever it is in the national in-
terest to do so, instead of filling up the quotas year
in and year out with immigrants who, for their
own sakes, desire to enter, regardless of whether
they may be able to make any appreciable contri-
bution to the national welfare.
Nonimmigrant Passport Visa Fee Arrangement
With France
[Released to the press March 30]
Effective April 1, 1949, American citizens in
possession of valid American passports may enter
Metropolitan France and the following French
territories without French visas for a temporary
period of stay provided they comply with other
laws and regulations of Metropolitan France and
of such territories concerning the entry, residence,
and employment or occupation of foreigners or
travelers: Metropolitan France, Andorra, Al-
geria, Morocco, Guadeloupe, Martinique, Guiana,
Reunion, Tunisia.
Statutory and other restrictions preclude the
United Sates from granting identical concessions,
but French nationals resident in Metropolitan
April 10, 1949
France and the above-mentioned territories who
are in possession of valid French passports and
who are eligible to receive visas with which to
apply for admission into the United Sates as bona
fide nonimmigrants will be granted, effective April
1, 1949, gratis passport visas, and in cases of
?ualified temporary visitors, visas may be valid
or 24 months provided the passports of the bearers
remain valid for that period of time. All other
nonimmigrant passport visas granted French na-
tionals resident in Metropolitan France and in the
above-mentioned territories will have a maximum
period of validity of 12 months provided the pass-
ports of the bearers remain valid for that period
of time.
French citizens resident outside Metropolitan
France and the above-mentioned French terri-
tories and who are eligible to receive American
visas, may be gi-anted nonimmigrant passport
visas valid for a maximum period of 12 months at
prescribed visa fees.
American citizens entering French territories
other than those above-mentioned are subject to
French visa requirements and visa fees.
This arrangement will be put into effect outside
Metropolitan France. United Kingdom, Belgium,
and Switzerland for French citizens residing in the
specified territories but temporarily absent there-
from and who are proceeding to the United States
as nonimmigrants, as soon as American diplomatic
and consular officers are notified.
Atlantic Pact Countries Take Note of Soviet
Views of tiie Treaty
Statement hy the Foreign Ministers
[Released to the press April 2]
Tlie Foreign Ministers of the countries assem-
bled here in Washington for the signing of the
North Atlantic pact have taken note of the views of
the Soviet Government made public by that Gov-
ernment on March 31, 1949.
The Foreign Ministers note that the views ex-
pressed by the Soviet Government on March 31
are identical in their misinterpretation of the
nature and intent of this association with those
published by the Soviet Foreign Office in January,
before the text of the pact was even in existence.
It would thus appear that the views of the Soviet
Government on this subject do not arise from an
examination of the character and text of the North
Atlantic pact but from other considerations.
The text of the treaty itself is the best answer
to such misrepresentations and allegations. The
text makes clear the completely defensive nature
of this pact, its conformity with both the spirit and
letter of the Charter of the United Nations, and
also the fact that the pact is not directed against
any nation or groUp of nations but only against
armed aggression.
Voice of America Broadcasts Atlantic Pact
Ceremonies
The largest concentration of short-wave radio
facilities ever assembled for a single program will
be used to broadcast to the world the address of
President Truman, the 12 Foreign Ministers, and
the other ceremonies of the signing of the North
Atlantic security pact in Washington on Monday
(April 4 at 2 : 45 to 5 : 00 p. m., e. s. t.)
The Voice of America, originating the broad-
casts in the Departmental Auditorium, where the
signing takes place, will be joined by the British
Broadcasting Corjjoration. the Canadian Broad-
casting Company and the U.S. Armed Forces Net-
work, to bring the signing ceremonies to a world-
wide audience and in the major languages of the
world — 43 in all.
People of the Eastern European countries, in-
cluding Soviet Russia, will be able to listen to the
ceremony either in English as it actually takes
place, or to listen to the detailed description of the
event and the summary translations of the speeches
in their own languages.
This double coverage to Iron Curtain areas, in
which government censorship might otherwise
keep accurate news of the event from the people,
will be provided through additional relays put into
service for this purpose, and the regular language
programs beamed to Russia and her satellites by
both the Voice of America and the BBC. These
facilities will include the four powerful transmit-
ters of the American relay liase in Munich in addi-
tion to the BBC relays for Eastern Europe.
The Voice and BBC will have a team of com-
mentators near the signing table to give the con-
tinuing description of the event. All of the com-
mentary originating during the ceremony will be
in Engli.sh, with the translations being made by
the language experts in the Xew York studios of
the Voice. Immediately after the signing, a VOA
French commentator will give a complete resume
of the event at the AVashington studios of the Voice
for direct broadcast to Europe.
The Voice of America broadcast will begin at
2 : 45 p. m., Monday with a background commen-
tary on the pact. At 3 : 00 p. m., the British
Broadcasting Corporation, the Canadian Broad-
casting Comi)any, and the U.S. Armed Forces Net-
work will join the network just before the
speeches by the Foreign Ministers begin on the
stage.
The entire ceremony consisting of speeches by
Secretary Acheson and the Foreign Ministers, the
address by President Truman, and the signing
ceremonies will go over the air simultaneously to
Europe, North Africa, the Middle East, and Latin
America.
After the ceremonies are over, the Voice of
America will rebroadcast a half-hour summarized
version to Latin America and to the Far East.
During the 24 hours following the ceremonies,
sunmiaries of the event will be broadcast on all
regular Voice of America programs.
In addition to the broadcasting of the ceremony,
the texts of all speeches and news stories of the
event will be sent to U..S. Embassies and Legations
abroad and made available to the press in foreign
countries. Photographic exhibits of the signing
will also be sent out.
Foreign Ministers Approve Atlantic Treaty
CommMnique
[Released to the press AprU 2]
Tlie Foreign Ministers of Belgium. Canada,
Denmark, France, Iceland, Italy, Luxembourg,
the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, and the
United Kingdom and the Secretary of State of the
United States met on April 2 and formally ap-
proved the text of the North Atlantic Treaty, to
be signed on April 4.
Preliminary consideration was given to the
nature of the council to be established under article
9 of the treaty. It was agreed that the council
should be composed of Foreign Ministers or other
representatives of governments. It was agreed
that tlie council should meet immediately after the
treaty goes into effect for the purpose of establish-
ing the defense committee.
Mutual Problems Discussed With Netherlands
Joint Statement hi/ Secretary Acheson and
Foreign Minister Stikker of the Netherlands
[Released to the press March 31]
Mr. Stikker, in his talk with tlie Secretary of
State, went over several matters of interest to the
Netherlands Government in connection with the
Atlantic pact and Western European questions.
He also discussed fully and frankly the Indonesian
situation. In this connection, the Secretary in-
dicated to him the strong hope of the United States
Government that the instructions sent from the
Security Council to the Commission for Indonesia
on March 23 might be put into effect at the earliest
possible date. The Secretary expressed full con-
fidence that both parties would enter into pre-
liminary negotiations called for by the Security
Council action promptly and in good faith.
Mr. Stikker. after making clear tliat the sugges-
tions of the Security Council had been accepted by
the Netherlands Government, expressed similar
desires and outlined to the Secretary the paths
along which he believed progress could be achieved
most effectively aiul expeditiously.
Department of State Bulletin
U.S. and U.K. Discuss Germany and Greece
Joint Statement hy Secretary Acheson and
Foreign Secretary Bevin
[Released to the press March 31]
The Secretary of State reviewed with Mr. Bevin
a number of European questions of common con-
cern. In particular, they gave general considera-
tion to the problems of Western Germany and ex-
changed views on the situation in Greece. The
Secretary of State and Mr. Bevin met in order to
have a general exchange of views on these sub-
jects, and no decisions were taken at the meeting.
Definition of Term "German Etiinic Origin"
[Released to the press March 30]
The Department of State has formulated the
following definition of the term "German ethnic
origin" for the guidance of American consular of-
ficers in Germany and Austria in implementation
of section 12 of the Displaced Persons Act of
1948:
In order to qualify for an immigration visa under tlie
"German ethnic origin" iportions of tlie German and Aus-
trian quotas ttie burden of proof shall be upon each ap-
plicant to establish that he is not subject to exclusion
from the United States under any provision of the im-
migration laws and to establish the following qualifica-
tions as a person of "German ethnic origin" as intended by
Congress in enacting the provisions of section 12 of the
Displaced Persons Act of June 25, 1948:
1. That be was born in Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hun-
gary, Rumania, or Yugoslavia. The statute specifically
requires this as an element of classification.
2. That he resided in any part of Germany or Austria
on June 25, 1948, when the Displaced Persons Act became
effective. This is also a specific statutory requirement.
3. That he does not come under the jurisdiction of the
International Refugee Organization. The statute classi-
fies as displaced persons certain aliens who are under the
jurisdiction of the International Refugee Organization,
and provides a special procedure for dealing with them
as "eligible displaced persons".
4. (a) That he is a German expellee, or the accom-
panying wife or minor child of a German expellee, pur-
suant to the Potsdam Agreement of August 1, 1945, from
Poland, Czechoslovakia, or Hungary, or (b) that he is a
a refugee, or the accompanying wife or minor child of a
refugee from Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Rumania,
or Yugoslavia.
5. That he is characteristically Germanic, a status which
is to be determined upon the basis of the following com-
bination of factors, the presence or absence of any par-
ticular one of which will not, in itself, be considered as
conclusive, but any combination of which may be con-
sidered as providing satisfactory evidence of German
ethnic origin:
(a) Antecedents emigrated from Germany.
(b) Use of any of the German dialects as the common
language of the home or for social communications.
(c) Resided in the country of birth in an area popu-
lated predominantly by persons of Germanic origin or
stock who have retained German social characteristics
and group homogeneity as distinguished from the sur-
rounding population.
(d) Evidences common attributes or social characteris-
tics of the Germanic group in which he resided in the
country of his birth, such as educational institutions at-
tended, church afliliation, social and jwlitical associations
April JO, 1949
and affiliations, name, business or commercial practices
and associations, and secondary languages or dialects.
6. Any person who fails to qualify under 1 or 2 is
statutorily ineligible to receive an immigration visa under
the "German ethnic origin" clause in section 12 of the
Displaced Persons Act, but such person may apply in the
usual manner for an appropriate immigration visa under
the quota of the country of his birth, at such time as
his turn is reached on the waiting list, and his priority
on such waiting list shall be determined as of the date
of his registration for an immigration visa under the
"German ethnic origin" program.
7. In the case of any applicant who qualifies under 1
and 2, but who fails to qualify under 3, 4, or 5, action
should be suspended and a full report should be sub-
mitted to the Department for an advisory opinion con-
cerning the alien's proper classification.
Persons in Germany and Austria who were bom
in one of the five countries mentioned in the above
definition may submit to the American consular
office at which they are registered appropriate evi-
dence to establish that they are classifiable as
persons of German ethnic origin. Such evidence
should not be sent to the Department of State.
American Soldiers Convicted in Czeclioslovakia
on Cliarges of Espionage
Statement hy Secretary Acheson
[Released to the press March 30]
The United States Government views with
grave concern the conviction on March 26 of two
American soldiers, George R. Jones and Clarence
R. Hill, to ten to twelve years at hard labor, re-
spectively, on charges of espionage after deten-
tion since December 10, 1948, without access to
our Embassy and without due regard for the
normal rights and safeguards to which an ac-
cused should be entitled insofar as this Govern-
ment is aware. The conviction was suddenly
announced on March 29 without prior notification
to our Embassy in Praha that the men had been
brought to trial. Earlier background informa-
tion on this case was made available to the press
in the Department's announcement of February
18, 1949, and in subsequent reports from our Em-
bassy in Pralia.^
This Government fully supports the action of
the United States Ambassador in Praha in pro-
testing the procedure of the Czechoslovak au-
thorities in this matter. The Czechoslovak Min-
istry of Foreign Affairs has stated that a note
is being addressed to the Embassy on this sub-
ject, and has further promised that arrangements
would be made next week for our Embassy to
interview them.
Before determining what further measures
may be taken in this matter on behalf of the
American citizens involved, the Department of
State will await the Czechoslovak official com-
munication in this matter and the results of the
interviews with the prisoners by our representa-
tives in Praha.
' BtrrxETiN of Feb. 27, 1949, p. 266.
Influence of Inter-American Relations on U.S. Foreign Policy
BY PAUL C. DANIELS'
Director for American Republic Affairs
You are all familiar with the history of re-
lations between the United States and its good
neighboi-s in the other American republics. These
relations are of long standing. There have been
ups and downs, to be sure, but the outstanding
feature through many decades has been the de-
termination of the American nations to get along
together for the benefit of all.
At the root of this liistoric cooperation is the
factor of geography, which binds us together.
Deeper still is the strong psychological factor of
love of liberty and freedom and the aspirations of
democracy which we share. Nearly all the Ameri-
can republics, like our own country, obtained their
freedom by fighting for it. They have carefully
guarded their hard-won independence ever since.
The ability of the American republics to get
along together has never stood out in sharper
relief than it does today. Not only does it stand
out by contrast with conflicts elsewhere, but it
serves as a powerful beacon to guide the rest of the
world. I look upon the evolution of Pan-Ameri-
canism as the source and the proving ground of
some of the major programs of the United States
foreign policy of today. A brief look into the
background and some of the latest developments
in the political, technical, and economic phases of
our cooperation with tlie other American nations
will illustrate this point.
Ever since the days of President Monroe, the
American Eepublics. This, in turn, became the
cooperation among themselves for the protection
of their individual and collective freedom. This
need, of course, has its basis in the community of
interests of the Americas.
This community of interests, through the years,
became more widely recognized. It found its first
expression in organized form in 1890 with es-
tablishment of the Commercial Bureau of the
American Republics. This, in turn, became the
Pan American Union in 1910. There followed a
step-by-step development, entirely healthy and
logical in cliaractor, that led to the creation of the
Organization of American States at the Bogota
conference of 1948. The Pan American Union,
today, is the permanent general secretariat of that
organization.
AVliile political and economic considerations
' An address delivered at the University of Wisconsin, at
Madison, on Mar. 30, 1949, and released to the press on the
same date.
were in the process of development, there was a
similar evolution of the concept of mutual aid for
security. Beginning with the principle of con-
sultation in the event of a threat to peace, this
mutual concern developed into the doctrine of "all
for one and one for all." At Habana in 1940, the
year before Pearl Harbor, the concept that an
attack on an American state by a non-American
state would be considered as an attack on all be-
came generally accepted. This was reaffiniied in
1945, in the Act of Chapultepec. This act pro-
vided that in the event of an attack, there would
be general consultation to decide on counter
measures, including the use of armed force.
Thus, there emerged an entirely new principle
in international cooperation. The thought, to be
sure, was not of itself a new one, but in its applica-
tion to international treaties and commitments, it
was a fundamental innovation. Today, as we
know, it is having a tremendous influence in woi-ld
afl'airs.
These and other important concepts found their
practical application in the treaty of Rio de
Janeiro, signed in 1947. The treaty embodies the
principle of "all for one and one for all" should
an attack occur within the geographic limits en-
compassing the Western Hemisphere. It goes
still further than that. It extends the obligation
of tlie adherents to consult for collective action
when an attack anywhere in the world threatens
the security of America. This is a realistic recog-
nition that Western-Hemisphere security is in-
separably bound up with the security of the rest
of the world.
It is an interesting fact that although the Mexico
City conference preceded the San Francisco con-
ference on the United Nations, the Act of Chapul-
tepec provided that any treaty which mi^ht grow
out of it should be consistent with the U.N. Char-
ter. This reflects the basic faith of the Americas
in the concej^t that the United Nations is the para-
mount authority for the preservation of world
peace. It is not without significance that all of
the American republics are members in good
standing of the United Nations.
Tiien, wlien the U.N. Charter was being evolved,
in San Francisco, the United States together with
the other American republics introduced the prin-
ciple of regional security arrangements. Sub-
sequent developments have confirmed the wisdom
of this proposal. The American republics had
behind them the experience of nearly GO years of
Department of Slate Bulletin
collective action for their mutual welfare. They
had demonstrated the complete feasibility of sucFi
action. By their foresight at San Francisco, they
placed the benefit of this successful experience at
the disposal of the world. It is this experience
which has guided us in our policy of strengthening
freedom-loving nations against aggression, in
order that they may attain economic security.
The North Atlantic pact is the latest applica-
tion of our policy of helping democratic nations
protect themselves against aggression. You have
had occasion to familiarize yourselves with its pro-
visions since it was published a few days ago.
The basic structure of the North Atlantic pact,
you will note, is very similar to that of the Rio
treaty. The pact, like the Rio treaty, contains
provisions for consultation for collective action as
well as for unified common defense, should an
armed attack be made on any one or more of the
contracting parties. Both are regional arrange-
ments, with both pursuing the same goal in their
respective areas.
Only recently we saw the effectiveness of the
Rio de Janeiro treaty positively demonstrated.
Since I have first-hand knowledge of the circum-
stances, I would like to review them in some detail.
Eight days after the treaty became effective, the
Council of the Organization of American States,
the permanent executive agency of the Organiza-
tion, received from Costa Rica a request that the
treaty be invoked against Nicaragua. It is a strik-
ing coincidence that Costa Rica should be the first
to call the treaty into operation, since it was Costa
Rica's ratification, deposited on the third of last
December, that made the treaty a binding instru-
ment.
Costa Rica charged that it had been invaded by
forces organized within Nicaragua and contended
that this constituted a threat to the peace within
the meaning of article 6 of the Rio treaty.
The next day, Sunday, the 12th of December,
the Council met but found it had insufficient in-
formation on which to invoke the pact and thereby
to establish far-reacliing precedents. Under the
able chairmanship of Ambassador Corominas of
Argentina, the Council requested by telegram
more information from the governments con-
cerned and from other American governments as
well. On December 14, 48 hours later, it met again
and on the basis of the information that had been
supplied, the treaty was invoked and the Council
set itself up as the provisional organ of consulta-
tion, pending the convocation of a meeting of
Foreign Ministers.
A five-member commission was named on De-
cember 15 and left the following day by special
airplane for San Jose and Managua to investigate
on the spot. Appointed to this group were the
Ambassadors of Mexico, Brazil, and Colombia,
and myself as representative of the United States.
The commission was able to carry out its instruc-
tions in an atmosphere of willing cooperation of
April 10, 1949
the two nations involved in the dispute. The job
was done expeditiously and the commission re-
turned to Washington on December 23 to report
its findings.
On the 24th, the Council met again and after
hearing the Commission's report agreed on a reso-
lution which called on both parties to cease all
hostile acts and urged them to come to an ami-
cable agreement. This was accomplished without
the Council having to call a meeting of Foreign
Ministers for consultation on further action. Ne-
gotiations went on between the two countries,
while at the same time compliance with the resolu-
tion was observed by a military commission ap-
pointed by the Council. On the 21st of February,
a little more than a month ago, Nicaragua and
Costa Rica signed a friendship pact which not
only ended the entire incident peacefully, but also
constitutes an added guarantee of tranquility for
years to come.
I have given you this quick review of these de-
velopments in order to impress upon you the speed
with which this Rio treaty mechanism woi-ked.
The Rio treaty merits special mention because
it proves that a group of representatives of many
countries, animated by good will, is able to move
with speed and decisiveness. On the other hand,
thoroughness and justice were not sacrificed for
the sake of speed. The Council took great care
to obtain reliable information which made it pos-
sible to take intelligent, well-founded decisions.
Solid precedents were set on which to base future
procedure and decisions.
Other tried and proved features of United
States relations with Latin America are being
elaborated and extended in our current mterna-
tional programs. You will recall that President
Truman at liis inauguration called for a "bold new
program for making the benefits of our scientific
advances and industrial progress available for
the improvement and growth of underdeveloped
areas." This program is, indeed, both new and
bold, if only by virtue of the vast scope it em-
braces. In its principal elements, however, its
prototype may be found in the technical and scien-
tific programs of cooperation, which we have been
conducting with Latin America for many years.
The experience we have gained in the last 10
years of coordinated effort in this field will prove
to be of untold value in the formulation and execu-
tion of the new "Point-4" program. Indeed, in
its early phases, this program will consist largely
of a continuation and extension of our work in
this field with the other American republics. As
it takes shape, it will undoubtedly rely heavily
on the wealth of experience and know-how that
we already possess.
Let me review, for a moment, some of the basic
considerations that have been guiding our tech-
nical cooperation efforts. First of all, we enter
into projects only at the request of the individual
governments and when we are convinced that a
project is desirable for its effects on national and
international welfare. There must also be i-eal
evidence that the other government is eager to
pursue the project to a successful finish. Our
cooperation is intended to help the other countries
to help themselves. Their self-help is expressed
in difterent ways: by dollar reimbursements or
advance of funds for services rendered; bj- pro-
viding land, buildings, and other facilities and
equipment within the foreign country; by making
available the best qualified nationals of the re-
cipient country or other countries to work with
American technicians; by providing maintenance
personnel ; and, in other constructive ways.
The important thing that has stood out in some
of these ventures is that as the progi-ams became
larger and more effective, a correspondingly larger
percentage of the total costs was borne by the other
governments and less and less by the United States.
At the outset most of the programs of the In-
stitute of Intpr-American Affairs were almost
wholly financed by the United States. Today, the
United States contributions to those same pro-
grams are down to below 10 percent in one in-
stance and in every case below 50 percent. Tlie
cooperative approach to these projects has al-
ready served as a pattern for comparable activities
in other parts of the world and undoubtedly will
provide valuable experience in further develop-
ment of the President's program.
Anotlier characteristic of our technical and
scientific programs is that they are flexible. Not
only do they vary in form and method from
country to country, but they are actually spon-
sored and carried out by many different agencies.
In addition to the Institute of Inter-American
Affairs, the United States Government cooper-
ates with other governments through the Inter-
departmental Committee on Scientific and Cul-
tural Cooperation. This committee coordinates
the technical operations abroad of some '25 bu-
reaus with 10 Federal departments. The Govern-
ment also participates in constructive cooperative
programs througli such inter- American agencies
as the Pan American Sanitary Bureau. Other
operations have long been conducted by private
nonprofit organizations such as the Rockefeller
Institute, the Institute of International Educa-
tion, to name but two.
A considerable amount of technical assistance,
on the other hand, is directly related to and de-
pendent upon private business enterprises. Priv-
ate investments through contracts with foreign
governments or with private foreign firms are
frequently accompanied by American technology.
American business firms not only furnish detailed
technical information with the capital goods tliey
send abroad, but they fn'(|U('ntly send along tech-
nicians to supervise installations and operations
and, at the same time, to train local national per-
sonnel.. In addition manj' firms bring personnel
to this country for intensive training in their
plants and hiboratoi'ies. There are, also, many
private engineering considtant linns engaged in
making available to the Latin Americans our tech-
nical know-how and services.
This sort of private enterprise is welcomed
wholeheartedly by the Department of State. The
Department attempts to encourage private agen-
cies to the greatest extent possible, to supplement
the limited government-sponsored programs. It
recognizes the importance of the role of private
activities in contributing to our common objectives
of economic and social advancement. In attempt-
ing to avoid past errors, which came to be known
as "dollar diplomacy," we expect that American
citizens and enterprises will interfere in no way
with the political affairs of the country in which
they are engaged.
The specific projects, both official and private,
now being carried on in Latin America, are far
too numerous to enumerate here. Sufiice it to say
they have dealt with public health, education, in-
dustry, agriculture, aviation, geologic investiga-
tions, and many other subjects.
Economic cooperation with Latin America has
long since gone beyond the basic and essential
considerations of trade for private gain. It has
taken the shape of sincere attempts to develop and
bolster the economies of the respective countries
for the betterment of all concerned. This is a
lofty goal; it is difficult to realize. Nevertheless
it is constantly before us. It is a basic objective
sought in the technical and scientific cooperation
programs I have mentioned. We also seek that
goal through other means.
I will not attempt a discussion of all the various
factors and conditions which enter into the eco-
nomic relationship of the Americas. Wliat we are
seeking is a healthy economy, based on the fullest
possible development, increased trade, and a
liiglier standard of living for all the people, with
its obvious influence on political stability.
At Rio, when the politico-military cooperative
agreement was reached, it was proposed that
similar cooperation be sought in the economic
field. This would be a continuation of other long
standing cooperative efforts and would put them
on a well-defined and firmer basis. The Inter-
American Economic and Social Council prepared
a basic draft to be considered at the Bogota con-
ference. The basic draft was formalized at Bo-
gota as an agreement among the states "to cooper-
ate individually and collectively and with other
nations to carry out the principles of facilitating
access, on equal terms, to the trade, ]irodiicts, and
means of j^roduction, including scientific and tech-
nical advances, that are needed for their industrial
and general economic development."
Tiie economic agreement of Bogota is important
because it sets forth a detailed set of principles for
economic cooperation and development. We have
not yet been able to see it through to ratification
because of numerous reservations that were made
at Bogota. However, we are now exerting every
effort to reduce these reservations, in order to
Department of State Bvlletin
make the document comprehensible when it is
presented for ratification. To this end the United
States took the initiative in having it referred to
the Inter- American Economic and Social Council,
which is now attempting to eliminate duplications
and consolidate the others into a draft protocol
form. According to present plans, it will be re-
studied at the economic conference which is sched-
uled to be held in Buenos Aires the latter part of
this year.
Meanwhile, various economic programs of the
United States are contributing to the alleviation
of the economic difficulties of Latin America.
These are fully in keeping with our history of
cooperation, as well as with the objectives of the
Bogota agreement.
Moreover, the great economic momentum which
has gathered in this country under our system of
individual enterprise could easily expand into
Latin America to an extent never before visualized.
There is an abundance of business and private
capital which could be poured into the countries
to the south of us. The economic and social bet-
terment in those countries that would derive from
this capital is almost boundless. The obstacles
that stand in the way of this development are not
insurmountable. Guaranties against expropria-
tion and other hazards would open the way to
thousands of prospective investors bringing in a
short time results that it will otherwise require a
great span of years to accomplish.
It is unfortunate that the conditions in Europe
that followed in the wake of the last war were so
severe that we have had to concentrate our efforts
upon them. The war, as you know, left the econ-
omy of Europe in virtual chaos. It was obvious
that no recovery would be possible without outside
assistance and we were the only nation in a posi-
tion to help the European countries get back on
their feet.
It has been our confident hope and belief that
the urgent assistance we are now providing under
the European Recovery Program will have a bene-
ficial effect on Latin America. This effect will be
felt in the availability in Europe of materials and
capital goods that are needed for the further devel-
opment of the other American republics. At the
same time, it will serve to restore to their former
extent and even to widen traditional European
markets for Latin American exports.
This is not to say that these benefits are the
solution to the economic problems of Latin Amer-
ica. Far from it. We, in this country, are acutely
aware of the existence of those problems. How-
ever, it is apparent that while there is no limit to
the political cooperation we can give to Latin
America at the present time, and while we have
an abundance of technical and scientific skill to
export, we cannot stretch the burden on our tax-
payers or the limited resources of the United States
Treasury to fill all of the world's needs at once.
We must be guided, primarily, by considerations
of security and our own available resoui'ces.
From the security aspect alone, the logic of the
great effort we are placing on the recovery of the
European democracies is readily apparent. Secu-
rity and a sound economy go hand in hand.
Naturally, European recovery will have effects
that go well beyond the limited spheres of Europe,
or of the United States. The American com-
munity of interests will be served at the same time,
since, in the Western Hemisphere, the security of
one country is the security of all, and Western
Hemisphere security is dependent upon world
security.
We hope to be able to increase the degree of co-
operation between ourselves and our immediate
neighboi-s. We will continue to respect the soyei*-
eignty and juridical equality of all the American
nations. We will continue to abide by the soleimi
inter-American commitments of nonintervention
in the internal and external affairs of those coun-
tries. We will continue to give tangible evidence
of our good neighborliness and of our faith in the
Americas. Our history, our traditions, and our
international goals stand as guarantees to that
effect. These same objectives represent, I am
confident, the deep conviction of every individual
American citizen.
U.S.-Mexican International Convention for
Tuna investigation Sent to the Senate
To the Senate of the United States:
With a view to receiving the advice and con-
sent of the Senate to ratification, I transmit here-
with a convention between the United States of
America and Mexico for the establisliment of an
International Commission for the Scientific In-
vestigation of Tuna, signed at Mexico City Jan-
uary 25, 1949.
I transmit also, for the information of the Sen-
ate, the report which the Secretary of State has
addressed to me in regard to this convention.^
The purpose of this convention has my com-
plete and wholehearted approval and I recom-
mend the convention to the favorable considera-
tion of the Senate.
Harry S. Truman
The White House,
March 23, 19J,9.
^ Documents not here printed.
AprW 10, 1949
Report to the Congress by Advisory Commission on Information
[Released to tbe press March 30]
Congress was advised by the United State,s Ad-
visory Commission on Information on March 30
that the glowing importance of our international
information program as a tool of America's for-
eign policy requires an immediate and broad ex-
pansion of the world-wide information program,
including activities of the Voice of America, now
being conducted by the State Department.
The Commission, created by Congress last year
under Public Law 402, is made up of :
Mark Ethrldge, publisher, Louisville Courier-Journal,
Chairman
Erwin D. Canham, editor, Christian Science Monitor,
Acting Chairman
Philip D. Reed, chairman, the General Electric Company
Mark A. May, director of the Institute of Human Rela-
tions. Yale University
Justin Miller, president of the National Association of
Broadcasters
Mr. Canham is acting as cliairman of the Com-
mission in the absence of Mr. Ethridge, who is
serving on the United Nations Conciliation Com-
mission for Palestine.
While the present information program was
found by the Commission to be effective "as far as
it goes,'* its operations now were described as in-
adequate to meet the pressing needs of our inter-
national responsibilities. The report held that
the budgetary recommendations sent to Congress
by the Department of State for the program in
1950 provide a "bare minimum" for continuing the
beginning that has been made.^
Wliile it is important to spend well rather than
merely to spend a lot," the Commission's report
said, "the vital need for broadening this program
as speedily and effectively as possible calls for a
much larger expenditure."
"Indeed," the Commission said, "a realistic ap-
proach requires that we provide a budget better
balanced between the three-pronged program of
military, economic, and information policy. A
budget which contemplates $1.''),000.000,000 for
military, $5,000,000,000 for economic, and only
$36,000,000 for information and educational
services, does not provide an effective tool for
cleaning out the Augean stables of international
confusion and misunderstanding."
"It is in the information field", the Commission
said, "that we meet the rival forces head on. The
Soviet Union, for example, places by all odds its
heaviest reliance on 'propaganda', spending enor-
mous sums and using its best and most imaginative
brains. Other governments are acutely conscious
of the importance of information programs and
are spending more in proportion to their capacities
"The report will be printed as Department of State
publication 3485.
than is the United States in telling its story
abroad."
The Commission's recommendations were based
not only upon its study of the program here, but
also upon a survey in the field made by Mr. May
on behalf of the Commission which took him into
ten European countries early this year.
Based on Mr. May's report and on extensive
additional information from the field, the Com-
mission reported that behind the Iron Curtain, the
Voice of America is getting through not only to the
people who have access to radio sets but also to
many more by word of mouth.
"The Voice is heard, and it is effective," the re-
port said. "It is effective partly because it tells
the people the truth about what is going on in the
world outside and in their own countries; partly
because it counteracts Russian propaganda;
mainly and fundamentally because it brings hope
and encouragement."
The Commission estimated that the Voice has
an audience of a million people in Poland; that it
may be reaching more than a tenth of the people
in Czechoslovakia ; that it is by far our most impor-
tant medium in bringing the message of America
to the peoples of Bulgaria, Hungary, and Ru-
mania, and that it is reaching "millions of Rus-
sians today."
In the free countries of Europe, the information
program is steadily gaining in effectiveness among
leadership groups, but information about the
United States is not yet effectively reaching
farmers, industrial workers, owners of small
businesses, etc.
The Commission particularly ui'ged that im-
mediate steps be taken to improve the channels of
information about America to the peoples of
Middle East and South Asian countries.
This problem is greatly complicated by the high
rate of illiteracy among the peoples of some of
these countries, and the vigor with which the
Soviet propaganda machine is trying to win them
over to Communism.
To illustrate the enormity of the problem, the
Commission pointed out that for almost two years,
one information officer in Calcutta has been trying
to present American news to 60 local newspapers
and maintain a United State Information Service
operation in a region of S3 million people.
The program was described as playing an im-
portant role in implementing U.S. foreign policy
in the Far East, with printed materials and posters
pla3'ing the most important role, motion pictures
next, and libraries, film strips, and radio broad-
casting adding their parts to the total program.
Calling attention to the permanent im])ortance
of Latin America as co-members of the Western
Hemisphere area, the Commission said that the
United States Information Service in that field
must be a well-rounded and constant effort.
Department of State Bulletin
"The urgent and critical problem in Latin
America," the report said, "is to counteract the po-
tent attraction which Communism has for the
underprivileged, particularly the semiliterate la-
bor groups — the petroleum workers of Venezuela,
the industrial workers and miners of Chile, and
the laborers, both industrial and agricultural, of
Mexico. Leaders who are backed by local Party
organizations and the whole Soviet propaganda
machine untiringly urge Communist doctrine upon
these masses and, as is well known, the present
Communist 'line' in Latin America is to turn their
every natural aspiration, their every legitimate
grudge, against the United States as the op-
pressor of their class and their nation.
"The maximum efficiency of the USIS opera-
tion in Latin America, within its present author-
ized level, cannot do more than scratch the surface
in bringing about an understanding of the United
States and its policies to the 150,000,000 people of
the twenty Latin Republics."
The Commission placed emphasis upon the im-
portance of the part which private agencies,
groups, and individuals can play in disseminat-
ing information about the United States abroad
and noted that dollar limitations abroad prevent
the dissemination of adequate amounts of Ameri-
can reading matter despite the great demand for it.
"In this connection," the report said, "the Com-
mission is puzzled by the fact that the Congress
saw fit to make available to the Economic Coopera-
tion Administration ten million dollars (almost
equal to one third of the total appropriation for
the purposes of Public Law 402) to stimulate the
dissemination of private media (through currency-
exchange aid) in the countries receiving assistance
under the European Recovery Act.
"It is suggested that the dissemination of Amer-
ican private media abroad is primarily and essen-
tially an informational activity of the kind
contemplated by Public Law 402. It is further
suggested that responsibility and funds for this
activity should be placed with the Department of
State which is responsible for the administration
of Public Law 402, and that the activity should
not be limited to countries receiving aid under
the European Recovery Act."
The Commission found, on the basis of Mr.
May's report, that the Voice of America's opera-
tions should be improved by increasing the physi-
cal facilities to increase the strength of its signal ;
by increasing the number of broadcasts and by
improving the attractiveness of the programs.
It recommended expansion of mobile unit facili-
ties to take motion pictures, exhibits, and other
visual materials to the less literate populations of
foreign countries and to those who have no access
to radio.
The program to Russia, with respect both to
the Voice of America programs and the distribu-
tion of the magazine Amerika, the Commission re-
April 10, 7949
Eorted, is achieving an invaluable result in that
oth the broadcasts and the magazine are di-
minishing the effectiveness of Soviet internal
propaganda.
"Without these media," the report said, "our
battle would not be a contest, even a losing one.
We would lose out entirely and only too quickly."
The Commission presented the following con-
clusions in its report :
(1) Events in the past year have made a Unit«d
States Government information program more
important than ever. The Commission feels that
every opportunity for expansion should be em-
braced immediately.
(2) To make the program effective at home, the
most important step is to close the gap in policy
between other parts of the Department and the
information area.
(3) The budgetary recommendations which
have been sent to the Congress for this program
for 1950 are a bare minimum for continuing the
beginning which has been made.
(4) To improve the effectiveness of information
by radio we should increase its physical facilities
in order to strengthen its signal and provide more
medium-wave relay bases ; increase the number of
broadcasts; improve the attractiveness of Ameri-
can progi-ams; and increase the number of radio
officers in countries that have large national net-
works. Wherever possible we should endeavor to
buy time on local radio stations.
(5) Visual materials (motion pictures, displays,
and exhibits) should be carried to the small towns,
villages, and rural areas, and this can be done most
effectively and efficiently with mobile units.
(6) There is a great need for more motion pic-
tures of a documentary and informational charac-
ter, and the procurement of language adaptation
of films should be rapidly and substantially in-
creased.
(7) Funds for travel and entertainment are
very limited, and an increase in these funds may
very well be one of the best investments that could
be made. It is impossible to do a good informa-
tion job without doing at the same time a good
public-relations job,
(8) In a few key cities of the world we do not
have a wireless monitoring service. Such a serv-
ice should be established for reception of the Wire-
less Bulletin, and it is vitally important that the
Bulletin be translated into the languages of the
various coimtries.
(9) There is a great need for additional re-
gional offices and branch libraries to be established
outside the capital cities.
(10) The dissemination of American private
media abroad is primarily and essentially an in-
formational activity and the responsibility and
f imds for this activity should be placed with the
Department of State, and the activities should not
be limited to the countries receiving aid under
the European Recovery Act.
Air Transport Agreement With Finland
The De]>artinuut (jf Statu aniiouiiced on March
29 the signature in Helsinki of an air-transport
agreement on March 29, 1949, between the Govern-
ment of the United States and the Government
of Finhmd.' The agi-eement was signed on behalf
of the Government of the United States by the
United States Minister, Avra M. Warren, and on
behalf of the Government of Finland by the Act-
ing Minister of Foreign Affairs, Uuno Takki.
This agreement incorporates the Bermuda prin-
ciples and conforms to the general pattern of air-
transport agreements which the United States has
entei'ed into with many other countries. By the
terms of the annex to the agreement, an air car-
rier, or air carriers, of the United States are
granted the right to operate a service from the
United States over a North Atlantic route to Hel-
sinki and an air carrier, or air carriers, of Finland
are extended the right to operate a service from
Finland over a North Atlantic route to New York.
It is the thirty-seventh bilateral air-transport
agreement entered into by the Government of the
United States.
Air Transport Agreement With Panama
Tlie Department of State announced that an air-
transport agreement with the Republic of Panama
was signed in Panama City on March 31. This is
the thirty-eighth such agreement concluded by the
United States.^
This agreement is of the so-called "Bermuda"
type, upon which the great majority of the bi-
lateral air-transport agreements of the United
States are based. This agreement grants traffic
rights to United States air lines at Panama City
and David and traffic rights to Panamanian air
lines at a point or points in the United States to be
agreed upon when Panama is ready to operate a
service to the United States.
Concurrent with the signing of the aviation
agreement, two ancillary exchanges of notes were
executed between the American Ambassador and
the Panamanian Foreign Minister, under which
the United States agreed to furnish certain com-
munications cable for the operation of additional
communication facilities at Tocumen National
Airport and a technical aviation mission, if so
requested by the Republic of Panama.
The Panamanian Foreign Minister signed this
agreement subject to the concurrence of and rati-
fication by the Panama Assembly.
'For text of tho fii-'roement, see Dopartment of State
pre.is release lOfi of Mni-. 2!), liMft.
' For text of the agreement, see Department of State
press release 208 of Mar. 31, 1049.
466
Discussions With Mexico on Developing
Oil Industry
[Eeleaued to the press March 31]
The Department of State announced on March
31 that Senator Antonio J. Bermudez, Director
General of Petroleos Mexicanos, the petroleum
entity of the Mexican Government, has been in
Washington for the past several days and that he
has discussed with officers of the Department and
other agencies of the Government the plan of
Petroleos Mexicanos for the development of the
oil industry of Mexico. Among matters dis-
cussed were the terms of the contract recently con-
cluded by Petroleos Mexicanos witli a group of
private United States oil companies, the need of
Petroleos Mexicanos for material and technical
assistance, and the details of the project pertain-
ing to dollar requirements.
The Department and officers of other interested
agencies of the Government are studying the
project presented by Senator Bermudez from the
points of view of the development of additional
petroleum resources in the North American conti-
nent, the foreign exchange position, the general
economic development of Mexico, and the tradi-
tional view of this Government as to the role of
private capital in economic development both at
home and abroad. The general plan for the de-
velopment of the Mexican petroleum industry in-
cludes the construction of a pipe line across the
Isthmus of Tehuantepec, a plant for the produc-
tion of lubricating oils, the construction of new re-
fineries, the modernization of refineries now in op-
eration, and the construction of additional trans-
portation facilities in northeast Mexico in order
that reserves of industrial gas may be utilized as
fuel for industrial developments in Monterrey,
Torreon, and other cities in the area. The appro-
priate United States authorities are studying this
proposal in the expectation of further conversa-
tions with Senator Bermudez.
THE DEPARTMENT
Lloyd V. Berkner Appointed To Direct
Military Assistance Program
Statement hy Secretary Acheson
[Released to the press March 30]
I have today appointed Lloyd V. Berkner to be
a Special Assistant to the Secretary to direct the
work concerned with the military assistance pro-
gi'am. This function has previously been per-
formed by Assistant Secretary Gross, and Mr.
Borkner's appointment is designed to free Mr.
Gross of this responsibility in order that he may
devote his entire time to the most important func-
tion of congressional relations.
As to the general information, the Department
of State in consultation witli representatives of the
Department of Stale Bulletin
Ncational Military Establishment and the Eca is
still considering draft legislation on the military
assistance program. The legislation has not yet
been submitted to the Bureau of the Budget, and
there has been no final decision as to when the draft
legislation will be submitted to the Congress. We
hope to have the draft legislation available for
study by the time the Senate is considering the
Atlantic pact.
The draft legislation will probably contain a
specific authorization for an over-all amount
needed for a program one year in duration. It
seems likely that authority will be sought for a
program extending; over a longer period of time,
but the authorization of funds would be for only
one year.
The legislation as it is now contemplated would
not name countries specifically eligible for mili-
tary assistance. In a program of this type, it
is essential that the President have considerable
discretion in its administration.
Although it is not contemplated at this time that
the draft legislation will indicate the countries
specifically eligible, no final decision has been
reached as to whether the authorization will be
sought on an area or a global basis.
THE FOREIGN SERVICE
Resignations
The President accepted the resignations of Josiah Mar-
vel, Jr. and Walter Bedell Smith as American Ambassa-
dors to Denmark and to the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics, respectively. For the texts of Mr. Truman's
letters accepting their resignations, see White House
press releases of March 24 and March 25, 1949.
PUBLICATIONS
Department of State
For sale hy the Superintendent of Documents, Qovern-
ment Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C. Address re-
quests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, except
in the case of free publications, which may be obtained
from the Department of State.
The Kansas Story on UNESCO. International Organiza-
tion and Conference Series IV, United Nations Educa-
tional, Scientific and Cultural Organization 7. Pub. 3378.
41 pp. 200.
How a state council was organized and is contributing
to international understanding and peace.
Universal Postal Union. Treaties and Other International
Series 1850. Pub. 3384. 283 pp. 500.
Convention, Final Protocol, Regulations, Air-Mail
Provisions, and Final Protocol to Air-Mall Provisions
Between the United States and Other Governments
Revising the Universal Postal Convention of May 23,
1939 — Signed at Paris July 5, 1947 ; entered into force
July 1, 1948.
Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction in China.
Treaties and Other International Acts Series 1848. Pub.
3389. 19 pp. 10<J.
Agreement Between the United States and China —
Effected by exchange of notes signed at Nanking Aug.
3, and 5, 1948 ; entered into force Aug. 5, 1948.
Education: Cooperative Program in Paraguay. Treaties
and Other International Acts Series 1856. Pub. 3399.
4 pp. 5^.
Agreement Between the United States and Paraguay
Extending Agreement of Mar. 8, 1948, Between Para-
guay and the Institute of Inter-American Affairs —
Effected by exchange of notes signed at Asuncion
June 30, 1948; entered into force Aug. 2, 1948.
The Far Eastern Commission. Second Report by the
Secretary General, July 10, 1947-Dec. 23, 1948. Far East-
ern Series 29. Pub. 3420. 65 pp. 200.
National Commission News, March 1949. Pub. 3449. 10
pp. 100 a copy ; $1 a year domestic, $1.25 a year foreign.
The monthly publication of the United States National
Commission for Unesco.
Diplomatic List, March 1949. Pub. 3451. 196 pp.
copy ; $3.25 a year domestic, $4.50 a year foreign.
30^ a
Monthly list of foreign diplomatic representatives in
Washington, with their addresses.
Caribbean Commission Releases Report
of West Indian Conference
The Caribbean Commission Central Secretariat
released in March a three-part report of the Third
Session of the West Indian Conference. It in-
cludes a summary of the Secretary General's re-
port to the Conference, the report of the Con-
ference, and a report of action taken by the
Commission on the recommendations of the Con-
ference.
Copies of this publication (99 pp.) may be pur-
chased from the International Documents Service,
Columbia University Press, 2960 Broadway, New
York 27, New York. Price not listed.
April 10, 1949
^orvCeo^t^
International Information and
Cultural Affairs Pago
Developing International Understanding. An
Article 439
ECA Anniversary:
Voice of America Broadcast 455
Message to the President from Prime
Minister Attlee 455
Voice of America Broadcasts Atlantic Pact
Ceremonies 458
Report to the Congress by Advisory Com-
mission on Information 464
General Policy
Bulgaria, Hungary, and Rumania Accused of
Violating Human Rights and Funda-
mental Freedoms:
U.S. Note to Bulgarian Government . . . 450
U.S. Note to Hungarian Government . . 451
U.S. Note to Rumanian Government . . 452
National Conference of Christians and Jews
Protest Denial of Religious Freedom in
Hungary and Bulgaria:
Text of Petition 454
Reply of Secretary Acheson 455
Selecting Our Future Citizens. By Herve J.
L'Heureux 456
Nonimmigrant Passport Visa Fee Arrange-
ment With France 457
Mutual Problems Discussed With Nether-
lands 458
U.S. and U.K. Discuss Germany and Greece.
Joint Statement by Secretary Acheson
and Foreign Secretary Bevin 459
Definition of Term "German Ethnic Origin" . 459
American Soldiers Convicted in Czecho-
slovakia on Charges of Espionage. State-
ment by Secretary Acheson 459
Influence of Inter-American Relations on
U.S. Foreign Policy. By Paul C.Daniels. 460
Treaty Information
Significance of New International Wheat
Agreement to U.S. Wheat Farmers.
Statement by Charles F. Brannan . . 449
Treaty Information — Continued Page
Bulgaria, Hungary, and Rumania Accused of
Violating Human Rights and Funda-
mental Freedoms:
U.S. Note to Bulgarian Government . . . 450
U.S. Note to Hungarian Government . . 451
U.S. Note to Rumanian Government . . 452
Atlantic Pact Countries Take Note of Soviet
Views of the Treaty. Statement by the
Foreign Ministers 457
Foreign Ministers Approve Atlantic Treaty.
Communique 458
U.S. -Mexican International Convention for
Tuna Investigation Sent to the Senate . 463
Air Transport Agreement With Finland . . 466
Air Transport Agreement With Panama . . 466
The United Nations and
Specialized Agencies
Resolutions and Decisions of Eighth Session
of Ecosoc 443
U.N. Documents: A Selected Bibliography . 444
The United States in the United Nations . . 445
Economic Affairs
Ninth General Conference on Weights and
Measures. By Dr. Edward U. Condon . 447
Discussions With Mexico on Developing Oil
Industry 466
The Department
Lloyd V. Berkner Appointed To Direct Mili-
tary Assistance Program. Statement by
Secretary Acheson 466
The Foreign Service
Resignations of Ambassadors Josiah Marvel,
Jr., and Walter Bedell Smith 467
The Congress
U.S. Extends Invitation for 1956 Olympic
Games 453
Publications
Department of State 467
Caritibean Commission Releases Report of
West Indian Conference 467
^ne/ ^€^v(i^tme/n(/ aw tftcUe/
SIGNING CEREMONY OF THE NORTH
ATLANTIC TREATY
Statements by the Foreign Ministers
and President Truman 471
REQUEST FOR MILITARY ASSISTANCE
FROM ATLANTIC PACT COUNTRIES:
Statement by Secretary Acheson . . . 493
Exchange of Communications 494
U.S., U.K., AND FRANCE REACH AGREE-
MENT ON ALL QUESTIONS RELATING
TO GERMANY
Communique 499
Statement by Secretary Acheson . . . 499
Message to the Military Governors . . 500
Text of Occupation Statute 500
For complete contents see back cover
Vol. XX, No. 511
April 17, 1949
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April 17, 1949
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Signing Ceremony of the North Atlantic Treaty, Departmental Auditorium,
Washington, April 4, 1949 >
REMARKS BY DEAN ACHESON
Secretary of State of the United States
On behalf of the Government and the people
of the United States, I warmly welcome to our
country and our capital the Foreign Ministers
who have assembled here to sign the North At-
lantic Treaty.- We are honored by their presence,
both as individuals who have done much for peace
and as representatives of nations and peoples who
have conti'ibuted notably to the welfare and
progress of mankind.
We are met together to consummate a solenrn
act. Those who participated in the drafting of
this treaty must leave to others judgment of the
significance and value of this act. They cannot
appraise the achievement but they can and should
declare the purposes of their minds and hearts.
It was, I think, their purpose — like the pur-
pose of those who chart the stars — not to create
what they record, but to set down realities for
the guidance of men, whether well or ill-disposed.
For those who seek peace it is a guide to refuge
and strength, a very present help in trouble. For
those who set their feet upon the path of aggres-
sion, it is a warning that if it must needs be that
offenses come, then woe unto them by whom the
offense cometh.
For the reality which is set down here is not
created here. The reality is the unity of belief,
of spirit, of interest of the community of nations
represented here. It is the product of many cen-
turies of common thought and of the blood of
many simple and brave men and women.
The reality lies not in the common pursuit of
a material goal or of a power to dominate others.
It lies in the aiSrmation of moral and spiritual
values which govern the kind of life they pro-
pose to lead and which they propose to defend, by
all possible means, should that necessity be thrust
upon them. Even this purpose is a fact which
has been demonstrated twice in this present cen-
tury.
PROGRAM
2 : 30 p. m. Music by United States Marine Band
2:45 p. m. Arrival of the Foreign Ministers (West
Entrance)
3 : 00 p. m. Entrance of the Foreign Ministers
3 : 05 p. m. Welcome and remarks by the Secretary
of State of the United States
3 : 10 p. m. Introduction of the Foreign Ministers
by the Secretary of State of the
United States
Remarks of the Foreign Ministers on the occasion
of the signing of the treaty. (Each Foreign
Minister is expected to speak for five minutes
in the language of his choice. Those speeches
not made in English will be translated immedi-
ately following the speaker.)
Entrance of the President of the United States
Remarks of the President
Formal signing of the North Atlantic Treaty
Closing remarks of the Secretary of State
Adjournment
It is well that these truths be kirown. The pur-
pose of this treaty is to publish them and give
them form.
From this act, taken here today, will flow in-
creasing good for all peoples. From this joining
of many wills in one purpose will come new in-
spiration for the future. New strength and cour-
age will accrue not only to the peoples of the At-
lantic community but to all peoples of the world
conrmunity who seek for themselves, and for
others equally, freedom and peace.
■ Released to the press Apr. 4, 1949 ; President Truman's
remarks were released to the press by the White House
on the same date.
'Bulletin of Mar. 20, 1949, p. 339; also printed as
Department of State Publication 3464.
April 17, 1949
471
REMARKS BY PAUL-HENRI SPAAK
Prime Minister and Ministerlof Foreign Affairs of Belgium
In signing tlie North Atlantic pact, we are going
to participate in the most important political
event that has occurred since the creation of the
United Nations.
The great defensive alliance about to be created
is an essential milestone on the road leading to the
consolidation of peace.
The peoples of the world have therefore the
right to rejoice over it.
The North Atlantic pact conforms with the
letter and the spirit of the San Francisco Charter
since, inspired solely by a sense of defense, it is,
through the magnitude of the forces which it
brings together, of a nature to discourage any
future aggressor and since it gives to article 51,
which proclaims the right to legitimate individual
and collective defense, a practical and effective
form without which it would be but a mockery.
The new pact is purely defensive; it is directed
against no one; it threatens no one; it should
therefore disturb no one; save, of course, any
person or persons who might foster the criminal
idea of having recourse to war. To be convinced
of this, one has only to read it; but, one must do
so without a preconceived idea.
The peoples here represented detest war, and
their Governments share their sentiments.
War is a hateful and absurd thing. It settles
nothing, and its consequences constitute almost
as heavy a burden for the conquerors as for the
conquered. Democracies are essentially pacific.
Wliere peoples have something to say, where
thought is not in chains and opposition muzzled,
the idea that an aggressive policy could be pur-
sued is inconceivable. If the whole world ac-
cepted and practiced the democratic principles
which are ours, there would be no more war. But
until that is the case, we have the right and the
duty to be prudent and prepared.
Twice within less than 25 years the democra-
cies of Western Europe, the United States of
America, and Canada have faced terrible dangers.
Twice the civilization that they represent, their
way of life and of thought have been jeopardized.
Twice it has required military miracles to save
them. Twice an overblind trust has all but ruined
them. It would be unpardonable to ignore the
repeated lessons of history.
Those who today are angered or saddened be-
cause the principles of universal collective security
contemplated in the United Nations Charter are
to be supplemented by a system more restricted,
but having the same goal and observing the same
principles, will find some subjects for reflection in
the signing of the pact. They will regret, per-
haps, having seen the rostrum of the United Na-
tions transformed into an instrument of propa-
ganda in which vehemence and insult have fre-
quently replaced the essential desire for coopera-
tion; perhaps also they will regret that the abuse
of the veto and refusal to collaborate have so often
rendered ineffective the decisions of the Security
Council or the recommendations of the Assembly.
The United Nations remain our great hope.
We continue to desire and to believe that one day
all nations may find their security in this world
organization and that all Governments, having at
last recognized the precedence of international
law over their own will, may make of the United
Nations the mighty instrument that we have al-
ways wished for.
But until that day, no one can contest our right
to gather together and organize in one corner of
the world all the forces of those who, having fi-
nally and wholly renounced all idea of aggressive
warfare, do not wish to find themselves one day
without defense before an attack upon them.
The North Atlantic pact is an act of faith in the
destiny of Western civilization. Based on the
exercise of civil and political liberties, on respect
for the human person, it cannot perish.
The North Atlantic pact places in the service of
this civilization and of peace the most powerful
means of defense that has ever been created. That
is why, in the name of an overwhelming majority
of the Belgian people, I shall sign it in a few mo-
ments with confidence and pride.
Department of Stale Bulletin
REMARKS BY L. B. PEARSON
Secretary of State for External Affairs of Canada
Last week the Parliament of Canada, with only
two dissenting voices, endorsed the treaty which
we sign here today. This virtual unanimity re-
flected the views of the Canadian people who feel
deeply and instinctively that this treaty is not
a pact for war, but a pledge for peace and progress.
The North Atlantic Treaty was born out of fear
and frustration; fear of the aggi'essive and sub-
versive policies of Communism and the effect of
those policies on our own peace and security and
well-being ; frustration over the obstinate obstruc-
tion by Communist states of our efforts to make
the United Nations function effectively as a uni-
versal security system. This treaty, though born
of fear and frustration, must, however, lead to
positive social, economic, and political achieve-
ments if it is to live; achievements which will
extend beyond the time of emergency which gave
it birth or the geographical area which it now
includes.
This treaty does not of itself ensure peace. It
does, however, give us the promise of far gi-eater
security and stability than we possess today. By
our combined efforts, we must convert this promise
into performance or the treaty will remain no
more than yet another expression of high but un-
attained ideals. That will not happen to our
North Atlantic pact if each of us accepts the chal-
lenge it proclaims; if each of us, with trust in
the good will and peaceful policies of the others,
will strive to make it something more than words.
We know that we can do this. If it were not so,
we would not today be giving this pledge to stand
together in danger and to work together in peace.
We, in this North Atlantic community, the
structure of which we now consolidate, must jeal-
ously guard the defensive and progressive nature
of our league. There can be no place in this gi-oup
for power politics or imperialist ambitions on the
part of any of its members. This is more than
a treaty for defence. We must, of course, defend
ourselves, and that is the first purpose of our
pact; but, in doing so, we must never forget that
we are now organizing force for peace, so that
peace can one day be preserved without force.
We are a North Atlantic community of twelve
nations, and three hundred and fifty million peo-
ple. We are strong in our lands and resources, in
our industry and manpower. We are strong above
all in our common tradition of liberty, in our
common belief in the dignity of the individual, in
our common heritage of social and political
thought, and in our resolve to defend our freedoms
together. Security and progress, however, like
peace and war, are indivisible. So there must be
nothing narrow or exclusive about our league, no
slackening of our interest in the welfare and se-
curity of all friendly people.
The North Atlantic community is part of the
world community and as we grow stronger to pre-
serve the peace, all free men grow stronger with
us. The world today is too small, too interde-
pendent, for even regional isolation.
This treaty is a forward move in man's progi-ess
from the wasteland of his postwar world, to better,
safer ground. But as we reach the distant paS'
tures, we see greener ones far on. As we reach the
summit of this lofty peak, higher ones loom up
beyond. We are forever climbing the ever-
mounting slope and must not rest until we reach
the last objective of a sane and moral world.
Our treaty is no mere Maginot Line against an-
nihilation, no mere fox hole from fear, but the
point from which we start for yet one more attack
on all those evil forces that would block our way
to justice and to peace.
In that spirit, and with great pride, I sign this
treaty as the delegate and the servant of my
country.
April 17, 1949
REMARKS BY GUSTAV RASMUSSEN
Minister of Foreign Affairs of Denmark
Wlien today, on behalf of Denniiuk, I .sign the
North Atlantic Treaty, I do so because it is an
instrument of peace, and because it has no otlier
purpose than defense in case an armed attack
should occur against any one of the sigiuitory
powers.
Under article 1 of the treaty, the parties under-
take to settle any international dispute by peace-
ful means. As has been recently said by a high
American official, behind this pledge stand the
character and policies of the countries which are
parties to the treaty. The very nature of their
institutions makes a calculated plan of aggression
a virtual impossibility.
The North Atlantic Treaty contains a solemn
reaffirmation of the pledges given by those coun-
tries under the United Nations Cliarter. The
treaty is therefore designed to strengthen the sys-
tem of the United Nations. It constitutes a cor-
nerstone in the fundamental structure of general
security.
Twice in this century, the United States of
America has gone to war in order to come to the
aid of the democratic nations of Europe in their
fight against aggression.
By this treaty the United States has in advance
expressed her readiness also in the future to stand
by democratic and peace-loving peoples, and has
thereby contributed in a magnanimous way to the
maintenance of peace.
This goal, the preservation of peace, is also Den-
mark's, in deep accord with the ardent desire and
old tradition of the Danish nation.
REMARKS BY ROBERT SCHUMAN
Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Frencli Republic
The history of contemporary France is a succes-
sion of aggressions she endured and of attempts
she has made to avoid them.
Three times in seventy years .she has been in-
vaded. The first time, she was the sole victim of
the aggressor. From 1914 to 1918 half of our con-
tinent was submerged under the wave of aggres-
sion. And the last war overflowed Europe, the
invasion became transcontinental, not only because
of alliances, but also because of the immensity of
the means of action. Invasion crosses neutral
frontiers; neither distance nor natural obstacles
can stop it any longer.
In the past, the peoples menaced by it too often
allowed themselves to be surprised by it. The
teaching of experience has led them to draw to-
gether. They have placed their confidence in in-
ternational organization for peace and security.
France has constantly supported these efforts and
nurtured this great hope. She remains fei'vently
attached to it because she is convinced that in the
end humanity will submit to the exigencies of
solidarity.
But she is obliged also to recognize that collec-
tive organizations, as they function today, have
not yet acquired the necessary efficacy. The Cliar-
ter envisages the possibility of regional pacts. It
authorizes its members to organize individually
or collectively for self-defense in conformity with
the principles of the Charter.
France ardently desires that the United Nations
may become one day strong enough to assure by
itself peace and security in the world, thus render-
ing any individual initiative unnecessary.
But, meanwhile, the Governments which bear
the fearsome responsibility of guarding the inde-
pendence of their countries have no right to put
their trust in partial guarantees. It would be
criminal for them to neglect a single opportunity,
or a possible aid, for the preservation of peace.
The exclusive concern of France is to make im-
possible any invasion of her own territory or of
the territory of peace-loving nations. Our aim
cannot be restricted to the winning of a war which
might be forced upon us, a war which, even if we
win it, would leave Europe ravaged and depopu-
lated. We want to avoid such a war by becoming,
together, strong enough, together to safeguard
peace.
Department of State Bulletin
Wlio, in justice, could reproach us for such an
attempt ? Wliat sincere friend could take offense
at it? In the past, France has been sufficiently
respectful of her obligations and true to her
friendships, sufficiently alerted also by dreadful
experience, to be beyond all suspicion.
There is no contradiction between two treaties
when both have as their object to guarantee the
security of the same country but are concluded
with different guarantors. The multiplicity of
possible risks necessitates a multiplicity of pre-
cautions. This answer we gave to Germany when,
in 1935, she took objection to the Franco-Russian
treaty, incompatible, according to her, with the
Locarno pact. Today, we give it to the U.S.S.R.
with whom we remain bound by a defense pact
against a possible German menace and by the obli-
gation we accepted never to associate ourselves
with any threat directed against her. We shall
scrupulously honor this obligation. When we ex-
pand the network of our friendships, old and new,
do we in fact repudiate a friendship which does
not satisfy all our need for security? Is it a
threat to anyone when we take our insurance
against all risks, when we organize a system of
common defense against any attack, whatever its
nature ?
We are uniting, with the intention of providing
a common and reciprocal protection. We want
to discourage in advance any aggression, by mak-
ing it more and more dangerous for the aggres-
sor. Only a potential aggressor could legitimately
consider it aimed at him. Our conscience is clear.
In signing this pact, France solemnly proclaims
her absolute determination to maintain peace. It
is not for herself iilone that France wants peace,
for she knows that peace has become the indivisible
property of all, and that, by allowing it to be
compromised by one of us, we would all lose it
together.
Nations are more and more convinced that their
fates are closely bound together, that their salva-
tion and their welfare can no longer be based
upon an egotistical and aggi'essive nationalism
but must rest upon the progressive application
of human solidarity.
REMARKS BY BJARNI BENEDIKTSSON
Minister of Foreign AKairs of Iceland
The nations who are now forming this new
brotherhood are unlike each other in many re-
spects: Some of them are the greatest and most
powerful in the world — others are small and weak.
None is smaller or weaker than my one — the Ice-
landic nation. My people are unarmed and have
been unarmed since the days of our Viking fore-
fathers. We neither have nor can have an army.
My country has never waged war on any country
and as an unarmed comitry we neither can nor will
declare war against any nation as we stated when
entering the United Nations. In truth we are
quite unable to defend ourselves from any foreign
armed attack.
There was, therefore, hesitation in our minds as
to whether there was a place for us as participants
in this defensive pact. But our country is under
certain circumstances of vital importance for the
safety of the North Atlantic area. In the last war
Great Britain took over the defense of Iceland,
and later we concluded an agreement with the
United States Government for military protection
of Iceland during the war. Our participation in
this pact shows that for our own sake, as well as
for the sake of others, we want similar arrange-
ments in case of a new war, which we all indeed
hope and pray never will occur.
But it is not only this realistic reason which has
decided our attitude. We also want to make it
crystal clear that we belong, and want to belong,
to this free commvuiity of free nations which now
is being formally founded.
It is a fact, as I said before, that we are unlike
each other in many respects but there are many
things which bind us solidly together.
We all face the same danger. In this world
of ours, where distances have vanished, peace in-
deed is indivisible. The same disruptive elements
are everywhere at this sinister work. Everywhere
they are accusing us, who are workmg for peace,
of being warmongers.
Wlien we were discussing this pact in the Par-
liament of Iceland, those elements tried with force
to hinder that venerable institution in its work.
Such violence has never before been tried against
the thousand years old Parliament of Iceland.
April 17, 1949
The misguided crowd which tried this pretended
they were shouting for peace. This contradictory
behaviour of throwing stones with your hands
while you are clamouring for peace with your lips
is not in accordance with Icelandic tradition, nor
is it in conformity with Western culture. We all
know where those habits originate, and this men-
tality certainly is the greatest menace to the world
today.
But it is not only this threat to world peace and
human well-being which unites us. Neither is it
only the fact that we all live in the same part of
the world. There are stronger bonds which bind
us together.
We all belong to the same culture. We would
all prefer to lose our lives rather than lose our
freedom, either as individuals or nations. We
all believe in friendly cooperation among nations.
We all want peace for all the world and well-being
for mankind.
Therefore, we gather here today hopefully to
sign this solemn treaty.
REMARKS BY CARLO SFORZA
Minister of Foreign Affairs of Italy
The Italian nation, after two world wars, in the
space of one generation, looks with confidence and
hope to this treaty; it sees in it a decisive step
towards the advent of peace in a free and united
world.
This pact is a complex and articulate instru-
ment in which the will prevails to discourage,
through our unity, any aggi'essive move, prepos-
terous and unlikely as this may appear. To the
very few who in good faith still hesitate, be it
enough to remind that, had this treaty existed in
1914 and in 1939, there wouldn't have been the
battles which spread ruins from Italy to England,
from France to Russia.
Indeed, it is not without significance that the
European peoples should have apprehended with
joy that this treaty would be signed on the free
American soil. It helps everybody realize that
oceans are on the way of becoming small lakes and
that even the most different historical formations
represent no more than a variety of folklore in
front of the necessity of uniting all of us, in order
to save our most cherished common patrimony:
peace and democracy.
Signing a pact, however, is not enough. Life
shall have to circulate through it, as a result of a
constant free collaboration in the service of peace
between all its members, present and future.
It is not without a reference to the spirit of this
pact, that two of its signatories, the French and
the Italian, signed a week ago in Paris a treaty of
economic cooperation between our two peoples.
Not only would we fail the spirit of the pact, we
would also belittle its force if we considered it
only as a protective umbrella. We must pray to
God that this pact will prove to be like the English
Magna Charta: on one side intangible, on the
other side a continuous creation.
The North Atlantic pact will constitute one
among the noblest and most generous events in
human history if all its members will show-
within and outside the pact— that the melancholy
history of Europe has taught them this supreme
lesson : that no nation in the world can feel secure
in its prosperity and peace if all its neighbors are
not as safely marching towards the same goals of
prosperity and security.
REMARKS BY JOSEPH BECH
Minister of Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg
Grouped around tlie most powerful democracy
in the world, the states signatory to the Atlantic
pact constitute at once the most formidable and
the most sincerely peaceful coalition of material
and moral forces that has ever been set up by na-
tions to insure their security and to spare the
world the horrors of war.
In the absence of any coercive force belonging
to the United Nations, the treaty of assistance and
mutual aid among the twelve Western countries
476
Departmenf of Slate Bulletin
constitutes the most effective guarantee possible
for tliem, a guarantee that is essential in a world
where distrust prevails, a world divided by politi-
cal and ideological conceptions that are radically
opposed, with all the risks and dangers that this
state of things and of mind involves.
The nations of the West never wanted this divi-
sion. It is not their concern that other nations
have a regime different from theirs, and they ask
only normal relations with the East. If, a year
ago, five of them placed themselves on the defen-
sive in concluding the Brussels pact, and if, today,
the United States and Canada are in their turn
joining the ten European countries to organize
collective defense and the maintenance of peace,
security, and liberty in the North Atlantic com-
munity, it is because their unceasing efforts to
find common solutions with the countries of the
East in important matters have encountered con-
stant intransigence and because, in a word, the
policy of conciliation followed by the Western
countries has found no echo in the East.
These causes which have given birth to our
pact determine and limit its purpose and scope.
The North Atlantic pact is the logical supple-
ment to the Brussels pact.
Like the latter, its purpose is both to prevent
war from breaking out, by establishing a balance
between the forces confronting each other and
to win any war of aggression that may be directed
against one or all of the signatory states.
The defensive alliance that we are concluding
today cannot of course establish true peace, which
is more than the absence of war, but, like other
similar alliances in the past, it may give the world
a salutary period of lasting truce. I am sure that
that is the fervent desire of the signatories to this
pact, all of whom believe that peaceful coexistence
of the two regimes is possible and all of whom
wish it.
With the aid given to Europe by the Marshall
Plan, the Atlantic pact opens a new era of the
closest solidarity between the democratic countries
of Europe and the new world.
Nothing proves better this ineluctable solidarity
of the destinies of our countries than the fact that
the United States, breaking with a tradition two
centuries old, is concluding a military alliance in
peacetime. That is an event of extraordinary
historical significance for the United States and
of the utmost importance for Europe.
The peoples of Europe note with profound
gratitude what the presence at their sides of this
mighty and generous country signifies.
They approve and acclaim the pact, and accept
the real risks and the heavy obligations that it
imposes upon them. They accept it with active
faith in the necessity for and the efficacy of the
union that has been achieved.
It is in this same spirit that, with the prior
assent of nine-tenths of the members of the Luxem-
bourg Parliament, I set the signature of my small
country beside those of so many friendly nations
at the bottom of this instrument of peace, the
Atlantic pact.
REMARKS BY DIRK U. STIKKER
Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Netlieriands
The treaty we are about to sign marks the end
of an illusion : the hope that the United Nations
would, by itself, ensure international peace.
Regretfully, we were driven to the conclusion
that the Charter, though essential, is not enough,
in the world as it is, to protect those vital principles
for which we of the Western world who have
gathered here, stand.
Tlierefore, we felt it our duty to make this
treaty. So far from merely marking the end of
an illusion, it most especially marks the birth of a
new hope of enduring peace.
Its opponents are clamoring that this treaty aims
at war. That is a lie. Its aim is peace — peace,
not after a new war, but peace now, and from
now on.
We who are vitally interested in the security
of the North Atlantic area, henceforth stand united
in our resolve to repel aggression, just as we stand
united in our resolve not to attack others.
Such, then, is the treaty's unshakable moral
basis. We shall sign with a clear conscience in the
face of God.
Various aspects of the new treaty are being ex-
plained by my fellow speakers. Let me add and
stress this :
April 17, 7949
Together we are determined in our mutual in-
terest to gird the North Atlantic with a chain of
strength. That chain is, necessarily, as strong as
its weakest link. Let us then strive together, on
a basis of equal treatment for all, to uphold the
strength of the strongest links, and to increase that
of the weakest, for weak links are a common peril.
This is a dictate of plain common sense.
Here, as in so many other fields of international
cooperation and integration, the Netherlands will
not be found wanting. As we have participated
in making and implementing the Brussels pact,
and Benelux, and Okkc. and a Western Euro-
pean Federation (to name only these), so shall we
participate in making the treaty now before us a
living and inspiring reality. We know that you
all in turn will not fail us.
We rejoice at the thought that at last the truth
prevails that the North Atlantic is a highway that
unites, not a barrier that divides. We rejoice at
the thought that North Americans and Western
Europeans have found each other in a common
edifice dedicated to peace. Freedom from fear is
being brought nearer to all of us today.
Let me close with a word of Netherlands grati-
tude to all those who have labored towards bring-
ing us here together. In saj'ing this, I am think-
ing not only of the negotiators, who I thank most
warmly, but also, and no less of those enlightened
men who built that massive pedestal of popular
support on which this treat}' now securely stands :
members of Congress, parliamentarians, moulders
and interpreters of public opinion in all our
countries.
And so, with a humble prayer for God's merciful
blessing, I declare the Netherlands Government's
readiness to sign this treaty for peace.
REMARKS BY HALVARD LANGE
Minister for Foreign Affairs of Norway
As I am about to sign, on behalf of the Nor-
wegian Government, the North Atlantic pact, I
sti'ongly feel that it is a logical sequence to a line
which we have followed since the liberation of oru"
country in May, 1945. The five long years of Nazi
occupation had given our people a new and deeper
conception of freedom, law, and democracy.
And so we were determined that never again
must Norway risk the loss of her freedom and all
that goes with it.
With great faith and hope the Norwegian Gov-
ernment had taken an active part in the United
Nations Conference in San Francisco. When
after many divergencies the nations represented
there reached agreement and the Charter was
solemnly signed, we sincerely believed that a foun-
dation had been laid upon which we — allies and
friends of the great war — could build together a
future of peace and freedom.
We believe today as firmly as ever in the right-
ness of the words and spirit of that great Charter
and in the fundamental soundness and necessity
of the universal idea of the United Nations.
We cannot close our eyes, however, to the fact,
that — for reasons which we all know — the United
Nations cannot today give us or any other nation
the security to which we had confidently looked
forward.
Under these circumstances my country tem-
porarily had to look for a greater measure of
security, beyond that provided by membership in
the United Nations.
Our first thought, naturally, was to turn to
our neighboi-s and friends in the north of Europe
to see what the three of us together could do. As
we Norwegians saw it, the best solution would be
a Scandinavian regional pact under the Charter
of the United Nations, in some way affiliated with
the great Western democracies, to which we are
so closely related economically, culturally, and
ideologically.
As we could not fully agree, however, on the
basis for such a Scandinavian defense union and
on the necessity of establishing solidarity with a
broader and stronger regional defense grouping,
the logical .solution for Norway was to join the
North Atlantic pact. We have a longer coast
line on the North Atlantic than any other country.
Our experience through the centuries has been
that the ocean did not separate. On the contrary,
for us it has been the highway of coniniercial and
cultural intercourse.
Department of Stale Bulletin
Before doing so, we asked ourselves some search-
ing questions :
Can the proposed pact offer the protection we
need if the worst shoukl happen ? Will our obli-
gations under the pact be within our means, with-
out jeopardizing our economic reconstruction
program ?
We further asked: Is the pact in full accord-
ance with the Charter of the United Nations?
And, last but not least, is the proposed pact
of a clearly defensive nature? Will it promote
our foremost aim: Peace with freedom?
Studying the text of the pact, we found satis-
factory answers to all these questions.
We felt convinced that the prospective signers
of the pact considered the preservation of peace
and freedom their foremost aim. They would
regard any idea of aggression contrary to their
most basic instincts and fundamental policies.
Our pact is a pact of peace. It is directed
against no nation. It is directed solely against
aggression itself.
The moment the United Nations through the
common efforts of all its member nations is ca-
pable of functioning in accordance with the inten-
tion of its founders and with the letter and spirit
of the Charter, at that moment the need for such
regional arrangements will become much less ur-
gent, and will ultimately be eliminated altogether.
The overwhelming majority of the Norwegian
people deeply believes that the signing of the At-
lantic pact is an event which may decisively in-
fluence the course of history and hasten the day
when all nations can work together for peace and
freedom.
On this solemn occasion I wish to take the
opportunity to express our deep-felt appreciation
of the tremendous contribution of the United
States of America during and after the war.
The scope and vision of the undertakings which
the United States have originated for the recon-
struction and stabilization of a war-torn world,
have seldom been equalled in human history.
REMARKS BY JOSE CAEIRO DA MATTA
Minister of Foreign Affairs of Portugal
The Government of Portugal, which I have the
honor to represent here on this occasion, received
with pleasure the invitation extended by the Gov-
ernment of the United States in its name and in
the name of Belgium, Canada, France, Luxem-
bourg, the Netherlands, Norway, and the United
Kingdom, to take part in the North Atlantic pact.
The time has now come where we see the con-
cept of this pact become a reality; and, before
our signatures are affixed to it, allow me to say a
few words in the name of Portugal.
To President Truman, who, with his strong
personality, so well symbolizes in this hour the
clear political vision and the decisive entry of the
United States into this undertaking, go the cordial
greetings of the Government and people of
Portugal.
My country, in accepting the invitation ex-
tended to her to take her place among the original
participating nations in the Atlantic pact, was
not — I can affirm — concerned exclusively with con-
siderations of her own security : she did so much
more because of her recognition of the need of giv-
ing her cooperation to this gi-eat effort. More than
ever it is necessary to defend the principles and
the positions which those peoples that are the
depository of the ideals of Western civilization
occupy in the world. It can be said that there is
now being repeated around the shores of the At-
lantic — and on a much vaster scale — the picture
which the ancient peoples knew at the time when
the finest conquests of the human mind and the
highest exponents of civilization were centered in
the small but fertile area of the classical world.
Portugal is an Atlantic country whose activities
throughout the long centuries of history took place
to a great extent on the broad sea which forms
her boundary. To those countries to which we
are bound by the seaways of the Atlantic, we are
brought near by friendly relations. The memory
of our first contacts with some of them are lost in
the night of time. With one of them we can point
to centuries of the closest collaboration.
Europe, which has such a great moral heritage to
defend, Europe, reduced in political values, strug-
gling against the greatest and most dangerous
mental epidemic of all times, which threatens to
destroy the flower of our culture, Europe is anx-
April 17, J 949
iously seeking a formula for peace. Her moral
forces are now exerted in the will to correct her
ills. And the evidence of what might be a dis-
quieting shadow on her horizon finds her facing
with courage and decision the reality of her pres-
ent position, appreciative and gi-ateful for the
moral and material solidarity nobly offered to her
from this side of the Atlantic.
Portugal wishes to assert that she sees in the
North Atlantic pact, not only an instrument of
defense and international cooperation, but also, for
the reasons and for the aims which govern it,
a precious instrument for peace. And she con-
siders herself fortunate to be able to find that,
once again, none of the instruments on which her
foreign relations are based is in conflict with its
letter or its spirit.
May the thought which has made of these na-
tions living examples of true social progi-ess, in
work, in freedom, and in peace, keep intact the
ties which are being formed today and ensure that
this pact may bear the fruit which we expect of it.
REMARKS BY ERNEST BEVIN
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom
Sir, In appending my signature to this pact
today, I am doing so on behalf of a free parlia-
mentary nation, and I am satisfied that the step
■we are taking has the almost unanimous approval
of the British people.
Like other signatories, my country has had
forced upon it the great task of fighting two world
wars against aggression within a period of a
quarter of a century.
The cost in human life and treasure was appall-
ing. Succeeding generations in the period fol-
lowing each struggle over a wide area of the world
■were thrown into a state of uncertainty and har-
assed by wars of nerves and civil wars.
The common people (who only want to live in
peace) have been unable to follow their peaceful
pursuits or to sleep safely in their beds.
They have seen their constitutions crushed —
constitutions in which they thought they had made
their liberty secure.
We have witnessed a period in which, while the
countries represented here liave been striving to
rehabilitate the ■world and to restore it to prosper-
ity and sanity, they have been constantly frus-
trated in their efforts.
We have all tried with a genuine desire and firm
purpose to build an effective United Nations.
We have endeavored to make its machinery
work and to create such confidence in this great
■world organisation as will enable it to establish
security for all the peoples of the world.
But so far our hopes have not been fully realised.
What course then was open to us?
We had to get together and build with such ma-
terial as was available to us, and this material
was happily at hand in (his great Atlantic com-
munity, with a common outlook and desire for
peace.
Countries whose representatives are signing this
great pact today are composed of peace-loving peo-
ples with spiritual affinities, but ■who also have
great pride in their skill and their production and
in their achievements in mastering the forces of
nature and harnessing the great resources of the
world for the benefit of mankind.
Our peoples do not glorify war, but they will
not shrink from it if aggression is threatened.
This pact is a concrete proof of the determina-
tion of a group of like-minded nations never to
fight one another.
These nations are, in addition, linked with many
other peoples, who equally will never indulge in
aggression.
All these peoples are united in a common line
of thought and desire.
Today is not only the day of the signature of
this pact, it is also a day of solemn thought — and,
may I say, of consecration for peace and resistance
to aggression.
Speaking for the British people, I can assure
you that they have agreed to make their contri-
bution to the pool for peace.
Although this pact is called the Atlantic pact and
is defined as covering the Atlantic area, I must
repeat what I stated recently in the British House
of Commons, that it does not minimise either our
interest in or determination to support others not
included in this pact, with whom we have had
long years of friendship and alliances.
Department of Stale Bulletin
We are in the process of enthroning and making
paramount the use of reason as against force.
The day may come when all the world will
accept that view.
Today will bring a great feeling of relief to
millions of people.
At last democracy is no longer a series of iso-
lated units.
It has become a cohesive organism, determined
to fulfil its great purpose.
But it is not the final end.
We shall pursue with every endeavour the build-
ing up of a truly universal United Nations, to
which this group of countries will be no mean
contributor.
In the solemnity of this moment, I put my sig-
nature to this pact in the name of a people who
join with other signatories for the preservation of
the great freedoms, and in giving an assurance to
mankind of our determination to assist all the
peoples of the world to live in understanding and
good-neighborliness.
ADDRESS OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
On this historic occasion, I am hajjpy to welcome
the Foreign Ministers of the countries which,
together with the United States, form the North
Atlantic community of nations.
The purpose of this meeting is to take the first
step toward putting into effect an international
agreement to safegiiard the peace and prosperity
of this community of nations.
It is altogether appropriate that nations so
deeply conscious of their common interests should
join in expressing their determination to preserve
their present peacefid situation and to pi'otect it
in the future.
What we are about to do here is a neighborly act*
We are like a group of householders, living in the
same locality, who decide to express their com-
munity of interests by entering into a formal as-
sociation for their mutual self-protection.
This treaty is a simple document. The nations
which sign it agree to abide by the peaceful prin-
ciples of the United Nations, to maintain friendly
relations and economic cooperation with one
another, to consult together whenever the terri-
tory or independence of any one of them is
thi-eatened, and to come to the aid of any one of
them which may be attacked.
It is a simple document, but if it had existed in
1914 and in 1939, supported bj' the nations which
are represented here today, I believe it would have
prevented the acts of aggression which led to two
World Wars.
The nations represented here have fnown the
tragedy of those two wars. As a result, many of
us took part in the founding of the United Nations.
Each member of the United Nations is under a
solemn obligation to maintain international peace
and security. Each is bound to settle international
disputes by peaceful means, to refrain from the
threat or use of force against the territory or in-
dei^endence of any country, and to support the
United Nations in any action it takes to preserve
the peace.
That solemn pledge — that abiding obligation —
we reaffirm here today.
We rededicate ourselves to that obligation, and
propose this North Atlantic Treaty as one of the
means to carry it out.
Through this treaty we undertake to conduct
our international affairs in accordance with the
provisions of the United Nations Charter. We
undertake to exercise our right of collective or in-
dividual self-defense against armed attack, in ac-
cordance with article 51 of the Charter, and sub-
ject to such measures as the Security Council may
take to maintain and restore international peace
and security.
Within the United Nations, this country and
other countries have hoped to establish an inter-
national force for the use of the United Nations
in preserving peace throughout the world. Our
efforts to establish this force, however, have been
blocked by one of the major powers.
This lack of unanimous agreement in the Se-
curity Council does not mean that we must aban-
don our attempts to make peace secure.
Even without that agreement, which we still
hope for, we shall do as much as we can. And
every bit that we do will add to the strength of
the fabric of peace throughout the world.
In this treaty, we seek to establish freedom from
aggression and from the use of force in the North
Atlantic community. This is the area which
April 17, 1949
has been at the heart of the last two world con-
flicts. To protect this area against war will be a
long step toward permanent peace in the whole
world.
There are those who claim that this treaty is an
aggressive act on the part of the nations which
ring the North Atlantic.
This is absolutely untrue.
The pact will be a positive, not a negative, in-
fluence for peace, and its influence will be felt
not only in the area it specifically covers but
throughout the world. Its conclusion does not
mean a narrowing of the interests of its members.
Under my authority and instructions, the Secre-
tary of State has recently made it abundantly
clear that the adherence of the United States to
this pact does not signify a lessening of American
concern for the security and welfare of other areas,
such as the Near East. The step we are taking
today should serve to reassure peace-loving peoples
everywhere and pave the way for the world-wide
stability and peaceful development which we all
seek.
Twice in recent years, nations have felt the sick-
ening blow of unprovoked aggression. Our
peoples, to whom our Governments are responsible,
demand that these things shall not happen again.
We are determined that they shall not happen
again.
In taking steps to prevent aggression against
our own peoples, we have no purpose of aggres-
sion against others. To suggest the contrary is
to slander our institutions and defame our ideals
and our aspirations.
The nations represented here are bound together
by ties of long standing. We are joined by a
common heritage of democracy, individual liberty,
and the rule of law. These are the ties of a peace-
ful way of life. In this pact we merely give them
formal recognition.
With our common traditions we face common
problems. We are, to a large degree, industrial
nations, and we face the problem of mastering
the forces of modern technology in tlio pulilic
interest.
To meet this problem successfully, we must have
a world in which we can exchange the products
of our labor not only among ourselves, but with
other nations. We have come together in a great
cooperative economic effort to estal)lish this kind
of world.
We are determined to work together to provide
better lives for our people without sacrificing our
common ideals of justice and human worth.
But we cannot succeed if our people are haunted
by the constant fear of aggression, and burdened
by the cost of preparing their nations individu-
ally against attack.
In this pact, we hope to create a shield against
aggi-ession and the fear of aggression — a bulwark
which will permit us to get on with the real busi-
ness of government and society, the business of
achieving a fuller and happier life for our citizens.
We shall, no doubt, go about tliis business in
different ways. There are different kinds of gov-
ernmental and economic systems, just as there are
different languages and different cultures. But
these differences present no real obstacle to the
voluntary association of free nations devoted to
the common cause of peace.
We believe that it is possible for nations to
achieve unity on the gi'eat principles of human
fi-eedom and justice, and at the same time to jDer-
niit, in other respects, the greatest diversity of
which the human mind is capable.
Our faith in this kind of unity is borne out
by our experience here in the United States in
creating one nation out of the variety of our con-
tinental resources and the peoples of many lands.
This method of organizing diverse peoples and
cultures is in direct contrast to the method of the
police state, which attempts to achieve unity by
imposing the same beliefs and the same rule of
force on everyone.
We believe that our methotl of achieving inter-
national unity through the voluntary association
of different countries dedicated to a common cause
is an effective step toward bringing order to our
troubled world.
For us, w^ar is not inevitable. We do not believe
that there are blind tides of history which sweep
men one way or the other. In our own time
we have seen brave men overcome obstacles that
seemed insurmountable and forces that seemed
overwhelming. ]\Ien with courage and vision can
still determine their own destiny. They can
choose slavery or freedom — war or peace.
I have no doubt which they will choose. The
treaty we are signing here today is evidence of
the path they will follow.
If there is anything certain today, if there is
anything inevitable in the future, it is the will
of the people of the world for freedom and jieace.
482
Department of State Bulletin
UNITED NATIONS AND SPECIALIZED AGENCIES
Reconvening of the Third Session of the General Assembly
Statement by Secretary Acheson
[Released to the press by the U.S. Mission
to the United Nations April 5]
On the occasion of the reconvening of the Gen-
eral Assembly, I should like to express what I be-
lieve is the conviction of the Ameiican people that
the United Nations is our best hope of building a
peaceful world community.
It embodies the hopes and aspirations to which
we dedicated ourselves in the War. We are de-
termined that these purposes shall not be lost,
however great are the difficulties to be surmounted.
In order to help create those conditions of stability
and security which are essential to the full effec-
tiveness of the United Nations, this country has
cooperated with other peace-loving nations in ef-
forts to achieve world economic recovery and as-
surances against aggression. We look upon these
as necessary foundations for the kind of construc-
tive and peaceful cooperation among nations
which the founders at San Francisco visualized
as the real work of the United Nations.
Agenda
A/808
Dated Dec. 15, 1948
I. Committee Reports Awaiting Action by the
General Assembly in Plenary Meeting.
1. The problem of voting in the Security Coun-
cil:
(a) Report of the ad hoc Political Committee
(A/792) ;
(6) Draft resolution proposed by the Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics (A/793).
2. Study of methods for the promotion of inter-
national co-operation in the political field:
report of the ad hoc Political Committee.
3. Report of the Economic and Social Council
(Chapter III) : report of the Third Com-
mittee (A/783).
4. Violation by the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics of fiuidamental human rights,
traditional diplomatic practices and other
I^rinciples of the Charter: report of the
Sixth Committee (A/787).
5. Reports of the Advisory Committee on Ad-
ministi'ative and Budgetary Questions : I'e-
port of the Fifth Committee (A/802).
II. Items Awaiting Action by the Committees.
A. First Committee
1. Treatment of Indians in the Union of South
Africa : item proposed by India.
2. Question of Franco Spain: implementation
of the resolutions and recommendations of
the General Assembly of 12 December 1946
and of 17 November 1947: item proposed
by Poland.
3. Question of the disposal of the former Italian
colonies: item proposed by the United
States of America, France, the United
Kingdom and the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics.
B. Ad hoc Political Committee
1. Study of methods for the promotion of inter-
national co-operation: report of the In-
terim Committee of the General Assembly.
2. United Nations Guard : item proposed by the
Secretary-General.
3. Report of the Security Council.
C. Third Committee
1. Report of the Economic and Social Council
(Chapter III).
2. Refugees and displaced persons:
(a) Pi'oblem of refugees and displaced per-
sons : item proposed by Poland.
(b) Repatriation, resettlement and immigra-
tion of refugees and displaced persons: report
of the Economic and Social Council.
3. Freedom of information : report of the Eco-
nomic and Social Council.
4. Discriminations practised by certain States
against immigrating labour, and in par-
ticular against labour recruited from the
rans of refugees: item proposed by
Poland.
5. Creation of a sub-commission of the Social
Commission of the Economic and Social
Council on the study of the Social problems
of the aboriginal populations of the Amer-
ican continent: item proposed by Bolivia.
A/BUR/AGENDA/57
April 1, 1949
1. Organization of the third regular session
(Part II) : memorandum by the Secretary-Gen-
eral (A/BUR/115).
2. Allocation of agenda items among Commit-
tees (A/808) :
(a) Creation of an ad hoc committee to consider
methods and procedures which woidd enable the
General Assembly to discharge its functions more
effectively and expeditiously: item proposed by
Apn\ 17, 7949
Denmark, Norway and Sweden (A/743, A/825) ;
(b) Proposal for the adoption of Russian as one
of the working languages of the General Assem-
bly : item proposed bv the Union of Soviet Social-
ist Republics (A/BUR/112) ;
(c) Proposal for the adoption of Chinese as one
of the working languages of the General As-
sembly: item proposed by China (A/BI'R/113).
3. Consideration of requests for the inclusion of
additional items in the agenda of the third regular
session :
(a) Study of the legal proceedings against
Cardinal Mindszenty of Hungary in relation to
Article 1, paragraph 3, and Article 55, paragraph
c, of the Charter: item proposed by Bolivia
(A/820) ;
(b) Observance of fundamental freedoms and
human rights in Bulgaria and Hungary, includ-
ing the question of religious and civil liberty in
special relation to recent trials of church leaders:
item proposed by Australia (A/821) ;
(c) Question of Indonesia
(i) Item proposed by India (A/826)
(ii) Item proposed by Australia (A/827).
4. Application of Israel for admission to mem-
bership in the United Nations: letter, dated 7
March 1949, from the President of the Security
Council to the President of the General Assembly
(A/818).
5. Application of Ceylon for admission to mem-
bership in the United Nations: letter, dated 17
March 1949. from the President of the Security
Council to the President of the General Assembly
(A/823).
6. Appointments to fill vacancies in the member-
ship of subsidiary bodies of the General Assembly,
Committee on Contributions : note bv the Secre-
tary-General (A/BUR/114).
U.S. Views on Former Italian Colonies
STATEMENT BY JOHN FOSTER DULLES'
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly
In this matter of the former Italian colonies, the
General Assembly exercises an authority which is
unique in the history of the United Nations. Nor-
mally the Assembly can only make recommenda-
tions, which are without binding effect upon the
member states. In this case, however, the four
states which under the Italian peace treaty were
charged with the responsibility of disposing of the
colonies have agreed in advance to be bound by
this Assembly's recommendations. Therefore, the
Assembly in the present instance is acting in effect
as the supreme legislative authority.
The responsibility which the Assembly thus as-
sumes is a heavy one. The problem does not lend
itself to easy solution. Indeed, if there had been
an easy solution, the problem would not now be
here. The Council of Foreign Ministers has
struggled vainly with the matter ever since its
first meeting in September 1945. Not only did
its three yeai-s of effort fail to produce a solution,
but in the course of the effort all the Governments
concerned have shifted their positions, thus also
demonstrating the close balance of many conflict-
ing factors.
It is, as I say, because the problem has proved
baffling, that it has at last come to us here, and
' Mafle in Committee I (Political and Security) of the
General A.^sonihly at Lake Success, N.Y., on Apr. 6, 1949,
and released to the press by the U.S. Deiegatiou to the
General Assembly on the same date.
what we do with it will not merely affect the des-
tinies of some 3 million people, it will also affect
the future of the United Nations itself. Here we
are, a body not hampered by the veto, with final
authority with respect to a vexing problem which
has defied solution by what is commonly referred
to as "))ower politics."' If this Assembly proceeds
comjietently to find a just and practical solution,
that will add greatly to the prestige of the United
Nations. If, on the other hand, the Assembly
proves itself impotent, then the result will be that
international problems will more and more be dealt
with on the basis of applicable national power,
rather than on the basis of high principles inter-
nationally applied.
The provisions of the Italian peace treaty repre-
sented an act of faith in the Assembly of the
United Nations. It devolves upon us to justify
that faith.
We are dealing here with non-self-governing
territories, and we shall, I assume, want to apply
the principles of the Charter, which are found
notalily in chapter XI. Two basic principles are
there laid down. First, the interests of the in-
habitants are paramount. Second, regard should
be had for international peace and security. On
behalf of the United States, I shall indicate briefly
and in a preliminary way the conclusions which
seem to us to be suggested by the application of
these two principles to the three colonial areas in
question; namely, Libya, Eritrea, and Italian So-
484
Department of Slate Bulletin
maliland. In this connection, we have relied
largely upon the report of the Commission of
Investigation, which in 1947 the Four Powers sent
to ascertain the wishes of the inhabitants and to
gather other pertinent information.
Let us turn first to Libya. The inhabitants
seem well advanced toward self-government and
independence, and we believe any Assembly de-
cision should put the primary emphasis on achiev-
ing early independence.
Also, the relevancy of this area to international
peace and security cannot be ignored. Names
such as Tobruk and Bengasi have not been for-
gotten, and Egj'ptian and other Arab states are
entitled to a solution that does not again place
them in jeopardy. The future of Libya, indeed,
intimately affects the whole strategic position in
the Mediterranean and the Near East.
It seems, therefore, that both the welfare of the
inhabitants and international peace and security
require that Libya should be placed under the
trusteeship system and the administration en-
trusted to the care of a state or states which have
demonstrated the capacity and the will to develop
independence, in accordance with article 76 of the
Charter, and also to assure that the trust territory
shall play its part in the maintenance of inter-
national peace and security, in accordance with
article 84 of the Charter.
In tliis connection we believe that the Assembly
will wish to consider carefully the view of the
Government of the United Kingdom and of the
other members of the British Commonwealth.
Libya was liberated as the result of a great Allied
offensive in which British Commonwealth troops
bore the brunt of the fighting. Also, the United
Kingdom Government is, under the peace treaty,
actually administering all of Libj'a except Fezzan,
and such administration, which has now lasted for
upwards of five years, has given intimate knowl-
edge from which this Assembly can, no doubt,
profit. Furthermore, the United Kingdom has
given ample evidence, not merely by word but by
deed, that it genuinely believes in the principle
of developing non-self-governing areas so as to
make them independent. For this reason, we
consider that regardless of whether the General
Assembly decides to deal with Libya as a whole
or in part, the United Kingdom should be invited
to undertake the administration of Cyrenaica.
If we turn to Eritrea, we find people who are
neither homogeneous nor ready for self-govern-
ment. However, in the case of much of Eritrea,
there is close affinity with the neighboring people
of Ethiopia. Also, in the case of this part of
Eritrea, there has been a demonstrated relation-
ship to international peace and securitj'. We feel
that it is important that the disposition of the
territory be such as to insure that it cannot again
be used by any nation as a base of operations
against Ethiopia. Furthermore, it seems reason-
April 17, 1949
832197 — 49 3
able that Ethiopia should have adequate access
to the sea.
These considerations combine to suggest that
the eastern portion of Eritrea, including the port
of Massawa and the city of Asmara, might be in-
corporated into Ethiopia, subject to appropriate
protection of Italian and other minorities.
In the case of the western province of Eritrea,
the affinity of the people is closer with the peoples
to the west of them, and it would seem that a sep-
arate solution should be found for the future of
the inhabitants of the western province.
In the case of Italian Somaliland, it is apparent
that the inhabitants are not, and in any predict-
able period will not be, ready for self-government
or independence. For a long time to come, out-
side assistance and guidance will be required in
order to develop the meager resources and to bring
about a development of the sparse population so
that they can stand by themselves. The area is
without major strategic importance from the
standpoint of international peace and security.
In view of the revival of democratic government
and institutions in Italy since the overthrow of
Fascism and the demonstrated willingness and
ability of the present government of Italy to
assume the obligations of a peace-loving state in
accordance with the Charter, we feel that Italy
should be invited to undertake the responsibility
of administering Italian Somaliland under the
United Nations trusteeship system.
In all of these matters we believe that the ar-
rangements should be such as to afford the Italian
people an opportunity to participate in the de-
velopment of their former colonies so far as is
consistent with the reasonable wishes of the people
and the maintenance of harmonious order. The
Italian nation has a surplus population of people
who have demonstrated, in many parts of the
world, their great capacity to develop waste places
into productivity. "We believe that the material
welfare of the Italian people and the inhabitants
of Africa can be advanced by cooperation under
sound administi'ation. We hope that this As-
sembly will approach the matter in that spirit.
Let us not allow wi-ongs of the past, however
grievous, and emotions of the past, however justi-
fiable, to dominate our debates and to prescribe
permanent barriers to the fruitful intercourse of
peoples who can help each other and who, in the
words of our Charter should practice tolerance and
live together in peace with one another as good
neighbors.
I offer the foregoing as an indication of the far-
reaching imijortance of the problem with which
we deal, and of the manj' factors which must be
taken into account if we are to reach a just and
equitable solution. We look forward to hearing
the expression of views of other delegates. My
Government has every confidence in the inherent
wisdom of this body and in its ability to cope with
this problem in a manner commensurate with the
important issues involved.
The Atlantic Community and the United Nations
BY AMBASSADOR PHILIP C. JESSUPi
There is nothing novel in the subject which has
been given to me to talk about tliis evening. As a
matter of fact, it would be difficult to find any
novel point in connection with the North Atlantic
pact.^ One of the gratifj-ing aspects of the devel-
opment of the plans for this pact is the fact that
it was made puolic even before it was signed and
that there is therefore this present period before
its ratification during which people can comment
on it. They have commented freely on almost
every aspect of it. I have tried to study as many
of these comments as possible. Some of tliem
have been made in the press, in news stories, and
in editorials or columns, some in radio comments,
some in the views or organizations, and some in
correspondence and conversation with individuals.
I have collected from all tliese sources the prin-
cipal and most frequently recurring arguments
and doubts which have been expressed concerning
the ])act in so far as concerns its bearing on the
United Nations. I am not now dealing with other
aspects of the pact. I have tried to analyze the
points, and I shall try to deal with them tonight.
Before looking at these various views in detail,
I should like to suggest that some of them reflect
positions which were taken when the idea of the
conclusion of such a treaty was known but liefore
its text was made public or even agreed upon.
The expression of many of these points of view
during the period of negotiation was extremely
helpful. It influenced the drafting of the text. I
shall not try to be specific and name names or
refer to particular points, but I have no doubt that
there are many organizations and individuals who
have taken satisfaction in seeing reflected in the
pact ideas which they had discussed during the
negotiating stage.
The relation of the conclusion of the pact to the
United Nations can be examined from several
points of view. First, there is the text of the
treaty itself, which can be analyzed in the light of
the United Nations Charter; second, there are the
authoritative declarations of the President and of
the Secretary of State concerning our policy and
our intentions; third, there is an area which is
necessarily more speculative — it involves an analy-
sis and appreciation of the world situation and of
' An address delivered before the Academy of Political
Science in New York, N.Y., on Apr. 7, 10-19, and released
to the press on the same date.
' For text of the treaty, see Bm.r.ETiN of aiar. 20, 1949,
p. 339 ; also printed as Department of State publication
3464.
486
the operations of the United Nations and of the
way in which the North Atlantic pact will be
utilized. Speculation, at least in public, is not
generally considered to be good diplomatic prac-
tice, but I shall venture a short distance into that
field.
One can deal briefly with the analysis of the
text of the treaty, since the essential points have
already been made abundantly clear in various
official statements.
In the first place, the preamble begins with a re-
affirmation of faith in the purposes and principles
of the Charter of the United Nations.
In the second place, article 1 is a restatement of
the specific principles stated in paragraphs 3 and
■I of article 2 of the Charter. Using the language
of the Charter, the parties agree to settle their in-
ternational disputes by peaceful means. This
statement is not confined to disputes among the
parties to the treaty; it includes disputes between
parties to the ti'eaty and states wliich are not
parties. Even more important, this article 1 uses
tlie language of paragraph 4 of article 2 to pledge
the parties again to "refrain in their interna-
tional relations from the threat or use of force . . .
in any . . . manner inconsistent with the Purposes
of tlie United Nations." Nothing could be more
explicit in declaring the defensive and nonhostile
purposes of this treat}-.
In the third place, article 5, which might be de-
scribed as tlie operative article, calling for joint
action in self-defense in case of an armed attack,
expressly cites and is based upon article 51 of the
Charter. It includes that provision in 51 which
requires states acting in self-defense to report
immediately any measures which they may be
forced to take to the Security Council. It states
also the obligation under this same article to ter-
minate any such measures when the Security Coun-
cil has acted.
In the fourth place, article 7 reaffirms the prin-
ciple contained in article 10:3 of the Charter. That
article of the Cliarter says that if there is a conflict
between the obligations of members under the
Charter and their obligations under any other in-
ternational agreement, the Charter obligations
shall prevail. This is what article 7 provides.
Tliis provision is reinforced by article 8, wherein
the parties declare that none of their existing in-
ternational engagements — which include their en-
gagements under the Charter — is in conflict with
the provision of this treaty.
Department of Slate Bulletin
In the fifth place, article 12 of the pact, which
provides for possible review of tlie treaty after
ten years, specifically says that any such review
shall take into account "the development of uni-
versal as well as regional arrangements under the
Charter of the United Nations for the maintenance
of international peace and security." This is a
recognition of the desire of the parties to look
forward to tlie day when a universal security sys-
tem as originally envisaged in the Cliarter will
materialize and provide the sense of security which
is essential to the maintenance of international
peace.
So far as official statements are concerned, there
has been not one iota of quibbling or evasion. Let
me remind you that in his inaugural address, on
January 20, the President announced the plans
for concluding this North Atlantic Treaty. He
therefore had it in the forefront of his mind when
he stated the first point of his four-point program,
in which tlie objectives of the United States for
tlie promotion of peace and freedom wei'e outlined.
Tliat first point was :
"We will continue to give unfaltering support
to the United Nations and related agencies, and
we will continue to search for ways to strengthen
tlieir authority and increase their effectiveness."
When the North Atlantic pact was signed in
Washington on April 4, the President reiterated
this policy. He said :
The nations represented here have known the tragedy
of those two wars. As a result, many of us took part in
the founding of the United Nations. Each member of
the United Nations is under a solemn obligation to main-
tain international peace and security. Each is bound
to settle international disputes by peaceful means, to
refrain from the threat or use of force against the
territory or independence of any country, and to support
the United Nations in any action it takes to preserve the
peace.
That solemn pledge — that abiding obligation — we re-
affirm here today.
We rededicate ourselves to that obligation, and pro-
pose this North Atlantic Treaty as one of the means
to carry it out.
Through this treaty we undertake to conduct our in-
ternational affairs in accordance with the provisions of
the United Nations Charter. We undertake to exercise
our right of collective or individual self-defense against
armed attack, in accordance with article .51 of the Charter,
and subject to such measures as the Security Council
may take to maintain and restore international peace
and security.
I think it would overweight the record to cite
to you every other authoritative official pronounce-
ment on this subject. I confine myself tlierefore
to reminding you wliat the Secretary of State said
on March IS over the radio, when the text of the
pact had just been released :
The Atlantic pact is a collective self-defense arrange-
ment among the countries of the North Atlantic area. It
is aimed at coordinating the exercise of the right of
self-defense specifically recognized in article 51 of the
United Nations Charter. It is designed to fit precisely
into the framework of the United Nations and to assure
practical measures for maintaining peace and security
in liarmony with the Charter.
April 17, J 949
It is the firm Intention of the parties to carry out the
pact in accordance with the provisions of the United
Nations Charter and in a manner which will advance
its purposes and principles.
Now some say that while this record proves that
the President and the Secretary of State intend
to strengthen rather than weaken the United Na-
tions by the conclusion of the North Atlantic pact,
it does not prove that the pact will actually have
that effect. That is a natural and proper com-
ment. That is, fortunately, part of our demo-
cratic process of popular discussion of great pub-
lic issues. I think we should therefore analyze
the probable results of the pact in the light of its
possible influence upon the United Nations. We
should do this, as I have said, even though it
leads us into the field of speculation.
The question whether the pact will weaken the
United Nations cannot be separated from the
question whether the pact contributes to the main-
tenance of peace. Let us plumb this problem by
asking the question : "Would any state not a party
to the pact be justified in feeling that the conclu-
sion of the North Atlantic Treaty constitutes a
threat to its peace and security?" I believe it
would not. It is clear from the text of articles 4,
5, and 6 of the treaty that its provisions are not
to be brought into play unless there is a threat
to the territorial integrity or political independ-
ence or security of one of the parties or unless
there is an armed attack in the areas defined by
article 6. In other words, the treaty does not come
into play unless there is a violation of article 2,
paragraph 4 of the Charter. These points em-
phasize the fact which the Secretary of State has
made abundantly clear ; namely, that the Atlantic
pact is defensive and not offensive.
Now article 51 of the Charter justifies action in
self-defense only in the case of an armed attack.
The whole theory of that article is that force can-
not be used as an instrument of national policy on
the individual determination by a single state
that its interests would be advanced by the use
of force.
There is nothing in the pact to call for or justify
the use of force against any other state which
loyally complies with the Charter of the United
Nations. It has been made abundantly clear that
the treaty has not been concluded for the purpose
of justifying or provoking war but rather for the
purpose of making war much less likely. No gov-
ernment of a state not a party to the treaty can
say that this treaty is directed against it unless
that government is prepared to put on the cap
which marks it as having aggressive intentions
against one or more parties to the treaty.
For the very reason that the North Atlantic
Treaty is subject to and in accordance with the
Charter of the United Nations, it cannot constitute
a threat to any other state wliose policies and
actions are also in conformity with and subject to
that same Charter.
It would be less than frank, however, to avoid
stating the fact that the conclusion of this treaty
has resulted from the fears which the policy of
the Soviet Union has created. This situation was
made crystal clear by Mr. Spaak, the Belgian
Prime Minister, at the Paris session of the General
Assembly. He was replying to Mr. Vyshinsky,
the chief Soviet spokesman, who had made it
perfectly plain that his co\intry was not going
to cooperate in solving any of the agenda problems
before the Assembly. Mr, Spaak said :
I must answer you. I think I am the one to do It,
because no one could consider that Belgium is trying to
be provocative asainst the Soviet Union. We are afraid
because by your conduct you have rendered this organiza-
tion ineffective. We are afraid because the probL^ras
before this Assembly have remained unsolved; because
even when a solution is proposed by a majority of the
United Nations you have refused to adhere to this solu-
tion. We are afraid because we have placed all our
hopes and confidence in the defensive organization of the
United Nations; and through the policy you have pur-
sued, you are forbidding us to seek our security and our
salvation within the framework of this organization, but
making us seek it within the framework of a regional
arrangement. We are afraid of you because, in every
country represented here, you are maintaining a fifth
column, beside which the Hitlerite fifth column is nothing
but a boy scout organization, if I might say so. There
is not a single spot in the world, whether in Asia, whether
in Europe, or whether in Africa, where a government
represented here fails to find difficulties and these diffi-
culties are being still further aggravated by you . . .
Since iMr. Spaak made this lucid statement, the
recent series of declarations by Communist lead-
ers in a number of countries to the effect that their
first loyalty was to the Soviet Union and not the
countries of their ostensible allegiance has done
nothing to allay these fears. "While that sense of
insecurity pervades the world, the United Nations
cannot flourish and develop as it should. Here
we go round the circle, because the United Nations
itself cannot remove the sense of insecurity until
it has reached a full stage of development based
primarily on the cooperation of all the permanent
members of the Security Council.
At this present juncture of world affairs, there
are two principal ways in which the sense of in-
security can be removed, given the nature of those
fears aiid the source from which they spring. One
way, and the way most to be desired, is a change
in the policy of the Soviet Government.
I shall comment on only one of the changes in
the policy of the Soviet (Jovernment which would
contribute to a world-wide sense of security. I
refer to the question which Mr. Spaak mentioned,
tlie question of cooperation in the United Na-
tions to strengtiien the United Nations. It some-
times seems to be assumed that it is the Soviet
Union which is cooperating with the United Na-
tions and that it is the United States, which, in
entering into this North Atlantic Treaty, is re-
fusing to cooperate. As a great Governor of this
State used to say, "Let's look at the record".
There are thirteen specialized agencies of the
United Nations. The Soviet Union belongs to
only two of them. Recently it gave notice of
withdrawal from the World Health Organization.
The United States belongs to all thirteen special-
ized agencies.
The General Assembly established in 1947 an
Interim Committee, frequently called the '"Little
Assembly." It was alleged that this body was
designed to bypass the Security Council. Its rec-
ord reveals no such desire or intent. The Interim
Committee is engaged in studying the improve-
ment of methods for the pacific settlement of
international disputes. Should not all members
of the United Nations contribute to that task?
The Interim Committee studied the problem of
voting in tlie Security Council tlie use of the veto.
There may well be differences of opinion concern-
ing the desirability of limiting the use of the veto
in particular cases. Surely the way, the United
Nations way, to reconcile differences of opinion
so far as possible, is through discussion in the
organ of the United Nations, which has the matter
under consideration. The Soviet Union has never
taken its seat in the Interim Committee, but it can
do so whenever it is willing to cooperate in this
part of the joint endeavor for peace. The United
States has actively cooperated in all phases of the
work of this Committee.
The Interim Committee also has the function of
guiding certain United Nations commissions when
the General Assembly is not in session, specifically
the Korean and Balkan commissions. The Soviet
Union has not cooperated in the work of those
commissions. Tlie United States has cooperated.
These are specific points. More could be listed.
More could be said about the many other Soviet
attitudes and positions which, as Mr. Spaak said,
have brought about the conviction that the Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics is not cooperating
with and through the United Nations to make the
peace secure. None but the Soviet Government
can alter the existing impression. The Soviet
Government can begin tomorrow to build up con-
fidence where it has already built up fear. I
do not deny that it will need to overcome great
skepticism, but no one has closed, or is attempting
to close, the door on an honest attempt.
It is impossible to overlook the fundamental
cleavage in the basic theory of the Soviet Union
on the one hand and of the United States on the
other. The Soviet Union officially stands on the
proposition that war is inevitable.
The Soviet Union is officially committed to a
philosophy of conflict, which is alien to our think-
ing and to our ideals. Premier Stalin likes to
quote the following passage from Lenin :
We live . . . not only in a state but In a system
of states, and the existence of the Soviet Republic side by
side with the imperialist states for a long time is un-
thinkable. In the end either one or the other will
conquer. And until that end comes, a series of the most
terrible collisions between the Soviet Republic and the
bourgeois states is inevitable.
Department of State Bulletin
We also believe that we live in a system of states,
but from this premise is drawn the opposite con-
clusion. Our conclusion is that it is unthinkable
that the members of that system of states should
not be able to find ways to live in peace with each
other.
As the President said in his speech at the signing
of the North Atlantic pact on April 4 :
For us, war is not inevitable. We do not believe that
there are blind tides of history which sweep men one way
or the other. In our own time we have seen brave men
overcome obstacles that seemed insurmountable and forces
that seemed overwhelming. Men with courage and vision
can still determine their own destiny. They can choose
slavery or freedom — war or peace.
I have no doubt which they will choose. The Treaty
we are signing here today is evidence of the path they will
follow.
We believe in the capacity of the human mind
and spirit to bridge the deepest chasms, to over-
come the most formidable obstacles. The conflict
in the world today is the conflict between the
Marxist dogma that we must have war and our
Westei-n faith that we can have peace. Tlaat faith
is an abiding faith, and it will triumph.
Obviously, if the Soviet Union considers that
war is inevitable, it prepares for war. So long as
it is preparing for war other states must take de-
fensive precautions. Since, however, we in the
United States start from the proposition that war
is not inevitable, we do not proceed on the theory
that a preventive war must be initiated.
Since the world has not yet received convincing
evidence of a change in Soviet policy, the way in
which the United States can help to eliminate or
to lessen the sense of insecurity is by a firm and
honest declaration of purpose, which the North
Atlantic Treaty provides. I would remind you
of the passage in the President's inaugural address
in which he said :
The primary purpose of these agreements is to provide
unmistakable proof of the joint determination of the free
countries to resist armed attack from any quarter. Each
country participating in these arrangements must con-
tribute all it can to the common defense.
If we can make it sufficiently clear, in advance, that
any armed attack affecting our national security would
be met with overwhelming force, the armed attack might
never occur.
One also sees arguments against the North
Atlantic pact which seem to reflect the fear that
the conclusion of this treaty is a definitive and final
espousal of the theory that the hope for a universal
peace and security system which inspired the
drafting of the Charter in 1945 is dead. This
is not the case. The necessities of the present
require the conclusion of this treaty, but it is by
no means an abandonment of the aspiration for a
universal system. This point was made clear by
Assistant Secretary Rusk in a radio broadcast
on March 20, when he said that we do not regard
the North Atlantic pact "as a fully satisfactory
or permanent solution." He went on to say "We
have rejected national or regional isolationism."
April 17, 7949
He pointed to the fact, and it is a fact, that the
best assurance we have on this point is to be found
"in the intentions of the American people. They
want a world-wide security system, and they won't
be content with a regional system." The Govern-
ment of the United States has not ceased, and will
not cease, to direct its policy toward the develop-
ment of a universal system for international peace
and security. We have not created the tensions
which make this defense pact necessary at this
time. We devoutly hope that it will never be
necessary to invoke the provisions of this pact.
But we would not be discharging our responsi-
bilities to the United Nations and to the peoples
of the world if at this juncture we did not make
this clear declaration concerning the steps we are
prepared to take in conformity with the Charter,
should the need arise.
Now it is also argued that article 9 of the North
Atlantic treaty contains a threat to the Security
Council. Article 9 provides for the establishment
of a council composed of representatives of all
of the parties. People ask whether we intend
to divert into this council the consideration of
international problems which ought to be dealt
with in the Security Council of the United Nations.
We have no such intention. This council, es-
tablished under article 9, is "to consider matters
concerning the implementation of this Treaty."
If it had been in existence during the past years,
it would not have been used to settle the Palestine
case, or the Indonesian case, or the Kashmir case.
Since the Soviet blockade of Berlin was a threat
to the peace and affected the area covered by the
treaty, the coiuicil to be set up under article 9
might have given preliminary consideration to
that question from the point of view of the po-
tential threat involved. Such consultations would
not have affected the jurisdiction or the use of the
Security Council. The Security Council remains
the body to which we and all the other members
of the United Nations have entrusted "primary re-
sponsibility for the maintenance of international
peace and security . . ." That is what is stated
in article 24 of the Charter and article 7 of the
North Atlantic pact says specifically that this
treaty does not affect that responsibility.
If the Soviet Union will join in making the
Security Council an effective instrument for the
discharge of its responsibilities, the Security
Council and the United Nations itself will grow in
stature and in influence. Meanwhile, its growth
can be stimulated by the existence of such agree-
ments as this peace pact for the North Atlantic
community.
It is worth noting that the criticisms of the
North Atlantic pact as a rival to the United Na-
tions were not addressed to the Rio pact of 1948.
The Rio pact had a very similar basis in terms of
a regional arrangement relying heavily on article
51 of the Charter. Perhaps when the Rio pact
was concluded those interested in the United Na-
tions remembered particularly that the conclusion
of some sucli regional arrangement for the Amer-
icas was planned at the Ciuipultepec conference
of 1945, just hefore the United Nations meeting in
San P'rancisco. The probability of its conclusion
was very much in the minds of those who framed
the Charter. The Rio pact therefore seemed to
many a reasonable development in no way in cim-
flict witli the Charter. I suppose the reason why
many people have not taken the same attitude in
regard to the Atlantic pact is that they are in-
fluenced more by the political than by basic legal
argimients. They might well agree that techni-
cally the Atlantic pact has a sound legal founda-
tion but they are worried that, because of the vital
political relationship of the North Atlantic states
to tlie Soviet Union, this new pact may have seri-
ous world-wide political repercussions which did
not result from the Rio pact. Perhaps if the
North Atlantic Treaty had been preceded by some
other regional defense arrangements, it would
have been less subject to this criticism. PerliajJS
the very importance of this agreement among this
particular group of states is what causes concern.
It would be a mistake to underestimate the im-
portance of the Rio treaty, just as it would be a
mistake to minimize the importance of the North
Atlantic pact. But it would also be a mistake to
assume that this treaty dealing with the North
Atlantic area endangers the United Nations any
more than the Rio treaty endangered the organi-
zation.
The extremists among world-government advo-
cates run greater risks of endangering the future
of the United Nations. In their position is found
the antithesis to the approach marked by the At-
lantic pact. Those responsible for the pact take
the first practical step for consolidating peace in
a crucial area. By the conclusion of tlie treaty,
they enhance a solidarity hitherto embryonic. In
.so doing they avowedly and in fact support the
United Nations. World-government extremists,
unhappy over the defects of the United Nations,
would scrap the progress which it marks and
begin anew. They wish to buy a prefabricated
home made all in one piece. They do not wish
to bother with foundations or practical little de-
tails like septic tanks and plumbing and water
supply. Happily these persons are not represent-
ative of all world-government advocates. Many
of them advocate building on the existing founda-
tions, that is on the United Nations. Many of
them arc willing to take their coats off and to work
on jnitting a roof — or at least a tarpaulin — over
our heads. Wliile doing so, they look forward to
the day when the palace of all our dreams will
shelter us.
Such an attitude is a worthy reflection of our
early pioneering spirit. This country was settled
by men and women who had their dreams of tlie
future but did not let those dreams interfere with
clearing the forest, planting the corn, and main-
taining their necessary defenses.
We may l>e at the crossroads of a process by
which through such arrangements as these, tied
securely into the Cliarter, a decisive and unag-
gressive preponderance of power in the hands of
states supporting the I'nited Nations can be es-
tablished. It must be our hope that the circle of
states supporting the United Nations will stead-
ily broaden until it becomes universal.
Resolution on Trade Union Rights:
Freedom of Association
I'.N. doc. E/1300
Adopted Mar. 17, 1949
The Economic and Social Council
Takes xotk of General Assembly resolution 128
(II) concerning trade union rights (freedom of
a.ssociation) and international machinery for their
safeguarding;
Ri:cALi,s its resolutions 52 (IV) and 84 (V) ; and
Having EXAsrixEo the note from the Interna-
tional Labour Organisation recording the deci-
sions concerning freedom of association taken by
the International Labour Conference at its thirty-
first session (document E/'8G3) ;
OnsEn\'ES the action taken and proposed by the
International Labour Organisation within its
recognized competence, in particular the adoption,
liy tiie International Labour Conference, of the
Freedom of Association and the Protection of the
Ri"ht to Organize Convention, 1948;
FuKTiiER NOTES the resolution of the Interna-
tional Labour Conference concerning international
machinery for safeguarding freedom of associa-
tion;
/n.'ifnirfs the Secretary -General to enter into
consultation with Director-General of the Ilo for
exploration of the question of enforcement of trade
union rights (freedom of association) as provided
in resolution 84 (V) of the Council and to study
jointly the control of the practical application of
trade union rights and freedom of association as
provided for in resolution 128 (II) of the General
Assembly ;
licque.sts the Secretary-General to report to the
Council on the results of his consultations, with a
view to enabling the Council to give the matter
further consideration, including consideration of
the (luestion of further co-operation with the Gov-
erning Body of the Ilo; and
Transmits the decisions concerning freedom of
association taken by the International Labour Con-
ference at its thirty-first session to the Commission
on Human Rights in order that it may consider
the contents of the Freedom of Association and the
I*rotection of the Riglit to Organize Convention.
1948, and the resolution concerning international
machinery for safeguarding freedom of associa-
tion, when drawing up for submission to the
Council its (inal proposed text of the International
Covenant on Ilunum Rights and draft articles of
implementation.
Department of State Bulletin
The United States in the United Nations
International Court of Justice
The International Court of Justice has just
handed down its decision that Governments may
be sued for injuries caused to the United Nations
or its agents in the execution of U.N. business.
The question of reparations for injuries sus-
tained in U.N. service was submitted to the Court
in a General Assembly resolution prompted by
the death of Count Bernadotte in Palestine and
of eleven other persons on U.N. assignments. The
Court's judgment was that the United Nations
exercises and enjoys functions and rights ex-
plained on the basis of its possession of a large
measure of international personality and capacity
to operate upon an international plane. The
Court unanimously decided that, with this in-
terpretation of the United Nations as having an
international personality, it is entitled to main-
tain its rights by bringing international claims.
The United States was among those countries
submitting written observations.
U.N. Assistant Secretai-y-General Ivan Kerno
and A. H. Feller, Director' of the U.N. Legal De-
partment, termed the Court's decision an "historic
landmark" that strengthens the legal status of the
United Nations under international law.
Corfu Channel Case
The International Court of Justice has ruled by
a vote of 11 to 5 that Albania is responsible under
international law for the damage and loss of life
which resulted when two British destroyers struck
mines in the Albanian territorial water's of the
Corfu Channel in October 1946. The Court will
decide later on the amount for damages to be paid
by Albania.
The issues in this long-debated case were con-
sidered by a committee of the Security Council,
but were never resolved. The disputing nations
then agreed last year to abide by whatever deci-
sion the Court would give, though Albania is not
a member of the United Nations. The Court con-
cluded that the mines could not have been laid
without the knowledge of Albania and that it was
her duty to warn ships of the danger in passing
through the channel. The Court also ruled thati
Britain did not violate the sovereignty of Albania
"by reason of the acts of the British Navy in Al-
bania waters" in this case, but that such sovereignty
was violated the next month when Britain sent
minesweepers into the channel. The tribunal
stated, however, that the declaration of the Court
concerning this gives appropriate satisfaction for
that offense.
U.N. Guard
The Ad Hoc Political Committee of the Gen-
eral Assembly adopted a Philippine resolution on
April 11 to refer the Secretary-General's proposal
for the establishment of an initial U.N. guard force
to a special committee for study.
This proposal recommends a force of 800 men to
protect U.N. missions in scattered parts of the
world. In introducing the proposal on behalf of
the Secretary-General, Mr. Feller of the U.N.
Legal Department said that these men would be
members of the Secretariat and recruited on an
international basis, in accordance with articles
100 and 101 of the Charter. They would not be a
military force and their arms would be limited to
personal emergency defense weapons. In every
case the functions would be exercised in accord-
ance with the Charter.
The Soviet Delegate Malik expressed strong
opposition, terming the proposal a "contribution
to practical implementation of the expansionist
policy of some powers" aimed at "using the U.N.
for their own selfish purposes." Benjamin Cohen,
U.S. Delegate, in supporting the Philij^pine reso-
lution emphasized that the special committee
should be free to consider the problem of creation
of a U.N. guard in all its aspects. He rejected
Soviet allegations of ulterior motives on the part
of countries favoring the Secretary-General's
plan.
The report of the special committee on the U.N.
guard force will be considered at the fourth regu-
lar session of the General Assembly.
Voting in the Security Council
The General Assembly in ])lenary session on
April li adopted a resolution which provides for a
policy of gradual liberalization of the voting pro-
cedures of the Security Council. Forty-six coun-
tries supported the resolution, the six countries
of the Slav bloc opposed it, and two countries
abstained.
The proposal drawn up last year by the Ad Hoc
Political Committee of the General Assembly
where it was sponsored by four permanent mem-
bers of the Security Council — China, the United
Kingdom, the United States, and France. It was
based largely on a study of the question by the In-
terim Committee. The resolution recommends
restriction of the use of the veto on 34 types of deci-
sions which are considei-ed procedural. It also
recommends that the major powers agi-ee volun-
tarily among themselves to restrict the veto on
certain substantive matters, particularly those in-
volving the admission of new members and the
pacific settlement of disputes.
April 17, 1949
Warren R. Austin strongly recommended adop-
tion of the resolution, stating that if the members
of the United Nations would cooperate in carry-
ing out the recommendations, he believed there
would be substantial improvement in the effective-
ness of the Security Council's operations.
Korea
A Chinese resolution to admit the Republic of
Korea to the United Nations was defeated by the
U.S.S.R. in the Security Council on April 8 when
it cast its 30th veto. The Republic of Korea rep-
resents the 8th country barred from the T'nited
Nations by Soviet vetos. During the debate the
Soviet and Ukrainian delegates renewed their
previous charges that the Republic is a "puppet"
regime.
Ambassador Austin led the support for Korea's
application, pointing out that Soviet claims and
charges had Ix'en overwhelmingly rejected by the
General Assembly last December in Paris. At
that time, the Assembly recognized the govern-
ment of tlie Republic as the only lawful govern-
ment in Korea.
Israeli Membership
The application of Israel for membership in the
United Nations was admitted to the General As-
sembly agenda on April 13 and referred to the
Political Committees. The United States favored
immediate action by the Assembly as recom-
mended by the 14-member Steering Committee,
but 31 countries voted in favor of a Pakistani
amendment which will delay final action until the
matter is reviewed in committee.
Freedom of Information
A 12-membcr Subcommission of Fi'eedom of
Information and of the Press has been appointed
by the Commission on Human Rights from 27
nominees at a special meeting on April 11. The
Economic and Social Council voted in March to
continue through 1952 this Subcommission of the
Human Rights Commission which was set up to
study, report, and make recommendations on
means of promoting freedom of information and
the reduction or elimination of barriere to free
flow of information between countries with par-
ticular reference to news.
MeanVvhile, discussion is continuing in the So-
cial, Humanitarian and Cultural Committe* of
the General Assembly on three draft conventions
concerning freedom of information relating to
(1) the gathering and international transmission
of news, (2) the institution of an international
right of correction, and (3) freedom of informa-
tion. The conventions are being considered ar-
ticle by article and tluis far members have agi-eed
on the first two articles of the convention on gath-
ering and international transmission of news. In-
cluded in the first article is an agreed definition of
"information agency," "correspondent" and
"news material." The second article provides
that "in order to facilitate the freest possible
movement of correspondents in the performance
of their functions" the contracting states shall ex-
pedite travel of correspondents within their terri-
tories and shall not impose restrictions which
discriminate against such correspondents.
A Polish amenilment was rejected which would
have added to the definition of "news material" a
phrase designed to restrict news that might pro-
voke threats to the peace. U. S. Delegate Erwin
D. Canham told the committee that the Polish
amendment would give governments a chance to
impose news censorship and set in motion a new
jjower "on the evil path of misunderstanding" be-
tween nations and peoples.
International Law Commission
Tlie newly elected lo-member International
Law Commission began its first session at Lake
Success on April 11 and elected Judge Manley O.
Hudson of the United States as Chairman. The
members of this Commission were elected by the
General Assembly in Paris, the Statute of the ILC
having been approved by the Assembly in 1947.
The Commission agreed without objection to
begin discussion of the first agenda item, jjlanning
for the codification of international law, with the
understanding that this would include genei-al
discussion of the Commission's terms and plan of
work. Other items on the agenda concern the
rights and duties of states, the desirability and
feasibility of creating an international judicial or-
gan for the punishment of genocide, ways and
means for making the evidence of customary in-
ternational law more readily available, and co-
operation with other bodies of the United Nations
and other national and international organiza-
tions.
Indonesia
Discussions began April 14 in Batavia between
representatives of the Netherlands and of the In-
donesian Republic imder the auspices of the U.N.
(Commission for Indonesia. These talks were pro-
])osed by the Commission as a step in compliance
with the Security Council communication of
March 23 calling for such discussions. Republican
agreement to participate was conditioned on the
understanding that the initial discussions concern
the restoration of the Republican Government at
Jogjakarta, as called for earlier by the Security
Council.
U.S. representative Merle Cochran, has the
rotating chairmanship this week. Dr. J. H. Van
Royen heads the Netherlands delegation and Dr.
Mdhainnu'd Roeni. the Republican.
World Health Organization
Honduras became the 61st member of the World
Healtli Organization by depositing the instrument
of ratification with the United Nations at Lake
Success. Honduras is the 13th of the American
republics belonging to the Who.
Depatfment of State Bulletin
THE RECORD OF THE WEEK
Request for Military Assistance From Atlantic Pact Countries ^
Statement by Secretary Acheson
The Department of State on April 8 released
copies of communications exchanged with the
Brussels treaty powers and with Norway, Den-
mark, and Italy concerning the provision by the
United States of military assistance to those
countries. Before I deal specifically with these
requests, I should like to review briefly some of
the considerations which have led the executive
branch of the Government to decide that the pro-
vision of arms and equipment to free and friendly
nations is in the highest interests of the American
people.
It is now clear that in the world of today we can
no longer rely on our geographic position to pre-
serve our security and peace. Our security and
peace necessarily rest in the combined security and
peace of the democratic world. Thus, the single
purpose of our foreign policy has been to make a
free world possible and more secure. The foreign
policy which this Government has actively pursued
since the termination of World War II has had
as its fundamental objective the improvement of
the security of the American people, by assisting
in bringing about conditions which will make for
peace. Our policy has been directed towards
preserving free institutions and nations, to enable
them to pursue, through their own efforts, the
democratic way of life, from which we have bene-
fited so much. To this end we embarked upon the
European Recovery Program, which is by all odds
the most important and hopeful application of
the foreign policy I have described : the policy of
preserving and strengthening the environment of
freedom.
To the same end of preserving peace we have,
in conjunction with certain Western European
countries and Canada, signed the Atlantic pact.
It is clear, however, that the restoration of politi-
cal and economic health in Western Europe, so
essential to our peace and security, requires on the
part of the peoples of that area a confidence in the
future, a sense of personal security, and a reason-
able assurance of peace. If they do not have that
confidence, their progress towards recovery and
the establishment of self-supporting sound econ-
omies for strengthening democratic institutions
will be handicapped.
It is against this background that we have for
several montlis been developing a progi-am of
foreign military assistance. That program is be-
ing planned on the basis of information as to the
April 17, 1949
urgent military needs of certain of the Western
European nations which we received from them
informally some time ago. Substantially review
of this information has already been undertaken
by us. The formal requests do not, therefore,
create a new need for military assistance ; rather,
they serve to confirm a situation of which we
have been aware and to establish the principles
upon which the use of our assistance can be based.
The requests for military assistance nov7 for-
malized by this exchange of notes are predicated
upon an urgent need for improvement in the de-
fensive capabilities of the countries requiring such
assistance, thereby discouraging aggression
against them. The military assistance program,
like the Atlantic pact, is part of a policy which
is entirely defensive in its scope. It could not
be otherwise. Aggression is contrary to the basic
traditions, instincts, and fundamental policies of
the nations involved. There can be no doubt that
the Atlantic pact countries have much to lose and
nothing to gain fi-om war. By the very fact of
our democratic systems of govermnent, we can
never conspire to undertake aggressive action.
The public discussions in this country and abroad
which will take place concerning the North At-
lantic pact and the proposed military assistance
program are clear guarantees that we are not pre-
paring for an aggressive war.
The requests come from certain of the nations
who have this week joined with us in signing the
North Atlantic pact. It is important to note,
however, that the requests are not a produrt of
the pact — an instrument which is not yet m effect.
Thus, even without the existence of the North At-
lantic pact, the need for assistance and the recom-
mended response of this Government would be
the same I need only refer to the address to
Congi-ess on March 17, 1948, by the President of
the United States, when he stated in referring to
the conclusion of the Brussels treaty : "I am sure
that the determination of the free countries of
Europe to protect themselves will be matched by
an equal determination on our part to help them
to do so." In his inaugural address this year the
President stated as a part of his program that
". . . we will provide military advice and equip-
ment to free nations which will cooperate with
us in the maintenance of peace and security."
These requests and our replies therefore in no
sense represent a price tag to be placed upon the
" Released to the press Apr. 8, 1949.
pact. At the .same time, by stressing the willing-
ness of each requesting nation to do what it can
to help itself and each other in the common cau.se,
they are consistent with the spirit of the pact.
Our decision to provide assistance will represent
a careful, honest judgment of an effective means
by which we can contribute to the collective de-
fense of the North Atlantic area. This progi'am
will thus become a powerful factor in assuring
success for the aims of the pact. As the countries
of Western Europe develop their strength to resist
aggression, they will become better able to con-
tribute not only to the peace and security of the
Xorth Atlantic area, but to the peace and security
of the world.
Let us now review briefly the terms of the re-
quests. They all emphasize certain basic prin-
ciples of vital importance in assuring the United
States that our assistance will yield maximum
benefits to us as well as to the recipients. They
all recognize that economic recovery must be given
first priority ; they all recognize in clear terms that
each country must imdertake to do what it can
to help itself and help the other parties of the pact ;
they all recognize the importance of building up
at this time a modest progi-am of arms product ion,
over and above what had been contemplated in
their budgets for this year, so undertaken as not
to impede the progress of the Economic Recovery
Progr-am.
Of particular significance is the fact that these
principles have been put into actual woi'king opera-
tion by the five Western Union countries. Their
coordinated request is the result of careful ex-
amination, as a group, of what, as a group, they
can do for themselves. Their coordinated answer
augurs well for the future successful establishment
of a cooperative common defense program for the
Xorth Atlantic area.
While the assistance to the North Atlantic pact
countries will constitute the larger part of our as-
sistance program, the proposed program does call
for some assistance to other areas. This will in-
clude assistance to areas to which we have already
undertaken commitments, such as our military as-
sistance program to Greece and Turkey.
I cannot at this time give a figure, a range of
figures, or an informed guess, of what the cost of
the program will be for either the North Atlantic
pact countries or for other areas. That matter is
now being consideied jointly with the Bureau of
the Budget and will be submitted to the President.
When the President has made his review I will
then be in a position to make the figure known to
the Congress and the people of the United States.
' Pre.sontcd to the Dep.irtment of State by the Liixeni-
bouFK Minister, Hu?ues Le Gallais. as ropresontative of
his Foreipn Mini.ster, Joseph I'ccli. Cliaiiiiian of llic Con-
sultative ComniittPe of the Brussels Treaty Powers. The
ComniittPe consists of the five Forcifin Ministers.
Exchange of Communications Between the Brussels
Treaty Powers and the United States
Rtqutit from Brusaela Treaty Powers to the
United States Government for Military Assist-
ance '
April 5, 19 1(9
1. Since the signature of the Brussels Treaty
the five Governments [United Kingdom, France,
Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxembourg] have had
under consideration a common defence pro-
gi-amme. Convinced of the necessity for such a
programme, they believe that its formulation and
application must be based on entire solidarity be-
tween them. They have reached the conclusion
that if this defence programme is to be effective
the material assistance of the United States Gov-
ernment is essential. The principles on which the
programme should be based are set out in the fol-
lowing paragraphs.
2. The main principles would be self-help, mu-
tual aid, and common action in defence against an
armed attack. The immediate objective is the
achievement of arrangements for collective self-
defence between the Brussels Treaty Powers
within the terms of the Charter of the United
Nations. The programme would be considered
as a further step in the development of Western
European security in the spirit of the statement
made by President Truman to Congress on March
17. 11)48, the day of the signature of the Brussels
Treat}'. It would be in accordance with the gen-
eral objective of Article Z of the North Atlantic
Pact, and would result in each Party, consistent
with its situation and resources, contributing in
the most effective form such mutual aid as could
reasonably be expected of it. It would also be in
accordance with the principles expressed in the
Resolution of the Senate of the United States of
June 11,1948.
3. The military strength of the participating
Powers should be developed without endangering
economic recovery and the attainment of economic
viability, which should accordingly have priority.
4. In apjilying these general principles of a
common defence programme the signatories of the
Brussels Treaty attach importance to the follow-
ing points:
A. The armed forces of the European partici-
pating countries should be developed on a co-
ordinated basis in order that in the event of aggres-
sion they can operate in accordance with a common
strategic plan.
B. The)' should be integrated so as to give
the maximum efficiency with the minimum neces-
sary expenditure of manpower, money, and
materials.
C. Increased military effort, including in-
creased arms production, should be consistent with
economic objectives and the maintenance of
economic viability. Additional local currency
494
Department of State Bulletin
costs should be met from non-inflationary sources.
D. Arrangements concerning the transfer of
military equipment and supplies for such produc-
tion among the European participating countries
should permit transfer, in so far as possible, with-
out regard to foreign exchange problems and with-
out clisrupting the intra-European payment
scheme.
5. In order to carry out a common defence pro-
gramme on the basis of the above principles, there
IS urgent need for United States material and
financial assistance. The Signatories of the Brus-
sels Treaty will therefore be glad to learn whether
the United States Government is prepared to pro-
vide this assistance to them.
6. In the event of a favourable reply in relation
to tlie above request, a detailed statement of the
specific needs of the signatories of the Brussels
Treaty for the year 1949/1950 will be transmitted
to the United States Government at the earliest
possible date.
Reply of the United States Government to the
'•"Request from the Brussels Treaty Poioers to
the United States Government for Military
Assistance^'' dated April 5, 19^9 ^
April 6, 1949
1. The Government of the United States refers
to the memorandum dated April 5, 1919 from the
Brussels Treaty Powers, which inquires whether
the United States will provide military assistance
in the form of military equipment and financial
aid to tlie Brussels Treaty Powers and which sets
forth the principles on which such request is made.
2. The Executive Brancli of the United States
Government is prepared to recommend to the
United States Congress that the United States
provide military assistance to countries signatory
to the Brussels Treaty, in order to assist them to
meet the materiel requirements of their defense
program. Such assistance would be extended in
recognition of the principle of self-help and mutual
aid contained in the Atlantic Pact, under which
Pact members will extend to each other such re-
ciprocal assistance as each country can reasonably
be expected to contribute, consistent with its geo-
graphic location and resources, and in the form in
which each can most effectively furnish such as-
sistance.
3. It will be requested of the Congress that such
assistance be in the form of military equipment
from the United States required by their common
defense program and the provision of some finan-
cial assistance for increased military efforts on
their part required by such defense program. It
will be understood that the allocation of this ma-
teriel and financial assistance will be effected by
common agreement between the Brussels Treaty
Powers and the United States.
4. The United States Government will accord-
ingly appreciate receiving as soon as possible the
detailed statement of the specific needs of the
signatories of the Brussels Treaty for the year
1949-50 as proposed in paragraph (6) of the re-
quest from the Brussels Treaty Powers.
Exchange of Communications Between the
Governments of Denmark and the U. S.
April 7, 19Jfi
On March 14th. 1949, the Danish Foreign Minis-
ter submitted to the Department of State lists of
the items of military equipment which in the
opinion of the Danish Government is urgently
needed at the present time to strengthen its ability
to defend the country against aggression.
In requesting military assistance from the
United States, the Danish Government realizes
that such aid by the United States would be ex-
tended in recognition of the principle of self-help
and mutual aid contained in the North Atlantic
Treaty, signed in Washington on April 4th, 1949,
under which Treaty members will extend to each
other such reciprocal assistance as each can reason-
ably be expected to contribute, consistent with its
geogi'aphic location and resources, and in the form
in which each can most effectively render such
assistance. On its side, the Danish Government
is ready to provide to members of the North Atlan-
tic Treaty, in recognition of the principle of self-
help and mutual aid contained in the Treaty, such
reciprocal assistance as Denmark can reasonably
be expected to contribute, consistent with its geo-
graphic location and resources and in the form in
which it can most effectively render such assistance.
Denmark is willing to increase its military effort
including production insofar as this is possible
without endangering its economic recoverj' and
stability which shoidd have priority. It will, how-
ever, need assistance from the United States to
help it meet the dollar costs involved in increased
production.
The Danish Government hopes that the United
States Government will be prepared to extend
military aid to Denmark in accordance with the
above principles and would greatly appreciate to
learn the views of the United States Government
with regard to the scope and character of the con-
templated assistance.
Ajml 7, 1949
Keference is made to the Memorandum of the
Danish Embassy of Api'il 7, 1949, requesting the
views of the United States Government with re-
spect to the provision, of militai'y assistance to the
Danish Government.
The Executive Branch of the United States Gov-
ernment is prepared to recommend to the United
■ Presented to the Luxembourg Minister, Hugues Le
Gallais, on behalf of tlie United States Government.
April 17, 7949
States Conp^ress that the United States provide
military assistance to the Government of Dennuirk
in order to assist it to meet the materiel require-
ments of its defense program. It will be requested
of the Congress that such assistance be in the form
of military equipment from the United States
required by Denmark's defense program and the
provision of some financial assistance for increased
military production on Denmark's part required
by its defense program. Such assistance would
be extended in recognition of the principle of
self-help and mutual aid contained in the Atlantic
Pact.
It is understood that the information previously
made available to the United States Government
by the Government of Denmark concerning its re-
quirements for military assistance remains un-
changed.
Exchange of Notes Between the Governments
of Italy and the U. S.
April 6, 194.9
The Italian Ambassador presents his compli-
ments to the Honorable tlie Secretary of State and
has the honor to refer to the steps previously taken
by the Italian Government which emphasized to
the United States Government the urgent need
of some items of military equipment for the
strengthening of the Italian Armed Forces. With
reference thereto, the Italian Ambassador has the
honor to stress that, following the signature by
Italy of the Atlantic Pact, and in view of the
obligations ensuing from the participation of Italy
in such treaty, the need for military assistance
continues to be very urgent at the present time if
the Italian military establishment is to be put in
a position to resist effectively aggi-ession.
Upon entering into the North Atlantic Pact,
the Italian Goverimient is aware that, in order
fully to achieve the objectives of this treaty, Italy
must separately and jointly with the other partici-
pants maintain and develop its individual and col-
lective capacity to resist armed attack by means
of continuous and effective self-help and mutual
aid.
Wliile the Italian Ambassador reiterates the
need for military assistance from the United
States, he wishes to emphasize that the Italian
Government realizes that any aid coming from
the Government of the United States would be
extended in recognition of the principle set up
above, under which prospective Pact members will
extend to each other such reciprocal assistance as
each country can be expected to contribute, con-
sistent with its geogi'aphic location and resources,
and in the form in which each country can most
effectively furnish such assistance. In relation
thereto the Italian Ambassador wishes also to
stress, under instructions from his Government,
that in turn Italy is ready to provide to members
of the Atlantic Pact such reciprocal assistance as
it can reasonably be expected to contribute, con-
sistent with its geographic location and resources
and in the form in which it can most effectively
furnish such assistance.
Tlie Italian Ambassador has also been instructed
to point out that the Italian Government realizes
that, since Italy is engaged in the effort of achiev-
ing economic i-ccovery through the assistance gen-
erously granted by the American Government in
the framework of the European Recovery Pro-
gram, it would be harmful to increase military
production to such an extent as to endanger the
successful pursuance of economic recovery.
An increase in militarj' production in Italy,
wliich would derive from tlie program of self-
help and mutual aid, and which Italy might plan
for the furtherance of the aims of the North At-
lantic Pact, must therefore be contained within
such limits as to allow the successful prosecution
of the progi'am of economic recovery and the
maintenance of economic viability. Tlie Italian
Government realizes in fact that economic recovery
contributes strongly to the re-creation of confidence
and hope in Europe and that a program of military
aid must be pursued in such a manner as to facili-
tate the achievement of the goals of the European
Recovery Program adding another stone to the
structure of European recovery. Therefore,
while Italy will devote its energies to increasing
its ability to I'esist armed attack and thus contrib-
ute to European stability, the Italian Government
will see that these programs will not affect the
result of the European Recovery Program in Italy.
In this respect the Italian Ambassador wishes
also to stress that, in view of its shortage of dol-
lars, the Italian Government, in planning said in-
crease of military production in Italy, will need
some assistance from the United States in order
to help meet the dollar costs which will be involved
in this new production. While the Italian Gov-
ernment will deeply appreciate any aid of this
kind that the United States Government will ex-
tend, it will see to it that the cost of the new mili-
tary production in local currency be met from
non-inflationary sources.
The Italian Ambassador expresses the hope
that the United States, in view of the principles
set up in the North Atlantic Pact, will be pre-
pared to extend military aid in such a manner as
to facilitate the participation of Italy in such
a program.
The Italian Ambassador will greatly appreciate
receiving at the earliest convenience any informa-
tion that the United States will kindly give on its
views as to the assistance that it is prepared to
extend, and has the honor to thank for the Hon-
orable Secretary of State's interest in the matter.
Department of State Bulletin
April 7, 1949
The Secretary of State presents his compliments
to His Excellency the Ambassador of Italy and has
the honor to refer to his note requesting this Gov-
ernment's views concerning the provision of mili-
tary assistance to the Government of Italy.
The Executive Branch of the United States Gov-
ernment is prepared to recommend to the United
States Congress that the United States provide mil-
itary assistance to the Government of Italy in order
to assist it to meet the material requirements of its
defense program. It will be requested of the Con-
gress that such assistance be in the form of mili-
tary equipment from the United States required
by Italy's defense program and the provision of
some financial assistance for increased military
production on Italy's part required by its defense
program. Such assistance would be extended in
recognition of the principle of self-help and mu-
tual aid contained in the Atlantic Pact.
In connection with its recommendations to the
Congress, the United States Government will avail
itself of the information concerning items of_mil-
itary equipment urgently needed for the strength-
ening of the Italian armed forces which were ear-
lier emphasized by the Italian Government, and
is ready to continue its consultation with the Ital-
ian Government in order to examine any relevant
information in further detail.
Exchange of Communications Between the
Governments of Norway and the U. S.
Ap-ril 7, 1949
After the liberation in May, 1945, the Norwegian
people actively concentrated its efforts upon the
reconstruction of the country, and has taken upon
itself substantial burdens and sacrifices to secure
its future.
The bitter experiences suffered by the people
during the war, its urge to defend free democracy
and its appreciation of the exposed geographical
position of the country, have convinced the over-
whelming majority of the people of the necessity
to allocate an important share of the country's
limited resources to the rehabilitation of Norwe-
gian defense. During the three years from 1946-
1949 Norway's Storting appropriated a total of
1.100 million kroner for military purposes.
The large investments in the economy of the
country necessary to achieve a balanced foreign
exchange position, and the large investments in
defense establisliments inevitably caused a strain
on the economic resources of the country, as well as
on its finances. Norwegian economists unani-
mously agi-ee that additional allocations for mili-
tary purposes would with all probability impede
economic recovery and endanger economic stabil-
ity, which the country has hitherto been able to
maintain.
The Norwegian Government has arrived at the
conclusion that it will not be possible to finance
the establishment of an adequate defense by draw-
ing solely upon domestic resources. The Norwe-
gian Government has therefore submitted to the
Government of the United States a list of require-
ments for the Norwegian defense necessary for the
implementation of plans for the period up to July
1, 1950. It is also endeavoring to determine how
Norwegian military production may be increased
if financial assistance should be provided.
The Norwegian request has been made in recog-
nition of the principle of self-help and mutual aid
contained in the North Atlantic Treaty in accord-
ance with which the members will undertake to ex-
tend such reciprocal assistance as each country can
reasonably be expected to contribute consistent
with its resources and geographical location, with
due regard to the requirements of economic recov-
ery, and in the form in which it can most effec-
tively furnish it.
The Norwegian Government recognizes its obli-
gations in accordance with this principle, while
noting that the principle of self-help and mutual
aid is not inconsistent with the foreign policy pur-
sued by the Norwegian Government.
Wliile referring to what has been outlined above
concerning defense steps being undertaken and
recognizing that Norway must be prepared, in own
and mutual interest, to increase her military
capacity and production, the Norwegian Govern-
ment assumes that first priority should be given
to economic recovery and the maintenance of
economic stability.
The Norwegian Govermnent hopes that the
United States will be prepared to extend to Nor-
way military aid in accordance with the above
principles. The views of the United States Gov-
ernment as to the assistance it is prepared to ex-
tend, will be welcomed.
April 7, 1949
Reference is made to the Aide-Memoire of the
Norwegian Embassy, dated April 7, 1949 asking
the views of the United States Government with
respect to the provision of military assistance.
The Executive Branch of the United States
Government is prepared to recommend to the
United States Congress that the United States
provide military assistance to the Government of
Norway in order to assist it to meet the materiel
requirements of its defense program. It will be
requested of the Congress that such assistance be
in the form of military equipment from the United
States required by Norway's defense program and
the provision of some financial assistance for in-
creased military production on Norway's part
which may be required by its defense program.
Such assistance would be extended in recognition
of the principle of self-help and mutual aid con-
tained in the Atlantic Pact.
April 17, 1949
It is understood that the information previously
made available to the United States Government
by the Government of Norway concerning its re-
quirements for military assistance remains
unchaiiiied.
Rules for Emergency Aid Grants to
Chinese Students
[Released to the press April 7]
Rules under which emergency aid will be ren-
dered to certain Chinese students in the United
States from the $500,000 fund recently made avail-
able for this purpose by tlie State Department in
cooperation with EGA, were announced on April
2 by the Department of State.
Grants will be made to Chinese students in ur-
gent need wIk) are seniors or graduate students in
accredited U.S. colleges or universities and who
are specializing in certain technical and scientific
fields.
These grants, the Department announced, will
cover tuition, maintenance, and certain other ex-
penses. Amounts of the grants will be limited to
the sum necessary to enable the recipient (a) to
achieve an immediate and approved educational
objective, (b) to return to China and make his
knowledge and skill available in his own country'.
The basic principles and objectives of this emer-
gency program were reviewed and approved by the
United States Advisory Commission on Educa-
tional Exchange, a statutory Commission estab-
lislied for the purpose of formulating and recom-
mending educational exchange programs and
policies to the Secretary of State.
Qualifications
1. The student must be a citizen of the Republic
of China.
2. The student must have been engaged in a
course of study as of the fall semester 1948.
3. (a) He must be engaged in certain technical
fields of study.
(b) He cannot be enrolled in such schools as
fine arts; such courses as history, American law
or literature, and similar courses.
4. He must be enrolled in an accredited univer-
sity or college.
5. He must be in need of financial assistance.
6. He must sign a pledge to return to China,
where he can apply his skills when his education is
finished.
Procedures
1. Tlie President of each Universitj- where eli-
gible Cliinese students are enrolled will appoint an
official representative.
2. The Department of State will send this of-
ficial the application blanks, and letter of refer-
ence forms.
3. The student fills in the form and hands it to
the University official, who certifies to its accuracy,
and returns it to the Department of State.
4. The letters of reference will be sent by the
authors directly to the Department of State. The
references cannot be students, and must be ap-
proved by the University representative.
5. The Department determines the amount and
conditions of the award and notifies the student
and the University official.
Re>^ponsihiUty of the University
1. To appoint an official representative who
will :
(a) Issue application forms.
(b) Advise the student.
(c) Approve references.
(d) Certify to accuracy of the application.
{e) Receive notification of award.
(/) Notify the Department immediately when
tlie student severs his relationship with the
University.
(17) Notify the Department when the student
is doing imsatisfactorj- work.
(A.) Give a general report on all award students
at the end of quarters and semesters, and
at the end of the academic year.
I-ntragovernmental Working Committee
This Committee will consist of three persons, a
representative of the Department of State, of the
United States Office of Education, and of ECA,
with the Chairman from the Department of State.
This will be a focal point where ECA can estab-
lish criteria consonant with its legislative author-
ity, and the United States Office of Education will
make available its specialized knowledge and re-
sources in education. This Committee will meet
at regular intervals and will advise concerning
policy.
The Advisoty Committee on Emergency Aid to
Chinese Students
This Committee will consist of representatives
from interested private organizations, and two or
three cul hoc members from private life who will
.serve at the pleasure of the appointing officer.
This Committee will be appointed by the Depart-
ment of State, and will meet within 30 days of the
formal inauguration of the program to review,
comment, and advise. Subsequent meetings will
be called at the pleasure of the appointing officer.
Application
1. Students who are in college must apply
through the University official.
2. College and University officials and others
interested may direct correspondence to: Division
of Exchange of Persons, Department of State,
Washington 25, D.C.
Department of Stale Bulletin
U.S., U.K., and France Reach Agreement on All Questions
Relating to Germany ^
COMMUNIQUE
The Foreign Ministers of the United States,
United Kingdom, and France have discussed in
Washington the whole range of issues now pend-
ing in connection with Germany and have arrived
at complete agreement.
The text of an occupation statute in a new and
simpler form has been approved and is being trans-
mitted to the German Parliamentary Council at
Bonn. Agreement was reached on the basic prin-
ciples to govern the exercise of Allied powers and
responsibilities and also the tripartite Allied con-
trol machinery. The Foreign Ministers confirmed
and approved agreements on the subject of plant
dismantling, prohibited and restricted industries,
and the establishment of an International Ruhr
Authority, all of which were recently negotiated
in London.
The occupation statute will define the powers
to be retained by the occupation authorities upon
the establishment of the German Federal Republic
and set forth basic procedures for the operation of
Allied supervision. Subject only to the limitations
of the statute, the German Federal State and the
participating Laender will have full legislative,
executive, and judicial powers, in accordance with
the basic law and with their respective constitu-
tions. The statute aims to permit the German
people to exercise democratic self-government.
Provision is made for a review of the terms of the
statute after a year in force.
With the establishment of the German Federal
Republic, there will be a marked change in the
oi'ganization to carry out occupation responsi-
bilities. Military Government as such will be ter-
minated, and the functions of the Allied author-
ities will become mainly supervisory. Each of the
Allied establishments in Germany will come under
the direction of a High Commissioner, aside from
the occupation forces which will remain headed
by military commanders. The three High Com-
missioners together will constitute an Allied High
Commission, which will be the supreme Allied
agency of control. In order to permit the German
Federal Republic to exercise increased respon-
sibility for domestic affairs and to reduce the
burden of occupation costs, staff personnel shall
be kept to a minimum.
The German Government authorities will be at
liberty to take administrative and legislative ac-
tion, and such action will have validity if not dis-
approved by Allied authorities. There will be
certain limited fields in which the Allies will re-
serve the right to take direct action themselves or
to direct German authorities to take action. How-
ever, these fields will be limited, and aside from
security matters, the exercise of direct powers by
the Allies is regarded in many instances as self-
liquidating in nature.
It was agreed that a major objective of the three
Allied Governments was to encourage and facili-
tate the closest integration, on a mutually benefi-
cial basis, of the German people under a demo-
cratic federal state within the framework of a
European association. In this connection it is
understood that the German Federal Republic
will negotiate a separate bilateral ECA agreement
with the United States and should participate as
a full member in the Organization for European
Economic Cooperation, thus becoming a respon-
sible partner in the European Recovery Program.
STATEMENT BY SECRETARY ACHESON
As the communique indicates, the three West-
ern Governments reached complete agreement on
all the questions relating to Germany which have
been under negotiation between them in both
London and Berlin during the past few months.
On plant dismantling and on prohibited and re-
stricted industries, Ambassador Douglas suc-
ceeded in obtaining agreement in London a few
days before the talks in Washington began. These
were extremely difiicult and complicated matters,
and the understanding reached in London con-
tributed greatly to the success of the discussions
held here.
The three Ministers confirmed and approved
the agreements on plant dismantling and pro-
hibited and restricted industries. With respect to
dismantling, publication will be withheld pending
notification to the Inter-Allied Reparations
Agency at Brussels, which will be made in a few
days. "We are awaiting confirmation of a defini-
tive text by the Military Governors in Germany
before publishing the results of the agreement
on prohibited and restricted industries.
The Ministers also gave formal approval to
the statute published in London at the end of
December last year for the setting up of an Inter-
' Released to the press Apr. 8, 1949.
April 17, 7949
national Authority for the Ruhr. Steps will be
taken immediately for the organization of this
Authority.
You will recall that intergovernmental discus-
sions were started in London in January on the
occupation statute for Western (iermany and on
the principles which would govern an agreement
on trizonal fusion. While considerable progress
was made in London on both these subjects, no
agreement had been reached prior to the arrival
here of the French and British Foreign Minis-
ters. In our AVashington discussions, we were
able to clear up all outstanding points and suc-
ceeded in drafting a much simpler occupation
statute, which will be shortly transmitted to the
Parliamentary Council at Bonn for the latters
information in the formulation of the basic law.
We also agreed on basic provisions for tlie estab-
lishment of an Allied High Commission and on
the basic principles which will be embodied in
trizonal fusion. A more detailed and technical
trizonal fusion agreement will have to be con-
cluded, as was done in the case of the bizonal
fusion agreement with the British. The settle-
ment of the princii)al points now clears the way
for the drafting of tliis formal agreement. Com-
plete trizonal fusion will follow^ with the estab-
lishment of the German Federal Government.
MESSAGE TO THE MILITARY GOVERNORS
The Foreign Ministers of the United States,
United Kingdom, and France take the occasion
of their meeting in Washington for the discussion
of German matters to extend jointly their sincere
appreciation to their Military Governors for the
outstanding manner in which they have per-
formed their missions in the last trying yeai-s.
The Ministers, speaking in behalf of their Gov-
ernments, desire to express their admiration of
the able and devoted manner in which the three
Commanders-in-Chief have accomplished the im-
mense task that has confronted them in Germany.
The Commanders-in-Chief have assumed for their
Governments the burden of bringing together the
remnants of a Germany which war and chaos had
reduced to a cauldron of misery and where all
organized government had been destroyed. In
these four j^ears the task of reconstruction and
pacification has proceeded without a single inci-
dent of serious import. This is an unparallelcil
accomplishment.
The firm foundation laid by the Military Gov-
ernors has made possible the agreement reached
in Washington by tlie Foreign IMinisters on mat-
ters connected with Germany. They are confi-
dent that the pioneer work of these soldier-states-
men will now lead on to the evolution of a demo-
cratic and peaceful Germany.
TEXT OF OCCUPATION STATUTE
In tlie exorcise of the supreuu' autliority which
is retained by the Govei-iiments of France, the
United States and the United Kingdom.
AVe. Geneijal Pierre Koenig, Military Governor
and Commander-in-Chief of the French Zone of
Germany,
General Lucius D. Clay, Military Governor
and Commander-in-Chief of the United States
Zone of Germany, and
General Sir Brian Hubert Robertson, Mil-
itary Governor and Conimander-in-Chief of the
British Zone of Germany,
Do HERI.BT JOINTLY PROCXu\IM THE FOLLOWING
ocx"UP.\TioN statute:
1. During the period in which it is necessary
tliat the occupation continue, the Governments of
France, the United States and the United King-
dom desire and intend that the German people
shall enjoy self-govermnent to the maximum pos-
sible degree consistent with such occupation. The
Federal State and the participating Laender shall
have, subject only to the limitations in this Instru-
ment, full legislative, executive and judicial pow-
ers in accordance with the Basic Law and with
their respective constitutions.
2. In order to ensure the accomplishment of the
basic purposes of the occupation, powers in the
following fields are specifically reserved, includ-
ing the right to request and verify information and
statistics needed by the occupation authorities:
(a) disarmament and demilitarization, includ-
ing related fields of scientific research, prohibitions
and restrictions on industry and civil aviation;
(6) controls in regard to the Ruhr, restitution,
reparations, decartelization, deconcentration, non-
discriminaticm in trade mattei-s, foreign interests
in Germany and claims against Germany;
(c) foreign affairs, including international
agreements made by or on behalf of Germany;
(d) displaced pereons and the admission of
refugees ;
(e) protection, prestige, and security of Allied
forces, dependents, employees, and representatives,
their inimuiiities and satisfaction of occupation
costs and their other requirements;
(/) respect for the Basic Law and the Land
constitutions;
(fj) control over foreign trade and exchange;
(/() control over internal action, only to the
niiniinum extent necessary to ensure use of funds,
food and oilier supplies in such manner as to re-
duce to a minimum the need for external assistance
to Germany;
(/) control of the care and treatment in Ger-
man prisons of persons charged before or sen-
tenced by the courts or tribunals of the occupying
powers or occupation authorities; over the carrj'-
ing out of sentences imposed on them; and over
questions of amnesty, pardon or release in relation
to them.
Department of State Bulletin
3. It is the hope and expectation of the Gov-
ernments of France, the United States and the
United Kingdom that the occupation authorities
will not have occasion to take action in fields other
than those specifically reserved above. Tlie oc-
cupation authorities, however, reserve the right,
acting under instructions of their Governments,
to resume, in whole or in part, the exercise of full
authority if they consider that to do so is essen-
tial to security or to preserve democratic govern-
ment in Germany or in pursuance of the inter-
national obligations of their governments. Before
so doing, they will formally advise the appropri-
ate German authorities of their decision and of
the reasons therefor.
4. The German Federal Government and the
governments of the Laender shall have the power,
after due notification to the occupation authorities,
to legislate and act in the fields reserved to these
authorities, except as the occupation authorities
otherwise specifically direct, or as such legislation
or action would be inconsistent with decisions or
actions taken by the occupation authorities
themselves.
5. Any amendment of the Basic Law will re-
quire the express approval of the occupation au-
thorities before becoming effective. Land consti-
tutions, amendments thereof, all other legislation,
and any agreements made between the Federal
State and foreign governments, will become ef-
fective twenty-one days after official receipt by
the occupation authorities unless previously dis-
approved by them, provisionally or finally. The
occupation authorities will not disapprove legis-
lation unless in their opinion it is inconsistent
with the Basic Law, a Land Constitution, legis-
lation or other directives of the occupation author-
ities tliemselves or the provisions of this Instru-
ment, or unless it constitutes a grave threat to the
basic purposes of the occupation.
6. Subject only to the requirements of their se-
curity, the occupation authorities guarantee that
all agencies of the occupation will respect the civil
rights of every person to be protected against
arbitrary arrest, search or seizure; to be repre-
sented by counsel; to be admitted to bail as cir-
cumstances warrant; to communicate with rela-
tives; and to have a fair and prompt trial.
7. Legislation of the occupation authorities
enacted before the effective date of the Basic Law
shall remain in force until repealed or amended
by the occupation authorities in accordance with
the following provisions:
(a) legislation inconsistent with the foregoing
will be repealed or amended to make it consistent
herewith ;
(6) legislation based upon the reserved powers,
referred to in paragraph 2 above, will be codified ;
(c) legislation not referred to in (a) and (b)
will be repealed by the occupation authorities on
request fi-om appropriate German authorities.
8. Any action shall be deemed to be the act of
the occupation authorities under the powers herein
reserved, and effective as such under this Instru-
ment, when taken or evidenced in any manner
provided by any agreement between them. The
occupation authorities may in their discretion ef-
fectuate their decisions either directly or through
instructions to the appi'opriate German author-
ities.
9. After 12 months and in any event within 18
months of the effective date of this Instrument
the occupying powers will undertake a review of
its provisions in the light of experience with its
operation and with a view to extending the juris-
diction of the German authorities in the legisla-
tive, executive and judicial fields.
Absentee-Owned Properties in U.S. Zone
in Germany To Be Returned
[Keleased to the press by OMGUS in Berlin March 26]
Certain properties having an individual value of
DM 10,000 or less, located in the U.S. area of con-
trol of Germany which are presently under prop-
erty control custody of Military Government and
belong to absentee owners will be released after
May 15, 1949, to the former custodians, who man-
aged the property at the time it was taken into
custody by Military Government, providing such
custodians are able to give evidence that they
presently retain the confidence of the alien owners.
Property Division of OMGUS announced on
March 26. The properties affected are further
limited to those which were taken into control by
Military Government solely by reason of absentee
ownership.
Nearly 8,000 pieces of property with a total
value approximating RM 70,000,000 are involved.
The absentee owners will be notified of the action
to be taken relative to their property. If the
property owner chooses, he may nominate his own
agent to accept release of the property before May
15, 1949. In the event, however, that the owner
does not take this opportunity to name his own
agent. Military Government will thereafter release
the property to the former custodian, providing
certain conditions are met, and that he produces
evidence to show that he is still acceptable to the
owner.
Each agent or close relative of an absentee
owner, in order to reassume responsibility for such
properties he formerly administered in the U.S.
area of control, will be required to sign a certificate
acknowledging receipt of the property and agree-
ing to notify his principal that the property will
nevertheless remain subject to the provisions of
Military Government Law No. 52, as well as all
other applicable laws, ordinances, directives,
orders, or regulations of Military Government.
The properties will thus remain subject to the
April 17, 1949
Military Govornment policy concerning morato-
rium oil foreign investments; and unless the owner
or his agent is granted a special license, he may
not make other than ordinaiy business expendi-
tures in connection with the released property.
The Property Division of OMGUS announced
that this step is being taken in pursuance of the
policy of Military Government to release as
quickly as possible" the properties of all absentee
owners, and to withdraw from the field of prop-
erty control. It is anticipated that this step will
result in the release of approximately 80 percent
of the number of all absentee-ownecl properties
still under Military Government property control
custody in the U.S. area of control, altliough the
value of tliesc ])r()i)erties constitutes only 10 per-
cent of the value of controlled absentee-owned
properties.
U.S. Official Interviews American Soldiers
Held Prisoners in Czechoslovakia
[Released to the press April fi]
Capt. Donald G. McNamara, assistant military
attache, and Consul Carroll C. Parry, accom-
panied by two representatives of the Czechoslovak
Government yesterday afternoon visited the two
soldiers, George R. Jones and Clarence R. Hill,
at Bory prison near Pilsen. The two men were
interviewed separately in the presence of the fore-
going persons as well as the prison warden and an
interpreter.
The men admit having voluntarily entered
Czechoslovakia about midnight on December 8,
1948, in uniform and about .5 : 00 a. m. the follow-
ing day were arrested while asleep in a switch
hotise on the railway near tlie border. They weri'
confined at several places and were tried by a court
in Praha which sentenced them to twelve (Hill)
and ten years (Jones). The men appeared to be
in good health. They are now confined at Bory
prison near Pilsen. In the light of the interview,
the Embassy is asking the Foreign Office for fur-
ther information.
Time Extended for Patent Applications in
Japan
[Released to the press March 20]
The Department of State announced on March
29 the issuance by the United States Government
of an interim directive to the Supreme Com-
mander for the Allied Powers regarding the ex-
tension of time for exorcising the right of priority
for patent applications in Jajian. The Depart-
ment pointed out that this interim directive is
complementary to a recent policy decision of the
Far Eastern Commission regarding patents, util-
ity models, and designs in Japan. Because the
Commission did not take action on the urgent mat-
ter of extension of priority rights, this Govern-
ment has acted in accordance with the authority
granted it in paragraph III, 3 of the terms of
reference of the Far Eastern Commission which
provides :
The Uiiiteil States Goveninieiit may issue Interim di-
rectives to the Supreme Commander pending action by
the Commission whenever urgent matters arise not covered
by policies already formulated by the Ct)mmission: pro-
vided that any directives dealing with fundamental
changes in the Japanese constitutional structure or In
the regime of control, or dealing with a change in the
.Japanese Government as a whole will be issued only fol-
lowing consultation and following the attainment of agree-
ment in the Far Eastern Commission.
The Department explained that the urgency for
a policy on priority for patent applications in
Japan is accentuated by the long period which has
elapsed since it was last possible for nationals of
countries at war with .Japan to file i)atent applica-
tions in .Japan. Under normal circumstances, per-
sons wjio had filed in any country a first applica-
tion for a patent and wished to have comparable
protection in Japan would have filed an applica-
tion there within a year in order to take advantage
of the priority right derived from the previous
first filing. Bv extending the priority period, the
interim directive affords protection to persons who
have not been able to exercise their priority rights
in Japan because of the war. The interim direc-
tive also provides that third parties who have,
before the filing of the application in Japan, hona
fide manufactured, used, sold, or leased the sub-
ject matter of any Japanese patent obtained with
such priorities shall be given the usual protection
from liability for infringement.
The text of the interim directive, which has
been issued to the Supreme Commander for the
Allied Powers and will be filed with the Far
Eastern Commission, is as follows:
Nationals of countries at war with Japan who had duly
filed in any country the first application for a patent not
earlier than twelve months before the effective date of
loss of right to file patent applications in Japan should be
entitled, within twelve months after the date, as deter-
mined by the Supreme Commander, on which such Govern-
ments and nations are again p<^rmitted to apply for patents
directly to the Japanese Patent Office and to obtain legal
services necessary for this purpose, to apply for corre-
spondini; rights in Japan with a right of priority based
upon the previous first filing of the application. Third
parties who have hona fide manufactured, used, sold or
leased the subject matter of any Japanese patent obtained
with this priority should not be liable fur infringement on
a<'ciiunt of sucli use Init should be enabled to continue such
use after the filing of the application only under the terms
of ,'1 nonexclusive license which the patent owner should
lie rcMpiired to grant on terms providing for reasonable
royalties ;is fixed liy an agency to be authorized to malce
such determinations. Payment of such royalties should
he subject to applicable financial regulations in effect in
Japan at the time they are paid.
Department ot State Bulletin
Termination of Foreign Liquidation
Commission
[Released to the press March 24]
The Department of State announced on March
24 that the Office of the Foreign Liquidation Com-
missioner (FLC) has notified its remaining over-
seas offices of closing dates and that the liquidation
of the entire organization will be effected by June
30, 1949.
The agency has already disposed of approxi-
mately $10,300,000,000 (at procurement cost) of
war surplus located in foreign areas. Approxi-
mately $2,000,000,000, or about 20 percent of pro-
curement cost, was realized for the United States
from these sales. A large percentage of the sur-
plus consisted of used items or material which
would require conversion from military to civilian
use. Much of the surplus was located in out-of-
the-way places far from a favorable market. The
surplus consisted of about 4,000,000 types of items
of almost eveiy conceivable type of material rang-
ing from mules to entire naval yards.
The FLC still has on hand approximately $13,-
000,000 (at procurement cost) of noncombat war
surplus consisting chiefly of returned lend-lease
equipment, wrecked vessels, and related maritime
items located at various Pacific islands.
Field offices of the FLC were notified of their
termination dates as follows : Central Field Com-
missioner for Europe, at Paris, May 15, 1949 ; Cen-
tral Field Commissioner for Pacific Islands, Asia,
and Australia, located at Manila, May 15; field
representative for Australia and Southern Pacific,
at Sydney, March 31; Field Commissioner for
Marianas, Marshall-Gilbert ai-ea, at Guam, May
15; and special representative for Latin America
and the Antilles, at Balboa, March 31.
Already closed are FLC field offices at New
Delhi, for India and Pakistan; Cairo, for the
Middle East; London, for the British Isles; Rome,
for southern Europe and North Africa; Eio de
Janeiro, for South America ; Shanghai, for China;
and Canada and the North Atlantic field offices
located in the Washington, D. C, Central Office.
With the liquidation of the FLC on June 30,
its residual functions not absorbed by the Depart-
ment's permanent establishment will be trans-
ferred to other Government agencies. The actual
disposal of any remaining overseas surplus will
be handled by the owning agencies, principally
the Departments of the Army Air Force, and
Navy, under an amendment to FLC regulation 8,
which governs the foreign disposal operations
under the Surplus Propei'ty Act of 1944.
The predecessor of the Office of the Foreign
Liquidation Commissioner was the Office of the
Army-Navy Liquidation Commissioner, which
began its existence in February 1945, under the
control of the Surplus Property Board, which had
been established by the Surplus Property Act.
The functions and staff of this organization were
transferred, effective October 20, 1945, to the juris-
diction of the Department of State by executive
order, and the agency was renamed the Office of
the Foreign Liquidation Commissioner.
Maj. Gen. Clyde L. Hyssong is the present
Foreign Liquidation Commissioner. He succeeded
Fred W. Ramsey.
Aid to Ciiinese Students in the U.S.
[Released to the press jointly with ECA March 30]
An agreement has been reached between the
Department of State and the Economic Coopera-
tion Administration whereby $500,000 is being
turned over to the Department by ECA for tem-
porary aid to Chinese students in the United
States in certain scientific and technical fields.
Details concerning the administration of the fund
are being worked out between ECA and the De-
partment and will be announced in the near
future. In the meantime, no one is presently au-
thorized to receive applications for assistance
under tliis program, which is undertaken follow-
ing a request by the Government of China to
ECA.
This is an emergency program designed to en-
able qualified Chinese students to achieve immedi-
ate professional objectives in certain scientific and
technical fields and to enable them to return to
China as soon as possible to make use of the
knowledge and skill acquired in the United States.
Funds for this program will be made available
from the appropriation for assistance to China
under the China Aid Act of 1948.
April 17, 1949
^€yrUen/6/
Treaty Information
Signing Ceremony of the North Atlantic
Treaty: Page
Program 471
Remarks by Dean Acheson 471
Remarks by Paul-Henri Spaak 472
Remarks by L. B. Pearson 473
Remarks by Gustav Rasmussen 474
Remarks by Robert Schuman 474
Remarks by Bjarni Benediktsson .... 475
Remarks by Carlo Sforza 476
Remarks by Joseph Bech 476
Remarks by Dirk U. Stikker 477
Remarks by Halvard Lange 478
Remarks by Jos6 Caeiro Da Malta . . . 479
Remarks by Ernest Bevin 480
Address of the President of the United
States 481
The Atlantic Community and the United
Nations. By Ambassador Philip C.
Jessup 486
Request for Military Assistance From Atlan-
tic Pact Countries:
Statement by Secretary Acheson .... 493
E.xchange of Communications Between the
Brussels Treaty Powers and the United
States 494
Exchange of Communications Between the
Governments of Denmark and the U.S. . 495
Exchange of Notes Between the Govern-
ments of Italy and the U.S 496
Exchange of Communications Between the
Governments of Norway and the U.S. . 497
The United Nations and Specialized
Agencies
Reconvening of the Third Session of the
General As.sembly:
Statement by Secretary Acheson .... 483
Agenda 483
Tlie United Nations and Specialized
Agencies — Continued
U.S. Views on Former Italian Colonies.
Statement by John Foster Dulles . . .
The Atlantic Community and the United
Nations. Statement by Ambassador
Philip C. Jessup
Resolution on Trade Union Rights. Freedom
of Association
The United States in the United Nations . .
484
490
491
Occupation Matters
U.S., U.K., and France Reach Agreement on
All Questions Relating to Germany:
Communique 499
Statement by Secretary Acheson .... 499
Message to the Military Governors . . . 500
Text of Occupation Statute 500
Absentee-Owned Properties in U.S. Zone in
Germany To Be Returned 501
Time Extended for Patent Applications in
Jajian 502
International Information and Cultural
Affairs
Rules for Emergency Aid Grants to Chinese
Students 498
.4id to Chinese Students in the U.S 503
The Department
Termination of Foreign Liquidation Commis-
sion 503
General Policy
U.S. Official Interviews American Soldiers
Held Prisoners in Czechoslovakia . . .
502
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U.S., U.K., AND FRANCE REACH AGREE-
MENT ON GERMAN REPARATION
PROGRAM 524
REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE
TO THE PRESIDENT ON NORTH
ATLANTIC TREATY 532
THE INTERNATIONAL WHEAT AGREE-
MENT OF 1949 • An Article by Edward G.
Cale 507
For complete contents see back cover
Vol. XX, No. 512
April 24, 1949
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MAY 3 1949
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Vol. XX, No. 512 • I'lblication 3493
April 24, 1949
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The International Wheat Agreement of 1949
By EDWARD G. CALE
Associate Chief, International Resources Division
For the second year in succession the negotia-
tions pliase of formulating an international wheat
agreement has been successfully concluded. The
general structure of the agi-eement and its essential
features are the same as those of the agreement
which was negotiated at the special session of the
International Wheat Council held in Washington
from January 28 until March 6, 1948, but never
2)laced in effect.' The new agreement, like the
1948 agreement, is a multilateral contract under
which member exporting countries agree to supply
specified quantities of wheat to member importing
countries, if called upon to do so, at the maximum
prices provided for in the agi-eement. Member
impoitmg countries agree, conversely, to purchase
specified quantities of wheat from member export-
ing countries, if called upon to do so, at the mini-
mum prices provided for in the agreement. As
will be indicated, however, many of the terms of
the 1949 agreement are different from those of the
1948 agreement.
The 1948 wheat agreement provided for the con-
vening, in Washington in July 1948, by the Gov-
ernment of the United States of America, of the
first meeting of the Wheat Council established
under that agreement. It also provided that at
the opening of the first session of the Wheat Coun-
cil any government which had signed and ratified
the agreement might effect its withdrawal there-
from bj' notification to the Government of the
United States if, in the opinion of any such gov-
ernment, the guaranteed purchases or guaranteed
sales of the countries whose governments had rati-
fied the agreement were insufficient to insure its
successful operation. Wlien a large number of the
countries which had signed the 1948 agreement,
including the United States, announced that their
governments had not approved the agreement in
time to put it into effect on August 1, 1948, as ex-
pected. Great Britain, Australia, and several other
countries which had ratified it withdrew, and the
representatives of Canada and the other countries
remaining in the agreement adopted a resolution
recommending to their governments that the
agreement be considered inoperative as among
themselves.
The representatives of the countries which had
signed the agreement then adopted a resolution ap-
pointing a Preparatory Committee to keep under
April 24, 7949
review the prospects of concluding a new agree-
ment and invited the United States Government
to arrange to convene a meeting of the Committee
if at any time, after consultation with the Com-
mittee's chairman, this meeting should appear to
be desirable. The resolution further provided
that should the Prepai'atory Committee recom-
mend that an international conference be held to
negotiate a new international wheat agreement,
the United States Government should be invited
to convene such a conference.
An informal meeting of the Preparatory Com-
mittee was convened at the request of the United
States during the Fao Conference held in Wash-
ington in the latter half of November. At this
meeting the Committee was informed of the i^ro-
posal by the United States Govez-nment to convene
an International Wlieat Conference on or about
January 25, 1949, and later on December 3, 1948,
the Committee approved the convening of the Con-
ference. Invitations to the Conference were ini-
tially sent to all governments that were members
either of the Fao of the United Nations or of the
United Nations itself. The Government of Israel
later expressed a desire to be represented and was
invited to send an observer. Toward the end of
the Conference the status of the representative of
Israel was changed from that of observer to that
of a plenipotentiary delegate by action of the Con-
ference.
In all, 56 countries were represented at the Con-
ference, 48 by delegates and 8 by observers. In
addition, observers of six international organiza-
tions attended. The countries represented by del-
egates were: Argentina, Austi'alia, Austria, Bel-
gium, Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Ceylon, Chile,
China, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Denmark,
Dominican Eepublic Ecuador, Egj'pt, El Salvador,
France, Greece, Guatemala, India, Iran, Ireland,
Israel, Italy, Lebanon, Liberia, Mexico, the
Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Norway,
Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Philippines, Poland,
Portugal, Saudi Arabia, Sweden, Switzerland,
Union of South Africa, Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics, United Kingdom, United States, Uru-
guaj', and Yugoslavia. The countries sending
^Documents and State Papers, May 194S, p. 102. The
1949 agreement will be printed in Documents and State
Papers for May 1949.
observers were: Afghanistan, Czeclioslovakia,
Ethiopia, Finland, Pakistan, Syria, Turkey, and
Venezuela.
The international organizations represented at
the Conference by observers were : The Food and
Agriculture Organization, the International
Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the
United Nations, the Interim Coordinating Com-
mittee for International Commodity Arrange-
ments, and the Interim Commission of the Inter-
national Trade Organization.
A large part of the work of the Conference was
done in meetings of the full Conference sitting as
a committee of the whole. Smaller committees
and working parties were established, however,
with specific assignments, which often involved
problems requiring more detailed consideration
than could advantageously be given in meetings
of the full Conference.
Although the Steering Committee was in a posi-
tion to consider all problems of major importance
to the Conference, most of its attention was de-
voted to actions relating to the duration of the
agreement and to the maximum and minimvmi
prices that it should contain.
The principal tasks of the Price Equivalents
Committee were related to the development of
formulae for determining in the currencies of the
exporting countries that were expected to be in the
agreement the maximum and minimum prices for
various types of wheat in relation to the grade of
Canadian wheat (No. 1 Manitoba Northern) which
was taken as a basic grade for purposes of the
agreement. Since France and Uruguay had indi-
cated that they intended to participate in the
agreement as exporters and since these countries
had not been exporters under the agi'eement signed
in 1948, one of the principal matters considered by
the Committee was the price equivalents for these
countries.
The Working Party on Quantities was given
the task of equating the total quantity of wheat
which exporting countries wished to sell under the
agreement with the total quantity of wheat which
importing countries wished to purchase and of
working out the relative shares of each country
in the total quantity of its group.
The Working Party on Flour directed its atten-
tion to a number of problems relating to the p\ir-
chase and sale of wheat flour, rather than wheat
grain, as a part of the guaranteed quantities under
the agreement.
The Working Party on articles III and XVII
dealt with questions regarding the recording of
transactions under the wheat agreement by the
Wlieat Council. The numbers of the articles re-
ferred to were those of the 1!)4S draft, the 1048
agreement having been adopted by the Conference
as its annotated agenda. The article in the new
agreement dealing with the recording of transac-
tions against guaranteed quantities is article IV,
rather than article III or XVII.
Tlie Working Party on Voting Provisions
studied all sections of the agreement where the
question of voting would arise and made recom-
mendations as to the size of the vote that should
be required in each case.
'J'he first meeting of the Conference was held on
January '20 and the last meeting on March 23.
During this period the Conference was in con-
tinuous session. All meetings except tlie first, on
January 26, and the last, on March 23, were in
executive session. Arrangements were made, how-
ever, for certain of the principal officers of the
Conference to meet with the press from time to
time and to issue releases regarding developments
at the Conference so that the public might be kept
advised of the progress of the negotiations. At the
final session, on March 23, which was open to the
public, copies of the agreement and a release de-
scribing its principal features were distributed to
the press.
Tlie agreement consists of a preamble and 23
articles. The preamble, which is somewhat shorter
than that of the 1948 agreement, indicates the pur-
pose of the agreement — the intention "to over-
come the serious hardship caused to producers and
consumers by burdensome surpluses and critical
shortages of wheat."
Tlie new agreement, as compared with the 1948
agreement, is believed to embody a number of
improvements in terminology. The agreement has
also, in the interest of a more logical arrangement
and sequence, been subdivided into five parts and
the articles grouped under them in a somewhat
different order from that observed in the 1948
agreement.
Part 1 (General) includes two articles, article I,
in which the objectives of the agi'eement are stated,
as they were in the 1948 agreement, as being "to
assure supplies of wheat to importing countries
and markets for Avheat to exporting countries at
equitable and stable prices," and article II, giving
definitions of numerous terms used in the
agreement.
Part 2 (Rights and Obligations) consists of
articles III through VIII. This is the principal
substantive part of the agi'eement. Annexes to
article III show the quantities of wheat which the
exporting countries are committed to sell at the
maximum prices and those which the importing
countries are committed to buy at the minimum
prices. Article IV, as mentioned, deals with the
recording of transactions against the guaranteed
quantities. Article V relates to the enforcement
of the rights of exporting countries and importing
countries under the agreement. Article Vl con-
tains the price provisions of the agreement.
Article VII contains a general undertaking of
both exporting and importing countries regard-
ing the maintenance of stocks. Article VIII pro-
vides that the exporting and importing countries
shall report to the Council, within the time pre-
scribed by it, such information as the Council may
Department of Stale Bulletin
request in connection with the administration of
the agi-eement.
Part 3 (Adjustment of Guaranteed Quantities)
is made up of four articles. Article IX indicates
the way in which the total export quantities and
the total import quantities will be brought into
equilibrium in the event that some countries fail
to participate in the agreement or withdraw there-
from. Article X deals with adjustments in the
guaranteed quantities which may be made neces-
sary by a short crop in an exporting country or
by monetary difficulties in an importing country.
Article XI provides a method whereby an in-
crease might be made simidtaneously in the guar-
anteed quantities of the exporting countries and
the importing countries. Article XII provides
a procedure whereby the guaranteed quantities
of the importing countries might be reduced in
order to provide wheat for the relief of a critical
need that has arisen in another importing country
which is a signatory to the agreement.
Part 4 (Administration) contains seven articles.
Article XIII establishes an International Wheat
Council to administer the agreement, provides for
its constitution, its power and functions, for vot-
ing in the Council, and for other related matters.
Article XIV provides for an Executive Committee
which is to be responsible to and work under the
general direction of the Council. Article XV
provides for the establishment of an Advisory
Committee on Price Equivalents, article XVI for
the Secretariat of the Council, article XVII for the
payment of annual contributions by the exporting
and importing countries to meet the expenses in-
cident to the administiation of the agreement, and
article XVIII deals with cooperation between the
Wlieat Council and other intergovernmental or-
ganizations. Article XIX relates to the handling
of disputes and complaints.
Part 5 (Final Provisions) contains four arti-
cles. Article XX deals with the signature, ac-
ceptance, and entry into force of the agreement.
Article XXI provides for accession to the agree-
ment by countries other than those which are its
initial signatories. Article XXII relates to such
matters as duration, amendment, withdrawal
from, and termination of the agreement. Article
XXIII deals with the application of the agree-
ment in respect of the overseas territories of the
countries signing the agreement.
Aside from the altered arrangement of articles
and the changes that have been made in drafting,
there are a number of important differences be-
tween the terms of the present agreement and the
terms of the 1948 draft. The principal changes
relate to duration, maximum and minimum prices,
and to the quantity of wheat covered by the agree-
ment. These differences are summarized in the
following tabulations.
It will be observed that the minimum prices
Ijrovided in the new agreement are 10 cents per
April 24, J 949
Duration of agreement
and quantity covered
1949
1948
Duration (years)
Quantity (bushels) ....
4
456, 283, 389
499,
5
997, 000
Price and
agreement
1948-
49
1949-
50
1950-
51
1951-
52
1952-
53
Maximum:
1949 ....
$1. 80
2.00
1. .50
$1. 80
2.00
1.40
1. 30
$1.80
2.00
1.30
$1.80
1948 ....
Minimum:
1949 ....
$2. 00
2.00
1.20
1948 ....
1. 50
1.
40
1. 20
1. 10
annum higher than those provided in the 1948
agreement. As will also be observed, the maxi-
mum price is 20 cents per bushel lower than under
the 1948 agreement. The guaranteed export quan-
tity in the 1949 agreement is not only less than
that under the 1948 agreement but also has to be
shared by five exporters instead of three, since
France, which had a guaranteed import quantity
of almost 36 million bushels under the 1948 agree-
ment, has a guaranteed export quantity under the
1949 agreement of slightly more than 3.3 million
bushels, and since Uruguay, which would have
been neither an exporter nor an importer under
the 1948 agreement, has a guaranteed export quan-
tity of slightly more than 1.8 million bushels.
The export quantities of the other exporting
countries have been reduced from 230 million
bushels in the 1948 agreement to a little over 203
million bushels in the 1949 agreement in the case of
Canada, from 185 million bushels to a little over
168 million bushels in the case of the United
States, and from 85 million bushels to 80 million
bushels in the case of Australia.
There are other changes in the new agreement
that are worthy of note. Greater attention is
given to outlining the general philosophy of the
agreement (article III) than was the case in the
1948 agreement. This does not involve a change
in concept so much as it does a change in presen-
tation. For example, exporting and importing
countries under either the 1948 agreement or the
1949 agreement would have been free to fulfil their
guaranteed quantities through private trade chan-
nels or otherwise, but this was implied in the 1948
agreement whereas it is specifically stated in the
1949 agreement (paragraph 8 of article III).
The 1949 agreement also provides in greater
detail than did the 1948 agreement for the record-
ing of transactions against guaranteed quantities.
This matter is dealt with in article IV of the new
agreement, in which certain principles are laid
down for the Council to follow in prescribing rules
of procedure for the recording of transactions.
Tlie 1949 agreement also gives more attention to
the way in wliicli wlieat Hour may be bouglit or
sold as part of tlie guaranteed quantities under the
agreement and of the criteria which the Council
shall follow in settling disagreements which may
arise between cxportincr and importing countries
over this mutter (paragraphs 1 (c), 1 (e), 2 (c),
and 2 (c) of article V). Wheat Hour can be substi-
tuted for wheat grain in fulfilment of obligations
under the^ agreement if agreed to by buyer and
seller. Where countries cannot agree as to the
relative amounts of wheat grain and wheat flour
which tliey should buy or sell, the matter is to be
settled by tlie Couiicii. In settlmg such matters,
the Council will be expected to consider any
circumstances which the interested countries wish
to submit for consideration, such as industrial pro-
gi-ams of any country that might have a bearing
on the problem as well as the normal traditional
volume and ratio of imports of wheat Hour and
wheat gi'ain imported by the importing country
concerned.
The 1949 agreement also gives the Council more
latitude in placing the agreement into operation
than did the 194S agi-eement. The agi-eement will
enter into force in respect of parts 1, 3, 4, and 5 on
July 1, 1949, provided the governments of import-
ing countries responsible for not less tlian 70 per-
cent of the guaranteed purchases and the govern-
ments of the exporting countries responsible for
not less than 80 percent of the guaranteed sales
have accepted the agreement by that date, and the
Council may fix a date as late as September 1. 1949,
on which part 2 (Rights and Obligations) shall
enter into force between those governments wjiich
have accepted it (paragraph 3 of article XX).
The Council is therefore given a period of as nuich
as two months (July 1 to September 1) to attempt
to readjust the totals of the export and import
quantities if difliculties should arise because of
failure of some of the governments to sign or
ratify the agreement. Under the 1948 agreement
a country which felt that an insufficient number of
countries had signed and ratified it to insure its
successful operation was permitted to withdraw,
but it had to exercise this right at the beginning of
the first session of the Council in July. Tlie new
agreement permits wtihdrawal up to September 1.
1949, under such conditions (paragraph fi of
article XXII). thereby permitting the Council
and the various countries concerned additional
time in which to attempt to make the adjustments
that may be necessary to make the agreement an
effective operating instrument if certain of the
countries do not become participants.
Two other changes of minor impoj-tance are the
facts that the United States Government is to be
the depository of amendments which may be made
to the agreement as well as of the original agree-
ment itself, whereas under the 1948 agreement the
Wheat Council would have served as the deposi-
tory of amendments, and that the article on terri-
toi-ial application in the 1949 agreement is drafted
in such a way as to obviate the necessity of par-
ticipating countries listing their territories in re-
spect of which the agreement is to apply, as was
done in the 1948 agreement.
There have been deletions from as well as ad-
ditions to the new agi-eement. For example,
there is no counterpart in the 1949 agi-eement to
article VII of the 1948 agreement, which pro-
vided that the Council might use its good offices
in assisting an exporting or an importing country
to make additional sales or purchases. There is
also no counterpart to article VIII of the 1948
agreement relating to sales for nutritional pro-
grams. The first of these was deleted because of
the belief that such an article would be of little
importance in view of improvements in the supply
position. As to the second, since the agreement
applies only to the quantities covered by its terms,
it appeared unnecessary to give the Council any
responsibility in respect of sales made outside its
terms.
TJiere were 36 signatories of the 1948 agree-
ment. 3 exporting countries and 33 importing
countries. Of these, two of the three exporting
countries — Canada and the United States — and
13 of the 33 importing countries — China. Colom-
bia. Denmark, Egypt, Greece. India. Ireland.
Lebanon. Liberia, tiie Netherlands. Peru, Portu-
gal, and the United Kingdom — signed the agree-
ment at the final session of the Wlieat Council in
which it was negotiated. The countries which
signed at that time accounted for more than 80
percent of the wheat covered on the export side
and more than fiO percent on the import side.
Forty-two governments have indicated their
intention of signing the 1949 agreement, five as
exjjorting countries and thirty-seven as importing
countries. As indicated earlier, the five export-
ing countries are Australia. Canada. France, the
Ignited States, and Uruguay. Three countries
which signed the 1948 agreement as importers
have shown no intention of participating in the
1949 agreement. These countries are Afghan-
istan, Czechoslovakia, and Poland. Eight coun-
tries which did not sign the 1948 agreement have
indicated an intention of signing the 1949 agree-
ment as importers. These are Bolivia, Ceylon, El
Salvador, Israel, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay,
and Saudi Arabia.
The governments signing the agreement at the
close of the Conference this year represented a
higher proportion on both theexport and import
sides than was the case last year. Representatives
of all the exporting countries and representatives
of 2.5 of the 37 importing countries which have
indicated an Intention of participating in this
year's agreement signed it on March 23 at the close
of the Conference. The countries which signed at
that time rejiresented 100 jjerccnt of the export
quantities covered by tlie agreement and 87 percent
of the import quantities covered.
Both Argentina and the U.S.S.R. indicated dur-
ing the Conference that they would not i)articipate
Department of State Bulletin
in the agreement. Neither was a signatory of last
year's agreement. Argentina was represented in
the negotiations botli last year and this. Its re-
fusal to participate in either agi-eement was ap-
parently the result of its dissatisfaction with the
maximum price provisions. The U.S.S.R., which
had not been represented in any of the postwar
wheat negotiations, took an active part in the ne-
gotiations this year. Its failure to become a signa-
tory of the agreement appears to have been largely,
if not altogether, attributable to a disagreement
as to the guaranteed export quantity which the
U.S.S.R. should have relative to the guaranteed
export quantities of the other exporting countries.
The following were the principal factors re-
sponsible for the attitude of the other exporting
countries concerning the appropriate size of the
guaranteed expoi-t quantity of the U.S.S.R. : the
share of the U.S.S.R. in world wheat trade since
the time of the First World War, the quantity of
wheat which the importing countries that had indi-
cated an intention of participating in the agree-
ment appeared to have included because of the
anticipated participation of the U.S.S.R., and the
current level of wheat exports from the U.S.S.R.
in relation to exports from the other principal
wheat exporting coimtries.
Prior to the First World War Russia was one
of the world's major exporters of wheat, its ex-
ports in the period 1909-13, having averaged al-
most 165 million bushels per year. Since that
time, however, U.S.S.R. participation in the
world wheat trade has been on a greatly reduced
basis. Its annual exports averaged approxi-
mately 9 million bushels for the j^eriod 1920-29,
approximately 34 million bushels for the period
1930-39, and, as was to have been expected in view
of the Second World War, its exports have been
much lower during the 1940's than during the
1930's. Its exports to all countries are believed, at
present, to be at the rate of 40 to 45 million bushels
a year. From 15 to 20 million bushels of these
exports are believed to be going to countries such
as Czechoslovakia and Finland, which had indi-
cated no intention of participating in the agree-
ment. Accordingly, exports from the U.S.S.R.
to the countries that were expected to participate
in the agreement are running at an annual rate
of from 20 to 30 million bushels. Furthermore,
an analj'sis of the quantities of wheat which the
importing countries had shown an intention to
purchase under the agreement from all the ex-
porting countries, including the U.S.S.R., indi-
cated that not more than 40 million bushels was
attributable to the anticipated participation of the
U.S.S.R. Under tliese circumstances, the other
exporting countries felt that a guaranteed ex-
port quantity in excess of 40 million bushels would
mean giving up to the U.S.S.R. markets which
such countries had been accustomed to supply and
which they could expect to supply under the agree-
ment. Because of their desire to have the
U.S.S.R. participate in the agreement, however,
April 24, 7949
the other exporting countries stated that they
would be prepared to agree to a guaranteed ex-
port quantity of 50 million bushels for the
U.S.S.R. The U.S.S.R. Delegation at first pressed
for a guaranteed export quantity equivalent to 20
percent of the total quantity of wheat covered by
the agreement. The delegation finally indicated
that the U.S.S.R. was prepared to accept a quan-
tity of 75 million bushels but refused to accept a
smaller quantity, altliougli it was pointed out by
representatives of some of the importing coun-
tries that a figure this large would involve a
change of sources of supply for some of the im-
porting countries that might well cause them se-
rious difficulties. Representatives of the export-
ing countries as well as of the importing coun-
tries expressed regret that the U.S.S.R. considered
itself to be unable to participate in the agreement
on terms which would have been acceptable to the
other signatories.
The Conference, ju.st as was the case last year,
realized that it would be necessary, prior to July
1, to make administrative and other arrangements
for the operation of the agreement. It therefore
established a Preparatory Committee for this pur-
pose consisting of the following countries : Austra-
lia, Benelux, Brazil, Canada, Egypt, France, India,
Italy, the United Kingdom, and the United States.
As indicated earlier, the governments have until
July 1, 1949, to approve the agreement. If the
agreement is to become effective, approval by July
1, 1949, by governments responsible for at least
80 percent of the exports under the agreement and
at least 70 percent of the imports will be required.
This means that the agreement cannot go into
operation unless approved by Canada, the United
Kingdom, and the United States, since the guar-
anteed quantity of each of these countries is in
excess of one third of the total guaranteed exports
or imports, as the case may be. On the export
side, tlie failure of France or Uruguay to approve
the agreement need not seriously prejudice the
chances of placing the agreement in effective oper-
ation, but the failure of Australia to approve
would confront the Council with very serious
problems at its July meeting. Furthermore, if
only a sufficient number of importing countries
approve the agreement to make up the 70 percent
which is needed to place parts of the agreement
other than those relating to rights and obligations
into effect on July 1, the Council, at its July meet-
ing, would also be faced with serious problems of
adjusting the guaranteed quantities of the export-
ing countries to this total.
On the basis of last year's experience, the period
April 15 to July 1 would appear to be no more
than adequate for obtaining approval by govern-
ments resiionsible for the required percentages of
the guaranteed export and import quantities. On
the other hand, the fact that the agreement, in its
essential features, is similar to the 1948 agi-eement,
which has been previously considered by govern-
ments, should be helpful.
THE UNITED NATIONS AND SPECIALIZED AGENCIES
The Problem of Voting in the Security Council
By AMBASSADOR WARREN R. AUSTIN >
The General Assembly has before it at this time
a resolution relating to the voting procedures of
the Security Council approved by the Ad Hoc Po-
litical Committee on December lU, ll)4s, in Paris.-
The exercise of the veto power on a number of
occasions has seriously undermined the confidence
of member states in the ability of the Security
Council to maintain international peace and secur-
ity. The chronic disagreement and deadlock in
the United Nations is a matter of deepest concern
to all tiiose who wish to see this organization func-
tion as it was intended — as an effective instrument
to safeguard our common interests in peace and
security. The use of the veto and tlie threat of its
use are symptoms of the prevailing disagreement.
All members of the United Nations liave as-
sumed definite obligations in the Charter. These
obligations constitute the law of the Charter bind-
ing upon all nations, large and small. The per-
manent members of the Security Council cannot,
through their special voting position, evade or nul-
lify these obligations. They cannot use their
privileged vote granted by the Charter, to defeat
the Charter. Under article 2, for example, all
members are bound to refrain from the threat or
use of force against the territorial integrity or
political inde])endence of any state, or in any
other manner inconsistent with the purposes of
the United Nations. If a permanent member at-
tempts to destroy through force, the political inde-
pendence of his neighbor contrarv to this obliga-
tion, the responsibility for the violation cannot be
avoided or obscured through the casting of a nega-
tive vote wlien the victim takes the aggression be-
fore the Council. The permanent member,
through tlie exercise of the veto, cannot deprive
members of the right to defend themselves, nor
take away the legal right or moral duty of other
members to come to the aid of the victim in de-
fense of the Charter.
The i)ractice of the veto is the very reverse of the
unanimity principle in the Security Council. In-
stead of leading to agreement, it aggravates differ-
ences. It provokes ill will and undermines
friendly relations among states upon which tlie
peace of the world depends. We must reject the
idea that if unanimity fails the will of one, however
'Address made before the General Assembly in New
York, N. Y., on Apr. i:5, ll)4!t, and rolcased to the press by
the U.S. Mission to tlie United Xiiiioiis on the same date.
' Bulletin of Jan. 23, liMit, p. 'M.
arbitrary, prevails over the will of many, however
reasonable. The unanimity principle cannot
^york where agreement is offered only on condi-
tion that the will of the. most intrans'igent mem-
ber must prevail.
To insist on the exercise of the veto regardless of
its effects on the organized international commu-
nity and to reject any efforts to regulate its appli-
cation under the Charter, in the light of experi-
ence, is to stand in the way of effective progress
b}' the United Nations.
Looking now to the immediate problem of im-
proving the functioning of the Security Council,
we have before us a resolution which was jointly
.sponsored in the Ad Hoc Political Committee by
four of the permanent members of the Security
Council— all except the Soviet Union. Tlie reso-
lution incorporates the substance of the recom-
mendations of the Interim Committee of tlie Gen-
eral Assembly. You will recall that the second
session of the General Assembly in 1947 requested
the Interim Committee to make a careful study of
tliis problem of voting procedures and to report
with its conclusions. Two sessions of the General
Assembly hacl considered and debated this prob-
lem. A majority of the member nations had
reached the conclusion that the effectiveness of the
Security Council to fulfil its proper function in
the United Nations was being jeopardized by the
abuse of the veto power by one of the permanent
members of the Security Council. There was,
however, little agreement on what measures could
appropriately be taken to improve the situation.
Under tlie circumstances it was considered desira-
ble that the entire matter be thoroughly studied
in a nonpolitical atmosphere with a viewto bring-
ing about a better understanding on the part of
all concerned as to the political and technical
problems involved. It was hoped that such a
study would throw more light on the problem with
less generation of heat than would be iiossible
in the General Assembly itself. It would also
bring to liglit much more clearly the exact areas
of agreement and disagreement among the various
member niitions.
The results of the study are now before us.
Even a superficial perusal of the resolution of the
Ad Hoc Committee must di.sclose that it is not
designed to alter fundamentally the unanimity
jM-inciple as it i.s embodied in the Charter. A very
great majoi-ity of the members of the United Na-
tions have expressed the view either explicitly or
Department of Stale Bulletin
implicitly that the unanimity principle is and
should remain a fundamental principle of the
Charter. A majority of the members of the
United Nations are opposed to any eilort being
made at this time to amend the Charter.
On the other hand, there is a large majority of
the members of the United Nations who are mak-
ing an anxious effort to design ways and means
of giving life to the unanimity principle and mak-
ing it work so that the Security Council can carry
out its function effectively. The working of this
principle requires an effort on the part of all mem-
bers of the United Nations and particularly the
permanent members of the Security Council to
reconcile their divergent views on the basis of
tolerance and mutual understanding.
The resolution before us sets us on the path
toward this objective. It represents a policy of
gradual liberalization of the voting procedures
of the Security Council through processes of in-
terpretation and application of the principles of
the Charter and through agreement of the mem-
bers of the Security Council. We rely on proc-
esses of discussion, definition, regulation, and
practice to move us forward toward our objective
and not upon revolutionary change. We recom-
mend restraint and self -discipline to member na-
tions in accordance with the letter and spirit of
the Charter as an appropriate means of giving life
to the unanimity principle and keeping it within
proper bounds.
In our view the proposals now before us are most
moderate. They are designed to be within the
limits of what is practicable under prevailing
world conditions. We firmly believe that if the
members of the United Nations would cooperate
in carrying out the program presented in these
proposals we would quickly see substantial
improvement in the effectiveness of the Security
Council's operations. You will recall that efforts
by the Assembly along similar lines in 1946 have
resulted in a substantial improvement. I refer to
the suggestions made by several members of the
Assembly during the debates that abstention of a
permanent member of the Security Comicil should
not be considered a veto. That practice was adop-
ted by common consent in the Security Council
and has now become a well-accepted Security
Council procedure. I believe all of you will agree
that the adoption of this practice has substan-
tially added to the effectiveness of the Security
Council. A number of important decisions of the
Council during the past two years has been ap-
proved with one or more of the permanent mem-
bers abstaining. At least one Security Council
decision under chapter VII and one decision rec-
ommending a state for membership has been
approved with a permanent member abstaining.
Let us now look at this resolution in more detail.
The work of the Interim Committee ^ on which the
resolution is based revealed the great potentiali-
ties which can be progressively realized under the
present Charter if there can be general agreement
upon a moderate course. By adoption of this reso-
lution, the Assembly would make an important
decision to the effect that 34 specified and de-
scribed decisions of the Security Council are pro-
cedural. This effect would principally arise out
of the first paragraph— "Recommends to the mem-
bers of the Security Council that, without preju-
dice to other decisions which the Security Council
may deem procedural, the decisions set forth in the
attached Annex be deemed procedural and that
the members of the Security Council conduct their
business accordingly :"
The principal criteria for placing these 34 items
in the category of decisions deemed procedural
were —
(a) Decisions under procedure provisions of the
Charter ;
( b ) Decisions relating to the internal procedure
of the United Nations ;
(c) Decisions relating to internal functioning
of the Security Council ;
(d) Decisions analogous to the foregoing;
(e) Decisions which implement procedural
decisons.
In short, the Interim Committee, after a thorough
study, concluded that these decisions are proce-
dural in the light of the express language of the
Charter, and of sound Charter interpretation.
This first paragraph is concerned with the rever-
sal of a tendency toward an unwarranted exten-
sion of the veto to areas where its application was
never contemplated by the Charter. Its purpose
is, also, to eliminate undisciplined use of the veto
contrary to the assumptions and understanding
under which the privileged vote was accorded to
the permanent members. This first paragraph is
simply an interpretation of the Charter according
to its letter and spirit. It amounts to saying to the
Security Council : "The proper interpretation of
the Charter forbids stultification of the Security
Council in the cases described." In a w^ord, the
effect of this paragraph of the resolution is to keep
certain enumerated types of decision in the cate-
gory of procedural. Its main objective, of course,
fs to give life to the purposes and principles of the
United Nations in accordance with which the Secu-
rity Council must act in the discharge of its duties.
This resolution, especially paragraph 1, would
be affected by the structural relationship between
the General Assembly and the Security Council.
Article 24 provides :
In order to ensure prompt and efEective action by the
United Nations, its Members confer on the Security Coun-
cil primary responsibility for the maintenance of interna-
tional peace and security, and agree that in carrying out
its duties under this responsibility the Security Council
acts on their behalf.
= Documents and State Papers, August 1948, p. 340.
April 24, 1949
Tliis preneral giiint of functions and powers, far
beyond the specific frrants found in chapters VI,
VII, VIII, and XII, is definitely characterized by
tlie very next paragraph of the Charter:
In lUschnrfring tlifse duties the Security Council shall
net in nrconliiiice with the Purp<jses and Principles of the
I'nitiHl Nations. . . .
This is mandatory. Conversely, article 25 pro-
vides :
The Members of the United Nations agree to accept and
carrj' out the decisions of the Security Council in accord-
ance with the present Charter.
In the light of the relationship between the
Security Council and the General Assembly, by
which all members are represented, a recommenda-
tion of this nature coming from the General As-
sembly will no doubt receive particular attention
from the members sitting on the Security Council.
This first paragraph does not al)ridge tlie luia-
nimity rule of voting. On the contrary, it gives it
life — vitality. As I have said, it would make the
Sectirity Council efficient with respect to matters
in which it is sometimes now stultified. It is pro-
posed at this time because the three years of prac-
tice in the Security Council has developed an
unforeseen and willful use of the veto based on
minority interpretation, contrary to majority
decision.
Now I shall advance to paragraph 2 of the
resolution. It contains a recommendation to the
permanent members of the Security Council that
they .seek agreement among themselves upon what
possible decisions of the Security Council they
might forbear to exercise tlieir veto when seven
affirmative votes are cast in the Council in supjiort
of such decisions. In seeking agi-eement, the per-
manent members are to give favorable consider-
ation to the list of decisions compiled by tlie
Interim Committee. The theory upon which the
Interim Committee prepared this list was that if
the permanent members could agree to refiaiii
from using their veto with reference to such deci-
sions, the Security Council would be able to per-
form its responsibilities more promptly and ef-
fectively. The types of decision dealt "with here
thus differ from tho.se contained in the first recom-
mendation because some of them are unquestion-
ably of substance while as to others there may
be differing views upon whether they are substan-
tive or procedural. Indeed, the Interim Com-
mittee has indicated clearly that the insertion of
decisions in this list was not governed by the
criterion of their procedural or nonprocedural
character. Tlie most important decisions con-
tained in this list are not procedural, such as, for
example, the decision on the admission of a new
member and certain pacific settlement nuitters
under chapter VI of the Charter. In this con-
nection, I would recall that the United States is on
record as favoring a libei-alization of the voting
procedure of the Security Council through elimina-
tion by whatever means that may be appropriate
of the unanimit}' requirement with respect to ap-
plications for membership and to matters arising
under chapter VI of the Charter.
Neither the first nor the second recommenda-
tion in the resolution before us violates the spirit
of the statement of the four sponsoring powere
at San Francisco. During the debate there upon
the voting formula, a questionnaire was addressed
to tlie sponsoring powers by the smaller powers.
The sponsoring powers theieupon undertook to
make a joint interpretation of the voting formula,
insofar as such an interpretation of a basic con-
stitutional provision could appropriately be made
in advance of its adoption, and in the absence of
any practical experience as to the operation of the
Organization or of the Security Council. This
statement is not a treaty, nor was it intended to
be any part of the treaty which is the Charter.
By its own words it is characterized as a "state-
ment of their general attitude toward the whole
question of unanimity of permanent members in
the decisions of the Security Council." It was
connected with the act of agreement upon the
Charter and is therefore entitled to great weight
in that connection. It is nevertheless inferior to
the Charter and must be subservient to its prin-
ciples and purposes. Certainly its natural mean-
ing should not be extended by willful obstruction.
The four-power statement contained an expres-
sion of hope that there would not arise matters of
great importance upon which a decision M-ould
have to be made as to whether a procedural vote
would apply. Experience since San Francisco
has shown that this optimistic expectation has not
been realized, and the first recommendation is
based on a recognition of this fact. This recom-
mendation should be of assistance to the Security
Council in determining whether or not a questioii
is procedural. The four-power statement made it
clear that the enumeration of procedural questions
which it contained was not exclusive. Further-
more, it in no way foreclosed advance agreement
as to what questions should be considered pro-
cedural. It did not say that a question should be
considered nonj)rocedural simply because one of
the permanent members so regards it. The four-
power statement cannot enjoy a position of
supremacy over the Charter.
The four-power statement contained another
explicit assumption, which has proved contrary
to fact : that the permanent members would not
use their privileged vote "willfully to obstruct
the operation of the Council." The powers par-
ticipating in the statement thus recognized that
self-restraint upon the part of the permanent
members was necessaiy and to be expected if the
Security Council was to function as intended. If
this be true it would seem quite proper for the As-
sembly in light of experience to recommend to the
permanent members that if they are unable, after
genuine effort, to achieve unanimity among them-
Deparfment of Sfafe Bullefin
selves on certain decisions not immediately con-
cerning their vital interests they should agi"ee
among themselves not to exercise the veto in those
decisions. Such agreement among the permanent
members is the objective of the second recommen-
dation.
For the reasons I have stated, the four-power
statement in the view of my Government consti-
tutes no barrier to such agreement. The parties to
that statement are free to explore, as this resolu-
tion attempts to do, how better voting procedures
can be put into operation.
The third recommendation of the draft resolu-
tion suggests to the permanent members a "code of
conduct" which they should observe in connection
with their privileged vote. They are to consult to-
gether wherever feasible and to exercise their veto
only when they consider a question of vital im-
portance, taking into account the interests of the
United Nations as a whole, and to state upon what
ground they consider this condition to be present.
All permanent members are on record as favor-
ing consultations. We believe that these consul-
tations should take place whenever there is a pos-
sibility of obtaining constructive results. These
consultations should take place not only with ref-
erence to specific matters before the Council;
above all, the method of consultation should be
applied as one of the means of implementing the
recommendations contained in the di-aft resolu-
tion.
This resolution was sponsored by four perma-
nent members and aroused the support of an im-
pressive number of member states. The vote in
the Ad Hoc Committee of the General Assembly
was j'eas 33, nays 6, abstentions 4.
It ought to gain strength in the vote of the Gen-
eral Assembly. Its purpose and natural tendency
is to make the United Nations more effective in
its vital functions.
U.S. Participation in Continued U.N. Appeal for Children
LETTER FROM SECRETARY ACHESON TO SECRETARY-GENERAL LIE'
April 4, mo
ExcELLEXCY : I havc the honor to acknowledge
the receipt of your note dated February 28, 1949
in which you indicate a desire to be advised of the
intention of the United States Government with
regard to General Assembly Resolution No. 215 III
in which it was decided to continue the United
Nations Appeal for Children. You also request
information as to whether the United Nations In-
ternational Children's Emergency Fund should
maintain contact with the Campaign organization
which functioned in the United States in 1948 or
whether other channels of communication are to
be followed.
The United States Government and the Ameri-
can people have a deep concern for the plight of
needy children of the world. They have shown
this concern from the outbreak of World War II
and continuously in the years since, through the
provision of funds by the Congress and through
voluntary private contributions. The United
States Government has appropriated $75,000,000
to be made available to the United Nations Inter-
national Children's Emergency Fund under a
matching formula of T2% from the United States
Government and 28% from other governments.
In addition it has provided funds for a free school
lunch program for children in Germany and has
made a number of other appropriations for for-
eign relief, a large part of which has been of bene-
fit to children.
April 24, 1949
In addition to Government appropriations, ex-
tensive contributions have been made by the Amer-
ican people thi'ough voluntary relief agencies
largely for the welfare of children. These gifts
are"^ estimated to approximate $1,000,000,000 in
value since 1939 and in the current year will
amount to over $150,000,000.
In the light of the interest in the Fund already
demonstrated by the United States and in view of
the continuing needs of the children of the world
plans are being developed for informing the Amer-
ican people of these needs and of the work of the
Fund and for giving them full opportunity to con-
tribute to it. These plans are as follows :
1. Responsibility for informing and enlisting
the interest of the public in the work of the Fund
will be vested in the United States Committee for
the United Nations International Children's
Emergency Fund under the Chairmanship of Mrs.
Oswald Lord. The Committee will also maintain
liaison with American voluntary agencies to assist
in coordinating their child welfare programs in
countries where the Fund operates, with progi-ams
of the Fund. The activities of this Committee
will be carried on under policies developed with
' Reply to query from the United Nations Secretary
General, Trygve Lie, about the intention of the United
States with regard to General Assembly resolution in
which it was decided to continue the United Nations Ap-
peal for Children. Released to the press by the U.S.
Mission to the United Nations Apr. 4, 1949.
SIS
the advice of the Department of State and the
United States Representative on the Executive
Board of the Fund.
2. The United vStates Committee will direct its
activities especially toward
(a) keeping the American people informed
through such media as the press, radio, magazines
and public addresses, of the needs of children and
of the operations of the Fund,
(b) encouraging and coordinating efforts by
groups and organizations which may undertake
to make or obtain contributions for the work of
the Fund, and
(c) acting as the agency in the United States
through which contributions from voluntary
sources will be channeled to the Fund.
8. In order to carry out its functions the United
States Committee will form an advisory gi-oup
which will include representatives of business,
labor, farm, professional, religious, patriotic and
men's and women's clubs and associations. It will
also employ a small salaried staff.
Official relationship between the Fund and this
Government sliould continue to be carried on
through normal governmental channels. How-
ever, it would greatly facilitate the work of the
United States Committee if advice and informa-
tional material could be provided by the Fund to
the Committee and it is hoped that the Fund will
maintain close informal relationships with the
Committee for this purpose.
Accept [etc.]
Dean Acheson
Secretary of State of the United States of America
Resolution Extending Through 1949
the U.N. Appeal for Children
tJ.N. res. 215, III
Adopted Dec. 8, 1948
The General Assembly,
NoTiNc the widespread response to the United
Nations Appeal for Children, the large number
of countries which have co-operated in the conduct
of national campaigns, and the co-operation and
support for the Appeal provided by non-govern-
mental organizations,
Recognizing that the aftermath of devastation
and dislocation resulting from Mar has revealed
specific needs of children in many countries and
that a moral responsibility falls on the peoples of
all countries to act for the greater well-being of
children throughout the world.
Noting, with approval, the provisions of resolu-
tion 162 (VII) ado])ted by the Economic and
Social Council on 12 August 1948,
1. Contiimes the United Nations Appeal for
Children as a world-wide appeal for voluntary
non-governmental contributions to be used for the
benefit of children, adolescents, and expectant and
nursing mothers without discrimination on ac-
count of race, religion, nationality, or political
belief;
2. Invites the co-operation of peoples of all
countries to assist and support national activities
in favour of the Appeal;
3. Decides that the proceeds of the collections
in each country shall be for the benefit of the
United Nations International Children's Emer-
gency Fund, and that the name United Nations
Appeal for Children shall be used only in national
campaigns which are conducted for this purpose,
subject to the provisions of resolution 92 (I) of
the General Assembly governing the use of the
United Nations name and abbreviations of that
name:
4. Requests the United Nations International
Children's Emergency Fund, as the United Na-
tions agency eiitru.sted with special responsibility
for meeting emergency needs of children in many
parts of the world :
(a) To assist in the conduct of national cam-
paigns for the benefit of the International Chil-
dren's Emergency Fund, with a view to providing
international co-ordination of voluntary govern-
mental and non-governmental appeals for the
benefit of children ;
(h) To report concerning the appeals to the
ninth session of the Economic and Social Council
and to the fourth regular scs,<ion of the General
Assembly.
Opinions of International Court of Justice
Announced
Statement hy Secretary Acheson
[Released to the press April 13]
Two opinions which have just been announced
by the International Court of Justice call atten-
tion again to the effective functioning of the ju-
dicial process in the United Nations.
On Saturday, April 9, the International Court
handed down its first judgment in a contentious
case between two states. The United Kingdom
had sued Albania for damages resulting from the
mining of two British destroyers in the Corfu
Channel on October 22, 194G. AVhile the opinion
has not yet been received and read in the Depart-
ment of State, the Court apparently held Albania
responsible under international law for the dam-
age caused. Eleven of the sixteen sitting judges
concurred in the decision. The Court ditl not as-
sess damages, but decided to hold further hearings
if the two parties accept its competence to assess
the amount. It held also that British vessels on
one occasion had violated Albanian sovereignty
but that the declaration to this effect by the Court
constituted adequate satisfaction to Albania.
Department of State Bulletin
Yesterday tlie International Court handed
down its second advisory opinion. The opinion
was rendered at the request of the General Assem-
bly on the question whether the United Nations
could sue governments for injury caused to the
organization or any of its agents in the discharge
of United Nations functions. The Court held
unanimously that the United Nations could claim
compensation from any government, whether it is
a member of the United Nations or not, for any
damage incurred by the organization when the
government is legally responsible for injury to an
agent of the United Nations.
Palestine Relief Contribution
[Keleased to the press by the U.S. Mission to the
U.N. April 11
On April 11, Ambassador Warren E. Austin
presented Secretary-General Trygve Lie with a
check for 8 million dollars as the first pay-
ment of the United States for the relief of Pales-
tine refugees. A contribution of 16 million dol-
lars was authorized by the Congress on March 16,
after President Truman had recommended that
the United States contribute 50 percent of the
amount requested in the U.N. resolution for Pal-
estine refugee relief.^ t^ i •
This resolution, sponsored by Belgium, the
Netherlands, the United Kingdom, and the United
States, and passed unanimously by the General
Assembly on November 19, 1948, requests the Sec-
retary-General to appoint a Director of United
Nations Relief for Palestine Refugees, and urges
the member states to make voluntary contribu-
tions in kind or in funds to raise 32 million dollars
for the program.
Statement hy Ambassador Warren R. Austin
The conscience of the world has been aroused by
the desperate plight of the Palestine refugees, now
scattered and homeless in the Middle East. The
General Assembly, last November, considered this
problem so urgent that all considerations of inter-
national politics were dropped from the debate
and a resolution to request the member nations to
contribute to the aid of this mass of unfortimate
people was passed unanimously.
The Unite.d States and the other countries who
have contributed to this fund act out of humani-
tarian concern for the suffering of almost a mil-
lion sorely tried human beings. But they also act
in enlightened self-interest.
I think that we are all learning that the plight
of suffering people anywhere is a matter of con-
cern to all of us. We now know that the peace
of the whole world is threatened by unrest and
instability in any part of the world. And unrest
and political instability thrive in a land where so
many are without the barest necessities of life,
even without hope, unless we give it to them.
AptW 24, 1949
The Assembly resolution states clearly the gen-
eral belief that alleviation of conditions of starva-
tion and distress among the Palestine refugees is
one of the minimum conditions for the success of
the efforts of the United Nations to bring peace
to that land.
Therefore it is particularly gratifying, at this
time when the prospect of a Palestine settlement is
Isrighter than it has been in many months, to add
this sum to the gifts of other peoples for the relief
of the Palestine refugees.
Current United Nations Documents:
A Selected Bibliography ^
Security Council
Official Records, Third Year
390th. Meeting: 15 November 1948. No. 125. 29
pp. printed. 30^;.
381st Meeting: 16 November 1948. No. 126. 56
pp. printed. 60^.
3S2nd Meeting: 25 November 1948. No. 127. 29
pp. printed. 30(i.
3S3rd Meeting: 2 December 1948. No. 128. 25
pp. printed. 30^.
1949. S/1234. 4 pp. mimeo.
Interim Report of the United Nations Commission for
India and Paliistan. S/1100. 22 November 1948. 77
pp. and 28 annexes, mimeo.
Report of the Administration of tlie British/United
States Zone of the Free Territory of Trieste. 1 July
to 30 September 1948. S/1174, January 5, 1948. ii, 37
pp. mimeo.
Letter Dated 10 January 1949 from the Chairman and
Rapporteur of the United Nations Commission for
India and Palsiston Addressed to the President of the
Security Council Transmitting the Second Interim
Report of the Commission. S/1196, January 10, 1949.
35 pp. mimeo.
Letter, Dated 30 November 1948, from the Acting Mediator
to the Secretary-General Transmitting a Report Con-
cerning the Deaths of United Nations Observers.
S/1099, 2 December 1948. 10 pp. mimeo.
General Assembly
Official Records of the Third Session
. Second Part of the Report of the United Nations
Temporary Commission on Korea. Volume II — An-
nexes I-VII. Supplement No. 9 (A/575/Add.4). 38
pp. Printed. 40«f.
First Part of the Report of the United Nations
Temporary Commission on Korea. Volume Ill-
Annexes IX-XII. Supplement No. 9 (A/575/Add.2).
304 pp. Printed. $3.00.
Progress Report of the United Nations Mediator on
Palestine. Supplement No. 11 (A/648). 57 pp.
Printed. 70^.
Supplementary Report of the United Nations Special
Committee on the Balkans, Covering the period from
17 June to 10 September 1948. Supplement No. 8A
(A/644), iv, 17 pp. Printed. 25^.
' BOTJ^TiN of Feb. 20, 1949, p. 235.
' Printed materials may be secured in the United States
from the International Documents Service, Columbia
University Press, 29G0 Broadway, New York 27, New
York. Other materials (mimeographed or processed docu-
ments) may be consulted at certain designated libraries
in the United States.
517
The United States in the United Nations
[April 11,-22]
Human Rights in Bulgaria and Hungary
The Ad Hoc Political Coniiuittee of the General
Assembly on X\^v\\ 1!) bepaii consideration of the
question of observance in Bulgaria and Hungary
of human riji:hts and fundamental freedoms, in-
cluding; relifjious and civil liberties, with special
reference to recent trials of church leaders. Be-
fore beginning general debate, the Committee
agreed to invite rei)resentatives of Bulgaria and
Hungary to participate in tiie debate, but witliout
vote. Three principal draft resolutions on sug-
ge.sted procedures for dealing with this question
were submitted.
A Cuban draft proposed the establishment of a
special 15-member fact finding committee to eluci-
date the acts alleged to have been committed in
Bulgaria and Hungary against human rights and
fundamental freedoms.
, A second draft resolution, submitted by Bolivia,
proposed that the General Assembly express its
"deep concern," support the steps taken by the
states signatories to the peace treaties regarding
the accusations, and retain the matter on the agenda
for the fourth session of the Assembly.
A third draft resolution, submitted by Australia,
proposes the establishment of a smaller committee
of inquiry to investigate tlie matter.
The U.S. Delegate Benjamin V. Cohen on April
19 stated that the issues involved in this case weie
of "intense interest" to the entire international
community. There was no intention on the part of
the United States, he added, to interfere in the na-
tional affairs of Bulgaria or Hungary or to favor
any i)articular political groups ; however, altlioiigli
these states under the peace treaties had under-
taken to safegiuird the civil and religious liberties
of their people, they had violated human rights in
a "deliberate, systematic and continuous" manner.
The Soviet Deleofate Malik presented on AT)ri]
21 a 70-minute defense of human rights in Hun-
gary and Bulgaria and asserted tlie trial of the
churchmen there was in accordance with that j^art
of the two peace treaties calling for disbanding of
all "fascist" organizations. Mr. Cohen repudiated
as "baseless and absurd" charges that the United
States had conspired with the accused clerg}-men.
and remarked that those mIio i)rofess to want a
friendly and peaceful world should act in this
spirit.
Freedom of Information
Continuing on ait icle-by-article consideration of
the draft convention on the gathering and inter-
national transniission of news, the General As-
sembly Social, Humanitarian and Cultural Com-
mittee reached agreement on six additional
articles. The Committee also voted to merge with
the newsgathering convention the second draft
convention providing for the establishment of an
internati(mal right of official correction to provide
])rotection against false or distorted reporting
likely to injure friendly relations between nations.
A Norwegian projjosal for referring disputes over
the "right of correction" provisions to the Interna-
tional Court of Justice for arbitration was also
adopted.
Full access to news, within the national security
limits, would be provided to all foreign cor-
respondents in states acceding to this convention,
according to the approved article 3.
Article 4 provides that governments should not
censor peacetime news dispatches going abroad un-
less they I'elate directly to national defense. The
United States Delegate Erwin Canham said that
the United States would have preferred no pro-
visions at all validating i)eacetinie censorship since
this Government opposes peactime censorship in
any form. If the definition included in article -4
were not included in the draft convention, how-
ever, Mr. Canham said that other articles might be
inter])reted as allowing even broader censor.ship.
The Committee rejected an amendment proposed
by Poland that would permit censorship "within
tlie limits laid down by the laws and regulations
providing for national security."
Article h provides that a correspondent lawfully
admitted by a contracting state cannot be expelled
on account of any lawful exercise of his rights as
a correspondent.
Article (> gives to such correspondents or infor-
mation agencies equal access to all transmission
facilities used generally and publicly for news
disjiatches, and at the general rates.
The seventii article would give equal rights and
o])portunity for dispatches of correspondents and
information agencies outside a particular contract-
ing state to be transmitted into that state. A
limiting Polish proj^osal was rejected.
Debate m\ the final article was delayed until the
delegates could hear from tlieir countries concern-
ing the U. S. proposal submitted by Mrs. Roosevelt
that, in view of the apparent conflict between ]u-o-
visions of this ai-ticle and the sweeping restrictions
on telecommunication contained in the Interna-
tional Telecommunication Union convention, sig-
natories of the present convention waive their
rights of restriction under the Itu convention.
Depatimen^ of Sfafe Bulletin
International Law Commission
The Ilc in a topic-by-topic discussion of the U.
N. Secretariat's survey of international law in re-
lation to codification tentatively approved 14
topics as suitable for codification. The first three
were selected as "priority" items. The selected
topics included law of treaties, diplomatic inter-
course and immunities, consular intercourse and
immunities, law of state responsibility, law of
arbitral procedure, the regime of territoi'ial
waters, the law of nationality, the treatment of
aliens, right of asylum, recognition of states, suc-
cession of states and governments, jurisdiction
over foreign states, jurisdiction with regard to
crimes committed outside national territory, and
the regime of the high seas. The Chairman, Man-
ley O. Hudson, of the U. S., in suggesting two of
the three topics given priority, said that in view of
past faihu-es, the Commission should choose sub-
jects on which it has a good chance to arrive at a
result.
Among the rejected topics was the proposal to
include the law of war, which was opposed vigor-
ously by most of the members. In the discussion
Mr. Hudson drew attention to the opinion as
stated in the Secretariat report that the codifica-
tion plan should not include the laws of war since
the United Nations Charter excluded the concept
of its legality.
Italian Colonies
The General Assembly 58-nation Political &
Security Committee continued general discussion
on disposal of Italy's former African colonies in
seven lengthy meetings during the week without
reaching agreement. The debate to date has de-
veloped, in general terms, resulting in four princi-
pal types of proposals, with variations Avithin the
categories. The Soviet bloc reconnnended a
United Nations trusteeship. India and Pakistan
have supported this position with certain modifi-
cations. Italian Foreign Minister Sforza has
made a bid for Italian trusteeship. A large num-
ber of South American states and some Western
European states share this view. The Arabs have
placed emphasis on independence for a unified
Libya. The United States suggestions supported
by the United Kingdom were that Eastern Eritrea
be ceded to Ethiopia, that Italy administer Italian
Somaliland under a United Nations trusteeship,
and that Cyrenaica in Eastern Libya be placed
under British administration regardless of the de-
cision of whether to deal with Libya as a whole or
in part, and that Libya should be placed under
a United Nations trusteeship with ])rimary em-
phasis on achieving eaidy independence.
On April 20, the Australian Delegate suggested
the establishment of a special commission with
powers to visit the former colonies, and if neces-
sary to investigate, analyze, and collate data and
report recommendations foi' settlement of the
question to the September session.
General Assembly Procedure
The Ad Hoc Political Committee of the Gen-
eral Assembly approved April 18 a Scandinavian
proposal to establish a 15-member committee to
consider methods and procedures for expediting
General Assembly functioning. By this proposal
the special committee, of which the United States
would be one of the members, would report to the
Secretary General by August 15 and, if possible,
to the present session of the General Assembly.
The Soviet bloc abstained in the voting.
Commission for India and Pakistan
The UN Commission for India and Pakistan on
April 15 presented both dominions with proposals
for a truce agreement in the state of Jammu and
Kashmir, pending a plebiscite to determine
whether the state goes to India or Pakistan. The
Commission said that the proposals represent an
adjustment of viewpoints within the framework
of commitments already entered into.
IRO
The Iro has announced plans for opening youth
centers for teen-aged displaced persons in Austria,
Italy, and the U.S. zone of Germany. The experi-
mental center, which opened in August in the
British zone, where about 60 adolescents of both
sexes assembled in a community, was so successful
that similar centers were planned. The stay of
the young people in the center is expected to be
short, but the aim is to give them in addition to a
general knowledge of secondary education and
language training a basis for good phy.sical and
moral health and for vocational guidance.
International Trade Organization
More than 500 delegates and assistants have
assembled in Annecy, France, for the largest trade
meeting ever convened to discuss tariff barriers
and other problems of international trade. These
representatives from 34 countries have assembled
under the auspices of the 23 countries comprising
the original contracting parties to the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, which resulted
from tariff negotiations held at Geneva in 1947.
It is expected that three months of continuous
sessions will be necessary to complete the negotia-
tions. The United States is one of the original
contracting parties.
AprW 24, 1949
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Opening of Tariff Negotiations at Annecy, France
Message From Secretary Acheson '
I wish to take this opportunity to extend my
greetings to you who have gathered in Annecy to
participate in tiie tliird session of tlie contracting
parties to the General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade and the ensuing tariff negotiations.
The United States Government believes that
effective international cooperation in economic
matters is essential to the success of any program
for assuring a lasting peace and that it can and
should take a variety of forms. Moreover, effec-
tive international economic achievement requires
the active participation of many countries on a
cooperative democratic basis.
We in the United States firmly support and par-
ticipate in the economic activities of the United
Nations and its specialized agencies. We are also
giving special help to the countries which have
chosen to participate in the European Recovery
Program. In his inaugural address, President
Truman recently stated that the United States
stands ready to join with other countries to pro-
mote economic development by facilitating the ex-
change of technological information and stimulat-
ing tlie flow of capital. In his Economic Report
to the Congi-ess in January the President pointed
out that the Havana Charter for an International
Trade Organization lays the foundation for a re-
turn to reasonable freedom of world trade. He
is expected to send the charter shortly to the Con-
gress for approval.
On a par with these cooperative endeavors and
of longer standing is the program to reduce trade
barriers and eliminate discriminatory trade prac-
tices through trade-agreement negotiations. This
program is of great value in its own right and is
essential to the permanent .success of other pro-
grams of economic cooperation. The conclusion
of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
between 23 countries at Geneva in 1947 laid a firm
foundation for the sound expansion of trade. The
adherence of 11 additional countries to the General
Agreement will mark another important milestone
in our progress toward world recovery. I send
you my sincere best wishes for a full measure of
success in your important deliberations.
U. S. Delegation
The Department of State on April 5 announced
that the President has approved the composition
of the United States Delegation to the third ses-
520
sion of the contracting parties to the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the tariff
negotiations with 11 countries desiring to accede
to the General Agreement, which convened at
Annecy, France, on April 8 and April 11, 1949,
respectively.
The chairman of the delegation was Wood-
bury Willoughby, Chief. Division of Commercial
Policy, Department of State, and the Vice Chair-
man was John W. Evans, Director of the Com-
modities Division of the Office of International
Trade. Department of Commerce. The remain-
ing delegates were the other members of the
interdepartmental Trade Agreements Committee,
of wliich Mr. Willougliby is chairman.
The meeting of the contracting parties consid-
ered various technical matters affecting the pres-
ent operation of the General Agreement on Tariffs
and Trade, concluded at Geneva in 1947, and fu-
ture procedures with regard to it.
The tariff negotiations between the 23 contract-
ing parties to the General Agreement and the 11
countries which desire to accede to it extended
the area and volume of world trade covered by tliis
unprecedented agreement for the reduction of ex-
cessive trade barriers.
The countries which negotiated for the pur-
pose of acceding to the General Agreement on
Tariffs and Trade are Denmark, Finland, Swe-
den. Italy, Greece, Liberia, Haiti, Dominican Re-
public, Nicaragua, Colombia, and Uruguay. Peru
and El Salvador, which originally planned to join
in the negotiations, have indicatecl that they are
not able to begin negotiations at this time.
In preparation for the negotiations the United
States has followed the customary trade-agree-
ments procedures. Notice of intention to nego-
tiate and lists of products on which possible United
States tariff concessions may be considered were
published on November 5 and December 17, 1948,
and public hearings were held by the Committee
for Reciprocity Information on December 7-14,
1948, and on January 25-27, 1949.
A list of the members of the United States Del-
egation follows :
Chairmfin
Woodbur.y Willougliby, Chief, Division of Commercial
Policy, Department of State, and Cliairman, Interde-
partmental Trade Agreements Committee
'Rend at the ses.sion by Woodbury Willoughby, Chair-
man of the U.S. Delegation on Apr. 11, 1949, and" released
to the press on the same date.
Department of State Bulletin
Vice Chairman
John W. Evans, Director, Commodities Division, OfiBce of
luteruational Trade, Department of Commerce
Delegates
Philip Arnow, Economist, Department of Labor
Prentice N. Dean, Division of International Programs,
National Military Establishment
Iver Olsen, Assistant Chief, Commercial Policy and United
Nations Division, Department of the Treasury
Robert B. Schwenger, Chief, Regional Investigations
Branch, Office of I-'oreign Agricultural Relations, De-
partment of Agriculture
Advisers
Walter Hollis, Assistant to the Legal Adviser, Department
of State
Vernon L. Phelps, Adviser on European Commercial Af-
fairs, Division of Commercial Policy, Department of
State
George Bronz, Special Assistant to the General Counsel,
Depai'tment of the Treasury
William R. Johnson, Deputy Commissioner of Customs,
Bureau of Customs, Department of the Treasury
Carl E. Christopherson, Foreign Service Officer, Office of
International Trade, Department of Commerce
H. P. MacGowan, Adviser on Trade Agreements Policy,
Office of International Trade, Department of Com-
merce
Floyd E. Davis, Acting Head, Livestock and Wool Division,
Office of Foreign Agricultural Relations, Department
of Agriculture
Lionel C. Holm, Executive Assistant to the Administrator,
Production and Marketing Administration, Depart-
ment of Agriculture
F. A. Motz, Attach^, American Embassy, Paris
George B. Rogers, Agricultural Economic Statistician,
Bureau of Agricultural Economics, Department of Ag-
riculture
Tariff Negotiating Teams
Denmark-Finland
Prentice N. Dean, Head, Division of International Pro-
grams, National Military Establishment
Julean Arnold, Jr., Country Specialist, Division of Com-
mercial Policy, Department of State
H. P. MacGowan, Adviser on Trade Agreements Policy,
Office of International Trade, Department of Com-
merce
SVPEDEN
Avery F. Peterson, Head, Counselor, American Embassy,
Stockholm
H. Arnold Quirin, Country Specialist, Division of Com-
mercial Policy, Department of State
Grant Olson, Analyst, Scandinavian Section, Office of In-
ternational Trade, Department of Commerce
Italy
Homer S. Fox, Head, Counselor, American Embassy,
Ottawa
John M. Kennedy, Country Specialist, Division of Com-
mercial Policy, Department of State
Carl E. Christopherson, Foreign Service Officer, Office of
International Trade, Department of Commerce
Howard F. Shepston, Analyst, Italian Section, Office of
International Trade, Department of Commerce
Greece and Liberia
Horace H. Smith Head, First Secretary, American Em-
bassy, Athens
C. Thayer White, Country Specialist, Division of Com-
mercial Policy, Department of State
Samuel Goldberg, Acting Chief, Near East-Africa Section,
Office of International Trade, Department of Com-
merce
Dominican Republic-Haiti
Daniel M. Braddock, Head, First Secretary, American
Embassy, Madrid
Amelia Hood, Country Specialist, Division of Commer-
cial Policy, Department of State
April 24, 7949
833209—49 3
Albert J. Powers, Chief, Caribbean Section, Office of In-
ternational Trade, Department of Commerce
Colombia, Uruguay, and Nicaragua
Howard H. Tewksbury, Head, Chief, Division of River
Plate Affairs, Department of State
Elizabeth McGrory, Country Specialist, Division of Com-
mercial Policy, Department of State
William F. Gray, Country Specialist, Division of Com-
mercial Policy, Department of State
Anthony J. Poirier, Tariff and Trade Agreements Spe-
cialist, Office of International Trade, Department of
Commerce
Frederick R. Mangold, Foreign Service Staff, Office of
International Trade, Department of Commerce
Consultants
Ben Dorfman, Chief Economist, United States Tariff
Commission
G. Patrick Henry, Economist, United States Tariff
Commission
Willard W. Kane, Commodity Specialist, United States
Tariff Commission
Hyman Leikind, Commodity Specialist, United States
Tariff Commission
Allyn C. Loosley, Principal Economist, United States
Tariff Commission
David Lynch, Principal Economist, United States Tariff
Commission
Commodity Specialists
Thomas C. Mason, Commodity Analyst, Forest Products
Branch, Office of International Trade, Department of
Commerce
William H. Myer, Assistant Chief, Machinery and Motive
Products Branch, Office of International Trade, De-
partment of Commerce
J. Joseph W. Palmer, Chief, Iron and Steel Section, Office
of International Trade, Department of Commerce
Nathan B. Salant, Chief, Economic Programs Section,
Textile and Leather Branch, Office of International
Ti-ade, Department of Commerce
George A. Sallee, Chief, Dairy, Poultry and Fish Products
Section, Office of International Trade, Department
of Commerce
Secretariat: Sijerial Assistant to the Chairman
Arthur C. Nagle, Foreign Affairs Specialist, Division of
International Conferences, Department of State
Techiiical
Technical Secretary
James H. Lewis, Acting Assistant Chief, Division of Com-
mercial Policy, Department of State
Trade Agreements Committee Staff
Robert W. Shaw, Foreign Affairs Analyst, Committee Sec-
retariat Brancli, Department of State
George C. Spiegel, Country Specialist, Division of Com-
mercial Policy, Department of State
M. Marguerite Dotye, International Trade Economist, De-
partment of Commerce
M. Margaret McCoy, Divisional Assistant, Division of
Commercial Policy, Department of State
Rubber Study Group: Sixth Meeting Ends
Tlie Department of State received word on
April 5 that the Sixth Meeting of the Rubber
Study Group, held in London under the chairman-
ship of Sir Gerard Clauson, K.C.M.G., O.B.E.,
Assistant Under Secretary of State, Colonial Of-
fice, ended on April 1, 1949. The Vice Chairmen
were A. Pirelli, of the Italian Delegation, and
W. A. David, of the Liberian Delegation.
The meeting was attended by delegations from
Australia, Belgium, the British Colonies, Burma,
Canada, Ceylon, Czechoslovakia, I)eiimark,
France, Hungary, Italy, Liberia, the Netherlands
and Indonesia, the United Kingdom, and the
United States and by observers from the United
Nations Interim Co-ordinating Committee for In-
ternational Commodity Arrangements and from
the International Rubber Development Com-
mittee. A representative of Siam was also pres-
ent. Donald D. Kennedy, Chief, International
Resources Division, Department of State, was
chairman of the United States Delegation.
The principal objects of the meeting were:
1. To examine the statistical position regarding
the production and consumption of rubber
throughout the world.
2. To review the world rubber situation in the
liglit of tlie changes in that position since the fifth
Studv Group Meeting held in Washington in
April, 1948.
3. To consider measures designed to expand
world consumption of rubber.
The group examined the statistical position and
made estimates for natural rubber production and
consumption of natural and synthetic rubber dur-
ing 1949. It was estimated tliat the world pro-
duction of natural rubber would be in the neigli-
borhood of l,r)7r),000 long tons and consumption
of natural and syntlietic rubber miglit be in the
neighborhood of 1,450,000 and 450,000 long tons,
respectively.
These figures make no allowance for govern-
mental stockpiling. Tables 1 and 2 give the esti-
mates made by the group.
Much of the time of the meeting was devoted
to national statements by the delegations present,
and full opportunity was given to the delegations
to question one another. Among the subjects to
which attention was drawn were the present eco-
nomic position of the producers of natural rubber
and social conditions in their countries, recent ad-
vances in the synthetic rubber industry, the grad-
ing and packing of natural rubber, and the costs
and prices of both types of rubber.
The group continued its policy of examining all
possible means for encouraging the expansion of
the world consumption of rubber. The group
recognized that a great deal of valuable develop-
ment work on existing rubber products was being
done throughout the world, and considered that
the most immediate large-scale increase in the con-
sumption of rubber would be achieved by an in-
tensification of this work, particularly in certain
fields.
The group emphasized the great importance
which it attached to the speedy application of the
results of research into new uses of rubber. In
this connection, the group paid a tribute to the
work of the International Rubber Development
Committee and invited the Committee to continue
to send observers to its meetings.
The group were informed of the intention of the
French producers to grade and market their rub-
ber on its intrinsic properties (to be known as
specification rubber) as well as on external appear-
ance.
The Rubber Study Group will hold its next
meeting some time during the second quarter of
1950, the precise date and the place to be decided
by the management committee.
Tahle 1. — Estimated natural rubber production, 19^9
Territory : i,ooo i,ooo
long tona long tons
Malaya 700 British Borneo . G2
Indonesia .... 500 Biiima 12
Ceylon 90 Liberia 27
Indochina .... 45 Other countries . 139
Total
. 1,575
Table 2. — Estimated natural and synthetic rubber consump-
tion, 1949
U.S. A
U.K
France ....
Netherlands .
Belgium . . .
Czechoslovakia
Italy
Denmark. . .
Hungary . . .
.\ustralia . . .
Canada. . . .
Other countries
Total .
Natural Synthetic
1,000 IrtT.Q
tous
600
18.3
97
10
15
30
33
5
3
30
40
404
1,450
1,000 long
tons
410
2
8
tow
1,010
185
105
10
15
30
36
5
3
30
60
411
1,900
' Excluding Russian-produced synthetic rubber.
' A small amount is expected to be used.
U. S. Delegation to Conference for Drawing Up
Convention for Protection of War Victims
The Department of State announced on April
11 that the President has approved the desig-
nation of Leiand Harrison, former American
Minister to Switzerland and Raymund T. Tin-
gling, Assistant Legal Adviser, Department of
State, as Chairman and Vice Chairman, respec-
tively, of the United States Delegation to the
Diplomatic Conference for the Drawing Up of a
New Convention Intended to Protect War Vic-
tims. The conference is scheduled to convene at
Geneva on April 21, 1949. Other members of the
United States Delegation are as follows :
Albert E. Clnttenburg, Jr., First Secretary, American
Embassy, Lisbon
Brig. Gen. Joseph V. Dillon, Provost Marshal General,
Department of the Air Forces
Department of Stale Bulletin
Robert W. Glnnane, Special Assistant to the Attorney
General, Department of Justice _
Commander Charles Hunsicker, Jr., Head, International
Law Branch, Office of the Judge Advocate General,
Department of the Navy
William H. McCahon, Special Assistant to the Chief,
Division of Protective Services, Department of
State ,. 1, , „
Maj. Gen. Edwin P. Parker, Jr., Provost Marshal Gen-
eral, Department of the Army
Harold W. Starr, Associate Counselor, American National
Red Cross
The Conference will consider the revision of
the two Geneva conventions of 1929 relative to the
treatment of the sicli and wounded and prisoners
of war, and the revision of The Hague convention
of 1907 concerning naval warfare, which is com-
monly referred to as the hospital ships convention.
Also to be discussed will be the establishment of
a new convention on the treatment of civilians
in wartime.
It is expected that the forthcoming Conference
will be divided into two parts. The first four or
five weeks will be devoted to a detailed review
and final drafting of the proposed revisions of the
conventions. After a short adjournment the sec-
ond part of the Conference will be held for the
formal signing of the new conventions.
This Government participated in preliminary-
informal discussions on this subject at a meeting
of government experts convened at Geneva under
the auspices of the International Committee of
the Ked Cross in April 1947. At that meeting,
14 countries were represented, and considerable
progress was made in the formulation of revised
and new draft conventions. These discussions
were continued on a somewhat broader scale at the
Seventeenth International Red Cross Conference
held at Stockholm in August 1948, in which 49
governments and 51 national Red Cross societies
participated.
American Educator To Visit Latin American
Law Schools
Philip W. Thayer, Dean of the School of Ad-
vanced International Studies, Washington, D. C,
has been awarded a grant-in-aid by the Depart-
ment of State for a visit of approximately five
weeks beginning March 31 to six of the other
American republics to confer with university offi-
cials and others on problems of mutual interest
in the field of legal education. This trip is in
continuation of a project initiated last year when
Mr. Thayer made a similar visit to the Univer-
sity of Habana. His present trip will include
visits to the principal cities of Uruguay, Argen-
tina, Chile, Peru, Ecuador, and Colombia, where
he will confer with deans and faculty members
of law schools and with other leaders in the field
of law, concerning arrangements for a subsequent
interchange of ideas on a continuing basis.
April 24, 7949
World Trade Week, 1949
A PROCLAMATION'
Whereas international trade provides the me-
dium by which the nations of the world exchange
the products of their resources and skills ; and
Whereas the expansion of import and export
trade improves standards of living, encourages
full employment of labor and productive facili-
ties, and speeds the development of human and
natural resources throughout the world, thus lay-
ing the foundation for lasting world prosperity
and peace; and
Whereas the United States advocates the re-
moval of unnecessary restrictions and discrimina-
tions in international trade and accordingly has
initiated a reciprocal-trade-agreements program
and has taken steps in concert with other nations
toward the establishment of an International
Trade Organization :
Now, therefore, I, Harry S. Truman, Presi-
dent of the United States of America, do hereby
proclaim the week commencing May 22, 1949, as
World Trade Week; and I urge the appropriate
officials of the several States, Territories, and pos-
sessions of the United States, as well as the munici-
palities and other political subdivisions of the
country, to cooperate in the observance of that
week. . .
I also invite business, educational, and civic
groups, and the people of the United States gen-
erally, to observe World Trade Week with cere-
monies, exhibits, and other appropriate activi-
ties.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my
hand and caused the Seal of the United States
of America to be affixed.
Done at the City of Washington this 5th day of
April in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred
and forty-nine, and of the Independence
[seal] of the United States of America the one
hundred and seventy-third.
By the President:
Dean Aciieson,
Secretary of State.
THE FOREIGN SERVICE
Confirmation
On April 6, 1049, the Senate confirmed the nomination of
John J. Muccio to be American Ambassador Extraordinary
and Plenipotentiary to the RepubUc of Korea.
' Proc. 2834, 14 Fed. Reg. 1663.
523
THE RECORD OF THE WEEK
U.S., U.K., and France Reach Agreement on German Reparation Program
[Released to the press April 13]
The Department of State announced on April
13 that agreement had been reached by the Gov-
ernments of the United States, United Kingdom,
and France, as the powers responsible for occupa-
tion of the Western zones of Germany, for the re-
vision of the lists of capital equipment to be
removed from Western Germany as reparation.
This revision was made in order to bring the
reparation dismantling program into harmony
■with the European Kecovery Program. Under it
those plants which, if retained in Germany, can
contribute most effectively to the coordinated eco-
nomic revival of the countries participating in the
European Recovery Program will be removed from
the reparation dismantling H.st.
In accordance with the agreement reached by
the three governments, certain equipment from 15!)
plants previously scheduled for removal as repara-
tion will be retained in Germany. The amount
of equipment which had previously been scheduled
for removal from these plants varies from a single
piece of equipment in a plant to the entire equip-
ment of an operating factory. The removal of
equipment not yet completely dismantled and re-
moved will be completed as quickly as possible.
This agreement, which constitutes a final de-
cision with regard to the removal of those plants
originally selected in AVestern Germany, should
enable both the Allied recipients of reparation and
responsible authorities in Western Germany to
plan promptly for the effective use of the equip-
ment to be removed and that to be retained.
A revised list of plants subject to reparation has
been communicated to the Inter-Allied Repara-
tion Agency at Brussels by the three governments.
The equipment which will be retained in Ger-
many is located in 32 plants in the steel industry,
88 metal working plants, 32 chemical plants, and 7
plants in the nonferrous metal industries.
Only 5 of the 32 affected plants in the steel in-
dustry produce crude steel. The retention of
equipment in this industry will result in a nomi-
nal increase in the crude steel-making capacity of
Western Germany of 165,000 tons per year beyond
the present theoretical capacity of approximately
13,300,000 tons per year. The limitation on crude
steel production in the three Western zones of
Germany of 11,100,000 tons per year (being a total
of 10,700,000 tons per year in the Bizone and
400,000 tons in the French zone) has not been
changed. The difference between the actual pro-
duction of steel under the limitation, and the
theoretical capacity of about 13,500,000 tons per
year to be left in W estern Germany is required for
greater flexibility and economy of operation under
conditions of changing demand for finished steel
products.
These same reasons underlie the decision to
retain the equipment in the steel-finishing plants
which constitute the remainder of the 32 affected
plants or part plants in the steel industry. The
steel-finishing capacity in these plants which per-
mits the fabrication of plates, sheets, and tuoes,
in addition to that previously permitted, is con-
sidered necessary if Germany is to use her crude
steel-making capacity most effectively and make
as great a contribution to European recover}' as
possible within the established limitation on pro-
duction.
The revision of the list of plants was made at
the suggestion of the U.S. Government. In pro-
posing such a revision, the United States believed
it appropriate that account be taken in the repara-
tion program of the European Recovery Program
and the participation of Western Germany in that
program. The reparation program was designed
to bring about the removal of capital equipment
to Allied countries, where it could be usefully em-
ployed, when this equipment is in excess of Ger-
man peaceful needs. The U.S. Government felt
that, in view of the possibilit}' which the Euro-
pean Recover}' Program offered for meeting the
new investment requirements of the Allied coun-
tries to an increased extent from new capital
equipment, and of the possibility of more effec-
tive use of German resources in the interest of
the common good of the countries participating
in the European Recovery Program, a reexami-
nation of the reparation program would be ap-
propriate. ERP also offered new possibilities of
achieving one of the aims of the reparation pro-
gram, namely the rehabilitation of the economies
of the European countries which had been dis-
located during the war.
A preliminary examination of the list of plants
scheduled for removal led the U.S. Government
to select 381 for further study. This study was
made by the Humphrey Committee (Industrial
Advisory Committee), appointed by Paul Hoff-
man, Economic Cooperation Administrator. Mr.
Hoffman had been charged by the Congress with
making .such a study in section 115 (f) of the Eco-
nomic Cooperation Act, reading as follows:
Thp .Vdministrator will request the Secretary of State
to obtain agreement of those countries concernpfl that such
capital equipment as is scheduled for removal from the
Department of State Bulletin
three western zones of Germany be retained in Germany if
such retention will most effectively serve the purposes of
the European recovery program.
This Committee was headed by George M. Hum-
phrey, President of M. A. Haiina Company, and
included Frederick V. Geier, President of Cin-
cinnati Milling Machine Company; John L. Mc-
Caffrey, President of International Harvester
Company; Gwilym A. Price, President of West-
inghouse Electric & Manufacturing Company;
and Charles E. Wilson, President of General
Motors Corporation.
The Committee in turn engaged the services of
four leading engineering firms to make a factual
review of the chemical, laonferrous metal, and me-
chanical engineering plants. They also obtained
the assistance of George Wolf, president of the
United States Steel Export Corporation, and a
group of his associates, to review the steel indus-
try of A^'^estern Germany and to investigate the
particular plants scheduled for reparation.
After a careful examination of the plants and
consultation with British and French experts,
the Committee submitted a report to the ECA Ad-
ministrator on January 12, 1949, recommending
the retention in Germany of certain equipment in
167 plants of the 381 which it has been requested
to examine. The report of the Committee was ap-
proved by the Administrator who requested the
Secretary of State to seek the agreement of the
British and French Governments, as powers in
occupation in Western Germany, to the retention
of these plants in Germanj^ The Humphrey
Committee report is being made public on April
13 by ECA.
Discussion among the governments resulted in
agreement to remove from Germany the equip-
ment in eight plants and part of a ninth which
the Humphrey Committee had recommended be
retained in Germany.
In addition to certain equipment in the 159
plants to be retained under the present agreement,
the French Government, before the Humphrey
Committee recommendations had been formu-
lated, decided to retain in the French zone equip-
ment in 40 other plants or parts of plants which
had been included in the list of 381 examined by
the Humphrey Committee.
The report of the Committee was discussed by
the three Governments in conjunction with a re-
port from the Military Governors of the Western
zones of Germany on a revised list of prohibitions
and restrictions which should be applied to Ger-
man industry on security grounds. As a result
of tliese discussions, coordinated agreements were
reached by the three Governments on these sub-
jects. The revised list of prohibited and re-
stricted industries, which has been furnished to the
three military governments for implementation,
will be made public shortly.
The Humphrey Committee recommended that
the following plants be included among those re-
tained in Germany. However, in the course of
discussions among the Governments of France,
the United Kingdom, and United States, it was
agreed that these plants should be removed from
Germany. The list follows:
Bochumer Verein GusstaUfabrik, Bochum;
Deutsche Edelstahlwerke (Tiegelstahl), Bochum;
Klockner Werke A.G., Dusseldorf; August
Thyssen Hiitte, A. G. ^Tiederrheinische, Duisburg ;
Hoesch A. G., Hohenlimburg; I. G. Farben, buna
plant, Ludwigshafen; I. G. Farben, synthetic am-
monia plant, Oppau; and I. G. Farben, chlorine
and caustic-soda plant, Ludwigshafen. The
final decision on the August Thyssen Hiitte plant
at Hamborn was to retain only the ore sintering
and power generation equipment.
Organization of Ruhr Autiiority
Statement hy Secretary Acheson
[Released to the press April 13]
The organization of the International Author-
ity for the Ruhr will commence as soon as the
agreement of December 28, reached in London
and recently approved by the three Foreign Min-
isters at their meeting here in Washington, has
been formally signed in London.^
Once the agreement has been signed, an organi-
zation meeting will be summoned by the United
Kingdom. This meeting will probably take
place in London. At this meeting the organiza-
tion of the Ruhr Authority will be worked out in
detail. It is agreed that the Ruhr Authority will
not begin exercising its functions until just before
the German Federal Republic has been established.
It was also difficult to do so until the Occupation
Statute and the German Constitution had made
further progress. There is therefore ample time
for the organization of the Ruhr Authority to be
perfected.
The United States member on the Council of
the International Authority for the Ruhr has not
yet been selected.
^ For related materials see Bulletin of June 20, 1948,
p. 807 ; Jan. 9, 1949, p. 43 ; Apr. 3, 1949, p. 427 ; and Apr. 17,
1949, p. 499.
April 24, 1949
Occupation Statute as a Practicable Basis of Cooperation
With Future German Government
STATEMENT BY SECRETARY ACHESON
[Released to the press April 13]
Our information indicates that the preliminary
German reaction to the Occupation Statute lias
not been unfav()ral)le. "We expect tliat there will
be increased understanding as the German politi-
cal leaders and public have a chance to examine
the background against which the Washington
agreements were made and the purpose thev are
meant to serve.
The Occupation Statute sets forth the maxi-
mum powers which the Allied authorities mean
to reserve.* The key issue for the future will be
the manner and extent to which the Allied au-
thorities will exercise their powers. In this con-
nection, I .should like to point out that the three
Governments had in mind establishing a practi-
cable basis of cooperation with the future Federal
German Government and declai-ed it to be a
major objective to facilitate the closest integra-
tion of the German people under their own gov-
ernment within the framework of European as-
sociation.
I have noted the fears expressed that the occu-
pying countries would use their powers to sup-
jjress future German industrial competition.
This is a baseless assumption, since it has always
been our aim to make Germany self-sufficient to
the greatest possible degree in order to reduce the
need for outside assistance.
The retention of control over research is a
justifiable adjunct of continued German dcmili-
laiization, and this is the context in which the
pertinent ])rovision of the Occupation Statute
was framed.
As regards control over foreign trade, this is a
protection of direct benefit to the German admin-
istration itself, since we must assure ourselves
that the funds we are supplying are properly
used and are not squandered. In the meantime
we will, of course, permit and encourage the Ger-
mans to develop their own foreign trade resources
so that they themselves may contribute as far as
possible to their own support and to the produc-
tion of goods for the benefit of Europe as a whole.
With resjject to the Basic Law, certain features
of which are still under discussion, our interest is
that a solution will be found preserving the fed-
eral character of tlie government which the Ger-
mans have been authorized to set up, and we hope
that earlj- agreement can be reached on this issue.
U.S., U.K., and France Announce Agreement on Limitations
on Certain Industries in Germany
[Released to the press jointly with
the Department of the Army April 13]
The Departments of State and Army made
public the text of an agreement which was an-
nounced on A])ril 13 by the Military Governors of
the United vStates, the United Kingdom, and
France, in (Jermany, regarding limitations to be
placed upon certain industries in (lermany in the
interest of security. The agreement embodies
recommendations recently formulated by repre-
sentatives of the three Governments in London and
'For text of statute see Bulleti.n of Apr. 17, li)49, p.
500.
526
approved by the three Foreign Ministers on April
8. 19-tO, in Washington, as part of the general
agreement which they reached regarding Ger-
many, in order to permit the establishment of a
Cierman Federal (lovernment which could form
a i)art of the European community.
The question of prohibited and restricted in-
dustries was considered by the three Governments
in conjunction with the review of the reparation
ilismantling program to bring that program into
harmony with the European Recovery Program.
In consequence, coordinated agreements were
reached by the three Governments on both subjects.
Department of State Bulletin
A separate announcement was made with regard
to reparations.^
Pursuant to instructions received from their
respective governments to conchide the agreement
hereinafter set forth, concerning proliibited and
limited industries in tlie United States, United
Kingdom and Frencli Occupied Areas of Germany
(hereinafter referred to for the purposes of tliis
Agreement as German}'), the United States,
United Kingdom and French Military Governors
and Commanders-in-Chief hereby promulgate the
following agreement, effective forthwith:
Article I
The prohibitions laid down in this Agreement
shall remain in force until the peace settlement.
The limitations laid down in this Agreement
shall remain in force until 1st January, 1953, or
until the peace settlement, whichever is the earlier,
and thereafter as may be agreed.
Should no peace settlement have been concluded
by 30th June, 1952, the Military Governors shall
forthwith review these limitations in the light of
the conditions then prevailing, taking into account
the requirements of security of the Allied Powers,
the state and effectiveness of the arrangements
made to preserve security, and the requirements of
European Recovery. Should the Militarj' Gov-
ernors be unable within 90 days from 30th June,
1952, to reach agreement on the limitations which
in the absence of an earlier peace settlement shall
be continued after 1st January, 1953, the matter
shall be considered forthwith by the three
Governments.
Article II
Action within the discretion of the Military
Governors under the terms of the Agi-eement
shall be taken by unanimous decision.
Article III
The production or manufacture of the follow-
ing substances and war materials shall be pro-
hibited, and all plants and equipment for tlieir
production or manufacture not already removed
or destroyed shall, as soon as possible, be re-
moved from Germany or destroyed.
(a) The items listed in Schedule A to Control
Council Law No. -±3 (at Annex A)
(6) Primary Magnesium
(r) Beryllium
Article IV
The production, import, export, transijort,
storage, use and i^ossession of radioactive mate-
rials will be the subject of legislation by the Mili-
tary Governors.
Article V
1. The production of synthetic rubber and bu-
tadiene shall be prohibited.
April 24, 1949
2. In order to give effect to the foregoing pro-
hibitions, facilities for copolymerization, facili-
ties for research and testing of synthetic rubber,
and facilities for the production of butadiene at the
Huls, Ludwigshafen and Leverkusen plants shall
be removed or destroyed.
Article VI
1. The production of petrol, oil and lubricants
directly or indirectly from coal or brown coal
by the Bergius hydrogenation process, the
Fischer-Tropsch synthesis, or analogous proces-
ses, shall be prohibited except, temporarily, to
the extent inseparable from the production of
hydrocarbon waxes for the manufacture of syn-
thetic fatty acids for the production of washing
materials.
2. The synthesis of hydrocarbon waxes by the
Fischer-Tropsch process shall be permitted only
so long as the supply of fats and oils available in
Germany is inadequate for the manufacture of
sufficient washing materials without the use of
syntlietic fatty acids, and in any event not beyond
31st December, 1949.
3. The Fischer-Tropsch plants not now engaged
in the synthesis of hydrocarbon waxes shall, as
soon as possible, be removed from Germany or
destroyed. The two Fischer-Tropsch plants en-
gaged in the synthesis of hydrocarbon waxes shall,
as soon as possible after production ceases, be re-
moved from Germany or destroyed.
4. All Bergius plants except the Wesseling
plant shall, as soon as possible, be removed from
Germany or destroyed. The whole Wesseling
plant shall be retained, and may be used for tlie
refining of natural petroleum, for the hydrogen-
ation of heavy residues from such refining and
for the synthesis of ammonia and methanol.
Article VII
The manufacture of electronic valves shall
be limited to a list to be drawn up by experts and
published by the Military Governors of permitted
types that shall not exceed either 10 watts dissi-
pation or 250 megacycles frequency, subject to the
authority of the Military Governors, acting upon
the advice of the Military Security Board, to per-
mit by licence the manufacture of types exceeding
10 watts dissipation (but not exceeding 250 mega-
cycles frequency) in case of necessity.
Article VIII
1. The capacity of the following industries
shall be limited as stated below :
(«) Steel, to that remaining after the removal
of reparations ;
(b) Electric arc and high frequency furnace
steel furnace capacity, to that remaining after the
removal of reparations;
' See ante V. 524.
(c) Primary Aluminium, to that sufficient to
produce 85,000 tons of primary aluminium a year;
(d) Shipbuilding, to that remaining!: after the
removal as reparations of the followintf yards in
addition to those four that have already been
made available for reparations:
CIXD 1200 Gerniania Werft. Kiel
CIND 1235 Deutsche Werke, Kiel
CIND 1287 Deutsche "Werft Reiherstieg.
Hamburg ;
(e) Ball and Roller Bearings, to that remain-
ing after the removal as reparations of plant and
equipment calculated to leave in Germany capac-
ity sufficient to produce 33 million units a year on
a one-shift basis, or pi'esent capacity, whichever
is the less;
(/) Synthetic Aminoina, to that remaining
after the removal of reparations ;
{g) Chlorine, to that remaining after the re-
moval of reparations ;
(A.) Styrene, to 20,000 tons annual working
capacity.
2. In order that the total authorised capacity
of the industries limited in paragraph 1 above
shall not be exceeded, no enterprise shall be per-
mitted, (except under licence from the Military
Governors, acting upon the advice of the Military
Security Board) to increase the productive capac-
ity of any of its plant or equipment that is en-
gaged or partly engaged in any of the industries
list in this article, whether it is proposed to effect
the increase by the extension of existing facilities,
the construction of new facilities, or the addition
of new equipment. The construction of new plant
and equipment, and the replacement or reconstruc-
tion of that removed or destroj'ed shall likewise
be prohibited except under licence from tlie ilili-
tary Governors, acting upon the advice of the
Military Security Board. The Militarj* Security
Board will ensure that obsolete or wornout plant
or equipment the replacement of which by new
has been licensed is removed from Germany or
destroyed.
Article IX
1. The production of steel shall be limited to
11.1 million ingot tons a year.
2. The production of primary aluminium shall
be limited to 85.000 tons of primary aluminium
a year. Xo specific limitation shall be placed on
imports of bauxite and alumina ; they shall, how-
ever, be controlled to prevent stock-piling in ex-
cess of a number of months' supply, to be deter-
mined by the Military Governors.
3. The production of st3'rene shall be limited
to 20,000 tons a year.
Article X
1. The manufacture of the following shall be
prohibited :
(a) Machine tools or other manufacturing
equipment specifically designed for the produc-
tion of weapons, ammunition or other implements
of war.
(b) Attachments, devices, tools or other ob-
jects having no normal, peacetime use and spe-
cifically designed to convert or adapt machine
tools or other manufacturing equipment to the
production of weapons, ammunition or other im-
plements of war.
2. The manufacture of the types of machine
tools listed at Annex B shall be prohibited except
under licence from the Military Governors, act-
ing upon the advice of the Military Security
Board, which licence will normally be granted un-
less the Military Governoi-s have reason to think
that the tools are not intended for peaceful pro-
duction.
Article XI
1. The construction of ships whose size or
speed does not exceed the limits contained in the
following table shall be permitted in Germany,
I)rovided that no ocean-going ships shall be con-
structed until a German coastal fleet adequate for
the requirements for European and German re-
covery lias been reconstituted. (It has been esti-
mated that Germanv will require for this purpose
517.000 G. R. T., including 360,000 G. R. T. of dry
cargo ships.)
Dry cargo ships 12 knots 7,200 G. R. T.
Tankers 12 knots 7,200 G. R. T.
Small craft 12 knots 650 G. R. T.
(including fishing vessels and ships other
than cargo-carrying craft)
Coastal vessels 12 knots 2,700 G. R. T.
2. Notwithstanding the above provisions, Ger-
manj' shall be permitted during the period of this
Agreement to acquire abroad up to 100.000 G.R.T.
of tankers of not more than 1-4 knots speed and
10,700 G.R.T., being not less than 16,000 dwt;
and up to 300,000 G.R.T. of dry cargo ships of not
more than 12 knots speed and 7,200 G.R.T.
3. In order to provide guidance for the Military
Governors, a committee of experts is to be consti-
tuted by the Governments of the United States,
the United Kingdom and France with instructions
to prepare, within three months, a report outlin-
ing the types of ships, excluding ships primarily
for passengers, which may be required by Ger-
many, although they exceed in one respect or
another the limits in paragraph 1 above. The
committee shall also determine those features of
design, construction, propulsion machinery, etc.,
which would facilitate use for or conversion for
war purposes or Mhich do not conform to normal
merchant marine practice and should therefore be
prohibited. The recommendations of the commit-
tee shall be transmitted to the Military Governors
for action in accordance with the procedure out-
lined in the following paragraph.
Department of State Bulletin
4. The Military Governors, acting upon the ad-
vice of the Military Security Board, may permit
by licence the construction or acquisition of ships
exceeding in some respects the limitations on speed
and tonnage shown in paragraph 1 above, in order
to provide for ships having special purposes or
functions. The Military Governors shall take
into account the requirements of security and the
necessity that ships shall be capable of operating
economically in the trades or routes for which they
are intended.
5. Notwithstanding anything contained herein
to the contrary, the Military Governors, acting
upon the advice of the Military Security Board,
may authorise under licence the construction of
vessels having a greater speed than 12 knots that
are shown to be essential for such purposes as the
prevention of smuggling and illegal fishing, fron-
tier control, fii-e fighting, or for the use of pilots or
the civil police.
6. The Military Governors shall promulgate the
legislation necessary to give effect to the foregoing
provisions ; and upon the coming into effect of such
legislation the operation of the relevant provisions
of Control Council Directives Nos. 33, 37, 44 and
45 shall be suspended. Until the promulgation of
such legislation, the building of any ships other
than those permitted under the relevant provi-
sions of Control Council Directives Nos. 33, 37, 44
and 45 shall remain prohibited.
Article XII
Nothing in this Agreement shall be interpreted
as impairing or reducing the powers with which
the Military Security Board is vested.
ANNEX A
Schedule A to Control Council Law No. 43
Grmip I
(a) All weapons including atomic means of
warfare or apparatus of all calibres and natures
cajDable of projecting lethal or destructive pro-
jectiles, liquids, gases or toxic substances, their
carriages and mountings.
(b) All projectiles for the above and their
means of jDrojection or projjulsion. Examples of
means of propulsion are cartridges, charges, etc.
(c) All military means of destruction such as
grenades, bombs, torpedoes, mines, depth mines,
depth and demolition charges and self-propellecl
charges.
(d) All military cutting or piercing weapons
(in French: white arms), (in Russian: cold
arms), such as bayonets, swords, daggers and
lances.
Group II
(a) All vehicles specially equipped or designed
for military purposes such as tanks, armoured
April 24, 1949
cars, tank-carrying trailers, armoured railway
rolling stock, etc.
(b) Armour of all types for military purposes.
(e) Harness specially designed for military
purposes.
Group III
(a) (i) Range-finding apparatus of all kinds
for militarj' pui'poses;
(ii) Aiming, guiding, and computing devices
for fire control ;
(iii) Locating devices of all kinds (particu-
larly all devices for radio direction finding and all
devices for radio detection) ;
(iv) Instruments for assisting observations
of fire or for the remote control of all moving
objects.
(b) All signalling and inter-communication
equipment and installations specially designed for
war purposes ; all apparatus for radio interference.
(c) Searchlights with mirror diameter of more
than 45 cms.
(d) Optical instruments of all kinds specially
designed or intended for war purposes.
(e) Survey and cartographic equipment and in-
struments of all kinds specially designed for war
purposes. Military maps and equipment for using
them.
(/) Military engineering tools, machinery and
equipment such as special bridging materials.
(g) Personal military equipment and uniforms,
and military insignia and decorations.
(h) Cryptographic machines and devices used
for cipher purposes.
(/) All camouflage and dazzle devices.
Any of the materials listed in Group III, ex-
cept for electronic devices such as radar, radio-
goniometric and similar equipment, that have a
normal peacetime use and are not specially de-
signed for military use, are excluded from the pro-
visions of paragraph 1, Article I of the Law.
Group IV
(a) Warships of all classes. All ships and
floating equipment specially designed for servic-
ing wai'ships. All ships with characteristics ex-
ceeding those required for normal peacetime uses ;
or designed or constructed for conversion into
warships or for military use.
(b) Special machinery, equipment and instal-
lations which in time of peace are normally used
solely in warships.
(c) Submersible craft of all kinds; submersible
devices of all kinds, designed for military pur-
poses. Special equipment pertaining to these
craft and devices.
{d) All military and landing devices.
(e) Material, equipment and installations for
the military defense of coasts, harbours etc.
Group V
(a) Aircraft of all types, heavier or lighter
than air; with or without means of propulsion,
iiu'ludinf^ kites, captive balloons, gliders and
model aircraft, and all auxiliary equipment, in-
cluding aircraft engines and component parts,
accessories, and spare parts specifically designed
for aircraft use.
(h) Ground equipment for servicing, testing
or aiding the operation of aircraft, such as cata-
pults, winclies and beacons; material for the
rapid prenaration of airfields such as landing
mats; special equipment used in conjunction
with air photography: excluding however,
from the provisions of paragraph 1, Article
I of this Law any such (■(iui]mii'iit and ma-
terials for landing fields and air beacons that
have a normal peacetime use and are not spe-
cifically designed for military use as listed in
Schedule B.
Groifp VI
All drawings, specifications, designs, models
and reproductions directly relating to the de-
velopment, manufacture, testing, or inspection
of the war materials, or to ex])eriments or re-
search in connection with war material.
Group VII
Machinery and other manufacturing ecjuipment
and tooling used for the development, manufac-
ture, testing or inspection of the war material de-
fined in tliis Schedule, and not capable of conver-
sion to peacetime production.
Group VIII
(a) The following War Chemicals:
High explosives with the exception of those
listecl in Schedule B. Group Vllla.^
(Note: By "high explosives" is meant organic
explosives used as fillings for shells, bombs, etc.)
Double-base propellants (i. e. Nitrocellulose
propellants containing nitroglycerine, diethj'l-
eneglycol dinitrate or analogous substance).
Single-base propellants for any weapons except
sporting weapons.
Nitroguanidine.
Poison war gases (including liquids and solids
customarily included in this term) with the ex-
ception of those listed in Group Vlllb' of Schedule
B.
Rocket fuels :
Hydrogen peroxide of above 37% concentration.
Hydrazine hj'drate
Methyl nitrate.
Highly toxic products from bacteriological or
plant sources (with the exception of those bac-
teriological and plant products which are used for
therapeutic purposes) .
{h) All special means for individual and col-
lective defense used in peace exclusively by the
armed forces, such as protective masks against
' This reference Is to Schechilp R nf Allied Control
Council Law No. 43 signed Dec. 20. 1!I4(!. in Berlin.
toxic or lethal devices used for war, detection ap-
paratus etc.
Group IX
All apparatus, devices, and material specially
designed ff)r training and instructing pereonnel
in the use. handling, manufacture or maintenance
of war material.
Types of machine toots the manufacture of which
shall be prohibited except under licence from the
Military Security Board
1. Spiral b( ccl gear cutters.
•2. Brocwhhig mackineH of the following kinds:
(a) Continuous surface type.
{h) Reciprocating type (bar type cutter) with
cutter diameter or equivalent cross section exceed-
ing 2 inches (iA mm), or working stroke exceed-
ing >5 feet (1524: mm) or pull capacity exceeding
;35,()00 lbs ( 15,876 kgs) .
3. General purpose lathes of the following
kinds :
{a) Lathes of work diameter capacity (swing
over carriage) exceeding 56 inches ( 1,422 mm).
(&) Lathes of work diameter capacity (swing
over carriage) of from 36 inches (914 mm) to 56
inches and with distance between centres (length
of work piece) exceeding 14 feet (4,267 mm).
(c) Lathes of work (lianieter capacity (swing
over carriage) of from 18 inches (457 mm) to 36
inches (914 mm) and with distance between cen-
tres exceeding 18 feet (5,486 mm).
4. Vertical turret lathes (turret type head, not
rotating table) of work diameter capacity exceed-
ing 39 inches (991 mm).
5. Chucking and facing lathes of work diameter
capacity exceeding 96 inches (2,438 mm) or with
travel of carriage exceeding 7 feet (2,134 mm).
6. Car and locomotive wheel lathes (machines
designed specifically for this work) of work diam-
eter capacity exceeding 96 inches (2,438 mm).
7. Turret lathes of chuck capacity exceeding 24
inches (610 mm) or of bar capacity exceeding 3
inches (76 mm).
8. MiUin-g machines of general purpose and
univei-.sal types, horizontal and vertical, any of
whose specifications exceed the following limits :
(a) Maximum overall weight : 4 tons.
(h) Following rectangular table dimensions:
(i) Maximum length: 48 inches ( 1,219 mm),
(ii) Maxinunn width : 14 inches (356 mm).
(c) Following round table dimensions:
(i) Maximum table diameter: 24 inches
(610 mm).
(ii) Maximum work diameter capacity: 32
inches (813 mm).
9. Planer milling machines of distance between
housings exceeding 4 feet ( 1,219 mm) or of length
of platen exceeding 12 feet (3,658 mm) or of
number of heads exceeding 3.
10. Grinding 7nachines of the following kinds:
Depar/menf of Sfofe Bulletin
(a) Cylindrical general purpose machines ^of
work diameter capacity exceeding 30 inches (762
mm) or of distance between centres exceeding 9
feet (2,743 mm), but not including machines spe-
cifically designed for and limited to finishing roll-
ing mill, calencler, printing and other similar ma-
chine parts.
(b) Surface rectangular table machnies of
platen width exceeding 24 inches (610 mm) or of
platen length exceeding 72 inches (1,829 mm).
(c) Surface round table machines of table
diameter exceeding 36 inches (914 mm).
11. Gear producing machines of all types whose
work diameter capacity exceeds 60 inches (1,524
mm).
12. Forging hammers of all types of falling
weight exceeding 31/2 tons (3.5.56 metric tons).
13. Forging machiTies of bar stock diameter or
equivalent cross section exceeding 3^2 inches (89
mm).
14. Mechanical presses of an effective operating
pressure exceeding 1,000 tons (1,016 metric tons).
15. Hydraulic presses of an effective operating
pi-essure exceeding 1,000 tons (1,016 metric tons).
16. Precision jig boring machines of a lateral
displacement of cutter with reference to work (or
displacement of work with reference to cutter)
exceeding 24 inches (610 mm) .
PLANT DISMANTLING AND PROHIBITED AND RESTRICTED INDUSTRIES IN GERMANY
A Chronology of Public Statements and Agreements
1. August 1, 1945. Potsdam Protocol (Berlin agree-
ment) siLcned.
Among the agreements In the Protocol were a ban on
German production of military materials ; a restriction of
production of certain types of materials of high importance
to a war effort but also important to a peacetime economy ;
and arrangements for the removal from Germany of equip-
ment surplus to the requirements of the peacetime economy
In certain industries.
Reference: Department of State press release 238 of
March 24, 1947, for full text.
2. December 12, 1945. The Department of State issued
its interpretation of the Potsdam Protocol as it related to
reparation and the peacetime German economy.
In part this interpretation was : "The present determi-
nation, however, is not designed to impose permanent lim-
itations on the Germany economy. The volume of per-
mitted industrial production of a peacetime character will
be subject to constant review after February 2, 1946 ; and
final Allied decisions regarding restrictions to be main-
tained on German industrial capacity and production will
not be made until the framing of the peace settlement
with Germany."
Reference : Department of State publication 2630, United
States Economic Policy Toward Germany,
Appendix g.
3. March 28, 1946. The "Plan of the Allied Control Coun-
cil for lieparatious and the Level of the Postwar German
Economy" made public by the Military Governors of the
Four Occupying Powers.
This plan contained a list of prohibited and restricted
industries and laid the basis for removal of plants for
reparation in furtherance of the Potsdam Protocol.
Reference : Department of State publication 2630, United
States Economic Policy Toward Oermany,
Appendix k.
4. December 20, 1946. The Allied Control Council
reached agreement on and signed Law No. 43, in Berlin.
Schedule A of Law 43 spelled out the types of war
materials whose production was wholly prohibited. The
Schedule A list has not been changed, and there is three-
power agreement that it should continue in effect.
5. August 29, 1947. The "Revised Plan for Level of In-
dustry in the U.S./U.K. Zones of Germany" was made
public.
After a year-and-a-half of experience it was found that
the requirements of the German peacetime economy had
been underestimated. When four-zone unity could not
be achieved the Jlilitary Governors of the Bizonal area
undertook a revision of the level-of-industry plan. This
April 24, J 949
increased the industrial capacity to be retained in certain
German industries. A review of the prohibited industries
and of the restrictions on certain types of production was
deferred.
Reference : Bulletin of Sept. 7, 1947, p. 468.
6. June 2, 1948. Representatives of France, the United
Kingdom, and the United States signed a report in Lon-
don containing their recommendations on certain German
problems.
Among these recommendations was one for establish-
ment of a Military Security Board that would enforce
German disarmament and demilitarization, with appro-
priate controls over the prohibited and restricted
industries.
Reference : Bulletin of June 20, 1948, pp. 807-10.
7. April 3, 1948. Economic Cooperation Act of 1948,
signed by the President.
Section 115 (f ) of this act specified :
"The Administrator (of the ECA) will request the Sec-
retary of State to obtain the agreement of those countries
concerned that such capital equipment as it scheduled for
removal as reparations from the three western zones of
Germany be retained in Germany if such retention will
most effectively serve the purpose of the European re-
covery program." ,, 4. -.an
Reference : Public Law 472— 80th Congress ; chapter 169—
2d Session.
8 August 1948. The Industrial Advisory Committee of
the ECA, under the chairmanship of George M. Humphrey,
assembled a group of engineers to examine the plants
that had been placed on removal lists in the Western
zones.
The engineers began their work abroad on October 13
and ended it on December 16, 1948. The report of the In-
dustrial Advisory Committee, containing recommenda-
tions on the plants to be retained in Germany, is dated
January 12, 1949. On January 25 the U.S. Secretary of
State asked the British and French Governments to ac-
cept the ECA recommendations.
9 September 1948. The Military Governors of the three
VVestern zones began a review of the prohibited and
restricted industries.
10 January 17, 1949. Formation of the Military Secu-
rity Board for the Western zones of Germany was an-
nounced. „ ^„>„ inr
Reference : Bulletin of February 6, 1949, p. 195.
11 March 1949. A Franco-U.K.-U.S. conference at the
o-ovcrnmental level began in London to review the recom-
mendations of the Military Governors on the revision of
the prohibited and restricted industries and also to con-
sider the recommendations of the Industrial Advisory
Committee of the ECA.
531
Report of the Secretary of State to the President on North Atlantic Treaty
[Released to the press April 12)
April 7, 194s
The PREsroENT: I have the honor to transmit
to you the North Atlantic Treaty, signed at Wash-
ington on April 4, 1949, with the recommendation
that it be submitted to the Senate for its advice
and consent to ratification.
In accepting the obligations of the United Na-
tions Charter in 1945, the United States Govern-
ment committed itself for the first time to full
participation in collective action to maintain in-
ternational peace and security. The foreign pol-
icy of the United States is based squarely upon the
United Nations as the primary instrumentality
of international peace and progi-ess. This Gov-
ernment is determined to make the United Nations
ever more effective in order ultimately to assure
universal peace.
Altlioiigli this Government's full participation
in world cooperation dates only from 1945, this
Government liad, for more than a century and a
quarter, contributed to the peace of the Americas
by making clear its determination to resist tiny at-
tack upon our neighboring Republics to the South.
The same determination and the obligations nec-
essary to give it effect througli the collective action
of all the American Republics was incorporated
in the Treaty of Rio de Janeiro in 1947. This
Treaty, like the North Atlantic Treaty, is a de-
fense arrangement under the Charter of the United
Nations. The essence of that Treaty is recogni-
tion of the fact that an armed attack on any of
the American States is in effect an attack upon
them all.
The North Atlantic Treaty is patterned on the
Treaty of Rio de Janeiro. Its essence is recogni-
tion of the fact tliat an armed attack on any of
tlie North Atlantic nations is in effect an attack
upon them all. An attack upon any of them would
not be designed merely to gain territory or na-
tionalistic ends. It would be directed squarely
against our common democratic way of life.
The essential purpose of the Treaty is to fortify
and preserve this common way of life. It is de-
signed to contribute to the maintenance of peace
by making clear in advance the determination of
the Parties resolutely and collectively to resist
armed attack on any of them. It is further de-
signed to contribute to the stability and well-being
of the member nations by removing tlie haunting
sense of insecurity and enabling them to plan and
work with confidence in the future. Finally, it is
designed to provide the basis for effective collec-
tive action to restore and maintain the security of
the North Atlantic area if an armed attack should
occur.
This Treaty and the Rio Treaty, committing the
United States as they do to exert its great influence
for peace, are, in my opinion, second only in im-
I)ortance to our membership in the United Nations.
For tliis reason every effort has been made to de-
velop it on a wholly non-partisan basis and in
cooperation between the Executive and Legisla-
tive branches.
In December 1947 you ratified the Treaty of
Rio de Janeiro on the advice and consent of the
Senate given with only one dissenting vote.
On March 17, 1948. the Governments of Bel-
gium, France. Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and
the United Kingdom signed the Brussels Treaty,
which was modelled to a consideral)le extent on
the Rio Treaty and which established another col-
lective defense arrangement within the frame-
work of the Charter. That arrangement was es-
tablished with the encouragement of this Govern-
ment as a .step toward the closer integration of
the free nations of Europe and as evidence of the
determination of the five parties resolutely to de-
fend themselves and each other against aggression.
In establishing it, they repeatedly advised us that,
despite their determination to do their utmost in
self-defense, their collective strength might be in-
adequate to preserve peace or insure their national
survival unless the great power and influence of
the United States and other free nations were also
brought into association with them.
On the day the Brussels Treaty was signed, you
addressed the Congress in joint session and praised
the conclusion of that Treaty as a notable step to-
ward peace. You expressed confidence that the
American people would extend the free countries
the support which the situation might require and
that their determination to defend themselves
would be matched by an equal determination on
our part to help them to do so.
Shortly thereafter, my predecessor, General
Marshall, and Mr. Robert Lovett undertook a se-
ries of consultations with the leaders and members
of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on the
problems facing the free world and how they
might best be met by bringing American influence
to bear in the cause of peace, in association with
other free nations, and within the framework of
the United Nations Qiarter.
On May 19, 1948, the Foreign Relations Com-
mittee imanimously reported Senate Resolution
No. 239. That Resolution declared :
Whereas peace with justice and the defense of human
rights and fundamental freedoms require international
cooi)eration through more effective use of the United
Nations :
Department of State Bulletin
Therefore be it
Resolved, That the Senate reaffirm the policy of the
United States to achieve international peace and secu-
rity through the United Nations so tliat armed force shall
not be used except in the conuiion interest, and that the
President be advised of the sense of the Senate that this
Government, by constitutional process, should particu-
larly pursue the following objectives within the United
Nations Charter : . . .
(2) Progressive development of regional and other
collective arrangements for individual and collective self-
defense in accordance with the purposes, principles, and
provisions of the Charter.
(3) Association of the United States, by constitutional
process, with such regional and other collective arrange-
ments as are liased on continuous and effective self-help
and mutual aid, and as affect its national security.
(4) Contributing to the maintenance of peace by
making clear its determination to exercise the right of
individual or collective self-defen.se under Article 51
should any armed attacli occur affecting its national
security.
On June 11, 1948, the Senate adopted that Eeso-
lution by a non-partisan vote of 64 to 4. The
Preamble of H. K.. 6802 which was unanimously
reported by the Foreign Affairs Committee of the
House of Representatives on June 9 but not voted
upon prior to adjournment, contained language
identical in substance with that quoted above.
In July, on the basis of these expressions of
the wishes of the Legislative branch, you author-
ized Mr. Lovett to begin exploratory conversa-
tions with the Ambassadors of Canada and of the
Parties to the Brussels Treaty. These conversa-
tions resulted in September in agreement by the
representatives participating in them that an
arrangement, established by Treaty, for the col-
lective defense of the North Atlantic area was
desirable and necessary. Agreement was also
reached on the general nature of the Treaty.
Following approval by the governments concerned
of the recommendations of their representatives,
negotiation of the Treaty was begun in December
and finished on March 15, 1949.
Throughout these conversations and negotia-
tions Mr. Lovett and I have constantly made clear
that, so far as the United States was concerned,
the Treaty nuist conform to the expression of guid-
ance contained in the Senate Resolution. I am
glad to say that the principles stated in the Resolu-
tion received the wholehearted concurrence of the
other participating governments. From time to
time during the negotiations first Mr. Lovett and,
since January 20, I have consulted fully with the
Chairman and ranking minority member of the
Foreign Relations Committee. During the later
stages of the negotiations I met twice with the
Foreign Relations Committee as a whole. The
Treaty in its final form reflects a number of con-
structive suggestions made by members of the
Committee.
Early in March the Norwegian Government de-
cided to join in negotiating the Treaty and since
March 4 the Norwegian Ambassador has partici-
pated fully in the discussions.
April 24, 7949
It is clear that a collective defense arrangement
of this nature, in order to be fully effective, should
be participated in by as many countries as are in
a position to further the democratic principles
upon which the Treaty is based and to contribute
to the security of the North Atlantic area and as
are prepared to undertake the necessary responsi-
bilities. Accordingly, invitations to become orig-
inal signatories of the Treaty were issued on be-
half of the eight participating governments on
March 17 to the Governments of Denmark, Ice-
land, Italy, and Portugal. It is a source of grati-
fication that those governments decided to partici-
pate in this collective enterprise.
Treaties are ordinarily negotiated in strict con-
fidence and their contents made public only after
signature. In this case, while it was necessary to
conduct the negotiations in confidence until gen-
eral agreement had been reached, the negotiating
governments decided to make the text public as
soon as it had been tentatively agreed upon. This
was done in order to give public opinion in each of
the participating countries and in all other coun-
tries the maximum opportunity to study and dis-
cuss its terms. I am exceedingly gratified by the
popular reaction to the Treaty in the United States
and abroad.
The text of the Treaty is, I think, self-explana-
tory. In drafting a document of such importance
to millions of individuals every effort has been
made to make it as clear, concise, and simple as
possible.
The Preamble expresses the spirit and purposes
of the Treaty. In it the Parties reaffirm their
faith in the purposes and principles of the United
Nations Charter and their desire to live in peace
with all peoples and all governments. They ex-
press their determination to safeguard the free-
dom and the common heritage and civilization of
their peoples founded on the principles of democ-
racy, individual liberty and the rule of law. They
express their desire to promote stability and well-
being in the North Atlantic area and their resolu-
tion to unite their efforts for collective defense and
for the preservation of peace and security.
Article 1 reflects "their desire to live in peace
with all peoples and all governments" by explicitly
reaffirming the obligations, expressed in Article 2
of the Charter and reflected throughout the Char-
ter, to settle any international disputes in which
they may be involved, with any nation, by peaceful
means in such a manner that international peace
and security, and justice, are not endangered and
to refrain in their international relations from the
threat or use of force in any manner inconsistent
with the purposes of the United Nations. It is
clear that any allegations that the Treaty conceals
aggressive intentions are deliberate perversions of
fact.
Article 2 reflects the conviction of the Parties
that true peace is more than the mere absence of
war. In this Article the Parties indicate their
desire to strenptlien the moral and material factors
upon wliicli true peace depends. They will do so
by stieiip(heniii>r their own free institutions, by
hrinfrinp: about a better understanding of the prin-
ciples upon which those institutions are founded,
and by promoting conditions of stability and well-
being. They will also seek to eliminate conflict in
their international economic policies and will en-
courage economic collaboration between any or all
of them.
Article 3 carried into the Treaty the concept con-
tained in the Senate Kesolution that such collective
arrangements should be based on continuous and
effective self-help and mutual aid. This means
that no Party can rely on others for its defense
unless it does its utmost to defend itself and con-
tribute toward the defense of the othei-s. The Ar-
ticle does not itself obligate any Party to make any
specific contribution to the defense capacity of any
other Party, at any jiaiticular time or over any
given period of time. It does contain the general
obligations of determined self-defense and assist-
ance in strengtliening the defense capacity of the
group as a whole. Tlie concept of "mutual aid"'
is that each Party shall contribute such mutual
aid as it reasonably can, consistent with its geo-
gra]ihic location and resources and with due re-
gard to the requirements of basic economic health,
in the form in which it can most effectively fur-
nish it, whether in the form of facilities, man-
power, productive capacity, military equipment,
or other forms.
Article 4 provides for consultation at the request
of any Pai'ty whenever in its opinion the teri-i-
torial integrity, political independence or security
of any of the Parties is threatened. Any situation
or event anywhere could be cause for consultation
if it were deemed to threaten the integrity, inde-
pendence or security of any Party, but it is not
anticipated that consultation would be lightly
sought or that it would be productive if it were.
The Article contains no obligation beyond consul-
tation. Any action taken as a result of consul-
tation would be determined by each Party in the
light of the seriousness of the situation and of its
obligations under the United Nations Charter and
in the spirit of the Treaty.
There is no intention that such consultation
should in any way duplicate the functions of tlie
United Nations Security Council or the General
Assembly. In particular, there is no intention of
undertaking any enforcement action within the
meaning of Article i\'^ of tlie Charter unless the
Security Council should specifically call upon the
Parties to take it.
Article 5 is based squarely on the "inherent
right", specifically recognized in Article 51 of the
Charter, of "individual or collective self-defense
if an armed attack occurs against a member of
the United Nations". That right does not derive
from Article 51 of the Charter: it is inherent, and
recognized as such and preserved by that Article.
The Article is also based upon the fact that in
the world of today the security of the Parties to
this Treaty is so interdependent that an armed at-
tack on an)' one of them would be in effect an at-
tack on all.
This Article provides that, if such an armed
attack occurs, each Party will take such action as
it deems necessary, including the use of armed
foice. to restore and maintain the security of the
North Atlantic area.
The basic purpose of the Treaty is to contribute
to the maintenance of peace, as recommended in
the Senate Resolution, by making clear the deter-
mination of the Parties to exercise the right of self-
defense should an armed attack occur against any
of them. As you stated in your inaugural address,
if it can be made sufficiently clear that such an
attack would be met with overwhelming force,
the attack may never occur.
This Treaty is designed to prevent such an
attack occurring by making clear the determina-
tion of the signatory nations to take the neces-
sary- action should it occur. Far more important
than language in a treaty is the determination of
the peoples bound b\' it. It is my hope and belief
that the American people and the peoples of the
other signatory nations will by their national con-
duct make this unmistakably clear.
The obligation upon each Party is to use its
honest judgment as to the action it deems neces-
sary to restore and maintain the security of the
North Atlantic area and accordingly to take such
action as it deems necessary. Such action might or
might not include the use of armed force depend-
ing upon the circumstances and gravity of the at-
tack. If an attack were of a minor nature meas-
ures short of force would certainly be utilized
first and might suffice. Only in the clear case of
a major armed attack would the use of force be
necessary. Each Party retains for itself the
right of determination as to whether an armed
attack has in fact occurred and what action it
deems necessary to take. If the situation were
not clear there would presumably be consultation
prior to action. If the facts were clear, action
would not necessarily depend on consultation and
it is hoped that the action would be as swift and
decisive as the gravity of the situation was deemed
to require.
This does not mean that the United States would
automatically be at war if we or one of the other
Parties to the Treaty were attacked. Under our
Constitution, the Congress alone has the power
to declare war. The United States would be obli-
gated by the Treaty to take promptly the action
which it deemed necessary to restore and main-
tain the security of the North Atlantic area. That
decision as to what action was necessary would
naturally be taken in accordance with our con-
stitutional processes.
Department of State Bulletin
Article 51 of the Charter recognizes the inherent
right of self-defense until the Security Council
has taken the measures necessary to maintain inter-
national peace and security. Article 5 of the
Treaty jDrovides that any armed attack upon a
Party and all measures taken as a result thereof
shall immediately be reported to the Security
Council and that such measures shall be termi-
nated when the Security Council has taken the
necessary action.
Article 6 specifies certain areas within which an
armed attack would give rise to the obligations of
Article 5. The area covered by the Treaty is the
general Xorth Atlantic area and is deliberately
not defined by lines on a map. The purpose of the
Treaty is to j^revent an armed attack by making
clear that such an attack within that general area
would meet the collective resistance of all the Par-
ties. It would not be in keeping with the spirit
of the Treaty to provide that an attack such as
the sinking of a vessel at one point at sea would
give rise to the obligations of Article 5, while a
similar attack a few miles away would not. Fur-
thermore, it is not contemplated that minor inci-
dents would bring the provisions of Article 5 into
effect.
Article 7 makes clear that the obligations of the
Parties under the Treaty are subordinated to their
obligations under the Charter. Their obligations
under the Charter are in no way affected by the
Treaty and the provisions of the Charter are para-
mount wherever applicable. In this Article the
Parties also explicitly recognize the primary re-
sponsibility of the Security Council for the main-
tenance of international peace and security.
In Article 8 each Party declares that none of its
existing international engagements with any state
is in conflict with the provisions of the Treaty and
undertakes not to enter into any international en-
gagement in conflict with it.
By Article 9 the Treaty becomes not merely a
static document but the basis for a continuing col-
lective arrangement as envisaged in the Senate
Resolution. That Article establishes a Council,
on which each Party is to be represented, to facili-
tate implementation of the Treaty. The Council
is to be so organized as to be able to meet promptly
at any time and shall set up such subsidiary bodies
as may be necessary, in particular a defense com-
mittee to recommend measures for the implementa-
tion of Articles 3 and 5. The Council will have no
powers other than to consider matters within the
purview of the Treaty and to assist the Parties in
reaching agi'eement upon them. Consequently, no
voting procedure is needed or provided. Each
government remains the judge of what actions it
should take in fulfillment of the obligations of the
Treaty.
Article 10 recognizes that not all states in the
North Atlantic area in a position to further the
principles of the Treaty or to contribute to the
security of the area may wish to become parties at
this time. The Article accoi-dingly provides that
the Parties may, by unanimous agreement, invite
any other European state in a position to further
the principles of the Treaty and to contribute to
the security of the North Atlantic area to become
a party at a later date.
Since Canada and the United States are orig-
inal signatories and the other American Republics
are actual or potential parties to the Rio Treaty,
no accessions by other American states are con-
templated.
Since the accession of additional parties might
alter the responsibilities of the original signa-
tories, unanimous agreement is required to invite
other states to join.
Article 11 provides that the Treaty shall be rati-
fied and its provisions carried out by the Parties
in accordance with their respective constitutional
processes. The Senate Resolution spoke of asso-
ciation of the United States "by constitutional
process" with such arrangement as that established
by the present Treaty, and it is naturally under-
stood, as this Article provides, that both ratifica-
tion of the Treaty and the carrying out of all its
provisions must be in accordance with the consti-
tutional processes of the signatory nations.
At the request of the other signatory govern-
ments, the United States Government has agreed
to act as the depositary of the Treaty.
It was considered advisable that the Treaty en-
ter into effect only when it had been ratified by
each of the se\'en governments which originally
participated in the negotiations, and a provision
to this effect is contained in this Article.
Article 12 provides for the review of the Treaty
at the request of any Party after the Treaty has
been in force for 10 years, or at any time there-
after. This provision corresponds to the similar
provision of Article 109 in the United Nations
Charter providing for a review of the Charter
after 10 years. Article 12 provides that the review
of the Treaty shall take into account the factore
that affect peace and security in the North At-
lantic area, including the development of univer-
sal as well as regional arrangements under the
Charter for the maintenance of international
peace and security.
Article 13 provides that any Party may cease
to be a Party, after the Treaty has been in force
for 20 years, upon the expiration of one year's
notice of denunciation.
The common heritage of the signatory nations
dates deep in history and the bonds between them
are fundamental. It is hoped that their coopera-
tion will be permanent and progressively closer.
The Treaty must have a relatively long duration
if it is to provide the necessary assurance of long-
terra security and stability. On the other hand,
the impossibility of foretelling what the interna-
tional situation will be in the distant future makes
rigidity for too long a term undesirable. It is
believed that indefinite duration, with the possibil-
April 24, 1949
ity that any Party may withdraw from the Treaty
after 20 years and that the Treaty as a whole might
be reviewed at any time after it has been in effect
for ten years, provides the best solution.
Article 14 is a formal article concerninfif the
equal authenticity of the English and French texts
and the disposition of tiie original Treaty and
certified copies thereof.
I believe that this Treaty will prove to be an
important milestone in realization of the desire
of the American people to use their great influence
for peace. It makes clear, in my opinion, their
determination to do so. The Treaty has been
formulated in accordance with the guidance given
by the Senate in Resolution 239. In the Senate
debate on tliat Kesolution it was made clear that
the Senate, in advising you [larticularly to pursue
certain objectives, in no way yielded its freedom
of action to scrutinize and to give or withhold its
consent to ratification of such treaty as might be
negotiated. I know that the Senate will conscien-
tiously exercise that pierogative and I trust that
the Treaty will meet with its approval.
Kespectfully submitted,
Dean Achesox
Encloscbe : North Atl.intic Treaty.
[BULLETIN of Mar. 20, 1949, p. .3:i9]
Head of American Relief for Czechoslovakia
Arrested in Praha
[Released to the press April 13]
Vlasta Adele Vraz, head of the Praha office of
American Relief for Czechoslovakia, was arrested
April 9 about 1 p. m., and is now thought to be in
Panrac Prison, Praha.
American Relief for Czechoslovakia, sponsored
by the Advisory Committee on Voluntary Foreign
Aid, is the organization which sends gifts of food
and clothing to the children of Czechoslovakia
from Czechs and Czech-Americans in the United
States. The head office of the organization is at
9 East 10th Street, New York City, in charge of
Dr. Kenneth D. Miller. The activities of the
Praha office were to have been discontinued in
June of this year.
Miss Vraz was born in Chicago. Her current
address is 2101 South Elmwood Street, Berwyn,
Illinois. She is unmarried, tlie daughter of the
late well-known explorer-historian, Enrique Vraz,
and first came to Praha as a representative of the
American Red Cross in October 1945.
An American Embassy representative was per-
mitted to visit Miss Vraz on April 12 in the pres-
' Bulletin of Apr. 10, 1949, p. 4,'55.
ence of a Foreign Office representative and two
police officials. She appeared to be well and said
she had been well treated to date and was being
held for investigation in connection with alleged
activities of a political nature.
On December 7, 1946, Miss Vraz was awarded
the Czechoslovak "Order of the White Lion" for
services to the State of Czechoslovakia. The laU-
■sfr-pmser issued to her bv the Czechoslovak Con-
sulate General in New Vork on September 21,
1945, includes a statement that she was coming to
Czechoslovakia at the invitation of the Czechoslo-
vak Government. She received a certificate dated
October 22, 1945, from the late Foreign Minister,
Jan Masaryk, confirming the aforementioned invi-
tation and bespeaking tiie good oHices of all Czech-
oslovak officials, civilian and military, on her be-
half. In January of this year she received a letter
from the Czechoslovak authorities thanking her
for her care and the devotion with which she had
conducted relief activities in Czechoslovakia for
the past three years and for her understanding of
the needs of the Czechoslovak children.
The President's Reply to Prime Minister Attlee
on First Anniversary of ECA
[Released to the press by the White House April 7]
The President has sent the following message to
Clement Attlee, Prime Minuter of Great Brit-
ain, in reply to the message from Mr. Attlee ^ on
the occasion of the first anniversary of the sign-
ing of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1948:
I am confident that I speak not only for myself
but for the people of the United States in express-
ing appreciation for your message on this first
anniversary of the signing of the Foreign Assist-
ance Act of 1948.
The record of the countries participating in the
European Recovery Program during the jiast j'ear
is one of great accomplishment in industry, in ag-
riculture, in trade. It is a record of tireless hard
work. It is also, I believe, a record of achieve-
ment through cooperation. The Organization for
European Economic Cooperation so recently es-
tablished by the countries working together to-
ward full recovei-y has demonstrated to us all the
meaning of true international action.
"We in the United States are proud that we have
had a ]iart in tliis great mutual effort. We are
confident that the progress toward true recovery
which has been so mai'ked during this first year
will continue and that the high goals which have
been set will be fully realized.
Department of Stale Bvlletin
Joint U.S.-Canada Industrial IVSobilization Committee Established
EXCHANGE OF NOTES BETWEEN THE TWO GOVERNMENTS
[Released to the press April 12]
A Joint United States— Canada Industrial Mo-
bilization Committee was established on April 12
by an exchange of notes between the two Govern-
ments, in Ottawa, following a series of discussions
that began last June. This Joint Committee will
consist of the following :
For the United States
Dr. John R. Steelman, Acting Chairman, National Se-
curity Resources Board
Donald F. Carpenter, Chairman, Munitions Board
For Canada
Harry J. Carmichael, Chairman, Industrial Defence
Board „ ^ t «
S. D. Pierce, Associate Deputy Minister, Department ol
Trade and Commerce
The agreement recognizes the mutual interests
and complementary characteristics of the resources
of the two countries. It will be the function of the
new Committee to exchange information and co-
ordinate the views of the two Governments m
connection with planning for industrial mobiliza-
tion in the event of an emergency. The new Com-
mittee is further charged with cooperation with
the existing U.S.-Canadian Permanent Joint
Board on Defense, established in 1940 by the late
President Roosevelt and Mackenzie King, then
Prime Minister of Canada.
A meeting of the Joint U.S.-Canada Industrial
Mobilization Committee is contemplated in the
near future.
The text of the notes follows :
Ottawa, April 12, 1949
No. 93
Excellency : I have the honor to inform Your
Excellency that the common interests of Canada
and the United States in Defence, their proximity
and the complementary characteristics of their re-
sources clearly indicate the advantages of coordi-
nating their plans for industrial mobilization, in
order that the most effective use may be made of
the productive facilities of the two countries.
The functions of the Department of Trade and
Commerce and the Industrial Defence Board in
Canada and those of the National Security Ee-
sources Board and the Munitions Board in the
United States suggest that, for the present, it
would be appropriate to use these Agencies to as-
sist the two Governments in coordinating their
Industrial Mobilization Plans.
Therefore, my Government wishes to propose
that the two Governments agree :
(a) That a Joint Industrial Mobilization Com-
April 24, 1949
mittee be now constituted consisting, on the United
States side, of the Chairman of the National Se-
curity Resources Board and the Chairman of the
Munitions Board and, on the Canadian side, of the
Chairman of the Industrial Defence Board and a
Senior Official of the Department of Trade and
Commerce ;
(b) That the Joint Committee:
(i) Exchange information with a view to the
coordination of the plans of the United States
and Canada for Industrial Mobilization ;
(ii) Consider what recommendations in the
field of Industrial Mobilization planning, in areas
of common concern, should be made to each Gov-
ernment ;
(iii) Be empowered to organize Joint Sub-
Committees from time to time to facilitate the dis-
charge of its functions ;
(iv) Be responsible for cooperation with the
Permanent Joint Board on Defence on matters of
Industrial Mobilization.
If your Government is agreeable to the above
Proposals, it is understood that this Note, together
with your Note in reply agreeing thereto, shall
constitute an agreement between our two Govern-
ments which shall enter in force on the date of
your reply and shall remain in force indefinitely
subject to termination by either Government at
any time on giving six months' notice.
Please accept [etc.]
Laukence A. Steinhardt
Ottawa, April 12, 194d
No. 113
Excellency : I have the honor to acknowledge
the receipt of Your Excellency's note No. 93 of
April 12, 1949 in which you informed me that the
Government of the United States of America
wishes to propose that our two Governments agree :
[Here follow paragraphs (a) and (b) as printed
above.]
I have the honor to inform Your Excellency
that the Government of Canada concurs in the
foregoing proposals and agrees that Your Excel-
lency's note and this reply shall constitute an
agreement between our two Governments which
shall enter into force on this day and shall remain
in force indefinitely, subject to termination by
either Government at any time on giving six
months' notice.
Accept [etc.]
Lester B. Pearson
Resumption of Diplomatic Relations
With Paraguay
[Released to the press April 13]
On April 13 Fletcher Warren, United States
Ambassador at Asuncion delivered a note to the
Para-riiayan Foreijrn Minister in reply to a note
of March 2, 1J)4!),' from the Minister in which he
announced that Dr. P'clipe Molas Lopez had as-
sumed tile Presidency of Parap;uay on February
27, 1049. This action by the United States Am-
bassador constituted the resumption of normal
diplomatic relations between the Paraguayan and
United States Governments, interrupted on Jan-
uary 30, 1!)40, with the resi<rnation of President
J. Xatalicio Gonzalez of Paraguay.
The Paraguayan note of March 2, 1949, stated
that the Government was in control of the entire
country, furnishing security and guarantees to its
people; that it proposes to achieve institutional
normalization by means of free elections; and that
it will continue to respect Paraguay's interna-
tional commitments.
The United States Ambassador's note in reply
expressed confidence that the friendship wliich
has always characterized relations between the
two countries will continue unimpaired.
Israeli Ambassador Presents Credentials
[Released to the press April H]
The remarks of the newly appointed Ambassa-
dor of Israel, Eliahu Elath, upon the occasion of
the presentation of his letters of credence, on
April 11 follow:
Mr. President : The President of Israel has in-
structed me, in presenting to you the Letters of
Credence accrediting me as Ambassador Extraor-
dinary and Plenipotentiary of Israel to the LTnited
States of America, to convey to you his warm
greetings and to express his sincere hope for the
continued well-being and prosperity of the United
States and its President.
The President and people of Israel are deeply
grateful for tlie great contribution made by the
Government of the United States and its people
to the establishment of the State of Israel.
The nolile tradition, instituted by President
Woodrow Wilson and continued by' all his suc-
cessors, of expressing sympatliy with the aims of
Zionism has earned for the people of the United
States and its Government the undying gratitude
and admiration of Israel and the Jewish people.
The synijjathy and concern shown by you, Mr.
President, for the Jewish displaced persons of
' Not printed.
Europe, the constructive suggestions that you have
made for their resettlement, your support of the
establishment of the State of Israel, and your
prompt recognition following the proclamation
of Israel's independence on May 14, 1948, will for-
ever be recorded in the hearts" of our people and
preserved in the annals of our history.
As a peace-loving nation, Israel' will seek to
maintain and, by her actions, to express her own
moral heritage, and to make yet another contribu-
tion to civilization. It is her fervent hope that
she will be allowed to do so, so that her progress
may contribute to the development of the Mfddle
East and be of benefit to the entire world.
I deeply appreciate the honor of being the first
representative of my country in the T'nited States.
It will be my constant endeavor to advance and
strengthen the ties of friendship and cooperation
existing between Israel and this great democracy.
I trust that in the discharge of this important
task, Mr. President, I shall receive your under-
standing and help, as well as th'at of your
Government.
The Presidents reply to Mr. Elath folloivs :
Mr. Ambassador : It is a g^'eat pleasure for me to
receive from the President of Israel the Letters
accrediting you as the first Ambassador Extraor-
dinary and Plenipotentiary of Israel to the
United States of America.
It is a matter of particular satisfaction to me to
witness this important further step in the strength-
ening and consolidation of relations between'^our
two countries, relations which have reflected the
sincere interest of the Government and people of
the United States in the deep-rooted aspirations of
your people to found an independent nation. I
am gratified to receive Your Excellency's kind re-
marks concerning the contribution of' the Amer-
ican (iovemment and people to the establishment
of the State of Israel.
I am firmly convinced of the necessity for the
speedy establishment of a true and equitable peace
between Israel and its neighbors and for the reso-
lution of all problems outstanding between them,
in afcoidance with the solemn recommendations'
of the United Nations with respect to Palestine.
The Government of the United States is deeply
desirous of assisting by all appropriate means in
the tulnllment of these objectives.
I wish to express to Your Excellency my per-
sonal pleasure that as Ambassador of "Israel you
will continue to represent your Government in
Washington. I appreciate the wishes which you
have expressed for the coiitimieil prosperity" of
the United States and for my personal well-being,
and I should be grateful if'you would convey to
your distinguished President the best wishes of the
(Jovernment and people of the United States for
the jieace and prosperity of Israel, and for his per-
sonal happiness and welfare.
Department of State Bulletin
THE CONGRESS
Report on Progress of the Econonjic Cooperation Ad-
ministration. Report of the Joint Committee on Foreign
Economic Cooperation created pursuant to section 124
of Public Law 472, Eightieth Congress. S. Rept. 13, 81st
Cong., 1st sess. ix, 152 p.
Jose Babace. Report (To accompany S. 26). S. Rept.
8, Slst Cong., 1st sess. 2 pp.
Certain Basque Aliens. Report (To accompany S. 27).
S. Rept. 9, Slst Cong., 1st sess. 4 pp.
Authorizing Payment of Claims Based on Loss of or
Damage to Property Deposited by Alien Enemies. S. Rept.
10, Slst Cong,, 1st sess. 2 pp.
Amending Section 3 of the Act Entitled "An Act to Re-
vise the Alaska Game Law," Approved July 1, 1943, as
Amended (57 Stat. 301). H. Rept. 170, Slst Cong., 1st
sess., to accompany H.R. 220. 3 pp.
Authorizing Payment of Claims Based on Loss of or
Damage to Property Deposited by Alien Enemies. H.
Rept. 172, Slst Cong., 1st sess., to accompany S. 29. 3 pp.
Certain Basque Aliens. H. Rept. 193, Slst Cong., 1st
sess., to accompany S. 27. 3 pp.
Authorizing Vessels of Canadian Registry to Transport
Iron Ore Between United States Ports on the Great Lakes
During the Period From March 15 to December 15, 1949,
Inclusive. H. Rept. 209, Slst Cong., 1st sess., to accom-
pany H.J. Res. 143. 4 pp.
The United States Constitution. Text, Index, Chronol-
ogy and Leading Quotations. S. Doc. 210, SOth Cong.,
2d sess. 42 pp.
Estimate of Appropriations— Several Executive Depart-
ments and Independent Offices. Communication from the
President of the United States transmitting estimate of
appropriations for the several executive departments and
independent offices to pay claims for damages, audited
claims, and judgments rendered against the United States,
as provided by various laws, in the amount of $22,638,-
857.65, together with an indefinite amount as may be
necessary to pay interest and costs. S. Doc. 15, Slst
Cong., 1st sess. 333 pp.
Proposed Provision Pertaining to an Existing Appro-
priation — United States Maritime Commission. Com-
munication from the President of the United States
transmitting proposed provision pertaining to an existing
appropriation of the United States Maritime Commission,
fiscal vear 1949. S. Doc. 19, Slst Cong., 1st sess. 2 pp.
PUBLICATIONS
Department of State
For sale hij the Superintendent of Documents, O-overn-
ment Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C. Address re-
quests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, except
in the case of free pxiMications, which may he obtained
from the Department of State.
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, Geneva, October
30, 1947. Treaties and Other International Acts Series
1700. Pub. 3188. 2044 pp. In two volumes, with the
documents arranged in the order of the original compila-
tion deposited with the United Nations. Vol. I, $3; Vol.
II, $1.50.
Volume I contains the Final Act ( in both English and
French), the English authentic texts, and the revised
translations by the Department of State of the parts
of this agreement in which only the French texts are
authentic.
Volume II contains the French authentic texts and
the Protocol of Provisional Application (in both Eng-
lish and French).
Education: Cooperative Program in Paraguay. Treaties
and Other International Acts Series 1S15. Pub. 3333. 20
pp. 10<i'.
Agreement between the United States and Paraguay —
Effected by exchange of notes signed at Asuncion
Dec. 11, 1947 and Mar. 3, 1948; entered into force
Mar. 3, 1948. And Agreement between Paraguay and
the Institute of Inter-American Affairs — Signed at
Asunci6n Mar. S, 1948 ; approved by exchange of notes
signed at Asunci6n Mar. 10 and 12, 1948; entered
into force Mar. 12, 1948.
International Refugee Organization. Treaties and Other
International Acts Series 1846. Pub. 3362. 119 pp. 30^.
Constitution adopted by the United States and Other
Governments — Opened for signature at New York
Dec. 15, 1946; instrument of acceptance deposited by
the United States, July 3, 1947; entered into force
Aug. 20, 1948.
Air Service: Facilities in French Territory. Treaties and
Other International Acts Series 1852. Pub. 3390. S pp.
Agreement between the United States and France —
Effected by exchange of notes signed at Paris June
18, 1946 ; entered into force June IS, 1946.
Patents: Certain Rights of Priority in Filing Applications.
Treaties and Other International Acts Series 1861. Pub.
3405. 4 pp. 54.
Agreement between the United States and the Repub-
lic of the Philippines — Effected by exchange of notes
dated at Wa.shington Feb. 12, Aug. 4 and 23, 1948;
entered into force Aug. 23, 1948.
Trade: Application of Most-Favored-Nation Treatment
to Areas Under Occupation or Control. Treaties and
Other International Acts Series 1834. Pub. 3406. 7 pp.
Agreement between the United States and Turkey —
Effected by exchange of notes signed at Ankara July
4, 1948 ; entered into force July 13, 1918.
Haitian Finances: Waiver of Certain Claims. Treaties
and Other International Acts Series 1862. Pub. 3407.
2 pp. 5^.
Understanding between the United States and Haiti —
Effected by exchange of notes signed at Port-au-Prince
Oct. 1, 1947 ; entered into force Oct. 1, 1947.
American Commission for Cultural Exchange With Italy.
Treaties and Other International Acts Series 1864. Pub.
3409. 9 pp. 54.
Agreement between the United States and Italy —
Signed at Rome Dec. 18, 1948 ; entered into force Dec.
18, 1948.
Claims: Hannevig against the United States; Jones
against Norway. Treaties and Other International Acts
Series 1865. Pub. 3410. S pp. 54.
Convention between the United States and Norway —
Signed at Washington Mar. 28, 1940; entered into
force Nov. 9, 1948.
The United Nations and the North Atlantic Pact. In-
ternational Organization and Conference Series III, 30.
Pub. 3463. 4 pp. 54.
Partial text of an address by Ambassador Philip
C. Jessup.
April 24, 1949
^{yyvCe/nl^/
Treaty Information Page
The International Wheat Agreement of 1949.
By Edward G. Cale 507
Opening of Tariff Negotiations at Annecy,
France:
Message From Secretary Acheson .... 520
U.S. Delegation 520
U.S., U.K., and France Announce Agree-
ment on Limitations on Certain Indus-
tries in Germany:
Text of Agreement 527
Plant Dismantling and Prohibited and Re-
stricted Industries in Germany .... 531
Report of the Secretary of State to the Presi-
dent on North Atlantic Treaty 532
The President's Reply to Prime Minister
Attlee on First Anniversary of EGA. . . 536
Joint U.S. -Canada Industrial Mobilization
Committee Established. Exchange of
Notes Between the Two Governments. . 537
The United Nations and Specialized
Agencies
The Problem of Voting in the Security Coun-
cil. By Ambassador Warren R. Austin . 512
U.S. Participation in Continued U.N. Ap-
peal for Children. Letter From Secretary
Acheson to Secretary-General Lie ... 515
Opinions of International Court of Justice
Announced. Statement by Secretary
Acheson 516
Resolution Extending Through 1949 the U.N.
Appeal for Children 516
Palestine Relief Contribution. Statement by
Ambassador Warren R. Austin .... 517
U.N. Documents: A Selected Bibliography. . 517
The United States in the United Nations . . 518
Occupation Matters page
U.."^., I'.K., and France Reach Agreement on
German Reparation Program 524
Organization of Ruhr .\uthority. Statement
by Secretary .\cheson 525
Occupation Statute as a Practicable Basis of
Cooperation With Future German Gov-
ernment. Statement by Secretary Ache-
son 526
U.S., U.K., and France Announce Agreement
on Limitations on Certain Industries in
Germany:
Text of agreement 527
Plant Dismantling and Prohibited and
Restricted Industries in Germany . . . 531
General Policy
U.S. Delegation to Conference for Drawing
Up Convention for Protection of W^ar
Victims 522
Head of American Relief for Czechoslovakia
Arrested in Praha 536
Resumption of Diplomatic Relations With
Paraguay 538
Israeli Ambassador Presents Credentials. . . 538
Economic Affairs
Rubber Study CJroup: Sixth Meeting Ends . 521
W' orld Trade Week, 1949. A Proclamation . 523
The Foreign Service
Confirmation 523
International Information and Cultural
Affairs
American Educator To Visit Latin American
Law Schools 523
The Congress 539
Publications
Department of State 539
^/oe/ ^e^a^tme/ni/ m tnat0
U.S. ANSWERS SOVIET CHARGES AGAINST
NORTH ATLANTIC TREATY • Statement
by Ambassador Warren R. Austin 552
SUPPRESSION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN
BULGARIA AND HUNGARY • Statement
by Benjamin V. Cohen 556
THE FREE UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN • An
Article 548
THE RETURNED MASTERPIECES OF THE
BERLIN MUSEUMS • Note by Ardelia R.
Hall 543
For complete contents see back cover
Vol. XX, No, 513
May 1, 1949
^.^^y*. bulletin
Vol. XX, No. 513 • Pubucation 3499
May 1, 1949
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
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been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (February 18,
1949).
Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and Items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Dkpahtment
or State Bulletin as the source will.be
appreciated. ^— .^—
The Department of State BVLLETIJS,
a iceekty publication compiled and
edited in the Divixion of Publications,
Office of Public Affairs, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
devilopments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BVLLETliS includes
press releases on foreign policy issued
by the White House and the Depart-
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made by the President and by the
Secretary of State and other officers
of the Department, as tcell as special
articles on various phases of inter-
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ternational agreements to which the
United States is or may become a
party and treaties of general inter-
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Publications of the Department, aa
well as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
The Returned Masterpieces of the Berlin Museums
INTRODUCTORY NOTE BY ARDELIA R. HALL
Arts and Monuments Officer, Department of State
The first two shipments of masterpieces from
the collections of the Kaiser Friedrich Museum
and the Nationalgalerie of Berlin, returned to Ger-
many following a period of safekeeping in the
United States, have been exhibited throughout the
past winter at the Central Collecting Point in
Wiesbaden, Germany. The final shipment of
paintings, returned on April 23, 1949, will com-
plete the collection of returned masterpieces in this
exhibition.
While the paintings were in the United States,
the entire collection was displayed at the National
Gallery of Art in Washington, D.C., to approxi-
mately one million people. A selection of the
paintings was exhibited in a nation-wide tour of
13 cities to an additional 1,439,599. From this
tour, a total of $305,964 was received in admission
fees. This fund for the relief of German children
in the American zone is being administered, on be-
half of Gen. Lucius D. Clay, by the Council of Ee-
lief Agencies licensed for operation in Germany.
The paintings have been retm-ned to the Ameri-
can zone by the Department of the Army in accord-
ance with the original plan announced from the
White House that they would be restored to Ger-
many as soon as favorable conditions for their
proper care were assured. At the opening of the
first showing in Germany at the Munich Central
Collecting Point, General Clay said, "I am proud
to be able to keep my pledge that they would be
returned safely to the German people. I hope
that our mutual appreciation of these works of art
will help toward mutual understanding between
our nations."
The leading American officials in Hesse have
also welcomed the German public in a foreword
and an introduction to the catalogue of the re-
turned masterpieces at the Central Collecting
Point in Wiesbaden. Their comments here re-
printed reveal something of the scope of the
May I, 7949
museum activities of American Military Govern-
ment. These brief words are also an expression
of the high ideals which have motivated the work
of the American Monuments, Fine Arts, and
Arcliives Section and are a token of the service
which the American Fine Arts officers have gen-
erously contributed to the cultural life of
Germany.
The exhibition was the culmination of an im-
portant phase of these activities in connection
with the reassembling and reopening of German
national collections, which has been little publi-
cized in the United States. Since 1946, a series
of special exhibitions at the Wiesbaden Central
Collecting Point have been presented to the Ger-
man public under the joint auspices of the Mon-
uments, Fine Arts, and Archives Sections of
Greater Hesse, the Minister of Culture and Edu-
cation of Hesse, and of the Stadtkreis, Wiesbaden.
The Wiesbaden Collecting Point is the great
center where German public collections have been
assembled from the depositories throughout the
American zone. Established by the Monmnents,
Fine Arts, and Archives officers in July 1945, it
is housed in one of the finest museums of Ger-
many, the New Landesmuseum. The modern
building was completed and formally opened in
1920. Fortunately this museum had suffered
little serious damage during the war. The glass
of the windows and skylights had been shattered
and the roof damaged. However, Capt. Walter
I. Farmer, the first director of the newly estab-
lished collecting point, was able to carry out the
needed reconditioning of the building. Seventy-
five galleries were made available through his ef-
forts for the exhibition and safe storage of the
great public collections of the German State.
Until recently there were 4,450 paintings and 197,-
200 objects of art, not including the collections
of the Wiesbaden Landes Museum, in the custody
of the American Military Government at this col-
lecting point.
The Oflice of Military Government for Germany
(U.S.) has exerted every effort to protect and
safeguard these German collections. Whenever
possible, personnel of the German museums have
assisted in inventorying, cataloging, storing, and
reporting on the collections which had formerly
been in their charge. Urgent repairs to works of
art have been made. The collections have been
returned, as rapidly as possible, to the German in-
stitutions which owned them and to the city where
they belong. The Department of the Army and
the American Military Government have scrupu-
lously and conscientiously discharged the obliga-
tions of tliis Government under international law
to respect cultural property. Once again, the
United States has demonstrated its practical con-
cern for the protection of these symbols of
civilization.
The final chapter of the long hegira of the "re-
turned masterpieces" will not be written before
they are restored once more to their rightful own-
ers, the people of Berlin. The first of the Berlin
museums was opened in 1830. Today, the modern
buildings of the Staatliche Museum and the Kaiser
Friedrich Museum stand roofless and unrepaired,
Keconstruction may properly have to wait upon
more urgent emergency housing and building.
Although it may be some time before these home-
less collections can be returned, it may confidently
be expected that the integrity and unity of the
great Berlin collections will always be recognized.
From the great artistic wealth assembled at the
Central Collecting Point, the notable series of nine
exhibitions has been arranged by the distin-
guished Fine Arts officers at Wiesbaden and in
Greater Hesse, including Captain Farmer, Capt.
Patrick Joseph Kelleher, Capt. Edith Standen
(WAC), Capt. Everett P. Lesley, Jr., Frank
Bilodeau, and Dr. Theodore Allen Heinrich.
For the past two years, the Landes Museum
has been under the administration of Dr. Hein-
rich, of Berkeley, California, a graduate of Cam-
bridge University, Land Chief for Hesse and
Director of the Wiesbaden Collecting Point. The
highest tribute should be paid to his endeavors.
He has been responsible for the success of the re-
cent exhibitions. He has discussed their great
cultural value in his introduction to the catalogue.
They have won the warm and appreciative re-
sponse of the German people and of the Allied per-
sonnel. The attendance has been drawn from all
zones. The schools and universities have enthusi-
astically participated in these educational oppor-
tunities so long denied them. Furthermore, an
important revenue has been received from admis-
sion fees and the sale of catalogues. The first ex-
hibit was officially opened by Col. James R. New-
man, Director of the Office of Military Govern-
ment for Hesse, who also welcomed the German
public to the latest exhibit of the "returned mas-
terpieces."
The first exhibition, German-owned Old Mas-
ters, was shown for 10 weeks, from February 10
to April 23, 1946, with an attendance of 63,196
and receipts of 77,051 reichsmarks. The exhibit
was chosen from the German national treasures
remaining at Wiesbaden, following the shipment
of the 202 masterpieces to Washington. It in-
cluded among other paintings, 2 by Fra Angelico,
4 by Botticelli, 4 by Raphael, 6 by Van Dyck, and
18 by Rembrandt, as well as the world-renowned
head of Nefretiti, erroneously reported at one
time to have been lost. At that exhibition the
German public received for the first time the as-
surance that while many of their historic build-
ings had been destroyed, their art treasures had
survived the war.
The second exhibition, Masterworks of North-
ern Painting before 1600, was exhibited for 13
weeks, from May 12 to August 11, 1946, with an
attendance of 23,116 and receipts of 20,928 reichs-
marks; the third. Old Master Drawings of the
15th to the 18th centuries, for 13 weeks, from
September 1 to December 3, 1946, with an attend-
ance of 13,591 and receipts of 19,513 reichsmarks;
the fourth, Christmas Pictures of the Nativity
Scenes, for 8 weeks, from December 15, 1946, to
February 15, 1947, with an attendance of 13,394
and an income of 17,439 reichsmarks; the fifth.
Nineteenth Century German Painting, for 17
weeks from March 30 to July 27, 1947, with an
attendance of 35,380 and income of 72,807 reichs-
marks; the sixth. Eighteenth Century Art, for 11
weeks, from September 28 to December 14, 1947,
with an attendance of 15,840; the seventh, the
Haubrick Collection of Paintings and Drawings
by German artists, for 8 weeks, from January 31
to March 30, 1948, with an attendance of 9.259,
Department of Stale Bulletin
receipts of 21,210 reichsmarks; the eighth, the
Kembrandt Exhibition, on display during the sum-
mer of 1948, drew an attendance of as many as
2,000 a day; and the ninth exhibition, Keturned
Masterworks of the Berlin Collections, arranged
for the winter of 1948^9, is still on view. The
foreword and introduction to the illustrated cat-
alogue of this exhibition follows.
A FOREWORD BY JAMES R. NEWMAN
Director, Office of Military Government for Hesse
It is a very special pleasure for me to introduce
the ninth exhibition at the Wiesbaden Central Col-
lecting Point with these words of welcome, because
it establishes a notable landmark in the relation
between the German people and the American
Military Government and is the symbol of a unique
responsibility entrusted to the people of Hesse.
The famous masterpieces on these walls, historic
and proud possessions of the Kaiser Friedrich
Museum and Nationalgalerie of Berlin, have now
returned to Germany from the United States,
where they were sent in 1945 for safekeeping be-
cause it was then believed in Washington that no
adequate facilities for their proper care survived
in Germany.
I remember very well the distress experienced
at that time by our Monuments, Fine Arts and
Archives officers, who feared that this gesture of
generous concern for the safety of these paintings
might be misinterpreted. To allay any fears felt
by you and to answer uninformed criticism, the
President of the United States issued a public
statement concerning the transfer and gave his
personal pledge that the paintings would be re-
turned to Germany as soon as conditions should
warrant.^
The civilized nations of the world agreed over
forty years ago at The Hague that the custom of
regarding works of art as booty of war a barbar-
ous usage which should by solemn covenant be
abandoned as a step toward the abolition of war
itself. Although this agreement has since been
violated and our MFA & A officers have had to
devote much time and effort to recovering and
restoring to their rightful owners cultural objects
looted by the Nazi government, we still believe in
its fundamental justice and have devoted great
thought and effort to preserving the cultural heri-
tage of the German people until they were in
position to reassume its charge.
That time has now come. During the past year
and a half the properties of the museums in west-
ern Germany have been returned to the custody of
the owning institutions, but we were still caring in
our Collecting Points at Wiesbaden, Offenbach
and Munich for great quantities of cultural objects
belonging to the German people but normally
housed in Berlin. For practical purposes these
must at present be considered as homeless. In
July and August of this year we have transferred
responsibility for the safekeeping of these na-
tional treasures to the Ministers-President of
Hesse and Bavaria. They are to act as custodians
of this property in the name of the German people
until the future German government is in position
to decide on their ultimate disposition.
Now the first half of the 202 paintings sent to
Washington in 1945 for safekeeping have been re-
turned to Wiesbaden in accordance with our Presi-
dent's pledge, to be added to the many thousands
of other works of art already placed in your cus-
tody. Meanwhile these great works of art have
been seen and enjoyed by over one and a half mil-
lion American people. The other half of the 202
paintings, sturdier than these, are making a longer
tour in America and will return to Wiesbaden next
spring. The proceeds of that exhibition tour are
being used to buy food, medical supplies and cloth-
ing for needy German children.
It is our earnest hope that our act of faith in
honoring our convenantal obligations to your
works of art will not only have increased our im-
derstanding and respect for each other, but that it
will serve to establish as an active principle in the
future conduct of international affairs the ideal so
hopefully and unequivocally expressed in The
Hague Convention.
' BtTLLETiN Of Sept. 30, 1945, p. 499.
May 1, 1949
AN INTRODUCTION BY THEODORE ALLEN HEINRICH
Director, Wiesbaden, Central Collecting Point, and
Chief, MFA & A Section, OMGH
The present exhibition, unlike all but the first
of the eight previous Wiesbaden shows, has only
the obvious link of quality between the paintings
to explain why these particular masterpieces have
been hung together in the galleries at the present
moment. The first, opened on 10 February 1946,
was arranged at a time when most of the German
museums still lay in comatose inactivity as shat-
tered ruins or grievously damaged, their contents
scattered to obscure hiding places from the im-
partial fury of bombs, tlieir survival or loss as
sacrifice to the insatiable appetite of war known
only to a few museum directors and to the Allied
officers of the Monuments, Fine Arts and Archives
service. It was offered as visible token and joyful
proof of the safety of certain of the most precious
and widely beloved treasures of Germany's
national patrimony, nearly all deriving from the
collections of the Berlin museums and brought to
Wiesbaden for safekeeping from a salt mine near
Kassel to which they had been evacuated by Ger-
man museum authorities after many adventures
during the latter part of the war.
During the past two years, as the museums of
western Germany slowly succeeded in carrying out
at least sufficient repairs to provide adequate stor-
age conditions for their own property, it has been
possible to return to their own homes an extremely
large number of paintings, sculptures, drawings
and other cultural materials which had found
refuge in the Wiesbaden Central Collecting Point.
During the life of the Collecting Point it has also
been possible, in connection with its primary func-
tion, to recover, identify, and restitute to their
countries of origin very considerable quantities
of cultural objects removed from those countries
during the German occupation, items ranging from
single paintings to the national stamp collection of
Poland. This work is nearing completion, but
we are now engaged in trying to perform a similar
service for the shockingly large number of works
of art expropriated from their German Jewish
owners by the Nazis and which had found their
nameless way into our custody.
Of bona fide German public property gathered
for safekeeping in Wiesbaden, the progress of re-
building of western German museums has made
it possible to reduce our holdings by returns to
the owning institutions to the point that our one
remaining custodial responsibility of real conse-
quence in this category was for that deriving from
the Berlin museums. It seemed to us that this re-
sponsibility might well be transferred to the
German people and so during the latter part of
this summer the Minister-President of Hesse
agreed to act in the name of the German people as
bailee for these properties until such time as the
future German government can undertake to make
the proper disposition of them.
Meanwhile, we felt under some obligation to
make available in the form of changing exhibi-
tions the more important objects from the immense
collections sheltered here. We felt that the re-
sponse to the first exhibition corroborated our as-
sessment of the need to be able to see these things
freely again and encouraged us to devote many
hours of our private time to planning and ar-
ranging the integrated series of shows which fol-
lowed and which have been carried out with the
active support of the Hessian Kultusministerium.
Using always as basis the extraordinarily rich col-
lections of the Berlin museums but with the fur-
ther enrichments made possible by the extremely
generous cooperation of other museums and pri-
vate collectors, we have been able to explore various
aspects of the principal developments and prob-
lems of European art, to study its interrelations
and divergencies, to admire its strength and pon-
der its weakness, to enjoy and appreciate the in-
dividual works which are the quintessential ex-
pression of the highest moments and achievements
of western civilization, our common heritage.
Many, especially those who are now students, have
come to know these things at first hand for the
first time, and it has been our sufficient reward
to lielp make this possible.
Through these exhibitions we have had an in-
tense look at the painting of the lands north of the
Alps before 1600. We have traced the iconog-
raphy of the story of the Nativity through all
the schools of European art. We examined, as
few people have ever had the opportunity to do
Department of Slate Bulletin
in public galleries, the development of drawing
from the middle ages to the French Kevolution,
an exliibition of perhaps unparalleled splendor in
an absorbing field in which to know the hands
of the greatest masters in their most intimate ex-
pression. We took a good look at the best of 19th
century German painting and drawing and asked
some searching questions concerning their relative
importance and meaning. We reexamined the
sumptuous paintings, tapestries and drawings of
the 18th century, where we found that not all was
frivolity and that the voice of that too lightly
dismissed era has still something of value to say
in our own troubled times. We contrived to ap-
proach with fresh understanding some of the more
or less contemporary paintings which the Nazis
had ignorantly labelled "degenerate" but which
much of the non-German world has long accepted
as the valid expression of our age. And finally we
have had an extraordinary opportunity to study
the work and mind of one of the greatest of all
Europeans, Rembrandt.
At each new exhibition, however, some favorite
work was missing and we have often been asked
why, for exam^jle, Eembrandt's "Man with the
Golden Helmet," or van Eyck's "Man with a
Pink" or Holbein's "George Gisze" was not in-
cluded. They were not included because when
these great treasures were discovered by Ameri-
can troops deep in their salt mine refuge and
were brought up to the light of day, some of
them actually on 7 May 1945, prophetically on
the day of armistice like the spirit of civilization
resurrected from entombment, our governmentj
felt grave concern for their future welfare. It
was known in America that German museums
were in ruins and disturbing rumors reached
Washington that even the Wiesbaden Collecting
Point, to which the paintings had been trans-
ferred, did not offer ideal storage conditions for
these often fragile embodiments of what we hold
most precious in our mutual cultural history. For
this reason the hospitality of our most modern
and technically perfect museum building, the Na-
tional Gallery of Art, was offered to provide the
best possible conditions of safety for a portion
of these irreplaceable treasures, and 202 paintings
of the Berlin museum collections crossed the
Atlantic.
As Dr. Newman has pointed out, in order to
avoid any misunderstanding of the motives for
tliis transfer the President of the United States
personally announced that the move was made in
order to guarantee the greatest possible security
for these immensely valuable works of art until
such time as the German people might be able
to make proper provisions for them. In the mean-
time a vast number of Americans, most of whom
would perhaps never have the opportunity to view
them in Germany, have had the privilege and
joy of seeing these masterworks and have gladly
contributed their admission fees for the welfare
of your children.
Now slightly over half of these great paintings
have returned to Wiesbaden and this exhibition
is presented as proof of our pledge to return them.
The other 97, less fragile than these, are making
a wider tour in America to make it possible for
several hundred thousand more people in the
Middle and Far West of the United States to
have their chance to enrich their understanding
of Europe through the privilege of seeing at least
this part of the celebrated Berlin collections.
They will return to Wiesbaden in the late spring
to join the paintings here exhibited.
However long it may take to eliminate all the
barbarities of war, and war itself, we would like
to think that on this point at least we may have
helped to establish the inviolability of works of
art as pawns in the differences which have beset
us. Art is a common language, a bridge we may
freely cross and recross in our effort to find mu-
tual respect and understanding. Therefore,
while quality may be the only obvious link between
these paintings, their true and deepest importance
to us now lies in the reason for their being here
together in Wiesbaden, as the hopeful symbol of
a pledge made good, of a new and better era in
human relations.
May 1, 1949
Free University of Berlin^
BY HOWARD W. JOHNSTON
Chief, Higher Education, Education and Cultural Relations Branch, OMG Berlin Sector
The Free University of Berlin (Freie Univer-
sitaet Berlin) stands today as a symbol in the
struggle for academic freedom and human dignity.
As its 2,200 students walk through the streets of
Dahlem in the U.S. Sector of Berlin to their
classes, it would seem difficult to realize that eight
months ago the Free University was no more than
a hope in the minds of some forward-looking
Berliners.
The Free University has come to be known as a
fighting university, for its professor's and students
are aware, from personal experience, of the dan-
gers of totalitarianism. However, it is primarily
a growing educational institution, utilizing what
would have been half-idle buildings, students and
professors. It conserves the traditional values of
European universities and at the same time serves
as an instrument for realizing university reforms.
The story of the development of the Free Uni-
versity cannot be separated from the story of
Soviet efforts to rebuild the old University of Ber-
lin into a communist school. Berlin University
on Unter den Linden — prior to 1933 one of the
world's greatest universities — had a very special
meaning for hundreds of Americans who studied
in its famous halls.
From the time of its founding in 1809 under the
leadership of Wilhelm von Humboldt it had a de-
cided influence on Germany and the world.
Hegel, Mommsen, Hartmann and Meinecke were
among its renowned teachers. In size it was im-
pressive with 11,000 students and 120 scientific
institutes.
In 1933, its friends were grieved to see the Nazi
hand fall on this center of academic freedom.
With the coming of peace in 1945 these friends
hoped that once again a great university could be
rebuilt on Nazi ruins.
Berlin fell to Soviet forces in April 1945. Dur-
ing the three succeeding months before the French,
'Reprinted from Information Bulletin of U.S. Military
Government In Germany, Mar. 8, 1949.
British and American occupation forces entered
the city, Berlin institutions, including Berlin Uni-
versity, were being organized according to eastern
ideas. The education officers of the three western
sector occupation authorities were, therefore, im-
mediately confronted with a Soviet proposal to
reopen Berlin University under the direct control
of an occupation power. The Soviet area of re-
sponsibility in Berlin included Stadt Mitte (Mid-
dle borough) with its Unter den Linden university
buildings.
The American educational representative made
a counterproposal in the Allied Kommandatura of
Berlin to the effect that the university be placed
under the Berlin city government where it had al-
ways been so that each occupation power would
have equal responsibility for the university's de-
veloj^ment. The Soviet representative argued
that the univei'sity had served a wider area than
tlie city of Berlin and therefore should not be con-
trolled merely by the city government, and that
Berlin University had been a hotbed of Nazism
and could not be entrusted to a German governing
unit. The French and British backed the Ameri-
can proposal for quadripartite control.
Because the Soviets vetoed the measure, the mat-
ter went to the deputy commandants and then to
the commandants without agreement. Finally, in
October 1945 the problem reached the Allied Con-
trol Authority, the highest Military Government
level in Germany, where the Russians used the
same arguments and again vetoed the attempt of
the throe western powers to place Berlin Univer-
sity under quadripartite control.
Russian-controlled newspapers announced that
Berlin University would open in November 1945
under Russian control. The opening date was
postponed twice but finally in January 1946 the
university resumed classes.
Meanwhile, a gi'oup of professors under the
leadership of Prof. Eduard Spranger appealed to
the British and the U.S. Military Governments to
Department of State Bulletin
open a university in one of the west sectors.
Neither Military Government could at that time
comply, however, because to have helped the pro-
fessors would have constituted a serious unilateral
action which might have disrupted Allied relations
at a time when the West was bending every effort
to make fourpower relations work.
As 1946 drew to a close it was apparent that the
Soviet authorities were fitting the university into
a definite plan. Extra food and coal were allot-
ted to professors and special favors granted to
students. The sons and daughters of workers
were favored over those of professional men and
"capitalists". A strongly communist preparatory
school was established to provide the university
with party-liners. A separate teachers faculty
was formed and this was being filled with com-
munist instructors. Communist professors were
brought in to fill key positions on the legal, eco-
nomics and philosophical faculties. By making
some of these courses compulsory, by requiring
special examinations and by making sure that
ample brochures for instruction were printed, the
new school soon felt the pressure of the Com-
munist Party line.
In spite of this, the majority of students tried
to go quietly ahead with their studies as if nothing
was happening. However when six student op-
position leaders were kidnaped in the spring of
1947 student opposition became more vocal.
A student paper printed by opposition students
came to life. This monthly magazine, Collo-
quium, presented many thoughtful articles on the
meaning of academic freedom and on the problems
of university reconstruction. As the party line
drew sharper and opposition became more articu-
late. Colloquium become more and more the
spokesman of student opposition throughout the
Soviet Zone. In April 1948 three of the editors of
Colloquium were expelled as students from Berlin
University because of articles they had written.
Their articles constituted a sharp attack on Soviet
occupation methods of dealing with East Zone
universities.
The question raised by the sudden expulsion
was not so much whether the articles deserved dis-
ciplinary action but whether or not the students
should have been dismissed by the occupation
power without reference to the regularly consti-
tuted system for student discipline. Two large
student demonstrations against the Soviet action
May I, 7949
helped to focus public attention on conditions at
Berlin University.
On May 10 the city assembly, meeting in the
Soviet Sector, voted 83-17 to try again to place
the school on Unter den Linden under the
Magistrat and, should this fail, to establish a Free
University in the western sectors of Berlin. The
Russian SED party and Soviet authorities were
violently opposed to the proposal, and of course,
refused to share control of their school which then
enrolled 6,000 students.
Berliners who wished to make a firm stand for
academic freedom were therefore faced with the
problem of developing a new university. Several
suitable buildings were available in the American
Sector, and teaching equipment and books were
known to exist in scattered places throughout the
western sectors. Moreover, scores of professors
and thousands of students already lived in the
American Sector. However, the Germans were
promised nothing, therefore, except temporary as-
sistance and whatever help might be possible
through regular MG channels.
Several committees had suddenly mushroomed,
each conmaittee wishing to do something about
the new university. A meeting of all interested
persons was held June 19 and a German prepara-
tory committee of 12 was formed. Prof. Ernst
Eeuter, later elected mayor of Berlin, became
chairman of the committee which evolved a work-
able plan. Dozens of buildings had to be in-
spected, prospective professors had to be inter-
viewed and numerous problems had to be studied
with great care.
On July 23 the committee issued a proclamation
stating the meaning of Berlin's struggle for aca-
demic freedom and asking the world to assist in
establishing a free university. On July 24 a
newly organized Secretariat moved into an empty
building in Dahlem. Dozens of willing students
hustled in and out and within a few hours chairs
and tables began to appear. That same day two
telephones were installed. A tremendous cooper-
ative effort was begun.
Problems facing the secretariat were compli-
cated by the Soviet blockade and by currency re-
form. Securing equipment from the West, which
had looked easy in June, appeared insurmountable
after currency reform. Even the problem of con-
tacting professors in the West proved difficult
because the airlines over the Soviet blockade had
to be reserved for food, coal and economic neces-
sities. Money was scarce and as students brought
in books and furniture it was still not clear how
much money would be available. Dr. von Berg-
mann and his student assistants in the secretariat
volunteered their time.
It was not until August that the preparatory
committee learned that 2,000,000 Deutsche marks
($600,000), from a fund which had accrued from
the sale of U.S.-issued (jerman publications, would
be available. Two million Deutsche marks was a
lot of money, but only a small sum for starting a
university. Development of a natural science
faculty with its expensive laboratories had to be
postponed, and effort had to be exerted to make
each mark go as far as possible.
By September students were busy furnishing
the building across the street from the secretar-
iat's office and repairing a wing of a large museum
three blocks away.
Special committees carefully drafted proposed
statutes for the university. On Nov. 10 the stat-
utes giving the new university a legal basis were
approved by the city government, which was no
longer subject to Soviet vetoes.
During October and November, more than 5.000
prospective students procured application blanks
at the Secretariat. Because the standards were
high and because the new university was in no
position to offer every field of study, only 3,500
applications were returned. The faculty commit-
tee who interviewed and screened these 3,500 stu-
dents found great difficulty in selecting only 2,200
because the caliber of the applicants was excellent.
Selection was based chiefly on the student's aca-
demic record and on his promise of success.
According to a definite system, extra points
were given for resistance to Nazism. As a result,
less than eight percent of the Free University stu-
dents were officers in the army or held offices
in Hitler organizations. This percentage is per-
haps the lowest for any university in Germany.
Twenty percent of the students are the sons and
daughters of laborers, as compared with three per-
cent for German universities before the war.
Twenty-five percent are young women, a figure
which is high for any German university, particu-
larly in view of the fact that almost no women
attended German universities prior to World
War I.
At present there is a waiting list of more than
6,000 prospective students. Of those men and
women now studying at the university, 30 percent
are from the Soviet Zone, 20 percent transferred
from the Berlin University and five percent from
the west zones. From outside Germany are 30
students of 17 different countries.
During November, classes were organized under
three faculties: philosophy, law-economics and
medicine. By December, the organizational work
was well in hand and students were thronging the
university halls. A formal opening was planned
for Dec. 4.
This ceremony, held at Titania Palast, a large
theater in the American Sector, was a memorable
occasion. Professor Renter described the work
of the preparatory committee to 2,000 students,
parents, leading German civic leaders and Allied
representatives present. Prof. Friedrich Mein-
ecke, who had been elected rector, was ill ; never-
theless he spoke through a recording. Prof. Ed-
win Redslob, pro-rector, gave the main address.
Col. Frank L. Howley, commandant of the U.S.
Sector of Berlin, who had given the imiversity
strong backing from the start, urged the Germans
to follow the example of Diogenes, who was desti-
tute materially but who asked Alexander the
Great merely to step aside and let the sun shine
through when Alexander came to him with offers
of aid.
Mrs. Louise Schroeder, then acting ma3'or, spoke
in behalf of the Berlin population. Thornton
Wilder, famous playwright, brought greetings
from American universities. Representatives
brought messages from the students and profes-
sors of the universities of western Germany.
Behind the professors, civic leaders and stu-
dents who sat on the stage — it was new to have
students share such honors — a huge university seal
had been erected — Freie Universitaet Berlin, Veri-
tas, Justitia, Libertas (truth, justice, liberty).
After the flourishes of opening, the steady tasks
of teaching and building have gone on. One hun-
dred and thirty-four professors and assistants
have already been selected for the three faculties
and more are added each week as top-ranking pro-
fessors seek refuge from eastern universities. On
the philosophical faculty are teachers of philoso-
phy, history, languages, art, psychology, litera-
ture (including English and American), jour-
nalism, dramatics, archaeology and musicology.
The law-economics faculty has teachers in many
aspects of these fields as well as in political science.
Department of State Bulletin
The medical faculty so far offers work in the clin-
ical semesters of both medicine and dentistry and
is in the process of developing pre-clinical courses.
Gaps and weaknesses as still exist in the Free
University's offerings can be remedied in part by
exchange relations with Berlin's specialized col-
leges — the Technical University (Technische Uni-
versitaet) and the Academy of Political Science
(Hochschule fuer Politik) in the British Sector
and the Evangelical Seminary (Kirchliche Hoch-
schule) and Teachers College (Paedagogische
Hochschule) in the American Sector.
Fifteen buildings are used by the university.
Some of the hospitals used by the medical faculty
are located in the British and French Sectors.
The university is centered, however, around the
buildings in Dahlem which offers an excellent site
for study and for campus activities.
Approximately 400,000 books are available to
the university. This aid includes the nearby
OMGUS Reference Library with more than 110,-
000 volumes, a sociological library of 5,000 and an
international law library of 40,000 books.
The Free University is governed by a board of
12 members — Berlin's mayor, the city finance min-
ister, the city education minister and three others
from the City Assembly, the rector, a representa-
tive of the professors and another of the students.
The three remaining places are filled by outstand-
ing laymen — this year a judge, a labor leader and
a Nobel Prize-winning chemist. For internal
affairs there is a senate on which two students sit
for all matters except those pertaining to pro-
fessors.
One student said that it is wonderful to be able
to discuss problems freely without the feeling that
the student sitting nearby is a spy. The emphasis
at the Free University is definitely on studies, but
there is also a sense of community responsibility
that has been lacking in German universities.
The Free University faces a serious problem of
financial support; DM 1,800,000 ($540,000) will
be needed before the end of the summer. The
City Government stands ready to help, but is itself
faced with the financial difficulties of the block-
aded city.
The Free University is providing a democratic
experience for the hundreds of Germans taking
part in its development and is fulfilling the moral
obligation of the community to talented young
people whose education was interrupted by the
war. The Free University is an example of coop-
erative democratic activity.
Views of U.S., U.K., and France on German[^Basic Law
Transmitted to Military Governors
[Released to the press April 22]
On April 8 the Foreign Secretaries of the
United States, the United Kingdom, and France
transmitted their views on the German Basic Law
to the United States, British, and French Military
Governors for the latter's guidance. It was left
to the Military Governors to determine the time
they considered it appropriate to communicate
these views to the Parliamentary Council at Bonn.
The Foreign Secretaries' views, cited below, were
transmitted to the Parliamentary Council at Bonn
on the afternoon of April 22.
(a) The Foreign Ministers are not able to agree at this
time that Berlin should be included as a Land in the
initial organization of the German Federal Republic.
(6) In the tinancial field any provisions put forward
by the Parliamentary Council in the direction of securing
financial independence and adequate strength for both
the Laender and Federal Governments in operating in
their respective fields will receive sympathetic considera-
tion.
May 1, 1949
(c) On the question of Article 36 (Article 95 (c) ) they
will also give sympathetic consideration to any formula
which
(i) eliminates from the federal powers those matters
definitely excluded by the London agreement.
(ii) assures to the Laender sufiicient powers to en-
able them to be independent and vigorous governmental
bodies.
(iii) assures to the Federal Government suflBcient
powers in the important fields of government to enable
them to deal effectively with those fields in which the
interests of more than one Land are substantially and
necessarily involved.
(d) Finally, the Foreign Ministers request that the
Military Governors indicate to the Parliamentary Coun-
cil, at an appropriate time, that they are ready to con-
template a suggestion for a right of the Federal State to
supplement, from its own revenues, appropriations made
by the Laender from revenues from their own taxes
levied and collected by them, by grants for education,
health and welfare purjwses, subject in each case to
specific approval of the Bundesrat.
551
THE UNITED NATIONS AND SPECIALIZED AGENCIES
U.S. Answers Soviet Charges Against North Atlantic Treaty
STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR WARREN R. AUSTIN >
The members of the General Assembly have
heard charges by the delegation of the U.S.S.R.
that the North Atlantic Treaty is a step toward
undermining the United Nations and that the
parties to the treaty, particularly the United
States, have engineered the treaty for imperialistic
purposes and with aggressive designs.^ There is
and can be no rational basis for such assertions.
Yet it comes as no surprise to my delegation that
such charges are made. Almost every construc-
tive step that the United States has taken of late
to assist free nations to restore their economies,
regain political stability, or preserve their inde-
pendence when that is threatened, is slandered and
distorted by a certain kind of propaganda. Such
propaganda usually attacks, with now familiar
phrases, any particular international program
with which the United States is associated as some
wicked monstrosity laden with dangers to peace.
It demands that the sole test of the peaceful in-
tentions of governments and peoples be that of
unqualified, unquestioning agreement with the
views of the Soviet Union. It thus seeks the
adoption by international bodies of the approach
and system of definitions employed internally by
the political authorities in the Soviet system.
Such propaganda itself is dangerous. It at-
tempts on the one hand to confuse the minds and
conscience of people in free societies in the face
of present-day realities. On the other hand, it
plants distrust and hostility toward the outside
world in the minds of those whose information
comes to them filtered through a tightly controlled
censorship. The result is far from beneficial to
the cause of peace.
The text of the treaty was published over three
■weeks ago, and its substance is now being dis-
cussed by the free peoples of the world and is soon
to be discussed by the parliamentary bodies of the
several countries which have signed the treaty.
The treaty represents a voluntary association of
freedom and peace-loving countries to assure
peace and security in the North Atlantic area, and
so to contribute to the foundations of peace in the
world generally. There is one thing and one
thing only which the treaty is against — it is
'Made before the plenary session of the Genernl As-
sembly in New York, N.Y. on Apr. 14, 1949, and released
to the press by the U.S. Mission to the United Nations on
the same date.
' For text of treaty, see Btjlletin of Mar. 20, 1949, p.
339 ; also printed as Department of State publication 3464.
552
against aggression or the threat of aggression,
however these may manifest themselves. But its
positive emphasis is on peace and on the means
of best assuring peace. It is not an aggressive
instrument and cannot be used as such because it
is rooted in the purposes and principles of the
United Nations Charter. Its framers have kept
actively in mind, throughout the negotiating pe-
riod, the great measure of strength and support
which this defense arrangement should bring to
the United Nations, the paramount international
organization for the maintenance of peace and se-
curity. The treaty fits squarely within the frame-
work of the Charter and is designed to coordinate
the exercise of the ri^ht of self-defense specifically
recognized in article 51 of the Charter. The
United States has, as is well known, already en-
tered into a similar collective defense arrangment
with the other American republics as part of the
reorganization of the Inter-American system to
bring it within the framework of the United
Nations Charter.
The treaty has come into existence because there
is a real need for it in the world today. It is a
formal acknowledgement of the repeatedly dem-
onstrated fact that the nations on both sides of the
North Atlantic have a natural community of in-
terest and of democratic ideals. The European
part of this community is now engaged in a great
cooperative effort to attain economic recovery and
the blessings of political and social stability wliich
depend so much on economic well-being. In that
effort the United States is assisting on a very large
scale because it knows that a sound and healthy
Europe is a great force for peace, a vital element in
a strong United Nations, and a friendly partner
with the United States in its efforts for increased
security for all. But Western European recovery
is being retarded b}' a sense of insecurity and fear
stemming from the increased pressures and threats
which have their origin in the plans or fancies of
international Communism. Already certain coun-
tries have found themselves unable to resist such
pressures and have become submerged. It is vital
to peace that this process should not be continued.
The nations of the North Atlantic area have
learned the lesson that they must stand together
and make it plain in advance that they will do so,
since the preservation of the freedom and inde-
pendence of any one of them is incontestably a mat-
ter of vital concern to all. The treaty is intended
to remove the feeling of insecurity which hinders
Department of Slate Bulletin
economic recovery in Europe and to reestablish a
needed equilibrium under which East and West can
cooperate in the United Nations and outside it, in
mutual respect and forbearance. The American
people and their Government consider these aims
to be wholly consistent with our commitments to
render steadfast support to the United Nations.
They also consider them to be in the interest of
the security of the United States.
So far as the United States is concerned, the de-
velopment of the treaty stems directly from the
will of the people, as stated through their repre-
sentatives in Congress. On June 11, 1948, the
Senate of the United States, by overwhelming vote,
resolved that the United States pursue three prin-
cipal objectives within the United Nations : ^
1. Progressive development of regional and
other collective arrangements for individual and
collective self-defense ;
2. association of the United States with such
arrangements based on self-help and mutual aid ;
and
3. promoting peace by our determination to ex-
ercise the right of individual and collective self-
defense in the event of armed attack.
The President of the United States in his inau-
gural address declared that the unfaltering sup-
port of the United Nations is one of the cardinal
points of his four-point program.*
It is our belief that the treaty fully expresses the
common determination of its participants to sup-
port the Charter, to prevent aggression, and to pre-
serve the peace. In concluding this defense ar-
rangement, the parties are not absolved from one
iota of their responsibilities or obligations under
the United Nations Charter.
That fact alone should remove the fears which
Mr. Gromyko has expressed here. His fears should
be allayed further by a dispassionate reading of
the treaty itself. The charges made here by him
are the same as those made by his government be-
fore a text of this treaty was even in existence.
The prejudgment is not justified by the treaty
itself.
Article 1 of the treaty affirms as obligation to
which those parties already members of the United
Nations are already committed; namely,
... to settle any international disputes in which they
may be involved by peaceful means in such a manner that
international peace and security, and justice, are not en-
dangered, and to refrain in their international relations
from the threat or use of force in any manner inconsistent
with the purposes of the United Nations.
Article 7 is equally categorical on the inviolabil-
ity of "rights and obligations under the Charter of
the Parties which are members of the United Na-
tions."
May 1, 1949
The paramount authority of the Security Coun-
cil of the United Nations in enforcement action is
clearly recognized. At the same time, the treaty
is based on the inherent right, recognized in article
51 of the Charter, of collective self-defense against
armed attack pending the time when the Security
Council has taken the measures necessary to main-
tain international peace and security. Measures
to be taken in the exercise of this right must be
reported immediately to the Security Council and
cannot in any way affect the authority and respon-
sibility of that organ for the maintenance of
peace.
In articles 2 and 3 the parties pledge themselves
to preserve and strengthen their free institutions;
to promote better understanding of the principles
on which free institutions are founded ; to promote
conditions of stability and well-being ; and to de-
velop economic cooperation among themselves
They also agree to a program of self-help and mu-
tual aid in order to carry out the objectives of the
treaty.
Article 4 provides for joint consultation when-
ever, in the opinion of any participant, "the terri-
torial integrity, political independence or security
of any of the Parties is threatened."
Article 5 establishes the principle that an armed
attack against one or more of the parties in Eu-
rope or North America will be considered as an
attack against all. This would bring into play
measures of collective self-defense under article 51
of the Charter, each party to take such action as it
deems necessary, including the use of armed force,
in any given instance. Any such measures would
be immediately reported to the Security Council
and must be terminated when the Security Coun-
cil has taken the measures necessary to restore and
maintain international peace and security.
It should be remembered that the principal ob-
jective underlying article 51 was to express the
right of states individually or collectively to take
measures to meet an armed attack until the Secu-
rity Council has taken the measures necessary to
maintain international peace and security.
The prominent characteristic of article 51 is the
expression in it of a cause for action which is recog-
nized the world over, and which commanded agree-
ment at San Francisco, namely: "The inherent
right of individual or collective self-defense."
Great progress had already been made immediately
before the meeting in San Francisco in implemen-
tation of that inherent right. The states of the
Western Hemisphere had, by treaties, developed
a system of their own in the hemisphere for the
operation of measures of self-defense. The
Chapultepec conference had finished its work only
two months before the meeting at San Francisco.
' Bulletin of July 18, 1948, p. 79.
' Bulletin of Jan. 30, 1949, p. 123.
There it had crystallized the basic principles of
this system of hemispheric self-defense in the Act
of Chapultei)ec. At San Francisco, therefore,
where the adoption of this act by the American
rcpuljjics was brought to the attention of the nego-
tiators of the Charter of the United Nations, the
question arose how the legitimate operation of
such a regional system was to be fitted into a gen-
eral global system.
At the same time, the American states supported
the primacy of the universal system which the
Charter sought to establish. The interest of the
United Nations, then being formed, to avoid an
isolationism of a regional nature which might con-
Hict with the principles and purposes of this great
voluntary association, were taken care of through
other provisions than those of article 51. How-
ever, this was done without impairing, in the least
degree, the right of regional associations to act in
self-defense by tlie categorical language of article
51. This language is — "Nothing in the present
Charter shall impair the inherent right of indi-
vidual or collective self-defense if an armed attack
occurs against a Member of the United Nations,
until the Security (council has taken the measures
necessary to maintain international peace and
security. . . ." This comprehends anything in the
Charter that might stand in the way of this special
right of self-defense. Articles 52 and 53 deal with
enforcement action and not action for self-defense.
The former requires authorization from the
Security Council; the latter does not.
Therefore, this is not a new issue. Mr. Gromyko
presents an old issue that was settled by the con-
summation of the Charter of the United Nations
with article 51 in it.
Additional articles define the area directly
covered by the defense provisions of the treaty,
provide for effective bodies to coordinate imple-
mentation, establish norms for the adherence of
other states, and provide for the ratification and
duration of the treaty. The treaty may, if any of
the parties so request, be reviewed after ten years
in the light of the factors then affecting peace and
security in the North Atlantic area and of the
further development of United Nations agencies
and programs.
As the depository, the Government of the United
States expects to register the treaty with the
United Nations, in accordance with article 102 of
the Charter, when ratifications necessary to bring
the treaty into force have been obtained.
I have outlined the contents of the treaty in
order to make plain the entire consistency of the
treaty with the United Nations Charter on everj-
point. It should not be thought that because the
" Bulletin of Apr. .3, 1049, p. 403 ; also printed as De-
partment of State publication 3480.
° For text see Bulletin of May 9, 1948, p. 600.
treaty applies to the North Atlantic area its ad-
herents are, or, could be, indifferent to the welfare
or independence of free countries in other areas.
The United States has repeatedly made plain in
thougiit and deed its interest in the maintenance of
the integrity and independence of such countries
as Gi-eece, Turkey, and Iran. Other parties to the
North Atlantic Treaty have also indicated in vari-
ous ways their similar interest and concern. To
the extent that this new treaty can strengthen the
security of the North Atlantic area, we are con- ■
viiiced that it can also contribute to a greater w
measure of security in other areas as well. The ■
United States is also determined to continue to
work through the United Nations by all available
and — appropriate means to achieve the same basic
objective.
Mr. Gromyko has complained that the Soviet
Union is being isolated from the peace-loving na-
tions of the world. If this is so, it is pertinent to
ask who is responsible for that isolation.
Take, for example, economic relations.
The Soviet Union in July 1947 was invited to
participate in the program to rebuild Europe's
shattered economy and to give a better standard
of living to Europe's millions. But the Soviet
Government refused to take part in this joint
effort. Indeed, Andrei Zdhanov told the initial
Cominform conference that the Soviet Union "will
make every effort in order that this plan [the Mar-
shall Plan] be doomed to failure."
Take, for example, cultural relations.
The United States believes that the cause of
peace can be served by creating better under-
standing among peoples. Toward this end the
United States has sought repeatedly but unsuc-
cessfully to establish with the U.S.S.R. the ex-
change of students, professors, artists, books, and
the products of scientific investigation. But it is
an unfortunate fact that since the middle of 1947,
the Soviet Government has embai'ked upon a cam-
paign to place everj^ type of obstacle, supported by
the threat of heavy punishment, in the way of
contacts between the Russian people and the
people of the non-Soviet world.^
Instead of seeking to lead the Russian people
into closer and friendlier relationship with the
l)eoplcs (if other countries, the Soviet Government
has deliberately sought to block any free inter-
change of ideas, and indeed through its controlled
press, has systematically and deliberately sought
to poison the minds of the Russian people against
examining the ideas of other countries.
Take, for example, political relations.
Mr. Gromyko complains that the Soviet Union
was excluded from the Brussels pact ° and from
the North Atlantic Treaty. But how did the
Soviet Government respond to earlier efforts for
closer political relationship? Secretary of State
Byrnes in 1946 offered to the Soviet Union a
Department of State Bulletin
mutual guarantee pact against any future German
or Japanese aggression to remain in force for 25
or even 40 years. But instead of accepting, the
Soviet Government rejected that offer.
We have heard the Western Union characterized
as another means of isoLating the Soviet Union.
I ask you to recall what event preceded the forma-
tion of the Western Union ? Was it not the Com-
munist seizure of Czechoslovakia? Coming as it
did upon the heels of a series of acts of territorial
aggrandizement, did not the capture of this state
by the instruments of international Communism
give the nations of Western Europe good reason to
fear for their safety, and to join together in
measures for their own defense? The Brussels
treaty and the North Atlantic Treaty are continu-
ations of the efforts of peace-loving nations to find
ways of assuring themselves that aggressive totali-
tarianism will be deterred from further adven-
tures, and to give expression to the ideals of liberty
and democracy which Communist ideology is at-
tempting to destroy in Europe.
It should be abundantly clear to all that these
efforts have been directed against potential ag-
gressors and no one else. What is the significance
of the constant reiteration by the Soviet Union of
the statement that the treaty is directed against
it ? Is it possible that this could be the expressions
of a guilty conscience?
Take, still another example: the activities of
the United Nations. The Soviet Union has been
invited repeatedly to join the various specialized
agencies of the world to participate in joint efforts
to build a better world. But the Soviet Govern-
ment preferred to isolate itself from most of these
organizations. Now that it is withdrawing from
the World Health Organization, the Soviet Union
belongs to only 2 of the 13 specialized agencies.
Just as this isolation of the Soviet Union is of its
own making, so is it true that it can be ended
whenever the Soviet Union decides to join whole-
heartedly the peaceful family of nations.
The lack of certainty that the Security Council
will be able to function with full effectiveness,
which has been high lighted by the abuse of the
privilege of the veto, is one of the reasons which
have made it necessary for members to find other
means within the framework of the Charter to
insure their own security and safeguai'd the pur-
poses and principles of the Charter. The North
Atlantic Treaty, which was signed in Washing-
ton on April 4 of this year, is designed to serve
as one of such means. This treaty gives concrete
expression within the North Atlantic area to an
obligation which is implicit in the Charter. The
' Btilletin of Mar. 27, 1949, p. 38.
North Atlantic Treaty is designed to support the
purposes and principles of the United Nations and
to strengthen the organization.
May I revert for a moment to the item of the
agenda which is now before us. The injection by
the Soviet Union of the North Atlantic Treaty
into this discussion gives a strong reason in addi-
tion to those which I gave yesterday for the
adoption of the pending four-power resolution
aimed at cooperation in efforts at security and
peace.
These, then, are our intentions and purposes in
joining with 11 other governments in the con-
clusion of the North Atlantic Treaty. We believe
that it will strengthen the United Nations and help
to create conditions under which that organization
cair better and more surely discharge its great re-
sponsibilities. In conclusion, I should like to cite
a passage from Secretary Acheson's recent radio
address to the American people on the meaning of
the Atlantic pact.' Secretary Acheson stated
what every true Amei'ican will echo fervently and
with conviction:
". . . This country is not planning war
against anyone. It js not seeking war. It abhors
war. It does not hold war to be inevitable. Its
policies are devised with the specific aim of bridg-
ing by peaceful means the tremendous differences
which beset international society at the present
time."
The members of this Assembly can be sure that
these sentiments are based on the deepest convic-
tions of the American people, and that the Govern-
ment of the United States will continue its policy
of firm support to the United Nations and defense
of the cause of peace.
Let US increase the power of the United Nations
by giving the pending resolution decisive success.
Documents and State Papers
January 1949 contains:
The Problem of Greece in the Third Session of the Gen-
eral Assembly
Activities of the Far Eastern Commission: Second Report
by the Secretary-General
Calendar of International Meetings with Annotations
February 1949 contains:
The Trusteeship Council: Third Session
The German Press in the U.S.-Occupied Area 1945-48
Three Years of Reparations
Private Commercial Entrants to Japan
Calendar of International Meetings with Annotations
Copies of the publication are for sale by the Superintendent of
Documents, Government Printing OtTice, Washington 25, D. C, at
300 a copy; subscription price for 12 issues is $3.00 a year.
May 7, 1949
Suppression of Human Rights in Bulgaria and Hungary
STATEMENT BY BENJAMIN V. COHEN >
U.S. Delegate to the General Assembly
The questions here raised concerning civil and
religious liberties in two former enemy-controlled
countries deserve our most serious consideration.
In January 1942 in the first formal declaration
of the United Nations, the nations engaged in the
struggle with the forces of tyranny expressed their
common intention to fight on to victory in defense
of liberty, independence, religious freedom, and
human rights for all peoples.
In February 1945 at Yalta, the three war lead-
ers of the United Nations — Stalin, Churchill, and
Roosevelt — gave a solemn pledge on behalf of their
respective countries to the peoples of Europe then
on the threshold of liberation that freedom should
be restored, not to their former rulers and not to a
new set of rulers, but to those peoples themselves.
To them we promised the right to create, through
free elections, democratic institutions of their own
choice. And under the peace treaties signed at
Paris in February 1947, the states formerly allied
with Germany undertook as an international ob-
ligation to protect and safeguard the fundamental
freedoms and human rights of their peoples.
Under the Charter of the United Nations all
the members of the United Nations also solemnly
committed themselves to take joint and separate
action in cooperation with the organization to
promote universal respect for, and observance of,
human rights and fundamental freedoms for all
without distinction as to race, sex, language, or
religion. In Paris last autumn, without a dissent-
ing vote, the General Assembly adopted a Declara-
tion of Human Rights and called upon all peoples
and organs of society, by teaching and education
and by progressive measures, to promote respect
for these rights and to secure their effective
recognition and observance.^
Under articles 55 and 56 the field of human
rights is brought plainly and expressly within the
scope of the Charter, and the Assembly's authority
in this field may be exercised under articles 10 and
14. Article 2 (7) of the Charter regarding non-
intervention in matters of domestic jurisdiction
was not intended to preclude, in appropriate cases,
' Made in the Ad Hoc Political Committee on Apr. 18,
1940, and released to the pres.s by the U.S. Mission to the
United Nations on the same date.
' For text of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
see Bulletin of Dec. 19, 194S, p. 752.
"TIAS 1650 and 1651 (Department of State publica-
tions 2973 and 2974).
556
discussion in the Assembly concerning the promo-
tion of human rights and fundamental f reeaoms to
which, individually and collectively, the members
of the United Nations have committed themselves
in the Charter. Nor is the Assembly barred under
appropriate circumstances from expressing an
opinion or making a recommendation when there
is a persistent and willful disregard for human
rights in any particular country. Moreover, in
determining the applicability of article 2, para-
graph 7, we must not lose sight of the important
fact that in the case before us, Bulgaria and Hun-
gary have assumed in the treaties of peace ^ spe-
cial obligations under international law to secure
human rights and fundamental freedoms to all
persons under their jurisdiction.
Generally speaking, however, no organ of the
United Nations can compel corrective action in
this field in the absence of a breach of or a threat
to international peace or of a treaty providing for
such action.
A serious responsibility rests upon the members
of the Assembly to refrain from making recom-
mendations which may not only be ignored but
may, in fact, in certain situations create greater in-
transigence on the part of those criticized and ag-
gravate the position of those most deserving of
our sympathy and assistance. The task of the
Assembly is to promote respect for and the observ-
ance of human rights and fundamental freedoms
and not to make recommendations which, in fact,
defeat the practical realization of its objectives.
Moreover, the General Assembly obviously cannot
itself act as a court to review all the individual
cases in which it may be alleged that human rights
and freedoms have been infringed. But an ap-
preciation of the practical difficulties in promoting
respect for and observance of human rights should
not and cannot be exploited as an easy excuse for
not trying to do anything in any situation.
It will require a great deal of time and concerted
effort to establish adequate minimum .standards of
respect for human rights and freedoms every-
where in tlie world as envisaged in tlie Charter.
The General Assembly rightly took as its first step
the working out of a general Declaration of Hu-
man Rights so that we may have some standards
with which to start. In all our countries, includ-
ing my own, much remains to be done, and none of
us can afford to assume a self-righteous attitude.
Department of Stale Bullelin
But if we are serious in our quest for peace, we
cannot fail to do our part and make every effort to-
wards promoting minimum standards of human
riglits. For as Secretary of State Marshall said
at the opening of this Third Session of the Assem-
bly/ "Governments which systematically disre-
gard the rights of their own people are not likely to
respect the rights of other nations and other
peoples . . ."
There are in this changing and diversified world
varying concepts of the functions of the state and
the status of the individual. We generally agree
that within the widest limits the rights of the indi-
vidual in relation to the state should be determined
by the respective states. But there are limits.
I think that we are all in agreement that, in the
liglit of our pledges in the Charter, the functions
of the state should be of a character to promote and
not to destroy human rights and fundamental free-
doms. Let us grant that in the absence of a treaty
we must accept the judgment of the respective
states as to what functions of the state promote
the rights and freedoms of its citizens and what is
the exact substantive content of these rights and
freedoms ; there is nevertheless an obligation on the
part of every civilized state to exercise its judg-
ment in honesty and good faith. No state has the
sovereign right claimed by Hitler's Third Reich
to declare war on freedom and religion. State
sovereignty does not mean state tyranny. In
fields of thought and religion where men cannot
agree, freedom is the only alternative to tyranny.
Unless a state allows freedom for the peaceful
expression of ideas, the road toward peaceful
change and progress is blocked. Unrestrained
political power, no less than unrestrained economic
power, has a corroding effect upon those who ex-
ercise it. This is particularly true when the wield-
ers of power deny themselves the benefit of any
views not meekly submissive and subservient to
their will and caprice. Power which is unwilling
to combat error with reason is not likely itself to
be guided by reason. No state need fear the errors
of dissenting opinion and nonconforming thought
where reason is free to combat them. It is uneasy
privilege, not confident progress, which prefers the
arbitrament of force to the test of reason. Sup-
pression of nonconforming opinion has alwaj^s
characterized the police state which fears the free-
dom of its own citizens. Tolerance of dissent is
the most certain sign of a free state which cher-
ishes and does not fear the freedoms of its citizens
and uses force only to protect and not to suppress
that freedom.
As I have already indicated, the governments of
the ex-enemy states undertook a solemn interna-
tional obligation to safeguard the civil and re-
ligious rights of their people. These governments
have formally recognized that the observance of
the human rights set forth in the peace treaties is
not merely a matter of their own domestic concern.
Three Allied Powers signatories to the treaties
May J, 1949
were given specific functions with respect to the
execution of these treaties. Moreover the peace
treaties provide definite procedures for the settle-
ment of differences concerning their interpreta-
tion and execution. Having in mind these pro-
cedures, on April 2 my government took initial
action in this regard in notes addressed to the Gov-
ernments of Bulgaria, Hungary, and Rumania,
formally charging them with violations of the
human rights clauses of the respective treaties."
Other signatory states have taken similar steps.
The receipt of replies from Hungary rejecting the
charges has confirmed the existence of disputes for
which the appropriate settlement procedures are
laid down in the peace treaties. Many delegates
here, including those who argued that the General
Assembly had no authority to discuss the question
before us, have referred to these procedures. I
hope that this is an augury that all the states con-
cerned will cooperate in carrying out these pro-
visions of the peace treaties.
The issues involved in these charges have come
recently into the focus of world opinion as a result
of the prosecutions of church leaders in Hungary
and Bulgaria. They are of intense concern to the
entire international community organized in the
United Nations and not only to the states parties
to the treaties of peace. It seems to us only fitting
and proper that the members of the General As-
sembly who are deeply concerned and anxious
about the charges of suppression of civil and re-
ligious liberties in these countries should express
that concern and anxiety. That should help the
governments of these countries to understand that
the resort to the treaty procedures and to the Gen-
eral Assembly is supported not, as it has been
charged, by a few powers for undisclosed imperial-
istic reasons but by the world community of na-
tions because of principles which are deeply and
universally cherished.
There is no intention whatever, on the part of
the United States Government, to interfere in the
internal affairs of these states or to favor this or
that political group. Concern over violations of
human rights cannot properly be pictured as a
policy of intervention, of encouragement to reac-
tion, or of opposition to social reform. On the
contrary, it is our belief that sincere observance of
the human rights and political liberties of indi-
vidual citizens makes possible more genuine social
reforms which emanate from the people themselves
and may be enjoyed by them in an atmosphere free
from fear.
It is not our purpose here to develop and examine
juridically the individual acts of the ex-enemy gov-
ernments which have given rise to the charges
against them. The United States is prepared to
submit specific and detailed observations on such
acts, with supporting dociunentation, in connection
* Bulletin of Oct. 3, 1948, p. 432.
• Bulletin of Apr. 10, 1949, p. 450.
with the proceedings under the treaties of peace.
Here, however, it is our intention to outline only
the broad pattern of developments in these coun-
tries. In each country it is a pattern of a minority
group seizing the instrumentalities of government
through force and intimidation and maintaining
itself in power through suppression of every one
of the liuman rights and fundamental freedoms
which these states have solemnly undertaken to
observe. It is a pattern disclosing a clear design
to suppress first the leaders of political groups and
parties and then the leaders of religious groups
and organizations, because these leaders had re-
fused to subordinate themselves, or to use their
influence to subordinate their followers, to the
dictates of the Cominform.
In nearly all countries there are different con-
cepts as to the exact and appropriate scope of civil
and religious freedom. But making all due al-
lowances for legitimate differences of opinion, we
cannot see that any substantive civil or religious
freedom can survive in these ex-enemy countries if
the shabbiest sort of excuse suffices to liquidate
political and religious leaders who refuse to accept
and support the prevailing totalitarianism.
These leaders have been driven from office or
brought to trial on the pretext that they have
violated national laws. Actually there is reason
to believe that they are being persecuted and tried
not for the offenses with which they have been
charged, but because the governments had de-
cided to liquidate them as sources of independent
opinion. We cannot accept the proposition that
under the guise of dissolving Fascist or subversive
organizations a state may suppress the expression
of views that are odious or even hostile to it. We
do not question the right of the state to protect
itself from those who endeavor to overthrow the
state by force and violence, but that right does not
justify the suppression of efforts to seek changes
by peaceful means even though those efforts are
displeasing to the ruling groups. Has there ever
been a tyranny, however, ruthless, which did not
regard its own authority as beneficently exercised
in the interest of the people and its own objectives
as a facile excuse for the suppression of freedom ?
Let us now consider, more specifically, the situa-
tion obtaining in Hungary. The second article
of the treaty of peace with Hungary reads as
follows :
1. Hungary shall t.ike all measures necessary to .secure
to all persons under Hungarian jurisdiction, without dis-
tinction as to race, sex, language or religion, the enjoyment
of human rights and of the fundamental freedoms, in-
cluding freedom of expression, of press and publication,
of religious worship, of political opinion and of public
meeting.
2. Hungary further undertakes that the laws in force
In Hungary "shall not, either in their content or In their
application, discriminate or entail any discrimination be-
tween persons of Hungarian nationality on the ground of
their race, sex, language or religion, whether in reference
' Bulletin of Aug. 24, 1947, p. 392.
to their persons, property, business, professional or finan-
cial Interests, status, political or civil rights or any other
matter.
It is the view of my government that freedom
of political opinion, one of the fundamental free-
doms guaranteed under this provision, has vir-
tually ceased to exist in Hungary. In the na-
tional elections of 1945 the Communist Party ob-
tained only 17 percent of the vote. But thi3
minority party, having arrogated to itself key
positions in the government, embarked upon a
campaign of force and intimidation on a nation-
wide scale in order to eliminate all actual and po-
tential opposition and to nullify the popular
mandate.
The majority Small Holders Party, which had
polled 57 percent of the national vote in 19-15, had
its parliamentary majority greatly reduced
through purges and arrests of its leaders; Com-
munist-inspired action against its accepted leaders
drove them from positions in the government and
in the party, to be replaced by politicians subservi-
ent to Communist dictates.
In new elections held in August 1947, the in-
ability of non-Communist parties to campaign
freely because of Communist interference and
governmental restrictions, the arbitrary disfran-
chisement of many voters, and practices such as
multi{)le voting, made impossible a fair expres-
sion of the popular will, as the United States Gov-
ernment had occasion to inform the Hungarian
Government at the time." But not satisfied even
with the results of these elections, the Communist-
dominated Hungarian Government proceeded to
silence and to destroy the non-Communist parties.
By the forced dissolution of the Independence
Party and the Democratic People's Party, whose
leaders had to flee the country, over one and one-
half million voters were deprived of their rep-
resentation in Parliament. The historic Social
Democratic Party was forced into a merger with
the Communists following the arrest and im-
prisonment of those leaders who opposed the
merger and a purge of party members who voiced
their opinions against it. The forced extinction,
earlier this year, of the Christian Women's Camp,
whose leader had the temerity to introduce into
Parliament a motion requesting the United Na-
tions to undertake an investigation of the state of
religious freedom in Hungary, marked the dis-
appearance of all organized opposition from the
Hungarian legislature.
Safeguards for an independent judiciary have
been criticallv impaired. Under the provisions of
Act XXIII of March 19, 1948, the Minister of
Justice in the Hungarian Government was given
authoritv to transfer or retire any judge. The
exercise "of this authority and the establishment of
a system of the politically controlled People's
Courts, have together reduced the judiciary to
political subservience to the regime.
As for freedom of expression, another right
Department of State Bulletin
which Hungary had undertaken to respect, the
plain fact is that people are afraid to express them-
selves and a significant silence obtains throughout
the land except for those vocal few who speak
for the regime.
Under the present Hungarian law the utterance
of an untrue or even true statement which is con-
sidered by the authorities to be detrimental to the
Republic or disturbing to the existing order is an
offense punishable by law.
Freedom of press and publication has ceased to
exist in Hungary. Governmental authority is
used to prevent the publication of any views dis-
tasteful to the ruling group, and journalists have
been subjected to arrest and imprisonment for
independent reporting.
Freedom of public meeting has been denied reg-
ularly since the middle of 1947 to all except the
controlling minority group and its collaborators.
Prior to that time meetings of democratic, non-
Communist parties were broken up by organized
mobs with the acquiescence of the police.
Another fi'eedom of fundamental importance
guaranteed in the peace treaty is the freedom of
religious worship. Religious worship, of course,
means more than mere formal participation in
religious ritual. Religious freedom is not assured
merely by a constitutional provision to that eflfect,
or by the fact that churches remain open. Re-
ligion as a creative force in a free society requires
freedom to teach and voice views based on re-
ligious tenets, freedom to associate with those of
like belief.
The Hungarian Government, however, in pur-
suing its objective of bringing all aspects of Hun-
garian life under a uniform totalitarian system,
has sought by coercive measures to restrict the
legitimate functions of the churches. A system-
atic campaign has been conducted to dissolve
church organizations or transform them into new
organizations under "acceptable" leadership. In
carrying out this program the Government has
resorted to numerous repressive measures, arbi-
trary arrests, trials of priests and nuns, inter-
ference with religious processions, and restrictions
on the opening of religious chapels.
By threats and arbitrary proceedings against
church leaders and by perversion of the judicial
process, the Government has attempted to force
the retirement or submission of independent
church leaders and to bring about their replace-
ment by those willing to adopt a subservient atti-
tude. Those who refused, like Lutheran Bishop
Ordass and Cardinal Mindszenty, were arrested
and imprisoned.
Bishop Ordass was informed by Government
representatives that he would be in danger unless
he resigned. He replied that he would not desert
his flock. Thereupon he was taken into custody
by the political police, held for several days, then
freed. Wlien he still would not resign he was re-
arrested on charges of embezzlement and black-
May I, 1949
marketeering, and sentenced to a prison term by
a "People's Court."
Because of his high ecclesiastical office and his
criticism of the policies of the Government, Cardi-
nal Mindszenty became the focal point of the at-
tack upon the Catholic Church. Religious meet-
ings at which he was present were disrupted or
interfered with ; his associates and followers were
subjected to threats and sometimes to physical
violence on the part of the police. Finally, the
decision was taken to silence the Cardinal, whose
prestige among the people and whose open disap-
proval of the repressive methods of the regime
marked him for elimination. After the Govern-
ment had been unable to induce or frighten him
into submission, he was arrested and tried on
charges that were mere pretexts for the Govern-
ment's principal objectives of discrediting him
and of destroying his influence. This, in our
view, is the true significance of the action against
Cardinal Mindszenty.
I now turn to Bulgaria, article 2 of the treaty of
peace with Bulgaria provides :
Bulgaria .shall take all measures necessary to secure to
all persons under Bulgarian jurisrtiction, without distinc-
tion as to race, sex, language or religion, the enjoyment of
human rights and of the fundamental freedoms, including
freedom of expression, of press and putilication, of religious
worship, of political opinion and of public meetings.
The record of the Bulgarian Government also
reveals a complete unwillingness to recognize the
human rights and freedoms of those whose think-
ing does not conform with the thinking of the self-
constituted ruling group. The violations of hu-
man rights by the Bulgarian Government has been
deliberate, systematic, and continuous. Copious
evidence of these violations appears in the official
laws and regulations of that Government and in the
record of repressive measures in every field of pub-
lic activity designed to coerce the population into
undissenting obedience.
There is no freetlom for peaceful political dis-
sent in Bulgaria, and the last vestiges of independ-
ent political opinion have been suppressed. Even
under the circumstances of intimidation and fraud
which marked the last national elections, in Oc-
tober 1946, the opposition received over one fourth
of the total number of votes. However, since these
elections the opposition deputies have been ex-
pelled and their parties dissolved.
The enforced liquidation of the National Agrar-
ian Union, whose leader, Nikola Petkov, was exe-
cuted, and of the Socialist Party whose leader was
sentenced to imprisonment, deprived a major por-
tion of the Bulgarian electorate of all participa-
tion in public affairs. Petkov had an admirable
record of resistance to Fascism and Nazi tyranny.
In postwar Bulgaria, as a legally elected member of
Parliament, he spoke out in defense of political and
civil liberties. As a consequence he was deprived
of his immunity, imprisoned, and executed by the
Bulgarian Government after a trial to which the
United States Government felt compelled to refer
publicly as a travesty of justice. The real aim of
these political trials was to liquidate all opposition
to the Communist-dominated government and to
make impossible any change by peaceful, demo-
cratic means.
Arbitrary arrests and imprisonment, deportation
from one part of the country to another, and forced
labor are now common practices in Bulgaria. The
chief instrumentality for carrying out these depri-
vations of human rights is the "people's militia,"
which is empowered oy law to detain and send to
so-called "labor-educational communities" or new
places of residence persons alleged to be of Fascist
or antinational inclinations, dangerous to public
order and state security, or who disseminate harm-
ful or false rumors. Under this law, local militia
chiefs exercise vaguely defined and extensive au-
thority over individual citizens, many of whom are
held under inhuman conditions in camps or in en-
forced banishment in designated localities.
Moreover, it is not merely that the individual
may be deprived of his fundamental rights through
a nonjudicial procedure lacking the basic safe-
guards against arbitrary action, for even if so-
called judicial processes were employed, it has be-
come evident that the judiciary has been purged
so as to make it an instrument of the regime.
There is no freedom of expression, press, and
publication in the Bulgarian police state. Persons
are subjected to fines and imprisonment for speak-
ing, writing, or printing what the Government
chooses to regard as insulting or as "prone to cre-
ate views dangerous to public order," to quote the
press law. The State Secrets Law and regula-
tions enacted thereunder define state secrets in a
way which permits the application of this concept
to any subject. The citizen therefore never knows
when his mentioning any subject can, if the au-
thorities choose, be employed as a club against him.
The principal newspapers of the Agrarian and
Socialist Parties were suppressed in 1947. No
newspapers not conforming to the government
"line" can be published.
In the matter of freedom of religion, a clear
attempt to intimidate religious bodies recently oc-
curred in connection with the trial of a group of
ministers of several Protestant sects. After being
arrested and kept in custody for many months,
these men were brought into court and tried on
fantastic charges of using their churches as espio-
nage adjuncts of the United States and of the
United Kingdom. The charges of "espionage,
treason and currency operations" involving United
States ollicials were, as the United States Govern-
ment pointed out in a note to the Bulgarian Gov-
ernment, unfounded and ludicrous. As this note
indicated, the accusation and trials were an obvioiis
manifestation of an effort to intimidate the small,
respected Protestant denominations in Bulgaria
and discredit their leaders. It happened that
these Protestant Churches had normal ties with re-
ligious bodies of the same denomination outside of
Bulgaria. Behind the persecutions of their
pastors lies the unwillingness of the totalitarian
regime to allow even such ties to be maintained.
A similar state of affairs with respect to sup-
pression of human rights prevails in Rumania. I
wish to make it quite clear that the omission of
developments in Rumania from my discussion re-
sults only from the fact that our agenda item is
confined to Hungary and Bulgaria, not from any
desire to draw a distinction between their record
and that of Rumania. As I indicated earlier, my
government has taken steps to establish these
charges in all tliree countries and to obtain
remedies in accordance with the peace treaties.
The question before us is — what would be the
proper and practicable course of action for the
Assembly under the circumstances? We believe
that the General Assembly should give its encour-
agement and support to action under the treaty
procedures for inquiry and determination. It
seems to us that such a course is preferable to any
other that is available to the Assembly. It is the
course that best accords with the spirit of article 33
of the Charter which counsels the parties to a dis-
pute to resort to means of their own choice prior to
a recourse to the United Nations. "We hope there-
fore that the General Assembly will take official
note of the charges made and of the steps taken
under the treaty of peace to insure that human
rights and fundamental freedoms are safeguarded
in accordance with the treaty provisions. The dis-
cussion in the Assembly should impress the Gov-
ernments of Bulgaria, Hungary, and Rumania
with the importance of their compliance in good
faitli witli their obligations to cooperate in the
settlement of these issues.
AVhatever action might be taken, we should not
lose sight of our real purpose in the field of human
rights and freedoms. It is not to set neighbor
against neighbor or nation against nation but to
unite the world on the bases of principles which
recognize the freedom and dignity of all men and
all nations.
We are all of a common humanity. We have
all, under the (^barter, expressed our determina-
tion to respect the dignity and worth of the human
person, to practice tolerance and to live together
in peace with one another as good neighbors.
Despite the various ways of life we may pursue
and despite the different ideas we may cherish, let
us learn to tolerate ways of life we cannot ourselves
practice and ideas we cannot ourselves share. Let
us strive then to find the strains of common
humanity which can bind us together. Let us
then, as members of a common humanity, agi-ee to
reject all forms of tyranny over the mind and sotil
of man. I^et ns approach these problems of human
rights with the firm determination to find com-
mon standards upon which we can build a world
comnumity of free nations and of free men. En-
during peace nuist rest upon the acceptance of
common standards of human rights that can com-
mand the willing allegiance of all humanity.
Department of State Bulletin
The United States in tlie United Nations
[April 23-29]
Soviet Wives
The General Assembly in plenary session on
April 25 approved a resolution condemning "meas-
ures which prevent or coerce the wives of citizens
of other nationalities from leaving their country
of origin with their husbands or in order to join
them abroad" and calling on the U. S. S. R. to
withdraw "the measures of such a nature which
have been adopted." The vote was 39 to 6, with
11 abstentions.
The Chilean representative introduced the com-
plaint at the Paris session of the General Assembly
last fall after the refusal of the Soviet Union to
permit the Russian wife of the son of the former
Chilean Ambassador to the U. S. S. R. to leave with
her husband. Other similar cases were brought
up, and the resolution was adopted by the Legal
Committee.
Mrs. Roosevelt, participating in the three-hour
debate, expressed regret that there had been no
change in the situation subsequent to the adop-
tion of the resolution in Paris and added that tliis
meant "unhappy young people" were forced to
remain against their will in the U. S. S. R. "and
under circumstances, we are informed, which have
given them reason to fear for their personal
security."
Human Rights in Bulgaria and Hungary
A Bolivian resolution which recommends re-
course to peace-treaty arbitration procedures in
connection with charges against Bulgaria and
Hungary was approved by the Ad Hog Political
Committee of the General Assembly on April 22
by a vote 33 to 6, with 11 abstentions. The resolu-
tion retains the question on the agenda for the
fourth session of the General Assembly. After
four days of debate, the Committee thus disposed
of the agenda item concerning the observance in
Bulgaria and Hungary of human rights and fun-
damental freedoms, with special reference to
recent trials of church leaders.
A Cuban-Australian arnendment which would
establish a committee of inquiry to investigate the
charges was defeated. Two other amendments
were withdrawn following an appeal by the U. S.
Delegate, Benjamin Cohen, one providing for re-
consideration of General Assembly recommenda-
tions on membership of Hungary and Bulgaria in
the United Nations and another "condemning"
charter infringements. Mr. Cohen said that
though he shared the sentiment prompting the
several amendments, he could not support any of
them. He felt that the Bolivian resolution best
expressed the collective General Assembly opin-
ion, but he thought the Committee should try to
find a solution acceptable not only to those who
were "convinced" but also to the minority.
Both Bulgaria and Hungary declined the invi-
tation to participate in the debate, again declar-
May I, 7949
ing that the clerical trials were an internal mat-
ter and not within the competence of the United
Nations.
Pacific Settlement
Four specific proposals resulting from a study
made by the Interim Committee of methods for
the promotion of international cooperation in the
political field were approved by the General As-
sembly by an overwhelming majority on April 28.
The United States Delegate, "Warren R. Austin,
supported all of these recommendations.
One of the jji-oposals is for the establishment of
a panel for inquiry or conciliation. Members of
a commission of inquiry or conciliation could be
drawn from this panel by the Security Council,
the General Assembly, the Interim Committee or
by any states taking steps for the settlement of
their disputes outside United Nations organs.
Ambassador Austin described the proposed panel
as a flexible device which created no organ or
procedure to complicate the present United Na-
tions structure.
Another recommendation relates to the appoint-
ment of a rapporteur or conciliator at an early
stage in the consideration of disputes brought to
the attention of the Security Council.
A third proposal is to restore the General Act
of 1928 to full effect. Though the United States
is not a party to this act, it supported this
proposal.
The final recommendation was to recommit to
the Interim Committee for further study the
amendments to the General Assembly's rules pro-
posed by that Committee.
International Law Commission
The International Law Commission has de-
cided on the substance of several articles to be in-
cluded in the Draft Declaration on the Rights and
Duties of States and agreed that this, like the,
human-rights declaration, would take the form of
a declaration to be adopted by the General As-
sembly as a "common standard of conduct" to be
applicable to all states, and not just United Nations
members. Further agreement was reached that
the text would not include all possible Charter pro-
visions, but would be restricted to those rights and
duties which were general to international law
and that the declaration should conform as strictly
as possible to the language of the Charter.
Thus far the Commission has agreed to include
articles declaring that every state has the right
(1) to exist and to preserve its existence (2) to
have its existence recognized by other states (3) to
independence and (4) to legal equality. Another
article will pertain to the duty of nonintervention
of every state.
Chairman Manley O. Hudson (U.S.) pomted
out that the Commission is not at this stage at-
tempting to arrive at the final wording but is try-
ing to determine what to include in the declaration.
561
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND MEETINGS
Calendar of Meetings '
Adjourned during April
Itu (InternaUorial Telecommunication Union):
International Conference on High Frequency Broadcasting .
United Nations:
Trusteeship Council: Fourth Session
Ecosoc (Kconomic and Social Council):
Commission on the Status of Women: Third Session . . .
Commission on Economic Development : Third Session . .
Transport and Communications Commission: Third
Session.
Economic Commission for Europe:
Committee on Electric Power
Committee on Industry and Materials
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East:
Committee of the Whole
Population f'dniniission: Fourth Session
Himian Rights ("oinniission: Special Session
IcAO (International Civil Aviation Organization):
African-Indian Ocean Air Navigation Meeting
North Atlantic Meteorological Communications Meeting
Special Meeting on Notices to Airmen
Fag (Food and Agriculture Organization) :
Indo-Pacific Fisheries Council
Rubber Study Group
Iro (International Refugee Organization) :
General Council: Second Session
Ilo (International Labor Organization):
Conference of European Experts on Training of Supervisors
within Industry.
Coal Mines Committee: Third Session
American Institute for the Protection of Childhood:
Annual Meeting of the Directing Council
Tin Study Group: Management Committee
Geography, Sixteenth International Congress of
Stomatology, XXIV Italian Congress of
International Cotton Advisory Committee: Eighth Meeting .
In Session as of May 1, 1949
United Nations:
Commission on Korea
Commission on India and Pakistan
Conciliation Commission for Palestine
General Assembly: Second Part of Tliird Session
International Law Commission
Ecosoc (Economic and Social Council):
Subcommission on Employment and Economic Stability:
Third Session.
Statistical Commission: Fourth Session
Itu (International Telecommunication Union):
Provisional Frequency Board
Region II — Fourth Inter-American Radio Conference . . .
Council of Foreign Ministers: Deputies for Austria
Gatt (General A.ssembly on Tariffs and Trade) :
Third Session of Contracting Parties
ICAO (International Civil Aviation Organization):
Meeting on .Joint Support for Ocean Weather Ship Stations
and Joint Support for Air Navigation Facilities in Dan-
ish Territory and in Greek Territory.
European Frequency Meeting: Second Session
War Victims, Diplomatic Conference for the Drawing Up of
a New Convention Intended to Protect.
Fao (Food and Agriculture Organization):
Preparatory Conference on World Wood Pulp Problems .
Ilo (International Labor Organization):
Fourth Regional Conference of American States Members .
First International Congress on Civil Engineering
Mexico City .
Lake Success .
Beirut ....
I,ake Success .
Lake Success .
Geneva . . .
Geneva . . .
Bangkok . .
Geneva . . .
Lake Success .
London .
London .
Montreal
Singapore
London .
Geneva
Geneva
Pittsburgh ,
Montevideo
London
Lisbon
Taormina and Catania, Italy .
Brussels
Seoul
Lake Success
Haifa, Jerusalem, and Rhodes
Lake Success
Lake Success
Lake Success .
Geneva . . .
Geneva
Washington
London . .
Annecy, France
London . . . .
Paris .
Geneva
Montreal
Montevideo
Mexico City
' Prepared in the division of International Conferences, Department of State.
• In recess from Apr. 6-29, 1949.
1948
Oct. 22-Apr. 10
1949
Jan. 24-Mar. 25
Mar. 21-.\pr. 4
Mar. 21-Apr. 11
Mar. 21-30
Mar. 21-23
Apr. 4-8
Mar. 28- Apr. 5
Apr. 11-22
Apr. 11
Mar. 22-Apr. 12
Apr. 11-
Apr. 19-
Mar. 24-31
Mar. 28- Apr. 1
Mar. 29-Apr. 9
Mar. 30-Apr. 2
Apr. 19-30
Apr. 1-2
Apr. 4
Apr. 8-15
Apr. 20-24
Apr. 25-30
Dec
Jan.
Jan.
Apr.
Apr.
Apr.
Apr.
1948
12-
1949
3-
28-
5-
12-
11-
2.5-
1948
Jan.
Apr.
Feb.
Apr.
Apr.
15-
1949
25-
9-»
11-
20-
Apr. 26-
Apr. 21-
Apr. 25-
Apr. 25-
Apr. 30-
Departmenf of State Bulletin
Calendar of Meetings — Continued
Scheduled for May
United Nations:
Ecosoc (Economic and Social Council):
Social Commission : Fourth Session
Economic and Employment Commission: Fourth Session .
Commission on Human Rights: Fourth Session
Economic Commission for Europe: Fourth Session . . .
Commission on Narcotic Drugs: Fourth Session . . . .
Economic Commission for Latin America
Subcommission on Freedom of Information and the Press:
Third Session.
Ilo (International Labor Organization):
Advisory Committee Meeting of Experts on Cooperation .
Inland Transport Committee: Third Session
Correspondence Committee on Social Insurance
Governing Body: 109th Session
ICAO (International Civil Aviation Organization):
Council: Seventh Session
Itu (International Telecommunication Union) :
Administrative Conference to Revise the International
Telegraph and Telephone Regulations.
Region I and Region III Frequency Conferences
Inter-American Bar Association, Sixth Meeting of the . . . .
Health Congress of the Royal Sanitary Institute
Pan American Sanitary Organization:
Executive Committee: Seventh Session
International Whaling Commission, First Meeting of the . .
IcEF (International Children's Emergency Fund): Executive
Board.
South Pacific Commission: Third Meeting
International Railway Congress
Lake Success . . .
Lake Success . . .
Lake Success . . .
Geneva
Lake Success . . .
Habana
Lake Success . . .
Geneva
Brussels
Montreal . . . .
Geneva
Montreal . . . .
Paris
Geneva
Detroit
Brighton, England
Washington . . .
London
Lake Success . .
Noumea
Lisbon
1949
May 2-
Mav 9-
May »-
May 9-
May 9-
May 29-
May 31-
May 5
May 18-
May 24-
May 27-
May 10
May 18
May 18
May 22
May 23
May 23
May 30-
May
May 10
May
U.S. Delegation to Cotton Advisory Meeting
The Department of State announced on April
19 the United States Delegation to the eighth
meeting of the International Cotton Advisory
Committee scheduled to convene at Brussels on
April 25, 1949. The United States Delegation is
as follows :
Chairman
Edwin D. White, Assistant to the Secretary of Agriculture,
Department of Agriculture
Advisers
Read Dunn, Director of Foreign Trade, National Cotton
Council of America
Jerome T. Gaspard, First Secretary and Consul, American
Embas.sy, Brussels
Charles J. Little, Commercial Attach^, American Embassy,
Brussels
Rene Lutz, Office of International Trade, Department of
Commerce
Arthur W. Palmer, Head, Division of Cotton and Other
Vegetable Fibers, OfBce of Foreign Agricultural Re-
lations, Department of Agriculture
Horace G. Porter, Office of the Special Representative,
Economic Cooperation Administration, Paris
Robert B. Schwenger, Chief, Regional Investigations
Branch, Office of Foreign Agriculture Relations, De-
partment of Agriculture
Clovis D. Walker, Director, Cotton Branch, Production
and Marketing Administration, Department of
Agriculture
Adviser and Secretary
James G. Evans, Chief, Fibers Section, Division of Inter-
national Resources, Department of State
At the forthcoming meeting the Committee will
review the world cotton situation and exchange in-
formation concerning the cotton policies of the
member governments. The problem of increas-
ing the usefulness of the secretariat of the Commit-
tee in compiling statistical and other data on cot-
ton throughout the world and the problem of in-
creasing the effectiveness of the Committee wiU
also be discussed at Brussels.
The Committee was established in accordance
with the recommendations of the International
Cotton Conference, held at Washington in Septem-
ber 1939, for the purpose of keeping the interested
countries abreast of the developments in the world
cotton situation and of suggesting practicable
measures from time to time for international
collaboration in the solution of world cotton
problems.
May 1, 7949
THE RECORD OF THE WEEK
Pan American Day: A Symbol of Mutual Trust and Cooperation
Among the Americas
ADDRESS BY SECRETARY ACHESON >
I appreciate the invitation of the Council to join
with you in observing Pan American Day. iVl-
though this occasion is the first opportunity I
have had since my return to the Department of
State to meet with the representatives of the
American republics in the Pan American Union,
I feel at home here, in the same way that all of
us feel at home together in the inter-American
community of good neighbors.
Wholehearted support of the inter-American
system has been a foundation stone of the foreign
relations of my country for many years. None of
the momentous international developments that
have taken place during these years has lessened
the importance of this policy for my country —
sonie have increased it. This policy is not the
policy of any one man or any one political party,
nor is it the policy of any oiie moment. It is an
established national policy, strongly and actively
supported by the will of the people of my country.
The Pan American Union, with its important
place in the inter-American system, symbolizes a
spirit, increasingly important to international
affairs — a disposition on the part of governments
to sit down together and work out their common
problems in an atmosphere of concord and mutiial
trust. This habit of cooperation is firmly estab-
lished and deeply rooted in the Western Hemi-
sphere. Perhaps to some extent we take it for
granted and forget that many other nations have
not accepted this principle so thoroughly or prac-
ticed it so long as we have. But many states have
now come to realize the great value of the example
and pattern of friendship and cooperation set by
the American republics in this hemisphere.
It is apparent that two opposing forces are at
work in the world of today. One is disruptive.
It divides nations and peoples. It turns indi-
viduals against each other even in the same coun-
try and the same community. The other force
draws peoples and nations together in common
endeavor. It harmonizes the interests of indi-
viduals.
Observation of the operation of these contrasting
influences reveals a paradox. Free people are
willing to share their privileges and prerogatives
with others— to entrust their vital interests to the
decision of the community of which they are a
' Made at the Special Session of the Connpil of Organi-
zation of American States in Washington, D.C., on Apr. 14,
1949, and released to the press on the same date.
part. Repressed people hold aloof, suspect the
motives of those who offer friendship and aid,
and shrink from or oppose cooperative action.
We can see clearly which of these attitudes is
normal and healthy and which is abnormal and
morbid. It is my conviction that the cohesive
forces at work for unity and cooperation will pre-
vail in time over the divisive forces working for
disruption and disaster. I believe this because the
desire for cohesion and cooperation is rooted in
man's long search for security, peace, and spiritual
advancement in a social order devised to further
the realization of those aims.
It is understandable that leadership for the at-
tainment of those ends through cooperative action
comes largely from the Western world, which be-
lieves so firmly that the objective of individual
liberty and well-being can best be realized through
the exercise of tolerance and restraint by individ-
uals toward the other members of the community.
Fortunately, these principles are steadily gaining
welcome support as the basis of the peaceful and
orderly world community now being built by col-
lective endeavor devoted to the common purpose of
a better life for all peoples.
Cooperation among nations on a world-wide
scale is a comparatively recent development. A
start was made scarcely three decades ago with the
League of Nations. In the vision of Woodrow
Wilson, the people of the world caught a glimpse
of the family of nations moving forward in unison.
But my country faltered and held back. It had
not fully learned that its security was bound up in
the security of a free world. Hindered by other
adverse factors, the League proved unable to check
the resurgent militarism that forced the world, in-
cluding my own country, again into war.
But war only confirmed that the compulsion to-
ward international cooperation is too great to be
ignored or defeated. Even while World War II
was being fought, the Allied powers began organ-
izing the United Nations. These efforts achieved
success at San Francisco, where the American re-
publics exerted a strong and constructive influ-
ence in the drafting of the Charter.
Once more men possessed an instrument for con-
sultation and collective action. And once more
they learned that form and organization are not
enough, that the spirit which animates the mem-
bers is all important. The attitude of one mem-
Deparfment of Slate Bulletin
ber can keep the United Nations — or any interna-
tional organization — from working as it is in-
tended to work and can seriously hamper the sin-
cere efforts of the majority to achieve security and
progress through collective action.
But the will to attain the objectives of the United
Nations through joint action in keeping with the
spirit and principles of the Charter is as strong
as ever. The nations and peoples dedicated to
peace and security through international cooper-
ation have refused to be defeated or dismayed by
obstruction and threats. They have souglat and
found ways to carry forward their purpose and, at
the same time, to strengthen the United Nations as
their primary choice of the means of collective
action.
Some of the means that have been developed
within the spirit of the Charter are aid to free
countries whose integrity and independence are
tlireatened: the European Eecovei-y Program;
the Treaty of Rio de Janeiro; the Brussels Pact;
and the North Atlantic Treaty. All of these
measures are of major importance to the American
republics. Some originated in the community of
American nations and directly concern the secu-
rity of this hemisphere and relationships within
the inter-American system. Others have been
strongly influenced by principles evolved and in-
stitutions developed by the American republics.
The nations represented here today actively
supported the inclusion in the United Nations
Charter of the concept of regional arrangements —
a need foreseen by the conference of American
states held in Mexico City prior to the San Fran-
cisco conference on organization of the United
Nations.
The mutual defense treaty for the Western
Hemisphere concluded at Eio de Janeiro in 1947
was based on the principle, recognized by article
51 of the Charter, that an attack on one of the
American nations would be considered an attack
on all, and would be dealt with accordingly, by
joint action. An immediate result of the conclu-
sion of this treaty was the widespread recognition
of the fact that the purposes of the Charter were
strengthened and fuithered by ancillary arrange-
ments in accordance with the principles of the
Charter.
The principle of the inherent right of individual
and collective self-defense, embodied in article 51
of the United Nations Charter, became the heart
of the North Atlantic Treaty, which is designed
to assure the maintenance of international peace
and security for the North Atlantic community,
just as the Treaty of Eio de Janeiro is designed
to provide the same assurance for the American
community. The American family of nations can
justifiably take pride in the way their pioneering
for peace has borne fruit for others who earnestly
desire to achieve the same purpose. The prin-
ciples of consultation on matters of mutual concern
and of close cooperation in the economic as well as
the security field likewise are incorporated in the
May I, 1949
North Atlantic Treaty, as they are in the formal
agreements of the American republics.
Another important element common to both
treaties is that they are explicitly designed to fit
into the universal system of the United Nations.
Both are reinforcements and developments of the
United Nations concept, not alternatives to it.
The Organization of American States is an ele-
ment of strength for the United Nations, and con-
versely, the United Nations is an element of
strength for the Organization of American States.
All of us belong to and are active in both. There
are no divided loyalties here. We can honestly
and sincerely serve the same cause in both the
regional and the universal system.
In dealing with the instrumentalities and
mechanisms for international cooperation, may I
mention an additional development upon which
intensive work is now proceeding. This is Presi-
dent Truman's plan of technical cooperation
among the peoples of the earth in improving their
living conditions and strengthening their national
economies. This effort also will be a practical
demonstration in international cooperation, with
many nations participating.
The great hopes for this program are shared, I
believe, by the people of the Western Hemisphere
as well as the peoples of other areas. The pro-
gram will be unique in many respects. It will re-
quire full and continuing cooperation not only
among governments, but also among the people
who carry on the great work of producing for the
needs of the world. Eeal understanding can de-
velop out of the mingling, on a practical worka-
day basis, of the technicians of many countries
with the peoples of other lands. They cannot deal
with each other at arms length, but must work
shoulcler to shoulder, demonstrating and learning
new ways of sowing and harvesting crops, con-
trolling and eliminating disease, producing more
goods with less effort and at less cost. Wlien
international cooperation takes place on a wide
enough scale on the farms and in the factories of
the world, the tasks of statesmen will be easier.
One reason I have such great hopes for this pro-
gi-am is that already, in the republics of the West-
ern Hemispliere, there is proof of how much can
be accomplished by this method. The pioneering
done by the members of the inter-American sys-
tem will prove invaluable in the wider application
of the processes arrived at by trial and error.
The prototype of almost every kind of project
contemplated in the world-wide program envi-
sioned by President Truman has been developed
and tested in cooperative programs carried on in
recent years between the United States and its
sister American countries. Present plans include
a substantial expansion of these joint activities
in this hemisphere even as they are extended to new
areas.
The experience of our countries in technical co-
operation will also serve as a caution to other
peoples that, promising as this technique is, too
much cannot be expected too soon. Raising the
living standards of large groups of people, over
large areas, is a complex problem involving many
diverse factors. It cannot he accomplished with-
out intensive, continuous effort.
Modern technology can make the earning of
one's daily bread less exhausting. It can relieve
man of much backbreaking drudgery and release
his creative powers for things of the spirit. It is
in this sense that President Trun>iin's "Point 4"
opens up almost limitless vistas in the long future.
The effective inter-American system which ex-
ists today is the work of many men. As repre-
sentatives of the American republics, we can be
justly proud of those who contributed to this suc-
cess. We can best pay tribute to them by main-
taining and perfecting the system they initiated
in the full knowledge that the welfare of the West-
ern Hemisphere retjuires mutual trust and cooper-
ation.
Present Day International Economic Picture
REMARKS BY WILLARD L. THORPi
Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs
At the end of the war, the economic problems
faced by the various countries of the world were
tremenclous. However, the immediate require-
ments were obvious and the ininiediate objectives
wei-e clear. The economies of the war-devastated
countries were shattered, and reconstruction, reor-
ganization, and a revival of production were the
obvious requirements. The economies in the other
countries of the world had been diverted and
distorted to wartime production, and the problem
for them was one of transformation to a peacetime
basis. Most government budgets were necessarily
far from balanced, and trade among countries was
exceedingly limited. The basic over-all world
problem was one of shortages, with starvation the
greatest threat of all. These shortages were by
no means evenly distributed among countries.
It is dangerous to generalize when conditions
vary so throughout the world, but certain underly-
ing trends are generally evident. Althougli tre-
mendous strides have been taken since V-J Day,
no one can claim that world economic health has
been achieved. However, the most promising re-
sults have been in the very field of production
where results were most needed. The processes of
conversion in countries like the United States have
taken place with the maintenance of production
levels close to those achieved under war pressures.
The war-devastated areas are in the process of a
dynamic upward surge from their postwar lows
with production tending to reach and even exceed
prewar levels for many commodities. The short-
age period is not yet over, but the softening of
prices is one indication of reduced pressure of de-
mand upon supply.
In terms of the external relations of countries,
if one uses the balance of payments as a test, we
'Made at the Mississippi Valley World Trade Confer-
ence In New Orleans, Apr. 22, 1949, and released to the
press on the same date.
566
are still far from economic health. The excess of
American exports over imports reached its maxi-
mum in the second quarter of 1047, and is sub-
stantially less today. The ga]) however is still in
the neighborhood of five or six billion dollars per
annum. On the other hand, most foreign coun-
tries found themselves operating on a deficit basis
and have had to bring their situation into balance
either through loans or grants from the United
States and other countries or through extensive
controls over trade, or both. It is worthy of note
that there is much more similarity today, at least
superficially, among most of these deficit countries
than was true immediately at the end of the war.
Whereas the countries with extreme postwar defi-
cits, such as the United Kingdom, Italy, and
France, have succeeded in reducing their gaps,
other countries which seemed to be in good condi-
tion at the end of the war have more recently found
themselves with threatened imbalances in trade.
Countries such as Sweden, Canada, and Mexico al-
lowed trade to continue with minimum restrictions
to a point where the purchases of American goods
outstripped the foreign exchange which they were
earning and, after a substantial depletion of their
reserves, were forced to take steps to protect their
financial situation.
The net lesult has been a great emphasis on the
balancing of trade, the development of more and
more agreements either on a barter or quasi-barter
basis, and the widespread application of quotas
and exchange controls as a method of conserving
financial resources. Within this total picture, it
is natural that the emphasis in most foreign coun-
tries should have been to develo]:) sources of supply
outside the United States as much as possible.
It may be worth while to review briefly the
character of our own record during the postwar
period. So far as trade in goods and services has
been concerned, our impoitshave been rising stead-
ily since early in 194(), while our exports reached
Department of State Bulletin
their peak early in 1947. This high level in 1947
was made possible because foreign countries
financed about 4.5 billion dollars of their pur-
chases in the United States in that year from their
reserves of gold and dollar assets. In 1948, this
source had largely run out so that purchases
financed from these sources shrank to about 860
million dollars, all of which were concentrated in
the first half of the year. Government aid, both
grants and loans, was about one billion dollars
less in 1948 than in 1947. To meet this decline of
the dollar supply abroad of about 5 billion dol-
lars, when all sources are considered, foreign
countries increased their exports to the United
States by 2 billion dollars and reduced their pur-
chases here by 3 billion dollars. It is worthy of
note that while foreign countries were increasing
their sales to the United States and reducing
their purchases here, they were increasing their
total imports from all sources. The reestablish-
ment of foreign sources of supply, particularly of
foodstuffs, fuels, and manufactured products,
lessened the war-created need to rely upon the
United States to an unusual degree for such
products, although the United States still con-
tinues to be a much greater source of goods moving
in world trade than was the case before the war.
Obviously, the comparison of 1948 and 1947 in-
dicates a marked advance towards economic
health, but it is also true that adjustments of this
kind become increasingly difficult to make. Im-
ports into the United States will not continue to
increase at this rate year after year, and a further
substantial cut in our exports might have im-
portant domestic repercussions in particular in-
dustries. Furthermore, it is important to realize
that the European countries do face a problem of
dimensions greater than merely returning to their
prewar trading position, inasmuch as certain of
their prewar sources of foreign exchange, notably
earnings on foreign investments, cannot be easily
recovered. One added factor is that there have
been substantial population increases since the
prewar period so that identical total quantities
mean lower per capita consumption.
The problem of the adjustment of the trade
balance, which I have cited, is not entirely a new
problem. The fact is that the United States has
balanced its trade ever since the First World War
by various transactions outside the commodity
field. During the 20's, the floating of foreign
securities in the United States went on at a very
rapid pace. During the 30's, the balance was
achieved largely through the flow of gold and other
assets to the United States. During the 40's, the
deficit has been met largely by government grants
and loans.
It may well be that in time, this basic problem
will take care of itself through a greater rise of
imports into the United States than of our exports
abroad. This has been the usual experience of
countries once they have reached a creditor posi-
Mo/ I, 1949
tion. It is probably true that our dependence on
foreign sources of raw materials is increasing, al-
though this must be offset in part by the develop-
ment of synthetic products such as synthetic rub-
ber. However, the shift in the situation relative
to copper, lead, and zinc and the requirements for
many less well-known metals would seem to indi-
cate that outside sources will be increasingly used.
Even iron ore promises to be imported into the
United States in substantial quantities during the
next decade.
It is to be hoped, too, that the imbalance of ex-
change can be cut down to some extent by increased
American tourist expenditures abroad.
There are other important elements in the pic-
ture. The gap may be filled in part by the efforts
to contribute to the process of economic develop-
ment in underdeveloped areas. Wlien President
Truman placed assistance to underdeveloped areas
as "Point 4" in his inaugural address last January,^
it created great interest, not only in the United
States but in other countries. He put it quite
simply in the framework of the need of these coun-
tries and of the political instabilities which are
related to low standards of living. However, it is
inevitable that any substantial progress in the
process of economic development will require the
flow of capital goods from the industrialized coun-
tries to the backward areas. This may, of course,
be accomplished as the result of an International
Bank loan, some government programs or loan, or
of the flow of private capital. In any event, the
immediate effect would be to increase the capital
flow item on the balance-of-payments account.
If one looks further into the future, progress
towards economic development has certain other
imijlications. It is clear that trade is closely re-
lated to standards of living. If the native popula-
tion in an area must dedicate nearly its entire ef-
forts to producing food, clothing, and shelter for
its own use alone, it cannot participate in any
larger market either as a supplier or as a purchaser.
American goods have always moved in greatest
quantity to the more developed countries such as
Canada and the United Kingdom. The process of
economic development therefore can lead toward
a real expansion in world trade. If there is such
expansion there is then greater room for adjust-
ments as between countries, providing an oppor-
tunity to achieve both internal and external
balance.
It is ea.sy to talk about economic developments,
but there is a far distance between the general no-
tion and the specific accomplishment. Economic
development is a kind of growth or change which
involves much more than the building of factories
or the digging of mines. The requirements vary,
of course, from country to country. In one area
the immediate limitation may be a problem in the
field of health, in another it may be basic education
and vocational training, and in another transpor-
» Bulletin of Jan. 30, 1949, p. 123.
tation facilities. In many large areas the most
important pressing proLk-m is that of making
more food available, and this can be done both Vjy
improved techniques and by large-scale projects,
such as irrigation and reclamation.
In many ways the effort to facilitate economic
development is much more difficult than the effort
to assist in European recovery. However, they
both have one thing clearly in common; namely,
that their success depends in large part on domes-
tic action. The European Recovery Program was
one in which the United States was able to pro-
vide the last 5 percent which was necessary to make
the European 95 percent come alive, but the princi-
pal drive and dynamics had to come from the Eu-
ropean countries themselves. Economic develop-
ment depends primarily upon the attitude and de-
termination of the country involved.
There are many ways in which the process of
economic development can be facilitated. The
history of the United States is clearly a case where
outside assistance played an important pail. Our
early settlers brought with them the skills and the
implements which had been developed over the
centuries in Europe, so they started with a culture
and a productivity far advanced over that of the
native Indian inhabitants. Our railroads were
built with European capital and largely with im-
migrant labor. Our scientific knowledge has
cumulated with major contributions acquired from
scientists and laboratories all over the world. The
flow has been both in and out. As the United
States forged ahead in its own development, there
was an increasing flow of knowledge and capital
from its shores to other countries.
It will always be true that much of the exchange
among countries will be on a personal basis. One
of the greatest forms of transfer has been and still
is through migration and settlement. This is par-
ticularly true of the basic skills and habits of work.
At the higher technical level, the rate of transfer
depends in large part upon the degree of inter-
change of information and the extent to which
scholars and research workers in various parts
of the world are in touch with each other through
direct contact, publications, organizations and so
forth. Restrictions in the flow of information and
knowledge are obviously restrictions on progress.
The process of economic development can be fa-
cilitated by many different types of activity, rang-
ing from the encouragement of migration to the
lowering of tariffs and elimination of quotas in in-
ternational trade in books and periodicals. How-
ever, interest in the United States at the present
time is centering on two particular elements — tech-
nical cooperation and the supply of capital.
These were emphasized by President Truman in
his inaugural address.
Technical cooperation is used in a rather broad
sense to range all the way from basic education
and public health assistance to the study of the
productivity of a particular industry. Con-
siderable progress can be made in many areas by
these means alone, without requiring much capital,
particularly in fields such as education, public
health, and increased food production. However,
there can be no gainsaying the fact that the pro-
vision of basic public services, such as roads, har-
bors, dams for power and irrigation projects, and
the like, require large quantities of capital. In
the industrialization of a country, when it moves
on from the small-scale household handicraft
methods of production to the use of power machin-
ery, capital again becomes a major requirement.
The channels through which international as-
sistance has flowed, other than those on the strictly
personal level, have been private institutions, both
philanthropic and profit-making, bilateral gov-
ernmental arrangements, and more recently the
United Nations. To increase the speed of eco-
nomic development, the effectiveness and scale of
utilization of each of these channels must be in-
creased.
There are various ways in which the United
States Government can be of assistance, but here
again the amount which it can do by itself is ex-
ceedingly limited. It was for this reason that
President Truman in his inaugural address em-
phasized the fact that all elements in the country
must work together in the search for means to
assist the underdeveloped areas. Again I want to
stress that those of us who are fortunate enough to
be living in the United States should remember
that our own achievement has not been entirely
through our own resources. No modern country
can take full credit for its own development.
Human knowledge is cumulative and traces its
origins to all parts of the globe. Even modern
scientific and technical knowledge is the product
of laboratories in many countries. Capital has
always flowed in substantial quantities across
national boundaries. But this modern technical
knowledge and the productive contribution of
capital have been utilized most unevenly
throughout the world, with the result that stand-
ards of living and productivity are likewise un-
equal. It is still true that thousands of people
starve to death each year, and half the plows in
use today in the world are made of wood. Some-
thing like 80 percent of the world's automobiles
are in the United States. Only a small fraction of
the world's population has ever heard a radio,
and an infinitesimal fraction has ever seen a tele-
vision set. The need for improved living stand-
ards is obvious, but this is a long, slow process,
requiring domestic effort and international co-
operation of a high order.
I have talked about the international economic
problem of balancing trade among countries, the
progress which has been made through the Eco-
nomic Recovery Program, and the potentialities
in the process of economic development. These
are dynamic factors aimed at improving the basic
situation, but their effectiveness is closely related
Department of Stafe Bulletin
to the principles which are generally accepted as
underlying international economic relations.
Here there are at least three basic elements in the
American concept of a healthy world economy.
The first two relates to the nature and extent of
obstacles which individual governments may place
in the way of the flow of goods. At the moment,
the immediate circumstances have forced all kinds
of arbitrary restrictions. As conditions improve,
it should be possible to thaw out these situations
and permit trade to flow more freely.
These obstacles take the form of trade barriers
and of exchange controls. In both these fields,
the United States has taken a leading part in the
effort to establish an agreed set of principles and
international machinery for considering the ex-
ceptions and adaptations which individual coun-
tries may find necessary from time to time. Neither
the International Trade Organization nor the In-
ternational Monetary Fund was designed to deal
with the immediate, critical postwar problems of
imbalance and shortage. Rather, both represent
devices for reducing obstacles to trade and main-
taining financial stability by means of interna-
tional cooperative action (after the immediate
problems are solved).
The third basic requirement is to establish a
system of order relative to the many international
economic matters which involve private citizens.
Obviously, economic activity within any country
is closely related to the existence of a system of law
which establishes and defines the rights, privileges,
and obligations of the individual. A similar basis
of understanding is important when one passes
across national boundaries. In February 1948, a
treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation was
signed between the United States and Italy, which
is perhaps the most modern document of this type
in existence.^ It defines on a reciprocal basis, the
treatment which each will give to the citizens of
the other. Treaties of this kind, which give assur-
ances to foreigners as to their treatment within a
country, are most important in providing not only
a basis for travel and trade, but in defining more
exactly the prospective treatment of foreign in-
vestment. Economic progress is aided by reducing
the number of uncertainties in the world, and we
feel that such treaties provide important, fixed
jjoints for economic navigation.
The European Recovery Program and the "Point
4" program are dynamic elements in our policy.
The reduction of barriers and creation of rights
and obligations establish the underlying basis for
continuing expansion. The elements add up to a
coherent whole.
Our economic foreign policy is a living policy.
It grows and develops and adapts itself to the ne-
cessities of the moment. In such a brief survey
as I have given, much has been omitted and no ele-
ment has been developed in adequate detail. But
it is important to have a sense of the over- all pat-
tern — to see the broad framework into which the
various parts must fit — to see where we came from,
where we are, and where we hope to go. Nor can
economic foreign policy be separated from over-all
foreign policy as arbitrarily as I have done. In a
world where some countries are more friendly than
others, all elements in foreign policy must take that
unhappy fact into account. Similarly, our strong
support of the United Nations affects many other
phases of foreign policy.
The international economic scene of the mo-
ment is full of currents and cross-currents. The
area of economic policy choice, which was exceed-
ingly limited for most countries in the immediate
postwar period, when basic requirements were ab-
solute necessities, is now broadening and choices
can be made over a wider and wider area. In a
very real sense, many countries are becoming more
and more economically independent. This is one
of the clearly recognized objectives of the Euro-
pean Recovery Plan, and we should be happy to
see the accomplishment. However, it makes it
increasingly necessary for us to be so right in our
policy that we can be strong on the basis of moral
strength. The basis of our economic foreign
policy must not lie solely in the interests of the
United States, but in a sincere effort to develop
and carry out policies and programs whose goal
is the mutual benefit of the peoples of all the
countries involved, including our own. The eco-
nomic policies, which I have so briefly outlined,
derive their fundamental justification and support
from this basis of mutual benefit.
Trial of Japanese War Criminals
The Far Eastern Commission makes the follow-
ing recommendations ^ to member governments of
the Commission:
If possible, investigations in connection with of-
fenses falling under paragraph 1 h and 1 c of the
policy decision of the Far Eastern Commission en-
titled "Apprehension, Trial and Punishment of
War Criminals in the Far East" (FEC-007/3),
May 7, 7949
passed by the Commission on April 3, 1946, includ-
ing such offenses alleged to have been committed
by persons suspected of offenses falling under
paragraph 1 a of the said policy decision, should
' For test see Department of State press release 77 of
Feb. 2, 1948.
' Recommenciations to member governments of the Far
Eastern Commission approved by the Commission on Mar.
31, 1949, and released to the press on Apr. 1, 1949.
569
be completed before June 30, 1949, and all trials
thereof should be concluded, if possible, before
September 30, 1949.
[Released to tbe press by FEC April 11
The Far Eastern Commission at its 147th meet-
ing on March 31, 1949, recommended to its 11
member governments that, if possible, investiga-
tions of suspected Japanese war criminals, accused
either of violations of the laws or customs of war,
or of murder, extermination, enslavement, depor-
tation, or other inhumane acts committed against
any civilian population or prosecutions on politi-
cal, racial, or religious grounds, should be com-
pleted by June ;>0, and trials of such persons
completed by September 30, 1949.
It will be remembered that according to a pre-
viously announced policy decision of the Far
Eastern Commission adopted on February 24,
1949, it was agreed that no further trials should
be initiated of suspected criminals whose offenses
fell within category of so-called "a" crimes,
"Planning, preparation, initiation or waging of a
•war of aggression or a war in violation of inter-
national treaties, agreements and assurances, or
participation in a common plan or conspiracy for
the accomplishment of any of the foregoing."
Investigations and trials of Japanese for war
crimes had been called for by the Far Eastern
Commission policy decision of April 3, 1946, "Ap-
prehension, Trial and Punishment of War Crimi-
nals in the Far East." ' This policy had set up
three categories of war crimes, commonly known
as categories a, b, and c. It is the second and
third categories which are referred to in the
present recommendation of the Far Eastern Com-
mission. The paragraphs in the original FEC
policy decision on war criminals referred to in the
present decision are as follows :
1. The term "war crimes" as used herein, includes :
a. Planning;, i>reparation, initiation or waging of a
war of aggression or a war in violation of international
treaties, agrcenients and assurances, or participation in
a common plan or conspiracy for the accomplishment of
any of the foregoing.
6. Violations of the laws or customs of war. Such
violations shall include but not be limited to murder, ill
treatment or deportation to slave labor or for any other
purpose of civilian population of, or in, occupied territory,
murder or ill treatment of prisoners of war or persons on
the seas or elsewhere, improper treatment of hostages,
plunder of public or private property, wanton destruction
of cities, towns or villages or devastation not justified by
military necessity.
c. Murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation and
other inhumane acts committed against any civilian
population, before or during the war or prosecutions on
political, racial or religious grounds in execution of or in
' See Activitir.'f of Ihr Far Eastern Commission Report
by the Secretary Ocniral, Appendix 39, p. 97, Department
of State publication L'SS.S.
' Policy decision approved by the Far Eastern Commis-
sion Feb. 24, 1!)4!»; a directive based up(m this decision
was forwarded by the U.S. Government to the Supreme
Commander for the Allied Powers for implementation.
570
connection with any crime defined herein, whether or not
In violation of the domestic law of the country where
peri)et rated.
The Far Eastern Commission decides as a
matter of policy that:^
No further trials of Japanese war criminals
should be initiated in respect of offenses classified
under paragraph 1 a of the policy decision of the
Far Eastern Commission entitled "Apprehension,
Trial and Punishment of War Criminals in the
Far East" passed by the Commission on April
3, 1946.
[Released to the press by FEC March 16]
The Far Eastern Commission at its 142d meet-
ing on February 24 adopted a policy deci-
sion stating that no further trials should be
initiated with respect to Japanese suspected of
having planned, prepared, or conspired to wage a
war of aggression — commonly referred to as "class
a" crimes.
This decision — the 55th policy approved by the
Far Eastern Commission since its first meeting on
February 26, 1946 — has been communicated
to the Supreme Commander for the Allied
Powers, General MacArthur, in a directive issued
in the usual manner through the Joint Chiefs of
Staff. The policy states that "no further trials
of Japaitese war criminals should be initiated in
respect of offenses classified under paragraph 1 a
of the policy decision of the Far Eastern Com-
mission entitled 'Apprehension, Trial and Punish-
ment of AVar Criminals in the Far East' passed
by the Commission on April 3, 1946."
The present action of the Commission has no
bearing on so-called "&" and "c" offenses : violation
of the laws and customs of war and crimes against
humanity, such as murder, extermination, enslave-
ment, etc.
It will be recalled that the Potsdam Declara-
tion of July 26, 1945, announced that "stern
justice shall be meted out to all war crimi-
nals, including those who have visited cruelties
upon our prisoners." Pursuant to this agreement
the United States Government in October 1945,
prior to the establishment of the Far Eastern
Connnission, forwarded a directive to the Su-
preme Commander with instructions regarding the
prosecution of suspected Japanese war criminals
and the establishment of an International Mili-
tary Tribunal for the Far East. Subsequently,
at the Moscow Conference of December 1945, the
Far Eastern Commission was established. Five
weeks after its initial meeting in Washington, the
Commission approved the policy decision already
mentioned above ("Apprehension, Trial and Pun-
ishment of War Criminals in the Far East," April
3, 1946). This decision was transmitted to
the Supreme Commander through the Joint Chiefs
of Staff, in accordance with the established proce-
dure, and superseded the earlier United States
directive.
Department of State Bulletin
On April 26, 1946, an indictment was
lodged with the International Military Tribunal
for the Far East charging 28 Japanese with hav-
ing committed crimes falling into all three cate-
gories referred to above, namely, classes "a", "J",
and "c". The indictment charged offenses cov-
ering a period of 17 years and committed through-
out the greater part of Eastern Asia. Trial was
formally begun on June 4, 1946. Evidence
submitted was collected not only from sources in
the Far East but also from sources in Europe and
the United States.
The trial lasted for nearly two and a half years.
Of the twenty-eight men originally indicted, two
died in the course of the trial and a third was
adjudged mentally incompetent for trial. The
remaining twenty-five were all convicted in a
lengthy judgment read to the tribunal between
November 4 and November 12, 1948. All
but one were found guilty of the crime of
waging or conspiring to wage aggressive war
("class a" crimes). Eleven were also found
guilty of "J" and "c" crimes.
Sentences were passed on the 25 convicted war
criminals on November 12, 1948. Seven were sen-
tenced to death by hanging; sixteen received sen-
tences of life imprisonment; and two were sen-
tenced to 20 years and 7 years i-espectively.
Between midnight and 12 : 33 a. m. on December
24, 1948, following unsuccessful appeals to the
United States Supreme Court to review their sen-
tences, the seven men sentenced to death by the
International Military Tribunal for the Far East,
including former Premier Hideki Tojo, were
hanged in Sugamo Prison in Tokyo.
Procedure for Claiming Land in Japan
[Released to the press April 18]
The Department of State announced on April
18 that it has received a communication from
the Supreme Commander, Allied Headquarters,
Japan, to the effect that the Japanese Government
is seeking certain information from former Jap-
anese nationals who own lands in Japan and who
do not wish these lands to be sold in connection
with the Japanese land reforms.
The Japanese land-reform law provides that
lands owned by Japanese nationals abroad will
be purchased by the Government for resale to the
farmers actually engaged in their cultivation but
stipulates that any owner who relinquished his
Japanese nationality prior to October 21, 1946,
will be exempt from this provision.
Persons whose lands are exempt, therefore, are
requested to file applications immediately, to-
gether with proof of their new nationality.
Lands in this category inadvertently purchased
by the Government will be returned to their for-
May 1, 1949
eign owners upon submission of satisfactory evi-
dence within 12 months of the purchase. Writs
of purchase of the lands will be sent directly to
the former owners by the Government. Appli-
cations to forestall purchase or secure a cancella-
tion of purchase must be addressed to the Jap-
anese Minister of Agriculture and Forestry,
Tokyo.
Notice to Americans in Naniting
[Released to the press April 22]
The American Embassy in Nanking on April 21,
1949, made the following announcement to all
American nationals residing in Nanking :
"Until recently an American naval vessel has
been stationed at Nanking. It is now stationed
in Shanghai. Owing to a blockage of the Yangtze
Eiver, interfering with the movement of all vessels,
the presence of any United States naval vessel at
Nanking at a given time cannot, in the future, be
expected.
"The Marine Guard at the Embassy, having
been based upon ships stationed at Nanking, has
accordingly been reduced to a guard sufficient only
for the Chancery's internal security. It will not
be available for any protective duties either gen-
erally or in connection with evacuation.
"American nationals, who may have regarded
the presence of United States naval vessels and of
the Marine Guard as implying that the United
States will furnish either emergency protection or
emergency evacuation, should therefore reconsider
their position at Nanking. There is no assurance
that Nanking will be spared either civil disturb-
ance or military assault. The Embassy is com-
pelled to warn everyone that those remaining must
be prepared to stay through any emergencj'.
"Therefore, those who do not so intend should
leave Nanking now, while normal commercial
means of travel still exist."
As of April 4, 1949, official pei'sonnel in the
American Embassy in Nanking, including wives
and children, was 172. Other Americans residing
in the Nanking area total 87.
President's Message on Republic
of Ireland Act
[Released to the press April 18]
President Truman sent the following message
to President O'Kelley, Dublin, on April 18 :
On the occasion of the entering into force of the
Republic of Ireland Act, I send to you and to the
Irish people, on behalf of the people of the United
States of America, sincere good wishes for the
continued welfare and prosperity of your country.
'wnte^rU^'
Occupation Matters Fase
The Returned Masterpieces of the Berlin
Museums:
Introductory Note by Ardelia R. Hall . . 543
A Foreword by James R. Newman . . . 545
An Introduction by Theodore Allen Hein-
rich 546
Free University of Berlin. By Howard W.
Johnston 548
Views of U.S., U.K., and France on German
Basic Law Transmitted to Military
Governors 551
Trial of Japanese War Criminals 569
Procedure for Claiming Land in Japan ... 571
The United Nations and
Specialized Agencies
U.S. Answers Soviet Charges Against North
Atlantic Treaty. Statement by Ambas-
sador Warren R. Austin 552
Suppression of Human Rights in Bulgaria
and Hungary. Statement by Benjamin
V. Cohen 556
The United States in the United Nations . . 561
General Policy
Pan American Day: A Symbol of Mutual
Trust and Cooperation Among the
Americas. Address by Secretary Ache-
son
Notice to Americans in Nanking
President's Message on Repubhc of Ireland .
Calendar of Meetings
International Information and
Cultural Affairs
The Returned Masterpieces of the BerUn
Museums:
Introductory Note by Ardelia R. Hall . .
A Foreword by James R. Newman . . .
An Introduction by Theodore Allen Hein-
rich
564
571
571
Economic Affairs
U.S. Delegation to Cotton Advisory Meeting . 563
Present Day International Economic Pic-
ture. By Willard L. Thorp 566
562
543
545
546
//v€/ zlJeha^meni/ /C^ Cftate^
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1
THE NORTH ATLANTIC TREATY AND THE
ROLE OF THE MILITARY ASS
iivrF ppoCTf AJ\T
THE CURRENT SIT( Allo\ Tn GKi '
' ':■■'» V:A s'lJO^ ,> .]-^ t, ■ INTERNA-
Ml»NVL IRADL ORGANIZAT"
TRVXSMITTED TO THE SENATE
NbLLAK bLKVlCl
NATIONALS • Anid.
o^e z/^efho/rtm^e^ ^^ C/Ccite VJ Li i 1 w L 1 i X
Vol. XX, No. 514 • Publication 3501
Max 8, 1949
For sale hy the Superintendent ot Documents
U.S. Government Printing Office
Washington 2fi, D.O.
Peick:
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The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
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Note: Contents of this publloatlon are not
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be reprinted. Citation of the Department
OF State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication compiled and
edited in the Division of Publications,
Office of Public Affairs, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the icork of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includea
press releases on foreign policy issued
by the White House and the Depart-
ment, and statements and addresset
made by the President and by the
Secretary of State and other officers
of the Department, as trell as special
articles on various phases of inter-
national affairs and the functions of
the Department. Information is in-
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ternational agreements to trhich the
United States is or may become a
party and treaties of general inter-
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Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
Consular Services for German Nationals
by Walter J. Marx
The Interim Office for German Affairs is a
unique experiment for which there appears to be
no precedent in the history of the United States.
During World War II the interests of the German
Government in the United States were protected
by the Swiss Legation at Washington. Upon the
defeat of Germany in May 1945, the Swiss Govern-
ment turned over to the United States the German
Embassy and other German diplomatic property.
Since the Gennan Government no longer existed,
the 300 thousand German nationals in the United
States, and for that matter, those elsewhere in
the world outside of Germany, found themselves
without protection. There were no longer any
consular officers who might issue travel docmnents
to Germans or take measures to protect their prop-
erty interests, to certify legal documents for use in
Germany and to give other such services. Until
they relinquished the protection of German inter-
ests, the Swiss had even continued the payment of
German pensions in this country. Many aged
German people after May 1945, unable to obtain
their pensions any longer, lost their only means
of livelihood.
The lack of valid travel documents proved to be
increasingly embarrassing to German nationals.
Immediately after the German collapse most Ger-
mans outside of Germany remained very quiet and
made little attempt to travel. But as time passed,
and the Allied Powers began the economic rehabil-
itation of the Western zones of Germany, German
business men in the United States attempted to re-
establish ties with German business firms and
found it necessary to send their agents to Germany
and to other countries. Germans in the United
States and citizens of German heritage began to
hear from their relatives in Germany from whom
they had been cut off for five or more years. Aged
mothers were dying, family affairs were badly
snarled, estates had been inherited, relatives had
become lost during the tremendous uprooting of
populations started by Hitler and intensified by
the Poles and the Soviets.
Since there was no immediate prospect of sign-
ing a definitive German peace treaty and of estab-
lishing a new German government with full sov-
ereign powers, the Department of State attempted
to find some temporary solution to the problem
caused by the collapse of consular protection for
German nationals abroad. There was also some
uneasiness in the Department at the thought of
300 thousand Germans carrying on their af-
fairs and possibly traveling abroad on makeshift
travel documents. Travel-control aspects of the
problem and the possibility of establishing interim
offices to perform consular functions for German
nationals in each country having a large German
population were studied.
The matter was presented to the Allied Control
Council in Berlin, and after much discussion all
Four Powers agreed in December 1946, that the In-
terim Offices for German Affairs should be estab-
lished. In order to implement the Allied decision.
Congress authorized a bill for the Department of
State to perform certain consular services for Ger-
man nationals residing in the United States. The
Soviet authorities, however, later changed their
minds in regard to the establishment of interim
offices, thus forcing a temporary abandonment of
the world-wide plan.
The Division of Protective Services took little
further action in regard to the bill, and as the 80th
Congress drew to a close it seemed apparent that
the bill would be lost in the final rush of legislation.
However, in the closing hours of the session. Public
Law 798 was passed authorizing the Department to
perform certain consular services for German na-
tionals in the United States, "its Territories and
possessions." Since a bill for funds had not been
submitted to the Congi'ess, no money was available
to the DeiJartment to carry out the purpose of the
law. It was anticipated that the functions would
pay for themselves out of the fees obtained from
persons requesting consular services, but the law
would not permit the Department of State to use
this income directly for carrying out the consular
May 8, 1949
functions. The money would have to go to the
U.S. Treasury. A siiecific appropriation from
Congress would then be required to carry on the
work.
The original intention had been to use emergency
funds temporarily to .set up an Interim Office for
German AflFairs, but after the passage of Public
Law 798 it was determined that these funds were
not available. Nevertheless, the matter was press-
ing because upon the publication of the bill inquir-
ies began to pour into the Department regarding
the new functions. An office would have had to be
set up if only to reply to such inquiries.
There was also the problem of coordination with
the military authorities in Germany since the origi-
nal plan had called for the establishment of a con-
sular backstop in Germany, similar to the consular
section of the former German Foreign Office. But
at that time to hope to obtain Allied agreement for
the reestablishment of even a shadow of the old
German Foreign Office seemed futile. At best,
many months of effort would be required. Since
Congress had authorized the functions of the Office,
it was decided to go ahead and begin the perform-
ance of the functions. The military authorities
were requested to make the necessary arrangements
in the three Western zones of Germany for accept-
ance of documents issued by the new office in
Washington.
The original plan for the Office had called for
an initial registration of all German nationals in
the United States and a questionnaire was devised
in German and English designed to catch any po-
tential troublemakers or former Nazis. To process
this registration it was estimated that over a hun-
dred employees would be necessary. Since refunds
were available and because the security aspect of
the Office gradually faded into the backgi-ound,
particularly because the Department of Justice
presumably already had on file complete records,
it was decided to drop the registration idea.
In the summer of 1948 the most pressing problem
for Germans in this country was the pi-ocurcment
of travel documents. So the Division of Protective
Services, which would be directly responsible for
the functioning of the new Office, with a skeleton
staff began two essential functions: travel docu-
mentation and the authentication of legal docu-
ments for use in Germany.
With this small staff, the Interim Office opened
operations early in August 1948, by attempting to
answer the large volume of mail that had been
accumulating — a thousand pieces of mail a month
were pouring in.
The key items required for beginning the per-
formance of consular functions were travel docu-
ments, a great seal of office, wafers, and authenti-
cation forms. An original travel document,
written in English, French, and German, based
roughly upon a similar document issued by the
Military Government in Germany, was designed
and was printed. A seal of office was also de-
signed and then maimfactui-ed by the Bureau of
Engraving and Printing. Inquiries in an ever
increasing volume continued to pour into the De-
partment. Early in August the Departmental
regulation formally establishing the Interim Office
was published in the Federal Register, and travel
agents and lawyers began to call upon the Interim
Office in person for more detailed information
about its functions.
It was not before September 13, 1948, that the
travel documents were readj' for issuance and
the seal of office delivered from the Bureau of
Engi-aving and Printing. By the close of the
month some $2,000 in fees had already been col-
lected. During the first quarter of 1949 over
$10,000 was received, and during the spring-travel
rush, income is running about $4,000 each month.
Consequently, the Interim Office is more than pay-
ing its own way.
It is surprising to note that about 70 percent of
the travel-document business of the Office is con-
cerned with the return to Germany of Germans
who came recently to this country, mainly aged
l)eople who came on immigi-ation visas to join sons
and daughters. They become homesick, and many
wish to return to Germany within a month after
their arrival in America. Many husbands have
even written frantic letters to the Interim Office
stating that their mothers are breaking up their
homes, and some American daughters-in-law re-
sent an elderly German woman's taking possession
of the kitchen, reorganizing the household along
efficient German lines, and replacing American
witli German cooking.
The Interim Office is also patronized steadily by
homesick or unhappy war brides, particularly by
tliose who at one time had had a rather pleasant
and easy life in Germany. Apparently, many an
American soldier exaggerated his economic cir-
cumstances at home. In a few cases, no matter
how desperate the situation may be in Germany to
which they are returning, German war brides in-
Department of State Bulletin
I
sist upon returning, having given up all hope of
making a success of their American mari-iage or
of life in America. A surprising number of at-
tractive and intelligent girls, after divorcing their
American husbands, state they wish to return to
Germany because of loneliness, even in our cities
with large German populations. In keeping with
German consular regulations the Interim Office
has tried to be particularly helpful in aiding these
war brides without, of course, overstepping the
Departmental regulations which restrict sharply
the amount of protection that the Interim Office
may give German nationals.
Most of the other clients of the Office are Ger-
mans going home to visit aged relatives, to take
care of inheritances, to look after their property,
or for other business matters. Occasionally Ger-
mans are going to India, South Africa, South
America, and elsewhere on Interim Office docu-
ments. Some German seamen find an Interim
Office travel document indispensable in obtaining
a job on American vessels and in obtaining the
necessary Coast Guard clearance. Until the estab-
lishment of the Interim Office, German seamen re-
siding in the United States found themselves in
a most difficult position, being unable to work
without some soi't of documentation. Occasion-
ally, the Visa Division of the Department of State
granted a waiver of passport requirements to such
men but these waivers had to be renewed at rather
brief intervals and did not take the place of a valid
travel document.
It should be made clear that in authorizing the
Department of State to perform consular services
for Gennan nationals in this country. Congress did
not authorize taking over the protection of these
nationals in the fashion, for example, that the
Swiss protected them during the war. Neither
can Germans bearing Interim Office travel docu-
ments appeal to American consuls abroad for pro-
tection. The wording in three languages on the
cover of the document makes this point clear. On
the other hand, the travel document, in a passport-
type booklet, is being generally accepted by all
foreign consulates in the United States, and for-
eign visas are being gi-anted to the holders
enabling them to travel to other parts of the world.
Certain nations refuse to accept improvised travel
documents, such as affidavits of identity. One
client of the Interim Office traveled all over Latin
America on a United States reentry permit forti-
fied with 20 pages of visas on blank sheets of paper.
A security check is made in every case to make
certain that the Department is not facilitating the
travel of a German whose travel may be opposed
to the interests of the United States. However,
since the great majority of Germans in this coun-
try entered on visas issued by American consular
officers after thorough investigation, the Interim
Office practically never finds information against
an applicant that would preclude the issuance of a
travel document. The Interim Office must, how-
ever, be on the alert for some German who may be
in this country illegally or might be wanted by the
authorities.
One of the curious requests that come to the In-
terim Office came from a young German of mili-
tary age who had no immediate travel plans but
who feared that war was imminent and wanted a
travel document so that he could escape the draft
by departing hurriedly from the country in the
event of war.
One of the early problems consisted of keeping
abreast of the current military regulations govena-
ing travel to the zones of occupation in Germany.
The rules changed from time to time, varied in
each zone, and the interpretation of the rules by
Allied military officials changed sometimes from
day to day. With the adoption of uniform travel
regulations to all three Western zones and the es-
tablishment in Washington of a branch of the Ber-
lin Combined Travel Board, the situation has im-
proved. Liaison between the Military Permit Of-
fice and the Interim Office is necessarily close.
Both Offices realize the anomaly of having one of-
fice issue travel documents to Gennan nationals
with a separate office issuing what amounts to Ger-
man visas on the same documents and on the pass-
ports of other countries.
The work of the Interim Office is facilitated by
its having been authorized to function outside of
the normal Departmental channels. Routine mail
is signed in the Office and is sent out directly. By
using form letters it has been possible to answer
all mail in a single day after its arrival.
Although original plans called for a legal sec-
tion, there is at present no such section. The
Interim Office makes no attempt to adjudicate
questions of German citizenship. Its travel docu-
ment states that the issuance of the document prej-
udices in no way the bearer's nationality. Docu-
ments are issued upon reasonable evidence of Ger-
man nationality in the form of documents such as
expired German passports. Military Government
May 8, 7949
travel documents, etc., and upon the oath of the
applicant that lie or she is a German national.
Unfortunately, Public Law 798 does not permit
the Interim Oflice to document the worst victims of
Hitler, persons who were deprived of their German
citizenship by Nazi laws and who today under-
standably are unwilling to take an oath that they
are still German citizens. But the Interim Oflice
can document the German who loyally registered
at a German Consulate before the war for German
military service under Hitler since his registration
is excellent evidence of his claim to German na-
tionality.
When the Swiss relinquished the protection of
German interests upon the collapse of Germany,
the central German Interests Section continued to
function at Bern but it is concerned more with wel-
fare and relief in regard to the German popula-
tion in Switzerland. Tlie Interim Office has taken
on no relief functions. Although the protection
function of the Office is strictly limited, the Interim
Office does provide a travel document which is gen-
erally recognized by other powers, and Germans
in the United States have a governmental office to
•which they can turn for advice and information
and from which they can expect to get an answer by
return mail. For persons almost defeated by gov-
ernmental red tape and bureaucratic procrastina-
tion these things mean a gi'eat deal. Particularly
interesting is the fact that numerous Congressmen
are actively interested in the work of the Office and
call upon its facilities almost daily on behalf of the
relatives of their constituents.
Because of the lack of personnel the work of
the Interim Office has been restricted to the is-
suance of travel documents and the authentication
of legal documents for use in Germanj'. A few
"Lebensbescheinigungen" have also been issued,
and these pieces of paper apparently have enabled
certain Germans to obtain pension payments once
more. An expansion of activities to include other
consular functions depends not only on personnel
but also upon the future of Germany, the forma-
tion of the proposed government of the Western
zones and any consequent resumption by Germany
of representation abroad.
The broad title of the Office causes some confu-
sion for American citizens as well as for German
nationals. Often people telephone or write to the
Office regarding any matter that pertains to
German affairs, protest the devaluation of their
German bank accounts, request aid for relatives in
Germany, or ask for help in solving complicated
personal problems. With the recent establish-
ment in the Department of the Office for German
and Austrian Affairs, the title of the Interim
Office was changed to the Interim Office for Ger-
man Consular Affairs.
The Interim Office will pass out of existence at
such time as its functions are no longer required,
presumably after Germany has representatives of
her own in the United States. This Government
in the meantime will carry out its obligations as
custodian of a conquered people and will attempt
to satisfy the personal needs of deserving German
nationals for consular functions.
Current United Nations Documents: A Selected Bibliography'
Economic and Social Council
Draft Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in
Persons and of the Exploitation of the Prostitution
of Others. E/1072, December 23, 1948. 28 pp.
mimeo. [Also, Annex I, 49 pp. miiueo, and Annex
2, 51 pp. mimeo.]
Tax Treatment of Foreign Nationals, Re.sources and
Transactions. E/CN.8/4.5, December 20, 1948. 93 pp.
mimeo.
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East. Report
of the Fao/Ecafe Joint Worlting Party on Agricul-
tural Requisites. E/CN.ll/135/Add.l, November 13,
1948. 125 pp. mimeo.
United Nations Conference on Freedom of Information.
Held at Geneva, Switzerland, from 23 March to 21
April, 1948. E/Conf. 0/79, April 22, 1948. Final Act.
iii, 41 pp. Printed. 40^.
' Printed materials may be secured in the United States
from the International Documents Service, Columbia
University Press, 2!)()0 Broadway, New York, 27, N. Y.
Other materials (mimeographed or processed documents)
may be consulted at certain designated libraries in the
United States.
National and International Action to Achieve or Main-
tain Full Employment and Economic Stability. Re-
plies from Specialized Agencies. E/1111/Add.l. Feb.
16, 1949. 30 pp. mimeo.
Study on the Position of Stateless Persons. E/lllZ
Feb. 1, 1949. 158 pp. mimeo.
Technical Assistsince for Economic Development. E/1174.
Feb. 19. 1949. 10 pp. mimeo.
Trusteeship Council
Official Records, Third Session. From the First Meeting
(10 June 1948) to the Forty-third Meeting (5 August
1948). XV, 509 pp. Printed. $5.50.
Comments and Suggestions made at the Third Session
of the General Assembly. Fourth session. T/230.
Jan. 12, 1949. 5 pp. mimeo.
Administrative Union : Comments and suggestions of the
General Assembly. Fourth session. T/231. Jan. 24,
1949. 7 pp. mimeo.
Administrative Unions Affecting Trust Territories. In-
terim Report of the Committee on Administrative
Unions. T/203. JIar. 1, 1949. 26 pp. mimeo.
578
Departmenf of State Bulletin
THE UNITED NATIONS AND SPECIALIZED AGENCIES
Promotion of International Political Cooperation
BY AMBASSADOR WARREN R. AUSTIN'
The General Assembly has before it three speci-
fic recommendations of the Interim Committee and
the recommendation of the Ad Hoc Political Com-
mittee that a fourth recommendation be returned
to the Interim Committee for further study.
These recommendations all relate in a very lim-
ited way to that fundamental subject the promo-
tion of international cooperation in the political
field and. more particularly, to that area of the
subject dealing with pacific settlement.
The proposed panel for inquiry or conciliation -
involves the establishment of a panel from which
members of a commission of inquiry or concilia-
tion could be drawn by the Security Council, the
General Assembly, or the Interim Committee, or
by any states taking steps for the settlement of
their disputes outside of United Nations organs.
Its simple purpose is to provide assistance to
United Nations organs or to such states in select-
ing members of commissions. There is no obliga-
tion on the part of any state or any organ to use
it. It is put forward simply as a quick method
devised for the fast moving world of today. As
such, we hope it may assist in the more fi-equent
use of inquiry and conciliation. We feel that this
device might also help the parties to settle a dis-
pute pursuant to their obligation under article 33
of the Charter before going to United Nations or-
gans. If there exists a method for picking a com-
mission before any particular dispute between the
parties has built up tension between them, that
makes it easier for those parties to agree upon the
creation of a commission. The panel would be
a means of having readily available a list of in-
dividuals of known competence who would be
available on short notice, and it provides that per-
sons designated would be disposed in principle to
serve. The individuals, members of such a panel,
would in principle be sympathetic and receptive to
a call to serve on a commission, but, of course, they
would be under no legal obligation to do so. The
plan is a flexible device because it creates no organ
or procedure to complicate the structure of the
United Nations. It would simply be a registry of
available persons for use by the Security Council,
the Assembly, or other United Nations organs and
would be available at all times to states desiring
to use it. The experience of United Nations bodies,
even in the brief period since the adoption of the
Charter, has shown the almost constant need for
competent persons to serve.
Another recommendation relates to the appoint-
lAav 8, 7949
ment of a rapporteur or conciliator at an early
stage in the consideration of disputes brought to
the attention of the Security Council. It recom-
mends that the Council examine the utility and
desirability of such a practice. It was successfully
used in the Council of the League of Nations, and
the Security Council has already found it useful
in some cases. Here again, the recommendation is
flexible and involves no new machinery. My dele-
gation thinks this is a constructive suggestion,
worthy of the attention of the Security Council.
Finally, there is the recommendation to restore
full effect to the General Act of Geneva of 1928.
It was originally introduced in the Interim Com-
mittee by Belgium, which is a party to that treaty,
and the resolution provides a convenient means by
which those states who have adhered to the treaty,
or may wish to adhere to it, can accept a revised
act replacing League of Nations references with
references to United Nations organs. The Gen-
eral Act provides appropriate means for the par-
ties to it to fulfil their obligation under article 33
of the Charter to attempt settlement of disputes
before bringing them to the United Nations. The
United States is not a party to the General Act
but supports this proposal because it will aid other
states who are members in rendering effective
between themselves a multilateral pacific settle-
ment treaty.
The first purpose of the United Nations, as we
find it stated in article 1 of the Charter, is the
maintenance of international peace and security.
Certain methods are indicated for the carrying
out of this purpose and included among them are
international political coopei-ation, including spe-
cifically the peaceful settlement of disputes.
Throughout the Charter the roles of United Na-
tions organs and of the United Nations members
themselves are defined with this first principle
uppermost. With a view to preserving peace, the
members and organs of the United Nations have
their various responsibilities and duties. If force
is to be eliminated in international relations, the
Charter recognizes that we must (1) eliminate the
causes of war and (2) substitute other means than
force for dealing with these causes. The General
Assembly, the Security Council, and the members
' Statement made before the General Assembly in
New York on Apr. 25, 1949, and released to the press
by the U.S. Mission to the United Nations on the same
date.
' U.N. doc. A/833, Apr. 12, 1949.
579
themselves all have interlocking responsibilities
as part of this single plan.
The role of the General Assembly in its relation
to international political cooperation is described
in articles 10, 11 (1), 13 (la), 14, and 35 of the
Charter. We see from such provisions as articles
10 and 14 that the General Assembly has even
greater flexibility and scope directed at removing
the causes of war than has the Security Council.
There are two principal ways in which the As-
sembly is concenu'd with international political
cooperation. There is the handling of actual dis-
putes and related political problems under article
14. The Assembly can discuss and subject to
article 12 may lecommend measures for the peace-
ful adjustment of any situation, regardless of its
origin, which it considers likely to impair the
general welfare of friendly relations among na-
tions, including situations resulting from a viola-
tion of the provisions of the Charter. Article 14
is broad in scope and in the extent of authority it
entrusts to the Assembly. It is reasonable and
proper that tlie (leneral Assembly should use these
powers. In situations where action by the Security
Council is impossible by reason of the veto, it is
all the more natural to expect that article 14 would
be relied upon.
Another area in which the Assembly has re-
sponsibilities is in the broad study and formulation
of recommendations in the field of international
political coopei'ation. I understand that the In-
terim Committee is planning, when this session ad-
journs, to examine in some detail the role of the
Assembly in pacific settlement, and I would expect
that in this connection it would consider the.se
principles which I have mentioned. Parentheti-
cally, one of the specific recommendations before
us is that two proposed amendments to the Rules
of Procedure of the General Assembly be recom-
mitted to the Interim Committee for further con-
sideration in connection with this study. My gov-
ernment made this reconunendation, feeling that
it would be useful not to suggest one or two amend-
ments to the Rules of Procedure at this time but
to await the wider consideration of the Interim
Committee.
But these articles of the Charter describing the
role of the General Assembly are not drafted in
such a way that the responsibilities of the As-
sembly are defined and set out in complete detail.
That IS not the way in which constitutional docu-
ments are drafted. There is a place for constru-
ing our Charter to give it vitality and effectiveness
in carrying out the purjjose for which the entire
organization was created — and that is peace.
There is only one answer to the claim that the
General Assembly is violating either the letter or
the spirit of the Ciiarter by acting in the pacific
settlement of disputes or by studying, recommend-
ing, and synthesizing the experience of the United
Nations. These activities lay foundations for
peace.
We all recognize that the Security Council has
the primary duty of maintaining international
jjeace and security, but it would be misreading the
Charter to conclude that it has the only such re-
sponsibility. Article 35 indicates that this is not
the fact. The Assembly has recently had occa-
sion to consider the effectiveness of the Security
Council to fulfil its proper function in the light of
the study of the veto by the Interim Committee.
It is certainly not the plan of the Charter that
every dispute between members of the United Na-
tions shall at the earliest possible moment find its
wav before the Security Council.
All members of the United Nations are obli-
gated under article 2 to settle their international
disputes by peaceful means and to refrain in their
international relations from the threat or use of
force. They are also under a duty under the
language of article 33 when parties to any dispute
the continuance of which is likely to endanger the
maintenance of international peace and security,
first of all, to seek a solution by one of the well
understood methods of pacific settlement, such as
negotiation, inquiry, conciliation, and the rest.
There is, therefore, an obligation on the part of
members not to take to the Security Council a dis-
pute of this character unless and until they have
made a previous effort to settle it. This is one of
the great general principles of international co-
operation, that all international disputes should
j)r()inptly be settled by the parties by peaceful
means in conformity with the principles of justice
and international law.
This is entirely consistent with the responsi-
bility of the Security Council and of the General
Assembly. It recognizes that many disputes may
lend tliemselves to settlement in their early stages
by methods agreed upon by the parties, often of
an informal nature. Two of the three recommen-
dations now before us relate to this obligation of
members under article 33.
The principle of article 33 that the parties shall
fii-st of all try to help themselves simply under-
lines tlic importance and seriousness of recourse to
tlie Security Council or the General Assembly.
Tiiis is an application of the principle of substi-
tuting pacific settlement for force in the organiza-
tion of tlie peace. No member of the Security
Council, and certainly no permanent member, un-
der the provisions of the Charter, should be heard
to claim a voice in the settlement of a dispute
which the parties can work out themselves before
it may develop in seriousness so as to be a threat
to tlie international community. A student of the
Ciiarter would seek in vain for any such power in
the Security Council. The demand of a member
of the Security Council to have such a voice, and
particularly a deciding voice, by virtue of the
veto, as to the settlement of all disputes could
only confirm the suspicion that a motive is present
other than the seeking of a soimd organization of
peace.
Department of State Bulletin
A true picture of how the United Nations
operates in the pacific settlement of disputes can
only be seen by looking at those interrelated func-
tions of the General Assembly with its broad re-
sponsibilities, the Security Council with its wide
powers, and all the members of the United Nations
with their duties assumed upon ratifying the
Charter.
Let us now consider the task which was en-
trusted to the Interim Committee as a subsidiary
organ of the General Assembly to undertake its
duties under articles 11 (1) and 13 (la) of the
Charter. An important function of the General
Assembly which was so delegated is to initiate
studies and to make recommendations to promote
international cooperation in the political field.
The Security Council and the Assembly are politi-
cal organs and instruments of action. But there
is the duty of the Assembly under article 13 (la)
to reflect on this action, m the form of its ex-
perience, and perhaps to synthesize it. An Ameri-
can philosopher has observed that man's thoughts
spring from his actions rather than his actions
from his thoughts. A corollary of that might be
that those of us who are immersed in action can
guide it by taking thought. The function of the
General Assembly to analyze the actions of United
Nations organs is both proper and necessary. It
is carrying out the role of the General Assembly.
AVithin tlie last few daj'S we have seen the In-
ternational Law Commission undertake its cor-
responding duties under anotlier clause of this
same article of the Charter. Where, I would ask,
can any member of the United Nations find in
this work a studied attempt to bypass the Security
Council? "\^^lere can it find any more than a
beginning, at a rather late date and on a very
limited scale, of the duty of the General Assembly
to initiate tliese studies and make recommenda-
tions ?
The work which the Interim Committee has
thus far been able to accomplish has been of two
kinds. In the first place it has planned a long-
range study of this field, which will probably be
before the General Assembly at its fourth session
but which is not before us today. It has also pre-
sented to the Assembly the four specific proposals,
three of which are before us, with the recommen-
dation that the fourth be returned for further con-
sideration. One of them is a suggestion to the
Security Council. Another suggests simply a
means for picking members of commissions which
the Security Council, the General Assembly, or
any states outside of United Nations organs might
in their discretion employ. The third would re-
place references to League of Nations organs in
the General Act of Geneva of 1928 with references
to United Nations organs. They are three pro-
cedural suggestions involving no substantive obli-
gation upon members of the United Nations, and
all intended simply as technical aids for pacific
settlement procedures.
I wish that the representative of the Soviet
Union might have occupied his chair in the In-
terim Committee so that he could sense the spirit
in which proposals are made and debated with the
intention of trying to improve United Nations pro-
cedures by practical and objective study of their
operation. He would have observed how in the
Interim Committee the judgment of all the mem-
bers who have seen fit to take their seats has been
brought to bear on these questions, not with a view
to bypassing the Security Council but with the idea
of looking beyond the immediate dispute to ways
and means of developing Charter potentialities
and handling international political problems in
all organs. In other words, he would have seen
that vast resource of spiritual and intellectual
power that exists in cooperation in a voluntary
association by this great number of nations repre-
senting the interests, the ideals and the aspirations
of the world.
The United States will vote in favor of the
four specific recommendations of the Ad Hoc
Political Committee. The Interim Committee, in
undertaking the work of studying and making
recommendations in the field of international
political cooperation, is exercising a duty of the
General Assembly to seek constantly for the real-
ization of the Charter as an instrument for peace
and justice.
Reply to the U.S.S.R. Regarding the Italian Colonies
STATEMENT BY JOHN FOSTER DULLES'
U.S. Delegate to the General Assembly
We are all here to try to find a constructive so-
lution to a very difficult problem. Wlrether or
not the prolongation of the general debate by the
honorable delegate of the Soviet Union promotes
that result may pei-haps be questionable, but I
do feel that I should make some comment upon
some of his remarks.
In the first place, I would like to say that in my
May 8, 7949
opinion the fact that this problem is here before
the United Nations Assembly in itself attests to a
desire on the part of, particularly, the United
Kingdom and of the United States and of the
'Made in Committee I (Political and Security) of the
General Assembly on Apr. 23, 1949, and released to the
press by the U.S. Mission to the United Nations on the
same date.
581
members of the British Commonwealth to seek an
international solution, and it evidences that to a
far greater dejn'ee than has been evidenced by any
other of the victors in the World War. It was
the forces of the United Kingdom and the Com-
monwealth, and. latterly, United States forces in
North Africa, which cleared the enemy from these
areas in North Africa. If we had followed the ex-
ample which was set by other of the victors, we
would have settled this matter ourselves. There
is no area tliat the Soviet Union conquered in the
world which lias l)een brouglit in any aspect what-
ever before the United Nations for decision. In
ever}' such area the Soviet Union has taken the
position that because it conquered the area, it, and
it alone, is entitled to make the solution. And
there is a certain contrast, Mr. Chairman, I be-
lieve, between the conduct of those nations who
conquered these areas and freed them from the
enemy and liberated them and the conduct of cer-
tain others who are now here criticizing us because
this problem is here for an international solution,
which under comparable situations they bitterly
and utterly reject for themselves.
When the Soviet Union comes here to get inter-
national judgment upon the areas which it took
over, say, in the Far East, the Kuriles Islands,
Port Arthur, Dairen, etc., then we can hear it, with
food grace perhaps, criticize those who have
rought this problem, the fruit of their victory, to
the United Nations for international solution.
Until then, I would think it was better grace on
their part to keep more silent.
Now, Mr. Chairman, the honorable delegate
of the Soviet Union made reference to two state-
ments which I made in my opening presentation.
One of them was that I recalled the fact that under
the Charter of the United Nations it is provided
that under the trusteeship system one of the ob-
jectives and purposes to be served is tlaat the area
should play its part in the maintenance of inter-
national peace and security. I said in my speech,
and I quote, "the relevancy of this area to inter-
national peace and security cannot be ignored."
The honorable delegate of the Soviet Union seems
to resent that in regard to tliis area which we now
have brought here to this United Nations for in-
ternational solution we should even mention the
fact that it historically has involved international
peace and socui-ity, and those involve considera-
tion which both under the Charter and historically
are properly before us. It is quite true that the
Soviet troops did not fight in this area. If they
had — if they had undergone what some of their
allies had to undergo in this area — I am quite con-
fident that they would not have resented a refer-
ence to international peace and security as being
a factor which in this case properly is taken into
account.
It was also said, Mr. Chairman, that I had been
eulogistic in my praise of the United Kingdom. I
said this about the United Kingdom : "The United
Kingdom has given ample evidence not merely
by word but by deed that it genuinelv believes in
the principle of developing non-self-governing
areas so as to make them independent." It was
tliat — and that alone — which I said in eulogy of
the United Kingdom, although I think I might
have said much more.
"Wliat is the fact, Mr. Chairman? Tlie fact is
that around this table today there sit ten member
nations who can by their presence here attest to
the reality of that fact. There would be two more,
Eire and Ceylon, if it were not for the veto which
was exercised against them by the Soviet Union.
And there would be ten more, also membei-s, sit-
ting around this table if they had not been swal-
lowed up in the maw of the "Soviet Union. If in
considering these areas the record of one country
or another in actually bringing independence to
(lejiendent peoples is to be taken into account, then
again I say the record is such that I would have
thought it was wiser for the honorable delegate of
the Soviet Union to have kept silent. I said
nothing, Mr. Chairman, about the actual condi-
tions at present in these territories under military
administration, and I am quite prepared to admit
that a military administration which has no defi-
nite term of existence, which does not permit a
civil administration or long-term planning, is not
a situation which is in the best interest of the
populations concerned and ought to be ended be-
ciuise only with the possibility of long-range plan-
ning is it possible to improve the conditions of
these people. To judge the possibilities of a long-
range civil administration in terms of a military
administration which is subject to being terminated
at any time is, I submit, Mr. Chairman, to make
a very unfair comparison. We are eager, and I
am quite confident that the United Kingdom,
which is in actual administration, is eager to bring
about as quickly as possible conditions which wiU
permit of long-range civilian planning for the
benefit of the inhabitants of these areas.
Now, the honorable delegate of the Soviet Union
comes back to his suggestion for administration
of this area by the Trusteeship Council and he
says that there are not really any practical diffi-
culties there involved and that he does not think
that it will cost anything to operate these terri-
tories. Well, again I can understand how he
comes to that conclusion because I am quite sure
that in the areas which are occupied by the Soviet
Union it does not cost them anything. ' Tliat, how-
ever, is not the way in which some countries op-
erate and when they are in such ai-eas it is not their
practice to try and squeeze out of these areas the
last drop that is possible. It is our effort to try
to build up these areas, and that is a costly opera-
tion — although again I can understand that the
honorable delegate of the Soviet Union does not
have the experience to appreciate it. The United
States has put some 6 billion dollars a year into
the European Recovery Program. We had hoped
that it would be possible under such administration
as this organization decides upon to do something
Deparlmenf of State Bulletin
to build up the areas here in question. Even aside
from tliat the cost of administration is bound to
be very considerable. I do not have available
the precise estimates which we have, but roughly
speaking I can say that we figure that, even apart
from what you might call constructive expendi-
tures, just in terms of the administration of the
government, that for the United Nations to take
this on would involve at once a probable doubling
of the present budget of the United Nations, a
cost of somewhere around 40 million dollars.
The United Nations, as I think we all appreciate
or should appreciate, is not in a position to con-
duct an economical administration. At the pres-
ent time, we have no civil service in being. We are
not in a position, as governinents are, to instruct
their civil servants to take a tour of duty in these
areas where conditions are not at the present time,
I am prepared to admit, very attractive from the
standpoint of climate and living conditions. For
the United Nations to go out and bid for persons
to take those jobs on, would be an extremely ex-
pensive operation, and it would be foolish on our
part to ignore that fact. In these matters, how-
ever, I hesitate to put the primary emphasis on
what it would cost. If it is the right thing to do,
and if it would probably work, we should be will-
ing to try it even if it does involve doubling or
tripling the budget and the contributions of the
members of the United Nations.
We ourselves at the beginning, Mr. Chairman,
had suggested a far greater international solution
than we are now suggesting. The reason why we
have felt compelled to drop our sights in that re-
spect is not wholly or even primarily a matter of
the cost. Since our original proposals were made
in London in 1945, unfortunately the fact is that
the different organs of the United Nations have
become a battle ground between two different
points of view. It has been demonstrated that
at least one of the points of view is that of at-
tempting to demonstrate that nothing constructive
can be done under any form of society other than
that of Communism, and the purpose, therefore,
must be to cause a failure of efforts which are
made other than under the auspices of a Com-
munist government. And we have seen in many
different areas of the world the effort to demon-
strate that a non-Communist society is bound to
fail, by disrupting it, by strikes, sabotage, threats
of civil war or actual civil war ; and, on the other
hand, in the effort which the United States initi-
ated and which it has been carrying on now in
conjunction with the participating European
countries under the Marshall Plan. One of the
great problems we have to face is the fact that it
becomes a very costly operation because some na-
tions are unwilling to participate in it — not only
are unwilling to participate in it, but are posi-
tively exerting themselves, at great expense and
effort, to prevent that effort at European recovery.
Is it right and is it proper, I wonder, Mr. Chair-
man, to entrust these colonial peoples to an or-
May 8, 7949
ganization which is divided and in which there are
powerful elements which want to see the failure
of efforts such as are being made now in Western
Europe and such as we hope can also be made in
North Africa? If we want a constructive effort
in North Africa, shouldn't it be entrusted to those
who believe it can succeed ? Or should we bring
into partnership in that effort those who are com-
mitted to cause a failure of that particvilar kind
of effort, as they have demonstrated in almost
every quarter of the woi-ld ?
And that, Mr. Chairman, is, above all, the reason
why the United States now believes that it is im-
practical to entrust the colonies to an international
organization which would contain within it ele-
ments wlrich are dedicated to proving that only
a Communist form of society can succeed in the
world.
Now as to the responsibility for the delay in
this matter. I was in London when this matter
first came up in September 1945, with Secretary
Byrnes, and at that meeting of the Foreign Minis-
ters, Mr. Molotov represented the Soviet Union.
The matter could have been settled at that time.
Mr. Chairman, nearly four years ago, if it had
not been for the attitude then taken by the honor-
able Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet
Union. The United States made a proposal which
was accepted definitively by three of the five mem-
bers of the Council, accepted in principle by a
fourth, and rejected outright only by the fifth
member, the Soviet Union, which then insisted
that it must have Tripolitania for itself. And it
was that action by the Soviet Union at the first
meeting of the Council of Foreign Ministers that
made it impossible at that tune to get this matter
settled.
I reject, Mr. Chairman, the suggestion that it
has been the United States and the United King-
dom which have constantly tried to prevent a
solution of this problem. On the contrary, we have
sought it, and sought it earnestly, and, as I say, as
a result of our efforts it would have been settled
nearly four years ago if it had not been for the
ambition of the Soviet Union to have a base in
the Mediterranean. I recall that the Soviet Union,
in anticipation of the elections in Italy last year,
took a position in favor of Italy which, it it were
maintained today, might be a constructive contri-
bution toward a solution. But after that position
had served the purposes of the election and the
election had been lost, then a different position was
taken which now makes it even more difficult to
arrive at a solution.
I am confident that the members of this Commit-
tee, before deliberations are over, will realize that
the United States Delegation at least — and I am
sure others — are trying constructively, with an
open mind toward the views of everybody aroimd
this table, to arrive at a positive solution. I am
confident of the verdict of this Committee as to
who is trying to promote and who is trying to
obstruct a solution to this question.
The United States in the United Nations
[April 30-May G]
Spanish Question
Dubate upL'iied May 5 in the Political Commit-
tee of the General Assembly on the question of
Franco Spain, with Poland denouncing the United
States and Brazil submitting a proposal to leave
members full freedom of action in their diplo-
matic relations with Spain. The following day
Poland introduced a lengthy resolution recalling
earlier condemnations of tlie Franco Government
and recommending that all U.N. members "cease
to export to Spain" arms, ammunition, and all
warlike and strategic material, as well as to re-
frain from entering into any agreements either
formally or (fe facto with Spain. Polish Repre-
sentative Kat/.-Suchy described Franco's exist-
ence as a threat to the peace.
The United States has not participated in the
general debate to date, but discussion on the ques-
tion is continuing.
Israeli Application for Membership
The Ad Hoc Political Committee of the General
Assembly opened discussion Maj' 3 on Israel's
application for membership in the United Nations,
the item having been transferred to it from the
crowded agenda of the regular Political Com-
mittee.
A Lebanese proposal would postpone admission
of Israel until the latter had accepted in principle
the internationalization of Jerusalem and the res-
toration of Arab refugees to their homes. Argen-
tina proposed that the Vatican be invited to pre-
sent a report on what it considered necessary
guarantees for preservation of the holy places in
.Jerusalem. An Iraqi resolution which questioned
the legality of tlie Security Council vote recom-
mending the admission of Israel, since the United
Kingdom abstained, was later withdrawn.
Following an invitation extended by the Com-
mittee, Israeli Representative Eban in a 2-hour
statement on May 5 described Israel's position on
the internationalization of Jerusalem, resettlement
of Arab refugees, and the Bernadotte assassina-
tion. Israel would support "establishment by the
United Nations of an international regime for
Jerusalem concerned exclusively with control and
protection of holy places," he emphasized. He
stated that no solution to the problem of Arab
refugees was possible before a "final and effective
peace settlement" resulted from the Lausanne
meetings now taking place between the Palestine
Conciliation Commission and Arab and Israeli
representatives. Mr. Eban, though admitting
failure of the Israeli Government to find the
mediator's assassins, felt the failure should be con-
sidered against the background of a country forced
to protect itself against aggression from without
and an "intractable dissident military organiza-
tion'' from within.
Italian Colonies
Witli general debate on the disposition of the
former Italian colonies completed, four specific
resolutions were submitted to the Political Com-
mittee during the week.
U.S. Delegate, John Foster Dulles, supported a
resolution introduced by U.K. Delegate, Hector
McNeil, calling for possible independence of Libya
in 10 years and U.K. administration of an interim
trusteeship over Cyrenaica. It also recommended
tliat Egj'pt, France. Italy, United Kingdom, and
United States submit proposals to the fourth ses-
sion of the Assembly on interim trusteeships over
the rest of Libj'a, incorporation of Eritrea into
Ethiopia and the Sudan, and Italian trusteeship
over Somaliland. Mr. Dulles stated that such a
decision would not be perfect but would be the best
solution of a colonial problem the world has yet
seen. This U.K. formula met with considerable
opposition.
Eighteen Latin American states are supporting
a resolution introduced by Mexico which would
request Egypt, France, Italy, the United King-
dom, and the United States "to consider the terms
and conditions under which Libya might be placed
under the international trusteeship system.
Ethiopia. France, Italy, United Kingdom, and
United States would be commissioned to perform
the same task with respect to Somaliland, while
the.se same countries would be asked to make
studies and recommendations concerning the fu-
ture of Eritrea."
The Australian proposal called for the estab-
lishment of a 7-member special committee to ex-
amine unresolved aspects of the Italian colonies
question and report to the Secretary-General not
later than September 1, 1949.
An Iranian resolution recommended placing
Libya and Somaliland under the trusteeship sys-
tem and provided for the appointment of a special
commission to ascertain the wishes of the Eritrean
people.
At the request of U.S.S.R. Delegate, Andrei
Gromyko, vote on the four I'esolutions was de-
ferred until May 9.
Department of Slate Bulletin
The Current Situation In Germany
THE RECORD OF THE WEEK
ADDRESS BY SECRETARY ACHESON >
In considering a suitable subject for this occa-
sion, I naturally supposed that the newspaper
publishers of the nation would expect me to choose
a topic having some news value. I, therefore,
decided that it might be timely for me to speak
on United States policy with respect to Germany.
But I must confess that I did not then foresee just
how prominently Germany would figure in the
news at this precise time.
The conversations between Ambassador Jessup
and Mr. Malik, which were reported in the state-
ment issued a few days ago, constitute the latest
development in a long and involved series of devel-
opments affecting Germany since the beginning of
the occupation. I think you may be interested
in the relation of these developments to the broad
aspects of the German problem and the efforts
of the United States Government to deal with it.
Early this month I met with the Foreign
Ministers of France and the United Kingdom for
talks on Germany, the outcome of which we all
regarded as momentous. It was not by mere
coincidence that these agreements were initialed
during the week the North Atlantic Treaty was
signed. That historic instrument marks a deci-
sive step toward the creation of a community of
democratic nations dedicated to the attainment
of peace and determined to insure its preserva-
tion by all the material and moral means at their
disposal.
The German problem cannot be disassociated
from the general problem of assuring security for
the free nations. No approach to German prob-
lems can be adequate which deals only with Ger-
many itself and ignores the question of its relation-
ship to the other nations of Europe. The
objectives of United States policy toward the
German people are interwoven with our interest
in, and our policies toward, the other peoples of
Europe. Here the basic considerations are the
same whether they can extend to all of Germany
or must be limited to Western Germany.
We have made clear our desire to aid the free
peoples of Europe in their efforts toward re-
covery and reconstruction. We have made clear
our policy to aid them in their efforts to establish
a common structure of new economic and political
relationships. To these ends, we are providing
temporary economic assistance through the Euro-
pean Kecovery Program and are proposing to par-
ticipate with them in our common defense through
the North Atlantic pact.
May 8, J 949
In this setting, it is the ultimate objective of
the United States that the German people, or as
large a part of them as possible, be integrated into
a new common structure of the free peoples of
Europe. We hope that the Germans will share
in due time as equals in the obligations, the eco-
nomic benefits, and the security of the structure
which has been begun by the free peoples of
Europe.
We recognize that the form and pace of this de-
velopment are predominantly matters for deter-
mination by the Europeans themselves. We also
recognize that effective integration of the German
people will depend upon reciprocal willingness
and upon their belief in the long-range economic
benefits and the greater security for all which will
accrue from a joint effort.
The maintenance of restrictions and controls
over the Germany economy and a German state,
even for a protracted period, cannot alone guar-
antee the West against the possible revival of a
German threat to the peace. In the long run, se-
curity can be insured only if there are set in motion
in Germany those forces which will create a gov-
ernmental system dedicated to upholding the basic
human freedoms through democratic procedures.
These constructive forces can derive their
strength only from the renewed vitality of the
finer elements of the German cultural tradition.
They can flourish only if the German economy can
provide sustenance and hope for the German
people. They can attain their greatest effective-
ness only through a radically new reciprocal ap-
proach by the German people and the other
peoples of Europe. This approach must be based
on common understanding of the mutual benefits
to be derived from the voluntaiy cooperative ef-
fort of the European community as a whole.
Through all of this effort, our basic aim with
respect to the Germans themselves has been to
help them make the indispensable adjustments to
which I have just referred. We have tried to help
them to find the way toward a reorganization of
their national life which would permit them to
make the great contribution to world progress
which they are unquestionably capable of making.
But it is important for us all to remember that no
one but the Germans themselves can make this ad-
' Made before the American Society of Newspaper
Publishers in New Yorii on Apr. 28, 1949, and released
to the press on the same date. The address was broadcast
over the major national networks.
585
justment. Even the wisest occupation policy
could not make it for them. It must stem from
them. It must be a product of their own will
and their own s])irit. All that others can do is to
help to provide the framework in which it may be
made.
These are the conditions we consider essential
for the long-term solution of the German problem.
The purpose of the Washington agreements, and
of the other decisions taken by the Western
Powers, is to bring about these required conditions
at the earliest practicable time. This has been
the consistent purpose of the United States
Government.
This Government made earnest efforts for two
and a half years after the war to resolve the major
issues arising from the defeat of German}' and
to achieve a general settlement. During that
period we participated in the four-power ma-
chinery for control of Germany established by
international agreement in 1945.
By the end of 1947 it appeared that the Soviet
Union was seeking to thwart any settlement
which did not concede virtual Soviet control over
German economic and political life. This was
confirmed in two futile meetings of the Council of
Foreign Ministers in Moscow and London. It
was emphasized in the Allied Control Authority
in Berlin, where the Soviet veto power was exer-
cised three times as often as by the three Western
Powers combined.
The resultant paralysis of interallied policy and
control created an intolerable situation. Germany
became divided into disconnected administrative
areas and was rapidly being reduced to a state
of economic chaos, disti-ess, and despair. Disaster
was averted prinuirily by American economic aid.
The German stalemate heightened the general
European crisis. The European Recovery Pro-
gram could not succeed without the raw materials
and finished products which only a revived Ger-
man economy could contribute.
By 1948 it became clear that the Western Pow-
ers could no longer tolerate an impasse which
made it impossible for them to discharge their
responsibilities for the organization of German
administration and for the degree of German eco-
nomic recovery tliat was essential for the welfare
of Europe as a whole. These powers determined
to concert their policies for the area of Germanj'
under their control, which embraced about two
thirds of the territory and three fourths of the
population of occupied Germany.
These common policies were embodied in the
London agreements, announced on June 1, 1948.
This joint program, I wish to emphasize, is in no
sense a repudiation of our international commit-
ments on Germany, embodied in the Potsdam
protocol and other agreements. It represents a
sincere effort to deal with existing realities in the
spirit of the original Allied covenants peitaining
to Germany.
The London agreements constitute a set of ar-
rangements for the coordinated administration
of Germany pending a definitive peace settlement.
Tlie execution of this program, now in progress,
should restore stability and confidence in Western
Germany while protecting the vital interests of
Germany's neighbors. It seeks to insure coopera-
tion among the Western nations in the evolution
of a policy which can and should lead to a peace-
ful and fruitful association of Germany with
Western Europe. It is a provisional settlement
which in no way excludes the eventual achieve-
ment of arrangements applicable to all of
Germany.
The London agreements established a basic pat-
tern for future action in the West. The bizonal
area, formed by economic merger of the American
and British zones in 1947, and the French zone
were to be coordinated and eventually merged.
The Western zones wei'e to participate fully in
the European Recovery Program. An Interna-
tional Authority for the Ruhr was to be created
to regulate the allocation of coal, coke, and steel
between home and foreign consumption, to insure
equitable international access to Ruhr resources,
and safeguard against remilitarization of Ruhr
industry.
The Germans were authorized to establish a
provisional government, democratic and federal in
character, based upon a constitution of German
inception. It would be subject, in accordance
with an occupation statute, to minimum super-
vision by the occupation authorities in the interest
of the general security and of broad Allied pur-
poses for Germany. Coordinated three-power
control was to be established, with the virtual
abolition of the zonal boundaries.
Of exceptional importance were the guarantees
of security against a German military revival, a
point sometimes overlooked in present-day talk
about the hazards inherent in rebuilding German
economic and political life. The London agree-
ments provide that there is to be consultation
among the three occupying powei"s in the event of
any threat of German military resurgence; that
their armed forces are to remain in Germany until
the peace of Europe is secure : that a joint Military
Security Board should be created with powers of
inspection to insure against both military and in-
dustrial rearrangement; that all agreed disarma-
ment and demilitarization measures should be
maintained in force; and that long-term demili-
tarization measures should be agreed upon prior
to the end of the occupation. It should be ob-
served that these far reaching safeguards are to
accompany the more constructive aspects of the
program and assure that the new powers and re- .
sponsibilities assumed by the Germans may not ■
be abused. "
During the last 10 months notable progress has
been made in Western Germany, which is ap-
parent to all the world. An entirely new atmos-
Department of Sfate Bulletin
phere of hope and creative activity has replaced
the lethargy and despair of a year ago. Much of
the London program is well on the way to real-
ization. An agreement establishing the Interna-
tional Authority for the Ruhr has been drafted
and approved. The Military Security Board has
been established. The bizone and French zone
are participating fully in the European Recovery
Program. Agreements have been reached with
respect to such difficult and controverted issues as
the protection of foreign property rights in Ger-
many, the revision of lists of plants scheduled for
dismantling on reparations account, and determi-
nation of restricted and prohibited industries.
A short time ago we all felt that we should have
a fresh look at the German problem. This was
done in Washington while Mr. Bevin and Mr.
Schuman were there earlier this month. The
genuine readiness of the participating govern-
ments to sacrifice special points of view to the com-
mon good has made it possible to reach a degree of
accord far exceeding what could have been hoped
for only a month or two ago.
There were three particularly important fea-
tures about the agreements on German policy
which resulted from these conversations. The
first, was the striking harmony in essential out-
look. The second, was the removal of the obstacles
to the fulfillment of the constructive London pro-
gram which had developed through diverse Allied
disagreements. Thirdly, the three Governments
acknowledged the need for the termination of
Military Government and its replacement by a
civilian Allied Commission at the time of the estab-
lishment of the German Federal Republic. This
last is a great step forward toward peace, in my
opinion.
With respect to my first point, the harmony of
view reached by the three Governments on a com-
mon policy for Germany, you all know that
matters of German policy have been, in the past,
issues of great controversy. I suppose that it is
a result of the depth of the historical backgi'ound,
the emotions and passions that have been aroused
as a result of Germany's aggressive wars, and the
inevitable importance attached to the course of
German developments. It is therefore not strange
that there should be distinct American, British,
and French views on Germany.
But I see in the successful outcome of our recent
Washington talks the prospect that France, Great
Britain, and the United States are developing a
common policy toward Germany based on mutual
understanding and reasonableness. The continua-
tion of this development of a common policy, which
I am convinced will occur, and toward which I
shall lend every effort, is an essential element in an
enduring peace in Central Europe.
The agreement in Washington on the text of an
occupation statute has removed one of the major
obstacles to the establishment of the German
Federal Republic. The Parliamentary Coimcil met
May 8, 7949
at Bonn on September 1, and has been working
diligently to draft a basic law or provisional con-
stitution for a Federal German Government.
Since last December its leaders have requested the
text of the occupation statute which had been
promised to the Parliamentary Council before
completion of its work.
The three occupying powers have been discuss-
ing the occupation statute since last August. In
the course of these many months the draft occupa-
tion statute had become a very heavy, complicated,
and legalistic document. The three Foreign
Ministers approved the text of an occupation
statute in a new and simpler form, which was then
transmitted to the German Parliamentary Council
at Bonn. According to latest reports, all the con-
troversial issues with respect to the basic law have
been settled, all differences between the occupying
powers and the Germans and among the Germans
themselves have been resolved, and a constitution
is expected to be approved by the Parliamentary
Council by May 15.
The establishment of a German Government
does not, and cannot at this time, mean the end
of the occupation of Germany. If democratic
self-goveriunent is to be introduced in Germany it
must be given a chance to live. It cannot thrive if
its powers are in question, or if it is subject to
arbitrary intervention. The occupation statute
defines the powers to be retained by the occupying
authorities upon the establishment of the German
Federal Republic and sets forth the basic pro-
cedures for the operation of Allied supervision.
The reserved powers have been retained in such
fields as disarmament and demilitarization; con-
trols in regard to the Ruhr, reparations, and de-
cartelization ; foreign affairs; displaced persons;
security of Allied forces and representatives ; con-
trol over foreign trade.
The key issue for the future will be the manner
and extent to which the Allied authorities exer-
cise their powers. A practicable basis for coopera-
tion between the Western Allies and the future
federrJ Western government will have to be
sought, through which the German people may
exercise democratic self-government under the
statute.
Provision is made in the occupation statute for
a review of its terms after a year in force.
In accordance with the statute, the action of the
German Government authorities generally does
not require affirmative Allied approval. This
means that the day-to-day operations of the
German Government cannot be thwarted by the
veto of one occupying power or by Allied disagree-
ment. German Government authorities will be at
liberty to take administrative and legislative
action, and such action will be valid if not dis-
approved by Allied authorities.
There is one important element in the Washing-
ton agreements on the economic side that I want
to stress because it is a good indication of our
intent. As you know, this Government has ex-
pended in Germany since the cessation of hos-
tilities hir<;e sun* of appropriated funds in order
to feed the (iennan i)eople and support the (ier-
man economy. These sums were carried in the
Army budfret. Since the commencement of eco-
nomic cooperation aid, the bizonal area and the
French zone have been receiving EGA funds and
tlie Military Governors of the bizonal and the
French zone concluded bilateral ECA agreements
with t!ie United States Government.
It has now been agreed that with the establish-
ment of the German Federal Republic, funds pro-
vided by the United States Government to the
German economy will be made available through
the Economic Cooperation Administration. The
German Federal Republic would itself execute a
bilateral ECA agreement with the United States
Government, and would likewise become a party
to the convention for European Economic Co-
operation and participate as a full member in the
Organization for European Economic Coopera-
tion.
Tlie German economy has responded energeti-
cally to the currency reform of last June and to
the recovery assistance already received. The
Gei-man workshop is beginning again to produce,
for itself, for its Western European neighbors,
and for other cooperating countries. The Ger-
mans now, under the foreseen arrangements, will
have an opportunity through their own govern-
ment to become a responsible partner in the
European Recovery Program.
The Washington agreements envisage at the
time of the establishment of the German Federal
Republic the termination of Military Government
and its replacement by an Allied High Commis-
sion of civilian character. Military functions will
continue to be e.xercised by military commanders,
but each of the Allied establishments in Germany,
aside from occupation forces, will come under
the direction of a High Conunissioner. The func-
tions of the Allied authorities are to become
mainly supervisory.
The three Foreign Ministers on April 8 sent a
joint message of appreciation to their Military
Governors for the pioneer work they had done in
Germany. This action was based upon moving
tributes paid during our discussions to the devoted
efforts of the Military Governors. We Americans
take just and special pride in our own Military
Governor, General Clay. I believe firmly that his-
tory will record that the United States has been
well served by him. It is in accordance with his
views and the views of the National Military Es-
tablishment that we are looking forward to the
transfer of the control agencies in Germany to
civilian hands. This change is an interim meas-
ure, to be sure, but in the right direction, the di-
rection of ])eace.
I know that this thought nnist be arising in your
minds, at this stage. How long must we be satis-
fied with interim measures when the people of all
countries desperately desire a genuine and lasting
peace ? Will the moves we are making in Western
Germany contribute to a permanent settlement of
tiie German problem? Wliat are the possibilities
of renewed four-power talks on Germany? Has
the possibility of such talks or the success of their
outcome been prejudiced?
In the communique announcing the London
agreements, released June 6, 1948, it was empha-
sized that the agreed recommendations in no way
precluded, and on the contraiy would facilitate,
eventual four-power agreement on the German
problem. They were designed, it was stated, to
solve the urgent political and economic problems
arising out of the present situation in Germany.
When this Government embarked, together with
its AVestern Allies, on the discussion of new ar-
rangements for Western Germany, it did not mean
that we had abandoned hope of a solution which
would be applicable to Germany as a whole or
that we were barring a resumption of discussions
looking toward such a solution whenever it might
appear that there was any chance of success. It
did mean that this Government was not prepared
to wait indefinitely for four-power agreement be-
fore endeavoring to restore healthy and hopeful
conditions in those areas of Germany in which its
influence could be exerted.
Should it prove possible to arrange for renewed
four-power discussions, this Govermnent will do
its utmost, as it has in the past, to arrive at a settle-
ment of what is plainly one of the most crucial
jiroblenis in world affairs.
There are certain principles, however, the ob-
servance of which is essential, in our view, to any
sastisfactory solution of the German problem and
which we shall have to keep firmly in mind in
whatever the future may bring.
The people of Western Germany may rest as-
sui-ed that this Government will agree to no gen-
eral solution for German^' into which the basic
safeguards and benefits of the existing Western
German arrangements would not be absorbed.
They may rest assured that until such a solution
can be achieved, this Govermnent will continue
to lend vigorous support to the development of
the Western (Jerman program.
The people of Europe may rest assured that
this Government will agree to no arrangements
concerning Germany which do not protect the
security interests of the European conununity.
The people of the United States may rest as-
sured that in any discussions relating to the future
of Germany, this Government will have foremost
in mind their deep desire for a peaceful and or-
derly solution of these weighty problems which
have been the heart of so many of our difficulties
in the postwar period.
Deparfmenf of Siafe Bulletin
AGREEMENT ON TRIPARTITE CONTROLS
FOR WESTERN GERMANY
[Released to the press April 26]
The Department of State on April 26 made pub-
lic the text of the agreement reached in Washing-
ton on April 8, 1949, between the Governments of
France, the United Kingdom, and the United
States on the basic principles for the merger of
the three Western German zones of occupation.
The purpose of this agreement is to define the or-
ganization and procedures through which the
powers of the occupying governments will be
exercised after the establishment of a provisional
German Government. The agreement provides
for a High Commission, to be composed of a High
Commissioner for each of the occupying govern-
ments, and it outlines the manner in which the
Commissioners will vote and reach their decisions.
The nature and extent of the powers to be exer-
cised by the occupying governments have been
fully set out in the occupation statute.^ The text
of the agreement follows :
The Governments of the United Kingdom,
France and the United States agree to enter into
a trizonal fusion agreement prior to the entry into
effect of the Occupation Statute. The representa-
tives of the three occupying powers will make the
necessary arrangements to establish tripartite con-
trol machinery for the western zones of Germany,
which will become effective at the time of the
establishment of a provisional German govern-
ment. The following provisions agreed by the
Governments of the United Kingdom, France and
the United States shall form the basis of those
arrangements :
1. An Allied High Commission composed of one
High Commissioner of each occupying power or
his representative shall be the supreme Allied
agency of control.
2. The nature and extent of controls exercised
by the Allied High Commission shall be in har-
mony with the Occupation Statute and interna-
tional agreements.
3. In order to permit the German Federal Re-
public to exercise increased responsibilities over
domestic affairs and to reduce the burden of occu-
pation costs, staff personnel shall be kept to a
minimum.
4. In the exercise of the powers reserved to the
Occupation Authorities to approve amendments to
the Federal Constitution, the decisions of the
Allied High Commission shall require unanimous
agreement.
5. In cases in which the exercise of, or failure
to exercise, the powers reserved under paragraph
2 (g) of the Occupation Statute would increase
the need for assistance from United States Gov-
ernment appropriated funds, there shall be a sys-
tem of weighted voting. Under such system the
representatives of the Occupation Authorities will
May 8, 1949
835031 — 49 -3
have a voting strength proportionate to the funds
made available to Germany by their respective
governments. This provision shall not, however,
reduce the present United States predominant
voice in JEIA and JFEA while these organiza-
tions, or any successor organization to them, con-
tinue in existence and are charged with the
performance of any of their present functions.
No action taken hereunder shall be contrary to
any inter-governmental agreement among the sig-
natories or to the principles of non-discrimination.
6. On all other matters action shall be by ma-
jority vote.
7. (a) If a majority decision alters or modifies
any inter-governmental agreement which relates
to any of the subjects listed in paragraph 2 (a)
and 2 ( & ) of the Occupation Statute, any dissent-
ing High Commissioner may appeal to his Gov-
ernment. This appeal shall serve to suspend the
decision pending agreement between the three
governments.
(i) If a High Commissioner considers that a
majority decision conflicts with any inter-govern-
mental agreement which relates to any of the sub-
jects in paragraph 2 (cr) and 2 (h) of the Occupa-
tion Statute or with the fundamental principles
for the conduct of Germany's external relations
or with matters essential to the security, prestige,
and requirements of the occupying forces, he may
appeal to his Government. Such an appeal shall
serve to suspend action for 30 days, and thereafter
unless two of the Governments indicate that the
grounds do not justify further suspension.
(c) If such appeal is from an action of the Al-
lied High Commission either declining to disap-
prove or deciding to disapprove German legisla-
tion, such legislation shall be provisionally
disapproved for the duration of the appeal period.
8. A High Commissioner who considers that a
decision made by less than unanimous vote involv-
ing any other matter reserved by the Occupation
Statute is not in conformity with basic tripartite
policies regarding Germany or that a Land con-
stitution, or an amendment thereto, violates the
Basic Law, may appeal to his government. An
appeal in this case shall serve to suspend action for
a period not to exceed twenty-one days from the
date of the decision unless all three governments
agree otherwise. If such appeal is from an action
of the Allied High Commission either declining
to disapprove or deciding to disapprove German
legislation, such legislation shall be provisionally
disapproved for the duration of the appeal period.
9. All powers of the Allied High Commission
shall be uniformly exercised in accordance with
tripartite policies and directives. To this end in
' Recent agreements on Germany include the Occupation
Statute, Bdixeten of Apr. 17, 1949, p. .500 ; International
Authority for the Ruhr, Bulletin of .Tan. 9, 1949, p. 43;
Agreement on German Reparation Program, Bulletin of
Apr. 24, 1949, p. 524 : and Prohibited and Limited Indus-
tries in Germany, Bulletin of Apr. 24, 1949, p. 526.
589
each Land the Allied Higli Commission sliall be
represented by a single Land Conmiissioner who
shall be solely responsible to it for all tripartite
affairs. In each Land the Land Commissioner
shall be a national of the Allied Power in whose
zone the Land is situated. Outside his own zone
each High Commissioner will delegate an observer
to each of the Land Commissioners for purposes
of consultation and information. Nothing in this
paragraph shall be construed to limit the functions
of bodies established pursuant to inter-govern-
niental agreement.
10. To the greatest extent possible, all directives
and other instruments of control shall be addressed
to the federal and/or Land authorities.
IL The Trizonal Fusion Agreement will con-
tinue in force until altered by agreement among
the governments.
UNDERSTANDING ON WURTTEMBERG-BADEN
PLEBISCITE
[Released to tbe press April 20)
It was agreed that the status quo in Wiirttem-
borg and Baden would be maintained for the time
being and that the plebiscite I'ecommended by the
German Minister Presidents would be postponed
in tlie interest of avoiding any possible delay in
the establisliment of the German Federal Govern-
ment.
It was further agreed that the question of the
Wiirttemberg-Baden land boundaries would be
reexamined after the establishment of the German
Federal Government.
AGREEMENT REGARDING PORT OF KEHL
[Released to the press April 26]
The French control authorities with the assis-
tance of the Strasbourg French authorities will
maintain under existing conditions jurisdiction
over the Kehl port zone until establishment of the
German Federal Government and conclusion of
negotiations between the French and German
Authorities with respect to a joint port adminis-
trat ion for Kehl.
It was agreed, on a proposal of the French Gov-
ernment, that the city of Kehl would gradually be
returned to German administration. It was fore-
seen that the French temporarily domiciled in
Kehl might remain during a four-year period re-
quired for the preparation of additional housing
in Strasbourg. Around one third of the French
inhabitants will be able to leave Kehl within
several months, and the remainder j)rogressively
thereafter as housing becomes available.
The final decision with respect to the Kehl port
zone will be made in the peace settlement. It the
port authority develops harmoniously, the United
States and the United Kingdom will be willing
at tlie time of the peace settlement to bring an
attitude of good will toward the establishment of
a permanent joint authorit}'.
THREE POWER RESPONSIBILITIES ON
ESTABLISHMENT OF GERMAN FEDERAL
REPUBLIC
(Released to the press April 26]
The three Governments also agreed on and re-
corded in their minutes the principles according
to which their powers and responsibilities will be
exercised after the establishment of a German
Federal Republic. "Wliile the occupying govern-
ments will retain supreme authority, it is intended
that military government will be terminated and
that the function of the occupation officials will
be mainly supervisory. The German authorities
will be free to take administrative or legislative
action, and this action will be valid unless it is
vetoed by Allied authority. The fields in which
the occupation authorities reserve the right to take
direct action themselves including the issuance of
orders to German federal and local officials, will
be restricted to a minimum, and it is expected
that, with the exception of security questions, the
exercise of direct powers will be of a temporary
and self-liquidating nature. After the German
Federal Republic has been established, the Eco-
nomic Cooperation Administration will assume
the responsibility for supervising the use of funds
made available by the United States Government
to the German economy for purposes of relief
and recovery. It is envisaged that the German
Federal Republic will become a party to the con-
vention for European economic cooperation and
will also conclude a bilateral agreement with the
Government of the United States, ■\\nien the
German Republic has been established and military
government has been brought to an end. the
strictly military functions of the occupation au-
thorities will be exercised by a Commander-in-
Chief and all other functions by a High Commis-
sioner, who will direct each of the Allied
establishments in Germany other than the occu-
pation forces. It is intended that the size of
the staffs to be maintained in Germany will be
kept to a minimum. A major objective of the
tliree Allied Governments is to bring about the
closest integration, on a mutually beneficial basis,
of the (jerman people under a democratic federal
state within the framework of a European
association.
INFORMAL CONVERSATIONS ON BERLIN
BLOCKADE
[Released to the press April 26 J
Since the imposition by the Soviet Government
of the blockade of the city of Berlin the three
Western Governments have consistently sought to
bring about the lifting of that blockade on terms
consistent with their rights, duties, and obligations
as occupying powers in Germany. It was in con-
formity with this policy that the Western Govern-
ments initiated conversations in Moscow last sum-
mer. Following their breakdown, the matter was
Department of State Bulletin
referred in September 1948 to the Security Coun-
cil of the United Nations.
All these efforts ended in failure, and the three
Western Governments made it plain that they
were not prepared to continue discussions in the
light of the Soviet attitude.
Since that time the Western Governments have
looked consistently for any indication of a change
in the position of the Soviet Goverinnent and have
been anxious to explore any reasonable possibility
in that direction through contacts with Soviet
oiEcials.
In tills connection the Department of State
noted with jjarticular interest that on January
30, 1949, Premier Stalin made no mention of the
currency question in Berlin in his reply to ques-
tions asked him by an American journalist. Since
the currency question had hitherto been the an-
nounced i-eason for the blockade, the omission of
any reference to it by Premier Stalin seemed to
the Department to indicate a development which
should be explored.
With these considerations in mind, Mr. Jessup,
then the U.S. Deputy Representative on the Secu-
rity Council, took occasion, in a conversation on
February 15 with Mr. Malik, the Soviet Eepre-
sentative on the Security Council, to comment on
the omission by Premier Stalin of any reference
to the currency question. Since this question had
been the subject of much discussion in the Security
Council and in the Experts Committee appointed
under the ausjiices of the Council, Mr. Jessup in-
quired whether the omission had any particular
significance.
One month later, on March 15, Mr. Malik in-
formed Mr. Jessup that Premier Stalin's omission
of any reference to the currency problem in regard
to Berlin was "not accidental," that the Soviet
Government regarded the currency question as
important but felt that it could be discussed at
a meeting of the Council of Foreign Ministers if
a meeting of that body could be arranged to review
the whole German problem. Mr. Jessup inquired
whether tliis meant that the Soviet Government
had in mind a Foreign Ministers' meeting while
the blockade of Berlin was in progress or whether
it indicated that the blockade would be lifted in
order to permit the meeting to take place.
The information as to the Soviet Government's
attitude revealed in these informal contacts was
immediately conveyed to the British and French
Governments.
On March 21 Mr. Malik again asked Mr. Jessup
to visit him to inform him that if a definite datJe
could be set for the meeting of the Council of
Foreign Ministers, the restrictions on trade and
transportation in Berlin could be lifted recipro-
cally and that the lifting of the blockade could
take place in advance of the meeting.
Taking advantage of the presence of the For-
eign ]\Iinisters of Great Britain and France in
Washington, the recent developments in regard
to the Soviet attitude were discussed with them.
An agreed position was reached among the
three Western Powers. In order that tliere should
be no misunderstanding in the mind of the Soviet
Government in regard to this position, a state-
ment was read to Mr. Malik by Mr. Jessup on
April 5. The purpose of this statement, which
represented the agreed position of the three West-
ern Powers, was to make clear that the points
under discussion wei'e the following:
1. Reciprocal and simultaneous lifting of the
rastrictions imposed by the Soviet Union since
March 1, 1948, on communications, transporta-
tion, and trade between Berlin and the Western
zones of Germany and the restrictions imposed by
the Three Poweis on communications, transporta-
tion, and trade to and from the Eastern zone of
Germany.
2. The fixing of a date to be determined for a
meeting of the Council of Foreigii Ministers.
The Western Powers wished to be sure that these
two points were not conditioned in the understand-
ing of the Soviet Government on any of the other
points which in the past had prevented agreement
upon the lifting of tne blockade.
The statement summarized the understanding
of the three Governments of the position which
the Soviet Government took concerning the pro-
posal of lifting the blockade and the meeting of
the Council of Foreign Ministers. Its purpose
was to make unmistakably clear that the position
of the Soviet Government was as now stated in
the release of the Tass Agency.
On April 10 Mr. Malik again asked Mr. Jessup
to call upon him at that time and again stated the
position of the Soviet Government. From this
statement it appeared that there were still certain
points requiring clarification.
As a result of this meeting, further discussions
took place between the three Governments, which
have resulted in a more detailed formulation of
their position, which will be conveyed by Mr.
Jessup to Mr. Malik.
If the present position of the Soviet Government
is as stated in the Tass Agency release as pub-
lished in the American press, the way appears
clear for a lifting of the blockade and a meeting
of the Council of Foreign Ministers. No final con-
clusion upon this can be reached until further ex-
changes of view with Mr. Malik.
[Released to the press April 27]
In a statement to the press April 26, the De-
partment of State noted that Mr. Jessup would
have a further talk with Mr. Malik in continua-
tion of the informal conversations which had taken
place regarding the lifting of the Berlin blockade
and a possible meeting of the Council of Foreign
Ministers.
May 8, 1949
Mr. Jessup saw Mr. Malik on April 27 as
planned and communicated to iiim informally the
position of the three Governments. The Govern-
ments of France and of the United Kingdom will,
of course, be informed concerninj^ this conver-
sation.
INTERNATIONAL AUTHORITY FOR THE
RUHR ESTABLISHED
[Reloased to the press .\prll 28]
In accordance with the decision reached by
Foreign Ministers at their recent meeting in AVash-
ington, the agreement for establishment of an
International Authority for the Ruhr was signed
on April 28 at the Foreign Office in London.
Foreign Secretary Bevin signed for the United
Kingdom, M. Massigli. French Ambassador on
bclialf of France, and Julius Holmes, American
Minister Plenipotentiary in London, on behalf of
the United States. The Belgian Ambassador, the
Netherlands Ambassador, and the Luxembourg
Minister signed on behalf of their respective
governments.
In accordance with the terms of the agreement,
which was published on December 29 last year,
meetings of appropriate representatives will be
held in near future to undertake work of organiz-
ing and setting up authority itself.
Jurisdiction of U.S. Courts Re Suits for Identifiable Property Involved
in Nazi Forced Transfers
[Released to the press April 27]
As a matter of general interest, the Department
of State publishes herewith a copy of a letter of
April 13, 1949, from Jack B. Tate, Acting Legal
Adviser, Department of State, to the attorneys tor
the plaintiff in Civil Action No. 31-555 in the
United States District Court for the Southern Dis-
trict of New York.
The letter repeats this Government's opposition
to forcible acts of dispossession of a discriminatory
and confiscatory nature practiced by the Germans
on the countries or peoples subject to their con-
trols; states that it is this Government's policy to
undo the forced transfers and restitute identifiable
property to the victims of Nazi persecution wrong-
fully deprived of such property ; and sets forth
that the policy of the Executive, with respect to
claims asserted in the United States for restitution
of such property, is to relieve American courts
from any restraint upon the exercise of their juris-
diction to pass upon the validity of the acts of
Nazi officials.
Copies of the letter were also sent to the court
and to the attorneys for the other parties to the
litigation. The letter is as follows :
April 13, 19Jfi
Bennett, House. & Cotrrs,
Counselors at Law,
U 'Wall Street,
New York 6, New York.
Sirs : You have brought to the attention of the
Department Civil Action No. 31-555 now pending
in the United States District Court for the South-
ern District of New York between Arnold Bern-
stein, plaintiff, and N. V. Nederlandsche-Ameri-
kaanschc Stoomvaart-Maatschappij, also known
as Holland-America Line, defendant, and Chemi-
cal Bank and Trust Company, third-party
defendant, which involves certain matters treated
in the case of Bernstein v. Van Heyghen Freres
Societe Anonyme, 1G3 F. 2d 246 (C. C. A. 2d
1947), cert. den. 332 U.S. 772 (1947).
You have pointed out that the Circuit Court of
Appeals in the Van Heyghen case stated :
"... a court of the forum will not undertake
to pass upon the validity under the municipal law
of another state of the acts of officials of that
state, purporting to act as such." (page 250)
". . . no court will exercise its jurisdiction to
adjudicate the validity of the official acts of an-
other state." (pages 249-250)
The court held that the Executive had not "acted
to relieve its courts of restraint upon the exercise
of their jurisdiction" (page 250) or had not "indi-
cated any positive intent to relax the doctrine that
our courts shall not entertain actions of the kind at
bar", (page 251) It was therefore concluded
that in the circumstances the court was without
power to inquire into the acts of spoliation alleged
to have been perpetrated on Bernstein in Germany
in 1937-1938 in which Nazi officials of Germany
were claimed to have been participants.
You have inquired whether the Department
might care to express its view concerning the Ex-
ecutive policy of this Government with respect
to the exercise by courts of this country of juris-
diction in sucli cases. The Department considers
the matter an important one and is pleased to
express its views as follows :
1. This Government has consistently opposed
the forcible acts of dispossession of a discrimina-
tory and confiscatory nature practiced by the
Germans on the countries or peoples subject to
their controls. In this connection reference is
made to the following :
Departmont of State Bulletin
a. Inter- Allied Declaration against Acts of Dis-
possession of January 5, 1943, United States
Economic Policy toward Germany (Dep't State
Pub. 2630) 52;
b. Gold Declaration of February 22, 1944, 9
Fed. Reg. 2096 (1944);
c. The Potsdam Agreement of August 2, 1945,
13 Dep't State Bull. 153 (1945) ;
d. Directive to the Commander-in-Chief of the
United States Forces of Occupation Regarding
the Military Government of Germany, April 1945,
JCS 1067, paragraphs 4 (d), 48 (e) (2), 13 Dep't
State Bull. 596 (1945);
e. Directive to Commander-in-Chief of United
States Forces of Occupation Regarding the Mili-
tary Government of Germany, July 11, 1947, para-
graph I7d, 17 Dep't State Bull. 186 (1947) ;
f. Law No. 1 of the Allied Control Council (Off.
Gaz. of the Control Council for Germ. No. 1, Oct.
29, 1945) ;
g. Military Government Law No. 1 (Mil. Gov.
Gaz.-U.S. Zone June 1, 1946) ;
h. Military Government Law No. 52, sees. 1(f),
2 (Mil. Gov." Gaz.-U.S. Zone June 1, 1946) ;
i. Military Government Law No. 59 on Restitu-
tion of Identifiable Property (Mil. Gov. Gaz.-
U.S. Zone Nov. 10, 1947) .
2. Of special importance is Military Govern-
ment Law No. 59 which shows this Government's
policy of undoing forced transfers and restituting
identifiable property to persons wrongfully de-
prived of such property within the period from
January 30, 1933 to May 8, 1945 for reasons of
race, I'eligion, nationality, ideology or political
opposition to National Socialism. Article 1 (1).
It should be noted that this policy applies
generally despite the existence of purchasers in
good faith. Article 1 (2).
3. The policy of the Executive, with respect to
claims asserted in the United States for the resti-
tution of identifiable property (or compensation in
lieu thereof) lost through force, coercion, or
duress as a result of Nazi persecution in Germany,
is to relieve American courts from any restraint
upon the exercise of their jurisdiction to pass upon
the validity of the acts of Nazi officials.
Copies of this letter are being transmitted to
Judge Sylvester J. Ryan and to the attorneys for
the other parties to the litigation.
Very truly yours,
Jack B. Tate
Acting Legal Adviser
Research and Teaching Opportunities
in Italy
[Released to the press April 30]
More than 175 opportunities for Americans to
undertake graduate study or advanced research,
May 8, 1949
or to serve as visiting professors in Italy under
the Fulbright Act were announced on April 30 by
the Department of State. The awards, which are
the first offered for Italy under the provisions of
the Fulbright program, are payable in Italian
lire. Graduate scholarships under this program
ordinarily cover the round-trip travel, mainte-
nance, tuition, and necessary books and equipment
of the grantee. Grants to visiting professors and
research scholars ordinarily include round-trip
transportations, a stipend, a living and quarters
allowance, and an allowance for purchases of
necessary books and equipment.
One hundred and forty of these awards are of-
fered to American students for graduate study in
Italy.
Eighteen grants are announced for Americans
to serve as visiting professors in Italian universi-
ties, and twenty awards for American research
specialists to woi'k under the sponsorship of Ital-
ian institutions.
In addition, grants for round-trip travel are
announced for more than 100 Italian citizens for
study, teaching, or research in the United States.
These awards do not cover expenses in the United
States, which must be met from other sources.
Candidates for all grants will be selected upon
the basis of merit by the United States Board of
Foreign Scholarships. Veterans will be given
preference provided their other qualifications are
approximately equal to those of other candidates.
Final selection of visiting professors and research
scholars and their assignment to Italian universi-
ties and institutions will be made also upon the
basis of the appropriateness of their fields of
teaching or study to Italian needs and the facili-
ties available in Italy for their research.
The awards are offered under Public Law 584
(79th Congi-ess), the Fulbright Act, which au-
thorizes the Department of State to use foreign
currencies and credits acquired through the sale
of surplus property abroad for programs of edu-
cational exchanges with other nations. Agree-
ments have been signed with the following
countries which are now participating in the pro-
gram : China, Burma, Greece, the Republic of the
Philippines, New Zealand, Belgium and Luxem-
bourg, United Kingdom, France, and Italy.
Graduate students interested in the possibilities
for study in Italy should make application to the
Institute of International Education, 2 West
Forty-fifth Street, New York 19, New York, before
June 15.
Persons interested in the opportunities listed
above for visiting professors and research scholars
should write to the Conference Board of Asso-
ciated Research Councils, 2101 Constitution Ave-
nue, Washington 25, D.C., for application forms
and additional information concerning fields of
teaching and research, sponsoring institutions, and
conditions of award.
The North Atlantic Treaty and the Role of the Military Assistance Program
STATEMENT BY SECRETARY ACHESON'
I welcome this opportunity to discuss with you
the Xorth Atlantic Treaty signed on April 4.
That treaty is no new document to you. It has
been developed, to an extent without parallel in
my knowledge, as a cooperative enterprise between
the executive and legislative branches of the Gov-
ernment and particularly between the Department
of State and this Conmiittee. Without the vision
and assistance of your chairman, of your former
chairman, and the members of this Committee, this
treaty could never have been concluded. The text
embodies many constructive suggestions from
members of the Committee.
The President has spoken on the treaty in re-
cent weeks, and the Department of State has made
available a considerable amount of source material
regarding it. Since you already have in your pos-
session some of what t shall say today, I shall make
my statement as short as possible and will then
be at your disposal for questions.
I should like briefly to review with you the rea-
son for this treaty, and its purposes.
It has been well said that "Everyone wants
peace, but not everyone is prepared to work for it."
No people in this world want peace more than the
American people. They have always wanted it,
they have sought it in various ways, but they have
not always been ready to work for it. If we wish
peace we must be prepared to wage peace, with all
our thought, energy, and courage. That is the
purpose of this treaty.
When the United States was a small and weak
country, isolated by many weeks from other con-
tinents, our forefathers wisely based our foreign
policy upon the realities of those times, and we
managed to stay ajiart, to a large extent, from
developments in other lands.
However, our responsibility for assisting in the
maintenance of peace beyond our borders has been
long recognized and assumed. For more than a
century and a quarter this Government has con-
tributed to the peace of the Americas by making
clear that it would regard an attack on any Amer-
ican state as an attack on itself. We gave our
unilateral declaration to this elfect. As the years
passed and our neighbors to the south grew in
stature, they accepted a similar responsibility.
But beyond this responsibility, we did not see
clearly the impact of an unstable world on our
' Made at the hearings before the Senate Committee on
Foreign Relations on Apr. 27, 1949, and released to the
press on the same date.
securit}'. In 1920 many nations of the world
joined in an attempt to maintain international
peace and security through the League of Na-
tions. Although the President of the United
States had played a leading part in drafting the
League Covenant, the United States was not pre-
pared to enter the League, and we withdrew from
the participation with other nations in their first
effort to wage peace on a world-wide basis. ^Vs a
consequence, we had no eflfective means to prevent
the Second World War.
But by 1945 after the tragedy of involvement
in a second world war, we realized fully that
times had changed, drastically and irrevocably.
It is the responsibility of this generation to base
the conduct of foreign affairs upon the realities of
today. Today no place on earth is more than a
few hours distant from any other place. Today
neither distance nor ocean nor air affords security.
Security today and henceforward can only be as-
sured, in the President's words, by stopping war
before it can start.
In 1945 a new and greater effort for the mainte-
nance of international peace and security was un-
dertaken in the establishment of the United Na-
tions. In the preamble of the Charter the peoples
of the United Nations expressed their determina-
tion —
to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war,
which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to
mankind . . .
And for these ends
to practice tolerance and live together in peace with
one another as good neighbors, and
to unite our strength to maintain international peace
and security, and
to ensure, b.v the acceptance of principles and the institu-
tion of methods, that armed force shall not he used,
save in the common interest . . .
The first purpose of the United Nations, as stated
in article 1 of the Charter is —
to maintain international peace and security, and to that
end : to take effective collective measures for the pre-
vention and removal of threats to the peace, and for the
suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the
peace, and to bring about by peaceful means, and in con-
formity with the principles of justice and international
law, adjustment or settlement of international disputes
or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace;
The American people overwhelmingly accepted
this commitment and the other commitments laid
down in the Charter. They showed not merely
their desire for peace, but their determination to
Department of Slate Bulletin
work for peace through full participation in
"effective collective measures for the prevention
and removal of threats to the peace and for the
suppression of acts of aggression." The hopes of
the American people for peace with freedom and
justice are based on the United Nations.
The Charter not only spells out, as did the Kel-
log Pact, the essential principle of settling dis-
putes by peaceful means instead of by war, it goes
much further. The Charter commits all members
of the United Nations to certain principles in the
conduct of their foreign affairs which would, if
carried out, do a number of things. First, they
would secure peace and do away with the use of
force as an instrument of national policy. Sec-
ond, they would establish the right of nations to
indepenclence and self-determination. Third, they
would establish that economic, social, and other
problems can and should be worked out by inter-
national agreement and for the benefit of the
peoples of all countries. Fourth, they would
recognize and further hiunan rights and funda-
mental freedoms. Here is more than a vague ex-
pression. These are the foundations of a world
system, based on law, which would do far more
than merely prevent war.
Still, the Charter goes further. It establishes
machinery and procedures for furthering these
purposes. The fundamental fact of the Charter
is that these mechanisms and procedures are the
institutions and procedures of free peoples, based
on solving difficulties and making progress through
investigation of facts, free discussion, and deci-
sions by adjustment among representatives of the
member nations, all of whom accept and are at-
tempting to achieve the purposes of the world or-
ganization.
Now, any organization of free individuals or
free peoples whether it is a private one, or a na-
tional one, or an international one, must proceed
upon the basis that the vast bulk of those within it
are firmly attached to the basic principles of the
organization and are trying to carry them out.
If this is so, adjustments are made within the area
of common purposes; and, no matter how sharp
disagreements may be, there are common princi-
ples to which appeal may be made and which basi-
cally govern the conscience and behavior of the
members. Whenever a powerful minority repu-
diates the basic principles and uses the proceduz'es
to accomplish directly contrary purposes or to
frustrate the organization, then it obviously will
not work as intended.
Here lies the basic difficulty which the United
Nations has faced — a difficulty which would pro-
duce serious problems in any international organ-
ization, however perfectly devised. This diffi-
culty is that a powerful group, even though a
minority, has not genuinely accepted the purposes
and principles of the organization and has used its
institutions and procedures to frustrate them.
May 8, 1949
This is not a defect of machinery. It is a defect
in the basic attitude of some of the members which
no change of machinery or procedure can cure.
One of the principal problems which has grown
out of this situation which I have described is that
a sense of insecurity and a fear of aggression have
grown up in an important section of the world
which is struggling to recover economically, poli-
tically, and socially from the drains of the last
war. The recovery of this area is of vital con-
cern to the whole world.
To attain a sense of security and to be free from
the constant fear of armed attack is certainly one
of the prime objectives of the United Nations.
How, then, is this objective to be obtained when a
few of the members of the United Nations frus-
trate the attempt to attain it through the machin-
ery provided in the Charter? It is certainly not
to be obtained by doing nothing about it. It is
certainly not hostile to the United Nations or con-
trary to the Charter to attempt to attain this ob-
jective by methods wholly consistent with the
Charter.
The United Nations is not a thing in itself. It
is not an end in itself. It is a means to an end.
The end is pi-ogressive development of a peace-
ful and stable world order where law rather than
force and anarchy will govern the conduct of na-
tions in their foreign relations. It was never in
the minds of the f ramers of the Charter that the
organization set up under it should be so distorted
as to become an international instrument wliich
paralyzed the pacific nations of the world, the pos-
sible victims of aggression, while leaving a
would-be aggressor with completely free hands
to deal with them one by one. In order that there
should be no misunderstanding on this point,
article 51 was inserted in the Charter.
If I may use an understatement, the sense of
insecurity prevalent in Western Europe is not a
figment of the imagination. It has come about
through the conduct of the Soviet Union. West-
ern European countries have seen the basic pur-
poses and principles of the Charter cynically vio-
lated by the conduct of the Soviet Union with the
countries of Eastern Europe. Their right to self-
determination has been extinguished by force or
threats of force. The human freedoms as the rest
of the world understands them have been ex-
tinguished throughout that whole area. Economic
problems have not been solved by international
cooperation but dealt with by dictation. These
same methods have been attempted in other areas —
penetration by propaganda and the Communist
Party, attempts to block cooperative international
efforts in the economic field, wars of nerves, and
in some cases thinly veiled use of force itself.
By the end of 1947 it had become abundantly
clear that this Soviet pressure and penetration
was being exerted progressively further to the
west. In January 1948, the British Foreign Sec-
retary, Ernest Bevin, said that if any one power
attempted to dominate Europe by wliatever means,
direct or indirect, it would inevitably lead to
another world war unless this policy could be
checked by peaceful means. He declared that if
peace and security were to be preserved it could
be done only "by mobilization of such a moral and
material foi'ce as will create confidence and energy
in the West and inspire respect elsewhere."
With encouraf^ement from the United States
the Lirussels treaty was signed on March 17, 1948.=
The Brussels treaty system took the form, not of
a network of bilateral alliances, as had originally
been considered, but of a collective defense ar-
rangement within the framework of the United
Nations Charter similar in many respects to the
Rio treaty. On the day the Brussels treaty was
signed, the President, in addressing both Houses
of Congress, called the treaty a notable step toward
peace and expressed confidence that the determina-
tion of the free peoples of Europe to protect them-
selves would be matched by equal determination
on our part to help them do so and that the United
States would extend to the free countries the sup-
port which the situation might require.^
At that time the Congress had before it a num-
ber of proposals for strengthening the United
Nations and making it a more effective instrument
for the maintenance of international peace and
security. My predecessor. General Marshall, and
former Under Secretary of State Robert Lovett
entered into consultation with the Committee on
how the great influence of the United States might
best be brought to bear in association with other
free nations in strengthening the United Nations
and furthering the cause of world peace.
On May 1'.), 1948, this Committee unanimously
reported Senate Resolution No. 239.* That reso-
lution declared :
Whereas peace with justice and the defense of human
rights and fundamental freedoms require international
cooperation through more effective u.se of the United Na-
tions: Tlierefore be it
Resolved, That the Senate reaffirm the policy of the
United States to acliieve international peace and security
through tlie United Nations so that armed force shall not
be used except in the common interest, and that the Pres-
ident be advised of the sense of tlie Senate that this Gov-
ernment, by constitutional process, should particularly pur-
sue the following objectives within the United Nations
Charter :
(1) Voluntary agreement to remove the veto from
all questions involving pacific settlements of international
disputes and situations, and from the admission of new
members.
(2) Progressive development of regional and other col-
lective arrangements for individual and collective self-
defense in accordance with the purixjses, principles, and
provisions of the Charter.
' Bulletin of May 9, 1948, p. 000.
'BtJi.T.F.TiN of Mur. 2.S, 194S, p. 418.
* PiTLLETiN (if .July 18, 1948, p. 79.
(3) Association of the United States, by constitutional
process, with such regional and other collective arrange-
ments as are based on continuous and effective, self-help
and mutual aid. and as affect its national security.
(4) Contributing to the maintenance of peace by mak-
ing clear its determination to exercise the right of indi-
vidual or collective self-defense under article 51 should
any armed attack occur affecting its national security.
(7,) .Maximum efforts to obtain agreements to provide
the United Nations with armed forces as provided by the
Charter, and to obtain agreement among member nations
ui>on universal regulation and reduction of armaments
under adequate and dependable guaranty against violation.
(0) If necessary, after adequate effort toward strength-
ening the United Nations, review of the Charter at an
appropriate time by a General Conference called under ar-
ticle 109 or by the General Assembly.
It will be noted that of the six objectives recom-
mended, numbers 1, 5, and 6 were designed to
strengthen the United Nations on a universal basis.
This requires the agreement of all the major pow-
ers. Our efforts to achieve these objectives are be-
ing steadily pursued but it has not yet been pos-
sible, and I am not able to say when it may be pos-
sible, to achieve them.
The second, third, and fourth objectives are de-
signed to promote peace and stability by ancillary
methods witliin the principles of the Charter. In
its report on that resolution, the Committee de-
clared that these relatively unexplored resources
of the Charter should be further explored and de-
veloped as rapidly as possible.
For more than a year the members of the Com-
mittee and ofiicers of the Department of State
have been in consultation as to the nature of the
problems involved, how they might best be met,
and how the influence of the United States might
best be brought to bear in the cause of peace.
Throughout the negotiation of this treaty the
United States negotiators have been guided by the
wishes of the Senate as expressed in resolution 239.
It is highly gratifying that the views of the Senate,
as expressed in the unanimous report of this Com-
mittee on the resolution and the passage by the
Senate of that resolution by a vote of 64 to 4, and
in subsequent consultation on the text of the treaty,
have been absolutely free of partisan spirit and
have been moved solely by the interests of the
United States, of the United Nations, and of world
peace.
Following the resolution of the Senate, Mr.
Lovett undertook to explore the matter with the
Ambassadors of Canada, the United Kingdom,
France, Bclgimn, the Netherlands, and Luxem-
bourg. The objective of this Government and of
the other Governments participating in these dis-
cussions was to establish an arrangement which
would :
1. Increase the determination of the parties
to resist aggression and their confidence that they
could successfully do so;
2. promote full economic recovery through re-
moving the drag of a sense of insecurity ;
3. stimulate the efforts of the parties to help
Deparfment of Stafe Bulletin
themselves and each other and, through coordi-
nation, to achieve maximum effectiveness for de-
fense; and
4. contribute to the maintenance of peace and
reduce the possibility of war by making clear the
determination of the parties jointly to resist armed
attack from any quarter.
I have explained the text of the treaty, article by
article, in my report to the President, vrhich is be-
fore you, and I will not repeat that explanation at
this point. I wish merely to stress certain essen-
tial points of the treaty.
The treaty is carefully and conscientiously de-
signed to conform in every particular with the
Charter of the United Nations and to contribute to
the accomplishments of its purposes. This is
made clear in article I, which reiterates and re-
affirms the basic principle of the Charter, namely,
that the participating countries will settle all their
international disputes, not only among themselves
but with any nation, by peaceful means in accord-
ance with the provisions of the Charter. This
declaration sets the whole tone and spirit of the
treaty and provides unmistakable proof that any
allegations that the treaty conceals aggressive in-
tentions are obvious perversions of the truth.
Democracies, by their very nature, must conduct
their atfairs openly. They could not, even if they
wished, conspire against anyone, individually or
collectively. Such allegations are belied both by
the terms of the treaty and by the very nature of
the free institutions upon which the signatory
governments are founded.
Article II demonstrates the conviction of the
parties that real peace is a positive and dynamic
thing, that it is much more than the mere absence
of war. In this article the signatory governments
assert that they will strengthen their free institu-
tions and see to it that the fundamental purposes
upon which these institutions are founded are bet-
ter understood everywhere. They also agree to
seek to eliminate conflicts in their economic life
and to promote economic cooperation among them-
selves. Here is the ethical essence of the treaty —
the common resolve to preserve, strengthen, and
make better understood the very basis of tolerance,
restraint, freedom, and well-being, the really vital
things with which we are concerned.
Article III, of which I will speak further later
this morning, embodies in the treaty the concept
contained in the Senate resolution of "continuous
and elfective self-help and mutual aid." This
means that no party can rely on others for its de-
fense unless it does its utmost to defend itself and
contribute toward the defense of the others.
Tlie basic purpose of the treaty is, as recom-
mended in the Senate resolution, to contribute to
the maintenance of peace by making clear the
determination of the parties to exercise the right
of self-defense under article 51, should armed at-
tack upon any party occur. This provision is
May a, 1949
contained in article V. If the treaty accomplishes
its purpose, such an armed attack will not occur.
In order to accomplish that purpose, however, the
parties must state clearly what they would be pre-
pared to do if an armed attack should occur.
Article V recognizes the basic fact that an armed
attack upon any party would so threaten the na-
tional security of the other parties as to be in effect
an armed attack upon all. It further provides
that in the event of such an attack each of them
will take, individually and in concert with the
other parties, whatever action it deems necessary
to restore and maintain the security of the North
Atlantic area, including the use of armed force.
This naturally does not mean that the United
States would automatically be at war if one of
the other signatory nations were the victim of an
armed attack. Under our Constitution, the Con-
gress alone has the power to declare war. The
obligation of this Government under article V
would be to take promptly the action it deemed
necessary to restore and maintain the security of
the North Atlantic area. That decision would,
of course, be taken in accordance with our Con-
stitutional procedures. The factors which would
have to be considered would be the gravity of the
attack and the nature of the action which this
Government considered necessary to restore and
maintain the security of the North Atlantic area.
That would be the end to be achieved. Under the
treaty we would be bound to make an honest judg-
ment as to what action was necessary to attain
that end and consequently to take such action.
That action might or might not include the use
of armed force. If we should be confronted again
with an all out armed attack such as has twice
occurred in this century and caused world wars,
I do not believe that any action other than the use
of armed force could be effective. The decision,
however, would naturally rest where the Constitu-
tion has placed it.
I believe it appropriate to outline briefly the
role of the proposed military assistance program
in our over-all foreign policy and its relationship
to the Atlantic pact. As you know, the President
will shortly recommend to the Congress the en-
actment of legislation authorizing the transfer
of military equipment and assistance to other na-
tions. As you also know, the proposed program
will request authorization and appropriation of
$1,130,000,000 for Atlantic pact countries and ap-
proximately $320,000,000 for other countries, in-
cluding Greece and Turkey, making a total of
$1,450,000,000 for the fiscal year 1950.
The furnishing of military assistance to the
Atlantic pact countries is designed to assist us
in attaining the fundamental goal of our foreign
policy : the preservation of international peace and
the preservation of the security of the United
States. Our aid to Greece and Turkey, the Euro-
pean Recovery Program — the greatest of all
measures to date in our foreign policy — Senate
Resolution 239, the Atlantic pact, which we are
now considerinf;:, and the proposed military as-
sistance program, are all designed to this end.
You may ask why it is not enough to have the
Atlantic pact alone since it accepts the principle
that an attack on one is an attack on all. Wliy
does the Executive believe that it will be neces-
sary to have a militar}' assistance program in ad-
dition to the commitments contained in the pact?
The answer is found in tlie insecurity and the
fears of Western Europe and of many of tlie other
freedom-loving nations of the world. Basic to
the purposes of the military assistance program is
the necessity of promoting economic recovery and
political stability by providing a basis for confi-
dence, a sense of security, and a reasonable assur-
ance of peace among European peoples. The
military assistance program will improve the de-
fenses and military capabilities of these nations,
and thus increase their will to resist aggression
and tlieir ability to maintain internal security.
It is undei-standable that the free nations of
Western Europe cannot look forward with equa-
nimity to invasion and occupation in the event
of war, even if we guarantee subsequently to lib-
erate them. Nor is it in our own interest to per-
mit them to be occupied with the consequent
necessity of the costly liberation of these areas.
Our active foreign policy has given rise in Europe
to a great momentum of recovery and a great in-
crease in the will to resist. The hope for peace
lies in maintaining this momentum. The free
countries of Western Europe must be encouraged
to continue their efforts towards recoverj'. Their
will to resist and their ability mutually "to defend
themselves must be strengthened. They must be
encouraged and assisted to build up their defense
forces, through self-help and mutual aid, to a
point where aggression cannot take place through
internal disorders growing from the seeds sown
by a potential aggressor, or under the guise of
border incidents. In short, they must regain,
individually and collectively, their ability to
maintain their independence and national security.
This in itself is an additional deterrent to any
would-be aggressor. Thus, even without the ex-
istence of the North Atlantic Treaty, the need for
assistance for defense of these countries would be
the same. With the pact, the assistance, once
given, will be infinitely more effective.
It is important, however, to view the objectives
of the proposed military assistance progi-am in
light of the objectives of article 3, the self-help
and mutual aid article, of the North Atlantic
Treaty, for the objectives of each are comple-
mentary. The objectives of both are to maintain
and develop individual and collective capacity to
resist by self-help and mutual aid. That is what
article 3 is going to do; that is what the proposed
military assistance program is going to do. Arti-
cle 3 does not bind the United States to the pro-
posed military assistance program, nor indeed to
any program. It does bind the United States
to the principle of self-help and mutual aid.
Within this principle each party to the pact must
exercise its own honest judgment as to what it
can and should do, to develop and maintain its
own capacity to resist and to help others. The
judgment of the executive branch of this Govern-
ment is that the United States can and should pro-
vide military assistance to assist the other coun-
tries in tlie pact to maintain their collective secu-
rity. The pact does not bind the Congress to
reach that same conclusion, for it does not dictate
the conclusion of honest judgment. It does
preclude repudiation of the principle or of the
obligation of making that honest judgment. Thus,
if you ratify the pact, it cannot be said that there
is no obligation to help. There is an obligation to
help, but the extent, the manner, and the timing is
up to the honest judgment of the parties.
I therefore earnestly trust that the Congress will
see fit to enable this (government to carry out that
aspect of its foreign policy represented by the
proposed military assistance program. At the
same time, I urge that both the treaty and the
proposed military assistance program should be
considered separately and on their own merits.
For my own part I believe that both the North
Atlantic Treaty and the military assistance pro-
gram will contribute to world-wide security.
The treaty is wholly consistent with the Charter
and designed to strengthen the system of inter-
national law of which the Charter is the basis. It
will give security and confidence to the signatory
nations, whose common institutions and moral and
ethical beliefs draw them naturally together and
whose well-being is vital to world recovery.
The added security of these nations does not
threaten or weaken any other nation or portion of
the world. Tlie principles which draw these na-
tions into natural affinity and which they seek
to defend — freedom of the individual, tolerance
and restraint, and the rule of law, are the prin-
ciples which unite free peoples throughout the
world.
The determination to provide defense for these
principles by the 12 nations joining in this treaty —
added to the other steps taken bj- these and other
nations to wage peace — must be an encouragement
to all peojjles who wish peace based on these
principles.
The treaty is the practical expression of the de-
termination that an aggressor cannot divide these
nations and pick them off one by one. History has
taught us that the absence of such determination
and of its clear statement in advance is gravely
dangerous. The knowledge that armed attack
will be mot by collective defense, prompt and ef-
fective, will surely have a steadying effect on any-
one from whom that transgression might come.
The political and moral strength which this
treaty adds to the accumulating economic strength
of a vital portion of the world will strengthen
Department of State Bulletin
our ability to build a world in which freedom is
maintained and expanded and in which the prob-
lems remaining and growing out of the war can
be solved in an atmosphere free of the fear of
aggression.
In conclusion I should like to repeat to you
words which the President used at the signing of
the treaty :
It is a simple document, but if it had existed in
1914 and in 1939, supported by the nations which
are represented here today, I believe it would have
prevented the acts of aggression which led to two
World Wars. . . .
For us, war is not inevitable. We do not be-
lieve that there are blind tides of history which
sweep men one way or the other. In our own
times we have seen brave men overcome obstacles
that seemed insurmountable and forces that
seemed overwhelming. Men with courage and
vision can still determine their own destiny. They
can choose slavery or freedom — war or peace.
I have no doubt which they will choose. The
treaty we are signing here today is evidence of
the path they will follow.
If there is anything certain today, if there is
anything inevitable in the future, it is the will of
the people of the world for freedom and peace.
President Truman Transmits tiie Nortii Atlantic Treaty to the Senate
The Whi,te House, April 12, 19Jf9.
To the Senate of the United States:
I transmit herewith for the consideration of the
Senate a copy of the North Atlantic Treaty,
signed at Washington on April 4, 1949, together
with a report of the Secretary of State.^
This treaty is an expression of the desire of the
people of the United States for peace and security,
for the continuing opportunity to live and work
in freedom.
Events of this century have taught us that we
cannot achieve peace independently. The world
ha.s grown too small. The oceans to our east and
west no longer protect us from the reach of bru-
tality and aggression.
We have also learned — learned in blood and con-
flict — that if we are to achieve peace we must work
for peace.
This knowledge has made us determined to do
everything we can to insure that peace is main-
tained. We have not arrived at this decision
lightly, or without recognition of the effort it en-
tails. But we cannot escape the great responsi-
bility that goes with our great stature in the world.
Every action of this Nation in recent years has
demonstrated the overwhelming will of our people
that the strength and influence of the United
States shall be used in the cause of peace, justice,
and freedom.
In this determination, our people wholeheart-
edly accepted the Charter of the United Nations
in 1945. Since then, we have worked unceasingly
to reach international agreement through the
United Nations and to make the United Nations
a more effective instrument for its mighty task.
In the last year we have embarked on a great
cooperative enterprise with the free nations of
Europe to restore the vitality of the European
economy — ^so important to the prosperity and
peace of our country and the world.
May 8, J 949
The North Atlantic Treaty is further evidence
of our determination to work for a peaceful world.
It is in accord with the action of the Senate last
June when it signified its approval of our country's
associating itself in peacetime with countries out-
side the Western Hemisphere in collective arrange-
ments, within the framework of the United
Nations Charter, designed to safeguard peace and
security.
The 12 nations which have signed this treaty
undertake to exercise their right of collective or
individual self-defense against armed attack, in
accordance with article 51 of the United Nations
Charter, and subject to such measures as the Se-
curity Council may take to maintain and restore
international peace and security. The treaty
makes clear the determination of the people of
the United States and of our neighbors in the
North Atlantic community to do their utmost to
maintain peace with justice and to take such action
as they may deem necessary if the peace is broken.
The people of the North Atlantic community
have seen solemn agreements, designed to assure
peace and the rights of small nations, broken one
by one and the people of those nations deprived of
freedom by terror and oppression. They are re-
solved that their nations shall not, one by one,
suffer the same fate.
The nations signing this treaty share a common
heritage of democracy, individual liberty, and the
rule of law. The American members of the North
Atlantic community stem directly from the Euro-
pean members in tradition and in love of freedom.
We have joined together in the progressive de-
velopment of free institutions, and we have shared
our moral and material strength in the present
task of rebuilding from the devastation of war.
The security and welfare of each member of this
community depend upon the security and welfare
of all. None of us alone can achieve economic
' Bulletin of Apr. 24, 1949, p. 532.
prosperity or military security. None of us alone
can assure the continuance of freedom.
Together, our joint strength is of tremendous
significance to the future of freemen in ever\'
part of the world. For this treaty is clear evidence
that differences in language and in economic and
political systems are no real bar to the effective
association of nations devoted to the great prin-
ciples of human freedom and justice.
This treaty is only one step — although a long
one — on the road to peace. Xo single action, no
matter how significant, will achieve peace. We
must continue to work patiently and carefully, ad-
vancing with practical, realistic steps in the liglit
of circumstances and events as they occur, build-
ing the structure of peace soundly and .solidly.
I believe that the North Atlantic Treaty is such
a step, based on the realities of the situation we
face today and framed within the terms of the
United Nations Charter and the Constitution of
the United States.
In the conviction that the North Atlantic Treaty
is a great advance toward fulfillment of the un-
conquerable will of the people of the United
States to achieve a just and enduring peace, I
request the advice and consent of the Senate to its
ratification.
Harry S. Trum.vn.
are printed the Dunkirk treaty between Great
Britain and France, and the Brussels treaty with
pertinent documents. Foreign assistance and mil-
itary aid furnished by the Lnited States is traced
through excerpts from the President's message to
Congress on Greek-Turkish aid, the act providing
that a.ssistance, parts of the President's Message to
Congress in March 1948, the Foreign Assistance
Act of 1948, and the convention for European eco-
nomic recovery with related documents. Steps
leading to the North Atlantic Treaty are outlined,
beginning with the Vandenberg resolution, quota-
tions from President Truman's inaugural address,
and concluding with the white paper on the pact
issued by the Department of State.
Part 3 reviews the Soviet System of treaties and
the Soviet official position on the North Atlantic
Treaty. The Soviet mutual assistance treaties
with illustrative texts are printed and also the
communique on the establishment of the Comin-
form, a Tass statement on the Soviet Council for
■Economic Mutual Assistance, a statement of the
Soviet Ministry of Foreign AflFairs on the North
Atlantic Treaty, Soviet protest on the treaty, and
the statement of the foreign ministere in reply to
the protest.
Part 4 is a chronology of major developments
relating to the treaty.
THE CONGRESS
Senate Document on North Atlantic
Treaty Issued
Senate Document No. 48, 81st Congi-ess, entitled
the A' orth Atlantic Treaty, which was prepared by
the staff of the Senate Foreign Relations Commit-
tee, contains documents relating to the North
Atlantic Treaty.
In the document are maps showing areas de-
fined by tlie North Atlantic Treaty as well as by
the Kio treaty. Part 1 contains the text of the
North Atlantic Treaty, the President's message
transmitting it to the Senate, and the Secretary's
report.
Part 2 relates to the development of the treaty,
in which excerpts from the United States Consti-
tution are quoted. Tlie Inter-American defense
and United Nations security documents such as the
Monroe Doctrine, the Act of Chapulte]iec. the Rio
treaty of reciprocal assistance, the Fulbright and
Connally resolutions, and excerpts from the U.N.
Charter are i)rinted. Agreements toward the set-
tlement of World War II have been included — the
Yalta agreement, the Potsdam agreement, and the
draft treaty on the disarmament and demilitariza-
tion of Germany offei-ed by the United States at
Paris. Under defense treaties of Western Europe
Legislation
Suspension of Import Taxes on Copper. Hearings
before the Coniuiittee on Finance, United States Senate,
81st Cong., 1st sess. on H. R. 2313, an act to suspend
certain import taxes on copper. Feb. 17 and 24, 1949.
iii. 24 pp.
Extension of European Recovery Program. Hearings
before the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Repre-
sentatives, 81st Cong., 1st .sess., on H. R. 23(!2, a bill to
amend tlie Economic Cooperation Act of IJMS. Part 1.
Feb. 8, 9, 10, 11, 15, 16, 17, and 18, 1049. ii, 489 pp.
Revised Supplemental Estimate — Payment of Claims
for Damages, Audited Claims, and Judgments. Communi-
cation from the President of the United States trans-
mitting revised su|)plemental estimate of appropriation
involving an increase of .$61,713.42 for payment of claims
for damages, audited claims, and judgments. S. Doc. 24,
81st Cong., 1st sess. 8 pp.
Extending the .Vuthority for the Investigation of the
Immigration System, and Increasing the Limit of Ex-
penditudes Therefor. S. Kept. 65, 81st Cong., 1st sess., to
accompany S. Ues. 40. 3 pp.
Relating to the Immigration Status of the Lawful Wives
and Children of Chinese Treaty Merchants. S. Rept. 67,
81st Cong., 1st sess., to accompany S. 206. 2 pp.
Providing for the Payment of Certain Swiss Claims.
S. Rept. 77, 81st Cong., 1st sess., to accompany S. 612.
5 pp.
Relating to an Investigation of the Immigration Laws
and the Administration Thereof. S. Rept. 86, 81st Cong.,
1st sess., to accompany S. Res. 40. 1 p.
Promoting the Progress of Science. S. Rept. 90, 81st
Cong.. 1st sess.. to accompany S. 247. 7 pp.
Copper Import-Tax Suspension. S. Rept. 91, 81st Cong.,
1st sess., to accompany H.R. 2313. 3 pp.
Department of State Bulletin
Charter Proposing an International Trade Organization
Transmitted to the Senate
PRESIDENT TRUMAN'S MESSAGE TO THE CONGRESS
To the Congress of the United States :
I submit herewith, for the consideration of the
Congress, the Charter for an International Trade
Organization, prepared by a conference of the
United Nations which met in Havana in 1948,
together with a memorandum from the Secretary
of State.
Tlie Charter is designed to do two things: to
establish a code of international conduct to guide
nations in dealing with the fundamental problems
of world trade, and to create an agency, within
the framework of the United Nations, to help im-
plement this code.
We have learned through bitter experience how
necessary it is for nations to approach jointly the
task of improving the conditions of world trade.
During the 1930's many nations acted indepen-
dently, each attempting to gain advantage at the
expense of others. The result was a vicious
circle — with restrictions by one nation provoking
more serious restrictions by other nations in re-
taliation. The end result was a tremendous drop
in the volume of international trade which made
the general depression worse and injured all
countries.
Since the recent war, though some nations have
again acted unilaterally, there has been a general
resolve to prevent the vicious circle of restrictions
and to acliieve progressively freer trade. To gain
this objective, action by many nations is necessary.
No one nation alone, and no small group of nations,
can have enough impact on the network of ob-
structions that has been built up.
The United States program of reciprocal trade
agreements has been a shining beacon of coopera-
tive action to reduce tariff barriers, and it is vitally
necessary that the Reciprocal Trade Agreements
Act be extended in full force.
But it is clear that trade agreements alone are
not enough.. These agreements do not touch cer-
tain important obstacles to the expansion of world
trade. Subsidies, cartels, and many other devices
have important effects in limiting trade or creating
disadvantages for one country as compared with
another. What is needed is cooperative action to
attack the whole range of obstacles that stand in
the way of broadening international trade.
The Havana Charter is a major step toward
achieving tliat objective. It was agreed upon by
the representatives of fifty-four nations after more
than two years of preparatory study and negotia-
tion.
The Charter establishes an international or-
ganization, which is essential to continuous and
effective international cooperation in the field of
trade. The nations accepting membership in the
International Trade Organization commit them-
selves to abide by fair and liberal principles of
trade. They agree to take no action which may
injure another nation without first making a
genuine effort to reach a constructive solution
through consultation either directly between them-
selves or through the Organization. They agree
to work together continuously to achieve progi'es-
sively greater trade and to settle differences with
respect to national policies that affect the flow of
international commerce.
The Charter is the most comprehensive interna-
tional economic agreement in history. It goes
beyond vague generalities and deals with the real
nature of the problems confronting us in the pres-
ent world situation. Wliile it does not include
every detail desired by this Nation's representa-
tives, it does provide a practical, realistic method
for progressive action toward the goal of expand-
ing world trade.
The United States can be proud of its leadership
in this constructive action to help the nations of
the world work their way out of the morass of
restriction and discrimination that has gripped
international trade ever since the fii-st world war.
The alternative to the Charter is economic conflict
and shrinking international trade.
This Charter is an integi-al part of the larger
program of international economic reconstruction
and development. The great objectives of the
European recovei-y program will be only partially
realized unless we achieve a vigorous world trad-
ing system. The economic advancement of under-
developed areas likewise depends very largely upon
increasing the international exchange of goods
and services. Thus the Charter is an effective
step toward improved standards of living through-
out the world, toward the growth of production,
and toward the maintenance of employment and
economic stability. It is fundamental to the
progressive, expanding world economy so vital to
the increasing welfare and prosperity of the peo-
ple of the United States.
The great structure of international cooperation
that is being erected through the United Nations
must rest upon a solid foundation of continuous
cooperation in economic affairs. The Charter for
an International Trade Organization is a neces-
Moy 8, 1949
sary part of that foundation, along with the spe-
cial arrangements that have been made in the
fields of money and credit, transportation and
communications, food and agriculture, labor and
health.
As an essential forward step in our foreign pol-
icy, I recommend that the Congress authorize the
United States to accept membership in the Inter-
national Trade Organization.
Harrt S. Trumax
Th£ White House,
ApHl £8, 194s.
MEMORANDUM FOR THE PRESIDENT FROM THE SECRETARY OF STATE
[Released tu tLe press Aiiril LIS)
On March 24, 1948, after more than two years
of public discussion and international negotiation,
the representatives of 54 nations, assembled at
Habana, completed a charter for an International
Trade Organization for submission to their re-
spective governments. This charter establishes a
code of principles to be accepted in the conduct of
international trade and an organization to help
make them work. The organization would take
its place with the International Bank, the Inter-
national Monetary Fund, and the Food and Agri-
cultural Organization as a specialized agency of
the United Nations.
The Economic World Today
Tlic world economy is still seriously out of joint.
Tlie aftermath of six years of struggle, with its
depletion of financial and material resources and
its distortion of the apparatus for the production
and distribution of goods, is still with us. There
are pronounced imbalances of trade not only be-
tween the United States and most of the rest of
tlie world but between other countries.
Despite constructive efforts to cope with these
problems, there is still a widespread feeling in the
world of economic and political insecurity. Na-
tions face the problems of increasing production
and distribution of goods, of finding ways and
means to bring the industrialized nations of the
world back into full productivity and stability,
and of developing and bringing into the area of
productive trade the underdeveloped nations of
the world.
In such a situation there is a clear need for a
body in which policies in the field of trade can be
continually discussed, questioned, explained, ad-
justed, and harmonious agreement reached. The
Ito charter provides such a body.
Origins of the Charter
Even while liostilities were still going on, many
persons in tlie United States began to think of
how we could reach international agreement after
the war which would avoid the mistakes and eco-
nomic conflict of the inter-war period and set the
course of international trade along expanding and
liberal lines. The Atlantic Charter enunciated
the principle of equal access for all to the markets
and the raw materials of the world. Article VII
of the mutual aid agreements laid down the prin-
ciple of negotiation for the reduction of tariffs,
for the elimination of preferences, and for the
removal of discriminatory practices in interna-
tional trade. As early as 1943, consultation began
with representatives of the British and Canadian
Governments to develop agreement on principles
which ultimately emerged refined and sharpened
in the Ito charter.
When the Bretton Woods conference completed
its labors in establishing the charters of the Inter-
national Bank and the International Monetary
Fund, the delegates recognized that their work
was not complete. They realized that action by
nations in the field of the international exchanges
and in the field of international investment re-
quired complementary action in the field of trade.
In the final act of that conference, therefore, they
called upon the member nations to continue to
work to —
(1) reduce obstacles to international trade and in other
ways promote mutually advantageous international com-
mercial relations;
(2) bring about the orderly marketing of stable com-
modities at prices fair to the producer and consumer
alike :
(.3) deal with thp special problems of international con-
cern wliich will arise from the cessation of production
for war purposes ; and
(4) facilitate by cooperative efifort the harmonization
of national policies of Member States designed to pro-
mote and maintain high levels of employment and pro-
gressively rising standards of living.
Wlien the Congress accepted membership for
the United States in the Bretton Woods organiza-
tions, it said —
"In the realization that additional measures of
international economic cooperation are necessary
to facilitate the expansion and balanced growth of
international trade and render most effective the
operations of the Fund and the Bank, it is hereby
declared to be the policy of the United States to
seek to bring about further agreement and coop-
eration among nations and international bodies,
as soon as possible, on ways and means which
will best reduce obstacles to and restrictions upon
international trade, eliminate unfair trade prac-
tices, promote mutually advantageous commercial
i-elations, and otherwise facilitate the expansion
and balanced growth of international trade and
promote the stability of international economic
relations."
Further agreement has now been reached in the
Ito charter.
Department of State Bulletin
The basic ideas of the charter were set forth in
the United States "Proposals for the Expansion
of World Trade and Employment," placed before
the peoples of the world for their consideration
in December 1945. It was at the suggestion of the
United States that the Economic and Social Coun-
cil of the United Nations, at its first meeting in
February 1946, appointed a committee to prepare
the agenda for an international conference on
trade and employment, the conference which took
place at Habana in 1948 and produced the Ito
charter. When that preparatory committee met
for the first time in London in October 1946, it
had before it and adopted as its basic working
document a "Suggested Charter for an Interna-
tional Trade Organization" proposed and pre-
pared by the United States. A second meeting of
the Committee was held in Geneva in 1947.
■ After the London meeting, the resulting draft
charter was published. Public hearings were held
upon it in seven cities in the United States. Ex-
tensive hearings were also conducted by the
Finance Committee of the United States Senate.
Most of the suggestions which were developed at
those hearings ultimately found their way into
the charter.
Scope of the Charter
The charter is comprehensive and detailed.. It
is a code of principles designed to guide action. It
contains commitments covering a wide range of
trade relations. It stands in contrast to the reso-
lutions and recommendations of international
economic conferences between the two World
Wars, which were uniformly in such general terms
and so lacking in substantive content as to have
little or no practical effect upon the activities of
nations. The charter leaves the world of pious
generalities and addresses itself to the more thorny
task of providing a guide for action in dealing
with specific problems in international trade.
Equally important, the charter provides a
mechanism for continuous consultation between
nations on policies affecting world trade. It es-
tablishes the obligation and the mechanism of
consultation and adjustment before action, rather
than retaliation after it.
We are pledged to unfaltering support of the
United Nations in the conviction that interna-
tional differences of opinion can best be composed
around the conference table. The International
Trade Organization will provide the conference
room for discussion of problems of international
trade. Its rules for action, its means for consulta-
tion will together provide a method of meeting
world trade problems as they arise and of helping
to maintain economic peace.
Objective of the Charter
The objective of the charter can be simply stated.
It is to contribute to higher standards of living,
to greater production and wider distribution and
May 8, 1949
consumption of goods and services, and thus to
economic and political stability throughout the
world. It seeks to do this, first, by reducing public
and private barriers which restrict and divert
trade; second, by establishing the objective of
multilateralism and nondiscrimination in inter-
national trade and by providing means and foster-
ing conditions under which this objective can be
achieved as rapidly as possible ; third, by provid-
ing a means for dealing with problems arising
out of surpluses of primary commodities ; fourth,
by promoting the economic stability and the
maintenance of employment so essential to liberal-
ization of trade policy; and, fifth, by advancing
the economic development of underdeveloped
areas, which have so great a contribution to make
to their own welfare and that of the world.
The Substantive Commitments of the Charter
Many of the substantive commitments of the
charter are based on familiar principles of United
States policy. Others are of a pioneering char-
acter. In the first group are :
(a) The commitment that member nations will
stand ready to negotiate for the reduction of
tariffs and the elimination of tariff preferences.
This is simply international acceptance of a policy
long followed by the United States under the Hull
reciprocal-trade-agreements program. So far as
the United States is concerned, this commitment
will be carried out under the authority and pro-
cedures of the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act.
(b) Commitments desigiied to limit the use of
indirect forms of protectionism, such as discrimi-
natory internal taxes, mixing regulations, and
arbitrary and concealed barriers in the guise of
customs regulations. The principal effect of these
commitments will be to concentrate charges upon
imports at the customs frontier, to make it widely
and definitely known exactly what these charges
are, to simplify as much as possible the binding
red tape of customs administration, and to secure a
wider degree of uniformity in such administration.
The provisions of the charter dealing with this
subject represent the widest area of detailed agi'ee-
ment yet reached internationally in this compli-
cated and highly important field.
(c) A condemnation in principle of the use of
quantitative restrictions, a limitation of their use
in practice to specified situations in which all na-
tions are agreed that their use is permissible, and
a commitment to keep their use subject to inter-
national scrutiny and control.
(d) Acceptance of the basic principle of non-
discrimination and equal opportunity in inter-
national trade; the principle of unconditional
most-favored-nation treatment.
These principles are familiar in the United
States. They have long been incorporated in our
trade agreements and commercial treaties. In the
charter they are reaffirmed as objectives in all
cases and as rules of immediate and present be-
havior in cases wliere that is now possible. Wliere
deviation is required by the exif^encies of particu-
lar situations, the deo^ree of deviation from the
principle, and the conditions under which such
deviation will be recognized as legitimate, are
specifically laid down.
Some changes in present United States law will
be necessary for full compliance with the charter.
These changes, however, are relatively few in
number and scope. They will be pointed out in
detail to the Congress during the presentation of
the charter, and necessary legislation will be pre-
sented later.
The charter, however, recognizes that govern-
mental trade barriers and discriminations repre-
sent only part of the obstacles to increased trade
in today's economic world. It therefore goes on
to attack problems not hitherto dealt with in
broad-scale international agreement.
The charter contains the first set of interna-
tioni',1 commitments with respect to the restrictive
pnulices of private and public international car-
tels. In many cases such practices can be as
effective and as harmful to the development of in-
ternational trade as the more familiar restrictions
imposed by governments. The charter defines
these harmful practices, and contains commit-
ments by the member nations to take necessary
action according to their own constitutional and
legal systems to secure the abandonment of prac-
tices found to be injurious.
The charter contains the first set of commit-
ments by governments to guide the operation of
their state-trading enterprises. The development
of state trading has been a phenomenon of increas-
ing inii)ortance in the field of international trade.
The purpose of the charter commitments is to sub-
ject the conduct of such enterprises, as much as
possible, to the same criteria as those which nor-
mally govern the operation of private enterprises.
The charter contains the first set of interna-
tional rules with respect to the formulation and
opei-ation of intergovernmental commodity agree-
ments. Many special problems arise in the field
of primary commodities. These are often pro-
duced by large numbers of small ])ioducers and
surpluses cause widespread hardship. Price fluc-
tuations can be and often are violent.
Intergovernmental action is frequently required
to assist in dealing with such problems. In the
past such action has normally been by agreement
only of the producing countries. The charter,
among other things, M-ould require that in any
such agreement consuming countries will have an
equal voice with producing countries, a new re-
quirement for commodity agreements.
The charter contains provisions for consultation
between members with respect to their use of sub-
sidies, with a view to limitation of such u.se when
it proves to be harmful to otiier nations* interests.
The charter recognizes the importance to inter-
national trade of a high and stable level of de-
mand in the member countries. The reduction of
barriers to international trade will be of little
avail if there is no demand for the products of
international trade. The full realization of de-
mand for the products of international trade can-
not be achieved if there are unnecessary barriers to
the exchange of such products. These are two
sides of the same coin. In the charter, member
countries would commit themselves to use their
best efforts according to their own constitutional
procedures, such as our Employment Act of 1946,
to achieve and maintain within their borders full
and productive employment.
Finally, the charter recognizes the fundamental
importance of the economic development of under-
developed countries. Vast areas of the world are
in very early stages of economic and industrial de-
velopment, resources are not fully utilized, poverty
is widespread, starvation and disease are ever
present. Such conditions provide no basis for
economic progi-ess or political stability. They are
fertile breeding grounds for discontent and un-
rest.
It is to the common interest of all nations to see
such areas brought to a higher stage of economic
development. This can be done by the efforts of
the people and governments of the areas them-
selves, by the efforts of private industry, agi'icul-
ture, and labor in other countries, by the help of
other governments, and by the help of interna-
tional agencies. Therefore, the charter contains
provisions designed to facilitate the flow of tech-
nological information and private capital into
areas which need and can use them and. at the
same time, to safeguard those areas against abuses
of foreign investment which have unhappily taken
place in the past.
These provisions of the charter were of deep
and primary concern to a large number of the
countries represented at Habana. They are of
concern to the United States also. For it is in this
area that the United States and other highly in-
dustrialized and developed countries can make a
great contribution to the sound development of
other nations and, at the same time, to our own
prosperity.
The Exceptions in the Charter
Tiie cliarter is designed as a set of princii)les to
be observed in action. It is not just a set of tempo-
rary rules to meet the present abnormal and emer-
gency economic situation. It is designed also for
the longer term. It will represent agreement as to
future objectives as well as to the rules for today's
action.
Many of the commitments, such as those dealing
with negotiations for the reduction of tariffs and
elimination of preferences, the abolition of dis-
criminatory internal taxes and regulations, the
Department of State Bulletin
simplification and publication of customs regula-
tions, the negotiation and operation of commodity
agreements, the limitation of the restrictive prac-
tices of cartels, and others, can be, and must be,
immediately and fully lived up to.
Other commitments cannot, in the postwar eco-
nomic world, be fully lived up to by all countries
immediately.
For example, the members of the Ito will com-
mit themselves to abandon the use of quantitative
restrictions. But during the postwar transition
period, it is inescapably necessary for many, if
not most, countries to budget their foreign pur-
chases. Therefore, the charter provides that when
countries are in real balance-oi-payments difficul-
ties thej' may use quantitative restrictions to limit
their expenditures of foreign exchange. When the
circumstances which the charter recognizes as
justifying the use of such restrictions have been
corrected, members are committed to abandon
them.
Under certain circumstances, countries in the
process of economic development may have legiti-
mate need to use restrictive measures, which would
otherwise be prevented by the charter, for the de-
velopment of new industry. Hence, the charter
provides certain cases in which this may be done,
provided the organization is satisfied that care-
fully specified conditions, agreed to by all the
members, have been met.
Under certain circumstances, a tariif rate ne-
gotiated under the commitment of members to ne-
gotiate for the reduction of their tariffs may cause
or threaten unexpected injury to a domestic
industry. The charter provides that under such
circumstances the country granting that conces-
sion may withdraw or modify it to the extent
necessary to prevent such injury. This provision
is patterned on the escape clause which the United
States includes in trade agreements negotiated
under the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act.
Under certain circumstances, it has been neces-
sary for governments to intervene to prevent the
disastrous effects of surpluses of agricultural
products by programs restricting domestic pro-
duction or marketing. In such cases it would be
unfair for imports to be exempt from control, and
they could be limited.
Considerations of national security at times re-
quire measures which would not conform to the
general principles which would normally be ap-
plied under the charter. An exception is, there-
fore, provided to permit action to be taken by
member countries necessary for their national
security.
Without exceptions of this kind, members of
the organization, ourselves included, could not ac-
cept the commitments of the charter. The excep-
tions are carefully defined and are agreed to by all.
Their use is subject to scrutiny by the organiza-
tion. Their abuse is subject to complaint by the
members.
May 8, 7949
Structure and Functions of the Organization
The International Trade Organization would
be a specialized agency of the United Nations.
As such, it would enter into relationship with the
Economic and Social Council of the United Na-
tions and with the other specialized agencies in
order to insure coordinated action and to avoid
duplication of activities and functions.
The structure of the organization itself is simple.
It will have a Conference composed of all the mem-
ber nations which will be its fundamental govern-
ing body. The Conference will meet periodically,
but at least once a year.
The executive functions of the organization will
be vested in an Executive Board of eighteen
countries, of which eight must be nations of chief
economic importance as determined by the Con-
ference. This {provision insures a permanent seat
for the United States on the Executive Board.
Other nations likely to have permanent seats under
this test will be the United Kingdom, France,
the Benelux Customs Union, and Canada.
Each member country will have one vote in the
Conference and on the Executive Board. De-
cisions of the Conference and of the Executive
Board will be by majority vote, except in certain
cases where a two-thirds vote is required.
The organization will have a Director General,
to be appointed by the Conference on recommen-
dation of the Executive Board, who will be re-
sponsible for its day-to-day activities under the
direction and supervision of the Executive Board.
With one exception relating to the discrimina-
tory application of i-estrictions for balance-of-
payments reasons the organization will have no
power to require any member to take any specific
action. It will have the power to decide whether
a member has lived up to its commitments under
the charter. If it finds that the member has not
lived up to a given commitment, it Jiiay release
other members from certain of their charter obli-
gations to that member, which, if not satisfied
with this decision, maj' in most cases withdraw
from the organization on sixty days' notice.
Decisions of the conference of the organization
may be referred to the International Court of
Justice for legal opinion.
The organization will provide a forum where
problems may be discussed and conflicting in-
terests reconciled. It provides a means of bring-
ing to bear upon a given problem the force of
international public opinion. It provides a means
of developing, on a case-by-case basis, interna-
tional precedents in the field of economic and
commei'cial relations.
The organization will provide a means for the
accumulation and dissemination of trade statistics
and information about trade practices of govern-
ment, e. g., customs regulations, etc., which can
be of great service to businessmen.
The organization will be empowered to make
studies in various fields, for example, standardiza-
tion, uniformity, and simplification of customs
regulations. It can be a means for the collection
and dissemination of technological information.
The expenditures of the organization are to be
met by contributions from the members. These
contributions are to be apportioned among the
members in accordance with a scale fixed by the
Conference following such principles as may be
applied by the United Nations. Should the United
Nations place a maximum limit on the propor-
tionate contribution to its budget by any one
member, the same limit is to be applied to con-
tributions to the organization.
Place of the ITO in the Structure of International
Cooperation
It is ujipiirent that the economic problems fac-
ing us today cannot be solved by any one nation,
or any few "nations, but must be tackled by many
nations working together.
We arc committed to unfaltering support of the
United Nations. We have participated in the
building and ostablishmcnt of the International
Monetary Fund to deal with the problems of inter-
national exchange. The purpose of the Fund is
to promote by international action reasonable
stability and convertibility of currencies. Clearly,
trade must be brought into balance if currencies
are ever to be and remain stable. Kegulation of
exchange controls is futile if nations are free to
use quantitative restrictions instead. To solve the
problems of international trade, international
cooperation with respect to exchange controls and
currency valuation must go hand in hand with
international cooperation with respect to other
forms of trade barriei-s and the expansion of
demand in international trade.
We have participated in the building and opera-
tion of the International Bank for Reconstruction
and Development. AVe are interested in foreign
private investment. Clearly, loans cannot be re-
paid or earnings on investments received if inter-
national trade is not fostered and freed.
International cooperation in provision of capital
must go hand in hand with international coopera-
tion in the development of the kind of conditions
in which capital can exercise its catalytic and
constructive influence.
We are playing a tremendous part in the great
work of European recovery. In the development
of the European Recovery Program there has been
consistent recognition of the vital importance of
increased trade. The participating countries have
pledged themselves to cooperate to reduce trade
barriers and expand trade in accord with the
principles of the draft charter for an International
Trade Organization. Similar pledges are re-
peated in the Convention for European Economic
Cooperation.
Section 115 (b) (3) of the Economic Coopera-
tion Act requires the inclusion in the bilateral aid
agreements between each of the participating
countries and the United States a general under-
taking to cooperate in facilitating and stimulating
an increasing interchange of goods and services
and in reducing barriers to trade. In accord with
this Congressional mandate a provision to this
effect was included in the bilateral aid agreements
witli the participating countries.
The European Recovery Program is designed to
help put the European countries on their feet.
The Ito charter provides principles and rules of
trade which if followed over the long term will
give them the best chance of staying on their feet,
riie problem is one of markets as much at it is
one of production. Our investment in the Euro-
pean Recovery Program can be fully realized only
if the participating countries are able and willing
to adopt trade policies which will foster multi-
lateral, nondiscriminatorj-, and expanding inter-
national trade, rather than policies of bilateralism,
discrimination, limitation, and control. Wide ac-
ceptance of the charter throughout the world
would mean that many other nations besides those
in Western Europe would be marching in the same
direction and with the same purpose.
AVe are deeply interested in assisting in the de-
velopment of underdeveloped areas of the world.
We hope to see these areas develop under political
and economic institutions in which human dignity
and freedom can be preserved. In particular, we
hope to increase the international flow of technical
knowledge. This is not something which we can,
or would wish, to do alone. Other nations have
great reservoirs of knowledge and experience
which they too can, and will be glad to, share.
The International Trade Organization will be one
means whereby resources of knowledge may be
pooled and directed to the areas and projects
where they can be most constructive.
Conclusion
Thus, the International Trade Organization,
like the other specialized agencies of the United
Nations, is part of a pattern — the pattern of the
groat majority of a community of nations co-
ojierating together in various fields of the com-
munity's life to provide the services which the
community needs.
Department of State Bulletin
Steps Taken for Safety of Americans in Lower Yangtze Valley
NOTICE BY U.S. CONSULATE GENERAL
[Released to the press April 26]
The following announcement to American citi-
zens was issued by the U.S. Consulate General in
Shanghai on April 25, pursuant to the Department
of State authorization and consultation with
Achiiiral Badger:
As pointed out in the statement issued by the
Consultate General on April 23, the recent inci-
dents on the Yangtze require a reappraisal of the
plans which have been made for the evacuation of
Americans to points of safety in the event that
conditions in Slianghai should become so hazard-
ous as to make this appear to be desirable. The
commanding officer of the American naval forces
stationed at Shanghai, pursuant to this reappraisal
and to his instructions not to become involved in
China's fratricidal civil war, is shortly moving
his heavy units from close anchorages in the
Wliangpoo to the lower Yangtze.
Contact will be maintained by small craft
between Shanghai and the naval units in the lower
Yangtze as long as this proves feasible.
American citizens desiring safe haven aboard
American naval units will be processed at the
American Consulate General starting immediately
and will then be received at the U.S. Naval Annex,
627 Yangtzepoo Road. The evacuation unit of
the American Consulate General is being re-
activated today. Citizens taking advantage of
this facility will appreciate that no guarantee can
be given that they will be permitted to land again
by the local authorities. The Consulate General
will of course continue to function.
Citizens taking advantage of these facilities will
realize that accommodations although adequate
may not be comfortable. Those not desiring or
not able to return to Shanghai will be routed on-
ward by commercial shipping or to Hong Kong
or Japan for further routing. Amei-ican citizens
will appreciate that when these facilities are no
longer available no further facilities of any kind
can be provided by the American authorities for
the protection of American citizens in Shanghai
and they must be prepared to remain here.
Citizens may wish to check whether commercial
facilities are available either on ships or planes.
The Consulate General will have the latest in-
formation available regarding such facilities.
Attention is invited to the fact that additional
space has been made available in the President
Wilson due to depart April 27.
AMBASSADOR STUART INSTRUCTED TO RE-
PORT TO WASHINGTON
[Released to the press April 25]
Ambassador J. Leighton Stuart has remained
in Nanking during the take-over of the city by
Chinese Communists, as have the chiefs of most
other diplomatic missions. Before the Chinese
Communist army occupied the city. Ambassador
Stuart received instructions that when he con-
siders it advisable, after assuring himself regard-
ing the safety and welfare of the American com-
munity in the lower Yangtze Valley area, he is
to come to Washington for consultations.
PUBLICATIONS
Department of State
For sale hy the Superintendent of Documents, Oovemment
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European Unity. European and Britisli Commonwealtli
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Address by John Foster Dulles, U.S. Delegate to the
Third Session of the General Assembly, Paris, Nov
18, 1948.
Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance. Trea-
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Between the United States and Other American Re-
publics—Opened for signature at Rio de Janeiro Sept.
2, 1947 ; entered into force Dec. 3, 1948.
May 8, 1949
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Occupation Matters Paee
Consular Services for German Nationals.
By Walter J. Marx 575
The Current Situtation in Germany:
• Address by Secretary Acheson 585
Agreement on Tripartite Controls for
Western Germany 689
Understanding on Wilrttemberg-Baden
Plebiscite 590
Agreement Regarding Port of Kehl . . . 590
Three Power Responsibilities on Estab-
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Informal Conversations on* Berlin Block-
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International Authority for the Ruhr
Established . . . ■ 592
Jurisdiction of U.S. Courts re Suits for
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The United Nations and
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U.N. Documents: A Selected Bibliography . 578
Promotion of International Political Co-
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Austin 579
Reply to the U.S.S.R. Regarding the Italian
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Dulles 581
The United States in the United Nations . . 684
Treaty Information Paee
The North Atlantic Treaty and the Role of
the Military Assistance Program. State-
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President Truman Transmits North Atlantic
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Charter Proposing an International Trade
Organization Transmitted to the Senate:
President Truman's Mes.sage to the Con-
gress 601
Memorandum for the President From the
Secretary of State 602
General Policy
Steps Taken for Safety of Americans in
Lower Yangtze Valley:
Notice by U.S. Consulate General .... 607
Ambassador Stuart Instructed To Report
to Washington 603
international information and
Cultural Affairs
Research and Teaching Opportunities in
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Tlie Congress
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Office of Controls in the Department of State.
^^m^s^mm^m^m^
^ne/ zl)eAa>^^i^nie/rit /w tfv^
rOLATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN BUL-
GARIA, HUNGARY, AND RUIVIANIA:
Statements by Secretary Acheson and
Benjamin V. Cohen 611
ECONOMIC POLICY AND THE ITO
CHARTER • Address by Secretary Acheson . 623
INTERNATIONAL RECLAMATIONS AND
THE PEACE SETTLEMENTS • By Jack
Tate 627
RESTRICTIONS BETWEEN ZONES OF
OCCUPATION IN GERMANY AND
BERLIN LIFTED 631
Vol. XX, No. 515
May 15, 1949
For complete contents see back cover
11. S. SUPERII.TtNDENr bf t/wtuMtCli
JUN 9 1949
*.a/^^y^. bulletin
Vou XX, No. 515 • Publication 3503
May 15, 1949
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Violation of Human Riglits in Bulgaria, Hungary, and Rumania
STATEMENT BY SECRETARY ACHESON
[Released to the press May 4]
This Government has now received replies from
Bulgarici, Hungary, and Rumania rejecting the
charges, made in our notes of April 2, that these
three Governments were violating the articles of
the respective peace treaties concerning human
rights and fundamental freedoms. In their re-
plies, they accuse the United States, in making
these charges, of attempting to interfere in their
affairs. This argument is clearly not valid, since
the protection of human rights is an international
obligation assumed by these Governments when
they signed the peace treaties and not a matter
of purely domestic jurisdiction. The Bulgarian,
Hungarian, and Rumanian notes make other ac-
cusations against the United States which are both
false and not germane to the issue of violation of
human rights ; for example, all three Governments
accuse the United States of supporting Fascist
elements in those countries.
Receipt of these three notes confirms the exist-
ence of "disputes" concerning the execution and
interpretation of the treaties. The treaties them-
selves (article 36 of the Bulgarian treaty, 40 of
the Hungarian treaty, and 38 of the Rumanian
treaty) provide specific procedures for the settle-
ment of disputes. The Department is consulting
with interested signatory governments with a view
to proceeding under the provisions of these arti-
cles (United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and
New Zealand with respect to Hungary and Ru-
mania; United Kingdom, Australia, and New
Zealand with respect to Hungary, Rumania, and
Bulgaria ; Canada was not a signatory of the Bul-
garian treaty). The procedure calls for, first, re-
sort to the three heads of mission (American,
British, and Soviet) in each capital. If they do
not reach agreement within two months, each dis-
pute shall be referred to a commission composed
of one representative of each party and a third
member selected by mutual agreement of the two
parties ; should they fail to agree within a period
of one month on the appointment of a third mem-
ber, the Secretary-General of the United Nations
may be requested by either party to make the ap-
pointment. These commissions, according to the
treaty, can take binding decisions by majority
vote.
The United Nations General Assembly ap-
proved last Saturday, by a vote of 34 to 6, a reso-
May 15, 1949
lution expressing serious concern over the charges
made against Hungary and Bulgaria and express-
ing the hope that measures taken under the peace
treaties would be diligently applied in order to
insure respect for human rights and fimdamental
freedoms. This resolution is an indication of gen-
eral support througliout the world for the action
we have initiated under the peace treaties. The
six votes cast against the resolution were those of
the Soviet bloc.
Benjamin V. Cohen's speech made at Lake Suc-
cess during the Assembly discussion on this sub-
ject on April 18 clearly sets forth our views on the
possibilities and benefits of international action
in this field and of the American concept of a free
society tolerant of dissent in contrast to the police
state which suppresses all independent opinion.^
STATEMENT BY BENJAMIN V. COHEN'
The resolution now before the Assembly deals
with the important question of human rights and
fundamental freedoms in Bulgaria and in
Hungary. Before putting this question on the
agenda, the Assembly debated and decided its
own competence to discuss it. The Ad Hoc
Political Committee, to which the Assembly re-
ferred the item, also gave the issue of competence
full attention. There is, therefore, no need to
reargue this issue now.
In the Ad Hoc Political Committee, the dele-
gates expressed the views and sentiments of their
respective governments and peoples in regard to
this question of human rights in Bulgaria and
Hungary, with special reference to the recent
trials of the church leaders in these countries.
The views and sentiments expressed reveal tha
widespread anxiety, profound concern, and in-
tense feeling that the recent trials have aroused
throughout the world.
A number of delegations, including my own,
made serious charges of systematic suppression of
civil rights in Bulgaria and Hungary. In the
treaties of peace, the Governments of these two
former enemy states undertook a solemn interna-
tional obligation to safeguard the human rights
and fundamental freedoms of all persons within
their jurisdiction. In the view of the Government
• Bulletin of Apr. 10, 1949, p. 450, and May 1, 1949,
p. 556.
' Made before the General Assembly on Apr. 28, 1949,
and released to the press by the U.S. Mission to the United
Nations on the same date.
611
of the United States, as our delegation pointed out
in the Committee, in eacli of these countries a
similar pattern of action lias been followed. A
minority group has seized the instrumentalities of
government through force and intimidation and
maintained itself in power througli suppression of
every one of the human rights and fundamental
freedoms which these states have solemnly under-
taken to observe in the treaties of peace. There
is evidence of a clear design on the part of these
governments to eliminate the leaders of political
parties and the leaders of religious groups who
have refused to subordinate themselves and to use
their influence to subordinate their followers to
the dictates of the Communist Party. Making
all due allowances for legitimate differences of
ojiinion as to the appropriate scope of civil and
religious fi'eedoms, wo cannot see that any sub-
stantive civil or religious freedom can survive in
these countries, if the shabbiest sort of excuse suf-
fices to liquidate political and religious leaders
who refuse to accept and support the prevailing
totalitarianism. These leaders have been driven
from office and brought to trial on the pretext that
they have violated national laws. Actually there
is good reason to believe that they are being perse-
cuted and imprisoned not for the offenses with
which they have been charged, but because their
governments have decided to liquidate them as
sources of independent opinion.
We cannot accept the proposition that under the
guise of dissolving Fascist or subversive organiza-
tions the Governments of Bulgaria and Huncary
are entitled to suppress the expression of views
that are displeasing to the ruling groups. While
we do not question the right of a state to protect
itself from those who endeavor to overthrow the
state by force and violence, this right does not
justify the suppression of all efforts to seek changes
by peaceful means. It is not enough for a state
to keep the outward forms of religious worship
intact while absorbing the churches into the state
and using them for its own political purposes.
The United States Delegation reiterates its
denial of the charges made that the United States
in some way conspired with the persons accused in
Bulgaria and Hungary. We repudiate these
charges as baseless and absurd. The United
States has endeavored to maintain friendly rela-
tions with these countries and their people but
has not attempted to interfere in their internal
affairs or to disturb friendly relations between
these countries and other powers. Moreover, as
a signatory to the treaties of peace, the United
States has assumed definite responsibilities in rela-
tion to Bulgaria and Hungary.
The United States believes in an open world
and repudiates the idea that any country or people
who are friendly to us must be hostile to any other
country. It is strange that those who profess to
bo opposed to the division of the world into hostile
blocs insist upon regarding any interest on our
part, however legitimate, towards countries
friendly to them as hostile and conspiratorial.
Those who profess to want a friendly, peaceful
world should act in a peaceful, friendly spirit.
They should not seek refuge in an artificial and
self-imposed isolation which makes them see a
plot in every effort to maintain friendly inter-
coui-se with them.
In preparing a I'esolution for the consideration
by the Assembly, the Ad Hoc Political Committee
made a special and, I think, a commendable effort
to obtain an agi'eement on the collective expres-
sion of concern regarding the events in Bulgaria
and Hungary in such a way as to avoid aggravat-
ing differences and making more difficult construc-
tive, remedial action. The Committee has en-
deavored to facilitate and encourage clarification
of the issues and the safeguarding of human rights
and fundamental freedoms under the available
treaty procedures. In its proposed resolution,
the Committee has not only shown great self-re-
straint but has acted in conformity with the
Charter concept of the United Nations as a center
for harmonizing the actions of nations in the at-
tainment of common ends.
The proposed resolution takes into account that
on entering into the highly important but delicate
field of human rights and fundamental freedoms,
even when the question, as the one before us, in-
volves clear international obligations under a
treaty, the task of the Assembly is not only to make
recommendations correct in principle, but to make
recommendations that will, in fact, further and
not retard the i)ractical realization of its objective.
Let us therefore consider just what the pending
resolution proposes. First, it declares that one ot
the purposes of the Charter is to achieve inter-
national cooperation in promoting and encourag-
ing respect for human rights and fundamental
freedoms for all, without distinction as to race,
sex, language, or religion. Surely there can or
should be no difference among us as to this objec-
tive, which is clearly and expressly stated in the
Charter.
Second, the pending resolution takes note of the
serious charges that have been made regarding the
violation of human rights and fundamental free-
doms in Bulgaria and Hungary and expresses the
deep concern of the Assembly therein. Certainly
it cannot be denied that some countries, including
my own, have made serious charges in respect to
the violation of the human rights clauses of the
peace treaties, or that there is deep and profound
concern throughout the world in these charges
that civil liberties and fundamental freedoms have
been suppressed in Central and Eastern Europe.
There are a few states which have denied that there
is sound reason for this concern, but they have
scarcely tried to deny that this concern does exist.
Third, the resolution takes note of the steps ■
taken to invoke the treaty procedures and ex- ■
presses the hope that measures will be taken under ■
Deparfment of State Bulletin
the treaty to insure respect for human rights and
fundamental freedoms. Here again it is not sub-
ject to dispute that steps have been taken to in-
voke the treaty procedures. And even the states
which have most strongly opposed any action by
the Assembly in this matter have themselves
pointed to the treaty procedures as providing the
proper and appropriate measures for determining
the facts and securing compliance with the
human rights provisions under the peace treaties.
Fourth, the resolution draws the attention of
the Governments of Bulgaria and Hungary to
their obligations under the treaties, including the
obligation to cooperate in the settlement of these
questions. Certainly there should be no objection
to the Assembly urging a settlement of issues of
world-wide concern through means already as-
sented to by these countries.
Fifth, and finally, the resolution reserves the
right of the Assembly to consider this subject
further at its next session, a right which the As-
sembly clearly has in any event and a right for the
exercise of which there should be no occasion if
all parties concerned cooperate in carrying out
the procedures in the treaties as they have obli-
gated themselves to do.
The resolution before us proposed by Bolivia,
and supported by a large majority of the Ad Hoc
Political Committee in the hope of encouraging
an honest effort on the part of all concerned to
secure respect for human rights and fundamental
freedoms in these countries, deserves wholehearted
acceptance by the Assembly. The United States
Delegation believes and hopes that the serious and
painstaking efforts of the Committee to avoid any
prejudgment on the outcome of the procedures to
be followed under the peace treaties should not
only facilitate the can-ying out of the treaty pro-
cedures but should go far to secure the greatest
possible support for the resolution in the Assembly.
So far as the United States Government is con-
cerned, we shall regard it as a duty to carry
through the procedures set forth in the peace
treaties. AVe are prepared to do everything within
our power to establish the facts and responsibili-
ties, to secure a full and fair hearing of the charges
which have been made, and to achieve some real
guarantee of respect for human rights and funda-
mental freedoms in these former enemy countries.
To these and other European nations, four years
ago, the three war leaders of the United Nations —
Stalin, Churchill, and Roosevelt, solemnly pledged
that freedom would be restored; not to their
former rulers and not to a new set of rulers but
to these peoples themselves. The human rights
clauses were inserted in the peace treaties in ac-
cordance with the recommendation previously
made by the Economic and Social Council of the
United Nations. Under the Charter we have all
committed ourselves to promote respect for and
observance of human rights and fundamental
freedoms.
May IS, J949
In carrying out these pledges, we can do much
to regain in peace the unity that bound us together
in war. We united in war to preserve freedom
from tyranny. Unity in peace can be maintained
only on the basis of freedom. In this diversified
woi'ld, where men and nations cherish difl'erent
ideas and different ways of life, men and nations
can find unity and peace only in learning tolerance
for ideas and ways of life which they cannot and
will not share. Men may be imprisoned and put
to death, but force and suppression cannot crush
men's faiths and ideas. Deviation and error need
not be feared where faith and reason are free to
combat them.
We cannot build a friendly, peaceful world
simply by calling those with whom we differ war-
mongers, imperialists, traitors, spies, or Fascists.
Name calling and abuse are not effective instru-
ments of wise statesmanship.
If we wish a friendly, peaceful world, we must
establish conditions which make for a friendly,
peaceful world. There cannot be a friendly, peace-
ful world when individuals are not free peacefully
to communicate their own thoughts and freely to
practice their own religion under the guidance of
their chosen spiritual leaders. If we wish to pre-
serve the common interest of all people in peace,
we must safeguard the human rights and funda-
mental freedoms which are cherished by all men
in all nations. Let us find peace, unity, and free-
dom for all in our common humanity, in the uni-
versal brotherhood of man.
TEXTS OF RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED BY THE
GENERAL ASSEMBLY
U.N. doc. A/851
Adopted Apr. 30, 1949
The General Assembly,
Considering that one of the purposes of the
United Nations is to achieve international co-oper-
ation in promoting and encouraging respect for
human rights and fundamental freedoms for all,
without distinction as to race, sex, language or
religion.
Considering that the Governments of Bulgaria
and Hungary have been accused, before the Gen-
eral Assembly, of acts contrary to the purposes of
the United Nations and to their obligations under
the Peace Treaties to ensure to all persons within
their respective jurisdictions the enjoyment of
human rights and fundamental freedoms,
1. Expresses its deep concern at the gi'ave accusa-
tions made against the Governments of Bulgaria
and Hungary regarding the suppression of human
rights and fundamental freedoms in those
countries ;
2. Notes with satisfaction that steps have been
taken by several States signatories to the Peace
Treaties with Bulgaria and Hungary regarding
these accusations, and expresses the hope that
measures will be diligently applied, in accordance
with the Treaties, in order to ensure respect for
human rights and fundamental freedoms;
3. Most ukokntly draws tlie attention of the Gov-
ernments of Bulgaria and Hungary to their obli-
gations under the Peace Treaties, including the
obligation to co-operate in the settlement of all
these questions;
4. DecklPH to retain the question on the agenda of
the fourth regular session of the General Assembly
of the United Nations.
U.N. doc. A/842
Adopted Apr. 25, 1949
The General Assembly,
CoNSiDEHiNT. the item pro])osed by Chile on
"violation by the Union of Soviet Socialist Re-
publics of fundamental human rights, traditional
diplomatic practices and other principles of the
Charter", which violation has consisted in prevent-
ing the Soviet wives of citizens of other nationali-
ties from leaving tlieir country with their hus-
bands or in order to join them abroad, even when
they are married to persons belonging to foreign
diplomatic missions, or to members of their fami-
lies or retinue,
Ct>NsiDERiNG that in the iiieamble to the Charter
of the United Nations all the signatory countries
resolved "to re-affirm faith in fundamental human
rights, in the dignity and worth of tlie human per-
son, in the equal rights of men and women . . .",
Considering that Article 1, paragraph 3, of the
Charter binds all Memlters to encourage "respect
for human rights and for fundamental freedoms
for all without distinction as to race, sex, language
or religion", and that in Article 55 (c) of the
Charter the Members undertook to promote "uni-
versal respect for, and observance of, human rights
and fundamental freedoms for all without dis-
tinction as to race, sex, language, or religion",
Considering, lastly, that the Economic and So-
cial Council, in pursuance of the powers conferred
upon it by Article 62, paragraph 2, of the Charter,
in its resolution 154 (VII), D, dated 23 August
1948, deplored the "legislative or administrative
provisions which deny to a woman the right to
leave her country of origin and reside with her
husband in any other" and that the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights formulated by the
United Nations General Assembly, in its Articles
13 and 16, provides that everyone has the right to
leave any country including his own and that men
and women of full age have the right to marry
without any limitation due to race, nationality or
religion.
Declares that the measures which prevent or
coerce the wives of citizens of other nationalities
from leaving their country of origin with their
husbands or in order to join them abroad, are not
in conformity with the Charter; and that when
tliose measures refer to the wives of persons be-
longing to foreign diplomatic missions, or of
members of their families or retinue, they are con-
trary to courtesy, to diplomatic practices and to
the principle of reciprocity, and are likely to im-
pair friendly relations among nations;
Recommends the Government of the Union of
Soviet Socialist Republics to withdraw the meas-
ures of such a nature which have been adopted.
Resolutions Adopted by the Trusteeship Council,
Fourth Session, 24 January to 25 March 1949
U.N. doc. TINF/O
Dated April 12 1949.
45 (IV).
46 (IV) .
47 (IV).
48 (IV) .
49 (IV).
50 (IV).
51 (IV).
614
Comments and suggestions arising
out of the di.sciussion in the Gen-
eral Assembly on the Report of
the Trusteeship Council cover-
ing its second and third sessions
(5th meetinK, 28 January 1949).
Relations with the Security Coun-
cil (46th mooting, 24" March
1919).
Collaboration with the specialized
agencies (29th meeting, 1 March
1949).
Requests for additional informa-
tion (48th meeting, 25 March
1949).
Question of racial discrimination
in Ruanda-Urundi (38th meet-
ing, 14 March 1