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I XXVIII, No. 719
April 6, 1953
U. S. AND FRANCE DISCUSS MEASURES TO PRO-
MOTE PEACE:
Text of Communique of March 28 4.91
Statements by Vice President Nixon, Secretary Dulles,
and Prime Minister Mayer ^92
INTERNATIONAL ASPECTS OF THE STATUS OF
WOMEN • Statements by Mrs. Lorena B. Hahn . . . 507
THE SOVIET ATTITUDE TOWARD THE DISARMA-
MENT PROBLEM • Statement by Ernest A. Gross . . 503
PROPOSALS FOR EXCHANGE OF SICK AND
WOUNDED PRISONERS OF WAR 494
For index see back cover
UAe
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
APR 3 0 1953
zl)e/ia/yl?n€^^ £il^ t/iale
bulletin
Vol. XXVIir, No. 719 • Publicatio> 4999
April 6, 1953
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U.S. and France Discuss Measures To Promote Peace
TEXT OF COMMUNIQUE OF MARCH 28
Press release 160 dated March 28
1. Kepresentatives of the United States and
France, meeting in Washington, today concluded
a detailed review of a wide range of problems
which face both governments in Europe, the Far
East and the Near East. Peace will always re-
main the basic policy of the United States and
France. The discussions, therefore, centered on
measures for obtaining peace where there is fight-
ing and for consolidating peace where threats
2. It was agreed, in the absence of any tangible
proof to the contrary, that recent developments m
the Soviet Union had not changed the basic nature
of the threat confronting the free world. The
representatives of both countries were in full
agreement on the necessity of concerting then-
efforts so as to defeat Communist aggression m
the Far East and to strengthen the defenses of the
free countries in the West. They remain con-
vinced that true peace can be achieved and main-
tained only by constructive efforts of all free
nations.
3. It was recognized that Communist aggres-
sive moves in the Far East obviously are parts of
the same pattern. Therefore, while the full bur-
den of the fighting in Indochina falls on the forces
of the French Union including those of the Asso-
ciated States, and similarly the United States
bears the heaviest burden in Korea, the prosecu-
tion of these operations cannot be successfully
carried out without full recognition of their inter-
dependence. This in turn requires the continua-
tion of frequent diplomatic and military consulta-
tion between the two Governments.
The French Government reasserted its resolve
to do its utmost to increase the effectiveness of the
French and Associated States forces m Indochina,
with a view to destroying the organized Com-
munist forces and to bringing peace and prosper-
ity to her free associates within the French Union,
Cambodia, Laos and Viet-Nam. The Ambassa-
dors of Viet-Nam and Cambodia were present and
participated in this phase of the discussions.
Advantage was taken of this meeting to con-
Apr// 6, 1953
tinue discussion of plans prepared by the High
Command in Indochina for military action there.
These plans are being developed with a view to
achieving success in Indochina and are being given
intensive study so as to determine how and to what
extent the United States may be able to contribute
materiel and financial support to their
achievement.
Obviously any armistice which might be con-
cluded in Korea by the United Nations would be
entered into in the hope that it would be a step
toward peace. It was the view of both Govern-
ments, however, that should the Chinese Com-
munist regime take advantage of such an armistice
to pursue aggressive war elsewhere in the Far
East, such action would have the most serious con-
sequences for the efforts to bring about peace in
the world and would conflict directly with the
understanding on which any armistice in Korea
would rest.
4. The two Governments reaffirmed their com-
mon interest in controlling together with other
nations of the free world the movement of strate-
gic materials to nations whose policies jeopardize
the peace and security of the free world. Both
Governments undertook to continue action toward
that end.
In order to render more effective the application
of the United Nations General Assembly resolu-
tion of May 18, 1951,^ the French Government
intends to take the measures necessary to prevent
a) the bunkering of ships carrying to Com-
munist China cargoes of strategic mate-
rials, and
b) the transportation by French ships of car-
goes of strategic character to ports of
Communist China.
The two Governments in cooperation with other
interested Governments will keep under constant
review the list of items embargoed to Communist
China in order to include goods whose strategic
character will have been demonstrated.
5. In their discussions on the European area,
the two Governments recognized the continuing
uro-ent need to permit a German military contri-
' Bulletin of May 28, 1951, p. 849.
491
bution to tlie defense of Europe and through the
Contractual Agreements replace the present occu-
pation regime of Germany. Both Governments
agreed on the necessity of the establishment, with
minimum delay, of the European Defense Com-
munity, which will promote sincere cooperation
between France and Germany and thus serve the
interests of the Atlantic Community as well as
advance the security and unity of Europe.
The two delegations noted with satisfaction the
agreement by the Interim Committee of the Euro-
pean Defense Community on the protocols inter-
pretative to the Treaty. For their part the repre-
sentatives of France foresaw their acceptance by
their Government.
It was recognized that this important step to-
ward ratification of the Treaty would enable rapid
progress in the Interim Committee on the tech-
nical steps preparatory to the Treaty coming into
force and thereby ensure that its benefits would
be secured as soon as possible after ratification.
The importance of a settlement of tlie question
of the Saar was recognized and it was agreed that
this should be sought at tlie earliest opportunity
on a basis which would provide a European status
for the Saar conforming to the principles of the
European Defense and the Coal and Steel Com-
munities. The French delegation explained in
detail the reasons which, in its view, justify and
render necessary a Franco-German agreement on
such a settlement prior to ratification of the Euro-
pean Defense Community Treaty.
6. The French delegation explained the eco-
nomic and budgetary implications for France of
carrying out her defense programs in Europe as
well as m the Far East.
7. The two delegations recognized that the Eu-
ropean Defense Community is to be constituted
within a constantly developing Atlantic Com-
munity.
Therefore they place great importance upon
efforts to improve the effectiveness of the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization.
This general question as well as that of the es-
sential balance between military necessities and
economic possibilities will again be considered
during the next meeting of the North Atlantic
Council in Paris on April 23.
8. The participation by France in the Euro-
pean Community alters in no way her interests
and responsibilities outside of Europe. In the
light of the world position of both nations, which
is reflected in particular in the charter of the
United Nations, the United States Government
and the Government of France will consult with
one another on general problems as occasion
demands in the future as in the past.
9. An exchange of views was also held on eco-
nomic and financial questions.
The discussions included a survey of the
budgetary position and outlook as well as a review
492
of economic developments in the United States
and in France.
The French representatives outlined their views
on the recent talks at the Organization for Euro-
pean Economic Cooperation in Paris concerning
progress toward better balanced and expanding
world trade, and the objective of convertibility of
currencies and multilateral trade and payments.
It was agreed that steps to advance this progress
would require further study by the United States,
the member countries of the Organization for
European Economic Cooperation and other
governments.
ARRIVAL OF^FRENCH MINISTERS
Press release 155 dated March 2B
Following are the texts of statements of welcome,
m/ide by Vice President Nixon and Secretary
Dulles to the French Ministers on their arrival at
the Washingtu7i National Airport on March 25,
together with the reply of Prime Minister Rene
Mayer:
Vice President Nixon
I am honored on behalf of the President and
the Government of the United States to welcome
the Prime Minister, the Foreign Minister, the
Minister for the Associated States of Indochina,
and the Finance Minister of our great sister Re-
public of France.
It is quite significant that this is the first official
visit of the Head of Government of a foreign state
since the inauguration of President Eisenhower.
It is, I think, particularly fitting that this is the
case because we all recall that the Government of
France was the first to enter into diplomatic re-
lationships with our Government during our war
of independence. It was 175 years ago during a
very bitter cold winter at Valley Forge that the
treaty of alliance and friendship between our two
countries was entered into, and since that time,
over a century and a half, our two peoples and
our two Governments have stood together in meet-
ing great crises.
Today we are confronted with great problems
in the world but we are convinced that the dis-
cussions and meetings which will take place at the
very highest level between the representatives of
our two Governments will not only assist in solv-
ing the mutual problems which confront us but
also will serve the cause of peace and freedom
throughout the world. Thank you.
Secretary Dulles
We welcome the Prime Minister of France, Mr.
Mayer, and the Ministers who accompany him.
We meet as personal friends as well as official
friends. I have long known Mr. Mayer and Mr.
Department of State Bulletin
Bidault, now the Minister of Foreign Affairs.
We resume here conversations which Mr. Stassen
and I began in Paris last month.
We meet here as representatives of two great
and friendly powers. We in the United States
respect and admire France, whose leaders vigor-
ously seized the opportunity to advance postwar
Europe toward unity and strength. Among those
leaders stands Prime Minister Mayer, a man of
vision and determination who boldly and coura-
geously fights for victories of peace in Europe and
victories of war against communism in Asia.
That is the spirit which symbolizes the France we
love and are proud to acclaim as our ally.
The Prime Minister
I Mr. Vice President, Mr. Secretary : I am deeply
moved by your very kind words, so deeply moved
that before I venture to go to my prepared state-
ment I win try from the bottom of my heart to
convey to you the appreciation and friendship
of the people of France to the sister of liberty
who in our history have always been on the same
side.
We have fought in two wars and come out on
top, and in Asia we are fighting side by side and
with our common determination and our coop-
eration we shall both see through to victory and to
peace.
And now may I turn to my statement: In the
course of the past few years, Mr. Bidault, my col-
leagues and mvself have several times enjoyed the
hospitality of this beautiful capital and we already
find a great pleasure in this same friendly atmos-
phere. As I told you in Paris a few months ago,
it will be a special privilege for us to meet Presi-
dent Eisenhower again. To the French, his name
has been, since the war, a symbol of victory and
freedom and it has more recently become also the
symbol of unity in the Atlantic community.
We will devote much time, during our visit
here, to discuss the political, economic, and mili-
tary problems this community is presently faced
with.
In this respect, we will stress our efforts to build
up a united Europe and to create the European
Defense Community (Edc). The Government I
preside has submitted the Edc treaty to the French
Parliament and has committed itself to request
its ratification. I have clearly stated the pre-
requisite conditions of this ratification.
We will likewise discuss our common problems
outside Europe. In Asia, our two countries have
unfortunately a large number of soldiers engaged
in bitter fighting against the same enemy. How
we can best defeat aggression will be an essential
part of our talks. We are confident we will, like
you in Korea, reach victory in Indochina with
the participation of the peoples of Vietnam, Laos,
and Cambodia. In many other areas of the world,
[ we also have common responsibilities or identical
April 6, 1953
duties, among which the advancement of democ-
racy and the progress of economic welfare in
underdeveloped areas occupy a prominent place.
I feel sure that our mutal understanding and
our unity of action will greatly benefit from these
consultations.
U.S. Represented on Commission
for Anglo-Egyptian Sudan Elections
The Department of State announced on March
23 (press release 154) that, in reply to requests
received from the Governments of Egypt and the
United Kingdom, the Government of the United
States has agreed to participate on the Mixed
Electoral Commission for the Anglo-Egyptian
Sudan. Warwick Perkins, a Foreign Service
career officer of class one, has been nominated
as U.S. representative on the Commission. Mr.
Perkins departed for Khartoum on March 19,
1953, and has been accorded by the President the
personal rank of Minister for the duration of his
service on this Commission.
The Anglo-Egyptian Agreement of February
12, 1953, on the Sudan provided for the election
of a Sudanese Parliament as a step toward self-
government and self-determination in that coun-
try. The election is to be supervised by a Mixed
Electoral Commission consisting of representa-
tives of the Sudan, Egypt, India, the United
Kingdom, and the United States.
Harold W. Glidden, who is at present a member
of the Department's Division of Research for the
Near East, will assist Mr. Perkins. Also a Foreign
Service officer, he formerly was attached to the
Embassy at Cairo.
President Expresses Sympatiiy
on Death of Queen Mary
White House press release dated March 24
The President on March £4, sent the following
cable to Winthrop Aldrich, tl.S. Arribassador to
the Court of St. James, for delivery to Queen
Elizabeth II:
Please extend to Her Majesty and to all the
members and peoples of the British Common-
wealth my deep personal sympathy on the passing
of Queen Mary. The hearts of all Americans go
out to Her Majesty tonight as our prayers are
extended to her, Princess Margaret and the mem-
bers of the Royal Family for the great personal
loss they have sustained. " Queen Mary was a good
and great Queen. Free peoples the world over
will mourn her loss.
D WIGHT D. Eisenhower
493
Exchange of Sick and Wounded Prisoners of War
On February "22 Gen. Mark Clark, V.N. Com-
mander in Korea, asked the North Korean and
Chinese C ommunist leaders to agree to an imme-
diate exchange of sick and woxmded prisoners of
war. The proposal was one that had heen -made
several times since the beginjiing of trnce nego-
tiations in July 1951. On March 28 the Peiping
radio broadcast the text of a reply in which the
Communist leaders expressed willingness to pro-
ceed with the repatriation of sick and wounded
prisoners and proposed resumption of the truce
negotiations which were suspended on October 8,
1952. Following are texts of the correspondence
and, of statements by Secretary Dulles and Lincoln
White, Deputy Special Assistant for Press
Relatione.
GENERAL CLARK'S LETTER
To Kim II Sung, Supreme Commander of the
Korean People's Army, and Pen<r Teh-Huai, Com-
mander of the Chinese People's Volunteers :
The Executive Committee of the League of Eed
Cross Societies, in a resolution adopted in Geneva,
Switzerland, on 1?> December 1952 called on both
sides in the Korean conflict as a gesture of good
will to take immediate action in implementing the
humanitarian provisions of the Geneva Conven-
tion by repatriating sick and wounded prisoners
of war in accordance with appropriate articles of
the Geneva Convention.
As has been repeatedly stated to you in the
course of negotiations at Panmunjom the United
Nations Command has from the very beginning
adhered scrupulously to the humanitarian provi-
sions of the Geneva Convention and in particular
has been pi'epared to carry out the provisions of
the Geneva Convention in regard to the sick and
wounded prisoners in its custody. The United
Nations Command remains ready immediately to
repatriate those seriously sick and seriously
wounded captured personnel who are fit to travel
in accordance witii provisions of Article 109 of
the Geneva Convention.
I wish to be informed whether you are prepared
for your part to proceed immediately with the re-
patriation of seriously sick and wounded capturec
personnel of the United Nations Command who
are in your hands. The United Nations Com-
mand liaison officers will be prepared to meet your
liaison officers to make necessary arrangements ■
for impartial verification of the conditions and
for the mutual exchange of such seriously sick and
wounded in accordance with the provisions oi
Article 109 of the Geneva Convention.
COMMUNISTS' REPLY '
General Mark Clark, Commander in Chief, United
Nations Command :
We received your letter, dated February 22d.
concerning the question of repatriation, with pri-
ority, of seriously sick and seriously injured
prisoners of war of both sides. The delegates for
armistice negotiations of both sides had, as a
matter of fact, reached agreement in accordance
with humanitarian principles on paragraph 53 of
the draft Korean armistice agreement.
It was solely because the Korean armistice ne-
gotiations were suspended that there was no way
to implement this agreed provision. In conse-
quence, it has not been possible, up to the present,
to repatriate seriously sick and seriously injured
prisoners of war of both sides.
Since your side now expresses readiness to apply
the provisions of the Geneva Convention to sick
and injured prisoners of war in the custody of
both sides, our side, as an expression of similar
intent, fully agrees to your side's proposal to
excliange sick and injured prisoners of war of
both sides during the period of hostilities.
This proposal could be dealt with in accordance
with the provisions of Article 109 of the Geneva
Convention.
At the same time we consider that the reasonable
settlement of the question of exchanging sick and
injured prisoners of war of both sides during the
period of hostilities should be made to lead to the
smooth settlement of the entire question of pris-
oners of war, thereby achieving an armistice in
Korea, for which peoples throughout the world
are longing.
494
Department of State Bulletin
Therefore, our side proposes that the delegates
'or armistice negotiations of both sides immedi-
ately resume the negotiations at Panmunjom.
Furthermore, our liaison officer is prepared to
neet your liaison officer to discuss and decide on
he date for resuming the negotiations.
Supreme Commander of the Korean PeopWs
\i,)iy. Kim II Sung
Commander of the Chinese People's Volunteers
Peng Teh-Htjai
STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES
['r.'vs release 159 dated March 28
For some time in the past, the U.N. Command
in Korea has been seeking an exchange of wounded
and sick prisoners of war as a humanitarian move.
These eiforts have been without result until on
February 22, 1953, that effort was resumed. It
now appears that our offer made on that date has
been accepted.
The U.S. Government hopes that this exchange
of prisoners will occur promptly and provide
relief to those who suffer and to their anxious rela-
tives and friends.
STATEMENT BY PRESS OFFICER WHITE*
[Excerpts]
The Communist message is an unconditional
acceptance of the proposal made by General Clark
on February 22 for the exchange of sick and
wounded prisoners of war who are fit to travel in
accordance with article 109 of the Geneva Con-
vention.
That article provides just that: that prisoners
of war — that is, sick and wounded prisoners of
war who are fit to travel— be permitted to go home
on a voluntary— I emphasize voluntary— basis.
Clark's letter made the specific proposal that
arrangements be made to carry this out through
the liaison officers. Therefore, this does not re-
quire a resumption of armistice negotiations by
the delegations. The acceptance of this Pow pro-
posal is an entirely separate question. . . .
Now, as I say, the precise figures will have to
be worked out between the liaison people, and on
the exchange itself Clark has full authority to go
ahead. He has had it since this offer was
made. . . .
- Made at a press and radio conference on Mar. 28.
Editob'8 Note. Following are the texts of the relevant
I articles of the Geneva Convention :
Article 109
Subject to the provisions of the third paragraph of this
Article, Parties to the conflict are bound to send back to
their own country, regardless of number or rank, seriously
wounded and seriously sick prisoners of war, after having
cared for them until they are fit to travel. In accordance
with the first paragraph of the following Article.
Throughout the duration of hostilities, Parties to the
conflict shall endeavour, with the cooperation of the neu-
tral Powers concerned, to make agreements for the accom-
modation in neutral countries of the sick and wounded
prisoners of war referred to in the second paragraph of
the following Article. They may, in addition, conclude
agreements with a view to the direct repatriation or
Internment in a neutral country of able-bodied prisoners
of war who have undergone a long period of captivity.
No sick or injured prisoner of war who is eligible for
repatriation under the first paragraph of this Article, may
be repatriated against his will during hostilities.
Article 110
The following shall be repatriated direct:
(1) Incurably wounded and sick whose mental or phy-
sical fitness seems to have been gravely diminished.
(2) Wounded and sick who, according to medical opin-
ion, are not likely to recover within one year, whose
condition requires treatment and whose mental or pnysi-
cal fitness seems to have been gravely diminished.
(3) Wounded and sick who have recovered, but whose
mental or physical fitness seems to have been gravely and
permanently diminished.
The following may be accommodated in a neutral
country :
(1) Wounded and sick whose recovery may be expected
within one vear of the date of the wound or the beginning
of the illness, if treatment in a neutral country might
increase the prospects of a more certain and speedy
(2) Prisoners of war whose mental or physical health,
according to medical opinion, is seriously threatened by
continued captivity, but whose accommodation m a neu-
tral country might remove such a threat.
The conditions which prisoners of war accommodated
in a neutral country must fulfill in order to permit their
repatriation shall be fixed, as shall likewise their status,
by agreement between the Powers concerned. In general,
prisoners of war who have been accommodated in a neu-
tral country, and who belong to the following categories,
should be repatriated:
(1) Those whose state of health has deteriorated so as
to fulfill the conditions laid down for direct repatriation ;
(2) Those whose mental or physical powers remain,
even after treatment, considerably impaired.
If no special agreements are concluded between the
Parties to the conflict concerned, to determine the cases
of disablement or sickness entailing direct repatriation
or accommodation in a neutral country, such cases shall
be settled in accordance with the principles laid down in
the Model Agreement concerning direct repatriation and
accommodation in neutral countries of wounded and sick
prisoners of war and in the Regulations concerning Mixed
Medical Commissions annexed to the present Convention.
April 6, 1953
495
Formal Diplomatic Claims Preferred Against Hungary and U. S. S. R.
for Their Conduct in 1951 Plane Case
SUMMARY OF U. S. NOTES OF MARCH 17
Press release 140 dated March 17
The U.S. Government on March 17 preferred
formal diplomatic claims against the Soviet and
Hungarian Governments on account of their con-
duct in the case of the USAF C-47 airplane 6026
and its crew who came down in Hungary on No-
vember 19, 1951. These claims were contained in
notes delivered on March 17 to the Soviet Govern-
ment by Jacob D. Beam, Charge d'Affaires ad
tntenm of the United States at Moscow, and to
tlie Hungarian Government by George M. Abbott,
Charge d'Affaires ad interim of the United States
at Budapest.^
The note directed to the Soviet Government in-
corporates, by reference, the allegations in the note
directed to the Hungarian Government, and vice
versa. The notes assert a joint and several liability
on the part of both Governments for all the dam-
age caused by them to the United States and to
the four American airmen who constituted the
crew of the airplane: Capt. Dave H. Henderson,
Capt. John J. Swift, Sgt. Jess A. Duff, and Sgt.
James A. Elam.
The notes demand payment of $637,894.15 in
damages, broken down into $98,779.29 with inter-
est at 6 percent from November 19, 1951, for the
value of the airplane, its equipment, and cargo;
$123,605.15 with interest at 6 percent from De-
cember 28, 1951, on account of the fine paid by
the U.S. Government to the Hungarian Govern-
ment under protest to obtain the release of the four
airmen ; $200,000, the amount of the damages to
the four airmen in consequence of their unlawful
detention and mistreatment, and manifest denials
ot justice concerted against them by both accused
Governments; and $215,509.67 on account of the
damages to the United States by both accused
Governments acting in concert, the notes state:
' Texts of the notes, iu pamphlet form, mav be obtained
Jo!".''°?, '" '^*' '^^'^^ "f ">" Legal Adviser, Department
of State, Washington 25, D. C.
496
The United States Government declares that the figure
of $215,509.67 . . . does not include any sum on account
of the Item of intangible injury deliberately and inten-
tionally caused the United States Government and the
Aniencan people by the wrongful actions of the Soviet
and Hungarian Governments. Such injury is not easily
calculable in money and money could not compensate for
It. The United States Government has determined there-
fore, for the present to defer the formulation of the kind
and measure of redress or other action the Soviet Govern-
ment and the Hungarian Government should take which
would be appropriate in international law and practice to
confirm the illegality of the actions directed by them
against the United States Government and the American
people.
The liability of the two Governments being joint
and several, any payments by either Government
would be considered as a credit to the account of
the other, but both remain liable to the United
States for the entire sum.
If the Soviet and Hungarian Governments, in
their reply, acknowledge indebtedness and agree
to pay damages due the United States, the U.S.
Government is prepared to present detailed evi-
dence m support of its calculations of damages
suffered and alleged. The notes conclude that in
the event that the accused Governments contest
liability they should so state, and they are notified
that the U.S. Government proposes in that event
that the disputes be presented for hearing and de-
cision in the International Court of Justice.
Since the Soviet and Hungarian Governments
have not accepted the compulsory jurisdiction of
the International Court of Justice, they are re-
quested to take the necessary steps to empower
the Court to determine the issues of fact and law
set forth in the notes. i
Notes heretofore delivered by the U.S. Govern- I
ment to the two accused Governments = were in-
tended as preliminary to the preference by the
United States of formal diplomatic claims. The
' Bulletin of Dec. 22, 1952, pp. 981-984 ; iftid., Jan 12,
1953, pp. 51-52; and »6irf., Feb. 16, 1953, pp. 258-259.
Deporfmenf of %iaie Bullef'm
preliminary notes gave both Governments ade-
quate opportunity to return the plane and its
equipment and cargo which they had unlawfully
seized, to disclose evidence in their possession
,bearing on the incident, and to provide justifica-
'tion, if any existed, for the actions which they
took. Both Governments failed or declined to
make responsive or satisfactory replies or to pro-
vide any of the material requested. Thereupon
the liability of both Governments for acts of con-
certed and deliberate international wrong to the
four airmen and to the United States became
legally absolute.
The notes delivered on March 17 set out in con-
siderable detail, for the first time, the essential
facts which an intensive investigation by the U.S.
Government since the incident occurred has dis-
closed, and which the U.S. Government "is pi'e-
pared to prove in an appropriate forum by evi-
dence." The violations both of international law
and existing treaty obligations, of which the
Soviet and Hungarian Governments are guilty,
are also set out.
The notes show the flight of C^7 6026 from
Erding, Germany, on November 19, 1951, was
solely for the purpose of delivering air freight
to the American air attache at Belgrade; that the
airplane was blown off course by winds whose di-
rection and velocity were unknown to the crew;
that the plane unknown to the crew flew north of
course to Rumania; that, therefore, being unable
to descend at Belgrade the crew turned westward
to return to their base; and that unwittingly they
crossed the Hungarian border.
The notes assert further that the crew, finding
they were lost, in darkness, and running low in
fuel, made every effort to obtain assistance from
persons on the ground; that the Soviet and
Hungarian authorities knowing these facts delib-
erately withheld assistance and then, by pre-
arrangement, when the airplane was a few minutes
from the safety of the British Zone of Austria, a
Soviet fighter craft brought the plane down at
what turned out to be a Soviet-controlled field near
Papa, Hungary. It is asserted that the crew at no
time knew that they were overflying any country
but Yugoslavia and thought they had landed in
Yugoslavia when they came down at 6 :00 p. m. on
the evening of November 19, 1951.
The note to the Soviet Government then details
the various illegal actions taken by the Soviet
authorities against the men, such as their seizure
and detention, refusal to notify the U.S. Govern-
ment that the plane had come down safely on
Hungarian soil and was in Soviet custody, causing
the United States to spend large sums in fruitless
search ; although the men truthfully answered all
questions put to them, the Soviet authorities de-
ceived them into believing that they would be freed
but refused them access to American officials in
Hungary and then turned them over to Hungarian
authorities. Both notes point out that the Soviet
Government had no authority whatever to turn
the men or the plane over to Hungarian authori-
ties, and assert that the Soviet Government re-
mains liable for the seizure and conversion of the
airplane and its contents.
The legal authority of the Soviet Government to
exercise sovereignty in Hungary is flatly denied.
Asserting that the Soviet Government and the
Hungarian Government aided and abetted each
other in the events that took place from November
19 on, the note to the Soviet Government specifies
various false statements made by the Soviet Gov-
ernment on this subject, particularly those by the
Soviet Foreign Office and by the Soviet Foreign
Minister Andrei Y. Vyshinsky in the course of
debates in the U.N. General Assembly at Paris in
December 1951 and January 1952. Point by point,
the United States demonstrates the falsity of the
statements made by Vyshinsky and states that
these statements were known to the Soviet Govern-
ment to be false when they were made.
The note to the Hungarian Government sets
forth in detail the actions which the Hungarian
Government took against the men after they were
turned over to Hungarian custody. It details the
acts of deception and fraud against the four air-
men, and recounts in detail the star-chamber pro-
ceedings against the men on trumped-up charges
by a military court in Budapest.
The recitals show that the men were placed on
trial without warning, without a chance to choose
counsel or to prepare a defense or to understand
the charges. The trial is shown to have been re-
plete not only with violations of international law
but with violations of clear provisions of Hun-
garian domestic law and procedure. The note
characterizes as false, and as known by the Hun-
garian Government to be false, various statements
which the Hungarian Government has made with
respect to the trial, including those made in the
Hungarian Government's most recent notes to the
United States on this subject, the latest being
February 9, 1953.
The note to the Hungarian Government further
points out that the judgment of the military court
fining the airmen 360,000 forints (over $30,000)
each was without any justification even by any
provision of Hungarian law. As further evi-
dence of the true motives of the two Governments,
the note discloses the violation by the Hungarian
Government of three existing written agreements
between the United States and Hungary by which
the U.S. Government had the right to call on the
Hungarian Government to provide local currency
to the United States for expenditures in Hungary
out of a large dollar balance then due to the U.S.
Government from the Hungarian Government.
The Hungarian Government arbitrarily de-
manded that the United States pay U.S. dollars
from sources outside of Hungary on account of
the fine, although the fine was levied in local cur-
April 6, J 953
497
rency. The note charges that nevertheless the
United States paid the dollars demanded, under
protest, and points out that if the United States
had not paid, the two accused Governments plan-
ned to turn the men over for trials in Rumania
and perhaps other Soviet-controlled areas.
The motives of the accused Governments are
related to a Soviet propaganda campaign in the
General Assembly of the United Nations meeting
in Paris, and to a purpose of extorting dollars
from the United States and of converting to their
own use the i^jnerican airplane and its contents.
The notes say :
The actions of the Soviet and Hungarian Governments
with reference to this matter coincided in time with the
meeting of the General Assembly of the United Nations
in Paris. The Soviet Government, in prearranged concert
with its allies (including the Hungarian Government),
in and out of the United Nations, were engaged in a
campaign of propaganda and vilification against the
United States, seeking to make it appear that the United
States Government had embarked on a program of sub-
version of the Soviet and allied governments under the
authority of the Mutual Security Act enacted by the
United States Congress. The United States Government
believes, and asserts, that this campaign was intended by
the_ Soviet Government to divert the minds of the inter-
national public and the member governments of the United
Nations, then meeting in Paris, from the systematic oper-
ations of international subversion of estai)lished govern-
ments and social institutions throughout the world, and
other misconduct, carried on by the Soviet Government
and its allies, overtly and secretly.
Largely unsuccessful in this campaign, the Soviet and
Hungarian Governments in concert seized upon the for-
tuitous and wholly innocent presence, within their physi-
cal power, of four American airmen whom they had
caused to come down in Hungary and be detained "there,
in order to provide so-called evidence to prove the Soviet
and Soviet-allied propaganda charges against the United
States. Knowing at all times that the charges against
the airmen, as against the United States, were false and
unfounded and that a free and open hearing or investiga-
tion according to the practice of civilized and honorable
governments would demonstrate the falsity of these
charges the Soviet and Hungarian Governments in con-
cert deliberately denied the airmen access to American
consular or diplomatic authorities, denied the airmen
representation by independent legal counsel, subjected
the airmen to a trial by a military court whose iudgment
was predetermined, held the trial in camera where no
member of the public was present, kept the airmen con-
tinuously incommunicado, denied them and the United
States Government access to judicial records and dossiers
in the case, and in other ways attempted to conceal
from the airmen, the United States Government, and the
international public the manifest iniustices deliberately
perpetrated by the Soviet and Hungarian Governments
upon these American nationals as upon the United States
Government.
The statements issued by the Soviet and Hungarian
authorities in concert with respect to this matter were
deliberately and wilfully broadcast to the world by these
governments, or were uttered so as to be so broadcast in
the usual dissemination of news of international interest,
with the purpose and intention of causing damage to
the United States and to the airmen themselves.
The United States Government is compelled to conclude,
and it charges, that the foregoing actions, whether com-
mitted separately by the Soviet Government or in con-
junction or in concert with the Hungarian Government.
were deliberately and unlawfully committed with ulterior
intent to serve a propaganda purpose of the Soviet Gov-
498
ernment, to cause unlawful damage to the four American
airmen above named, and to the United States Govern-
ment, to convert unlawfully to the use and profit of the
Soviet Government and the Hungarian Government the
United States Air Force plane 6026, its equipment and
its cargo, and to obtain unlawfully from the United
States the sum of .$123,605.15.
Mr. Dougfas Heads Trade Survey
At his press conference on March 19 the Presi-
dent announced that Lewis W. Douglas, former
Ambassador to the United Kingdom and former
Director of the Budget, had been named head of
a committee to study U.S. trade relations. The
group will make a broad survey which will cover
money problems, commodities, raw materials,
markets, and surpluses.
Expansion of Point Four Program
in Egypt
Press release 145 dated March 19
A large-scale program in which the United
States will assist the Government of Egypt in
reclaiming wastelands and resettling landless
farmers was announced on March 19 by the Tech-
nical Cooperation Administration, Department of
State.
An agreement covering the cooperative pro-
gram, which involves a considerable expansion of
Point Four activities in Egypt, was signed at
Cairo on that date by representatives of the Gov-
ernment of the United States and the Government
of Egypt.
Tlie United States will contribute $10,000,000
to a joint fund, to which the Government of Egypt
will contribute a sum amounting to approximately
the equivalent of $15,700,000 in Egyptian pounds.
An Egyptian-American Rural Improvement
Service is being established to administer tlie fund,
which will be jointly controlled by the president
of the Egyptian National Resources Development
Board and John R. Nichols, director of the Point
Four Program in Egypt.
Present plans call for carrying out the develop- '
ment work in two project areas, one in the Delta
province of Baheira and the other in the province i
of Fayoum, south of Cairo. Some 20,000 acres 1
in the Baheii;a area and G0,000 acres in the Fayoum
will be reclaimed by drainage and other mea'sures
and a total of about 16,000 families of landless ^
peasants will be resettled, according to prelimi-
nary estimates.
The present Government of Egypt has under-
taken a vigorous program of reform and national
development, aimed primarily at improving the
lot of Egypt's 20 million people, most of whom
are dependent upon agriculture for a living. The
typical peasant is extremely poor and agricultural
land is scarce. Less than 4 percent of Egypt's
Department of State Bulletin
area is habitable, and the population density aver-
ages about 1,600 persons to the square mile of
cultivated area.
Secretary Dulles recently expressed the interest
of the United States and its sympathy for the
progressive attitude and energetic efforts of the
Government of General Naguib to meet and over-
come the internal problems that face the Egyptian
people, and wished the Government every success
in its efforts.'
The land-development and resettlement pro-
gram represents a major expansion of American
assistance to Egypt in its economic development.
Cooperative Point Four activities in Egypt at
the present time involve expenditures of about
$".000,000 by the Technical Cooperation Admin-
istration in the fiscal year ending June 30, 1953.
These activities, carried out under the general
Point Four agreement between the United States
and Egypt, signed May 5, 1-951," consist of techni-
cal advice and demonstration supplies and equip-
ment in various fields including agi'iculture,
health, education, rural improvement, industrial
development, natural resources, and public ad-
ministration. A demonstration of range improve-
ment is under way in the western desert which
it is hoped will result in the eventual development
of 2 or 3 million acres for livestock production.
A team of American industrial specialists is help-
ing the Egyptian Government locate and promote
oiiportunities for industrial expansion with the
aid of private capital. Improved building ma-
terials from inexpensive local sources are being
perfected. American technicians are assisting
their Egyptian colleagues in rural-improvement
activities through village centers, helping improve
health and sanitation conditions, aiding in im-
proving educational facilities and methods, and
helping train Egyptian technicians in many kinds
of specialized work.
The resettlement projects to be undertaken as a
result of the new agreement will be developed
around villages, the accepted pattern of rural life
in Egypt. These villages will be planned and
built with fullest use of local labor and materials.
Improved housing, community facilities, voca-
tional schools, public-health services, sanitation
works, small-scale marketing and processing facil-
ities for farm crops, and farm-to-market roads
must be provided in the project areas. They will
employ the services of the villagers to the greatest
possible extent. The project also includes assist-
ance in the organization and operation of coop-
eratives, demonstrations of improved water con-
servation and management practices, training of
agricultural extension and other rural-service
workers, and advice to the farmers in farm man-
agement and improved methods.
" Bulletin of Feb. 23, 1953, p. 306.
' Ibid., May 21, I'Jol, p. 823.
MSA Defense Support Funds
for Turkey
The Mutual Security Agency announced on
March 17 that Turkey will receive $54 million in
MsA defense support funds during the present
fiscal year.
These funds, Msa said, will permit Turkey to
purchase essential capital equipment and other
commodities which are important to Turkey's ex-
panding defense effort. Turkey also is receiving
substantial amounts of American assistance
through participation in Msa's productivity and
technical assistance program and the military end-
item progi-am of the Department of Defense.
MsA may^nake available a further $1 million for
Turkey if agi-eement is reached on the use of
special funds'for the promotion of free enterpi'ise.
To date Msa has made allotments totaling $45
million to Turkey for the current fiscal year.
Reporting on the Turkish defense effort, Msa
said that Turkey is devoting approximately 40
percent of its national budget, including counter-
jjart funds, for defense and that its military force,
in relation to population, is one of the highest of
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (Nato)
members. Next to South Korea, the United
States, and the British Commonwealth, Turkey is
making the largest contribution to the U.N. forces
in Korea.
Defense support funds are designed to permit
the European Nato members to make greater con-
tributions to the common defense effort than
would be possible with their own resources. Tur-
key's position as a gi'owing producer of such
highly important strategic materials as copper,
magnesium, and chrome, as well as other com-
modities such as wheat and coal is an important
factor, Msa points out, in developing a stronger
Turkish economy and in meeting the raw ma-
terials deficiencies of Western Europe and the
United States.
In addition to support in these fields, Msa
through its technical assistance program is help-
ing Turkey to develop such vital activities as its
telecommunications network, its transportation
system, and its airfields. All of these are impor-
tant, Msa said, to the defense of Western Europe's
southern flank.
The growth of Turkish economy in tenns of
gross national product has been rapid, expanding
more than a third since the start of the Marshall
Plan in 1948. Chromite production has increased
75 percent; copper, 118 percent; cereals, 37 per-
cent ; cotton, 175 percent, and sugar beets, 85 per-
cent over this period. New power facilities have
been constructed and the number of tractors on
farms has grown from 3,000 to approximately
35,000. •
Aid extended to Turkey during the Marshall
Plan by the Economic Cooperation Administra-
tion, Msa's predecessor agency, was designed to
April 6, 7953
499
strengthen the economic base upon which Turkey
is building its defense program. This aid,
through June 30, 1952, amounted to $222.5 million,
of which $84 million was in loans. This does not
include drawing rights under the intra-European
payments agreements and credits accorded Tur-
key under the European Payments Union (Epu).
Counterpart funds generated as a result of Eca-
MsA dollar grants to Turkey (Turkey deposits an
equivalent amount of Turkish lira in the counter-
part fund to match Msa grants) is also being used
to support the Turkish defense program. Ap-
pro.ximately $87 million in Turkish lira, more than
half tlie total available counterpart, has been used
to develop armament production, provide addi-
tional troop training, and build air bases.
Canadian Prime Minister
to Visit Washington
White House press release dated March 13
The Wliite House announced on March 13 that
the Prime Minister of Canada, Louis S. St.
Laurent, will be in Washington as the euest of the
President on May 7 and May 8. The' President's
invitation to the Prime Minister was conveyed to
Mr. St. Laurent by Don C. Bliss, Charge d'Af-
faires of the United States Embassy in Ottawa.
In addition to seeing the President, the Prime
Minister will meet with Secretary Dulles and
other Government officials. No agenda for the
conversations has as yet been determined but it is
expected that matters of general interest to the
United States and Canada will be considered at
that time.
Guaranty Issued for Private
Investment in France
International Water Corporation of Pittsburgh
has obtained a U.S. Government guaranty of cur-
rency convertibility to protect an investment in
France of water-well-drilling equipment and the
licensing of techniques and processes, the Mutual
Security Administration announced on March 17.
This business venture by International Water
Corporation is intended to promote the develop-
ment of large-scale water supplies for municipali-
ties and industries in France, thus contributing tc
essential needs of the country. The etjuipmeni
and methods also may be used in other countrie-
of Western Europe.
The U.S. guaranty, issued by the Mutua
Security Agency under its Investment Guarantiee
Program, insures the American corporation dj
being able to convert into dollars up to $51,000 ir
French franc receipts from these new investments
The well-drilling equipment, valued at $12,00u
will be invested by International in Societe Fran-
gaise de Forages Layne France, in which Inter-
national has held 51 percent stock ownership oi
control. The remainder of the common stock is
owned or controlled by a French company, the
Societe Lyonnaise des Eaux et de I'Eclairage.
This investment, equivalent to 4,178,000 francs
will be part of a 24-million franc increase in the
capital of Layne France, from the present 16 mil-
lion francs to 40 million. The French interests
represented by the Societe Lyonnaise will con-
tribute 19,822,000 francs of the new capital. The
result will be to reduce International's holding tc
31 percent of the stock of Layne France.
The Msa guaranty insures the convertibility of
up to $21,000 in receipts from the equipment in-
vestment, the remaining $30,000 of the guaranty
covering royalty receipts from the licensing of
processes to the French company, estimated at a
maximum of $3,000 a year for 10 years. The pro-
cesses to be licensed are a development of Layne &
Bowler, Inc. of Memphis, an affiliate of Inter-
national Water.
The guaranty is the 13th granted by Msa under
its Investment Guaranties Program to cover an
American investment in France. The Interna-
tional Water Corporation investment was ap-
proved for a guaranty by the French Government,
and by the Director for Mutual Security as re-
quired by legislation authorizing the Msa
guaranty program.
Msa oifers guaranties against loss from expro-
priation, as well as currency convertibility protec-
tion, for new American investments in those
countries participating in the mutual security pro-
gram which have agreements with the United
States covering such guaranties. A fee is charged,
based on the amount covered by a guaranty. The
guaranty contracts are executed by the Export-
Import Bank of Washington.
500
Department of State Bulletin
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Calendar of Meetings '
Adjourned during March 1953
IcAO (International Civil Aviation Organization): ,, ^ , t„ iq ato- 07
Council: 18th Session ll'^'l'^^^] ith ItlMtr Z
First Air Navigation Conference Montreal Feb. 24-Mar. 24
Fag (Food and Agriculture Organization):
Meeting of Group of Experts on Emergency Food Reserve Rome ^eb. ^d-Mar. /
Coordinating Committee: 3d Session ....._. ?T°™^-, -ii,: vih' otMf^r M
Commonwealth Advisory Committee on Defense Science New Delhi Feb. 25-Mar. 14
Ilo (International Labor Organization):
Governing Bodv: 121st Session . • • • geneva Mnr ifi 98
Committee on Work on Plantations: 2d Session . .... . . . Habana ^Z' A'^f
Meeting of Governments who are Beneficiaries of Article 16 of Treaty of London Mar. 4-J&
Peace with Japan — Working Group.
Who (World Meteorological Organization):
Commission for Climatology: 1st Session Washington Mar. 2-25
World Svmposium on Sferics Zu"ch Mar. 17-20
U.N. (United Nations):
International Children's Emergency Fund:
Executive Board New York Mar
Program Committee New York M«r 2^ ^0
International Tin Study Group: 7th Meeting London Mar. 2ci-dU
In Session as of March 31, 1953
International Wheat Council: 11 th Session Washington 1^1 f~
International Wheat Council: 8th Session (Reconvening of) Washington teb. Z-
U.N. (United Nations): „ ,^ , •r,„. r,.
General Assemblv: 7th Session (Reconvening of) New York Feb 2^
Commission on the Status of Women: 7th Session New York Mar. 16-
Commission on Narcotic Drugs: 8th Session New York Mar. 30-
Economic and Social Council: 15th Session New \ork Mar. 3^-
Indian Railwav Centenary Exhibition ^ • ■ ■ • t" T :, ^"^ M«r' ts
n„„„ /nffi„„ „f ■I^,,,.^r^o^>r, Fr-nnf<min C nnnprnt \ cn) i EuroDean inland Fans i\iar. lo-
19-25
19-25
Oeec (Office of Europea'n Economic Cooperation): European Inland
Transport Conference.
(Food and Agriculture Organizatio:
with International Organizations.
Transport Conference. ^ . „ , ,• t, a/t..^ Qn_
FAo(Foodand Agriculture Organization): Council Committee on Relations Rome Mar. dU-
Scheduled April 1-June 30, 1953
Wmo (World Meteorological Organization): Commission for Synoptic Washington Apr. 2-
Meteorology: 1st Session.
U.N. (United Nations): , , ^ . • -o- a t„ ;-„ Ar,.. k
Economic Commission for Latin America: 5th Session of the Commission Rio de Janeiro .... Apr. 6-
Seminar on the Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Offenders in Latin Rio de Janeiro . . . . Apr. fa-
American Countries. „ Ai-,t- 7_
Human Rights Commission: 9th Session Oeneva Apr. 1
vid Hoc Committee on Forced Labor; 4th Session . ....... Geneva a^!! 9^_
Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East: Regional Conference Tokyo Apr. ^U-
on Mineral Resources Development. .^ -, , . „-
Fiscal Commission: 4th Session o..- o" •■ " ' " J^^"^ \°'''^ A^r' 97-
High Commissioner's Advisory Committee on Refugees: 3d Session . . Genev a Apr z/
Social Commission: 9th Session , • .- •••■„• • S<^^ ^°'^ ullu
International Conference to Adopt a Protocol on Limitation of the Pro- New York May 11-
ductionof^Opium.
■Prepared in thel Division of International Conferences, Department of State, Mar. 27, 1953. Asterisks indicate
tentative dates.
Apri7 6, 1953 *°^
Calendar oj Meetings — Continued
Scheduled April 1-June 30, l^SZ—Coniinued
Uiiitoii Nations — CoiUinned
Ad Hoc Commission on Prisoners of War: 4th Session New York May 11-
Special Committee to Consider Measures to Limit the Duration of New York May 25-
Regular Sessions of the General Assembly.
International Law Commission: 5th Session Geneva June 1-
Trusteeship Council: 12th Session New York June 16-
Economic and Social Council: 16th Session Geneva June 30-
Committee on Non-Governmental Organizations Geneva June-
International Sugar Conference London* June or July
Technical Assistance Committee Geneva June-
Interparliamentary Union: Meeting of the Council Monaco Apr. 8-
Carilibean Timbers, Their Utilization and Trade within the Area, Con- Trinidad Apr. 13-
ference on (Caribbean Commission).
IcEM (Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration):
Finance Subcommittee Geneva Apr. 13-
Fifth Session of Committee Geneva Apr. 16-
Inter-American Seminar on Adult Education Ciudad Trujillo . . . Apr. 14—
Rice Consultative Committee: 6th Session Singapore Apr. 15-
South Pacific Conference: 2d Session Noumea Apr. 16-
Inter-American Council of Jurists: 2d Meeting Buenos Aires .... Apr. 20-
Paso (Pan American Sanitary Organization) : Executive Committee: 19th Washington Apr. 20-
^Ieeting.
Fao (Food and Agriculture Organization) :
Technical Advisory Committee on Desert Locust Control: 3d Meeting . Rome Apr. 21-
International Poplar Commission Munster-Munich . . Apr. 29-
Latin American Seminar on Land Problems Sao Paulo May 25-
International Chestnut Commission Spain-Portugal . . . May-
Committee on Commodity Problems: 21st Session Rome June 3-
Meeting of the Council: i7th Session Rome June 15-
N.\T0 (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) : Ministerial Meeting of the Paris Apr. 23-
North Atlantic Council.
South Pacific Commission: 11th Session Noumea Apr. 25-
Icsu (International Council of Scientific Unions):
Joint Commission on Physiological Optics Madrid Apr.-
Committee on the International Geophysical Year 1957-1958 Brussels June 30-
Sudan Elections: Mixed Electoral Commission Khartoum Apr.-
Itu (International Telecommunication Union) :
Administrative Council: 8th Session Geneva May 2-
International Telegraph Consultative Committee :8th Plenary Assembly . Arnheim May 26-
International Cotton Advisory Committee: 12th Plenary Meeting . . . Washington May 4-
Uph (Universal Postal Union) : Meeting of the Executive and Liaison Bern May 4—
Committee.
Who (World Heath Organization) :
Sixth World Health .Assembly Geneva May 5-
Executive Board: 12th Session Geneva May 26-
IcAO (International Civil .Aviation Organization):
Standing Committee on Aircraft Performance: 4th Session Paris May 6-
Assembly: 7th Session Brighton (England) . June 16-
Caribbean Commission: 16th Meeting Surinam May 11-
International Rubber Study Group: 10th Meeting Copenhagen .... May 11-
Unesco (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organiza-
tion) :
Executive Board: 34th Session Paris May 15-
General Conference: 2d Extraordinary Session Paris May 18-
International Center for Workers Education Compiegne May 30-
International Conference on the Role and Place of Music in Education . Brussels June 29-
Tribunales de Cuentas (Triljunals of Accounts) : 1st International Congress Habana May 20-
of.
International Commission for the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries: 3d Annual New Haven May 25-
Meeting.
Tenth Congress of the International Seed Testing Association Dublin May 25-
Horticultural Congress and Exposition Hamburg May-
Ilo (International Labor Organization):
Permanent Agricultural Committee: 4th Session Geneva May-
36th International Labor Conference Geneva June 4—
Traffic and Safety Exhibition, International Milan May-
American International Institute for the Protection of Childhood: Annual Montevideo June 2-
Meeting of Directing Council.
Eighth Pan American Railway Congress Washington and kt- June 12-
lantic City.
Acoustical Congress Netherlands June 16-
Thirteenth International Dairy Congress and Exposition The Hague June 22
International Commission for the Regulation of Whaling: 5th Meeting . . London June 22-
Ad Hoc Committee on Quarantine Regulation (South Pacific Commission) . Noumea June-
502 Oeparfmenr of State BuHelin
The Soviet Attitude Toward the Disarmament Problem
by Ernest A. Gross
U.S. Representative to the General Assemily'^
U.S./U.N. press release dated March 21
We have come a full circle, I think, since 3 days
ago when the debate on this subject opened in
this Committee. At that time, on behalf of the
U.S. Government, I asked what we thought were
two reasonable questions, addressing them to the
representative of the Soviet Government sittmg
here, and I do not believe that we have had an
afiirmative response.^
The U.S. Government asked two questions:
Whether this was the time when the Soviet Gov-
ernment was prepared to discuss constructively
the problem of disarmament, and whether this,
the United Nations, is the place in which the
Soviet Government is prepared to negotiate
iioriGst'lv •
I do not think I need to assure the members of
this Committee that these questions were not in-
tended merely as rhetorical exercises, but were a
sincere effort to find out whether the new Soviet
leadership is really interested in talking seriously
about disarmament. They are not difficult ques-
tions to answer affirmatively, if the Soviet Gov-
ernment is sincere and interested. We did not
request and did not expect a quick debater's
answer, and we much prefer, even at this stage,
a considered judgment of the Soviet Government,
which we do not feel we have yet obtained.
I have said that our purpose in putting the ques-
tions to the Soviet representative were sincere,
and we cannot conceal some disappointment at the
way in which the questions have been treated—
that the only reference made to them was on a
previous occasion when the Soviet representative
branded them as artificial. .
We began our work here on this subject m the
knowledge that the change in the Soviet Govern-
' statement made in Committee I (Political and Secu-
rity) on Mar. 21. At the same meeting the Committee
approved the resolution as amended (A/C. 1/L. 33) by a
vote of 50-5-5.
= For Ambassador Gross' statement of Mar. IN see
Bulletin of Mar. 30, 1953, p. 476.
April 6, 7 953
ment had produced words of peace frorn the
Kremlin, and in this forum which we feel is the
appropriate place to do so, my delegation seeks to
learn what substance lies behind those words. If
we were to be lightly discouraged, the response of
the Soviet delegate might lead us to believe that
there is no substance there, that the Soviet Gov-
ernment is not prepared to negotiate genuinely
and honestly for a disarmament plan at this time.
However, we must place our hope for peace above
the disappointments which met us here. We must
say to the Soviet delegate : "Surely this is not your
last word on the subject; surely you would not
have us believe that the words of Premier Malen-
kov were empty words and that the Soviet Union
is determined to use the United Nations merely to
gain a tactical military or strategic advantage
through trick schemes which are labeled disarma-
ment,'1but which are really designed to strip free
nations of their defenses."
If the Soviet Government truly desires peace,
will it not in the name of humanity and m the
interest of its own people seek the authority
through the delegate here to work side by side
with us toward a program to effect disarmament
which we can all accept, a program which can pro-
vide security for us all and a new hope for man-
kind ?
I liave felt constrained to make these remarks
at the opening of my brief statement because I
think that without exception, and I have listened
very carefully to two statements by the Soviet
representative, no new suggestion has been put
forward; there is no real indication m anything
which he has said or which the Soviet bloc repre-
sentatives have said which reveal any true pur-
pose towarcl reaching a solution on this problem.
We have felt and continue to feel that this is
an important and the right time in which to dis-
cuss this subject. The balanced reduction of
armed forces and of armaments would have in-
calculable advantages to the Kussian people and
to other peoples living under Soviet rule, as well
503
as to people everywhere else in the world. I am
sure that these people deeply desire just a little
butter instead of so many guns and that they
yearn for a decent standard of living; disarma-
ment can yield this to the people of the Soviet
Union and to the areas presently under their con-
trol. Disarmament can yield this result to these
people without in anyway jeopardizing or under-
mining the security of the Soviet state.
_ Real disarmament would lift the fear of aggres-
sion from all peoples by reducing the capacity,
the ability of states to wage aggressive war. This
way we can be sure— all peoples including the
Russian people— that there would be tangible
guarantees of security. "^
My Government, within a year after the mo-
mentous discovery in our country of the war
potential of the atom, proposed that the United
Nations undertake an effective plan for the inter-
national control of atomic energy. Within the
same year, we took the initiative in placing before
the U.N. Atomic Energy Commission the basic
principles of a constructive plan to bring that
about. We are confident — we were then and we
still are— that this plan could do the job of con-
trolling effectively the atomic weapon and other
related weapons as well, since its procedures
would actually encompass the entire field of
atomic energy.
The world has not forgotten how after the war
the United States along with other states in the
free world demobilized their forces and disarmed
and dismantled a mighty military establishment.
We have never since changed our opinion about
the method by which the world's resources and
energies should be devoted to peace and to im-
provement of the standard of living. We have
always supported the U.N. plans and principles
which are designed to lift the crushing burden
of armament, but to do so in an effective, a prac-
tical, and an honest manner.
The distinguished representative of the Nether-
lands in his statement in the Committee yesterday
pointed out the vital importance of avoiding the
illusion of security. He said, "We must shun
sham solutions and there is no such thing as a
short cut to peace and security." It does not
come so much as a matter of surprise as a matter
of disappointment that the Soviet representative
should repeat today again the old outworn and
utterly impractical suggestion that somehow, as
he says, a decision should precede a practical plan
for accomplishing the very result which the deci-
sion is aimed to accomplish.
The Soviet representative in his two statements
here has failed to refer to the simple fact that the
United Nations itself by overwhelming majorities
has stated its position and has made its objectives
and general procedures clear. The resolution of
January 11, 1952,^ establishing the Disarmament
' Ibid., Mar. 31, 1952, p. 507.
504
Commission, omits no major aspect of the disarm-
ament problem. The Soviet representative re-
ferred to proposals placed before the Disarma-
ment Commission, speaking as if a proposal for
ceilings upon armed forces was made without
reference to other aspects of the disarmament pro-
gram, including the effective measures for elimi-
nating the atomic weapon and other methods of
mass destruction. The U.N. General Assembly
has spoken its mmd on these subjects. The Gen-
eral Assembly has called for the regulation, the
limitation, and the balanced reduction of all armed
forces and all armaments. It has called for the
elimination of all major weapons adaptable to
mass destruction. It has called for the effective
international control of atomic energy to insure
the prohibition of atomic weapons and the use of
atomic energy for peaceful purposes only. And
m this connection, it has provided that the Dis-
armament Commission should use the present U N
plan as the basis for the Commission's considera-
t.ion until a better or no less effective plan is
devised.
U,N. Disarmament Aims Made Clear
Then the General Assembly in 1952 called for a
progressive and continuing disclosure and veri-
fication of all armed forces and all armaments, in-
cluding atomic, and recognized that the carrving
out of such a program for disclosure and verifica-
tion IS the first and indispensable step in achiev-
ing a disarmament program.
We fail to understand how it can be seriously
advanced as an apparently honest argument that
before disclosure and verification is carried out
before states tell the truth and assure that what
they tell is the truth, that some magic purpose
is to be served by some decision which assumes
the result and which is based upon ignorance of
tuG l3.CtS.
^ Mr. Chairman, in his statement 2 davs ago, the
boviet representative made some remarks which
were out of context, which did not accurately re-
fleet the positions taken in the Disarmament Com- ■
mission and which I believe it is fair to say dis-
torted the objectives and efforts on the part of
my Government in the Disarmament Commission.
1 do not intend to go extensively into these dis-
tortions, nor these misquotations, but I should
like to cite two for illustrative purposes.
I said in this Committee on Wednesday that in
the Disarmament Commission the Soviet repre-
sentative had consistently declined to explain the
meaning of vague and ambiguous proposals which
he had put forward and that he had characterized
our efforts to secure explanations and clarifications
of these points as, to use his words, "playing with
questions and answers."
The Soviet representative in this Committee has
replied that there is no word of truth in this con-
tention. The Soviet representative then went on
Department of Stale Bulletin
at length to quote from Soviet proposals made to
the U.N. Atomic Energy Commission on June 19,
1947, in order to establish that the Soviet Govern-
ment had in fact introduced very detailed pro-
posals for the establishment of international con-
i trol of atomic energy.
1 It is, of course, entirely true that the Soviet
Government in 1947 did introduce proposals into
the Atomic Energy Commission and that these
proposals were considerably more detailed than
the Soviet Government has put forward since
that time. In fact, the Soviet proposals of 1947
were sufficiently detailed to permit the U.N.
Atomic Energy Commission to study them and
to determine soberly that they were wholly in-
adequate.
To quote from the third report of the Atomic
Energy Commission, "They" — that is, the Soviet
proposals made at that time in 1947 — "ignore the
existing technical knowledge of the problem of
atomic energy control, do not provide an adequate
basis for the effective international control of
atomic energy and the elimination from national
armaments of atomic weapons, and, therefore, do
not conform to the terms of reference of the
Atomic Energy Commission."
So spoke the Commission with regard to these
1947 proposals, and the General Assembly of the
United Nations confirmed this decision of the
Atomic Energy Commission in November of 1948,
through adopting the third report of the Atomic
Energy Commission and through rejecting the
Soviet resolution which called upon the Assembly
to approve its proposals.
Now, the purpose of the questions which we and
other members of the Disarmament Commission
addressed to the Soviet representative there and
which he declined to answer was to determine
whether the Soviet proposals which the Soviet
Government was then making in the Disarmament
Commission were new proposals or whether they
were the same old proposals which had been ad-
vanced and rejected. Members of the Committee
will recall that in the General Assembly on
January 11, 1952, Mr. Vyshinsky stated that the
Soviet Government would make new proposals in
the Disarmament Commission. As I explained
in my statement the other day, despite our per-
sistent efforts in the Disarmament Commission to
find out whether the broad, general, vague, and
ambiguous proposals of the Soviet Government in
the Disarmament Commission were new proposals
of a sort which Mr. Vyshinsky had promised or
whether they were the same old proposals, our
attempt to find out the answer to that question
elicited no reply. It may be that Mr. Zorin has
given us the answer to this question through quot-
ing the 1947 proposals. In other words, despite
the statement of Mr. Vyshinsky on January 11,
1952, that he had new proposals, it now appears
that all we had were the same old proposals which
the General Assembly had found to be inadequate.
I do not make this as a statement. It is a ques-
tion. It is a question which we feel can only be
answered in the Disarmament Commission itself.
It seems clear to my delegation, Mr. Chairman,
that it will not be possible to obtain anything
but debaters' answers in the Committee. As I
said before, it was not my purpose in asking the
two questions I addressed to the Soviet represent-
ative the other day to elicit a quick debater's
answer. We ourselves look to the future. We
hope that the past will bury the stale propaganda,
the monstrous lies, the evasions, the hate cam-
paigns, which have in the past characterized the
Soviet Government conduct in international
community.
In looking back over the work of the Commis-
sion, it has not been our purpose to reawaken the
memory of old evils. If we look back over our
shoulder at the frustrated work of the Disarma-
ment Commission, it is not to score a debating
point but to see more clearly the direction in which
we must go.
For us, peace is not merely an objective. It is
a way of living and it is a method of negotiating
and settling disputes honestly, including disputes
regarding disarmament. I do not think, Mr.
Chairman, that this debate in the Committee re-
garding disarmament has by any means been
wasted effort or lost motion. We have, for our
part, reaffirmed our intention to proceed in the
Disarmament Commission to a full exploration of
all practical and honest proposals which may be
put forward.
Soviet Draft Resolution
I conclude by referring to the Soviet draft
resolution which is before us.* This resolution
does not give much room for optimism or for
confidence. The preamble to the resolution is
purely propaganda. The General Assembly and
the members of the United Nations, in particular
those who are represented in the Disarmament
Commission, are fully aware of the true reasons
for lack of progress in the Disarmament Commis-
sion. They, I think, are fully aware that 11 states
on the Disarmament Commission made or sup-
ported constructive proposals and that one state
alone wished to use the discussions solely for
propaganda purposes. The resolution proposed
by the Soviet representative would undo a great
deal of the progress which was made in Paris at
the Sixth General Assembly of the United Na-
tions, and which resulted in the resolution of
January 11, 1952, to which I have referred.
Among other things, that resolution directed
the Disarmament Commission to prepare pro-
posals "for the regulation, limitation, and balanced
reduction of all armed forces and all armaments."
The Soviet draft resolution proposes armaments
* U.N. doc. A/C. 1/L 31.
April 6, 1953
505
reduction without any reference to armed forces
whatever. The General Assembly resolution of
January 11, 1952, provided that the Disarmament
Commission should be ready to consider any pro-
posals or plans for control that may be put for-
ward involving either conventional armaments
or atomic energy. Unless a better or no less effec-
tive system is devised, the U. N. plan for the in-
ternational control of atomic energy and the pro-
hibition of atomic weapons should continue to
serve as the basis for the international control of
atomic energy to insure the prohibition of atomic
weapons and the use of atomic energy for peaceful
purposes only.
The Soviet resolution throws all this progress *
out tJie window. In effect, it abandons or seeks
to abandon the U.N. atomic energy plan and only
calls upon the Disarmament Commission to pro-
ceed with the question of the unconditional pi'O-
hibition of atomic weapons, bacterial weapons, and
other types of mass destruction, and of the estab-
lishment of strict international control over com-
pliance with these decisions.
The General Assembly resolution of January 11,
1952, directs the Commission to formulate plans
for the establishment within the framework of
the Security Council or an international control
organ or organs to assure the implementation of
the treaty or treaties which the resolution contem-
plates. In other words, the entire disarmament
program is to be subject to safeguards.
The Soviet draft resolution limits the safe-
guards, so-called safeguards, to international
control merely over compliance with decisions re-
garding the prohibition of atomic weapons and
other weapons of mass destruction. There is no
provision for control over other portions of the
program such as the reduction of weapons other
than those adaptable to mass destruction or the
reduction in armed forces.
We recognize that in this resolution for the first
time the Soviet Government has admitted by im-
plication the possibility of reduction of nonatomic
armaments on a basis other than a flat percentage
cut. If I am not mistaken, to my knowledge, this
is the first resolution proposed by the Soviet Gov-
ernment which does not call for a flat one-third
percentage cut. I sincerely hope that this is an
indication of greater flexibility and a desire for
a genuine negotiation on this all-important prob-
lem. When the Disarmament Commission recon-
venes, we shall have a clear test of Soviet inten-
tions. Under the General Assembly resolution of
January 11, 1952, and the draft resolution which
has now been submitted by 14 cosponsors before
the Committee^ — under these resolutions, the
Soviet Government will be in a position to make
new disarmament proposals of any nature, and I
assure you that my Government will give the most
cai-eful and sympathetic consideration to any i)ro-
' U.N. floe. A/C.VL30.
506
posal which has any possibility of achieving a
genuinely safeguarded system of disarmament.
For these reasons, my Government will vote
against the Soviet draft resolution which we be-
lieve the Committee should reject decisively and
will, of course, vote in favor of the 14-power
resolution.
Senate Resolution on Minorities
Transmitted to U.N.
U.S. /U.N. press release dated March 13
The following letter and its enclosure were
trmumitted on March 13 iy Henry Cabot Lodge.
Jr., to U.N. Secretary-General Trygve Lie:
Excellency : Enclosed are copies of a resolution
(S. Ees. 84, 83rd Congress, 1st Session) adopted
on February 27, 1953, by the Senate of the United
States, expressing the sense of the Senate that the
inhuman campaigns conducted by the Soviet Gov-
ernment and its puppet governments in satellite
states in Europe and Asia against religious and
ethnic minority groups deserve the strongest
condemnation.
I request that you transmit copies of the resolu- I
tion and of this communication to the Representa- '
tive of each Member of the United Nations.
Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of
my highest consideration.
Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.
Ainbassador
Resolution Adopted by the Senate of the
United States
Fehrmi-y 27, 1953 I
S. Res. 84, 83rd Congress, 1st Session
Resolved, That it is the sense of the Senate of
the United States that the vicious and inhuman
campaigns conducted by the Soviet Government
and its puppet governments in satellite states in
Europe and Asia against minority groups such
as the persecution of Greek orthodox congrega-
tions, the imprisonment of Roman Catholic prel-
ates, the harassment of Protestant denominatons,
the suppression of Moslem communities, the per-
secution and scattering of ethnic groups in
Poland, in the Ukraine, in the Baltic and Balkan
States and in many other areas under Soviet domi-
nation, and most recently the increasing persecu-
tion of the people of the Jewish faitli, deserve the
strongest condemnation by all jjeoples who believe
that spiritual values are the bases of human
progress and freedom.
Resolved further. That the President of the
United States is hereby urged to take appropriate
action to protest, particularly in the General
Assembly of the United Nations, against these
outrages, in order that the United Nations shall
take such action in opposition to them as may be
suitable under its Charter.
Department of State Bulletin
International Aspects of the Status of Women
Statements by Mts. Lorena B. Hahn
U.S. Representative an the Commission on the Status of Women^
NATIONALITY OF MARRIED WOMEN
U.S. /U.N. press release dated March 16
The United States has repeatedly voiced its in-
terest in equality for women in the field of na-
tionality and in the development of a convention
incorporating the principles adopted by this Com-
mission in 1950. The report of the International
Law Commission indicates that it is making
progress in reviewing the whole problem of na-
tionality. We are glad that the International Law
Commission has been able to initiate this study.
The material gathered at the request of the Com-
mission on the Status of Women on conflicts of
law relating to the nationality of married women
should be useful. I hope the valuable supplement
(doc. E/Cn.G/206) prepared for our use this year
will also be brought to the attention of the Inter-
national Law Commission.
Some criticism has been voiced because the prin-
ciples adopted here 3 years ago have not yet been
made into a special convention on the nationality
of married women. For the time being our na-
tionality item must be regarded as "unfinished
business," and everyone likes to see "unfinished
business'" completed and off the agenda. However,
the United States does not regard this delay as
lost time. On the contrary, the supplementary
report provided this year shows that a number of
countries are revising their nationality laws in the
direction of the principles adopted by the Com-
mission and already in force in many countries.
U.S. law already conforms with these princi-
ples, and the United States is a party to the Inter-
American Convention signed at Montevideo in
1933 which contains the same basic provisions. It
seems probable that our recommendations of this
Commission have had a considerable influence on
legislation enacted since 1950, and will make it
' Made before the Commission on the Status of Women
at U. N. Headquarters on Mar. 16, 17, and 25, respectively.
Mrs. Hahn was confirmed by the Senate on Mar. 11 to be
U.S. representative on the Commission.
possible for a larger number of countries to sup-
port and become parties to a convention along the
lines we recommend. I want to talk further about
this report a little later on. In the meantime, it is
enough to note that only 17 countries are listed as
requiring an alien wife to accept her husband's
nationality, and over 40 as permitting choice under
varying conditions. At least 10 countries have
improved their laws since our 1950 report. This
is a good omen for a convention of the type we
recommend; indeed, without the 10, acceptance of
these principles might not be certain.
Another question that has been raised in regard
to the stucly of the International Law Commission
is whether the nationality of married women
should be dealt with in a separate convention or
in one that may cover a wider range of nationality
questions. This question was never fully dealt
with in the Commission on the Status of Women
because it was evident that we were dealing with
only a part of a large field, and though the con-
fusions arising for families of mixed nationality
are very great, we could not be sure in this one
Commission that we could make wise judgments
on U.N. action as a whole. It is on this question,
on the scope of a new convention in the nationality
field, that the United Nations especially needs the
advice of the experts on the International Law
Commission. The United States hopes that the
1953 session of this Commission can give specific
guidance on this matter. The situation of women
who marry aliens is an international question that
can be dealt with separately and should be dealt
with promptly. It is not, however, a problem
which exists in a vacuum, apart from other aspects
of nationality.
Interrelationships of Nationality Procedures
Perhaps I can illustrate the interrelationships
of nationality procedures best by citing two prob-
lems— the situation of children born to couples of
differing nationality and the multiple nationality
April 6, 1953
507
enjoyed, or should I say suffered, by individuals
who can claim citizenship in several countries by
reason of birth, residence, parentage, naturaliza-
tion, and other grounds.
The situation of children born to parents of
differing nationality is one in which women nat-
urally fe«l an interest, and most of us probably
know of one or more young people facing com-
plications on property settlements or conscrip-
tion requirements because they have more than one
nationality. Most countries recognize persons
born on their soil as nationals. In addition, it is
usual to allow a child to derive nationality from
his father, and, in some countries also from his
mother. This may mean that a child born in one
country to parents having nationality in two
other countries can claim citizenship in three
countries. Generally it is provided that on ma-
turity a child must choose one of these nationali-
ties for his own, thereby renouncing others, but
provisions of this sort vary and few of them come
into effect early enough to prevent conflicting
claims from countries which require young men
to go into military training at 18.
Consideration of the nationality of children is
not the function of this Commission, for the wel-
fare of the child should be the determining factor,
and on this the Social Commission and various
others are the appropriate bodies to take the lead.
However, there is no doubt that governments are
harassed by conflicting claims to the allegiance of
persons who have multiple nationality, and that
a clarification of procedures would be welcomed.
In our debate in 1950 the United States tried to
work out one principle that might be applicable,
the principle that if a child receives nationality
through parentage, rather than through place of
birth or some other source, then the mother should
have the same right to transmit nationality as the
father. It will allow the child the benefit of
choice, which may be greatly to his advantage,
particularly if the nationality of his father is
unknown. This was not included in the princi-
ples we adopted but was recommended for con-
sideration by appropriate bodies. The Interna-
tional Law Commission is such a body, and it is
the hope of my Government that when it studies
this problem, it will recognize the right of the
mother to transmit nationality as equal to that of
the father.
Women may also have problems of nationality
which do not arise from marriage. Such prob-
lems are usually the same for men and women, and
arise through parentage, changes of frontiers, and
other factors. It is problems of this sort to which
the International Law Commission will undoubt-
edly be giving attention in its study of nationality,
and women stand to gain by any clarifications that
can be agreed upon. I am sure these problems
have been present in the thinking of some of our
consultant organizations who have queried
whether we have given adequate thought to the
entire subject of nationality of women, including
problems of single women. It is therefore to the
advantage of botli men and women that the field
of nationality be properly studied and a careful
decision made as to what questions can usefully
be clarified at the present time through a national- J
ity convention. '
Certainly it will help when there is general
agreement among governments that neither mar-
riage nor its dissolution shall affect the nationality
of either spouse. These principles are in effect in
U.S. law, and it will be easier for our Government,
and our citizens, when they are stated as the uni-
form i)rocedure of as manj' countries as possible.
If, however, there are other nationality questions
on which wide-scale agreement is becoming possi-
ble, governments should have an opportunity to
deal with them promptly, and we will all profit
by the result. A separate instrument devoted
only to the nationality of married women might
delay such overall consideration and discourage
progress on other problems.
Changing Circumstances Necessitate Convention
There may be some who interpret the action of
the International Law Commission last summer as
unsympathetic, or even a repudiation of the recom-
mendations adopted by this Commission. The
United States notes with satisfaction that no such
conclusion shoidd be drawn from the record. On
the contrary, we can feel satisfaction that while
the International Law Commission did not accept
the draft convention proposed by Prof. Manley
Hudson, it did not reject either the draft or the
principles contained therein. The decision of the
International Law Commission last July was
merely one of procedure to permit study of the full
implications of nationality in relation to the many
new developments of modern life. After all, a
good deal has happened since the Hague conven-
tion in 1930 and the Montevideo conference in 1933
to which we trace back present-day proposals on
the nationality of women. The General Assembly
last December adopted a convention on stateless-
ness which cuts into some of our problem. Today
there are matters of property rights and taxation,
and of business management which may be con-
siderably affected by an individual's nationality,
particularly in other countries than the United
States. There are U.S. women in international
business today to whom these are important issues,
and I am sure others around this table know
women in their countries with similar interests.
I am not suggesting that these or any other aspects
of nationality need to be treated in a convention,
but I am sure we will agree that our problems
should be solved in relation to the vast sweep of
modern interchange, and that the International
Law Commission should be encouraged to do a
thorough job.
Now I want to talk about the future of this item
508
Department of State Bulletin
on nationality, over and beyond the completion of
a convention. What we want, I am sure, is the
assurance that men and women who marry across
frontiers can do so without fear as to their na-
tionality or the nationality of their children. A
convention will help greatly in defining a standard
around which equitable procedures can be estab-
lished between governments. But the completion
of a draft convention in the International Law
Commission, and its approval by the General As-
sembly, will be only the beginning of this process.
We hope, of course, that many governments will
ratify such a convention promptly, and that the
remainder will do so before many years pass. In
the meantime, there will be great differences be-
tween countries as there are now. Even among
the parties to the convention there will be a great
deal of difference in the way its principles are
spelled out, and probably in the procedures by
which they become effective between the parties.
The changes reported in the Secretary General's
memorandum on nationality of married women
this year illustrate the progress that is being made
and what will happen in the transition years and
beyond. As I said earlier, the laws in many
countries, including the United States, permit a
married woman to keep her own nationality.
Most countries also make special provision for
the naturalization of foreigners who marry their
citizens. As I recall it, these principles had been
adopted in about half the countries of the world.
Today, thanks to recent changes, the proportion
is considerably greater. Most of the new laws
show a realistic appreciation of problems in the
transition period. For instance, in Belgium a
wife who has acquired Belgian nationality by
marriage, and has or can recover another na-
tionality, may renounce Belgian nationality by
making a declaration within 6 months. This pro-
vision insures against statelessness and at the same
time provides freedom of choice. In Egypt an
alien woman marrying an Egyptian may retain
her nationality unless she desires to acquire her
husband's, a provision in the direction of equality
with freedom of choice and protection against
double nationality. In Norway, where a foreign
woman automatically acquires the nationality of
a Norwegian husband, she may under certain cir-
cumstances be released provided she possesses
another nationality or intends to acquire it.
Switzerland has recently adopted legislation per-
mitting an alien wife to reattain her own na-
tionality through a declaration at the time of
marriage.
These are only a few of the possible variations ;
if we review laws in effect in other countries we
would find still more. One of the elements of
great value in these changes is concern to prevent
a woman becoming stateless. This is apparent
also in various provisions I have not quoted to
permit a woman whose marriage has been dis-
solved to recover her original nationality. Some
April 6, T953
of these provisions do not accord in principle with
the recommendation of this Commission that mar-
riage should not affect the nationality of either
spouse, but in actuality they give general effect
to this principle through practical safeguards
needed in a transition period.
Progress Anticipated on Women's Status
The Secretary General's memorandum is of a
type which will be helpful to my Government and
to every other government. It summarizes the
latest information from all countries and brings
up to date the 1950 pamphlet which is already a
recognized reference document. There are many
governments which collect such data through their
embassies and maintain their own files. But there
are occasional omissions even in the best reporting
systems and an authoritative collection of nation-
ality laws affecting women is a valuable check on
what is known from other sources. This infor-
mation is needed not only as a basis for official
decisions but more frequently, and perhaps
equally important, to answer the questions of
young people or older people who are about to
marry and want to know what problems they will
face. A document like this would be even more
useful if it could be brought out at regular inter-
vals, preferably once a year. The United States
would like to ask whether the Secretary General
believes it would be practicable to place this mem-
orandum on an annual basis similar to the proce-
dure for the memorandum on political rights.
This would also mean keeping nationality as a
routine item on our agenda so that we can review
the report and also determine how long it should
be continued.
Tlie Secretary General may have suggestions on
the form of an annual memorandum on nation-
ality, particularly as to additional categories of
information. The tables at the end of this docu-
ment cover the effect of marriage on acquisition of
nationality by the alien spouse, but do not show
clearly whether a woman marrying an alien may
retain her own nationality if she so desires. The
questions usually asked by women considering
marriage to a foreigner are (I) Can I retain my
own nationality ; (2) Must I acquire my husband's
nationality, temporarily or permanently ; (3) Will
I be in danger of becoming stateless; (4) Are
there special provisions for naturalization of alien
spouses. Tables setting up warning signals as to
retention of nationality and statelessness would
be especially helpful. It seems a little easier to
find particular countries, also, when they are
listed alphabetically with the pertinent informa-
tion laid out in columns beside them.
In closing, I would like to say a little in appre-
ciation of the interest our consultant organizations
have maintained in this project. For some of
them the problems of nationality have been the
subject of discussion for two generations, back
509
into tlie time of our mothers and perhaps our
grandmothers. Tliere have been great gains in
tliis period. In the Americas the Montevideo
Convention on the Nationality of Women is a
milestone. Eleven of our American Republics are
parties to this convention, which provides that
neither marriage nor its dissolution shall aflFect a
woman's nationality. The adoption of equality
principles by the Commission on the States of
Women in 1950 is another milestone. A milestone
has been set by each country which has revised
its nationality laws to provide free and equal
choice by each of the marriage partners.
As in all matters involving international proce-
dure, the first milestones, are the hardest to
achieve ; as the new way becomes the usual way it
is easier to conform than to differ. At the same
time, we need not think of our objectives as uni-
formity. If we work intelligently the chances are
we will constantly be finding ways to improve
legislation ; that is evident already in some of the
new provisions to prevent statelessness and clarify
choices for both men and women. The report be-
fore us today promises a time when international
conferences of women may be able to do without
the familiar speech on "Problems of Nationality."
Instead of problems, however, I would like to see
us look forward to a series of progress reports.
The observations of our consultant organizations
will be important in helping this Commission
evaluate progress and to point out the areas where
more can be done.
WOMEN'S STATUS IN THE FAMILY
U.S. /U.N. preBS release dated March 17
As a new memlier of the Commission it is
therefore very gratifying to me that the subject
of women's status in the family will be mider
discussion for the first time at this session and
that it has been given highest priority.
As we begin our discussion it is my privilege
to express the appreciation of my Government
for the extensive work of the Secretary General's
staff in compiling the reports from official sources
on women's status nndei' family law and prop-
erty law and also in making available the inde-
pendent reports and comments of the nongovern-
mental organizations. The detailed information
contained in these documents will be invaluable
as a basis for consideration of women's needs and
problems. I feel sure that all of you will have
studied the documents with great interest and
care and a sense of the enormous responsibilities
before us. As our discussions jn'oceed, I know
there will be additional information which you
will probably want from me and which I in turn
will want to know from other countries.
I regard our work on the family status of
woman as one of the most important aspects of
woman's position with which this Commission
will be called upon to deal. Family law — the set
of legal principles which govern marriage, the
relationship of husband to wife, and of parents
to children — touches every aspect of human life.
Women's status in the family directly affects the
contribution which women are able to make to the
economic, social, and cultural life of their country,
and thereby to the whole progress of civilization.
In seeking to understand each other's needs and
problems in this area we have an opportunity to
formulate principles as to the equitable treatment
of women in marriage which will be of potential
benefit not only to women themselves but to the
whole fabric of our society.
The age in which we are living has seen numer-
ous and far-reaching changes in the status of
women. Women everywhere are striving to realize
their full potentialities as individuals and to make
their maximum contribution to the society in
which they live. It was my privilege to have a
part in shaping or directing the postwar develop-
ment of this movement in one of the war-torn
countries when I had charge in the late 40's of
organizing the Women's Affairs Branch for the
U. S. Army in Germany. Guarantees made to
women in the Bonn Constitution, which had just
been adopted at that time, are now receiving con-
sideration as to legal implementation. Our dis-
cussions here will be of vital interest to women
working for legislative action to implement that
Constitution and to women in other countries
where to a constantly increasing extent the re-
ciprocal rights and obligations of women are re-
ceiving recognition in terms of the greater con-
tribution to human welfare which such recognition
would make possible.
Legal Complications in Various Countries
In reading the extensive documentation on
family law supplied us by the Secretary General,
I was impressed by the scope and variety of legal
principles which we are called upon to consider in
the various countries. I note, for example, that in
some countries only the father has the right to
exercise authority over the care, custody, and
education of the children. This situation was re-
ported from Greece, Argentina, Chile, and Brazil.
In some countries, such power belongs jointly to
the father and mother, including Japan, Norway,
Turkey, and Denmark. In still other countries,
such as England and France, parental authority
is vested jointly in the father and mother, but the
father alone has the right to exercise it during
marriage. Still another variation is Lebanon,
where so far as concerns the care and custody, gen-
eral and religious education, and the right of pun-
ishment, the report shows that the mother has
authority over children \ip to the age of 7 in the
case of boys, and 9 in the case of girls. After
those ages, these rights pass to the father. In
Pakistan, also, the mother has custody of the son
until he is 7, and of the daughter until she reaches
l>uberty.
510
Deparfment of State Bulletin
1 An additional complication of which I was
i aware but which the reports have brought more
vividly to my attention is that in countries estab-
Hshed on the Federal-State basis, legal principles
• may, and often do, vary within the same country.
In my own country, for example, laws relating to
the family and to property rights are the exclusive
jurisdiction of the States, not of the Federal ( iov-
ernment. Because of historical factors and orig-
inal differences in customs and backgrounds, there
is considerable variation in the statute laws of the
48 States. Each State differs in some respect from
all the others.
In the area that I have just been discussing—
that of the right of control over the child— over
half of the States (26 States) recognize both
parents as joint natural guardians and as such
jointly entitled to the child's custody, services, and
earnings. However, about a third of our States
(15 States) give the father the first right to a
child's custody, services, and earnings, permitting
the mother to succeed only after the father's death,
mental incapacity or desertion. Eight States that
have the community-property system of law con-
sider the child's earnings as joint property but
generally under control of the father.
In tlie field of property law, such documentation
as has been made available to date from the various
countries shows that here also the legal principles
with which we will be called upon to deal are of
o-reat variety and complexity. I was interested,
fn the recentreport (E/CN .Q/208) , to note that the
laws in the countries reporting establish three
main types of property arrangements between hus-
band and wife : the regime of community property.
; dowry, and separate property. In addition, a
system of "union" property regime prevails in
China ; and a system of the "family estate" exists
only in the Ital'ian Civil Code. Moreover, the re-
port shows that in India and Pakistan property
rights are based on religious law and that such
rights differ in accordance with the religious com-
munity to which the woman belongs. Thus a
Hindu woman may have absolute ownership only
to property acquired before marriage and to earn-
ings acquired during marriage. Even this prop-
erty may be taken and used by the husband in cer-
tain contingencies. In contrast under Mohamme-
dan law, in both those countries and also in
Lebanon, a Moslem woman may hold property
g separately and have full power to dispose of it.
To illustrate the variety and complexity of the
subject of property relations between husband and
wife, I need go no further than the laws of my
own country. Two systems of property rights
prevail in the United States : one, the system de-
rived from the English common law in which the
husband and wife hold separate and distinct
property ; the other, the community-property sys-
tem derived from the Spanish civil law, in which
a marriage partnership of property is recognized,
husband and wife being partners and equal owners
April 6, 1953
of the community estate. In the two systems the
rules of acquisition of property, its management
and control, and its disposition differ today as they
differed in the original systems m which the rules
had their source.
Equitable Treatment of Family Status
In every common law State married woman's
property acts have been enacted during the last
100 years, which have radically changed the hus-
band's common law rights in his wife's real and
personal property and have also generally altered
the rule as to his ownership of his wife's earnings
from work outside of her home and for persons
other than her husband. Property acquired dur-
ing the marriage is regarded as the property of the
husband subject to certain safeguards which the
law attaches in the interest of the wife and family.
The proceeds of the wife's work in her home are
still very generally regarded as belonging to her
husband and he is under no legal obligations to
pay her for such services.
in the eight States with a community-property
system, with fundamental rules derived from the
law of Spain directly, or indirectly by way of
Mexico (or in the case of Louisiana by way of
France), the property rights of husband and wife
differ markedly from those in our common law
States. Under this system all property which the
husband and wife acquire belongs equally to both
of them, except that which is proved to belong to
either of them separately. The proceeds of the
labor of each becomes a part of the common or
community property, in which the wife has the
same extent of ownership as the husband. The
marriage is a partnership; and its property like
that in any other partnership is primarily liable
for the payment of its debts. The husband, how-
ever, usually has the sole management of the com-
munity property during marriage.
In view of these divergencies in laws and cus-
toms, I have come to realize that for me at least
it would be most helpful if at this session, if in
place of addressing ourselves to specific statutory
discriminations, we would undertake to reach
agreement on objectives or standards designed to
bring equity to women. The broader area of ob-
jectives and standards offer us a common meeting
o-round, so that if we direct our discussions to
this area, I believe we would have some expecta-
tion of reaching agreement as to the basic princi-
ples designed to bring equitable treatment to
women under law.
In order to lay a solid basis on which to arrive
at constructive suggestions, I would personally
find it most helpful if we might center the discus-
sion this year around normal family relationships
as distinguished from special problems. Al-
though the reports show a great deal that is out-
side of U. S. law and experience, it would be most
helpful to discuss normal family relationships in
terms of the religious, economic, and social back-
511
ground and customs of the various countries. In
this way, all of us would gain an insight into the
needs of women in other countries and learn to
understand their problems. What we might ex-
pect to come out of such a program would be a set
of principles on family law and property relations
which \vomen themselves would accept as equitable
and which could be expected to add to the dignity
of the family relationship and to strengthen, not
weaken, the fabric of our society.
As a start, we have the basic standards set forth
in the Universal Declaration of Human Eights.
The preamble of the Declaration states that :
... the peoples of the United Nations have in the
Charter reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human
rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person and
in the equal rights of men and women and have determined
to promote social progress and better standards of life in
larger freedom,
In arriving at a set of principles consistent with
the spirit and purpose of these accepted human
values there are several major areas of family law
to which I believe we might well give priority.
One of the areas that suggests itself as appropriate
for early discussion is the institution of marriage.
What is the purpose and what are the sanctities of
marriage in our differing legal and religious sys-
tems? Viewed against the economic and social
background of the individual country concerned,
what should be the rights and obligations of
woman with respect to entrance into marriage,
choice of a partner, age of consent? Once a mar-
riage is consummated, what constitutes a mutually
satisfactory relationship between husband and
wife during marriage? What should be their re-
ciprocal rights and obligations with respect to
responsibility for family support, control of chil-
dren, choice of domicile? What principles gov-
erning the control of property acquired after
marriage would both insure justice to the parties
concerned and promote the welfare of the family?
What standards should be applied in dealing with
(a) the separate property of the wife, and (b) the
property acquired through the joint efforts of both
partners?
Our discussions of this topic will give us an
opportunity to examine the laws that govern the
position of women in the family and to determine
what should be the reciprocal rights and obliga-
tions of women in the light of existing conditions
in the various countries. On the basis of this dis-
cussion we may hope to arrive at an understanding
as to the underlying principles which will insure
the equitable treatment of women in marriage,
safeguard the rights and obligations of mother-
hood, and promote the welfare of the family as
the basic institution of our society. The approach
I am suggesting may prove to be a long, hard road
and it may not easily be finished in one or even
two annual sessions. However, since it affords the
possibility of constructive help in promoting the
family status of women in all our countries, I be-
lieve it would be well worth the effort.
EDUCATIONAL OPPORTUNITIES FOR WOMEN
U.S./U.N. press release dated March 25
We endorse wholeheartedly the principle of the
fullest educational opportunities for women. We
wish to re-emphasize our belief that education
should always be considered in terms of the in-
dividual without any discrimination on the basis
of sex. This is the philosophy prevailing
throughout the United States, embodied in the
educational pattern in each one of the 48 States
and the various territories under our jurisdiction.
In the United States, education is regarded as
a right, available to all children, girls or boys,
regardless of the economic or social status of the
family. We are fully in accord with the state-
ment of the Fifteenth International Conference
on Public Education at Geneva in 1952, "that ev-
ery person, man or woman, should be able to re-
ceive an education enabling him to develop his
aptitudes as fully as possible, plan an effective
part as a member or citizen of his community, his
nation, and the world, and meet the demands of
his special tasks in life."
As was indicated in this country's report to
that conference, the constitutions of all our states
make it obligatory to organize free public-school
facilities for all children, and provide either ex-
plicitly or implicitly for equal educational oppor-
tunities regardless of sex. The duration and the
age limits of compulsory education are the same
for girls as for boys ; all public elementary schools
and the great majority of the public high schools
are coeducational, there is equal access to all types
of vocational and technical training and to higher
education, the great majority of all post-secondary
institutions being coeducational.
Even the economic and social factors which
sometimes affect the opportunitj' of women for
higher education are becoming less and less signi-
ficant as earlier prejudices are outgrown and em-
ployment opportunities open in a wider and wider
range of professions and occupations. Today it
would be practically impossible to cite any kind of
job for which a qualified woman could not obtain
appropriate educational training in the United
States. As early as 1930 women were employed
in all but 30 of the 534 occupations in the census
list of that year. By 11)40 there were only 9 in
which no woman was employed and by 1943 the
admission of women to the various military serv-
ices left only 3, now there is virtually no occupa-
tion in which there are not a few women success-
fully performing a job.
Promoting Ideals of Democracy
Furthermore, we have discovered and proved
again and again the validity of the truism, "edu-
cate a woman and you have educated a family —
and a community." Every woman is to some ex-
tent an educator, whether or not she is a member
512
Departmenf of Stafe Bulletin
of the teaching profession. In the home she
helps her children put into practice the learning
experiences acquired in the schools, trains them
in good health and living habits, and takes a lead-
ing role in developing family attitudes and in
transmitting the ideals of democracy. In the
community, she carries her housekeeping ability
and her desire for clean and safe surroundings
for her family into the organizing of health and
welfare services and of public-service organiza-
tions of many kinds for bettering her neighbor-
hood. She has been concerned to see that the
water and food supply are kept clean and pure,
and that effective sanitation facilities and safe
streets are provided.
It may be reassuring to some countries where
there is still latent opposition to higher educa-
tion for women to discover that educated women
in this country have a real interest in being wives
and mothers — in recent years three- fourths of our
women college graduates marry, and current sta-
tistics show an upward trend in the number of
their children. A recent questionnaire to college
graduates showed that many feel they are better
mothers because of their education, better in un-
derstanding, training and rearing their cliildren,
and more able to help and guide them.
Eecent trends in American education have
tended to focus the whole school curriculum in
the direction of education for family and com-
munity living. Experience indicates that both
men and women can profit by broad instruction in
relation to family life, including the joint respon-
sibilities and privileges undertaken in marriage
and parenthood. Life adjustment courses in sec-
ondary schools and for adults are growing in
American schools and communities. Through ex-
periments in both rural and urban areas, schools
at the elementary as well as the more advanced
level are orienting their teaching toward the rais-
ing of living standards in the whole community,
by making scientific knowledge available in a form
which can be used by young children and their
parents, and by developing in applying such
knowledge to the raising of living standards.
The concept of the school as a community center
rather than merely a place of instruction for chil-
dren has grown markedly in recent years. School
buildings are used for adult education and other
community purposes outside the formal school
hours. Such school activities as the school-lunch
program, greatly influence the life of the commu-
nity. The growth of informal educational pro-
grams, such as agricultural extension, labor
education, and educational activities of libraries
further reflects the trend toward relating educa-
tion directly to problems of democratic living.
Responsibility of the community for its schools
also reflects the processes of democratic partici-
pation— processes in which women as citizens play
an important part. It has always been the prin-
ciple of the American public-school system that
policy making and ultimate control of the schools
shall lie in the hands of citizens of each locality
rather than in the hands of the government or
of professional educators. School boards elected
by the citizenry, on which women and men both
serve, are the governing bodies of American pub-
lic schools. The Parent Teacher Association,
which brings together parents and teachers to con-
sider needs of children and school, provides a fur-
ther channel for participation by women of the
community in planning for and promoting the
education of their children.
Education for responsible citizenship and dem-
ocratic participation has always been a major ob-
jective of American education. Such education
first took the form of school courses in civics. In
most schools, these courses, limited to the structure
and processes of government, have been replaced
by courses which integrate the study of history,
civics, and other social sciences, and address them-
selves to "Problems of Democracy." Student or-
ganizations within the school are patterned on
national, state, or local government and provide
boys and girls with direct experience in the re-
sponsible use of democratic procedures. Within
the classroom, democratic processes are used as a
consciously developed teaching method, and em-
phasis is placed on developing the ability to eval-
uate facts and to engage in public discussion which
is basic to democracy.
Interest in Public Affairs
These educational developments have been re-
flected in the role played by American women in
their participation in State and Federal activities
for the general welfare and for international
peace and security. Citizenship training is re-
flected especially in improved standards of local
government for which women have worked vigor-
ously as part of their responsibility for the family.
It is reflected also in the activity of women's
organizations to improve laws and their admin-
istration through honest government, sound judi-
cial procedures, and positive public programs
relating to health, education, and welfare. Pos-
sibly its strongest reflection is in the contributions
of women's organizations to education. The ex-
perience in parliamentary law and effective
conduct of discussion which women have obtained
in their organizations, in trade unions, and also
in formal classes in schools has proved of great
value for women in their political life.
The interaction between the fact that women are
increasingly well educated and increasingly con-
cerned with public affairs is reflected in the
development of women's magazines. The inter-
action between women's magazines and their read-
ers has steadily raised the level of public discus-
sion in those magazines until they have become
principal forums for the discussion of important
issues, read by men as well as by women. Women
April 6, 1953
513
and women's organizations have been in the lead
in developing and supporting voluntary welfare
services, in tlie study of social problems, and in
suppoi't of Ifjcal and national legislation to deal
with these problems. Tliey liave frequently paved
the way for men and women to work togetlier on
these matters through labor unions and other
citizen groups.
A comprehensive study of the education of
women in the United States will be carried on by
a newly established commission on women's edu-
cation of the American Council on Education. It
will explore tlie current and long-range needs re-
sulting from the impact of changing social condi-
tions upon women as individuals, members of
families, career women, citizens, and as creators
and perpetuatore of values. It will include a con-
sideration of women in faculty and administrative
positions in higher education, the opportunities
for women students in colleges and universities,
and the development of plans for continuing the
education of women at the adult level.
The woman who plays a significant and con-
structive role in the world today will be the woman
whose clarity of thinking, whose experience,
standards, and judgments can raise the cultural
sights of her family and contribute to their
psychological and emotional well-being. She is
the woman who brings to her profession or busi-
ness a wider range of vision, who is conscious of
her responsibilities as a citizen in a democracy and
does something about it. In other words, her
education has trained her to be a good member of
society.
The United States in tlie United Nations
[March 1&-25]
General Assembly
Committee I {Political and Security) — The
U.S.S.R. on March 11) submitted a resolution de-
termining that the Disarmament Commission, es-
pecially the United States, France, and the United
Kingdom, had repeatedly attempted to substitute
for the question of armaments reduction "that of
illegally obtaining intelligence reports on the
armaments of individual states." The Soviet
draft would direct the Disarmament Commission
to proceed forthwith with the study of practical
measures to acliieve armaments reduction, par-
ticularly among the five Great Powers, and with
the unconditional prohibition of atomic weapons,
bacteriological, and other weapons of mass de-
struction, and the establishment of strict inter-
national control. The Disarmament Commission
would be asked to report back to the Security
Council and the General Assembly not later than
July 1.
Before introducing his resolution. Valerian
Zorin (U.S.S.R.) brushed aside the questions put
to him March 18 by Ambassador Ernest A. Gross,
as to whether the Soviets were willing to discuss
disarmament constructively in the United Nations.
He declared that the U.S.S.R. had consistently
advocated armaments reduction and prohibition
of atomic energy as the greatest guaranties of
peace.
Speaking in support of the 14-power resolution.
D. J. von Balluseck (Netherlands) noted the
fundamental difference in approach as between the
West and the U.S.S.R. It was essential, he said,
to begin with the question of disclosure and veri-
fication. The U.S.S.R., however, wanted to start
at the "far end" with reduction of armaments
and prohibition of atomic weapons. There
would be no value in such premature decisions,
which might only continue the imbalance of
power. A sy.stem of checks and balances was
needed.
Leslie K. Munro (New Zealand) pointed out
that clear and explicit answers to Ambassador
Gross' questions of March 18 would "help us to
assess"' the prospects of making progi'ess in dis-
armament. Recalling Premier Malenkov's recent
"peace policy" statements, he noted that press
reports of a Pravda article advocating an all-out
drive to strengthen Soviet power w-ere a "depress-
ing sequel."
Speaking for the United Kingdom. Sir Glad-
wyn Jebb also referred to Premier Malenkov's
talk of peace and proposed that if he really wanted
to settle all outstanding problems peaceably, he
would do well to start in the Disarmament Com-
mission. Even if the new Soviet Government
could just take a new look at the whole disarma-
ment problem and try to get away from stale slo- i
gans, some progi-ess would be achieved. 11
At the March 20 meeting of the Committee,
Egyjit, Iraq, Syria, and Yemen jointly introduced
amendments to the 14-power draft wliich, among
other things, would add a reference to hopes that
"all members of the Commission will cooperate
in efforts to produce constructive proposals likely
to facilitate its task."
On March 21, Mr. Zorin made an umisually
514
Depariment of Sfate Bulletin
moderate statement in which he said that the
Soviet Union deemed it essential that the Disarma-
ment Commission continue its work and endeavor
to find common ground. His Government could
not agree with the Western Powers' insistence that
'disclosure of information must precede reduction
of armaments; in the absence of agreement to
reduce armaments, countries could not be expected
to disclose information on their armaments for
this might result in some states claiming that they
were obliged to rearm further.
Ambassador Gross expressed disappointment at
the way in which his questions of March 18 had
been treated. If the United States were easily
discouraged, he said, the response of the Soviet
delegation might lead it to believe there was no
substance in the words of peace from the Kremlin.
However, "we must say to the Soviet delegate:
Surely this is not your last word on the subject;
surely you would not have us believe the words
of Premier Malenkov were empty words."
The U.S. delegate pointed to the incalculable
advantages which balanced reduction of armed
forces would have for the Russian people and
other peoples living under Soviet rule. He was
sure they yearned for a decent standard of living,
and disarmament could yield this without in any
way jeopardizing the security of the Soviet state,
the Soviet resolution. Ambassador Gross felt,
would undo a great deal of the progress made at
the last General Assembly. It proposed arma-
ments reduction without any reference to armed
forces. It sought to abandon the U.N.'s atomic
energy plan. On the other hand, the United
States recognized that in this resolution for the
first time the Soviet Government had admitted by
implication the possibility of reduction of non-
atomic armaments on a basis other than a flat per-
centage cut. He sincerely hoped this was an indi-
cation of greater flexibility and a desire for gen-
uine negotiation on this important problem.
Wlien the Disarmament Commission reconvened,
there would be a clear test of Soviet intentions.
He concluded by assuring that the United States
would give the most careful and sympathetic con-
sideration to any Soviet proposals which might
lead to a genuinely safeguarded system of dis-
armament. (For text, see p. 503.)
In the voting, the li-power draft as amended
was approved 50-5 (Soviet bloc) -5 (Saudi Arabia,
Burma, India, Indonesia, Argentina). (During
the paragraph-by-paragraph voting, the Soviet
bloc had cast affirmative votes on the preamble
and on the portion of operative paragraph 2 re-
questing continuation of the Disarmament Com-
mission's work ; it had abstained on paragraph 3,
requesting the Commission to report by September
1, 1953, and expressing hope for cooperation
within the Commission.)
I The Soviet draft resolution was rejected by a
' vote of 5^1-13 (Bolivia, Afghanistan, Argentina,
April 6, 1953
Egj'pt, Ethiopia, Burma, Iraq, Iran, Indonesia,
India, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Yemen) .
On Marcli 23 Czechoslovakia opened debate on
its resolution calling upon the General Assembly
to condemn the U.S. Mutual Security Act and to
recommend abrogation of the section which ap-
propriates 100 million dollars for alleged espio-
nage and subversive activities behind the Iron
Curtain. Both Vaclav David, Czechoslovak For-
eign Minister, and Andrei Gromyko quoted liber-
ally from statements of congressional and other
U.S. leaders and from evidence given at spy trials
in satellite countries in order to back up their con-
tentions regarding interference by the United
States aimed at overthrowing governments.
Replying to their charges. Ambassador Lodge
declared that no valid indictment of the United
States could be based on newspaper clippings
and remarks of individual legislators since
people in this country were free to speak and write
as they chose. As for the question of subversion,
Czechoslovakia itself was a flagrant case in point.
Ambassador Lodge described the Communist sub-
version of the Czechoslovak state at the time of
the coup (Tetat in February 1948.
With this record, Ambassador Lodge pointed
out, the present rulers of Czechoslovakia, who in-
troduced this resolution criticizing the United
States, do not come into court with clean hands.
Turning to the question of escapees. Ambassa-
dor Lodge pointed out that if the Kremlin leaders
are really looking for the people who are subvert-
ing life behind the Iron Curtain, they should look
at themselves — at their laws, their decrees, their
practices of oppression. Ambassador Lodge
showed how in order to escape these practices of
oppression and to seek freedom to speak, write,
vote, and worship, men and women made heroic
efforts to escape through the Iron Curtain despite
armed guards watching from observation towers
and vicious dogs patrolling the frontiers. He
showed how the money expended under the Ker-
sten amendment had been used to provide recep-
tion and living, quarters, food, clothing, medical
care; help in their search for visas; vocational
training; and employment and emigration advice
to assist in the permanent resettlement of these
escapees.
Ambassador Lodge went on to show how the
funds appropriated under the Kersten amend-
ment were part of the larger sums the United
States is now spending under the Mutual Security
Act and has previously spent under the Marshall
l^lan to lielp the free nations to stay free— to stop
future Koreas and future Czech oslovaki as before
they start. As for U.S. intentions toward other
countries, he cited U.S. technical-assistance pro-
grams and bv contrast the recent Technical As-
sistance Conference where Soviet representatives
were conspicuously absent. In conclusion he
called for an emphatic rejection of the Czech
resolution.
515
During the debate on March 25, Mr. von Bal-
luseck said that the Czechoslovak Government and
its "political friends" were really complaining that
citizens of the Iron Curtain countries preferred
liberty to serfdom and were leaving the "peace
camp" in ever-increasing numbers for the free-
dom of the West. The escapees were branded as
agents of the ruling circles, and those who re-
ceived them and treated them as human beino-s
were condemned by the Communist world as ag-
gressors and subversionists. The Netherlands
delegation would vote against the Czechoslovak
resolution, in the belief that giving aid to destitute
political refugees was no crime.
Selim Sarper (Turkey) stated that Ambassador
Lodge had given convincing answers to the Soviet
charges. Eca and Msa had accomplished much in
Turkey, he added ; there were 2,500 tractors in his
country in 1948 and 35,000 in 1952, and the cereal
crop had been increased by 4,500,000 tons in the
same period.
There was nothing sinister about Msa aid to
Free China, Chun-Ming Chang declared. De-
scribing the constructive objectives of the U.S.
program, he contrasted it with the Soviet Union's
30-year record of promoting subversive activities
in foreign countries. The Chinese people were
opposed to the Communist regime, the most brutal
form of domination ever known in the world.
Ambassador Lodge on ]\Iarch 25 asked the
Soviet delegation two additional questions, as to
what future plans "the Kremlin's Czechoslovak
puppet" has for William Oatis and what fate
the Peiping regime has in store for the 100-odd
A.mericans in Communist China. Summarizing
his delegation's attitude toward the Czechoslovak
attack on the Mutual Security Act, he concluded :
. . . the only aspect of the escapee program which
merits condemnation is the fact that the world is today so
organized that there are escapees. The free peoples of the
world can hardly do too much for these victims of Soviet
tyranny.
Our aid to escapees can only stop when escapees stop
coming — when millions of men and women, now trapped
behind the Iron Curtain, need no longer look elsewhere
for freedom. A problem like this is not solved by tighten-
ing border controls and intensifying purges. When
national aspirations are subverted, when human rights
are suppressed, pressure builds up to the boiling point.
One outcome of this pressure is a flow of escapees. And
this flow will not stop until the Soviet leaders permit
peoples under their sway to live their own lives in their
own way.
So long as escapees continue to come, the duty to assist
them is a matter of common humanity for the United
States and the rest of the free world. It is also a duty
imixised on us by the Charter. For, in essence, the United
Nations Charter is a Charter of hope and freedom. It is
a Charter of emancipation from religious and civil per-
secution, from poverty and disease, and from the even
more hideous scourges of concjuest and de.spotism.
It is a magnet drawing vast populations who .see in it
the expression of their hope to live their own lives in
well-being and freedom.
Mr. Chairman, we want to make this magnet irresistible,
strongly charging it with our support and strength.
516
Our Mutual Security Program will stop when the threat
of aggression— not only for us, but for all the free world-
is lifted. The United States, like all the free world, pre-
fers peaceful settlements to a dangerous and burdensome
armaments race. We do not enjoy that. We long for
the day of honest negotiations which my Government
asked for in this committee last week. We will meet the
Soviet Union half-way at any time.
Economic and Social Council '
Commission on the Status of Women — The I
Commission on March 19 approved 12-0-5 (U.S.) I
a French-Lebanese-Pakistani text requesting in-|
elusion of article 1 of the Human Rights Dectara^
tion in the Civil and Political Rights Covenant.
At the following day's meeting, a compromise I
resolution on the nationality of married women, i
formulated by the resolutions committee, was ap-
proved by a vote of 12-3 (Soviet bloc)-2 (China, I
U.K.). The resolution recommends that the Eco-
nomic and Social Council request the Secretary
General to circulate to members the draft conven- '
tion on nationality of married persons proposed '
by Cuba, with the request that members send in
their comments by January 1954, in time for con-
sideration at the Commission's eighth session.
During the same meeting, unanimous approval \
was given to a resolution on the status of women
in private law, recommending that the Economic i
and Social Council call on governments to take
all possible measures to insure equality of rights '
and duties of husband and wife in family mat-
ters, and to the wife full legal capacity and the
right to engage in work outside the home and the
right to acquire, administer, enjoy, and dispose
ot property on equal terms with her husband. '
Discussion of political rights opened on March '
23. Mrs. Lorena B. Hahn (U.S.) urged that at- '
tention now be focused on methods of helping gov-
ernments to provide equal suffrage. As women '
lacked the vote in more than 15 nations, almost all '
of which are U.N. members, she believed that help-
ful recommendations could be made. \
On March 24 the Commission adopted a reso- i
lution urging signature of the Convention on Po- ■
litical Rights. The vote was 10-0-7 (U.S., U.K.,
Soviet bloc, Chile). Action on the political
rights item was completed on March 25, with the
nearly unanimous adoption of three resolutions
on submission of information drawn from annual '
reports on trust territories, on suggestions for
future reports by the Secretary General, and on
development of the political rights of women in
trust and non-self-governing territories.
Debate then opened on educational opportuni-
ties for women. Describing the situation in the
United States, Mrs. Hahn reported that equal
educational opportunities for women were guar-
anteed in all States. There was practically no job
for which a qualified woman could not obtain
appropriate educational training. (See p. 512.)
Department of State Bulletin
Communiques Regarding Korea
^to the Security Council
1 The Headquarters of the U.N. Command has
I transmitted communiques regarding Korea to the
'Secretary General of tlie United Nations under
the following U.N. document numbers: S/2904,
Jan. 14; S/2921, Feb. 2; S/2923, Feb. 4; S/2924,
Feb. 3; S/2925, Feb. 9; S/2926, Feb. 10; S/2931,
Feb. 13 ; S/2932, Jan. 28 ; S/2933, Feb. 18 ; S/2935,
I Feb. 24 ; S/2937, Feb. 25 ; S/2938, Feb. 25 ; S/2940,
I Feb. 26; S/2941, Feb. 27; S/2943, Mar. 2; S/2944,
•Mar. 4.
U.S. Delegations
to international Conferences
Commission on the Status of Women (ECOSOC)
The Department of State announced on March
16 (press release 137) that Mrs. Lorena B. Hahn,
U.S. representative on the Commission on the
Status of Women of the U.N. Economic and Social
Council (Ecosoc), will attend the seventh session
of the Commission, which opened at New York on
March 16. Mrs. Hahn will be assisted by the
following advisers:
Mrs. Alice Angus Morrison, Women's Bureau, Department
of Labor
Mrs. Rachel C. Nason, Office of U.N. Economic and Social
Affairs, Department of State
Mrs. Harriet G. Filler, Division of Research for U.S.S.R.
and Eastern Europe, Department of State
The agenda for this session provides for the
consideration of reports concerning ( 1 ) the status
of women in the family, including the property
rights of married women; (2) equal suffrage for
women, with special attention being given to the
action which has been taken to bring into force the
Convention on the Political Rights of Women
which was adopted by the General Assembly last
December; (3) civil rights of women, including
access to Government service ; (4) economic oppor-
tunities ; (5) equal pay for equal work for men and
women workers; (6) educational opportunities;
(7) the extent to which women are serving in dele-
gations of their governments to the United Nations
and the specialized agencies; and (8) progress on
the convention on the nationality of married
women. A report on the work of the Commission
will be prepared for submission to Ecosoc.
The Commission on the Status of Women, which
was established in 1946, is one of the permanent
functional commissions of Ecosoc. It is respon-
sible for the preparation of recommendations and
reports to the Council on the promotion of women's
rights in political, economic, social, educational,
and civil fields. Eighteen Governments, elected
by the Council, comprise the membership of the
Commission. Its last (sixth) session was held at
Geneva, March 24-April 5, 1952.
Technical Assistance Committee CECOSOC)
The Department of State announced on March
20 (press release 147) that Isador Lubin, the U.S.
representative on the Technical Assistance Com-
mittee of the U.N. Economic and Social Council
(Ecosoc), will attend the meeting of the Commit-
tee which is scheduled to open at New York on
March 23.
The following advisers will assist the U.S. rep-
resentative: Philip M. Burnett, acting officer in
charge of the technical assistance unit. Office of
U.N. Economic and Social Affairs, Department
of State; Eleanor Dennison, adviser on multilat-
eral affairs, Technical Cooperation Administra-
tion, Department of State; and Johanna von
Goeckingk, Division of International Adminis-
tration, Department of State.
The responsibility for review of the programs
and the administrative problems of the U.N. ex-
panded program of technical assistance is carried
primarily by two bodies. The Technical Assist-
ance Board, composed of the heads of the partici-
pating organizations, undertakes the detailed re-
view, coordination, and integration of the
programs or projects submitted by the various
agencies and makes reports and recommendations
thereon to the Technical Assistance Committee.
The Technical Assistance Committee, on which
the 18-member governments of the Ecosoc are
represented, reviews the reports and recommenda-
tions made by the Board ; reviews the administra-
tive problems common to all organizations partici-
pating in the operation of the program; gives
general policy guidance; evaluates the effective-
ness of the total program; and makes recom-
mendations to the Ecosoc.
The last meeting of the Technical Assistance
Committee was held at New York in July 1'952.
Work Plantation Committee (ILO)
The Department of State announced on March
16 (press release 138) that on that date the Com-
mittee on Work on Plantations of the Interna-
tional Labor Organization would begin its second
session at Habana, Cuba. The U.S. delegation
is as follows :
Repbesentino the Goveenment of the United States :
Delegates
Clara M. Beyer, Associate Director, Bureau of Labor
Standards, Department of Labor, Washington, D. C.
Fernando Sierra Berdecia, Secretary of Labor of Puerto
Rico, San O'uan, Puerto Rico
Adviser
Irving Lippe, Labor Attach^, U.S. Embassy, Habana, Cuba
Repeesentinq the Employees of the United States :
Delegates
W. B. Hellis, General Manager, Irvine Company, Tustin.
Calif.
April 6, 1953
517
Franklin J. Farrington, Assistant Director, Plantations
Division. U. S. Rubber Company, New York. N. Y.
Adviser
Ross Armsby, Secretaiy, Manufacturing Commission,
Rubber JIanufacturers Association, New York, N. Y.
This committee, which lield its first session at
Bandung, Indonesia, December 4-16, 19.50, was
establisiied by tlie Governing Body of the Inter-
national Labor Office to examine problems com-
mon to plantation workers in all areas of the
world and to devise methods for dealing with
those problems within the framework of the In-
ternational Labor Organization. In November
19.51 the Governing Body decided that the agenda
for the second session should include (1) a gen-
eral I'eport covering actions taken on the basi's of
the conclusions of the first session and recent
events and developments affecting work on plan-
tations; (2) definition of the term "plantations";
(3) regulation of wages on plantations; and (4)
health and social services on plantations.
The Committee is composed of representatives
from 18 countries: Belgium, Brazil, Burma, Cey-
lon. Cuba, Dominican Republic, France, India,
Indonesia, Liberia, the Netherlands. Pakistan, the
Philippines, Portugal, Thailand, United King-
dom, the United States, and Vietnam.
World Symposium on Sferics (WMO)
The Department of State announced on March
17 (press release 141) that a World Symposium
on Sfencs would convene on that date at Zurich
under the auspices of a Working Group on Radio-
Electric Meteorology of the Commission for Aer-
ology of the World Meteorological Organization
(Wmo). The U.S. Government will be repre-
sented at the Symposium by observers.
Arthur W. Johnson, Meteorological Attache
American Legation, Bern, will be principal ob-
server. Clayton H. Jensen, Major, U.S.A.F.,
Chief, Evaluation and Development Division, Di-
rectorate of Scientific Services, Air Weather
Service, Department of the Air Force, and Law-
rence A. Pick, Chief, Meteorological Branch,
Sferics Section, Evans Signal Corps Laboratory,
Department of the Army, also will be observers.
Tlie purpose of the Symposium is to bring to-
gether comprehensive information on sferics
(radio-electric storm detection), particularly with
respect to the latest techniques in observing, re-
cording, and transmitting data; new develop-
ments in equipment; and lists of existing sferics
networks.
Worldwide inquiries on the subject have been
initiated because of the value of sferics in synoptic
meteorology, especially in areas with widely scat-
tered stations and over the ocean. Sferics is a
new field of weather research which has practical
.significance in relation to many human activities,
including the protection of lives and property
from severe .storms and the navigation of aircraft
and surface vessels.
518
THE DEPARTMENT
Termination of VOA Contracts
Press release 152 dated March 20
Contracts for construction at the Voice o:
America's two high-powered radio stations, Bakei
East near Wilmington, N.C., and Baker West ai
Port Angeles, Wash., were terminated on March 2(
by Robert L. Johnson, Administrator of thi
International Information Administration.
The construction contracts for these two trans
mitting plants were suspended on February 17 bj
Mr. Johnson's predecessor and substantial mainte
nance costs were still being incurred.
Since taking office on ]\Iarch 3, Mr. Johnson has
met with members of the U.S. Advisory Commis
sion on Information, members of the Radic
Advisory Committee, and obtained technical ad
vice from experts in and outside the Government
As a result of this series of studies, Mr. Jolmsor
said he has not attempted to make a final decisior
as to whether or not these stations should be con-
structed at some future date but he has concludec
that it would not be justifiable to proceed undei
present contracts for construction at Baker Easi
or Baker West and that these contracts should not
be continued in suspension.
Department's Security Processes
Press Conference Statement by Secretary Dullei
Press releases 149, 151. dated March 20
I thought it might be useful if I first made a
little educational statement (at least I hope it
will be educational), about the FBI reports and
the way that they are handled.
We are trying here to get FBI checkups as rap-
idly as we can on all of the key people and im-
portant officials in the different departments of the
Government. That includes, of course, the State
Department. In the beginning we can only cover
the top people, because there are so many people in
this Department and in the other Departments
that if we tried to do everything at one time the
FBI facilities would be completely swamped.
The ordinary FBI field checkup takes from 4
to 5 weeks, depending on how diverse have been
the activities of the subject of the investigation.
If he's lived all his life in one spot it's fairly easy;
if he's been in different parts of the country and in
different businesses it takes much longer.
When the FBI field report, comes in.'^it's a mass
of interviews with persons of all sorts and varie-
ties and of undetermined reliability. The in-
vestigators' job is to find information that is ad-
verse, if there is any, because their business is to
try to detect anything which is suspicious. Then,
Department of State Bulletin
I
Iwhen the field reports are concluded, the FBI
makes summaries and these summaries deal pri-
marily with the derogatory material because what
we are looking for is danger signals. It summa-
rizes that derogatory material but does not at-
tempt to evaluate it. FBI reports are summaries.
For example, they never say that on the basis of
our investigation we conclude that "Mr. X" is
or is not a good security or a good loyalty risk.
That job of evaluating the report is left to the
responsible officers of the Departments concerned.
Now, here in the Department of State these
FBI summaries in the case of important persons
are often sent to me directly and personally by
Mr. J. Edgar Hoover. I then ask our security
officer, now Mr. McLeod, to handle the matter
himself or to speak to me about it. Either I, or
one of the Under Secretaries acting for me, have
the responsibility of making the final evaluation
as far as the State Department is concerned.
Then, in the case of Presidential nominations,
we report to the President and he sends the nomi-
nation to the Senate. Sometimes where the nom-
ination is deemed to be urgent, the Department
and the President act in the first instance, on the
basis of quick FBI checks which are designed
merely to show whether there is already in the
files of the FBI any derogatory material. In
that case the matter is supplemented by subsequent
field investigations.
Sometimes the Foreign Relations Committee, as
is its right, wants to question the Secretary of
State with reference to evaluations that are put
on FBI reports. It is not, however, customary
to make generally available the FBI reports
themselves or the summaries because this would
disclose and dry up for the future sources of in-
formation of great value to the Government. The
President and the Attorney General, under whom
the FBI operates, closely restrict access to these
records. It is, however, permissible for the Sec-
retary of State to tell the Foreign Relations Com-
mittee in executive session about the contents of
reports without actually disclosing names and
sources.
In recent cases the Foreign Relations Commit-
tee has accepted the round evaluations given them
by the Secretary of State. He cannot, of course,
guarantee that there is no possible loyalty or secu-
rity risk; the most that he can do is to say that
the records of the FBI disclose no evidence of such
a risk.
Where there are anonymous or unsubstantiated
allegations, the Department would normally ask
the FBI to continue to seek the facts and to in-
tensify its investigation. We are doing all that is
humanly possible to eliminate loyalty and secu-
rity risks and in this respect we are getting
splendid cooperation from the Foreign Relations
Committee and from the FBI.
In. reply to a question conceiving Charles E.
BohJen, vjhom- the President nominated on Febru-
ary 27 to be Ambassador to the U.S.S.R., Secre-
tary Dulles said further:
I did not find in the FBI reports in summary,
any facts indicating that Mr. Bohlen might be a
security or a loyalty risk. Now, it's been said
that this Bohlen case is an acid test. I think it's
an acid test of the orderly processes of our Gov-
ernment. There was a thorough investigation,
the reports were brought before the Foreign Re-
lations Committee, they were discussed there with
me for a period of nearly 3 hours, and then, as I
say, the Committee voted unanimously to report
the nomination out to the floor of the Senate. If
matters can't be dealt with and disposed of in that
orderly way, it will very much disorganize the
conduct of public affairs and foreign affairs at a
very critical moment in history.
Confirmations
Livingston T. Merchant
The Senate on March 11 confirmed Livingston T. Mer-
chant as Assistant Secretary for European Affairs.
Robert D. Murphy
The Senate on March 20 confirmed Robert D. Murphy
as Assistant Secretary for United Nations Affairs.
Walter S. Robertson
The Senate on March 27 confirmed WaUer S. Robertson
as Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs.
Douglas MacArthur, 2d
The Senate on March 11 confirmed Douglas MacArthur,
2d, as Counselor of the Department.
THE FOREIGN SERVICE
Confirmations
The Senate on March 27 confirmed Charles E. Bohlen as
Ambassador to the U.S.S.R.
Checi( List of Department of State
Press Releases: Mar. 23-28, 1953
Releases may be obtained from the Office of the
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department
of State, Washington 25, D.C.
Press releases issued prior to Mar. 23 which
appear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 137
of Mar. 10, 138 of Mnr. 1(1, 140 of Mar. 17, 141 of
Mar. 17, 145 of Mar. 19, 147 of Mar. 20, 149 of Mar.
20, 151 of Mar. 20, and 152 of Mar. 20.
No. Date Sabject
154 3/23 Anglo-Egyptian Sudan Commission
155 3/25 Nixon-Dulles : French Ministers
tl56 3/24 Soviet reply to U.S. on plane attack
*157 3/25 Exchange of persons
*158 3/26 Cabot to visit Middle America
159 3/28 Dulles : Exchange of wounded Pow's
160 3/28 U.S.-French communique
*Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
April 6, ?953
519
AprU 6, 1953
Index
Vol. XXVIII, No. 719
Africa
EGYPT: Expansion of Point Four program . . 498
SUDAN: U.S. represented on Commission lor
Anglo-Egyptian Sudan Elections .... 493
Arms and Armed Forces
Formal diplomatic claims preferred against
Hungary and U.S.S.R. for their conduct in
1951 plane case (Summary of U.S. notes of
March 17) 496
Asia
KOREA:
Communiques regarding Korea to the Security
Council 517
Exchange of sick and wounded prisoners of
war 494
TURKEY: MsA defense support funds .... 499
Canada
Prime Minister to visit Washington 500
Congress
Senate resolution on minorities transmitted to
UJ<. (Lodge) 506
Disarmament Commission
The Soviet attitude toward the disaxmament
proDlem (Gross) 503
Europe
Formal diplomatic claims preferred against
Hungary and U.S.S.R. for their conduct in
1951 plane case (Siimmary of U.S. notes of
March 17) 496
FRANCE:
Guaranty issued for private Investment . . 500
U.S. and Prance discuss measures to promote
peace (text of communique) 491
U.K.: President expresses sympathy on death of
Queen Mary 493
U.S.S.R.: The Soviet attitude toward the dis-
armament problem (Gross) 503
Finance
Guaranty Issued for private Investment In
Prance 500
Foreign Service
Confirmatious (Bohlen) 519
Human Rights
International aspects of the status of women
(Hahn) 607
Senate resolution on minorities transmitted to
UJ^. (Lodge) 506
International Information
Termination of VGA contracts 518
International Meetings
Calendar of meetings 501
U.S. DELEGATIONS:
Commission on the Status of Women
(Ecosoc) 517
Technical Assistance Committee (Ecosoc) . . 517
Work Plantation Committee (Ilo) .... 517
World Symposium on Sferics 518
Mutual Security
Guaranty issued for private Investment In
France 500
MSA defense support funds for Turkey .... 499
Presidential Documents
President expresses sympathy on death of
Queen Mary 493
Prisoners of War
Exchange of sick and wounded prisoners of war . 494
Protection of U.S. Nationals and Property
Formal diplomatic claims preferred against
Hungary and U.S.S.R. for their conduct in
1951 plane case (Summary of U.S. notes of
March 17) 496
State, Department of
Confirmatious (Merchant, Murphy, Robertson,
MacArthur) 519
Department's security processes (Dulles) . . 518
Termination of VOA contracts 61a
Technical Cooperation and Development
Expansion of Point Four program in Egypt . . 498
Trade
Mr. Douglas heads trade survey 498
Treaty Information
U.S. represented on Commission for Anglo-
Egyptian Sudan Elections 493
United Nations
Commission on the Status of Women (Ecosoc) . 517
Communiques regarding Korea to the Security
Council 517
Exchange of sick and wounded prisoners of
war 494
International aspects of the status of women
(Hahn) 507
Senate resolution on minorities transmitted to
U.N. (Lodge) 506
Soviet attituae toward the disarmament prob-
lem (Gross) 503
Technical Assistance Committee (Ecosoc) . . 517
The United States In the United Nations . . . 514
Name Index
Beyer, Clara M 517
Bohlen, Charles E 518, 519
Clark. Mark 494
Douglas, Lewis W 49d
Duiies, Secretary 492, 494, 518
Eisenhower, President 493
Parrington, F. J 518
GUddeu, Harold W 493
Gross, Ernest A 503
Hahn, Mrs. Lorena B 507, 517
Hellis, W. B 617
Johnson, Arthur W 518
Johnson, Robert L 518
Kim II Sung 494
Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 506
Lubm, Isador 617
MacArthur, Douglas, H 519
Mary, Queen 493
Mayer, Prime Minister Ren6 492
Merchant, Livingston T 519
Murphy, Robert D 519
Nixon, Vice President 492
Perkins, Warwick 493
Robertson, Walter S 519
Sierra Berdecia, Fernando 517
St. Laurent, Louis S 500
White, Lincoln 494
'I S. GOVEBNMENT PRINTINC OFFICE 198S
^Jie/ Q}efia/d^%e7ii/ <^ t/iate^
XXVIII, No. 720
April 13, 1953
OPPOSITION TO RESTRICTIONS ON CERTAIN
AGRICULTURAL IMPORTS:
Statement by Assistant Secretary Linder 554
Protest Notes of Eight Governments 555
THE PATTERN OF U.S .-INDIAN RELATIONS •
523
by George V. Allen
CZECHOSLOVAK SUBVERSION CHARGES AGAINST
U.S. REFUTED • Statements by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. . 539
REVIEW OF THE ECE ECONOMIC SURVEY OF
EUROPE • Statement by Miriam Camp 534
For index see back cover
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
APR 3 01953
^WT o.
Me 9e/ut^fmen^ ^ Sflaie V^XSWqWW.
Vol. XXVIII, No. 720 . Publication 5026
April 13, 1953
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
U.S. Oovemment Printing OdSce
Washington 25, D.C.
Price:
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Single copy, 20 cents
The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 1952).
Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
OF State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication compiled and
edited in the Division of Publications,
Office of Public Affairs, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy issued by the White House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.
Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
The Pattern of U.S.-lndian Relations
ly George V. Allen
Ambassador to India ^
I am deeply sensible of the friendly spirit which
has motivated the India League of America in in-
viting me to be with you here today. It is a source
of considerable satisfaction to us who work in the
official or governmental sphere of U.S.-India rela-
tions to know that there is a group of men and
women, distinguished in the professions, the arts,
and business, who at the same time are actively
eno-ao-ed in a private effort to increase understand-
in| between the United States and India and fur-
ther to strengthen relations between the two.
I believe the key to sound and enduring rela-
tions between nations lies in private effort m
whatever spheres-cultural relations, education,
economic assistance, or trade and finance— by or-
ganizations such as yours. Official or government
action is of course necessary, but it has substance
only insofar as the atmosphere of friendship has
been created between the peoples of the countries
concerned.
I am aware that the India League ot America
has been active for many years. Before India s
independence it was effective in mobilizing opinion
in this country on behalf of India's freedom.
Since then it has been in the forefront as a private
agency for the dissemination of information about
India and U.S.-lndian affairs and for the develop-
ment of closer understanding between our two
peoples. 1 • TTT t.
Only a few days ago land was allotted in Wash-
ington, D. C, for the site of a Gandhi memorial—
a project which was conceived and is being carried
out by the League. In activity of this sort, in
which private citizens show by action their interest
in India and in the development of better under-
standing, there is, in my opinion, far more value
than any number of speeches by government of-
ficers or diplomats which proclaim friendship and
understanding which may or may not exist. And
as these private and spontaneous actions continue,
official declarations of friendship will inevitably
carry more weight and conviction.
' Remarks made before the India League of America ai
New York City on Apr. 1.
AprW 13, 1953
I am very glad to find myself once again pro-
fessionally concerned with U.S.-lndian relations
after a lapse of 7 years in somewhat different
work. Prior to my assignment in 1946 as Am-
bassador to Iran, I shared in the work of that part
of the Department of State which dealt with
Indian affairs. This was before Indian inde-
pendence, and, of course, there have been great
changes since then. Then, India was the greatest
jewel in the crown of empire. Now it is the largest
democratic republic in the world. Then, Indian
leaders were revolutionaries ; today, many of these
revolutionaries hold the responsibilities of govern-
ment and grapple with different but perhaps no
less difficult problems.
No man could approach the assignment 1 have
been given but with humility and a full awareness
of the'challenge the assignment offers. Yet I have
every confidence that my work will be easier be-
cause, I believe, the broad pattern of U. S.-Indian
relations has already been well-established. That
pattern involves growing understanding and
friendship between the two countries and closer,
more fruitful cooperation in international affairs.
It is based on scrupulous care that the sovereignty
and national aspirations of each not be offended.
We attach the greatest importance to the efforts
which India is making to develop its economy and
improve the lot of its people. If those efforts
succeed, it will encourage peoples throughout Asia
and fortify faith in democratic methods every-
where. If they do not succeed, the very founda-
tions of the Indian Republic and of the Orient may
be shaken. America's interest, in one sentence, is
that India, which has achieved full sovereign
status, shall retain that status completely, and
that the faith which the vast majority of the In-
dian people have in democracy's ability to give
them a better and fuller life be sustained and
fortified.
India's problems are in a very real sense the
world's problems, and many nations, recognizing
this, are offering whatever help they can. The
United States is in the forefront as regards mate-
523
rial help and moral encouragement to India. We
do not give our help as charity ; on the contrary,
our help has been in the nature of an investment in
India s sovereignty and independence. We, and
the rest of the free vporld, stand to receive rich divi-
dends in strengthened democracy and in develop-
ing a strong spiritual bastion against the heartless
and dangerous forces of materialism.
I am confident that we will continue to offer our
help and encouragement.
There is in the United States today an ever-
growing understanding of India's problems and
sympathy for India's courageous efforts, and in
India s position, in the world or its great potential.
I am unaware of any proposals under considera-
tion which would reverse or cancel the policies
which the United States has been following for
some time and which have received the support of
Republicans and Democrats alike. Rather, I think
you may find a quickened interest in India, and
an even stronger determination, on our part to
clear up any misunderstanding and to reaffirm' by
word and deed our abiding friendship for India
lo this end I have dedicated myself and ask your
continued help and support.
Assessment of Soviet Gestures
Remarks by Secretary Dulles
Press release 173 dated April 3
In response to various questions concerning the
(usessment placed by the United States on recent
'Soviet moves and their possible outcome, Secretary
Dulles made the following extemporaneous re-
marks at his news conference on April 3:
Nothing that has happened, or which seems to
me Jikely to happen, has changed the basic situa-
tion of danger in which we stand. There are three
basic facts which, I think, we should always have
in mind as long as they are the facts.
The first is this : The Soviet Union is a heavily
armed totalitarian state, subject to the dictates of
a small group, whose total control extends to one-
third of the people, and the natural resources of
the world.
The second fact is that the leaders of the Soviet
Union are basically and deeply hostile to any other
state which does not accept Soviet Communist
control. That is part of their fanatically held
creed.
The third fact is that the Soviet Communist
leaders do not recognize any moral inhibitions
against the use of violence. In fact, they do not
admit the existence of such a thing as the moral
law.
Now those facts combine to create a gi-ave
danger, and as I said, nothing that has happened
or seems likely to happen in the near future ends
that danger, or our need, or the need of the free
524
world generally, to take precautions against it.
That, however, does not prevent accommodations
from time to time which may be useful— useful if,
but only if, they do not blind us to the persistence
of the danger.
At the moment I see nothing which ends that
danger or would justify us in changing any of our
basic defensive policies, either alone or in con-
junction with our allies. Now, there are, as I have
said, possibilities of useful accommodation that
could relate to such matters as the exchange of
wounded and sick prisoners of war in Korea, and
if good faith is shown in relation to that, then
there may be the possibility of an armistice in
Korea.
There is a question of an Austrian treaty which
could also be a matter of accommodation.
There are a whole series of outstanding ques-
tions which can be a matter of accommodation.
The point I want to make is that so long as these
three conditions persist, to which I referred, we
must not, in my opinion, assume that the danger is
over and that we are living in a peaceful world
which requires neither armament nor our allies.
I see nothing which should delay or hamper the
European Defense Community and the other basic
policy measures that we are trying to take.
Asked whether there was any incoTisistency be-
tween this view and that expressed by President
Eisenhower the day before,"- Mr. Dulles replied:
I am confident that the general philosophy
which I have expressed is the philosophy of the ad-
ministration. The President said, I think— I
haven't actually seen the transcript of his state-
ment— that we are prepared to take up concrete
matters, such as peace in Asia, where it is to our
advantage to do so, and test out the Communist
words, in practical operation.
I think that the events that are happening are,
to a very large extent, due to the vigorous position
which the Eisenhower administration has taken
since it has been in office.
We have had indications from so-called neutral
sources m contact with the Soviet Union that the
leaders there were waiting to see what the policies
of the new administration would be, whether they
would be weak or strong policies.
Now, in fact, we have taken some fairly strong
policies, both in Asia and in Europe.
In Asia we have ended the orders of the Seventh
Fleet which protected the Chinese Communist
Mainland. We have intensified the build-up of
indigenous forces. South Korean forces, in the
Republic of Korea. We indicated to the French
our disposition to increase help to them there.
We pointed out that an armistice in Korea could
not be used as a basis for enabling the Chinese
' At bis press conference on Apr. 2, the President said
that the United States should take at face value every offer
that was made until it was proved not to be worthy of
being so taken.
Deparfment of Stafe Bullefin
Communists to shift their forces and to commit
aggression elsewhere, or at least if they attempted
that it would have serious consequences.
In Europe, we have actively revived the program
for a European Defense Community, and increased
unity — military, in the first instance; ultimately,
political, and economic.
In all those respects we have had vigorous, posi-
tive policies. In my opinion they are beginning
to bear some fruit, although how much that fruit
will turn out to be still remains to be tested. It is
still in words primarily rather than in actual
deeds.
Fourth Anniversary of NATO
STATEMENT BY THE PRESIDENT
White Honee press release dated April 4
Just 4 years ago today the representatives of 12
free nations met in Washington to sign their names
to a document which free men will long remember.
That document was the North Atlantic Treaty.
In the years since that date other nations have
signed their names and pledged their strength —
to make Nato the central source of strength for
defense of the western world.
This year it happens that we commemorate the
anniversary of Nato at Easter time. To peoples
of all faiths the spiritual idea of the Prince of
Peace carries meaning. And Nato is an instru-
ment of peace. It endangers none who will respect
freedom. It serves all who love freedom — and
wish to enjoy it in peace.
We have learned from bitter and conclusive ex-
perience that peace cannot be defended by the
weak. It demands strength — strength of our
armies, strength of our economies, and, above all,
strength of our spirit.
This strength can be born only of unity. Nato
signifies the resolve of the free nations of the
North Atlantic community to be united against
any aggression. The North Atlantic Treaty served
notice that an attack upon any of the Nato coun-
tries would be resisted by all. It did yet more:
It called upon all participating nations to develop
that strength which could not only win war but
more importantly could prevent war.
The two hundred million people of the Nato
nations of Europe are in the deepest sense bound
together by a unity more profound than any pact.
They are skilled in work, courageous in spirit,
and tenacious in their love of freedom. They —
their spirit and strength and resources — are in-
dispensable to the defense of freedom everywhere.
If they and their resources ever were captured and
exploited by an aggressor, there Avould be no corner
of safety anywhere in the world. But so long as
these people and these resources are joined with
those of the United States in our common cause,
no aggressor can be blind to the folly of attack.
The woi'k of Nato is far from complete. This
anniversary, then, should be the signal for all
Nato nations to dedicate themselves with renewed
vigor to the work that remains to be done. So
doing, each and all must know that they are
serving — not the wishes or needs of some big alien
power, nor even a lofty abstract ideal — but simply
their own salvation and survival in freedom.
Each and all must remind themselves that the
faint of heart and the slow of deed are the first
and the surest to invite the torment of aggression.
Each and all of us must summon to mind the
words of Him whom we honor this Easter time:
"When a strong man, armed, keepeth his palace,
his goods are in peace."
Secretary Dulles' Message to Lord Ismay >
On this fourth anniversary of the signing
of the North Atlantic Treaty I want to ex-
tend to you, and through you to the chairman
of the North Atlantic Council and the repre-
sentatives of other Nato Governments, the
greetings of the Government of the United
States. Let me also express appreciation of
the imaginative and devoted leadership you
have demonstrated during the past year. It
has been a year of substantial progress, and
with continued unity of effort there is reason
to hope that even greater progress can be
achieved during the coming year. I can as-
sure you of the continued interest and co-
operation of the U.S. Government, because
we are convinced that a strong and enduring
Atlantic partnership is vitally important to
the security and peace of the entire world.
' Sent on Apr. 3. Lord Ismay is Secretary-General
of Nato.
April 13, 1953
525
Proposal for Settlement of Korean Prisoner-of-War Question
Premier Chou En-lai of Conwnunist China on
March 30 proposed that negotiations should begin
at once on the exchange of sick and wounded
prisoners of war in Korea., and that, after the ces-
sation of hostilities, all prisoners who do not wish
to he repatriated should he turned over to a neutral
country '■'■so as to insure a just solution to the ques-
tion of their repatriation. Following is the text
of his statement, which was hroadcast by the New
China News Agency {Radio Peiping), together
tvith a statement by Lincoln White, Deputy Spe-
cial Assistant for Press Relations, a letter from.
Gen. Mark Clark to the Communist Commanders,
and a statement by Soviet Foreign Minister
Vyacheslav M. Molotov.
CHOU EN-LAI'S STATEMENT OF MARCH 30'
U.N. doc. A/2378
Dated March 31, 1953
Enclosed herewith the full text of my statement
on the question of the Korean armistice negotia-
tions issued on 30 March 1953. Please distribute
the full text of this statement to all the delegations
of the member states of the United Nations, ex-
cept the so-called "delegation" of the remnant
Chinese Kuomintang clique.
[Enclosure]
The Central People's Government of the People's Repub-
lic of China and the Government of the Democratic
People's Kepublic of Korea, having jointly studied the
proposal put forward by Gen. Mark W. Clark. Commander
in Chief of the United Nations Command, on Feb. 22, 1953,
concerning the exchange of sick and injured prisoners of
war of both sides during the period of hostilities, are of
the common opinion that it is entirel.v possible to achieve a
reasonable settlement of this question in accordance with
the provision of Article 109 of the Geneva Convention of
1949.
A reasonable settlement of the question of exchanging
sick and injured prisoners of war clearly has a very
significant bearing upon the smooth settlement of the entire
question of prisoners of war. It is, therefore, our view
that the time should be considered ripe for settling the
entire question of prisoners of war in order to insure the
cessation of hostilities in Korea and to conclude the
armistice agreement.
The Government of the People's Republic of China and
the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of
" Cablegram sent to President Lester B. Pearson of the
U.N. General Assembly by the Communist Chinese
Premier.
526
Korea hold in common that the delegates of the Korean
People's Army and the Chinese People's Volunteers to the
armistice negotiations and the delegates of the United
Nations Command to the armistice negotiations should
immediately start negotiations on the question of exchang-
ing sick and injured prisoners of war during the period ol
hostilities, and should proceed to seek an over-all settle-
ment of the question of prisoners of war.
The Korean armistice negotiations in the past one yeai
and more have already laid the foundation for the realiza-
tion of an armistice in Korea. In the course of the nego-
tiations at Kaesong and Panmunjom, the delegates of both
sides have reached agreement on all questions except that
of prisoners of war.
In the first place, on the question of a ceasefire in Korea,
about which the whole world is concerned, both sides have
already agreed that "the Commanders of the opposing
sides shall order and enforce a complete cessation of all
hostilities in Korea by all armed forces under their con-
trol, including all units and personnel of the ground, naval,
and air forces, effective twelve hours after this Armistice
Agreement is signed" ( Paragraph 12 of the draft Korean
armistice agreement).'
Secondl.v, both sides have further reached agreement
on the various important conditions for an armistice. On
the question of fixing a military demarcation line and
establishing a demilitarized zone, both sides have already
agreed that the actual line of contact between both sides
at the time when the armistice agreement becomes effec-
tive shall be made the military demarcation line and that
"both sides shall withdraw two kilometers from this line
so as to establish a demilitarized zone between the oppos-
ing forces ... as a bulfer zone to prevent the occurrence
of incidents which might lead to a resumption of hos-
tilities" (Paragraph 1 of the draft armistice agreement).
On the question of supervising the implementation of
the armistice agreement and settling violations of the
armistice agreement, both sides have already agreed that
a military armistice commission, composed of five senior
oflScers appointed jointly by the Supreme Commander of
the Korean People's Army and the commander of the
Chinese People's Volunteers, and five senior officers
appointed by the Commander in Chief of the United
Nations Command, shall be set up to be responsible for
the supervision of the implementation of the armistice
agreement, including the supervision and direction of the
committee for repatriation of prisoners of war, and for ;
settling through negotiations any violations of the armi-
stice agreement (Paragraphs 19, 20, 24, 25 and 56 of the
draft armistice agreement) : both sides have also agreed
that a neutral nation's supervisory commission shall be
set up, composed of two senior officers appointed as rep-
resentatives by Poland and Czechoslovakia, neutral na-
tions nominated jointly by the Supreme Commander of
the Korean People's Army and the Commander of the
Chinese I^eople's Volunteers, and two senior officers
appointed as representatives by Sweden and Switzerland,
neutral nations nominated by the Commander in Chief of
the United Nations Command, and that under this com-
mission there shall be provided neutral nations inspection
' U. N. doc. A/2228, Annex A. |
Department of State Bulletin
teams composed of oflScers appointed as members to the
teams by the aforementioned nations.
These inspection teams shall be stationed at the fol-
lowing ports of entry in North Korea : Sinuiju, Chongjin,
Hungnam. Manpo, Sinanju, and at the following ports of
entry in South Korea : Inchon, Taegu, Pusan, Kangnung
and Kuiisan, to supervise and inspect the implementation
of the provisions that both sides cease the introduction
into Korea of reinforcing military personnel and combat
aircraft, armored vehicles, veeapons and ammunition
(except for rotation and replacement as permitted by
these provisions), and may conduct special observations
and inspections at those places outside the demilitarized
zone where violations of the armistice agreement have
been reported to have occurred, so as to ensure the sta-
bility of the military armistice ( Paragraphs 36, 37, 40, 41,
42 and 43 of the draft armistice agreement) .
In addition, both sides have reached agreement that
"the military commanders of both sides hereby recom-
mend to the governments of the countries concerned on
both sides that, within three months after the armistice
agreement is signed and becomes effective, a political
conference of a higher level of both sides be held by
representatives appointed respectively to settle through
negotiations the questions of the withdrawal of all foreign
forces from Korea, the peaceful settlement of the Korean
question, etc." (Paragraph 60 of the draft armistice
agreement ) .
As stated above, in the course of the Korean armistice
negotiations one question alone — the question of prisoners
of war — blocks the realization of an armistice in Korea.
And even with respect to the question of prisoners of war,
both sides have reached agreement on all the provisions
in the draft armistice agreement on the arrangements
relating to prisoners of war, except on the question of
the repatriation of prisoners of war. Had the Korean
armistice negotiations not been interrupted for more than
five months, a solution might long since have been found
to this issue of the repatriation of prisoners of war.
Now inasmuch as the United Nations Command has
proposed to settle, in accordance with Article 109 of the
Geneva Convention, the question of exchanging sick and
injured prisoners of war during the period of hostilities,
we consider that subsequent upon the reasonable settle-
ment of the question of sick and injured prisoners of war,
it is entirely a matter of course that a smooth solution to
the whole question of prisoners of war should be achieved,
provided that both sides are prompted by real sincerity to
bring about an armistice in Korea in the spirit of mutual
compromise.
Regarding the question of prisoners of war, the Govern-
ment of the People's Republic of China and the Govern-
ment of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea have
alwa.vs held and continue to hold that a reasonable solu-
tion can only lie in the release and repatriation of war
prisoners without delay after the cessation of hostilities
in accordance with the stipulations of the 1949 Geneva
Convention, particularly those of Article 118 of the
convention.^
However, in view of the fact that the differences be-
tween the tveo sides on this question now constitute the
' Article 118 of the Geneva Convention reads :
"Prisoners of war shall be released and repatriated
without delay after the cessation of active hostilities.
"In the absence of stipulations to the above effect in
any agreement concluded between the Parties to the con-
flict with a view to the cessation of hostilities, or failing
any such agreement, each of the Detaining Powers shall
itself establish and execute without delay a plan of re-
patriation in conformity with the principle laid down in
the foregoing paragraph.
"In either case, the measures adopted shall be brought
to the knowledge of the prisoners of war.
"The costs of repatriation of prisoners of war shall in
all cases be equitably apportioned between the Detaining
Power and the Power on which the prisoners depend.
April 13, 1953
only obstacle to the realization of an armistice in Korea,
and in order to satisfy the desire of the people of the
world for peace, the Government of the People's Republic
of China and the Government of the Democratic People's
Republic of Korea, in pursuance of their consistently
maintained peace policy and their position of consistently
working for the speedy realization of an armistice in
Korea and striving for a peaceful settlement of the Korean
question, thus to preserve and consolidate world peace,
are prepared to take steps to eliminate the differences on
this question so as to bring about an armistice in Korea.
To this end, the Government of the People's Republic of
China and the Government of the Democratic People's
Republic of Korea propose that both parties to the nego-
tiations should undertake to repatriate immediately after
the cessation of hostilities all those prisoners of war in
their custody who insist upon repatriation and to hand
over the remaining prisoners of war to a neutral state so
as to insure a just solution to the question of their repa-
triation.
It must be pointed out that, in advancing this proposal,
we by no means relinqui.sh the principle of release and re-
patriation of war prisoners without delay after the cessa-
tion of hostilities set forth in Article 118 of the Geneva
Convention, nor do we acknowledge the assertion of the
United Nations Command that there are among the pris-
oners of war individuals who allegedly refuse repatriation.
It is only because the termination of the bloody war in
Korea and the peaceful settlement of the Korean question
is bound up with the question of the peace and security of
the people of the Far East and the world that we take this
new step and propose that, after the cessation of hostilities,
those captured personnel of our side who, under the in-
timidation and oppression of the opposite side, are filled
with apprehensions and are afraid to return home, be
handed over to a neutral state and that explanations be
given them by the side concerned, thus insuring that the
question of their repatriation will be justly settled and
will not obstruct the realization of an armistice in Korea.
We are convinced that this new step taken by the Gov-
ernment of the People's Republic of China and the Govern-
ment of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for
terminating the hostilities in Korea is in complete accord
with the vital interests of the peoples whose sons are
fighting on both sides in Korea and is also in complete
accord with the fundamental interests of the people of
the whole world. If the United Nations Command has
the good faith to seek peace, this proposal of our side ought
to be accepted by it.
STATEMENT BY PRESS OFFICER WHITE
At a news conference on March 30, Lincoln
White made the following statement in reply to
questions concerning proposals for the exchange
of sick and wounded prisoners of war:
After more than 10 months, beginning in Decem-
ber 1951, of fruitless efforts by the U.N. Command
This apportionment shall be carried out on the following
"(a) If the two Powers are contiguous, the Power on
which the prisoners of war depend shall bear the costs of
repatriation from the frontiers of the Detaining Power.
"(b) If the two Powers are not contiguous, the Detain-
ing Power shall bear the costs of transport of prisoners
of war over its own territory as far as its frontier or
its port of enibarl;ation nearest to the territory of the
Power on which the prisoners of war depend. The Parties
concerned shall agree between themselves as to the equita-
ble apportionment of the remaining costs of the repatria-
tion. Tlie conclusion of this agreement shall in no cir-
cumstances justify any delay in the repatriation of the
prisoners of war."
527
negotiators to reach agreement with the Commu-
nists on the question of the repatriation of pris-
oners of war on a humanitarian basis, negotiations
were suspended at Panmunjom on October 8, 1952.
At that time the U.N. Command made clear that
it had exhausted every effort to find a formula to
this end, only to have every proposal it put for-
ward summarily rejected by the Communists.''
Accordingly, it stated that its proposals stood
and it was prepared to resume negotiations if the
Communists desired to accept any of those pro-
posals or would make a constructive proposal of
their own.
In the absence of any proposals from the Com-
munist side, General Clark, on February 22, re-
newed the oft-repeated U.N. proposal that, in ac-
cordance with the Geneva Convention, an ex-
change of seriously sick and wounded prisoners of
war not await conclusion of an armistice but be
carried out immediately.
Somewhat over a month later, the Communists
replied in what appeared to be an acceptance of
General Clark's proposal. As the Secretary stat«d
Saturday ,= it is our hope that arrangements for
this exchange can promptly be completed and car-
ried out.
Meanwhile, as stated last October, U.N. Com-
mand liaison officers remain available at Panmun-
jom to receive any constructive proposals or fur-
ther communications with regard to the armistice
negotiations which the Communists wish to bring
to our attention. As far as we know here, they
have received nothing further since the Commu-
nists' letter of March 28. We, of course, welcome
any indications that the Communists are now in-
terested in resolving the entire prisoner-of-war
question on a humanitarian basis.
LETTER FROM GENERAL CLARK
TO THE COMMUNIST COMMANDERS
Press release 163 dated March 31
On March 31 Gen. Mark W. Clark sent to Gen-
eral Kim II Sung, Commander of the Korean
People's Army, and Gen. Peng Teh-Huai, Com-
mander of the Chinese PeopWs Volunteers, the fol-
lowirig reply to their letter of March 28 ^ concern-
ing^ the repatriation of seriously sick and wounded
prisoners of ivar in Korea:
1. I hereby acknowledge with pleasure the re-
ceipt of your letter of 28 March, 1953, in reply to
my letter of 22 February,'^ and understand that
you are fully prepared in accordance with our
proposal to proceed inmiediately with the re-
* For texts of statements by General Clark and Lt. Gen.
William K. Harrison, Jr., on the suspension of truce talks,
see BULLETIN of Oct. 20, 1952, pp. 600, 601.
° For Secretary Dulles' statement of Mar. 28, see iUd.,
Apr. 6, 195.3, p. 495.
' [hid., Apr. 6. 1953. p. 494.
528
patriation of all seriously sick and wounded cap-
tured personnel during the period of hostilities.
Accordingly, I propose that a meeting of the
liaison groups headed by a General or Flag Officer
representative from each side be held at Pan Mun
Jom, at your earliest convenience, to make neces-
sary detailed arrangements for the exchange of
these captured persons.
2. I share the hope you expressed that a con-
clusion of the exchange of sick and wounded pris-
oners of war during the period of hostilities would
make more likely a smooth settlement of the entire
prisoner of war question. Accordingly I will be
prepared to instruct my liaison group as a second
order of business to meet with your liaison group
to arrange for a resumption of armistice negotia-
tions by our respective delegations. We take it as
implicit in your suggestion in this respect that you
would be prepared to accept U.N. Command pro-
posals or make some comparable constructive pro-
posal of your own which would constitute a valid
basis for resumption of Delegation meetings.
3. I request that you advise me as soon as possi-
ble of your decision on my proposal with regard
to the time of meeting between the liaison groups
of both sides to arrange for the repatriation of all
seriously sick and wounded captured persons.
STATEMENT BY
SOVIET FOREIGN MINISTER MOLOTOV
Folloioing is the text of a statement hy Vyache-
slav M. Molotov, Soviet Foreign Minister, as
broadcast by the Moscow radio on April 1:
On the 28th of March, a letter of reply was published
from Kim II Sung, Commander in Chief of the Korean
People's Army and Peng Teh-huai, Commander of the
Chinese People's Volunteers addressed to General Clark,
Commander in Chief of the United Nations forces in Korea
regarding the exchange of sick and wounded prisoners of
war.
The letter voices agreement with the exchange of sick
and wounded prisoners of war of both sides and indicates
that in this question virtual agreement was reached during
the course of the Korean truce talks and that only the in-
terruption of the Panmunjom truce talks prevented this
exchange from taking place earlier.
Agreement has also been expressed to exchange sick and
wounded prisoners of war in accordance with clauses of
Article 109 of the Geneva Convention referring to the
period of military operations. At the same time, the ;
letter stresses that such an exchange of sick and wounded
prisoners of war must lead to the unhindered settlement
of the entire prisoner-of-war question and thereby to the
achievements of an armistice in Korea.
With this aim in view it is proposed immediately to
resume talks in Panmunjom. Following this, a statement
was made in Peiping by the Premier of the State Adminis-
trative Council and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the
Chinese People's Republic, Chou En-lai, and in Pyongyang
by the Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers of the Korean
People's Democratic Republic, Kim II Sung.
Both the Governments of the Chinese People's Republic
and the Government of the Korean People's Democratic
Republic have stated that they agree to the proposal for
the exchange of sick and wounded prisoners of war and,
Xiepatimen^ of State Bulletin
as before, express readiness to reach agreement on the
immediate settlement of the entire prisoner-of-war ques-
tion and thereby of ending the war in Korea.
I am authorized to state that the Soviet Government
expresses its full solidarity with this noble act of he
Government of the Chinese People's Republic and the
Government of the Korean People's Democratic Republic
and has no doubt that this act will find ardent support
among peoples throughout the world.
The Soviet Government also expresses confidence that
this proposal will be correctly understood by the Govern-
ment of the United States of America.
The Soviet Government has unswervingly supported all
steps directed toward the reaching of a just armistice and
the ending of the war in Korea. The beginning for this
was laid in the reply of the head of the Soviet Government.
J. V. Stalin, to the request of the Premier of India, Mr.
Nehru, as far back as July, 1950. ^ , ■ t„„^
As is known, the radio broadcast in New Jork in June,
1951 bv the D.S.S.R. representative in the Security Coun-
dl' seTved as a basis for beginning truce talks in Korea_
These truce talks, which first took place m Kaesong and
subsequently in Panmunjom, led to agreement on all con-
dUions of the armistice excepting the question of the
repatriation of prisoners of war but the truce talks were
[Xi"pted by General Clark in October last year, which
delayed the conclusion of an armistice.
The Chinese and Korean side have accepted General
Clark's proposal that an exchange of sick and wounded
prisoners of war should be made in conformity with Arti-
cle 109 of the Geneva Convention of 1949 concerning treat-
ment of prisoners of war.
This Article states : . . .' . ,. ..i.
This Article of the Geneva Convention refers to the
period prior to the armistice, when military operations
have not yet been suspended. Since the agreement on
the application of this Article has been reached b> now
and mav be signed in the next few days by both sides, no
^stacles will be left in the way of the exchange of sick
and wounded prisoners of war beginning without further
*^^The aforementioned letter of the Commander in Chief of
the Korean People's Army. Kim II Sung, and the Com-
mander of the Chinese People's Volunteers Gen^ Pen
Teh-huai. not only expresses consent to Geneial Clark s
proposal of Feb. 22 on the exchange of sick and '"'ounded
prisoners of war, but also proposes resumption of the
Armistice talks in order to put an end to the war m Korea.
Particular attention must be paid to the fact that the
statement of Foreign Minister Chou En-lai on March 30
worked out jointly by the Governments of the Chinese
People's Republic and the Korean People's Democratic
Republic, proposes not only to exchange the sick and
wounded prisoners of war. but also to decide the question
on repatriation of prisoners of war as a whole, leading
to the conclusion of an agreement on an armistice and
the cessation of the war in Korea.
The Government of the Chinese People's Republic and
the Government of the Korean People's Repubhc on their
side propose: Following the sensible settlement of the
question concerning the sick and wounded prisoners of
war to solve the whole question of prisoners of war in
order that both sides be guided by the sincere desire to
reach an armistice in Korea in the spirit of a mutual
compromise. . j= „„^
The question of the repatriation of prisoners of war
must of course, be decided in conformity witli the prm-
cinles of the Geneva Convention on which, naturally, the
Soviet Government insisted, as did the Governments of
the Chinese People's Republic and the Korean Peoples
Democratic Republic. As is known neither the prolonged
talks in Panmunjom, however, nor the repeated discus-
' For an excerpt from the statement made by Jacob A.
Malik on June 23, 1951, see ibid., July 9, 1951, p. 4o.
• For text of the article quoted by Mr. Molotov. see ibid..
Apr. 6, 1953, p. 495.
April 13, 1953
sions of this question at the General Assembly of United
Nations, produced any positive results. Hifforonc^
Inasmuch as this question remained the only difference
between the belligerent sides in Korea presenting an
obstacle to an agreement on an armistice the Govern-
ments of the Chinese People's RepubUc and the Korean
People's Democratic Republic, guided by the desire to
achieve peace and an end of the war in Korea, took a step
toward a final solution of this question.
Thev proposed that both sides resume talks on «e ar-
mistice, committing themselves to repatriate, immediately
after the cessation of military operations, all prisoners of
war in their hands insisting on repatriation, while hand-
ing over the rest of the prisoners of war to a neutral state
with the object of ensuring a fair solution of the question
of their repatriation. .
Tills proposal allows for a fair solution of the question
of the repatriation of prisoners of war and for an ehmina-
tion of the remaining obstacles for the realization of an
armistice in Korea. , * ^v, „v,«io
There can be no doubt that the peoples of the whole
world, desiring to put an end to the war in Korea and to
promote the strengthening of peace and the security of
the peoples in the Far East and all the world, vnU welcome
this proposal with warm sympathy and offer it lull
^"The^Soviet Government recognizes the entire fairness of
this proposal of the Government of the Chinese People s
Republic and the Government of the Korean Peoples
Democratic Republic, and is prepared to cooperate fully
in its realization. „„„„^~
Naturally the United Nations could do more as regards
an armistice in Korea if it were to include legal repre-
sentatives of China and Korea. ^ ,^ ,, „„„,„
The fact that the Chinese people and the Korean people
are deprived of their lawful representation in the United
Nations, firstly, undermines the prestige of this organiza-
tion and secondly, deprives it of the possibility of assist-
ing as it should in the strengUiening of international
security and universal peace. . ^ , ^ „
The Soviet Government considers it its duty to recau
that the question of the restitution of the rights of the
Chinese and Korean peoples in the United Nations is one
of the most urgent questions, and that the restitution of
the rights of China and Korea in the United Nations, par-
ticularly under present conditions, is in the interests of
the raising of the prestige and international importance of
the United Nations and will promote the strengthening
of peace throughout the world.
Visit of Chancellor Adenauer
On April 1 the Department of State announced
that the Chancellor of the Federal Republic of
Germany, Konrad Adenauer, and his party will
arrive a"t Washington on April 7. The Chan-
cellor's party will be met at Washington National
Airport by Vice President Nixon, Secretary
Dulles, and other officials of the Government, in-
cluding George M. Humphrey, Secretary of the
Treasury; Charles E. Wilson, Secretary of De-
fense ; and Harold M. Stassen, Director for Mu-
tual Security. At 12 noon the Chancellor will
meet with President Eisenhower at the Whit©
House and at 3 p.m. he will call on Secretary
Dulles. _ ^, , .„ .
On April 8 the National Press Club will give a
luncheon in honor of the Chancellor at the Na-
tional Press Building ; an afternoon meeting with
Secretary Dulles will follow. On that evening.
Secretary Dulles will give a dinner in honor of
the Chancellor.
529
On April 9, following a meeting with Chancel-
lor Adenauer, the President will give a luncheon
in his honor.
On April 10 the Chancellor and his party will
depart for San Francisco.
P'rom April 11 to April 18, the Chancellor and
party will visit Carmel, Calif., Chicago, New
York, Boston, and Ottawa.
Included in Chancellor Adenauer's party are
the following persons: Miss Lotte Adenauer,
daughter of the Chancellor; Dr. Walter Halstein,
State Secretary of Foreign Affairs; Dr. Vollrath
Freiherr von Maltzan, Chief, Office of Foreign
Trade; Hans Heinrich von Herwarth, Chief of
Protocol; Felix von Eckardt, Chief, Press and
Information Office ; and Dr. Alexander Boker of
the Foreign Office.
Planning Board To Assist
National Security Council
White House press release dated Marcb 23
The President has been giving attention to
strengthening and improving the operations of
the National Security Council (Nsc). On several
occasions he has stressed the importance which he
places upon the effective functioning of the Coun-
cil. He feels that in these critical times the Coun-
cil can afford the greatest possible assistance to
the President in deciding policy issues affecting
the national security.
The President has decided that he expects to
have in regular attendance at Council meetings,
in addition to himself and the "Vice President, the
following: the Secretary of State, the Secretary
of Defense, the Secretary of the Treasury, the Di-
rector for Mutual Security, and (when appointed)
the Director of Defense "Mobilization.
Beside the above Council members, those regu-
larly attending Council meetings as advisers will
be the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the
Director of Central Intelligence, and the Special
Assistant to the President for Cold War Planning
(C. D. Jackson). For executive and staff func-
tions at Council meetings, there will be in attend-
ance Robert Cutler, administrative assistant to the
President, and the Council's executive secretary
and deputy executive secretary.
The President has named Mr. Cutler as special
assistant to the President for National Security
Affairs. Mr. Cutler will be the principal executive
officer of the National Security Council and serve
as chairman of its newly established Planning
Board.
To bring to Council deliberations a fresh point
of view, not burdened with departmental responsi-
bilities, the President plans from time to time to
call upon qualified civilians to act as informal
consultants to the Council. At present, seven
prominent citizens are spending a good part of
530
1
the month of March in Washington as civilian
consultants. The President believes that this pro-
cedure will prove useful to him and to the other
Council members.
In order to provide continuous assistance to the
Council in its planning operations, the President
has established an Nsc Planning Board to take
the place of the former Nsc Senior Staff. This
Board will be composed of qualified members and
advisers from the departments and agencies repre-
sented at the Council table. Each person selected
for the Planning Board is appointed by the Presi-
dent, on nomination of the chief of the department
or agency concerned, and for this purpose will
become a special assistant for National Security
Affairs. To date the President has appointed the
following:
Chairman : Robert Cutler, Special Assistant to the Presi-
dent for National Security Affairs
Treasury Member: Andrew N. Overby, Assistant Secre-
tary of the Treasury
Defense Member : Frank O. Nash, Assistant Secretary of
Defense
Mutual Security Member: Frank N. Roberts, Military
Adviser, Director for Mutual Security
0dm Member: William Y. Elliott, Office of Director of
Defense Mobilization
Joint Chiefs of Staff Adviser : Maj. Gen. John K. Gerhart
Office, Joint Chiefs of Staff
Central Intelligence Agency Adviser : Robert Amory, Jr.
Assistant Deputy Director for Intelligence
Psychological Strategy Board Adviser : George A Morgan
Acting Director, Psychological Strategy Board
A member from the Department of State will
be named during the next few days. ■
The President has authorized additional tech- 1
meal staff assistance for the Council. He also has
reappointed James S. Lay, Jr., and S. Everett
Gleason as executive secretary and deputy execu-
tive secretary, respectively. They will continue to
head the permanent staff of the Council.
Burma Asks Discontinuance
of U. S. Aid Program
The Foreign Mijiister of Burma, Sao Bkwn
Hkio, on March 17 sent the following letter to
William Sebald, U.S. Ambassador at Rangoon:
My DEAR Mr. Ambassador, I am to request under
Article V of the Economic Cooperation Agree-
ment between our two governments that the Gov-
ernment of the United States of America will
accept notice that we do not desire the aid program
to continue beyond June 30, 1953.
The Government of the Union of Burma, how-
ever, wish to put on record their appreciation and
gratitude for the materials and services received
under the Economic Cooperation Agreement
which are of great help to them in implementing
their rehabilitation programs.
Believe me, etc.,
Sao Hkun Hkio.
Department of State Bulletin
Treaty of Friendship, Commerce,
and Navigation Witli Japan
Press release 170 dated April 2
A treaty of friendship, commerce, and naviga-
tion between the United States and Japan was
signed on April 2 at Tokyo. Ambassador Robert
D. Murphy signed for the United States and
Foreign Minister Katsuo Okazaki signed for
Japan. The treaty must be ratified by both Gov-
ernments before it will become effective. It is
expected that the treaty will shortly be submitted
to the U.S. Senate with a view to obtaining its
advice and consent to ratification of the treaty by
this Government.
In article 12 of the Treaty of Peace with Japan,
signed at San Francisco on September 8, 19.51,
Japan declared its readiness to enter into negotia-
tions with each of the Allied Powers of treaties
"to place their trading, maritime and other com-
mercial relations on a stable and friendly basis."
As Secretary Dulles observed in his statement at
the opening of the San Francisco conference, the
Treaty of Peace by itself could do little more in
the field of general economic relations than "point
the way to a healthy trade relationship and create
the opportunity to go in that way." The treaty
signed April 2 marks a significant advance in
relations between the United States and Japan, for
by this treaty the two Governments record their
agreement, in completely mutual terms, upon ad-
vanced and enlightened principles to govern on an
enduring basis the conduct of general economic
relations between the two countries.
In common with other treaties of friendship,
commerce, and navigation entered into by the
United States in recent years, the new treaty deals
in considerable detail with a wide range of sub-
ject matter. In general, each of the two Govern-
ments (1) agrees to accord, within its territories,
to citizens and corporations of the other, treatment
no less favorable than it accords to its own citizens
and corporations with respect to the normal run
of commercial and industrial pursuits; (2) affirms
its adherence to the principles of nondiscrimina-
tory treatment of trade and shipping; (3) for-
mally endorses standards regarding the protection
of persons, their property, and interests that reflect
the most enlightened constitutional principles;
and (4) recognizes the need for special attention
to the problems of stimulating the flow of private
capital investment.
Specifically, the provisions of the treaty fall
into eight broad categories : (1) entry, travel, and
residence; (2) basic personal freedoms; (3)
guarantees for property rights; (4) the conduct
and control of business enterprises; (5) taxation;
(6) exchange restrictions; (7) the exchange of
goods; and (8) navigation. While the new
treaty adheres closely to the substantive pattern of
other recent treaties, it contains several provisions
that are new to U.S. commercial treaties. Notable
among these is the provision establishing, pur-
suant to authorization given in the new Immigra-
tion and Nationality Act, a special category of
treaty aliens, who are permitted entry for the pur-
pose of developing the operations of business
enterprises in which they have a substantial in-
vestment. Another noteworthy new provision is
one designed to assure the maintenance of a free
market in the field of marine insurance.
Pending the entry into force of the new treaty,
general economic relations between the United
States and Japan will continue to be governed by
article 12 of the Treaty of Peace, which sets forth
certain broad rules for the conduct of such rela-
tions between the Allied Powers and Japan during
an interim period of 4 years. When the new
treaty comes into effect, it will supersede these
provisions of article 12 as between the two
countries.
Technical Cooperation Agreement
With Pakistan
Press release 172 dated April 3
The Technical Cooperation Administration of
the Department of State has been informed that
a supplementary program agreement for fiscal
year 1953 was signed at Karachi April 1 for tech-
nical cooperation between the United States and
Pakistan. It provides for an American allotment
up to $12,254,000. The Government of Pakistan
will bear all rupee costs of joint projects which
will at least equal the American costs. The agree-
ment is supplementary to the Point Four Program
agreement signed between the two Governments
February 2, 1952.'
At the same time Country Director Ralph Will,
and Said Hassam, representing the Government
of Pakistan, signed project agreements for the
utilization of $8,437,500 of these funds on specific
activities.
The specific agreements are
1. The United States will make available
$437,000 for the continuation of the Village Agri-
cultural and Industrial Development Program
toward which it gave $2,300,000 of fiscal year 1952
funds. This program is designed to increase the
efficiency of agricultural production, improve
health and sanitary conditions, expand the pro-
duction of goods and services at the village level
to meet local needs, and to introduce cottage in-
dustries to provide off-season employment to raise
the level of real income and expand total net gross
income.
2. The United States will make available
$3,700,000 for the importation of fertilizer. In-
creased food production is one of Pakistan's prime
' Bulletin of Feb. 25, 1952, p. 296.
April 13, 1953
531
requirements and its major source is agriculture.
Last fiscal year the United States provided
$900,000 towards the i)urcha.se of 10,000 tons of
fertilizer. The now profrram will provide the
fertilizer to Pakistani fai-mers to enable them to
step up the production of wheat and other essen-
tial grains to meet a situation which is causing
deep concern to tlie Pakistan Government.
3. $100,000 will be furnished by the United
States toward the construction of a Water Devel-
opment Laboratory at Karachi to provide water
research services for the entire nation.
4. The United States will supply $3 million to
assist in the construction of a fertilizer factory
at Karachi. The entire cost of the factory is esti-
mated at $13,307,000, exclusive of consultants' fees
and ocean freight on materials purchased outside
of Pakistan. Wlien completed the factory will
produce approximately 50,000 tons of ammonium
sulphate annuallv.
.5. $450,000 will be furnished by the United
States, principally in engineering services, toward
the construction of a dnm across the Bolan River
at Sibi in Baluchistan and for the irrigation and
reclamation of land in that area. This project
also is being assisted by the Colombo plan. The
dam will be constructed by Pakistan and will be
finished within one year. It will be earth-filled
and will have a height of 70 feet and be 600 yards
long. It should provide irrigation for about
35,000 acres and the resettlement of 2,500 refugee
families.
6. Assistance to the amount of $750,000 will be
provided by the United States for the develop-
ment of modern fishing facilities in Karachi. The
tremendous increase in the population of Karachi,
from about 400,000 before partition to the present
1,500,000 has posed an urgent problem of increased
food production. The construction of modern
facilities for handling fish, motorizing the fishing
fleet, and other improvements in the service should
result in important increases in the volume of fish
and insure safe supplies of this important food
item.
In addition to the above project agreements, con-
sultations are under way in Karachi for the for-
mulation of others to round out the entire program
as outlined in the general agreement signed
April 1.
Control of Shipments to
Communist China, North Korea
Discussion With Senator McCarthy
Press release 168 dated AprU 1
Secretary Dulles and Senator McCarthy had
lunch on April 1 at Senator McCarthy's sugges-
tion. They discussed measures for the control of
trade with countries of the Communist bloc.
Senator McCarthy told of the informal under-
standing which certain Greek shipowners had
communicated to the Senate Permanent Subcom-
mittee on Investigations in which they undertook
to abstain from certain areas of trade with the
Soviet bloc.
The Secretary reviewed the progress recently
made by the Department of State in securing the
cooperation of foreign nations in accomplishing
the policy declared by Congress in the Battle Act
"to apply an embargo on the shipment of strategic
materials to the countries of the Soviet Bloc." It
was noted that cooperation and advice from mem-
bers of Congress is helpful in the administration of
the act. However, that act places on the Admin-
istrator of the act (Mr. Stassen) the responsibility
for coordinating the activities of the agencies con-
cerned with security controls over exports from
other countries. It was pointed out the dangers
that would result if congressional committees
entered into the field of foreign relations, which is
in the exclusive jurisdiction of the Chief Execu-
tive.
Senator McCarthy stated that he was aware of
these considerations and had no desire or intention
to act contrary to them. He said that in the con-
duct of his committee's investigation facts had
been developed which would be useful and for the
benefit of the country.
Senator McCarthy further pointed out that
neither he nor his committee had made or con-
templated making any agreement with any for-
eign governments or foreign shipping groups, but
that as a by-product of the committee's investiga-
tion, certain foreign shipping groups had volun-
tarily agreed among themselves to abstain from
participation in the Communist China trade and
inter-Soviet bloc trade, a result which both Secre-
tary Dulles and Senator McCarthy felt was in the
national interest.
The Secretary thanked the Senator for the in-
formation tendered and said that it would be help-
ful in further negotiations with foreign countries.
Senator McCarthy further advised that if in the
future similar information would be developed it
would be promptly communicated to the proper
authorities to the end that the most advantageous
iise of it would be made.
Department Statement
The following statement was issiied by the De-
partment on March 30 in response to queries con-
cerning the action taken by the Greek Government
to prevent the shipment of strategic materials to
Commtmist China and North Korea:
On March 23 the Council of Ministers of the
Greek Government reached a decision to prohibit
all Greek flag vessels from calling at any port in
Communist China or North Korea. This decision
had the effect of law immediately, although it is
subject to ratification by the Greek Parliament.
Its effect is binding on all ships of Greek registry.
Other countries which have taken similar action
532
Department of State Bulletin
in compliance with the U.N. General Assembly
resolution of May 18, 1951 ^ are :
Honduras — December 22, 1950
Liberia^July 23, 1951
Panama — August 18, 1951
Costa Rica— January 26, 1952.
The United Kingdom on March 7, 1953, decided,
in addition to the system of controls already in
force to prevent the shipment of strategic mate-
rials to Communist China and North Korea, to
introduce a system of voyage licensing for vessels
registered in the United Kingdom and the colonies
so that strategic materials from non-British
sources could not be carried to China in British
ships and to prevent the bunkering in British ports
of ships of Soviet bloc or other nationality carry-
ing strategic cargoes to Communist China.
On March 28 the French Government agreed to
take the necessary measures to prevent the bunker-
ing in French ports of ships carrying to Commu-
nist China cargoes of strategic materials and the
transportation by French ships of cargoes of
strategic character to ports of Communist Cliina.^
For a considerable period Canada has main-
tained a strict embargo over shipments of strategic
materials to Communist China, and since August
1951 no ships of Canadian registry have been en-
gaged in trade with Communist China.
For its part, the United States on December 3,
1950, brought all shipments to Communist China
and North Korea under licensing control.^ On
December 8, 1950, an order was issued prohibiting
ships of U.S. registry from carrying without prior
approval controlled commodities to any Soviet
bloc ports, including Communist China and North
Korea.* On December 16, 1950, the United States
placed under control all Chinese Communist assets
within U.S. jurisdiction and also issued an order
prohibiting U.S. ships and aircraft from touching
at mainland China and North Korean ports and
from carrying anywhere in the world goods
destined for Communist China.^
In all, some 45 countries have indicated, in
response to the U.N. China Embargo Resolution,
that they are preventing the shipment of strategic
commodities to Communist China and North
Korea or that they do not produce or trade in the
items concerned.
' Bulletin of May 28, 1951, p. 849.
= Ibid., Apr. 6, 1953, p. 491.
' For a complete report on U.S. action, see iHd., July 9,
1951, p. 54.
■•Transportation Order T-1, ibid., p. 59.
'Transportation Order T-2, ibid., p. 60. For Depart-
ment statement on this order and on the blocking of
Chinese Communist assets, see ibid., Dec. 25, 1950, p. 1004.
Current Legislation on Foreign Policy
Providing For An Under Secretary of State (For Admin-
istration). Report (To accompany S. 243). H. Kept.
5, 83d Cong., 1st Sess. 4 pp.
Thirteenth Semiannual Report of the Atomic Energy Com-
mission. S. Doc. 3, 83d Cong., 1st Sess. 210 pp.
Nomination of Charles E. Bohlen. Hearings Before the
Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Sen-
ate, Eighty-Third Congress, First Session on the
Nomination of Charles E. Bohlen to be United States
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. March 2 and
IS, 1953. 128 pp.
German Consulate-America House Program. First Inter-
mediate Report of the Committee on Government Op-
erations. H. Rept. 168, 83d Cong., 1st Sess. 8 pp.
German Consulate-America House Program. Hearing Be-
fore a Special Subcommittee of the Committee on
Government Operations, House of Representatives,
Eighty-Third Congress, First Session. February 17,
1953. 86 pp.
Inquiring Into Certain Operations and Conditions in
Korea. Adverse Report (To accompany H. Res. 171).
H. Rept. 164, 83d Cong., 1st Sess. 7 pp.
World War II International Agreements and Understand-
ings Entered Into During Secret Conferences Con-
cerning Other Peoples. March 12, 1953. Committee
Print. 83d Congress, 1st Session. 138 pp.
Organization of Federal Executive Departments and
Agencies. Report of the Committee on Government
Operations. S. Rept. 80, 83d Cong., 1st Sess. 32 pp.
Proceedings at the Enshrining of The Declaration of In-
dependence, The Constitution of the United States and
The Bill of Rights in the Exhibition Hall of the
National Archives Building December Fifteenth, Nine-
teen Hundred and Fifty-two. S. Doc. 13, 83d Cong.,
1st Sess. 22 pp. ,
War Claims Arising Out of World War II. Letter From
the War Claims Commission Transmitting the Sup-
plementary Report of the War Claims Commission on
War Claims Arising Out of World War II, Pursuant
to Section 8 of the War Claims Act of 1948, As
Amended, and the Letter of the President, Dated Jan-
uary 16, 1953. H. Doc. 67, 83d Cong., 1st Sess.
247 pp.
Joining With the President of the United States In a
Declaration Regarding the Subjugation of Free Peo-
ples by the Soviet Union. Hearing Before the Com-
mittee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives,
Eighty-Third Congress, First Session on H. J. Res.
200, Joining With the President of the United States
in a Declaration Regarding the Subjugation of Free
Peoples by the Soviet Union (and Similar Pending
Measures). February 26, 19.53. 61 pp.
Studying the Palestinian Arab Refugee Situation. Report
(to accompany S. Res. 81). S. Rept. 52, 83d Cong.,
1st Sess. 2 pp.
Second Supplemental Appropriation Bill, 1953. Report
(To accompanv H. R. 3053). S. Rept. 48, 83d Cong.,
1st Sess. 23 pp.
Status of International Military Headquarters Set Up
Pursuant to the North Atlantic Treaty. Message
From the President of the United States Transmitting
A Protocol on the Status of International Military
Headquarters Set Up Pursuant to the North Atlantic
Treaty. Signed at Paris, on August 28, 19.52. S. Exec.
B, 83d Cong.. 1st Sess. 11 pp.
April 13, 1953
533
Review of the ECE Economic Survey of Europe
Statement by Miriam Cam,p '
Before I begin my comments, I should like to
refer to the Executive Secretary's opening remarks
concerning the late date of publication of the
survey.^ As he recognized, it has been impossible
in view of the short time the survey has been avail-
able to have had it thoroughly considered by the
interested branches of my Government, and there-
fore my comments can only be of a very prelim-
inary character. It may well be that the U.S.
representative at Ecosoc will wish to comment
further.
This year the Secretariat [of the Economic
Commission for Europe] has produced for us,
once again, a survey of the economic problems and
prospects of Europe which embodies that imag-
inative approach and statistical energy which we
have come almost to take for granted, but for
which we must nonetheless remain continuingly
grateful and impressed. The fact that the survey
this year presents a broad analysis of developments
since the war and outlines comprehensively an
independent view of the directions which Euro-
pean policy should take in the future greatly
enhances its value.
I should like to say at once that in the very
broadest terms, both the diagnosis of the economic
problems of Western Europe and the prescriptions
offered seem to us to look in the right directions
and are presented in ways, and with a wealth of
factual information, which, at least for me, have
shed new light on the problems with which we
are all so concerned. Like its predecessor, but
like too few other economic studies, it is lucidly
and skillfully written. Having said this and hav-
ing done so from real conviction and not from
mere inaugural politeness, I feel more at liberty to
proceed to a few less favorable reactions.
' MadP on Mar. 16 before the U.N. Economic Commis-
sion for Europe at Geneva. Miss Camp, who served as
acting head of the U.S. delegation to the Ece meeting, is
Officer in Charge of Economic Organization Affairs, Office
of European Regional Affairs, Department of State.
' The Economic Survey of Europe Since the War: A Re-
appraisal of ProMetns and Prospects (U.N. doc. E/ECE/
157).
534
I am sure that the Secretariat is by now inured —
indeed, perhaps completely numb — to the com-
ment that it sometimes appears to be aspiring to
the position of the economic Cassandra of Europe.
Nonetheless, I feel that there is a point of real
substance in this general comment, and I feel
bound to say, once again, a few words on the
subject.
A. careful review of the facts and figures to be
found in the survey indicates that a rather re-
markable amount of progress has been made by
the free world in the past 5 years — in increasing
production, in bringing inflation under control,
in expanding trade, in maintaining a high level
of investment, in avoiding any major recessing,
in achieving a more equitable distribution of in-
come, in mounting a necessary and substantial
defense effort, and in developing units of and
institutions for international economic coopera-
tion. In short, an impressive groundwork for
continued progress and for an expanding world
economy has been established. Yet this is not
the impression one receives from the survey, par-
ticularly not from a quick reading of the survey.
The economist is, of course, always free to take
a broad historical approach to the problems with
which he is dealing. Given our limited under-
standing of economic processes, and given the
harsh character of the economic history of recent
decades, such an approach must, almost "inevitably,
highlight the past failures of government policy
and emphasize the possibility that such failures
will recur.
Different Approach Needed
It seems to me, however, that economists who are
closely concerned with analyzing problems of
government policy from month to month and year
to year, and with appraising the practical alterna-
tives of policy for the future, would do us a greater
service if they were to take a somewhat different
approach. Past disasters and failures of policy
should serve primarily to illuminate decisions
Department of State Bulletin
I
which must be taken in the present. The future
might be viewed against less perfectionist stand-
ards and with less apparent certainty that the
errors of the past will De repeated.
Another general comment which I should like
to make concerns the treatment accorded to the
I']astern European countries in comparison with
that given to the West. The survey's approach
to the Eastern European countries is reflected in
the statement that "the cloud of difficulties which
has arisen in particular industries at various times
should not be allowed to obscure the picture of
achievement of the Eastern European govern-
ments." For the Western European countries, the
approach appears to be that the massive achieve-
ments since the war should not be allowed to ob-
scure the inadequacies of policy in the past and
the major difficulties with which the governments
of Western Europe are still faced.
There sometimes seems to be a lack of parallel-
ism in the methods of economic analysis that are
applied to the two areas and to the standards
against wjiich achievements are treated. Results
that are wide of the target tend to be "failures"
in Western Europe but only "shortfalls" in East-
ern Europe. Social costs, political factors, alter-
native lines of policy all come in for more scrutiny
and comment in those sections of the report that
deal with Western Europe, as indeed they do in
Western Europe itself. The very availability of
an abundance of public discussion and analysis in
one area, and its absence in the other, undoubtedly
tends to this result.
The Polish delegate' in his remarks on Satur-
day made a considerable point of the fact that he
felt the Eastern European countries could not and
should not be judged by the same standards as are
used in judging the countries of the West, and he
strongly felt the Secretariat had been wrong to
try to do so.
I feel, on the contrary, that they should be com-
mended for trying and encouraged to try even
harder in the future. For unless achievements
can be tested against the same standards and un-
less the methods of analysis and the degree of
critical judgment applied are the same for all
areas dealt with by the survey, the usefulness of
any attempt at an all-European economic analysis
will be seriously undermined.
Difficulties of Obtaining Data
The chapters on the Soviet Union and the other
countries of Eastern Europe inevitably reflect the
familiar inability of even the most energetic and
persistent research worker to secure adequate in-
formation on developments in this area. The best
that it appears to be possible to do, so far as the
U.S.S.E. is concerned, is to present an exposition
of plans of varying duration, largely accepting at
'Eugeniusz .Jan Milnikiel, Polish Minister to Sweden,
who spoke on Mar. 14.
face value data whose significance cannot really
be tested. In fact, in the case of the U.S.S.R., it
seems to be impossible even to avoid presenting
statistical series which are clearly not comparable.
There can, of course, be little doubt that produc-
tion and investment have risen substantially in
the Eastern countries. There can equally be no
doubt that we shall never really know the true
magnitude of these increases, and that any dis-
crepancies between planned and actual increases
will be concealed in those countries, to the best of
governmental ability.
From the standpoint of trying to compare eco-
nomic trends in the East and the West, perhaps
the most interesting sections are those concerning
living standards and the distribution of incomes
in the Eastern countries. It is made quite clear
that an increase in living standards plays no part
in the immediate policy objectives of the Eastern
European governments ; and, even though reliable
information in this field is as meager as in others,
it is equally clear that the Eastern governments
have been successful in directing productive re-
sources to industrial and military production at
the expense of improved living standards.
One of the most interesting problems with which
the Eastern governments appear to be faced is that
of preventing increases in workers' productivity
from being translated into increases either in
money wages or in real wages. This current
policy of the Eastern countries might be compared
with the contrasting one of wage increases in ac-
cord with productivity increases which is being
embodied more and more in major American wage
contracts.
Reasons for Decline in East-West Trade
The survey also throws light on some of the
fundamental reasons for the great decline in trade
between Eastern and Western Europe; reasons
which were omitted from most of the statements
made in the course of the trade discussion the other
day. The tables presented show tliat the volume
of exports from Eastern to Western Europe in
1951 was little more than one-fourth as great as
in 1938, whereas exports from the West to the
East were about one-half as large in volume.
Price changes were of course an important factor
in the relatively larger decline in exports from
the East.
The survey points out one reason for hesitation
on the part of the West to increase trade with the
East — the fact that useless credits have been ac-
cumulated by the W^est in several Eastern countries
because of failure by the latter to provide the
volume of exports foreseen in the trade agree-
ments which they negotiated and signed.
However, an analysis of the data presented in
the survey indicates a more basic cause for this
shrinkage in the exports from Eastern to Western
European countries. The most fundamental
April 13, 1953
535
cause of the continuing decline of East- West trade
is, I believe, to be found in the fact that each of
the Eastern European countries is pursuing a
policy of autarchy, of economic self-sufficiency to
the nuixiinum extent of its ability, and that, where
such a policy of individual autarchy is not feas-
ible, every effort is made to buy goods from, and
to sell them to, other countries in Eastern Europe
rather than the West. Trade among the Eastern
countries had increased tenfold since before the
war, in contrast with the steep decline in their
exports to the West. Each country in Eastern
Europe is seeking to develop not only basic indus-
tries, but also engineering, transportation equip-
ment, and other such industries, and the area as
a whole is pursuing policies clearly designed to
insure that, at the earliest possible time, the Soviet
world can achieve economic isolation.
Not only is this objective implicit in the mate-
rial presented in the survey but it is an objective
which has been publicly expressed many times by
the highest officials of the U.S.S.R. and of the
other countries of Eastern Europe. From such
statements of policy as the well-known Bolshevik
article of February 1, 1952, published this last
autumn, one cannot escape the conclusion that
trade with the West is looked upon as a transi-
tional measure, as a means to end such trade.
Western European Policies
Turning now to those much more informative
and critical sections of the survey which deal with
the countries of Western Europe, I have already
commented on the survey's tendency to concen-
trate on the inadequacies of Western policies at
the expense of giving due weight to the truly
major achievements since the war in the expansion
of production and trade. This approach is per-
haps least happily exemplified in the remark
about "the much-advertised conditions in some
highly industrialized countries, which by skillful
policy or good luck have escaped mass unemploy-
ment."
It seems to me wrong to belittle in this way a
reduction of unemployment in Northwestern Eu-
rope which, according to the survey table, fell
from 3.1 million in 1938 to only 800,000 in 1951,
or by nearly three- fourths. To allow this achieve-
ment to be obscured by the peculiar difficulties of
assimilating refugees in Western Germany and by
the structural problems of the South, seems to me
an unfortunate distortion. It was hardly to be
expected that the millions of refugees who came
from the East just before the war — or. indeed, the
thousands now pouring in from the East — could
be easily or quickly absorbed.
These comments are not, of course, intended in
any way to question the seriousness of the un-
employment problem in Southern Europe and in
Western Germany, or the need for remedies on
which the survey rightly places so much emphasis.
The gains of Western European countries in
expandmg production and trade since the war
have been as impressive as their success in main-
taining high levels of employment. The survey,
however, is unquestionably correct in pointing
out that a few years ago too much hope was held
out that a simple expansion of production and
trade would bring a solution to Europe's prob-
lems; and that there was too little recognition
of the very major changes that were needed in
the pattern of production, prices, and trade, and
in the efficiency and flexibility of European pro-
duction. The survey is undoubtedly right also
in emphasizing that the countries of Western
Europe have been perhaps too generous in their
judgments of what they could afford to send with-'
out return to associated countries overseas, and
too lenient in their views of the increases in living
standards at home which were compatible with
economic strength over the long term. These
were undoubtedly "inadequacies" of policy. They
cannot, however, it seems to me, justly be called
"failures." And, at least in the West, we may
see some merit in the fact that these inadequacies
were ones of generosity and of humanity.
Broadly speaking, the survey's conclusions con-
cerning the needed directions of Western Euro-
pean policy point the right way. The judgment
that Western European countries must increase'
production in directions which will expand their
dollar earnings in relation to their dollar expend-
itures is hardly open to debate. Equally un-
arguable is the need for a more effective alloca-
tion and use of the supplies of goods and capital
which Western European countries have been
sending abroad; and, indeed, in the allocation of
investment in Western European countries them-
selves.
These objectives can certainly be achieved only
by some relative displacement of American pro-
duction, whether that production is exported or
used at home. If there is any quarrel with the
general lines of the survey's analysis and recom-
mendations in this field, it would be that they
appear to imply a static level of world trade for
some years into the future — a constant amoimt
from which the countries of Western Europe must
carve an increased share at the expense of U.S.
exports or domestic production rather than an
expanding level in which Western Europe gains
an increasing share. In the chapter on integra-
tion, the survey very rightly stresses that progress
toward greater European unification can be ex-
pected to be reasonably rapid only in the context
of expanding economies. The same consideration
surely applies to the problem of finding a lasting
solution to Europe's trade difficulties.
I would not wish these comments to be in-
terpreted as an indication that the United States
would not welcome more effective European com-
petition in world trade. Indeed, the United
States, both through substantial economic aid and
1
536
Department of State Bulletin
I
througli many other programs, has emphasized
the need for, and has sought to make a direct con-
tribution to, increased European efficiency and
competitiveness.
U.S. Economic Policies
In this general connection, the sum^ey, and a
number of speakers, have emphasized the need for
action by the U.S. Government on tariffs and
related measures which might make it easier for
foreign goods to be sold in the American market.
This whole problem is, as you know, one that is
now receiving the close attention of our new ad-
ministration. In his first State of the Union mes-
sage to the Congi-ess,* President Eisenhower called
particular attention to the need for a revision in
our customs regulations and for an immediate
study of the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act.
These questions have also been the subject of in-
creased attention by public gi'oups in the United
States. Just recently the Public Advisory Board,
composed of distinguished private citizens repre-
senting business, agriculture, and labor, and the
Council of Economic Development, a prominent
business group, have both issued reports advocat-
ing sweeping changes in our tariff laws and
regulations.^
As a final comment on the survey's approach to
the achievements of "Western Europe in expanding
production and trade, I should like to question the
appropriateness of the frequency with which the
term "'stagnation'' is used to describe economic
developments over the past 18 months. It was. of
course, inevitable that the survey's analysis should
be based on data extending only through the third
quarter of last year. The fact that this third
quarter usually shows a sharp seasonal decline,
however, together with the marked divergency in
trends among the various industries, might, in my
opinion, have led the Secretariat to use some more
cautious word than "stagnation"' — perhaps "level-
ing off."
The information now available for the fourth
quarter, although it presents a somewhat mixed
picture, on balance, shows signs of a marked up-
turn. The index of industrial production for the
Oeec countries which stood at 129 in the third
quai'ter of 1952 rose to 145 in the fourth. This,
of course, is also a normal seasonal development.
Intra -"Western European trade rose to a new high
and deficits with the United States and Canada
were reduced.
The survey's last chapter, that on "Problems of
Economic Integration," opens with the gloomy
statement that :
The process of international economic disintegration in
Europe has been going on, more or less continuously,
during the last four decades.
* Bulletin of Feb. 9, ia'53, p. 207.
' For a summary of the former report, see ibid., Mar. 23,
1953, p. 436.
April )3, 1953
249310—63 3
It goes on to say that :
So far there have been no clear signs of a reversal of these
trends. Quite apart from the effects of the East-West
split, the main tendency in Western Europe has been one
towards continued disintegration of the international
economy.
The first statement, of course, has very substan-
tial truth in it. The automatic gold standard
has, indeed, disappeared, and the universal ac-
ceptance by "Western governments of the need to
maintain high levels of employment and rising
living standards has certainly increased the prac-
tical difficulties with which governments are faced
both in meeting their domestic aims and in seeking
an expanding and freer world trade.
The question may be asked, however, whether
it woulcl really be better if these new aims of gov-
ernment were to be abandoned. And if the an-
swer to this question is "no," as the survey itself
implies, the further question may be asked whether
it is not somewhat beside the point to characterize
a period in which major new aims and policies
have been assumed as one of "continuing
disintegi-ation."
As for the statement that "the main tendency
in "Western Europe has been one toward continued
disintegration of the international economy," the
evidence to the contrary seems to me to deserve
rather more attention than it receives. Surely
the Oeec, embracing as it does the European Pay-
ments Union with its concomitant program of
trade liberalization, has been a major factor in
arresting the threatened disintegration of the im-
mediate postwar years and in promoting increas-
ing integration of the "Western European economy.
The establishment of the Coal and Steel Commu-
nity was a tremendously bold step forward. In-
deed, it does seem to me that examination of the
evidence in this survey — although it reveals very
great difficulties which have made progress less
rapid than had been hoped and which will un-
doubtedly continue to be a brake on as rapid fu-
ture progress as might be hoped for — leads to the
conclusion that the trend in Western Europe over
the past 5 years has been toward increasing rather
than decreasing economic integration.
The survey's emphasis on the need for develop-
ing the underdeveloped areas in Southern Europe
is greatly to be welcomed; although the survey
perhaps goes a little far in interrelating as closely
as it does the problem of further AVestern Euro-
pean integration in Western Europe and the so-
lution of the problems of the underdeveloped
countries in the South.
Particularly questionable is the suggestion that
substantial tariff protection is essential to aid
these underdeveloped areas of Southern Europe.
Surely there are many alternative possibilities
which would be considered before embarking on
a major new system of tariff protection, which
could have so many damaging repercussions in
other areas of policy. A full historical appraisal
537
of the causes of continued poverty in Southern
Italy would reveal many causes in addition to,
and of more fundamental importance than, lack
of tariff i)rotection.
In suniminj^ up this section, the survey rightly
concludes that "experience suggests the need to
realize that the institutional setting in Western
Europe necessitates a very empirical approach to
the practical problems of international integra-
tion. ' This endorsement of the practical ap-
proach is to be welcomed and can well be imder-
iined as a guide to the governments which are
striving to make further progress in this field,
although with the Dutch delegate, I feel that if
real progress is to be made, the empirical approach
has to be combined with goals that fire the
imagination.
In coming to the end of my statement, I am very
aware that the balance has been more on the side
of criticism than on praise. Indeed, I am afraid
I have yielded to that weakness which seemed to
me to have characterized too much of the survey's
approach to the problems of Western Europe—
the weakness of picking out what seem to me to
be the flaws instead of concentrating on the very
real and great merits of the survey. As I indi-
cated at the beginning these seem to me to be so
great as to command the admiration of all of us.
And I should like to close by paying tribute to
all those who have worked so hard in producing
what is, despite such faults as various of us may
choose to mention, a constructive and imaginative
analysis of Europe's problems.
Mr. Chairman, I should now like to make one
additional remark. During the course of this de-
bate and our earlier debates, numerous charges
have been made by the delegates from Eastern
Europe concerning U.S. intentions and actions in
Western Europe, in Korea, and in other parts of
the world.
I have not repeatedly intervened to set the rec-
ord straight, for two reasons : First, because I did
not wish to contribute to the tendency to discuss
questions which are not germane to the problems
under discussion, and second, because the state-
ments made are believed by no one here except
those who deliberately choose to do so in blind
disregard for the facts.
The United States is not perfect, nor does it
pretend to be. We welcome constructive criticism
of our actions and policies such as those made
during this debate by the delegates from France,
the Netherlands, and Denmark.
However, we totally reject malicious falsehoods
and attempts to distort the facts of our support
for the United Nations in Korea or of the pur-
poses of our assistance to Western Europe, which
have been and continue to be to promote economic
well-being and the conditions for peace.
Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography
Economic and Social Council
Recommendation for the Expansion of Unicef Program '
To Develop Permanent Cliild Health Centers: Joint
Statement by Sixteen Non-Governmental Organiza-
tions Having Consultative Status With the Unicef
Executive Board. E/ICEF/NGO 5, Mar. 16, 1953.
3 pp. mimeo.
Arrangement of Business at the Fifteenth Session of the
Council. Working Paper by the Secretary-General
E/L.472, Mar. 3, 1953. 5 pp. mimeo.
Basic Programme of the Council for 1953. Note by the
Secretary-General. E/L.468, Dec. 18, 1952. 7 pp.
mimeo.
Basic Programme of the Economic and Social Council for
19.53. Note by the Secretary-General. E/L.469, Dec.
18, 1952. 3 pp. mimeo.
United Nations Opium Conference. Observations of the
Permanent Central Opium Board and the Drug Super-
visory Body on the Draft Protocol for Regulating the
Production of, International and Wholesale Trade
in, and Use of Opium. Note by the Secretary-General.
E/CONF.14/2, Feb. 6, 19.53. 4 pp. mimeo.
Economic Commission for Europe, Eighth Session. Re-
ports From the Committees of the Commission on
Their Activities, and an Additional Note bv the Execu-
tive Secretary. E/ECE/153, Jan. 27, 1953. 84 pp.
mimeo.
Other Activities of the Economic Commission for Europe
and its Secretariat— Note by the Executive Secretary.
E/ECE/154, Jan. 27, 1953. 10 pp. mimeo.
Decisions of the Economic and Social Council and the
General Assembly Bearing Upon the Economic Com-
mission for Europe — Note by the Executive Secretary.
E/ECE/155, Jan. 27, 1953. 4 pp. mimeo.
The Economic Commission for Europe's Programme of
Work for 1953/1954. E/ECE/156, Jan. 27, 1953.
50 pp. mimeo.
Programme of the International Children's Centre for
1953. E/ICEF/215, Jan. 23, 1953. 16 pp. mimeo.
General Assembly
Complaint of Non-Compliance of States Still Detaining
Members of the Greek Armed Forces With the Pro-
visions of Resolution 382 A (V), Adopted by th»
General Assembly on 1 December 19.50, Recommend-
ing "The Repatriation of All Those Among Them Who
Express the Wish to be Repatriated." Note by the
Secretary-General. A/2365, Feb. 17, 1953. 8 pp.
mimeo.
Third United Nations Technical Assistance Conference.
Note by the Secretary-General. A/CONF.4/2, Feb. 3,
19.53. 4 pp. mimeo.
'Printed materials may be secured in the United States
from the International Documents Service, Columbia Uni-
versity Press, 2960 Broadway, New York 27, N. Y. Other
materials (mimeographed or processed documents) may
be consulted at certain designated libraries in the United
States.
The United Nations Secretariat has established an
Official Records series for the General Assembly, the
Security Council, the Economic and Social Council, the
Trusteeship Council, and the Atomic Energy Commission
which includes summaries of proceedinirs, resolutions, and
reports of the various commissions and committees. Pub-
lications in the Officinl Records series will not be listed in
this department as heretofore, but information on securing
subscriptions to the series may be obtained from the
International Documents Service.
538
Deparfmenf of Stale Bulletin
Czechoslovak Subversion Charges Against U.S. Refuted
Statements hy Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^
THE FACTS ON MSA AID
U.S./U.N. press release dated March 23
Once again, let me say to the representatives of
the Communist bloc— I have said it many times
before and I guess I will go on saying it quite a
few times again— that no valid indictment against
the United States can ever be based on newspaper
clippings and remarks of individual legislators.
I realize that if this truth were taken to heart, it
would eliminate 90 percent of the Communist
attacks. __ , »
But it is a truth ]ust the same. We have a tree
press in America; newspapers, magazines say
what they want to say, and disagree with each
other. The writer disagrees with the editor and
the editor disagrees with the owner. We have
free speech in America. We have free speech in
the House of Representatives. We have tree
speech in the U.S. Senate, and it is seldom, if ever,
that statements are made there that are made with
official authority. It is always easy to know what
the U.S. Government thinks by what its oilicials
say on their official authority. tn • ,
The Czech representative [Vaclav David,
Czechoslovak Foreign Minister] says that the
U.S. is engaged in subversion, which of course is
completely untrue. His speech reminds me a
little bit of the statement that used to be made by
a cynical political boss who existed for a while
here and who said this: "Blame everything, con-
cede nothing, and if defeated, allege fraud.
Well, he didn't last very long either.
There were many surprising statements m the
speech of the Czech representative. One of them
'Made in Committee I (Political and Security) on Mar.
23 and Mar. 25 during debate on the Czechoslovak item
entitled: "Interference of the United States "% A"ierica
In the Internal Affairs of Other States as Manifested by
the Organization on the Part of the Government of the
United States of America of Subversive and Espionage
ActivUies Against the Union of Soviet Socialist RepuhUcs,
fhe People's Republic of China, the Czechoslovak RepubUc,
and Other People's Democracies."
April 13, 1953
was that the American soldiers wanted to stay m
Czechoslovakia. Mr. Chairman, there is one
thing that all American soldiers have in com-
mon—it is a burning desire to get home. I have
never yet met one who did not want to come liome
as soon as he could. The Czech representative
spoke about the U.S. abusing its forces on the
border of Czechoslovakia. And yet the world
remembers well because it happened on the 10th
of March, when two Mio planes of the Czecho-
slovak air force shot down an American plane.^
The weather was good that day and he knew
exactly where he was and he was directly over
the American Zone of Germany. Two days later,
a British bomber was shot down and six British
airmen were killed, for which we express our
heartfelt sympathy.
The Coup d'Etat in Czechoslovakia
Mr Chairman, if we consider the question of
subversion, the case of Czechoslovakia itself is a
most flagrant case in point.
Remember that on February 19, 1948, the small
free state of Czechoslovakia was having a Cabinet
crisis which, had it been settled legally, would
have reduced Communist strength in the Govern-
ment. Suddenly, there appeared a series of re-
ports carefully planted by Soviet agents that the
Red army was about to invade Czechoslovakia.
Tension was further increased by the sudden ar-
rival in Prague of Soviet Deputy Foreign Min-
ister Zorin, accompanied by six Soviet generals,
the same Mr. Zorin who is our colleague here to-
day representing the Soviet Union at the United
Nations. If I make any mistake in describing
what happened next I hope he will correct me.
Mr. Zorin's arrival in Prague was accompanied
by the appearance of many heavily armed Com-
munist police who, under the Communist Minister
of the Interior, began to patrol the streets and
' Bulletin of Mar. 30, 1953, p. 474.
539
search the headquarters of all opposition political
garties. They were soon joined by regiments of
ommunist militia who marched in military for-
mations led by Soviet-trained leaders and carry-
in<j Soviet fla<^s.
The next day, February 20, the country was
sliaken by more rumors of imminent Soviet in-
vasion. Mr. Zorin and his jjenerals were still in
Prague and the Conanunist police militia had
prochiimed virtual martial law.
The Kremlin took the next step in converting
Czechoslovakia into a puppet state by calling to
arms all members of its so-called Czechoslovak
"action committees." Planted in every walk of
life, they constituted a fifth colunm in every busi-
ness organization, factory, and public service —
even in the opposition political parties.
On February 21 members of this Communist
fifth column seized control of the police, civil serv-
ice, ti'ade unions, business firms, factories, public
utilities, and banks. Following a preconceived,
well organized plan, they then dismissed chair-
men, directors, and other key figures and put in
their own men. By the end of the day all the
features of a Soviet police state had appeared in
what had been a democratic country; control of
broadcasting facilities, elimination of all non-
Communist newspaper editors, suppression of
non-Communist periodicals and complete censor-
ship. All non-Communist political parties had
been eliminated and many of their officials had
been arrested.
Thus, in 3 days the country had been taken over.
Four days later, on February 25, aged President
Benes was forced to sign a Cabinet list which set
up a government consisting entirely of Commu-
nists and Communist dupes.
What happened after that?
Jan Masaryk was inexplicably driven to his
death. Clementis was hanged. Mr. Slansky is
dead. But, both Mr. Slansky and Mr. Gottwald
left us a testament on subversion when they
boasted that they had gone to Moscow to learn
"how to wring the neck of the bourgeoisie" in their
native country.
This Czecho.slovak coup d'etat is certainly one
of the most glaring examples of subversion in
modern times. With this record hung around
their necks, the present rulers of Czechoslovakia,
who introduced this resolution criticizing the
United States, do not come into court with clean
hands. Their charges, therefore, are not to be
believed.
They charge that in 1951 and again in 1952
the United States appropriated $100,000,000 for
alleged espionage, terrorism, and recruitment of
refugees into military formations — all of this, ac-
cording to the charge, for the purpose of subvert-
ing the U.S.S.R., Czechoslovakia, and other so-
called "Peoples Democracies" in Eastern Europe
and the Far East.
Aid to Escapees
The nations of the world are entitled to the
facts and here they are :
In 1951, $100,000,000 was authorized under sec-
tion 101 of the Mutual Security Act. No further
sums were authorized under this section in 1952.
The $100,000,000 is being spent as follows : $95,-
700,000 is going for regular military and economic
aid — a part of the larger sums the United States
is now spending under the Mutual Security Act
and has previously spent under the Marshall plan
to help the free nations to stay free. Before the
subversion of the free State of Czechoslovakia, she,
too, wanted to get this aid. But the Kremlin said
"no," because it knew this assistance was designed
to strengthen collective security against aggres-
sion— to stop future Koreas and future Czecho-
slovakias before they start.
The remaining $4,300,000 is being spent to help
escapees from Iron Curtain countries. The Czech
delegate is evidently baffled because there are no
escapees going into the Iron Curtain countries.
All the escapees are coming out. I wonder why?
An escapee is a person who has escaped from
the Soviet-dominated world during the last 5
years, and has not been granted citizenship in his
country of refuge. He thus differs from the mil-
lions of Germans and the hundreds of thousands
of Turks and Greeks who fled Soviet-dominated
areas in recent years and who have since been
granted citizenship in Western Germany, Turkey,
and Greece. Unlike them, the person we ai'e help-
ing has literally no place in this world.
But he j-earns for a freedom which has been
denied him — freedom to speak, to write, to vote,
to worship as he pleases and build his life in his
own way. He also yearns for freedom from speed-
ups, labor disciplines, the internal passports which
make Soviet life a hell for the ordinary person,
and freedom from the threat of the secret police,
the mass deportation, and the forced labor camp.
This person — this stateless man — has given up
his home, his possessions, his friends, and often
his family. Heroically, he has cracked the Iron
Curtain, even though that curtain is constantly
being strengthened. Because, as life becomes
harder and harder behind the Iron Curtain, more
and more people want to escape. More armed
guards may be watcJiing from observation towers,
vicious dogs may be patrolling the frontiers. Yet
people continually get through.
Flights to Freedom
For example :
Here are three Czechs who climbed a 200-meter
airshaft to escape from a coal mine near Kladno,
Czechoslovakia, and fled to West Germany on
June 21, 1950. They escaped because they "were
condemned to forced labor for anti-Communist
activities before the Czech coup d'etat.
540
Deparfment of Sfate Bulletin
Here is Vladimir Drazan, another Czech es-
capee, who was wounded by an exploding mine
while climbing barbed wire entanfjlements, and
who swam the Morava River under nre from Com-
munist guards and arrived safely on the Austrian
^iJe on December 14, li)52. He escaped because of
depressed living conditions in Communist Czecho-
slovakia.
Here are Mr. and Mrs. Steven Kantor, a Hun-
garian couple who hid for 4 days in an empty
wine vat in a boxcar on a sealed train from Buda-
pest to Switzerland. They broke out in Linz,
Austria, on March 19, 1952. They escaped because
their repair shop was nationalized without com-
pensation and they were denied employment
because of their anti-Communist record.
Here are a Hungarian farmer, wife, and three
small children who reached the Western Zone of
Austria on October 29, 1952, after swimming a
river and fleeing clear across Hungary from the
Rumanian border. They escaped because it was
impossible to fulfill unreasonable crop quotas and
they were forced to sell livestock to pay con-
fiscatory taxes.
Here is a Charles University student from
Prague accompanied by his fiancee, who took
poison when apprehended by East German police
at the "West Berlin border. He was rescued by
the West German border patrol and was cured in
a West Berlin hospital in August 1952. He es-
caped because he was accused of "cosmopolitan-
ism"'— isn't that a terrible crime? — and unable to
continue his studies.
Here is a young foundry worker with his wife
and small child who crossed the Hungarian-
Austrian border on February 8, 1953, after evad-
ing man-and-dog patrols, passing over mined
areas, and cutting through barbed-wire barriers.
This family escaped because it was impossible to
live in Hungary and bring up their child in a
democratic manner.
These are a few examples.
Escapee Program Set Up
There are more than 15,000 such escapees in
West Germany, Austria, Italy, Trieste, Greece
and Turkey, and they continue to come in at the
rate of several hundred a month. All of them are
not young men — there are wives, small children,
mimarried girls, and elderly people.
When they arrive, they are destitute — unlike
the millions of refugees from East Germany who
have gone to West Germany and who are fleeing
fi'om tyranny to freedom at the rate of 30,000 a
month. These stateless persons are entirely with-
out citizenship rights, and their very presence adds
to the gi-eat burdens of the countries of free
Europe.
To help these people, to keep hope in the hearts
of others, the United States authorized the sum
of $4,300,000 to be used to set up an escapee pro-
gram in March 1952.' It is a pretty inhuman
heart that is not touched by the need and by the
courage — which makes $4,300,000 appear small
enough.
I think, Mr. Chairman, that Congressman Ker-
sten is to be commended for having done a good
deed.*
The money is used to help the host countries
provide reception and living quarters, food, cloth-
ing, medical care, help in their search for visas,
vocational training, and employment and emigra-
tion atlvice for emigration is strongly encouraged.
The program which began last March had by
August helped 122 escapees to leave Europe. By
the end of xVugust, almost 700 were on their way
overseas. As of March 1, 1953, a total of 2,483
escapees had been settled in 21 non-European
countries. More than another thousand had been
accepted by other nations.
News of this program has spread behind the
Iron Curtain. More and more people are escap-
ing from t3Tanny. Those who choose freedom
in the futui-e may even include some of the highest
officials.
Mr. Chairman, if there is one trait which sets
man above the animals, it is spiritual courage.
These people show a tough, unbeatable type of
courage which deserves our commendation and our
help.
This Czech resolution should be emphatically
rejected.
SOVIET POLICY OF AGGRESSIVE
INTERVENTION
U.S./U.X. press release dated March 23
I would just like for a few minutes to point
out a few of the inaccuracies and lacunae in the
statement of the representative of the Soviet
Union [xVndrei Gronwko].
He spoke of the Roosevelt-Litvinov agreement
concerning nonintervention in the affairs of one
state bj' another. I would like to point out that
for all practical purposes the Soviet Government
made a dead letter of the Roosevelt-Litvinov
agreement shortlj' after it was signed. Shortly
after the establishment of diplomatic relations.
President Roosevelt instructed our Ambassador
in Moscow to make all protests against the viola-
tions of the Roosevelt-Litvinov agreement by the
Soviet Union. When in 1935, the Comintern met
in Moscow and instructed the American Com-
munist Party to use Trojan hoi'se tactics against
the American Government, the President sent a
strong protest to the Soviet Government. He said
' Ihid., Apr. 14, 1952, p. 602.
* Rep. Charles J. Kersteu is the author of the amend-
ment to the Mutual Security Act of 1951 that authorizes
expenditure of $100,000,000 to assist "selected persons who
are residing in or escapees from" the Soviet dominated
areas. He was one of several U.S. leaders attacked by
the Czechosloval£ representative in his statement of
Jlar. 23.
AprU 13, 1953
541
the United States anticipated the most serious
consequences if the Soviet Government refused
to prevent further acts in disregard of the solemn
pledge given by it to tlie United States.
Hardly a niontli after the Soviet regime seized
fower in 1917, all allied and neutral missions in
'etrograd received this circular note from the
Soviet leaders : ". . . the Soviet Government con-
siders necessary diplomatic relations not only with
governments but also with the revolutionary
socialist parties which are striving for the over-
throw of existing governments." . . .^
Since the end of the war, the Soviet Government
has persistently followed a policy of aggressive
intervention in the domestic affairs of otlier na-
tions and peoples. Upon the very countries listed
in the complaint before this Committee, the Soviet
Union has imposed dictatorial Communist re-
gimes. The profoundest feelings for family and
country of peoples of Czechoslovakia, Poland,
Rumania, and Hungary have been deliberately
trampled upon.
Only a shoi't time ago, the Yugoslav delegation
presented to the Assembly a case history of Soviet
intervention in the domestic affairs of a foreign
nation — in this instance, Yugoslavia. When the
Yugoslav Communist Party was expelled from
the Cominform, the highest leaders of the Soviet
State then demanded that the Yugoslav people
oveithrow the Yugoslav Government.
Nor will the world ever forget the most out-
standing case of intervention of all — the Com-
munist attack upon the Republic of Korea sup-
ported by Soviet equipment, training, and propa-
ganda. I do not think that ought to be left out.
Now, Mr. Chairman, a sarcastic reference was
made by tiie representative of the Soviet Union
to the Statue of Liberty, saying that the quota-
tion which is written on it should be changed so
that instead of being words of welcome as they
now are, there be some expression to the effect that
all those within the United States should abandon
hope. Well, I think the best answer to that is to
see how many people who are now in the United
States want to leave. Actions, you know, speak
a good deal louder than words in these cases.
And I repeat my observation of this morning that
a lot of people want to come out all the time from
behind the Iron Curtain, but no people from
outside want to go in.
The representative of the Soviet Union asked
us to demonstrate a talent for peaceful occupa-
tions. Well, only a few weeks ago, Mr. Chairman,
I was sitting right over at a meeting of the Tech-
nical Assistance Conference and I pledged my
Government, I think the sum was $14 million," and
' See Foreign Relations of the United States, 1918, Rus-
sia, Vol. I, p. 303 for the full text of tliis communication,
which was sent on Dec. 14, 1917, by the National Com-
missariat for Foreign Affairs to the U.S. Ambassador at
Petrograd.
" Bulletin of Mar. 9, 1953, p. 384.
other nations pledged other sums to drain the!
swamps, to irrigate the deserts, to wipe out disease,!
to increase the food supply, to make life worth liv- j
ing for people, to make peace worth strugglins
for, to bind up the wounds of the world. And
as I looked around, to my amazement there was
no one in the seat of the Soviet Union, there was
no one in the seat of the Ukrainian S.S.R., there
was no one in the seat of the Byelorussian S.S.R., j
there was no one in the seat allocated to Poland,
and no one in the seat allocated to Czechoslovakia.
Now, there is a case of deeds, of doing sometliing
to help people.
Now, the representative of the Soviet Union
made a number of quotations from various promi-
nent Americans and he rested a good part of his
case on that. With all due respect, that part of
his case was rested on sand. One of the Congress-
men to whom he referred as one who had violently
opposed the Soviet Union during the war was,
to the best of my knowledge, not in Congress dur-
ing the war. He was elected in 1946. Mr. Stas-
sen, whom he quoted, was not in public office at all
at the time the quotation was made. I think he
was President of the University of Pennsylvania.
Mr. Dewey is a Governor, and he was speaking as
a private citizen. The State of New York, great
as it is, has no foreign relations, as I am sure its
able and distinguished Governor would be the
first to admit. Mr. Dulles, who was quoted, was
not in public office at the time that .statement was
made. Senator Wiley, Senator Mundt, and Sen-
ator Taft, who are all distinguished men, were not
speaking officially when they made the utterances
quoted b}' the representative of the Soviet Union,
and they have no claim to be doing so. In fact,
when you anah-ze the list of American political
figures who were quoted by the representative of
the Soviet Union, not one was speaking for the
U.S. Government.
Now, that is a fact worth noting as indicating
the authority underlying those quotations. I will
try once again to explain to the representative of
the Soviet Union that we have 435 representatives
in the House of Representatives ; we have 96 Sen-
ators. They are all individuals, every one of
them. They often disagree with each other. We
have free speech and free press in America, and
free speech means much speech, and we have much
speech here in this country in case nobody knew
it. And the practitioners of free speech often try
to get into the free press. That may happen in
other countries where we have both free speech
and free press. Specific propositions may at any
given moment be debatable but they sjiring from
a belief in man being superior to the state and
they spring from a hatred of aggression.
Under our system of government, the Executive
speaks for the United States in foreign affairs.
Now, let that be understood. Congress represents
the outside check, the independent audit, the ca-
pacity of the free jDCople to judge its own govern-
542
Department of State Bulletin
ment— an institution, by the way, which is a great
source of national strength and an unknown tea-
ture of life, I gather, in the Soviet Union. _
Finally, Mr. Chairman, the representative ot
the Soviet Union referred to a bill which I spon-
sored when I was a Senator, and which provided
for the enlistment of stateless young anti-Commu-
nist Slavs in the U.S. Army. Well, now I see
no reason at all for me to apologize for having
sponsored that legislation. It provided that these
young men would come into the American Army
at American wages and under American living
conditions with American citizenship to follow;
to be mixed right in with American soldiers and
have an equal chance to ^o to officer candidate
school and to be promoted. Contrast that with
the action of the Soviet Union in flagrantly im-
pelling others to fight its battles for it— the North
Koreans and the Chinese. Now, these people who
are fio-hting the battles for the Soviet Union have
been treated as second-rate satellites. We, on the
other hand, have invited others to help us resist
ago-ression on an equal basis and as volunteers.
There is all the difference in the world between
master and slave on the one hand and mutual
comradeship on the other.
THE SUPERSENSITIVE OUTLOOK
OF SOVIET LEADERS
U.S. /U.N. press release dated March 25
We face the charges of the Czech delegation
that the U.S. program of assistance to escapees,
initiated under section 101 (a) of the Mutual Se-
curity Act, is an act of aggression. _ .
We contend that far from there being anything
illegal about our helping these homeless people,
this is a project which is humane and, being illu-
minated by the spirit of the Charter, deserves gen-
eral commendation. The program ot he p nig
escapees is part of an entire program of helping
to keep the free world free. We are forced to
adopt these programs because of the actions ot
the Soviet Union. If people were not made un-
happv by the Soviet Union, they would not teel
the desperate urge to escape and there would
therefore be no need to help them.
If small states like Czechoslovakia were not sub-
verted by the Soviet Union there would be no
need to have a program of protection against fur-
ther subversion. And if shooting wars were not
aided and abetted bv the Soviet Union, as m
Korea, there would be no need for a program ot
military action. . tt -^ j
It is the Soviets— and not we m the Unitecl
States, or we in the United Nations— who started
these things.
We aren't the ones who force people to leave the
Iron Curtain ; they want to leave. We aren't the
ones who are subverting countries and sponsoring
aggressive war.
April J 3, 1953
We in the United States actually embarked on a
headlong disarmament at the end of World War
II, but the confidence which American authorities
had at that time in our recent ally now appears
to have been a major miscalculation because, while
we disarmed, the Soviet Union remained armed
to the teeth.
We asked nothing more than to live m peace,
but the Soviets ha\e forced us to take these neces-
sary actions to prevent all human rights from
being wiped out and to frustrate the establishment
of an iron dictatorship throughout the world.
If the Kremlin leaders are really looking for the
people who are subverting life behind the Iron
Curtain, they should look at themselves— at then-
laws, their decrees, their practices of oppression.
They should look at the Lenin-Stalinist doctrine
on which they have impaled nearly half the world.
That doctrine is the centrifugal force which drives
people out through the Iron Curtain to freedom.
It is also the force which sends others out beyond
the curtain— aggressive armies, reaching out m
Korea, in southeast Asia, threatening central and
western Europe in an imperialistic design to en-
fold still more millions into the Soviet prison.
The Mutual Security Act does two things: It
gives asylum to the one group— the escapees; ana
it is designed to halt the other group— the armies
of Soviet aggression.
Ninety-five percent of ^he $100 million author-
ized under the Kersten amendment is going to na-
tions of the free world as an integral part of the
larger sum which helps these people build their
ramparts asainst aggression. The other nye P"-
cent goes to assist those who escape from behind
the Iron Curtain. The hypersensitive Soviet
leaders regard both parts of this program as
aggressive. Well, they have no aggressive poten-
tiality at all.
Mr Chairman, thev do so because ot the super-
sensitive outlook which leads them to imagine
threats to their position. And that is why they
consider it necessarv and are willing to shoot down
an unarmed foreign aircraft, or lash their people
with forced collectivization, or sign a pact with
Hitler— re<^ardless of the unfavorable repercus-
sions. To be sure, they are sensitive to these
repercussions for such actions weaken the hoped-
for attraction of their claims to be the champions
of peace and humanity. But they are willing to
expose this vulnerability in the struggle of ideas
in order to protect what they consider to be their
power interests. "Let the enemy consider us
nasty people," says a Pravda article. "From the
mouths of the enemy this is praise.
How Tyrannical Power is Protected
The Soviets go about protecting the sources of
this tvrannical power by, first, preventing Soviet
citizens from communicating with the outside
world except through controlled means. The
Soviet Government prohibits them from traveling
543
abroad except on official missions; contains them
withm tlie Soviet Union by the most elaborate
l3order controls of any state in the world ; provides
in the criminal code that tlieir families be pun-
ished if they should flee; prohibits uncensored
communications to other countries; bars Soviet
citizens married to foreigners from leaving the
U.^.fciK.; discourages communication with for-
eigners m the U.S.S.R. by the State Secrets Act
that encompasses wide areas of normally public
"i— T"*.'"" ^"'^^y decrees that prohibit Soviet
officia s from talking with foreigners unless spe-
cihcally authorized. It also quarantines Soviet
occupation troops in foreign areas and prohibits
traternization with the local population
Next, the Soviet Government prevents foreio-n-
ers trom viewing the Soviet Union freely. Only
tour types of non-Communist foreigners are per-
mitted to enter: diplomats, newspapermen, fur
buyers and similar businessmen, and members of
specially invited delegations. Each ^,unn is
closely restricted. More than 80 percent Sf Soviet
territory is closed to foreign diplomats. Their
movements within Moscow are subjected to vari-
ous harassments, and their work is publicly de-
scribed as "espionage." The artificially hio-'h ex-
change rate for the ruble discourages some coun-
tt'S^c^°"\t P"^^ diplomatic missions in the
U.fe.to K. Newspapermen are confined largely to
the city of Moscow, restricted mainly to reportin.T
what appears in the Soviet press, subjected to cen':
sorship, and constantly faced with the threat of
expulsion. They no longer are given re-entry
permits before departing from the USSR At
present, there are only six non-Communist corre-
spondents and applications of other newspaper-
men for entry have been ignored. Businessmen
are largely confined to the Leningrad fur auctions,
helected foreign delegations are carefully shep-
herded on prearranged tours. Meanwhile, the So-
viet Government reveals only the barest informa-
tion about Itself. It refuses to jjublish statistics
on almost all aspects of Soviet life; what it does
reveal is vague and often meaningless.
These various measures are designed to block
the world from seeing Soviet life as it really is.
Meanwhile, the Soviet Union through its own
propaganda activities and those of Its forei-n
Communist and fellow-traveling supporters seeks
in an unending campaign, to portray Soviet real-
ity in glowing terms and at the same time to keen
up a constant and vigorous exposure of unsatis-
factory conditions in non-Communist countries
I he immense scope of Moscow's preventive
measures and the intensity of its propaganda ef-
forts^ provide striking evidence of how touchy
the Soviet leaders are where foreign scrutiny is
concerned. One of the few times that the worth
of an individual is recognized by the Soviet Gov-
ernment IS when he flees the country, as has been
demonstrated by Soviet willingness to accept he
risks involved in murdering or kidnaping es-
544
capees. The Soviet Consul General in New York
tor example, attempted in 1948 the kidnapino- oi
TT o o ?>* "^'''A?/'^ teacher unwilling to return to'^the
U.b.h.K I he brutal abduction in Berlin last
summer of Dr. Walter Linse by East German
authorities ' was a sharp reminder" that kidnapino-s
have become an almost routine Communist prac-
tice along the Soviet frontiers of Germany and
Austria. By their repeated evasion of requests
tor help in recovering this eminent member of the
Committee of Free Jurists, the Soviet authorities
only show their fear of permitting free men to
stay free. Such incidents as the Linse case throw
light on Communist unwillingness to allow pris-
oners of war a freedom of choice with regard to
repatriation. '^
From the Kremlin's point of view. Communist
troops captured in the course of their imperialist
adventures cannot be pennitted to choose whether
to return home or to stay outside the Iron Curtain,
for some of them might choose freedom. But the
same Communist logic requires the Kremlin to
deny to foreign soldiers and civilians alike held
captive m the Soviet Empire the right to go home.
Among these, as we have heard, are 3,000 Greek
soldiers and many thousand Greek children, to-
gether with many thousands of Austrians, and
even thousands of satellite nationals. In addi-
tion, we have reports of 63,000 Italians and over
300,000 Japanese. There are well substantiated
reports of at least 98,000 German soldiers and
(50,000 German civilians in the Soviet Union;
8,243 German civilians held captive in Czecho-
slovakia; and 11,550 German civilians in Poland
3,240 of whom are children far from home and
family. All of these people, except for those
mercitully dead, are regarded by the Kremlin as
a permanent increment to the imprisoned millions
of the Soviet Empire. These are facts, gentlemen.
The Kremlin cannot admit that any person
native or foreign, would, if given the choice, select
freedom as against Soviet tyranny. Thus it is
that the Kremlin charges "aggression" when aid
IS given to Soviet and satellite citizens who have
chosen freedom and pierced the Iron Curtain.
Thus It IS that the Kremlin must launch purges
must fabricate tales of subversion, and must stage
"show" trials about "defectors" and "traitors"
in order to account for those who choose freedom,
or merely in order to liquidate those pitiful servi-
tors of tyranny, like Slansky, who have fallen
into disfavor.
Mr. Chairman, I do not for the time being pro-
pose to dwell on that special feature of Soviet
tyranny— the persecution of Christians, Moslems,
and Jews— which adds further impetus to the
flow of escapees from the Soviet orbit.
Nor, Mr. Chairman, do I propose to speak in
detail about Soviet persecution of non-Eussian
oj'TotTo''"' ^2^2™^ °^ ^'■- ^'°^«'^ kidnaping, see ibid., Nov.
^4, 1952, p. 823.
Department of State Bulletin
ethnic groups. There are, however, two aspects
of Soviet ethnic persecution that I thnik it ap-
propriate to refer to at the present time.
Soviet Ethnic Persecution
The full facts about the first of these were docu-
mented only within the past year although the
event took place in Poland at the outset ot World
War II This event was the Katyn massacre in
which more than 4,000 Polish army officers— the
flower of the Polish nation— were ruthlessly
slaughtered.
These gallant Polish officers had committed two
offenses which led to their death: The first was
the defense of their homeland against the Soviet
invasion of Poland in 1939 ; the second was falling
captive to the advancing Red army. Withm a few
months after their capture sudden silence fell and
their fate was unknown until, in 1943, Nazi
Germany proclaimed to the world the discovery of
the bodies of thousands of Poles— lying in mass
graves and shot through the back of the head— m
Katyn Forest near Smolensk in the Soviet Union.
To a world familiar with Nazi atrocities and
with the Nazi technique of attacking others for
their own crimes, credence was not easily put in
Nazi charges that the Katyn massacre was the
handiwork of Soviet agents. The crime was typi-
cal of the Hitlerite pattern, so that at first it was
uncertain whether those who died at Katyn were
not but added names on the endless roster of the
victims of Nazi tyranny.
But the lingering doubts as to the real facts
provoked demands for fresh inquiry. This was
particularly true here in the United States where
many millions of citizens of Polish ancestry felt a
deep sense of personal identification with those
killed at Katyn. And so it was that in 1951 the
House of Representatives of the U.S. Congress
provided for the establishment of a select commit-
tee to conduct an investigation and study of the
facts, evidence, and circumstances of the Katyn
massacre.
I will not attempt to detail here the gruesome
facts disclosed by the select committee. These
facts are now known to each government repre-
sented here, since the findings of the select com-
mittee were circulated to each permanent repre-
sentative.' Suffice it to say that the select com-
mittee's investigation disclosed that responsibility
for the massacre lay with the Soviet Government s
infamous Nkvd. The committee's findings are ot
direct and deep concern to all states pledged to the
furtherance of Charter principles. The people ot
the United Nations will measure these facts against
their determination, expressed in the Preamble ot
the Charter, "to reaffirm faith in fundamental
human rights, in the dignity and worth of the
human person."
Mr. Chairman, another aspect of Soviet tyranny
•/6i(i., Feb. 23, 1953, p. 322.
April 13, 7953
over non-Russian groups is illustrated by Soviet
colonial practices in Soviet Central Asia. Mos-
cow's haste to exploit as well as consolidate its grip
on the vast wealth of this region has meant the
influx of thousands of Slav colonists to a point
where, in some areas, they outnumber Uie local
population. And while an apparent effort has
been made to give prestige positions to selected
local representatives, the ruling managers and
the white collar class remain predominantly Slav
For example, the percentage of natives employed
in some eight local ministries of food and industry
in Kazakhstan in 1948 varied from 2 to a maxi-
mum of 14 percent. In Kirghistan, Uzbehistan,
and Tadzhikistan a loss of interest in industrial
positions has been reported by the Soviet press due
to the lack of opportunity for advancement.
Only recently, I read an article by Dr. Riaz All
Shah entitled "Islam is Dying in the Soviet
Union." Dr. Riaz is the distinguished Pakistani
tuberculosis specialist and head of the Punjab
Medical Association who visited South Central
Asia last spring on the invitation of the Soviet
Government. In Tashkent, he reports "the better
dressed men, women and children were usually
Western Russians. Although there were a num-
ber of Uzbeks in the governmental posts, the Rus-
sians outnumbered them by a wide margin.
Regarding medical training in Tashkent, Riaz
said : "In the morning I visited the medical col-
leo-e and hospital. Sixty percent of the students
and the majority of the staff were Western Rus-
sians " In Alma Ata, the capital of Kazakhstan,
S.S.R., he found that 60 percent of the students
and 60 percent of the persons in responsible ]obs
were Western Russians who had settled there.
And here again he observed that the better dressed
and fed children and adults were, as a rule, West-
ern Russians. .
When we hear reports about the immense Rus-
sian mission in Peiping and the way in which
subjects of the Soviet Union are infiltrating in
all the Chinese Communist bureaus, we wonder
how long it will be before there, too, all the best
jobs are taken by the foreign Russian invader,
leaving the Chinese to a fate which can only equal
that of the earliest days of colonialism.
Mr. Chairman, within this brief space I have
tried to outline the skeleton of Soviet tyranny
in order that we may best comprehend the forces
which impel thousands of escapees to leave their
homes and risk their lives in order to reach free-
dom beyond the Iron Curtain.
We may well ask how long the men in the Krem-
lin propose to perpetuate this vast and systema-
tized oppression. We seek no hasty answer, for
the question is momentous. But the world de-
serves a reply. Perhaps Mr. Vyshinsky, when
he returns to our midst, can bring new word from
the Kremlin.
In addition, Mr. Chairman, let me, on behalf of
my fellow countrymen, ask the Soviet delegation
545
certain specific questions: What plans does the
Kremlin's Czechoslovak puppet have for William
Oatis. a courageous American newspaperman who
still languishes in prison?
Further, Mr. Chairman, on behalf of my fellow-
countrymen, let me ask the Soviet delegation
whether it knows what fate the Peiping regime has
in store for the hundred-odd Americans in Com-
munist China? This too is a solemn question, for
the U.S. Government is informed that 5 of these
Americans have already died as the result of mal-
treatment by the Peiping regime. At least 28 of
the Americans in Communist China are im-
prisoned, 4 more are under house arrest, and on
March 21 of this year, 3 more Americans were
abducted by Chinese Communists from a yacht off
Hongkong.
Mr. Chairman, these matters are of profound
and tragic importance to the people of the United
States. We would like answers to these questions.
Mr. Chairman, I now wish to direct my atten-
tion to the draft resolution which is before us.
For the question before this Assembly is not the
catalog of gossip and libel presented by Mr. David,
Mr. Gromyko, and their friends. The parliamen-
tary question, and the essential question, which
this Assembly must decide is whether the United
States, by assisting escapees from the "people's
democracies" is, and I quote from paragraph one
of the draft resolution, engaging in "acts of ag-
gression" and "interference in the internal affairs
of other states."
Aid Can Stop When Escapees Stop Coming
I submit, Mr. Chairman, that the only aspect
of the escapee program which merits condemna-
tion IS the fact that the world is today so organized
that there are escapees. The free peoples of the
world can hardly do too much for these victims of
Soviet tyranny.
Our aid to escapees can only stop when escapees
stop coming— when millions of men and women,
now trapped behind the Iron Curtain, need no
longer look elsewhere for freedom. A problem
like this is not solved by tightening border con-
trols and intensifying purges. When national
aspirations are subverted, when human rights are
suppressed, pressure builds up to the boiling point.
One outcome of this pressure is a flow of escapees.
And this flow will not stop until the Soviet leaders
permit peoples under their sway to live their own
lives in their own way.
So long as escapees continue to come, the duty
to assist them is a matter of common humanity
for the United States and the rest of the free
world. It is also a duty imposed on us by the
Charter. For, in essence, the U.N. Charter is a
Charter of hope and freedom. It is a Charter of
emancipation from religious and civil persecu-
tion, from poverty and disease, and from the even
more hideous scourges of conquest and despotism.
It IS a magnet drawing vast populations whc
see in It the expression of their hope to live their
own lives in well-being and freedom.
Mr. Chairman, we want to make this magnet
irresistible, strongly charging it with our supijort
and strength.
Our mutual security program will stop when
the threat of aggression— not only for us, but for
all the free world— is lifted. The United States,
like all the free world, prefers peaceful settle-
ments to a dangeous and burdensome armaments
race. We do not enjoy that. We long for the
day of honest negotiations, which my Government
asked for m this Committee last week. We will
meet the Soviet Union half-way at any time.
Progress Toward Universal
Equal Suffrage
Statement by Mrs. Lorena B. JJahn
U.S. Representative on the Commission
on the Status of Wom^n ^
U.S./U.N. press release dated March 23
We meet this year with a great sense of achieve-
ment because the General Assembly has opened
for signature the Convention on the Political
Rights of Women recommended by this body over
the last 3 years. The action clauses of this con-
vention, which provide that women shall vote and
hold public office on equal terms with men, with-
out any discrimination, set a standard for legis-
lation in every country in the world. During dis-
cussion of the need for this convention, the point
was made that in some countries proposals to
grant suffrage to women had been confused by
party antagonism. It was felt that a convention
proposed by the United Nations could be con-
sidered in any country on its merits. The con-
vention can therefore open the way to progress in
countries which have not yet granted women the
right to vote.
Each year shows progress. Since we last met,
Lebanon, Bolivia, Greece, Pakistan, and Mexico
have made important extensions of suffrage to
women. The grant in Lebanon is equal and com-
plete, and I hope the representative of Lebanon
in this Commission will tell us about it. Since
Mrs. Ledon of Mexico is also here, as the repre-
sentative of the Inter-American Commission of
Women, perhaps she will tell us of the new grant
there. The women in Bolivia and Greece had
previously been granted the right to vote in local
elections, and the new grants expand their rights
to cover all elections.
The Secretary-General's memorandum, docu-
ment A/2145, is especially impressive this year
because it includes the date on which women were
originally granted suffrage in each country. This
'Made before the U.N. Commission on the Status of
Women on Mar. 23.
546
Deparlmenf of State Bulletin
addition has involved much research, evidenced
by the detail in the footnotes. The tine quality
of this work deserves commendation. The dates
of suffrage grants will help governments, for
they show how long women have exercised the
franchise in each country and where experience
has been gained which may be applicable to their
own situation.
I have only one suggestion of importance in re-
gard to this memorandum. Insofar as possible,
the United States would like to see the various
lists as complete as possible. For some reason
Spain has been omitted, and also Laos and Cam-
^It'might help if some standard list were used
in this document, possibly the members of the
United Nations and the specialized agencies, in-
formation on the laws of all countries can usually
be obtained from authoritative sources, so that
it should not be necessary to send out special in-
quiries to governments on this matter.
How the U.N. Can Help
Because one of our objectives has been
achieved— namely a convention on political
rio-hts— this is a good time to take stock of our
situation and consider what we need to do m the
year or two ahead. There are today still more
than 15 countries in which women lack the vote,
and almost all of them are members of the United
Nations. The provision of equal suffrage m some
of these countries will involve real problems, prob-
lems of education and customs as well as leader-
ship There are various ways in which the United
Nations may be able to help these governments,
and it is our responsibility to think through their
particular needs and make recommendations on
how to meet them.
One possibility of aid will be some evaluation of
the effect of progressive grants. The Secretary-
General's memorandum provides some interesting
history on this point. In some of the countries
where women voted early, such as New Zealand,
Australia, and the United States, gains were made
piecemeal— first in certain states and provinces,
and then pushed on from these geographical sub-
divisions toward national suffrage. Some suffrage
crants have been made on a nationwide basis, but
have been limited at the beginning to local elec-
tions. In some countries women have been sub-
ject to certain educational or other qualifications
not required of men. My immediate observation
is that where suffrage grants were made first m
certain sections of a country, women have even-
tually achieved rights throughout the nation, it
also seems to be true that where women have first
been granted the right to vote in local elections,
there is a tendency to extend this right to include
all elections. I am not so clear of the effect of
distinctions based on educational achievements.
An analysis by the Secretary-General of these
April 13, 7953
variations in procedure might help women and
their governments decide whether limited grants
are useful, and if so on what basis. We would like
to see such an analysis prepared by the Secretary-
General for our study next year.
There is another aspect of suffrage which does
not show in these memorandums but on which we
should have information, especially if the grants
of suffrage are on a restricted basis. That is
whether elections have been held in which women
have actually voted. In some countries no elec-
tions may have been held since the grant was made,
so that in actual fact women may never have gone
to the polls. If possible, I hope the Secretary-
General next year can give us some reassurance
along this line.
Another way in which the United Nations may
be helpful to governments is in developing leader-
ship. We speak often of the right of suffrage
being granted to women, but there would be little
value in such a grant unless the women of that
country are interested in public questions.
The U.N. fellowship program has included a
number of women, and I believe some of them have
worked in the field of public administration.
There may be other programs in the United
Nations or in the specialized agencies which can
be used to help the leaders in a country where
women lack suffrage or have just achieved it. We
have not been well informed in this Commission
as to what possibilities there are. A statement
from the Secretary-General next year would help
us evaluate opportunities and also help govern-
ments take advantage of them. Such opportuni-
ties may be useful to women in trust and non-self-
governing territories as well as to women in other
countries. Regional conferences similar to the
seminar on the status of women conducted recently
by UNESCO in India may also be a source of
leadership training.
Now I want to talk about what we should be
doing with our good ideas. This Commission has
had a great many good ideas, especially in regard
to political rights for women, and we have done
a great many different things with them. We
now have the convention, and can center our
thinking on how governments can implement the
standards set forth in the convention as rapidly
as possible and with the greatest possible effect.
There is considerable danger, it seems to us, that
if we scatter our recommendations too widely, or
put them forward in unrelated documents, gov-
ernments will not find it easy to locate the sug-
gestions they need and will feel confused as to
what we have recommended.
Two years ago when the Ilo adopted the con-
vention on equal remuneration for men and wom-
en workers for work of equal value — known as
the equal pay convention — it also adopted a for-
mal recommendation to governments on how to
promote the principle of equal pay. This con-
tained a series of specific suggestions as to de-
547
veloping legislation and standards and also on
evaluating results. We believe that something of
the same sort would be useful in regard to the
Convention on Political Rights of Women, and
that we miglit ask the Secretary-General to gather
together during the coming year the various sug-
gestions that might go into it. These suggestions
might come from different sources, and be direc-
ted, at least at the start, to governments where
equal suffrage has not yet been attained. Each
of us can probably contribute some ideas for a
recommendation of this sort, and our non-govern-
mental organization consultants will alsoliave a
great deal to offer. The Secretary-General can
also draw on earlier actions in this Commission,
such as the pamphlet on Political Education of
Women which has proved useful in a number of
countries. The recommendation should be very
simple and practical, and realistic, a how-to-do-it
plan to supplement the statement of principles
in the convention.
"Ground Floor" Approach Urged
For instance, some governments may feel that
they cannot yet win parliamentary approval of
votes for women, but believe that in a few years
the parliament will be ready to give its assent.
We might recommend that in such countries any
new laws or constitutions adopted avoid limiting
suffrage specifically to male citizens, and instead
provide that Parliaments have the power to define
the qualifications for voters. This would make
it unnecessary to go through the long process of
constitutional revision when the country is ready
to extend the vote to women. The new constitu-
tion of Libya follows this plan. A recommen-
dation along this line might have been helpful
during the drafting of the new constitution of
Eritrea. The Eritrean constitution provides suf-
frage rights only for men, so that will have to
be amended when Eritrean women gain the
franchise.
Another recommendation that might help a
great deal in countries where the institutions of
self-government are just beginning to take shape,
is to take women in at the beginning and avoid any
tradition of segregation of women and their in-
terests. This recommendation may be especially
useful in the trust and non-self-governing terri-
tories, but it applies to new activities in all gov-
ernments, developed as well as less developed.
If there is any one lesson we can draw from
experience, I suppose it is that it is never too
early to begin. Once an organization is set up
with the women on the outside, even a department
of government, it is difficult for women to be ac-
cepted as full participants. Much trouble can be
avoided if, as each institution of government is
developed, schools, health services, local police,
political parties, town or tribal councils, or what-
ever it may be, women are brought in on the
administration of such projects from the start,
548
as members of school boards, public-health direc-
tors, policewomen, party workers and committee
chairmen, and also in professional and staff posi-
tions. If It is found women have not had a chance
to tram for such jobs, they can be given special
opportunities to catch up on essentials.
International Materials Conference
Distribution of Molybdenum
Tlie Tungsten-Molybdenum Committee of the
International Materials Conference announced
on March 23 its recommended distribution of
molybdenum for the second calendar quarter of
1953.1 The Governments of all 13 countries repre- '
sented on the Committee have accepted the recom-
mendations. These countries are Australia, Bo-
livia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, France, the Federal
Kepubhc of Germany, Japan, Portugal, Spain,
bweden, the United Kingdom, and the United
States.
Molybdenum and nickel remain now the only
commodities subject to distribution by the Inter-
national Materials Conference.
In accepting the recommendations, the Govern-
ment of the United States restated the condition
that domestic users of molybdenum in the United
States should be authorized to purchase the quan-
tity of such material allocated to other countries
participating in the International Materials Con-
ference and not used by any such participating
country. In view of this, the Committee agreed
to continue the arrangements made whereby such
domestic users in the United States or other coun-
tries would have the opportunity to purchase
molybdenum allocated to other countries par-
ticipating in the International Materials Con-
ference but not used by any such participating
country.
The total free world production of molybdenum
m the first quarter of 19.53 is estimated by the
Committee at 6,448.25 metric tons metal content
Total availabilities exceed this amount by a carry-
over of 30 tons from 1952 availabilities. The esti-
niated production for the second quarter is at
about the same level as that for the first quarter of
1953, which was over 75 percent above the rate
of production in 1950. On the other hand, the
defense and stockpiling requirements of the free 1
world are still in excess of the estimated produc- I
tion. ;
The plan recommended provides for the distri-
bution of the whole free world production of
molybdenum, both in the form of ores and concen-
trates and primary products. Primary product* '
are defined, as m the case of previous distribu-
tions by the Committee, as ferro-molybdenum,
molybdic acid and molvbdenum salts, including
calcium-molybdate and molybdic oxide. Roasted
' For distribution plan, .see Imc press release of Mar. 23.
Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin
molybdenum concentrates are regarded by the
Committee as being included in ores and concen-
j trates, as in the case of previous distribution plans.
i In framing the recommended plan of distribu-
I tion, the needs of all countries, whether members
* of the Committee or not, were carefully consid-
ered. The distribution plan is now transmitted
to all governments, including those not repre-
sented on the Committee, wherever the countries
concerned are interested in the export or import
of molybdenum in the form of ores and concen-
trates or primary products. All Governments are
being requested to carry out the plan of distri-
bution recommended.
Copper-Zinc-Lead Committee To Be Terminated
The Copper-Zinc-Lead Committee of the Inter-
national Materials Conference announced on
March 20 that its members have agreed to the dis-
solution of the Committee on March 31, 1953.
This announcement follows the Committee's re-
cent decision to discontinue international alloca-
tion of primary copper on February 15,^ and
reflects the continuing improvement in the sup-
ply/demand position of copper in the free world.
The Copper-Zinc-Lead Committee, which was
the first of the commodity groups to be established
within the framework of the Imc, met for the first
time on February 26, 1951. The Committee's rec-
ommendations for the first international alloca-
tions of copper and zinc were accepted by its mem-
ber governments for the fourth quarter of 1D51
and continued, for zinc, until the end of May
1952, and for copper, until the middle of Febru-
ary 1953. Although the supply/demand position
of lead was kept under review the Committee did
not, at any time, find it necessary to recommend
international allocation of that metal.
The following countries were represented on
the Committee : Australia, Belgium (representing
Benelux) , Canada, Chile, France, the Federal Re-
public of Germany, Italy, Mexico, Norway, Peru,
the United Kingdom, and the United States.
Distribution of Primary Nicltel
The Manganese-Nickel-Cobalt Committee of
the International Materials Conference on March
26 announced acceptance by 13 of its 14 member
governments of a second quarter 1953 plan of dis-
tribution^ for primary nickel and oxides. The
reply of the Government of Belgium is still
awaited. The recommended plan has been for-
warded to all interested governments for imple-
mentation.
In this plan, as in those for the last two quarters
of 1952 and the first quarter of 1953, provision
has been made whereby any nickel allocated to
countries participating in the distribution, but
not used by them, will become available for pur-
= Bulletin of Feb. 23, 1953, p. 303.
' For distribution plan, .see Imc press release of Mar. ib.
April 13, 1953
chase by consumers in the United States and in
other countries.
The total production estimate of primary
nickel and oxides for the second quarter of 1953,
excluding Japanese production, shows an increase
of about 200 metric tons nickel content over the
figure for the first quarter, or less than one-half
of one percent. About 500 tons of nickel oxides
(in nickel content), produced in the U.S. Nicaro
plant in Cuba during the second half of 1952 m
excess of the original estimate for that period,
has been included in the second quarter distribu-
tion. The total quantity distributed in the recom-
mended plan amounts to 37,800 metric tons nickel
content.
An amount of approximately 500 metric tons
of Japanese nickel available for export is not
included in the plan of distribution because the
Committee so far has not been able to determine
to what extent importing countries would pur-
chase this high-priced nickel.
The countries represented on the Manganese-
Nickel-Cobalt Committee are Belgium (for Bene-
lux), Brazil, Canada, Cuba, France, the Federal
Republic of Germany, India, Italy, Japan, Nor-
way. Sweden, the Union of South Africa, the
United Kingdom, and the United States.
U.S. Delegations
to International Conferences
Commission on Human Rights
The Department of State announced on March
31 (press release 165) that Mrs. Oswald B. Lord,
U S representative on the U.N. Commission on
Human Rights, will attend the ninth session of the
Commission, scheduled to be held at Geneva, April
6-June 1, 1953. In addition to Mrs. Lord, the
U.S. delegation to this meeting will be as follows:
Principal Adviser
PhlUp Halpern, Associate Justice of the Appellate
Division of the Supreme Court of New York State,
Third Department
Advisers
James F. Green, Deputy Director, Office of U.N. Economic
and Social Affairs, Department of St;ite
Warren E. Hewitt. Office of the Assistant Lesal Adviser
for U.N. Affairs, Department of State
The Commission on Human Rights, which is
one of the permanent functional commissions of
the U.N. Economic and Social Council, was estab-
lished in 1946 to advise and assist the Council on
all matters relating to the obligation assumed by
the members of the United Nations to cooperate
with the United Nations toward the achievement
of universal respect for, and observance of, human
rights and fundamental freedoms for all, without
distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion.
549
Eighteen governments, elected by the Council,
comprise the mcmbersliip of the Commission. Its
eighth session was held at New York, April 14-
June 6, 1952.
Economic and Social Council
Tlie Department of State announced on March
31 (press release 164) that at the fifteenth session
of the Economic and Social Council of the United
Nations, which opened at New York on that date,
the U.S. Government would be represented by the
following delegation :
U.S. representative
James J Wadsworth, Jr., Deputy U.S. Representative to
the United Nations
Deputy D.S. representative
Walter M. Kotsclinig, Director, Office of United Nations
Economic and Social Affairs, Department of State
Advisers
Philip Arnow, Associate Director, Office of International
Labor Affairs, Department of Labor
Kathleen Bell, Office of United Nations Economic and
Social Affairs, Department of State
Isaiah Frank, Office of Economic Defense and Trade
Policy, Department of State
Katherine G. Heath, Office of International Relations
rederal Security Agency
Forrest Murden, U.S. Mission to the United Nations, New
York, N. Y.
Robert B Schwenger, Chief, Regional Investigations
Blanch, Office of Foreign Agricultural Relations. De-
partment of Agriculture
William J. Stibravy, Special Assistant to the Director
Office of Financial and Development Policy Depart-
ment of State
William H. Wynne, Office of International Finance De-
partment of the Treasury '
Recent developments in the world economic sit-
uation will be discussed at the forthcoming ses-
sion in the light of comprehensive reports which
have been prepared by the U.N. Secretariat, as
well as by the Secretariats of the Economic Com-
mission for Asia and the Far East, Economic
Commission for Europe, and Economic Commis-
sion for Latin America. The Council will also
review (1) the annual report by the International
Monetary Fund concerning its activities since the
previous session; (2) the annual report of the
International Bank for Reconstruction and De-
velopment on its financial activities and resources;
(3) a report by the Council's Technical Assist-
ance Committee on the program of technical as-
sistance; and (4) reports by several of its
functional commissions, including the Transport
and Communications Commission, Statistical
Commission, and Population Commission.
Provision is also made in the 29-item agenda
of the session for the consideration of several
topics which have been the subject of special study
pursuant to resolutions adopted by the Council
550
or the Oeneral xV.ssembly of the United Nations.
Among those topics are measures for the economic
develojjinent of underdeveloped countries; the in-
ternational action that may be taken to promote
an integrated approach to and a systematic anal-
ysis of the problems of conservation and use of
nonagricultural resources; the steps which may
be taken by the United Nations and its specialized
agencies to develop international respect for the
right of peoples to self-determination; measures
that can be taken by the United Nations to help
governments eliminate slavery, the slave trade,
and servitude similar to slavery; and allegations
regarding infringements of trade-union rights.
The fourteenth session of the Council was held
at New York May 20-August 1, 1952. Its 18 mem-
bers are Argentina, Australia, Belgium, China,
Cuba, Egypt, France, India, the Philippines, Po-
land, Sweden, Turkey, Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics, United Kingdom, the United States,
Uruguay, Venezuela, and Yugoslavia.
U.N. Commission on Narcotic Drugs
The Department of State announced on March
30 (press release 162) that Hari-y J. Anslinger,
Commissioner of Narcotics, Department of the
Treasury, and U.S. representative on the U.N.
Commission on Narcotic Drugs, will attend the
eighth session of that Commission which will con-
vene at New York on March 30.
George A. Morlock, Office of U.N. Economic
and Social Affairs, Department of State, and
Alfred L. Tennyson, Chief Counsel, Bureau of
Narcotics, Department of the Treasury, will serve
as advisers to the U.S. representative.
The Commission on Narcotic Drugs was fop
mally established on a permanent basis in 1946.
It assists the Economic and Social Council of the
United Nations in exercising supervision over the
application of international conventions and
agreements dealing with narcotic drugs; carries
out such of the functions of the League of Nations
Advisory Committee on Traffic in Opium and
Other Dangerous Drugs as the Economic and
Social Council has assumed and continued; ad-
vises the Council on all questions concerning the
control of narcotic drugs, and prepares draft
international conventions on the subject; and con-
siders changes required in the existing machinery
for the international control of narcotics.
The provisional agenda of the eighth session
contains 29 items for consideration by the Com-
mission. The items relate to such matters as (1)
the proposed single convention on narcotic drugs;
(2) cooperation between the United Nations and
the Universal Postal Union in respect to the con-
trol of narcotic drugs; (3) the abolition of opium
smoking in the Far East; (4) annual reports made
by governments pursuant to article 21 of the con-
vention of July 13, 1931, for limiting the manufac-
ture and regulating the distribution of narcotic
Department of State Bulletin
drugs, as amended by a protocol signed at Lake
Success December 11, 1946; (5) illicit traffic, in
whicli connection the Commission is to consider
both summaries of reports on illicit transactions
and seizures made pursuant to article 23 of the
1931 convention, as amended by the 1946 protocol,
and a proposal by Burma relating to the coordina-
tion of the efforts of certain Far Eastern Govern-
ments to suppress poppy cultivation and the
smuggling of opium ; (6) the problem of synthetic
drugs; (7) the problem of Indian hemp; (8)
scientific research on narcotics; and (9) the list of
narcotic drugs under international control.
The seventh session of the Commission was held
at New York April 15-May 9, 1952. The 15 mem-
bei-s of the Commission at the present time are
Canada, China, Egypt, France, India, Iran,
Mexico, the Netherlands, Pern, Poland, Turkey,
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United King-
dom, the United States, and Yugoslavia.
The United States in the United Nations
[March 26-April 1]
Security Council
At a closed meeting on March 31, the Security
Council by a vote of 10-0-1 adopted a proposal
by the French representative recommending to
the General Assembly that Dag Hammarskjold,
Swedish Minister of State, be appointed U.N.
Secretary-General. This recommendation was
transmitted to the President of the General As-
sembly, and Ahmed Bokliari (Pakistan), Presi-
dent of the Security Council, sent Mr. Hammar-
skjold a cable informing him of the recommenda-
tion. The message concluded:
In view of the immense importance of this post, more
especially at tlie pre.sent time, members of the Security
Council express the earnest hope that you will agree to
accept the appointment if, as they hope and believe, it is
shortly made by the General Assembly.
In a statement issued later that day, Trygve
Lie, retiring Secretary-General, said of the recom-
mendation :
... If the General Assembly approves the nomina-
tion, which the Assembly certainly will do, I shall be able
to lay down the heavy burdens of my office with a clear
conscience, knowing that a very able man with sound
political, diplomatic, and administrative experience will
take over and carry on. . . .
On April 1 Mr. Hammarskjold announced at
Stockholm that he had sent the following message
to Mr. Bokhari :
With a strong feeling of personal insufficiency, I hesi-
tate to accept candidature but I do not feel that I could
refuse to assume the task imposed on me should the As-
sembly follow the recommendation of the Security Council
by which I feel deeply honoured.
General Assembly
General debate on the personnel policy item
opened in plenary on March 28. Henry Cabot
Lodge, Jr. (U.S.) underlined the necessity of
having the full support of world public opinion
in order to have the United Nations as an effective-
force. He also pointed out that public opinion in
the United States was concerned lest the United
Nations effectiveness be impaired because of the-
existence of a serious personnel problem. Mr.
Lodge indicated that :
The U.S. (Jovernment does not believe that persons
engaged or who, based on their past and present record,
seem likely to engage in subversive activities against any
memi)er .state should be employed in an international
organization. We will do all in our power to provide the
Secretary-General with the information necessary to en-
able him to make a determination on this matter. This-
does not constitute nor is it intended to constitute dicta-
tion to the Secretary-General or other member Govern-
ments. It is a service to the United Nations in the inter-
est of maintaining a Secretariat which measures up to-
standards established in the Charter for international
civil servants.
It seemed clear from his report that the stand-
ards the Secretary-General proposed to apply
would protect staff members against inadequately
supported or unreliable representations from
member governments ; consequently, there should
be no doubt as to the continued independence of
the Secretariat or as to the safeguarding of indi-
vidual rights.
Ambassador Lodge stated that the U.S. delega-
tion believed the Assembly should take no actioa
which would hinder the Secretary-General in deal-
ing with the existing situation. However, a.
April 13, 1953
55 T
further discussion of this question might be under-
taken at the next session, when developments of
the intervening period could be reviewed. For
these reasons the United States would vote against
any text which postponed further action on per-
sonnel questions pending the proposed study by
a committee.
The resolution introduced jointly by the United
States, United Kingdom, and France which had
the effect of simply taking note of the report was
amended to request a progress report on the de-
velopment of personnel policy, and the number of
its sponsors was increased to 13.
Action on the personnel policy item was com-
pleted April 1 with the adoption of the 13-power
resolution by a vote of 41-13 (Soviet bloc, India,
Indonesia, Burma, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Syria)^.
Under the approved resolution, the Secretary-
General will be permitted to continue to conduct
and develop his policies along the lines contained
in his report and will be asked to submit a further
report to the Eighth General Assembly. The 12-
power text calling for the creation of a 15-member
commission was rejected by a vote of 21-29-8.
The Assembly then recessed until April 7.
Committee I {Political and Security) — The
Committee on March 26 rejected the Czechoslovak
resolution charging U.S. interference in the affairs
of other states. The vote was 5 (Soviet bloc)-
41-14 (Afghanistan, Argentina, Burma, Egypt,
Guatemala, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon,
Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Yemen) . In state-
ments made before the voting, the Soviet and
Czechoslovak repi'esentatives contended that the
U.S. statements on the item had contained slan-
derous charges intended to divert the Committee's
attention from the substance of the matter. After
the balloting, several Arab States explained that
their abstentions were based in part on the fact
that the issue of Zionism had been raised.
At the next day's meeting debate began on the
U.S. request for an impartial investigation of
charges that U.N. forces used bacteriological war-
fare. Ambassador Ernest A. Gross (U.S.) intro-
duced a 16-power resolution under which a five-
state commission would be set up to carry out an
inquiry after the President of the General Assem-
bly had received indications that the parties con-
cerned had accepted the proposed investigation.
As the debate opened. Valerian A. Zorin
(U.S.S.R.), proposed that the Committee invite
representatives of Communist China and the
North Korean authorities to participate. An im-
partial investigation of the bacteriological war-
fare question would be possible only with the
participation of the states directly concerned with
and affected by the use of bacterial weapons. The
motion was rejected by a vote of 15 (Soviet bloc,
Egypt, Iraq, India, Indonesia, Afghanistan,
Burma, Syria)^0-5 (Argentina, Lebanon,
Yugoslavia).
Representatives of South Africa, Australia, the
Netherlands, and New Zealand, speaking as co-
sponsors of the resolution, pointed out the neces-
sity of exposing the hollowness of the charges.
If those making the charges did not accept the
resolution, the obvious conclusion would be that
the charges were baseless and the world would
treat any further allegations or protestations with
the contempt they deserved.
The Netherlands welcomed the U.S. request to
place the item on the agenda, D. J. von Balluseck
said. The full membership of the United Nations
should express itself when some governments lev-
eled accusations against others, yet persistently
refused to permit an impartial investigation of the
charges. The investigation should be undertaken
as soon as possible, in his view, and should include
an examination of the so-called confessions of the
prisoners of war.
Economic and Social Council
At the opening meeting of its loth session, the
Council on April 1 adopted by a vote of 14—0-4
a resolution transmitting to the Human Rights
Commission the General Assembly's request for
continued preparation of recommendations con-
cerning international respect for the right of peo-
ples to self-determination. Also approved, by a
vote of 15-2 (Poland, U.S.S.R.)-! (Sweden), was
a Latin American draft modifying the rules of
procedure to include Spanish as a working lan-
guage of the Council and its functional organs.
A Soviet motion requestinf^ favorable considera-
tion by the General Assembly of a similar status
for the Russian language failed, 4 (U.S.S.R.,
Poland, India, Egypt)-10-4 (France, Yugoslavia,
Uruguay, Philippines).
As its third item, the Council debated the U.S.
request that Libya, Nepal, Spain, and the Republic
of Korea be invited to the Conference on the Limi-
tation of the Production of Opium, scheduled to
begin May 11. Recalling that the inscription of
the last two countries had not been unanimous,
James J. Wadsworth (U.S.) held that the United
Nations was interested in Spanish participation
since Spain was an important manufacturing and
consuming country which had in the past shown
willingness to agree to controls on narcotics. As
to the Republic of Korea, he pointed out that the
General Assembly had recognized it as the lawful
Korean Government and that it was a large opium
producer.
G. F. Saksin (U.S.S.R.) said that since he had
learned that the countries in question had not
asked to be invited to the conference, the action
proposed by the United States was contrary to
self-determination and infringed on national sov-
ereignty. He now could not even vote for invita-
tions to Libya and Nepal, which his Government
had originally favored.
552
Department of State Bulletin
Commission on the Status of Women— Mrs.
Lorena B. Hahn (U.S.) on March 26 introduced
a United States-Haitian resolution urging that
re<nilations regarding distribution of scliolarships
provide equal opportunities for girls and women,
requesting that tlie Secretary-General continue to
cooperate with Unesco to advance opportunities
for education for women, and expressing hope that
in programs of fundamental education attention
would be given to the importance of providing
equal opportunities for women to acquire a lan-
<rua"-e "which will permit them access to the re-
sources of knowledge in the general culture of the
country."
It was later agi-eed to refer to the resolutions
committee this proposal and a French draft relat-
ing to the number of study fellowships and schol-
arships granted to men and women students in
primary, secondary, higher, and technical educa-
tion in the member countries.
Representatives of several nongovernment or-
ganizations made statements on women's educa-
tion. Groups represented included the World
Federation of Trade Unions, the International
Federation of Women Lawyers, the International
Council of Women, the World Union of Catholic
Women's organizations, and the International
Federation of Business and Professional Women.
On March 27 the Commission adopted a revised
Polish resolution which regretted that the Wom-
en's International Democratic Federation rejire-
sentative "has not been granted an entry-visa to
permit her to attend the Commission's session,
called the attention of the Economic and Social
Council to that "abnormal situation," and re-
quested that the Council examine the question at
its 15th session in order to take appropriate meas-
ures. The vote was 13-1 (U.S.)-2 (China, U-K.).
Members then approved by a vote of 14-0-3
(U S ) a Cuban-French proposal recommending
that Ecosoc draw the attention of Governments
and specialized agencies to the need of ensuring
identical basic school curricula for pupils ot both
sexes Action on the educational item was com-
pleted with the unanimous approval of the resolu-
Correction
Bui-LETiN Of March 30, 1953, p. 4S0: Mrs Lord's
title should be, "V. 8. Representative on the V.H.
Commission on Human Rights."
tions committee's version of the U. S.-Haitian and
French drafts on granting scholarships to women
and on allowing women opportunities to acquire a
second language in countries where native and
official languages exist. , j vi
At the same meeting, Mrs. Hahn submitted, with
Cuba, a resolution on the equal-pay-for-equal-
work item. The proposal noted that the principle
was sound business practice, urged increased ef-
forts toward widespread implementation in all
states, and asked the International Labor Organi-
zation to furnish periodic progress reports. It
was agreed that this text would be combined with
another equal-pay draft sponsored by France, the
Netherlands, and Pakistan.
On March 30 the Commission approved a JNeth-
erlands-Pakistan proposal relating to the work of
women in cottage industries and handicrafts and
in seasonal agricultural work in underdeveloped
countries. The vote was 12-3 (Soviet bloc)-l
(France). ^^ , , i -r. i •
The combined Cuba-France-Netherlands-Faki-
stan-U.S. text on equal pay, as slightly modified by
the resolutions committee, was adopted on March
31 by a vote of 14-0-3 (Soviet bloc). Also
adopted was an amended version of a Dominican
Eepublic- Venezuelan resolution on participation
of women in the work of the United Nations ; the
vote was 15-0-2 (U. K., New Zealand) . A Paki-
stani draft recommending the appointment of
qualified women to technical-assistance posts was
adopted unanimously. .
The Commission completed its substantive work
on April 1 after unanimously approving a priori-
ties program for 1953-54 as proposed by the
United States. Consideration of the item on
women in public law was deferred to the Com-
mission's next session.
Confirmations
./olin il. Allison
The Senate on April 2 confirmed John M. Allison as
Ambassador to Japan.
William Howard Taft, III
The Senate on April 2 confirmed William Howard Taft,
III, as Ambassador to Ireland.
April 13, 1953
553
Department Opposes Continuation of Extraordinary Restrictions
on Certain Imports
Statement by Harold F. hinder
Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs *
Press release 166 dated April 1
I wish to thank the committee for the oppor-
tunity of testifying with respect to this bill. The
Department is interested mainly in two problems
related to the bill, namely, the need for continuing
powers to insure that adequate supplies of mate-
rials are available for the free-world defense effort
and the deletion of section 104 from the bill.=
The Department agrees with the premise that
direct economic controls, while basically incom-
patible with the American system, may be needed
in certain circumstances. Experience has shown
that the benefits of such controls in an emergency
period extend not only to the United States but
to allied and other friendly nations throughout the
world. A significant contribution to world eco-
nomic stability was made when the United States
instituted comprehensive economic controls after
the invasion of Korea. In another comparable
emergency, the interests of the whole free world
might again rest on prompt action by the U.S.
Oovernment to hold inflationary forces in check
and channel resources to essential needs.
Whetlier it is necessary to enact standby author-
ity for the several types of direct economic con-
trols, as they are no longer currently needed, is a
■question which the Department considers to be out-
side Its competence. It defers in this to the agen-
cies responsible for those controls.
The Department does, however, have specific
comments on certain other aspects of S. 753. This
bill would place in standby condition title I of the
present Defense Production Act. The authority
to establish priorities and to allocate materials and
taciJities, conveyed by section 101, like that to
stimulate expansion of productive capacity (title
liJ.), IS stilJ needed to assure adequate materials
'Wade before the Senate Banking and Currency Com-
T\ % 7nro .r*'^!'*''^' 'o S. 753, "Emergency Stabilization
Act of 19.53," on Apr. 1.
= Text of section 104 of S. 753 is identical to section 104
of the present Defense Production Act. Except for cer-
tain discretions given the Secretary of Agriculture in the
administration of the import restrictions, section 104 is
that printed in the Bulletin of Mar. 31, 1952, p. 518.
554
for the free-world defense effort. Section 101
should be retained on an active, unconditional
basis so that there can be a prompt and orderly
transition to the modified system of materials
control needed to safeguard defense production
after June 30.
It is not only U.S. defense programs that might
be impaired by lapse of this section. The progress
of military programs of other free nations now
depends in part upon U.S. supplies. The law
presently permits us to assure supplies for these
programs as well as for our own. It is in the in-
terest of our total defensive strength that this
continues to be possible.
As I said at the outset, this Department attaches
great importance to the deletion from the new
legislation of section 104, which restricts imports
of certain agricultural commodities includino-
dairy products. This section would not appear to
be germane, to the general purposes of S. 753, to
provide standby authority for emergency economic
controls. Eather, it deals with current problems
affecting our international trade relations and do-
mestic agricultural programs.
Apart from the question of appropriateness in
this context, the Department of State has given
careful thought to the need for continuation of sec-
tion 104, and we can only conclude that this pro-
vision has been so harmful to our international
trade relations that to continue it, whether on an
active or a standby basis, would be unwise. In
saying this, I want to make it perfectly clear to
the committee that the Department of State is
keenly aware of the difficulties with which we are
now faced in connection with our domestic dairy
products program. However, there are other
remedies m our laws which can be used to deal
with situations in which imports might impair
agricultural programs for dairy products or cause
serious injury to the dairy industry. Such reme-
dies exist in section 22 of the Agricultural Adjust-
ment Act of 1934 as amended and in the "escape
clause" of the Trade Agreements Extension Act
of 1951.
Department of State Bulletin
The extension of section 104 by the United States
ivould do considerable damage to our efforts to
ichieve economic strength and solvency among
friendly foreign countries. The President empha-
?ized in his State of the Union message to the
Congress that, "Our foreign policy will recognize
Uie importance of profitable and equitable world
trade " ' By introducing trade barriers which are
not essential to the protection of American agri-
culture, the restrictions imposed under section 104
defeat this objective.
The extension of section 104 controls would
compel the United States to continue to act in-
consistently with agreements previously under-
taken with friendly countries. The continued
disreo'ard of these commitments m the face ot
well-founded and repeated protests froni 10 coun-
tries is seriously undermining efforts to build con-
fidence in our leadership along the whole front of
our foreign policy as may be observed from the
notes we have received,^ copies of which I should
like to submit for the record.
It is difficult to overemphasize the significance
which foreign countries attribute to section 104
and our action under it. In part, the reason for
their concern lies in the injurious effect ot our
section 104 restrictions on their trade; it hampers
their efforts to overcome balance-of-payments dith-
culties and makes it more difficult to reduce their
need for extraordinary assistance from the United
States. But it is to a perhaps even greater degree
the symbolic significance of section 104, as to the
direction of U.S. trade policy, which arouses con-
cern The fact is that, for them, the bill carries
the implication that the United States is moving
away from a policy of cooperation with its allies
toward a restrictionism which disregards both our
obligations and their needs. Even our friends m
other countries are hard put to defend us. Our
enemies seize upon each such example to make
the claim that the United States wants not free
partners in a mutual exchange of goods, but only
dependencies where American surpluses can be
conveniently dumped.
It has to be borne in mind that one of the express
purposes of the international agreements which
section 104 compels the United States to violate
is to further the interests of American agriculture.
The prosperity of American agriculture depends,
in the first instance, on domestic prosperity. But,
as the President pointed out in his message on the
state of the Union, it depends also "upon the op-
portunity to ship abroad large surpluses of partic-
ular commodities, and, therefore, upon sound eco-
nomic relationships between the United States
1 »76frf., Feb. 9, 1953, p. 208. iqw nrp
I * Texts of eight notes submitted since June 1, 1952 ^re
printed as an annex to Mr. Linder's statement. Jo' J^xts
of earlier notes, see part 4 of the Hearings on Defense
Production Act Amendments of l^^l before Committee
on Banking and Currency, U.S. Senate, 82d Cong., 1st sess.,
pp. 2951-2958.
April 13, T953
and many foreign countries." By denying
friendly foreign countries an opportunity to en-
£ra<re in profitable and equitable trade with the
United States, this law limits their purchases of
American agricultural commodities as well as a
wide range of products from other American in-
dustries and enterprises. The close tie between
our imports and our export sales is illustrated by
the fact that one government, the Netherlands, has
curtailed its imports of wheat flour from the
United States specifically because of section 104
restrictions, and several other governments are
considering similar action. At a time ^•lien Amer-
ican agricultural exports are already falling off,
we can ill afford any further decline m such sales.
For these reasons, this Department is of the viev?
that section 104 should be permitted to expire and
that there should be no extension of this provision
beyond June 30, 1953, either in the legislation
under consideration or other acts of Congress.
ANNEX
Canadian Note of February 10, 1953
The Canadian Ambassador presents his compliments
to the Secretary of State and has the honour to refer
to the Canadian Embassy's Notes of AuRUst 28, 1951
(No 496) and Sanuary 17, 1952, regardins the restric-
tions imposed upon imports of fats, oils and da.ry prod^
ucts under Section 104 of the Defense Production Act of
^^The Secretary of State will be aware that these import
resw'ctfonf we^e considered at the ^^l^-^JT^^
sessions of the contracting parties t° "^^^^XJons wer^
ment on Tariffs and Trade and that resolutions were
Sted recognizing these measures to be contrary to
""ortttcca^ionrflSrannSuncement on December 30
195^ of further import restrictions, relating to dried
milk products, the Canadian Government re-examined the
Stuation resulting from these restrictions. On he basis
of thi^3 review the Canadian Government would again
exnress its serious concern at this infringement of inter-
nSal apreements to which the Governments of the
United States and of Canada are parties. The Gov-
ernment of Canada wishes to call the attention of the
Government of the United States to the effects of these
melsur^s not only on trade between the United States and
Canada bv?t also on the broad commercial policy interests
""'ill rve"?nmenTo7 Canada considers that such depar
tures from accepted principles of commercial Pohcy by
the leamng trading nation can hardly fail to weaken the
force of those principles and to damage seriously the
development of world trade on a constructive basis.
Both Canada and the United States, recognizing the
weakening effect of continued reliance on import restric-
Sons on economies of friendly countries, have frequently
encouraged them to seek solutions to their balance of pay-
ment difficulties through increasing exports rather than
curtailing imports. Actions by the United States Gov-
ernment such as that represented by these import restric-
tions tend to undermine the confidence of overseas deficit
coimtrfes in their ability to approach a balance by in-
creasing their dollar earnings. These measures may in
consequence have the effect of discouraging attempts
which miglit be made by such countries, in the face of
great difficulties, to change the general direction of na-
555
tlonal policies away from reliance on discriminatory
Import restrictions as methods of aciiieving international
balance.
The Government of Canada, accordingly, takes this
opportunity to urge once more that the import restric-
tions imposed under Section 104 of the Defense Produc-
tion Act of 1951 be removed as soon as possible.
New Zealand Note of March 31, 1953 s
The Ambassador of New Zealand presents his compli-
ments to the Secretary of State and has the honour to
refer to the recent decision of the United States Govern-
ment to place an embargo on imports of dried wholemilk
dried buttermilk and dried cream, effective from 1 April
1953. It may be recollected that the importance of this
trade to New Zealand was discussed by the Ambassador
with the Assistant Secretary of State for Economic Affairs
on 9 March, and that a note was addressed to the Sec-
retary of State at that time, explaining the effect on New
Zealand's economy of all United States restrictions
against imports of dairy products.
^v^^^'*^^ "^ ^^'^ ^"" information already supplied to
the United States Government in this connection it is
felt unnecessary at this time to enter into a detailed state-
ment of tlie difficulties created in New Zealand by the
decision to place an embargo on imports of dried milk
products. The New Zealand Government has asked how-
ever, that the United States Government should be in-
formed of the surprise and disappointment with which
the recent decision has been received in New Zealand The
immediate loss of potential dollar-earnings is one that
f^w Zealand can ill afford. The new embargo has the
effect of seriously restricting New Zealand's dollar earn-
ing capacity which has already been weakened by the
actions of the United States in placing embargoes on butter
^'i'^.^'^'i"*''** '^'■'*^'^ ™'"^ s°''<'s and in permitting imports
of Cheddar cheese only under a quota system. The range
of the United States restrictions on imports of dairy
products, which accounts for one-third of all New
^aland s export earnings, is now so broad that New Zea-
land s capacity to secure dollar exchange from exports is
gravely reduced.
The New Zealand Government has drawn the attention
of the United States Government on other occasions to
the fact that restrictions of the kind adopted by the United
btates in respect of dairy products have been recognised
as a clear breach of the General Agreement on Tariffs and
Irade. Although the countries affected have been given
rights of retaliation under the Agreement, the New Zea-
land Government still does not consider such action to be
a satisfactory answer to the problem. The New Zealand
Government is, however, concerned over the apparent lack
of harmony between the actions of the United States in
respect of dairy products, and the spirit of under..^tanding
that prevails in other relations between the two countries
The hope is earnestly expressed that the United States
Government will, upon reflection, recognise the broad
economic implications of trade restrictions of this kind
and the difficulties they create in a country like New
Zea and which is so heavily reliant upon free access to
world markets for its limited range of export products.
ICe New Zealand Government sincerely trusts that the
United States Government may find it possible to permit
a resumption of New Zealand's export trade with the
United States in dried milk and other dairy products thus
bnnging its practice in this field into accord with the
letter and the spirit of the mutual obligations undertaken
by the two countries through the General Agreement on
lariffs and Trade.
inlJ'""''^ P'"^^*o°s notes dated Sept. 17, 1952, Jan. 15,
1953, and Mar. 9, 1953, have been sent by the Government
of Aew Zealand.
556
Australian Note of March 30, 1953'
The Australian Ambassador presents his compliments to
the Honourable the Secretary of State and upon instruc-'
tions from the Australian Government, has the honour
to make the following communication.
On January 23, 1953, the Australian Government drew
the attention of the G'^vernment of the United States to
the situation created by the continued operation of re-
strictions on the importation of dairy products into the
United States under Section 104 of the Defence Produc-
tion Act. At the same time the Australian Government
referred to the recent application of import quotas to
dried whole milk and dried buttermilk and requested the
United States Government to amend the Australian quota
which had been based on a period unfavourable to Aus-
tralian exports of these items. On September 11, 1951
representations were also made by the Australian Govern-
ment in regard to import restrictions on dairy products
authorised by the Defence Production Act and notes were
presented concerning the prohibition on imports of butter
on June 6, 1950, October 7, 1949 and September 23, 1949
The Australian Government regrets that it must now
once more draw the attention of the United States Govern-
ment to the recently announced prohibition on imports of
dried whole milk, dried buttermilk and dried cream as
from April 1, 1953.
The Australian Government has previously pointed out
that restrictions and prohibitions on the importation of
dairy products into the United States not only accentuate i
the difficulties of re-establishing world trade equilibrium i
and nullify attempts made in Australia to adapt the Aus- I
trahan dairying industry to the requirements of a major I
potential market but have been determined by the Con- I
tracting Parties to the General Agreement on Tariffs and
Trade to impair concessions negotiated under that agree-
ment and infringe Article XI of the Agreement.
For a number of years the Australian Government has
supported trade policies advocated by the United States
which found expression in the General Agreement on Tar-
iffs and Trade. However, it has become increasingly
difficult to find justification for the restrictions that the
Agreement imposes on the methods which Australia may
adopt to foster its own developing industries. It is only
by the promotion of exports through a free access to mar-
kets for Its major industries such as the dairving industry
that the Australian economy can support some restriction
on its freedom to protect domestic production.
The Australian Government therefore trusts that the
United States Government will, at an early date see its
way to remove the recently imposed prohibitions' on im-
ports of dried whole milk and buttermilk and its long
standing prohibition on imports of butter and other re-
strictions imposed on the importation of dairy products
under the Defence-Production Act.
Danish Note of March 17, 1953'
.v'^'j? Danish Ambassador presents his compliments to
the Honorable the Secretary of State and has the honor
once more to draw the attention of the United States
Government to the serious concern of his Government at
the restrictions imposed under Section 104 in the Defense
Production Act on imports into the United States of Dairy
Products. ■'
Under the above provisions the import of one of the
principal Danish export commodities. Butter, is subject to
a complete embargo nullifying tariff concessions obtained
from the United States Government by Denmark and other
countries on a quid pro quo basis under the General Agree-
ment on Tariffs and Trade.
Imports of another product, which would otherwise
" A previous note dated Jan. 23, 19.53 was also sent bv
the Australian Government.
'A previous note was sent by the Danish Government
on Sept. 9, 1952.
Department of State Bulletin
have been a particularly suitable object of endeavors to
increase Ilanish dollar earnings. Blue Mold Cheese, have
been kept at an artificially low level.
In addition hereto quota limitations have recently been
aoDlied to the import of Dry Whole Milk, at a time when
Danish exporters had succeeded in establishing a com-
netitive market here for this product trying, in this way,
W make up for lost markets here for other milk products
such as butter and cheese.
The nature of the provisions of Section 104 is well illus-
trated by the fact that while falling domestic production
would invoke action through imposition of quotas under
sub-paragraph a, an increasing domestic production may
establish a case for import restrictions under c.
Both at the 6th and 7th sessions of the Contracting
Parties to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade a
resolution was passed to the effect that the United States
Import restrictions under Section 104 constitute an in-
fringement of Article XI of the General Agreement, and
that the circumstances were serious enough to justity
recourse to Article XXIII, par. 2 (withdrawal of conces-
sions) by the contracting parties affected. It was rec-
ommended (in the words of the resolution of the (th
session) "that the United States Government have regard
to the effects of its continued application of these restric-
tive measures in breach of the General Agreement and
continue its efforts to secure the repeal of Section 104
of the Defense Production Act as the only satisfactory
solution of this problem." The United States Government
was requested "to report to the Contracting Parties at as
early a date as possible and, in any case, not later than
the opening of the 8th session of the Contracting Parties
on the action which it has taken."
It is the earnest hope of the Danish Government that
the United States Government will continue to use its
best endeavors to secure the abolishment of the provisions
in Section 104 at the expiry of the Defense Production
Act on June 30, this year, and to use its influence to pre-
vent actions to establish a substitute legislation based on
similar principles.
It would seem to be a matter of particular concern that
the United States Government should not let itself be
distracted from this aim — or Congress be unduly in-
fluenced—by the existence of temporary Government sur-
plus stocks of butter. As repeatedly pointed out by the
Administration, and also by a leading Farmers' Organ-
ization, during discussions in Congress on Section 104,
other provisions, such as Section 22 in the Agricultural
Adjustment Act as amended, establish authority and pro-
cedure for limitation of imports of any products for whicu
there is an agricultural program (including price support) ,
whenever it is found that imports interfere, or are prac-
tically certain to interfere, materially with such a
program.
The Danish Government, of course, does not view with
favor any such provisions. However, the application of
Section 22, as it now stands, and similar provisions would
not, as seems to be the case of Section 104, mean the
establishment once and for all of what in practical terms
amounts to a complete embargo on the importation of
butter.
The Danish Government has noted with great interest
the very specific recommendations on the question of
dairy imports, including butter, made in the recent report
to the President by the National Advisory Board of the
Mutual Security Agency and trusts that eventually action
will be taken along the lines suggested. It has also noted
that several important trade organizations, including some
representing agriculture, have recommended the abolish-
ment of the provisions of Section 104. The same recom-
mendation was contained in the socalled "Sawyer-Report"
of December last year. The provisions are condemned as
incompatible with the traditional policy of the United
States Government to establish a more liberal interna-
tional trade and payments system, the progress of which
has been frustrated by the difficulties of overseas countries
April 13, 7 953
to earn a sufficient amount of dollars to pay for imports
from the United States of agricultural and other products.
It is noted that certain modifications of the cheese import
restrictions have been made lately. These modifications,
however, apply principally to types of cheese imported
from countries other than Denmark, which means that a
de facto discriminatory element has been established in
the administration of Section 104. As already pointed
out in Monsieur de Kauffmann's note of September 9, 1952,
it is a matter of special regret to the Danish Government
that full restrictions are maintained on imports of Blue
Mold Cheese at a time when another type of cheese, which
from a practical point of view must be considered quite
similar in respect of appearance, quality, taste and con-
sumption purposes, has been wholly exempted from
control.
In a press release of December 30, 19.52, Mr. Brannan,
then Secretary of Agriculture, announced an increase of
500,000 lbs. in the basic annual quota for Blue Mold
Cheese. It is interesting to note that the communique
stated that the quota increase was made in recognition of
the strong demand for this type of cheese. Further it
stated that "although domestic production of Blue Mold
Cheese has recovered substantially in the past years,
prices of both the domestic and the imported product
have remained firm". In the opinion of the Danish Gov-
ernment it might not have been unreasonable to expect
that, under the circumstances referred to, the Depart-
ment of Agriculture would have found occasion to in-
clude Blue Mold Cheese among the several other types
of cheese released from import control, thereby removing
a cause of friction. On a prima facie basis it would seem
that removal of the import restrictions on Blue Mold
Cheese, under the circumstances, in no way would be con-
trary to the provisions of Section 104. In this connection
it is well worth observing that, to the knowledge of the
Danish Government, none of the modifications of restric-
tions on dairy imports, granted so far, have met with
public criticism in the press or otherwise.
The Danish Government would, therefore, ask that the
United States Government once more consider the matter
with a view to exempting Blue Mold Cheese from the quota
restrictions.
As pointed out by the Cheese Importers Association of
America, during hearings on the 13th instant in the Senate
Banking and Currency Committee to terminate restric-
tions on cheese imports, these imports do not, under the
present circumstances anyway, threaten domestic manu-
facture. Prices of imported types of cheese, possibly
with the exception of Cheddar, are higher than prices
of domestic cheeses. The retail price of Danablue is at
present 87-89 cents per lb. or 14-21 cents per lb. more than
the price of domestic Blue Cheese.
While there seems to be a very firm demand for this
type of cheese, as also pointed out in the announcement by
the Department of Agriculture on the 30th of December,
domestic production has increased by 5,000,000 lbs. from
1951 to 1952, and imports were cut about 2,000,000 lbs.
by the import restrictions.
If, in spite of this situation and against the sincere hopes
of the Danish Government, the Department of Agriculture
does not consider it possible to remove Blue Mold Cheese
from the list of cheeses still subject to quota restrictions,
it is very much hoped that it will be possible, at the very
least to increase the present quota which permits an
import during the first half of 1953 of only 1,575.000 lbs.
as compared with 2,450,000 lbs. during the second half
of 1952. ,.,«..
If the quota is not increased this will not only affect
Danish dollar earnings, but may also create serious diffi-
culties in the long run for the sale of Danablue in the
American market. Danablue is distributed by the im-
porters mainly to a number of large retail stores. These
stores insist on being able to rely on regular deliveries of
certain minimum quantities and, due to the shortage, a
few have already discontinued handling Danablue.
557
Swedish Note of March 30, 1953
Tlip ('liar;:<> d'Affaircs a.i. of Sweden presents his com-
pliments to llie Honorable the Secretary of State and has
the honor to bring the following to bis attention.
On December 30, 1952, the Department of Agriculture
announced import quotas for dried whole milk, dried
buttermilk and dried cream, which products had until then
been imported without restrictions.
On March 24, 195.3, the Department of Agriculture
placed the import of the said products under embargo,
starting April 1. Of the quotas granted for the first quar-
ter of 1953 onl.v such quantities will be allowed to enter,
which are shipped through March 31.
The Swedish Government has instructed me to express
its grave concern about these import restrictions, which
have been imposed pursuant to Section 104 of the Defense
Production Act, as amended. In doing so, I wish to call
attention especially to the following facts and circum-
stances.
Already before World War II Sweden was a better
customer of goods produced in the United States than
were the United States of goods produced in Sweden.
After World War II there has been a great export surplus
from the United States to Sweden. For each of the years
1951 and 1952 this surplus amounted to more than 70,000,-
000 dollars.
A considerable export surplus on the side of the United
States has existed also with regard to agricultural prod-
ucts. In 1951 Sweden imported from the United States
food products to an amount of about 10,000,000 dollars
but exported to the United States such products to an
amount of only about 1,500,000 dollars. Furthermore, in
the same year Sweden imported from the United States
large amounts of other agricultural products than food,
i.e. cotton and tobacco. The same trend seems to have
been prevailing during 19.52.
However, the quantity of agricultural products im-
ported to Sweden from the United States during the last
years has been smaller than the quantity, which used to
be imported before World War II. Scarcity of dollars
has made it impossible for Sweden to buy such products
in the United States to the same extent as earlier.
From what now has been said it will be clear that ob-
stacles to Swedish exports to the United States must lead
to a decrease in the United States exports to Sweden,
Including decreased outlets for the agricultural production
of the United States.
The Swedish Government has on many occasions shown
its willingness to cooperate fully in the efforts to expand
world trade, in which the United States has taken a lead-
ing part. The Swedish Government for its part has
proved this readiness as one of the Contracting Parties
of the General Agreement of Tariffs and Trade. The
United States restrictions on the imports of dairy prod-
ucts have been generally recognized as contrary to this
Agreement.
The Swedish Government has with great satisfaction
noticed the interest in developing free trade, expressed
by the President of the United States. It has also noticed
the strong support, which the leaders of the three great
American Farm Organizations have given to a liberaliza-
tion of American trade policy, also with regard to agri-
cultural products. There seems, however, to be an ap-
parent lack of harmony between on one hand the expressed
policy of the United States and the views of the great
ma.lority of American farmers as stated by their leaders
and on the other hand the restrictions on the imports of
dairy products.
The Swedish Government, therefore, sees with greatest
concern the imposition at this time of a further import
restriction on a Swedish agricultural product, which dur-
ing recent months has been able to find an expanding
market in the United States and thus would in the future
contribute substantially to the Swedish dollar earning.
With reference to the above the Swedish Government
expresses its sincere hope that the Government of the
United States will find it possible to reconsider the re-
strictions imposed under the Section 104 of the Defense
Production Act.
Netherlands Note of March 31, 1953 «
The Netherlands Ambassador presents his compliments
to the Honorable the Secretary of State and has the honor
to refer to a press release of the United States Department
of Agriculture, Production and Marketing Administration,
dated March 24, 1953, in which an embargo on imports of
dried whole milk, dried butter milk, and dried cream,
effective April 1, 19.53 is announced.
The absolute character of this measure, coming in addi-
tion to continuing restrictions on the import of Nether-
lands Edam and Gouda cheeses, will undoubtedly have a
severely adverse effect upon Netherlands public opinion
in general and that of the export community in particular.
In this connection Dr. Van Roijen refers to his note of
March 2, 1953, in which he transmitted the great concern
of the Netherlands Government about the import restric-
tions on dried milk products which had been imposed on
December 30, 1952, under Section 104 of the Defense
Production Act. It was hoped that the United States
Government would see its way to reconsider the Import
limitations on Netherlands dairy products.
While not yet having received instructions from his
Government, the Netherlands Ambassador would like to
express his keen disappointment at the present action
which appears to scatter the hope he expressed in his
previous note.
Italian Note of June 30, 1952'>
The Italian Embassy presents its compliments to the
Department of State and has the honor to inform of the
following:
The Congressional Record of June 28, 1952, page 8585,
has published the report of the Senate-House Conference
on Section 104 of the Defense Production Act, concerning
imports of oils and fats, and informs that the Secretary
of Agriculture will be authorized to increase by 15% the
limitations on ini|)orts of foreign cheeses "for each type
or variety which he might deem necessary, taking into con-
sideration the broad effects on international relationship
and trade."
The Committee of conference has moreover stated in
its report that the control on cheese imports will not be
exercised with respect to types of cheeses, such as Roque-
fort and Switzerland Swiss, which, because of their U.S.
selling price, arc clearly not competitive with domestically
produced cheeses.
The Italian Embassy wishes to call attention to the
fact that Italian cheeses, although not specifically men-
tioned in the congressional records, are not competitive
loith the domestic production and therefore should be
exempted from import control.
As pointed out in previous notes of this Embas.sy, Italian
cheeses exported to the United States consist largely of
sheep's milk cheeses such as Pecorino and Provolone (not
produced in this country), or, as in the case of Parmigiano,
Reggiano and other Italian grating cheeses, they are
subject to particularly lengthy processes of production
and seasoning, which causes their selling price in the
United States to be 50% higher than the American product.
The differentials in current retail prices of these Italian
cheeses and American type are as high or higher than
those of Roquefort and Switzerland Swiss cheese. For
this reason the Italian Embassy insists that Italian
cheeses be exempted from import control as they are not
competitive witli domestically produced cheeses.
The difference in prices between Italian type and other
'Two previous notes dated .July 7, 19.52 and Mar. 2, 1953
have been sent by the Government of the Netherlands.
' For text of a note rrrbnle from the Italian Government
dated .Ian. 15, 1952, together with the U.S. reply of Apr. 15,
see Bulletin of Apr. 28, 19.52, pp. 060-661.
558
Department of State Bulletin
foreign and domestic cheeses has been reported In the
Congressional Record of June 19 ( page 7781 ) . The prices
of typical Italian cheese and domestic production are as
follows :
Cheese type Retail price
Italian Parmigiano (imported) $1.29-1.80
American Parmesan 0. 75-0. 85
Italian HegKiano (imported) 1.15-2.25
American type 0. 89
Italian Pecoiino Romano (imported) 0.95-1.19
American type 0.69
Italian Provolone (imported) 1.19-1.30
American Provolone 0. 65-0. 69
The Italian Embassy asks the Department of State to
kindly bring these facts to the attention of the Depart-
ment of Agriculture, so that Italian typical cheeses may
be exempted from import controls, on the same basis as
Roquefort and Switzerland Swiss, which in the report
of the conference have been mentioned as an example
(i. e.. "such as").
In the event that the Department of Agriculture should
exempt only these two types of cheeses mentioned in the
report, the Italian Embassy wishes to point out that such
treatment would constitute a discrimination against
Italian cheeses, particularly in view of the even more
striking characteristics and price differentials of the
Italian cheese with the American domestic product, and
in view also of the serious damage that is being caused
to the Italian economy by recent import restrictions.
The cheese quotas have deprived Italy of the possibility
to earn an estimated $2,000,000 which would have been
used to buy United States products (especially agricul-
tural products).
Restrictions against cheese exports to the United States
bear chiefly on Sardinia and other regions of Southern
Italy for which the manufacture of cheese has been for
centuries the main source of livelihood. As it is known,
the communist agitators have seized upon the economic
distress in these regions resulting from United States im-
port restrictions, to foment trouble and disorder.
For the above reasons, the Embassy urges the suspen-
sion of any restrictions on typical Italian cheeses, in har-
mony with the recent decisions of Congress to exempt from
import control foreign cheeses which are not competitive
with American products.
The Italian Embassy expresses Its thanks to the De-
partment of State for its consideration and assistance.
Argentine Note of March 5, 1953
Mr. Secret aky :
I have the honor to inform Your Excellency that, with
the return of climatic conditions to normalcy, the produc-
tion of cheese has increased in Argentina, and this has
made it possible again to build up considerable exportable
stocks.
Argentina has traditionally been a large exporter of
cheeses to the United States, especially cheeses of the
Italian type, so sought after by consumers in this country.
As a result of the extraordinary drought which occurred
in my country in recent years, Argentine exports of cheese
to the Uiited States have declined greatly, particularly
since lO.ll.
Our Government had the opportunity on previous oc-
casions to express its opinion regarding the harm done
to the trade between our two countries by the provisions
of Section 104 of the Defense Production Act of 1950, and
the subsequent amendment thereof permitting one-third
of the quotas fixed for each date to be transferred to
another country, according to supply needs. The amend-
ment has meant a considerable cut in Argentina's quota
in favor of Italy. These provisions are making their nega-
tive effects especially felt at a time when the recovery
of Argentine production permits considerably increasing
the shipments to the United States. Argentina is at pres-
ent in a position to fill the entire quota fixed in the said
legal provision, including the one-third transferred to
Italy, and we therefore respectfully request that this
situation be given consideration in the amounts to be
imported to the end of the present period, i. e., June 30
of this year. We likewise request that, should new quotas
be established for the year 1953-54, full consideration he
given to the Argentine situation. In such an event, we
also request modification of the present basis for tlie
assignment of quotas, which took the average for the
years 1948-50 as a period showing the proportions for each
country and each importer. We aflSrm that the adoption
of that period was not really fair, for during those years
imports from Argentina declined in comparison with
previous years, as a result of the drought.
As a matter of fact, Argentina had exported substan-
tial quantities from 1940 on. In some of those years, the
figure of 10,000 tons per year was exceeded. Thus tlie
ratios between Argentine cheese imports and total cheese
imports into the United States were very high during
those years, in several instances exceeding 80 percent.
Those quantities and especially the ratios decreased ap-
preciably from 1947, so that in the three-year period
adopted as a base (1948-50), Argentine imports were
reduced to an average of 3,500 tons and represented only
20.6 percent of the total imports of the United States,
whereas adopting a longer period and therefore one more
representative of the situation of international trade,
for example, the period 1938-1950, leads to tlie conclusion
that Argentine exports to the United States averaged
4,500 tons, or nearly 35 percent of the total imports.
Now, if reference is made only to cheeses subject to
quota, which comprise most of the cheeses that Argentina
exports to the United States, the proportions for the
periods 1048-50 and 1938-50 are 32 percent and 51 per-
cent, respectively. We therefore maintain that the abso-
lute quantities and the proportions adopted for Argentina
according to the regulations do not represent the true
share that has traditionally fallen to our country in the
total imports.
It behooves us to mention the circumstances that cheese
imports are proportionately very small in the United
States domestic market and are steadily decreasing.
From somewhat more than 10 percent at the beginning of
the thirties, these imports have declined appreciably
and are now oscillating around 3 i)ercent, so tliat they
cannot cause serious disturbances in the domestic market
or in production, nor can they be reflected in increased
expenses resulting from the Government price-support
policy.
Furthermore, the maintenance of quotas does not seem
to be in accord with the new trends of tlie Government's
economic policy or with the necessary expansion of
regional economies, a basic factor in the general advance-
ment of well-being in the world.
For these reasons and in compliance with express in-
structions from my Government, I request Your Excel-
lency to be so good as to see that the proper authorities
of tlie United States Government consider tlie elimination
of the quota system affecting Argentine cheese imports
or, failing that, to have a new analysis made of the
present system of distribution of quotas of the said
product, so that it may be fairer and may definitively
permit a substantial increase in Argentine cheese exports
to the United States, which my country will be in a posi-
tion to satisfy to the extent required.
I avail myself of the opportunity to express to Your
Excellency the assurances of my highest and most dis-
tinguislied consideration.
[Signed] Hip6lito J. Paz
Ambassador
April 13, 1953
559
April 13, 1953
Index
Vol. XXVIII, No. 720
Agriculture
Department opposes continuation of certain
agricultural Imports (texts of notes) . . . 554
Technical cooperation agreement with Pakistan . 531
American Principles
The pattern of U.S. -Indian relations (Allen) 523
Asia
BURMA: Asks discontinuance of U.S. aid pro-
gram (telegraphic text) 530
Control of shipments to Communist China,
North Korea 532
INDIA: The pattern of U.S.-Indlan relations
(Allen) 523
JAPAN: Treaty of friendship, commerce, and
navigation 531
KOREA: Proposal for settlement of prisoner-
of-war question (Chou En-lal, White, Clark,
Molotov) 526
PAKISTAN: Technical cooperation agreement . 531
Congress
Current legislation on foreign policy listed . . 533
Europe
CZECHOSLOVAKIA; Subversion charges against
U.S. refuted (Lodge) 539
Fourthanniversaryof NATO (Eisenhower, Dulles) . 525
GERMANY: Visit of Chancellor Adenauer . . 529
Review of the £!ce Economic Survey of Europe
(Camp) 534
U.S.S.R.: Assessment of Soviet gestures (Dulles) . 524
Foreign Service
Confirmations (Allison, Taft) 553
Human Rights
Commission on Human Rights 649
International Meetings
International Materials Conference 548
U.S. DELEGATIONS:
Commission on Human Rights 549
Economic and Social Council 550
U.N. Commission on Narcotic Drugs .... 550
Mutual Aid and Defense
Burma asks discontinuance of U.S. aid program . 530
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: Mar. 30-Apr. 3, 1953
Releases may be obtained from the OlBce of the
Si)ecial Assistant for Press Relations, Department
of State, Washington 25, D. C.
Subject
Poland : Publication attacking U.S.
U.N. Commission on narcotics
Gen. Clark : Repatriation of sick Pow's
15th session of Ecosoc
Commission on human rights
Linder : Section 104 restrictions
Adenauer : Itinerary of U.S. visit
Dulles-McCarthy meeting
Non-renewal of VOA contracts
Friendship treaty with .Japan
Validation of German dollar bonds
Suppl. Pt. 4 agreement with Pakistan
Assessment of Soviet gestures
t Held for a later issue of the Bitlletin.
No.
Date
tl61
3/30
162
3/30
im
3/31
164
3/31
165
3/31
166
4/1
167
4/1
168
4/1
tl69
4/1
170
4/2
tl71
4/2
172
4/3
173
4/3
National Security Council
Planning board to assist National Sectu'lty
Council 530
North Atlantic Treaty Organization
Fourth anniversary of Nato (Elsenhower, Dulles) . 625
Prisoners of War
Proposals for settlement of Korean prisoner-of-
war question (Chou En-lal, White, Clark,
Molotov) 626
State, Department of
Department opposes continuation of extraor-
dinary restrictions on certain agricultural
imports (texts of notes) 564
Strategic Materials
International Materials Conference 548
Technical Cooperation and Development
Technical cooperation agreement with Pakistan . 531
Trade
Control of shipments to Communist China,
North Korea 532
Department opposes continuation of extraor-
dinary restrictions on certain agricultural
Imports (texts of notes) 554
Treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation
with Japan 531
Treaty Information
Treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation
with Japan 531
United Nations
Current U.N. documents: A selected bibli-
ography 538
Czechoslovak subversion charges against U.S.
refuted (Lodge) 539
Economic and Social Council 550
Progress toward universal equal suffrage
(Hahn) 546
Proposal for settlement of Korean prisoner-of-
war question (Chou En-lal, White, Clark,
Molotov) 526
Review of the EcE Economic Survey of Europe
(Camp) 534
U.N. Commission on Narcotic Drugs .... 550
U.S. In the U.N 561
Name Index
Adenauer, Konrad 629
Allen, George V 523
Allison. John M 653
Ansllnger, Harry J 550
Camp, Miriam 534
Chou En-lal 526
Clark, General 526
Cutler, Robert 530
Dulles, Secretary 524, 525, 532
Eisenhower, President 524, 525, 530
Halin, Mrs. Lorena B 546
Kotschnig, Walter M 550
Linder, Harold F 554
Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 639
Lord. Mrs. Oswald 649
McCarthy. Senator 632
Molotov, V. M 526
Murphy, Robert D 531
Okazaki. Katsuo 631
Sao Hkun Hklo 630
Sebald, William 630
Taft. William Howard III 553
Wadsworth, James J., Jr 560
White, Lincoln 626
U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1953
tJ/ie/ ,^^^^^^fi6/^[e^ /^t>^z^
Vol. XXVIII, No. 721
April 20, 1953
THE PAN AMERICAN UNION: A TRUE COMMUNITY
OF EQUAL NATIONS • Address by the President . . 563
TALKS ON REPATRIATION OF SICK AND WOUNDED
PRISONERS:
Summary of Meetings at Panmunjom, April 6-9 . . 570
Statement by Ambassador Lodge 574
Text of Agreement Signed April 11 576
PUERTO RICO'S NEW SELF-GOVERNING STATUS . 584
U.S. POLICY ON HUMAN RIGHTS:
President's Message to the Human Rights Commission . 580
Secretary Dulles' Letter to Mrs. Lord 579
Statement by Mrs. Lord 581
THE MAKING OF TREATIES AND EXECUTIVE
AGREEMENTS • Statement by Secretary Dulles ... 591
For index see back cover
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
MAY 2 0 1953
Me Qle/ia^l^e^ ^/ 9Lte JOUllGtlD.
Vol. XXVIII, No. 721 • Publication 5036
April 20, 1953
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
U.S. Qovemnient Printing Office
Washington 25, D.C.
Prick:
62 issues, domestic $7.50, foreign $10,25
Single copy, 20 cents
The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of tbe Budget (January 22, 1962).
Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
or State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication compiled and
edited in the Division of Publications,
Office of Public Affairs, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy issued by the White House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.
Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of internatioruil relations, are listed
currently.
The Pan American Union: A True Community of Equal Nations
Address hy the President *
My pride and pleasure in participating in the
ceremonies today have a simple source. They
spring from the pride which the whole citizenry
of the United States feels in the Pan American
Union and the ideals for which it stands.
The code that governs our union is founded
upon the most deeply held moral convictions. And
this fact makes especially appropriate our meet-
ing on this, our Sabbath Day.
Ours is an historic and meaningful unity. It
has been, for our whole continent, an honest and
productive unity. It can be, for other areas of
the world, a prophetic and inspiring unity. For
it is triumphant testimony before all the world
that peace and trust and fellowship can rule the
conduct of all nations, large and small, who will
respect the life and dignity of each other.
In this deepest sense, then, we nations of
America do more than enjoy a political systern
constructed for ourselves. We are custodians of
a way of life that can be instructive for all man-
kind.
The history of the Americas over the span of
the 63 years since the founding of our regional
organization has not been spotlessly perfect. Like
all peoples, our nations — every one of them, the
United States included — have at times been guilty
of selfish and thoughtless actions. In all dealings
with our neighbors we have not always bravely
resisted the temptations of expediency.
But the special merit of the Pan American
achievement is to have triumphed as well as we
have over the temptations of heedless nationalism.
We have seen and we have acted on the need to
work cooperatively together to achieve common
purposes. So doing, we have forged a true com-
munity of equal nations. I am profoundly dedi-
cated to doing all that I can to perfect the under-
standing and trust upon which this community
must rest.
'Made at the Pan American Union, Washinjrton, D.C.,
on Apr. 12 and released to the press by the White House
on the same date.
Apttl 20, 1953
The vitality of this unity springs, first of all.
from our common acceptance of basic moral and
juridical principles. But it is inspired no less
by our recognition of the rights of each of our
nations, under these principles, to perfect its own
individual life and culture. Ours is no compul-
sory unity of institutions. Ours is a unity that
welcomes the diversity, the initiative, and the
imagination that make our common association
progressive and alive. This is the American
way — the free way — by which people are bound
together for the common good.
I know that these facts, these simple ideals, are
not new. But they are given a new, a sharp mean-
ing, by the nature of the tension tormenting our
whole world. For it is not possible for this
hemisphere to seek security or salvation in any
kind of splendid isolation.
The forces threatening this continent strike at
the very ideals by which our peoples live. These
forces seek to bind nations not by trust but by
fear. They seek to promote, among those of us
who remain free and unafraid, the deadliest divi-
sions— class against class, people against people,
nation against nation. They seek not to eradi-
cate poverty and its causes, but to exploit it and
those who suffer it. Against these forces the
widest oceans offer no sure defense. The seeds
of hate and of distrust can be borne on winds that
heed no frontier or shore.
Our defense, our only defense, is in our own
spirit and our own will. We who are all young
nations, in whom the pioneering spirit is still
vitally alive, need neither to fear the future nor
be satisfied with the present. In our spiritual,
cultural, and material life, in all that concerns
our daily bread and our daily learning, we do
and should seek an ever better world.
We know that this economic and social better-
ment will not be achieved by engagintr in experi-
ments alien to our very souls, or listening to
prophets seeking to destroy our very lives.
We know that it can come to pass only by faith-
fully applying the rules of national conduct we
563
know to have been tested and proved wise: A
mutual trust that makes us honorable and under-
standing neighbors, and a self-reliance that sum-
mons each nation to work to the full for its own
welfare.
I do not think it unjust to claim for the Govern-
ment and the people of the United States a readi-
ness, rarely matched in history, to help other na-
tions improve their living standards and guard
their security. Despite unprecedented burdens
of national debt and worldwide responsibility, our
people have continued to demonstrate this
readiness.
Private investment has been the major stimulus
for economic development throughout the hemi-
sphere. Beyond this, the U.S. Government is
today engaged with our sister Republics in im-
portant efforts to increase agricultural produc-
tivity, improve health conditions, encourage new
industries, extend transportation facilities, and
develop new sources of power.
The pursuit of each of these goals in any one
nation of the Americas serves the good of all the
Americas. Kjiowing this, I am anxious that the
Government of the United States take careful
stock of the economic and social conditions now
prevailing throughout our continent and of all
the efforts being pressed to bring a better life to
all our peoples. Such an assessment can properly
be made only through direct personal unc^rstand-
ing of the facts. Because my current duties make
impossible my making personal visits of courtesy
to the countries of Latin America, as I wish I
could do, I have asked my brother, Milton Eisen-
hower, president of Pennsylvania State College,
to visit shortly a number of these great Republics.
He will carry to each of the governments he visits
the most sincere and warm greetings of this ad-
ministration. He will report to me, to Secretary
of State Dulles, and to Assistant Secretary Cabot
on ways to be recommended for strengthening the
bonds between us and all our neighbors in this
Pan American Union.
Today, Mr. Chairman, I think it appropriate
to conclude with one thought : However real and
just be our concern with constructive material de-
velopment, we must never forget that the strength
of America continues ever to be the spirit of
America.
We are Christian nations, deeply conscious that
the foundation of all liberty is religious faith.
Upon all our peoples and nations there rests,
with equal weight, a responsibility to serve wor-
thily the faith we hold and the freedom we cherish,
to combat demagoguery with truth, to destroy
prejudice with understanding and, above all, to
thwart our common enemies by our fervent dedi-
cation to our common cause.
So dedicated, our Republics, united in spirit, can
look forward to a future of happy and productive
peace.
Observance of Pan American Day
A PROCLAMATION'
Whereas, the Governing Board of the Pan America!
Union recommended in 1930 that April 14 be officially ob
served each year by every member country as Pan Ameri
ican Day ; and |
Whebeas the people of the United States of Americt
customarily have joined vclth their friends and neighbors
in the other American republics In observing Pan Ameri
can Day ; and
Whereas April 14, 1953, will mark the sixty-thW!
anniversary of the founding of the organization lonf
known as the Pan American Union, which now serves tu'i
the General Secretariat of the Organization of Amerlcait
States I and
Whereas the forthcoming Tenth Inter-American Con'
ference of the Organization of American States, to be held
at Caracas, Venezuela, will demonstrate anew to peoples i
throughout the world the cooi)eration and good-will among
the neighbors of the Americas which have contributed sc i
much to their spiritual, as well as material, development:
and strength ; and '
Whereas It is the firm resolve of the Government and-
the people of the United States of America that the ties-
binding the twenty-one sovereign and equal Americai'
republics shall be maintained and strengthened :
Now, THEREFORE, I, Dwlght D. Elsenhower, President ol
the United States of America, do hereby proclaim Tues-
day, April 14, 1953, as Pan American Day, and I direct!
the appropriate officials of the Government to arrange!
for the display of the flag of the United States on all|
public buildings on that day.
I also invite the Governors of the States, Territories,;
and possessions of the United States to Issue similar'
proclamations for the observance of Pan American Day.
And I urge all interested organizations, and the people,
generally, to unite in suitable ceremonies commemorative '
of the founding of the Pan American Union, thereby testi- '
fying to the close bonds of friendship existing between the '
people of the United States and those of the other
American republics.
In WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand and
caused the Seal of the United States of America to be
affixed. '
Done at the City of Washington this sixth day of April '.
in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and
(SEAL) fifty-three, and of the Independence of the United
States of America the one hundred and seventy-
seventh.
By the President :
AV <~'i-s-y C-iZU U-iCu.^ X.*<v^
John Foster Dulles
Secretary of State
' 18 Fed. Reg., 1953.
564
Department of State Bulletin
J.S. and Germany Discuss Economic, Political, and Cultural Relations
COMMUNIQUE ON ECONOMIC, POLITICAL
irALKS
;'ress release 183 dated April 9
I The President of the United States, the Secre-
lary of State, and other members of the Cabinet
nave met during the past 3 days with the Chan-
i-ellor of the Federal Republic of Germany and
iiad a full and frank exchange of views on the
.Torld situation in general and on American-Ger-
inan relations in particular. The conversations
iX)ok place in a spirit of friendship and coopera-
I don and revealed a far-reaching identity of views
md objectives.
The President and the Chancellor discussed the
effects which recent developments in the Soviet
Drbit might have on the East-West conflict. They
were fully agreed that, while no opportunity
should be missed to bring about a general relaxa-
tion of tension, the free nations of the West must
not relax their vigilance nor diminish their efforts
to increase their unity and common strength.
They were further agreed that if the Soviet rulers
are genuinely desirous of peace and cooperation
among all nations, they could furnish no better
proof of their good will than by permitting gen-
uinely free elections in the Soviet occupied Zone
of Germany and by releasing the hundreds of
thousands of German civilian deportees and war
prisoners still in Soviet hands. They further
stated their joint conviction that there can be no
lasting solution of the German problem short of
a reunification of Germany by peaceful means and
on a free and democratic basis. The achievement
of this purpose calls for sustained common efforts
of the signatory powers to the contractual agree-
ments signed at Bonn last year.
There was unanimity of conviction that all con-
cerned should press forward unwaveringly toward
European unity through early ratification of the
treaty establishing a European Defense Commu-
nity. Achievement of this goal will be accom-
panied by the establishment of German inde-
pendence and sovereignty under the contractual
agreements. The Chancellor declared that the
Federal Republic of Germany is ready and willing
to cooperate on a basis of equality and partnership
with all the free nations of the West in strengthen-
ing the defenses of the free world. The Chancellor
was given assurance that the United States would
supply military equipment to the European De-
fense Community to assist in equipping the Ger-
man contingents, once the treaty has been ratified.
The problem of the Saar was discussed and it
was agreed that an early agreement should be
sought in the common interest.
Consideration was given to the special situation
of Berlin and admiration expressed for the politi-
cal firmness and courage of its inhabitants. It
was agreed that the moral and material support
needed to keep the city strong is a matter of pri-
mary importance. The Chancellor indicated that
he had in mind further measures to increase pro-
duction and reduce unemployment. The Secre-
tary stated that consideration was now being given
to assistance by the U.S. Government to invest-
ment and other programs to improve economic
conditions in Berlin.
The Chancellor indicated the great difiiculties
facing the Federal Republic because of the ne-
cessity to assimilate not only the millions of ex-
pellees who came earlier from eastern areas but
the renewed stream of refugees from the Soviet
Zone and beyond. The President and Secretary
of State recognized the great efforts undertaken
by the Federal Republic to care for these homeless
persons and to preserve economic and social sta-
bility. The discussion took account of the possi-
bility that the Federal Republic and Berlin might
be unable to bear this burden alone. The Director
for Mutual Security stated that careful considera-
tion of this matter would be given in the course of
the preparation of the Mutual Security Program
for the year beginning July 1, 1963.
The Chancellor raised the problem of war
criminals. The future of the war criminals now
in U.S. custody was discussed. The U.S. repre-
sentative stated that his Government would re-
examine the status of these prisoners and would
also look forward to the possible adoption of new
review procedures with German participation, as
soon as German ratification of the treaties was
completed.
The representatives of both Governments ex-
changed views concerning progress toward the
freeing and expansion of world trade and the
April 20, J 953
565
achievement of currency convertibility. The Ger-
man representatives expressed particular interest
in the reduction of tariffs and customs admin-
istrative barriers. For their part, the U.S. rep-
resentatives noted President Eisenhower's
statement of April 7 that "the world must achieve
an expanding trade, balanced at high levels which
■will permit each nation to make its full contri-
bution to the progress of the free world's economy
and to share fully the benefits of this progress."
Representatives of the two Governments dis-
cussed a number of specific problems connected
with the normalization of commercial relations
between the United States and Germany, includ-
ing the prospects for increased use by German
exporters of the trademarks owned l^y German
nationals prior to "World War II. It was noted
that considerable progress had already been
achieved in making such trademarks available to
former German owners and that future progress
in that direction was being sympathetically
studied by the United States.
Tlie Chancellor and the Secretary of State
agreed that the conclusion of a new treaty of
friendship, commerce, and navigation between the
United States and the Federal Republic would be
of benefit to both countries and that negotiations
for such a treaty should begin at a very early date.
Meanwhile, as an interim measure, the two Gov-
ernments are negotiating an agreement to restore
to force the 1923 treaty of friendship, commerce,
and consular rights as it stood prior to the war,
taking into account the requirements of the pres-
ent situation. This interim agreement, when
ratified in both countries, would, among other
things, re-establish a basis on which businessmen
of each country would be able to reside and carry
on business in the other.
The German representatives indicated their in-
terest in the placing of off-shore procurement
contracts in Germany. They were informed that
as soon as the contractual and European Defense
Community treaties have entered into force, the
same criteria will be applied in the placing of such
contracts in Germany, within the framework of
the European Defense Community, as are applied
with respect to the placing of contracts in other
European countries.
In order to foster closer cultural cooperation
between Germany and the United States and pro-
mote mutual understanding between their two
peoples, an exchange of notes is taking place.
The two Governments reaffirmed tlieir common
interest in controlling, together with other na-
tions of the free world, the movement of strategic
materials to nations whose policies jeopardize the
peace and security of the free world. Both Gov-
ernments undertook to continue action to that
end, and, in particular, to keep under constant
review the list of items which from time to time
may be subject to embargo to Communist China.
The representatives of the Federal Republic also
expressed their Government's intention, in co-
operation with other trading and maritime na-
tions, to apply supplementary measures, such a5
transshipment controls, against violations oi
evasions of existing strategic controls.
Announcement is being made simultaneously ii
the two capitals of the return to the Federal Re-
public of approximately 350 vessels formerly ol
German ownership. Arrangements for then
transfer to German authorities will be completed
by the U.S. High Commissioner in Germany.
The President and the Chancellor are convinced
that the conversations just concluded have madt
a solid contribution to the achievement of commor
goals of the two countries, in strengthening the
ties of friendship now happily re-established and
in consolidating the aims and strength of the free
world.
TRANSFER OF SHIPS TO GERMANY
Press release 1S3-A dated April 9
Tlie following are the details of the transfer U.
the German Federal Republic by the United State;
of former German vessels noted in the joint com-
munique issued on April 9 at the conclusion ol
talks in Washington between Chancellor Adenauei
and U.S. officials.
The decision to return these vessels to Germar
ownership is based upon the essential functior
they can perform in Germany, and the desire ol
the United States to relinquish responsibility foi
their ownership before the contractual agreements
between the German Federal Republic and the
United States, the United Kingdom, and France
come into effect.
The United States is returning to the German
Federal Republic 350 of the vessels which the
Tripartite Naval Commission (Tnc) allocated to
the United States in 1946. The vessels are pres-
ently on charter to the German economy.
In June of 1917 the Department of the Navy
transferred to the Department of the Army
(Omgus) these vessels. Omgus (U.S. Military
Governor in Germany) in turn made the vessels
available to tlie German economy on a charter
basis. This was done to assist the German econ-
omy to meet inland waterway and coastal shipping
requirements; to increase food production through
the availability of 124 trawlers, cutters, and
luggers for fishing ; and to make possible employ-
ment in German shipyards by making available
20 floating docks and four pontoons.
The original fleet was reduced in size through
marine casualties, scrapping of overage vessels,
transfer of certain vessels to tlie control of the
U.S. Army and Navy, and the sale of vessels sur-
&lus to the German economy, and U.S. needs by the
ffice of the Foreign Liquidation Commission.
The present charterers of the Tnc vessels in
the service of the German economy have spent con-
siderable funds to rehabilitate and convert these
566
Department of State Bulletin
ex -German naval vessels to make them suitable
and economical to operate in the German com-
mercial service. These capital improvements to
the vessels were amortized by the operators by
deducting an agreed amount from the charter fees
duo Gmgus/Hicog.
Tlie 1950 appraised value of the vessels being
returned to tlie Federal Republic is approximately
Dt'utschemarks 30 million or $7.1 million.
The following types of vessels will be included
in the transfer to the Federal Republic :
Inland waterway vessels — dumb and self-propelled,
tank and dry cargo
Coastal tankers and dry cargo vessels
Tug boats — harbor, river, and deep sea
Small passenger boats and ferries
Fire, pilot, and police boats
Resean-h vessels
Hotel ships
Salvage and diving vessels
Dredgers — suction and bucket
Floating docks and pontoons
Fishing trawlers, cutters, luggers
Workshop and miscellaneous vessels
The cargo-carrying type vessels being returned
under this agreement have a maximum deadweight
of 3,000 tons. The largest floating dock has a
lifting capacity of 16,000 tons.
Final arrangements for the return of these ves-
sels, the time and date of transfer, and other details
will be worked out between the competent author-
ities of HicoG and the Federal Republic.
U.S.—GERMAN UNDERSTANDINGS
ON CULTURAL EXCHANGE
On A-pril 9 Secretary Dulles and Chancellor
Adenauer exclianged notes concerning cultural
exchange between the United States and the Fed-
eral Eepublic of Germany. Following are the
texts of the notes, together with the texts of re-
marks made by Secretary Dulles and Chancellor
Adenauer at the time of the exchange of notes.
Texts of Notes
Press release 1S4 dated April 9
ExcELLENCT : I liavB the honor to refer to con-
versations which have recently taken place be-
tween representatives of our two Governments
concerning the cultural relations between the
United States of America and the Federal Re-
public of Germany. I understand that it will be
the intent of each Government :
1. To encourage the coming together of the
peoples of the United States of America and the
Federal Republic of Germany in cultural coopera-
tion and to foster mutual understanding of the
intellectual, artistic, scientific, and social lives of
the peoples of the two countries.
2. Recognizing that the understanding between
its peoples will be promoted by better knowledge
of the history, civilization, institutions, literature,
and other cultural accomplishments of the people
of the other Government, to encourage the exten-
sion of such knowledge within its own territory.
3. To use its best efforts to extend to citizens of
the other Government engaged in activities pur-
suant to this agreement such favorable treatment
with respect to entry, travel, residence, and exit
as is consistent with its national laws.
4. To promote and facilitate the interchange
between the United States of America and the
Federal Republic of Germany of prominent citi-
zens, specialists, professors, teachers, students and
other youths, and qualified individuals from all
walks of life.
5. As facilitating the interchange of persons
referred to, to look with favor on establishment
of scholarships, travel grants, and other forms of
assistance in the academic and cultural institutions
within its territory. Each Government will also
endeavor to make available to the other informa-
tion requested by the other with regard to facili-
ties, courses of instruction or other opportunities
which may be of interest to nationals of the other
Government.
6. To endeavor, whenever it appears desirable,
to establish or to recommend to appropriate agen-
cies the establishment of committees, composed of
representatives of the two countries, to further
the purpose of this agreement.
The responsibilities assumed by each Govern-
ment under this agreement will be executed within
the framework of domestic policy and legislation,
procedures and practices defining internal juris-
diction of governmental and other agencies within
their respective territories.
This understanding shall be applicable also in
the territory of Berlin as soon as the Government
of the Federal Republic of Germany makes a con-
forming declaration to the Government of the
United States of America.
I have the honor to propose that, if these under-
standings meet with the approval of the Govern-
ment of the Federal Republic of Germany, the
present note and your note concurring therein will
be considered as confirming those understandings,
effective on the date of your note.
Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of
highest consideration.
John Foster Dulles
Mr. Secretary or State: I have the honor to
acknowledge the receipt of Your Excellency's note
of April 9, 1953, concerning the cultural relations
between the United States of America and the
Federal Republic of Germany. I understand that
it will be the intent of each government :
[Points 1 through 6 of the U.S. note are repeated
here.]
I have the honor to concur in the proposal made
Apti\ 20, 1953
567
in Your Excellency's note and to inform you that
the understandings set forth therein meet "with the
approval of the Government of the Federal Re-
public of Germany. That note and the present
note, accordingly, are considered as confirming
those understandings, which become effective on
this date.
Accept, Excellency, the assurances of my high-
est and most distinguished consideration.
KoNRAD Adenauer
Remarks by Secretary Dulles and Chancellor
Adenauer
Press release 185 dated April 9
Secretary Dulles
Mr. CharweUor: The notes which we are about
to exchange manifest the desire of my Govern-
ment to re-establish friendly relations with the
people of the German Federal Republic. Cul-
tural exchange between the United States and
Germany has in the past contributed substantially
to better mutual understanding. In giving formal
recognition to this exchange, we wish to empha-
size a reciprocal character; beyond that, we wish
to encourage private citizens and organizations
of both countries to contribute in ever-increasing
measure to this cultural exchange.
Chancellor Adenauer
[Translation]
Mr. Secretary: I am glad that during my visit
to Washington we could have this exchange of
notes. I agree with you that the establishment
of such cultural relations is the best way of giving
expression to a common sentiment and the best
means to bring our two peoples together to serve
peace and freedom.
ARRIVAL OF CHANCELLOR ADENAUER
Press release 176 dated April 7
Following are the texts of statements of welcome
made by Vice President Nixon and Secretary
Dulles to Chancellor Konrad Adenauer of the
Federal Rejniblic of Germany on his arrival at the
Washington National Airport on April 7, together
with the reply of Chancellor Adenauer:
As a matter of fact, in a park only a stone's
throw away from the house in which you will stay,
a statue has been erected which expresses the grati-
tude of the American people for what he did for
us during that period. And all of you, of course,
are aware of the tremendous contribution which
has been made by the millions of (iermans who
have become American citizens — a contribution to
our culture, to our strength, and to our progress.
It .seems to us that one of the great tragedies of
our generation has been that twice within almost
a generation our two peoples have been torn asun-
der by conflict. We are confident that we are
now entering a new era — a new era of peace and
friendsliip between our two peoples and we are
confident — we hope and pray that under your
leadership and the leadership of those in your
Government in the new Germany, and with our
leadership, that together we can" re-e-stablish the
old bonds of friendship which for so long repre-
sented the relationships between the German and
the American people.
I recall when I visited Germany in 1947 the
terrible destruction that we saw then. Like many
who visited Germany at that time, I wondered
if the German people and the German economv
could ever recover. But under your leadership
and the people of your Government with new
leaders and a new Germany, a remarkable recovery
has taken place, and Germany is fast again assum'-
ing Its rightful place in the family of nations.
We hope that progress can continue, and I am
speaking for all the American people when I say
that we are hoping and praying that in your visit
here, working with our leaders, that you will be
able to make a contribution to the peace and
friendship which should exist between our two
countries.
And so, therefore, it gives me a great deal of
pleasure to extend on behalf of the President of
the United States and on behalf of the American
people our heartfelt welcome to you and to the
other members of your party. And we are hope-
ful as you sit down with our leaders that you will
be able to develop a program which will be of
great assistance in meeting our mutual problems
and will make a remarkable contribution to the
peace and friendship which will mean so much to
the people of the world.
The Vice President
Mr. Chancellor, your visit marks a historic oc-
casion in the relationships between the people of
Germany and the United States. There are very
few American schoolchildren who do not recall
the dramatic period in the American War for
Independence when Baron von Steuben helped
to train the disorganized and ragged Continental
soldiers at Valley Forge and develop the forces
which went on to win the victory at Yorktown
which resulted in the independence of this country.
568
Secretary Dulles
Mr. Adenauer, a few weeks ago you did me the
honor of greeting me when I arrived at your capi-
tal at Bonn. And it is a very great pleasure and
an honor to me now to reciprocate by meeting you
here in Washington. That honor is greater 'be-
cause you are, I think, t\\Q first German Chancellor
in office to ever visit the United States. You can
be sure you will receive here a very hearty wel-
come, indeed.
In Europe great events are in the making.
Department of State Bulletin
There is a growing sense of unity and strength
which has long been desired, needed, but never
yet realized. We have great hopes now that they
will be realized. Those hopes are based largely
upon the fact that there is in Germany the strug-
ixh for liberty and statesmanship which is repre-
sented by yourself. The whole world can, indeed,
l>e grateful that at this critical time Germany
through you and your leadership is making a con-
structive contribution to the creation of this unity
and strength and freedom in Europe which is in-
dispensable.
T am glad, Mr. Chancellor, that you will not
only be in Washington where I am sure we will
have constructive talks with our government lead-
ers and officials, but you are going to do something
more than be in Washington. You are going to
travel a little around our country and I am glad
you are going to do that. This will give you a
sense of the welcome not only here but a welcome
that comes out of the hearts of the American peo-
])le. We are very glad, indeed, that you are here.
TheXhancellor
[Translation]
Mr. Vice President, Mr. Secretary : I am deeply
moved as I step on this soil of your Capital by the
words you have addressed to myself and to the
German people. They were so warm and so full
of deep meaning that I find it hard to reply in a
very good manner.
You, Mr. Vice President, have spoken of Gen-
eral von Steuben. I thank you for the chivalrous
manner in which you referred to the long period of
common work between the Germans and the Amer-
icans in the past without putting too much em-
phasis on the last two decades.
You, Mr. Secretary, spoke, like the Vice Presi-
dent, of new tasks, of the work which will have to
be done, of the sacrifices which will have to be
made by all men of good will, by all men who re-
gard freedom, right, and justice as the highest
goods of mankind ; and they are ready to defend
these bridges and goods with all their strength.
Please accept from me in this memorable moment,
this solemn declaration.
The German people are on the side of freedom.
The German people are on the side of right and
justice for all nations. To your President, whom
I hold in the very highest esteem, I am most
sincerely grateful, and so are the German people,
for the opportunity of having at this eventful
time the frank and free exchange of views on
all questions of mutual concern.
As the representative of the German people I
would, above all, like to thank your President
and the American people for all the help that
they have rendered to the people of Germany in
a spirit of true human sympathy. This we shall
never forget. We shall be the loyal and helpful
partner on the grave and difficult road on which
the United States is leading mankind to freedom.
Let me add another word, Mr. Secretary. I
well remember the talks we had in Bonn, the free
and frank discussions, and I am looking forward
to continuing these discussions with you now. 1
am particularly looking forward to seeing again
your President, whom I once met in Bonn when he
was the Supreme Commander of Nato. I have a
very high respect for your President, and I am
looking forward to meeting him again.
Validation of German DoBlar Bonds
Press release 171 dated April 2
The Governments of the United States and the
Federal Republic of Germany signed a further
agreement on April 1 at Bonn concerning valida-
tion of German dollar bonds. The agreement is
related both to the Agreement on German Ex-
ternal Debts signed at London last February 27 ^
and to the agreement establishing procedures for
validation which was signed at Bonn on the same
day.= It will be submitted to the Senate for ad-
vice and consent to ratification, together with the
Agreement on German External Debts and the
related agreements.
The purpose of validation is to separate valid
bonds from those which were looted in Germany
during World War II. Under the terms of the
Agreement on German External Debts, only obli-
gations which have been validated will be eligible
for payment. The procedures to be established
in accordance with the agreement of February 27
will provide the mechanism for meeting the re-
quirement of validation.
The agreement signed April 1 provides that
German dollar bonds will not be enforceable unless
they have been validated in accordance with the
terms of the earlier agreement, or by the com-
petent German authorities. This will serve the
interests of the holders of validated bonds, for it
will prevent the holders of looted bonds from en-
forcing payment of them and thus reducing the
funds available for the payment of validated
bonds.
> Bulletin of Mar. 9, 1953, p. 373.
'Ibid., p. 376.
April 20, 1953
569
Talks on Repatriation of Sick and Wounded Prisoners
LETTER FROM THE COMMUNIST COMMANDERS
TO GEN. MARK W. CLARK, APRIL 2
We received your letter dated March 31, 1953.^
"We agree to the proposal advanced in your letter
and hereby inform you that the liaison group of
our side will be prepared to hold meeting with the
liaison group of your side at Panmunjom, on April
6, 1953, to arrange preliminarily the matter of ex-
change by both sides of injured and sick prisoners
of war and to discuss and decide on the date for
resuming the armistice negotiations.
Enclosed please find a copy each of each of the
statements of the Government of the People's Re-
public of China - and the Government of the Demo-
cratic People's Republic of Korea ^ concerning a
proposal on the question of repatriation of pris-
oners of war.
Kim II Sung,
Supreme Commander of the Korean
Peofle^ Army
Peng Teh-Hual,
Commander of the Chinese
People''s Volunteers
LIAISON OFFICERS' MEETINGS
FoUoxcing are statetnents issued by the U.N.
Command at Tokyo swmnurizing the meetings
held at Panmunjom hy Ual'ion officers appointed
to discuss the repatriation of sick and loounded
prisoners of war. The U.N. liaison group was
headed by Rear Adm.. John C. Daniel; the chief
Commu7iist liaison officer wa^ Maj. Gen. Lee Sang
Jo.
Meeting of April 6
1. Senior liaison firoup met at 1000, this date. Sub-
stance of record follows :
2. Unc : "I have been appointed as senior member of
the United Nations Command liaison group for the purpose
of discussing arrangements for the repatriation of sick and
wounded captured personnel. Here are my credentials."
(Hands credentials to ilaj. Gen. Lee Sang Jo.)
3. Communists: "I will show you my credentials in
which the commander of our side appointed me responsible
" BuLi ETiN of April. 13, 1935, p. 528.
' rhid., p. 526.
' Not printed.
man of the liaison group of our side." (Hands creden-
tials to Rear Adm. Daniel.)
4. Unc : "The United Nations Command is pleased that
your side has finally accepted our proposal, as first ad-
vanced by us on 22 December 1951, for the repatriation of
sick and wounded captured personnel under Article 109
of the Geneva Convention.' Accordingly, we are ready to
begin immediately the implementation of plans for this
repatriation.
"The United Nations Command is prepared to conduct
the repatriation operations at Panmunjom in order to take
advantage of the neutral area already estalilished. For
its part, the United Nations Command is prepared to be-
gin immediately the construction of necessary facilities
for the delivery of sick and wounded captured personnel
held in its custody, and the receipt of sick and wounded
United Nations Command captured personnel held by your
side.
"The United Nations Command is prepared to commence
delivery of sick and wounded captured personnel in its
custody to the control of representatives of your side at
Panmunjom not later than 7 days after final agreement
on repatriation procedures is made by the liaison groups
of both sides.
"The United Nations Command proposes to deliver sick
and wounded captured personnel at the rate of approxi-
mately 500 captured personnel per day until delivery
of all sick and wounded captured personnel in United
Nations Command is completed.
"The United Nations Command will continue to treat
sick and wounded captured personnel in strict accordance
with the humanitarian provisions of the Geneva Conven-
tion as long as they remain under our control.
"In order to insure tliat the sick and wounded captured
personnel of both sides are given maximum protection
during the full period of this repatriation, our side is pre-
pared to agree with you on procedures to guarantee im-
munity from aerial attacks to all rail and motor move-
ments carrying sick and wounded captured personnel in
Kaesong and Munsan-Ni respectively, and thence through
the presently established immunity routes to Panmunjom.
"During the period while sick and wounded personnel
are being repatriated througli Panmunjom, the 22 Octo-
ber 1951 agreement ' between our officers will of course
remain in effect. The liaison groups of both sides and
their parties should have free access to, and free move-
ment within, the Panmunjom conference site area. The
composition of each liaison group and its parties should
be as determined by tlie senior member, but to avoid
congestion, each side should agree to limit the total num-
ber of personnel under its control, including captured
personnel, which will be allowed at any one time in the
conference site area.
"In order to expedite the final arrangements for the
repatriation of sick and wounded captured personnel, our
side has prepared a draft of a proposed agreement in-
' Bulletin of Aiir. 6, 19.53, p. 495.
' Ibid., Feb. IS, 1952, p. 270.
570
Department of State Bulletin
corporatins the foreKoins provisions. I now present you
a copy of this proposed draft" for your study and any
recommendations you may have. I propose that we ap-
point officers to discuss immediately the administrative
details involved in this repatriation.
"I propose that we simultaneously exchange the esti-
mated figures by nationality of sick and wounded cap-
tured personnel under each side's control who will be
repatriated under the provisions of Article 109 of the
Geneva Convention. I propose that we exchange these
figures now."
5. Coiuniuni.'its: "I have taken notice of your proposal
concerning the specific arrangement of both sides to ex-
change sick and injured prisoners of war. As for your
proposal, we will seriously study it and will present, as
soon as possible, our complete views.
"As it was pointed out by the commanders of our side
in their letter of 28 March to your commander,' the dele-
gates of both sides to the negotiations have long since
reached agreement in accordance with the humanitarian
princiiiles on the question of sick and injured prisoners
of war in the custody of both sides ; to repatriate them
with priority. It was solely because the Korean armistice
negotiations were suspended that there was no way to
implement this agreement. In consequence it has not
been possible up to the present to repatriate the sick and
injured prisoners of both sides. Now that the com-
manders of the two sides liave agreed to repatriate sick
and injured prisoners of war in accordance with Article
10!) of the Geneva Convention relating to prisoners of
war, our side is prepared to repatriate all tlie sick and
injured prisoners of war held in our custody for the
purpose of speedily and thoroughly settling this question.
That is to say, our side is prepared to repatriate all the
sick and injured prisoners of war entitled to be directly
repatriated and accommodated in a neutral country accord-
ing to the provisions of Articles 100 and 110 of the 1949
Geneva Convention relative to the prisoners of war."
6. Unc : "I have a statement to make. In order to
proceed without delay in plans for the repatriation of
sick and wounded captured personnel I propose that we
exchange numbers of sick and wounded captured person-
nel by nationality now."
7. Coiiinuonsts: "Our side also considers that both sides
should exchange as quickly as possible the estimated
figures of sick and injured prisoners of war. But, in
order to determine the estimated figures of sick and in-
jured prisoners of war, the categories of sick and injured
prisoners of war to be repatriated should be determined
first. Therefore, our side is willing to exchange views
with your side on this question first."
8. Unc: "What are your views as to the categories of
sick and wounded i>ersonnel to be exchanged?"
9. Communists: "Our side is prepared to repatriate all
the sick and injured prisoners of war held in our custody
for the purpose of speedily and thoroughly settling this
question. That is to say. our side is prepared to repatriate
all the sick and injured prisoners of war entitled to be
directly repatriated or accommodated in a neutral coun-
try according to the provisions of Article 109 and 110 of
the 1949 Geneva Convention relative to prisoners of war."
10. I'NC: "We propose that we recess until 1100 hnurs
to consider your statement."
11. Communists: "We agree to your proposal." (Re-
cessed at 1036 hours.)
12. Unc : "I have a statement to make. We are pre-
pared to repatriate directly through Panmunjom all sick
and wounded captured personnel specified in Article 109
of the Geneva Convention. We have not divided them into
categories. We have total figures by nationality which
we are prepared to exchange."
13. Communists: "I have stated that our side is pre-
pared to repatriate all sick and injured prisoners of war
in our custody. I wish to know whether your side is also
'Not printed.
' Bulletin of Apr. 6, 1953, p. 494.
April 20, 1953
prepared to repatriate sick and injured prisoners of war
who are entitled to be accommodated in a neutral country
according to the provisions of Articles 109 and 110 of the
Geneva Convention."
14. Unc : "I have a statement to make. We will care-
fully consider your proposals. I suggest that you care-
fully consider ours.
"I have another matter. In reference to the proposal
which the commanders of your side made to General Clark
on 2 April relating to the question of repatriation of pris-
oners of war, the United Nations Command would be
pleased to receive at as early a date as possible a detailed
statement of suggestions on the implementation of the
proposal in order that it can be studied while the arrange-
ments for the repatriation of sick and wounded captured
personnel are being completed.
"We suggest that we recess until eleven o'clock tomor-
row."
l.">. Communists: "I have noted your statement. I will
report it to my superiors. I agree to your proposal to
recess."
16. Meeting adjourned at 1128 hours.
Meeting of April 7
1. Meeting of senior liaison groups convened at 1100
hours this date. Substance of record follows :
2. Unc : "I have a statement to make. Yesterday I
proposed that our two sides exchange simultaneously the
estimated figures by nationality of sick and wounded cap-
tured personnel under each side's control who will be
repatriated under the provisions of Article 109 of the
Geneva Convention. You agreed that the estimated figures
should be exchanged as quickly as possible, but you indi-
cated that the categories of personnel to be repatriated
should be determined first. You further indicated that
your side was prepared to repatriate all the sick and
wounded prisoners of war in your custody who are en-
titled 'to be directly repatriated or accommodated in a
neutral country according to the provisions of Article 109
and 110 of the 1949 Geneva Convention, relative to prison-
ei's of war.'
"I interpret your remarks to indicate that you are
willing to repatriate directly through Panmunjom, not
only tho.se persons provided for in the first paragraph of
Article 109, but also those sick and wounded personnel
who might normally be accommodated in neutral countries
as provided by the second paragraph of Article 110. The
United Nations Command is in agreement with this inter-
pretation subject to the provision that no individual shall
be eligible for repatriation except in accordance with
Paragraph 3 of Article 109.
"The United Nations Command does not consider it
necessary or desirable to break down the over-all figures
of sick and wounded to be repatriated under the fore-
going understanding, but takes the position that, for
humanitarian reasons, the broadest possible scope should
be given to the interpretation of 'sick and wounded' in
determining the captured personnel to lie repatriated ; and
further takes the position that such repatriation should
be started without delay.
"If you are in agreement with the foregoing definition
of categories, I propose that we exchange the estimated
totals by nationalities of sick and wounded captured per-
sonnel-^all of whom will be repatriated directly through
Panmunjom — so that we can proceed with the detailed
arrangement of repatriation."
3. Communists: "I have noted your statement. I pro-
pose to recess for 20 minutes."
4. Unc: "We agree." (Recessed at 1114 hours for 20
minutes.) (Meeting reconvened at ll."3 hours.)
5. Communists: "I have a statement to make. I have
noted the statement you made today. I understand that
your side agrees to include in the scope of sick and injured
prisoners of war to be directly repatriated this time those
sick and injured prisoners of war who may be accommo-
dated in neutral countries according to the provisions of
571
Article 109 of the Geneva Convention relative to prisoners
of war.
"Regarding the question of Paragraph 3 of Article 109
which you mentioned, 1 wish to point out that this pro-
vision must not be used as a pretext for obstructing the
repatriation of sick and injured prisoners of war who are
willing to be repatriated during h(j.stilities.
"As I have expressed yesterday and now repeat once
more, our side is still prepared immediately to repatriate
directly to your side all the sick and injured prisoners of
war wlio, according to Article 109 of the Geneva Conven-
tion relating to prisoners of war, are entitled to be di-
rectly repatriated or accommodated in a neutral country.
"Our side wants to make clear that we reserve the right
to ask for the accommodation in a neutral country of
those prisoners of war in the custody of your side who
will not be directly repatriated.
"Now in this meeting of the Liaison Group, I would like
to proceed to the discussion of the specific arrangements
for the sick and injured prisoners of war whom both sides
are prepared immediately to repatriate directly."
6. UNO : "We suggest that we recess until 1330 hours in
order to have lunch and study your proposal."
7. Communists: "I agree to the proposal for recess."
8. Meeting recessed at 1200 hours.
1. Meeting of Senior Liaison Groups reconvened at 1330
hours this date. Substance of record follows:
2. UNO : "I have a statement to make. I note that you
are ready to proceed with the discussion of the specific
arrangements for the direct repatriation through Pan-
munjom of sick and wounded captured personnel. Before
we proceed further, I propose that we exchange estimated
totals by nationality of personnel to be repatriated."
3. Communists: "I have noted your statement. Our
side agrees that both sides should exchange as quickly as
possible the estimated figures of sick and injured pris-
oners of war to be repatriated. But our side considers
that the estimated figures furnished by both sides should
conform to the actual situation as much as possible so
that they may really facilitate the preparatory work of
repatriating sick and injured prisoners of war. Our side
is actively checking the number of all sick and injured
prisoners of war held in our custody. Your side will be
Informed by our side as soon as a result comes out. We
estimate that this can be done within one or two days.
"With regard to the contents of the proposed agreement
relating to the repatriation of sick and wounded captured
personnel which your side presented to our side on 6 April,
our side has already made a preliminary study of it and
is of the opinion that this proposed agreement can be a
basis for discussion between the two sides. To some of
the articles in this proposed agreement, our side can read-
ily agree now. Our side agrees completely to the first
article of the proposed agreement of your side which sets
Panmunjom as a place for the exchange of sick and in-
jured captured personnel. Our side can also agree to the
Fourth Article on the delivery of sick and injured captured
personnel in groups as well as the times included in the
roster of each group and the Fifth Article relating to the
procedure for delivery and receipt of sick and injured
personnel. Our side agrees in principle to the Sixth Ar-
ticle on the protection of sick and injured captured per-
sonnel, but the various paragraphs of this article have
to be studied in connection with the actual conditions.
As for the rest of the articles, our side will present our
specific views after giving them further study. Further-
more, our side will also recommend additions to the con-
tents of this agreement if necessary."
4. Unc : "I have a statement. I am please<l that you
are ready to get down to the business of settling the ques-
tion of the repatriation of the sick and wounded.
"It appears that the settlement of the various issues
relating to the agreement will be time consuming. I pro-
pose that we confine ourselves to the major Lssues in our
discussions between the senior members of the respective
liaison groups, and that we appoint officers to work out
simultaneously the administrative details for the repatri-
ation. If you agree with this proposal, I am prepared to
appoint now the staff officers who will represent our side."
5. Communists: "I have noted the proposal of your
side. I will give you our an.swer to the question tomorrow.
"I suggest we recess until eleven o'clock tomorrow.
6. Unc : "We agree to recess until eleven o'clock tomor-
row."
Meeting of April 8
1. Meeting of Senior Liaison Group convened at 1100
hours this date. Substance of record follows :
2. Communists: a. "I now inform your side that the
estimated figure of sick and injured prisoners of war in
our custody, whom our side will directly repatriate to
your side, is around 600, of which around 450 are sick
and injured Korean prisoners of war and around 150 are
sick and injured non-Korean prisoners of war. Our side
is further checking the classified figures, by nationality,
of the sick and injured non-Korean prisoners of war. I
will inform your side as soon as a result comes out."
b. "In order that the problems relating to the specific
arrangements for repatriating sick and injured prisoners
of war may be studied and the actual preparations may
be undertaken, I would like to know the estimated figures
of sick and injured prisoners whom your side is prepared
to repatriate to our side."
3. Unc : "I acknowledge receipt of the total numbers of
sick and wounded of our captured personnel that you are
prepared to repatriate. The figures of sick and wounded
captured personnel that you say you will repatriate seem
incredibly small in view of the total number of captured
personnel you have previously indicated you have in your
custody. Accordingly, I request that you have these fig-
ures reviewed, and a more liberal interpretation made of
your definition of 'sick and wounded captured personnel.'
I reserve the right to make further comments on these
figures at a later date. At this time, I give you the total
number of sick and injured personnel of your side which
the United Nations Is prepared to repatriate, which is 700
Chinese and 5100 Koreans. When do you expect to have
the complete breakdown by nationality of sick and
wounded personnel to be repatriated?"
4. Communists: "We have offered the figures of sick and
injured prisoners of war only after we have checked the
matter in detail. Accordingly, I can't find any reason
why the figures are incredibly small. As I have pointed
out in my statement of today, after I have checked the
complete figures, I will inform you of the figures of the
sick and injured prisoners of war."
5. UNO : "We are now ready to receive your comments
on our proposal of yesterday."
6. Communists: "I will give you the answer to that
question. I would like to express agreement to the pro-
posal submitted by your side yesterday for confining the
discussion between the senior members of the respective
liaison groups to the major issues and for appointing of-
ficers to settle the administrative details for repatriation.
I now designate Colonel Lao Pyong U and Colonel Wang
Chien as the officers representing our side."
7. Unc : "I appoint Colonel Willard B. Carlock, Colonel
Douglas M. Cairns, and Colonel Soo Young I^ee as my
representatives, with such assistants as they may require.
I propose that they meet one hour after this meeting is
adjourned."
8. Communists: "In order to conclude speedily an
agreement for the repatriation of sick and injured pris-
oners of war and to commence with the repatriation of
sick and injured prisoners of war as early as actual con-
ditions permit, I agree to the proposal of your side for
convening the officers' meeting of both sides after the
meeting of liaison groups. Our officers will be pleased to
hear any suggestions of your side concerning the admin-
istrative details for the repatriation of sick and injured
prisoners of war."
572
Department of State Bulletin
9 Unc : "Now I ask if you are ready to present your
proposed amendments to the draft agreement which we
presented to you."
10. Communists: a. "With regard to the 'proposed
agreement relating to the repatriation of sick and
wounded captured personnel,' presented by you on 6 April,
I would like to take up now 2 questions for discussion
by the liaison groups of both sides."
6. "For the purpose of maintaining order in the Pan-
munjom conference site area, our side proposes to in-
crease the military police of each side who undertake to
maintain order within the conference site area from the
present maximum number of 15 to 30, during the period
when sick and injured captured personnel are being re-
patriated through the conference site area."
c. "Regarding this question, I would like to know your
opinion."
11. Unc: "Please go on and give me your other com-
ments on the rest of the proposed agreement. After I
have heard them all, we can then discuss them more
easily." „ - ,.
12. Communists: a. "With regard to Article 6 of the
proposed agreement of your side, I have already pointed
out in the 7 April meeting that our side agreed to the
principle of insuring that the sick and injured captured
personnel of both sides are given maximum protection
during the full period of his repatriation. However, some
(it the specific conditions set forth in this article by your
side are difficult to be effected because of actual condi-
tions. Your side proposed that movement of motor con-
voys to Kaesong and Munsan-Ni respectively should con-
sist of not less than 10 vehicles per convoy, moving in close
formation ; but this provision is not practicable due to
the scattered locations of prisoner of war camps of our
side. Moreover, this provision is not necessary since the
motor convoys wiU have clear markings and the time and
the routes of their movements and their bivouac areas
and night stop-over locations for motor convoys will have
been informed, in advance, by both sides to each other."
6. "Therefore, I proixise to cancel this provision in the
first paragraph of Article 6 of your proposed agreement."
c. "As to the arrangements for mutually informing the
time and route of each movement and the bivouac areas
and tlie night stop-over locations as provided in paragraph
1) and E of Article 6, our side will present a revised text
based on actual conditions."
13. Unc : "Do you have any more views or material to
present now in relation to other paragraphs of the agree-
ment?"
14. Communists : "As to the other paragraphs of the pro-
posed agreement, we are now studying them, so after
having finished our study, I will answer to you."
15. Unc : "I propose that we recess now to give us a
chance to review your statements, and that we meet here
again at 1330."
16. Communists: "I agree to your proiwsal to recess,
and my opinion is that the officers' meeting of both sides
will be convened at two o'clock PM. If the time is incon-
venient for you, we can arrange to convene the officers'
meeting after this meeting has finished."
17. UNO : "As I understand it, the full liaison group,
including you and I, will meet here at 1330, and then we
will arrange later for the meeting of the officers designated
by us."
18. Communists: "That is correct."
19. Unc : "I propose that we recess now until 1330."
20. Communists : "1 agree."
21. Meeting recessed at 1142.
1. Meeting' of Senior Liaison Group reconvened at 1330
hours this date. Substance of record follows :
2. Unc : o. "I have studied your comments with respect
to Article 6 and 7 of the draft agreement which we handed
you on 6 April."
6. "With regard to your proposal to increase from 15
to 30 the maximum number of security jjersonnel of
each side who can be in the conference site area at any
one time during the period when sick and injured cap-
tured personnel are being repatriated through the confer-
ence site, I agree. I assume the reference was only to
armed security i)ersonnel."
c. "I desire to withhold comment on Article 6 until you
have presented us with your revised text."
d. "I feel that it would expedite the conclusion of the
agreement if you would present us with a complete
revised text of the whole agreement incorporating such
articles of our text to which you can agree and setting
forth reasons for your proposed changes. I will then be
able to consider the matter in one package and arrive
speedily to the items which are controversial. I projwse
that we recess until such time as you can present your
text of the whole agreement. Meanwhile, the officers
designated by us this morning can meet and be working
on the administrative details."
3. Communists: "I propose to recess for 15 minutes."
4. Unc: "I agree."
(Meeting recessed at 1338 hours. Meeting reconvened
at 1853 hours.)
5. Communists: "Our side proposes to recess until 11
o'clock tomorrow morning, and our side is ready to con-
vene the officers' meeting of both sides as soon as this
meeting recesses if it is convenient for your side."
6. Unc : "I agree to your proposal."
7. Meeting recessed at 1354 hours.
Meeting of April 9
1. Meeting of Senior Liaison Group convened at 1100
hours, this date. Substance of record follows.
2. Communists: a. "Now I would like to present to you
out revised text" of the 'proposed agreement relating to
the repatriation of sick and wounded captured personnel,'
which your side presented on 6 April."
6. "In our revised text, some amendments have already
been agreed to by your side. Some amendments our side
has explained and some amendments are self-evident
without explanation."
c. "As to Paragraph E of Article 6 of proposed agree-
ment of your side — that is, Paragraph D of Article 6 in
the revised text of our side — I would like to make the
following explanation :"
d. "According to actual conditions, we consider that
bivouac areas and night stop-over locations are necessary
for motor convoys carrying sick and Injured prisoners
of war for repatriation. In order to Insure the security of
the facilities in these bivouac areas and night stop-over
locations, we propose that both sides inform each other
beforehand of their locations and markings."
e. "As to the mutual informing by the most expeditious
means of communication of emergency stop-overs, it is
difficult to carry out in practice; therefore our side pro-
poses to cancel this provision."
"What I have now delivered to you is the draft agree-
ment of our side." (Hands proposed revision to Rear
Admiral Daniel.)
3. Unc: "We propose to recess until 1145 to consider
your changes."
4. Communists: "I agree to your proposal to recess."
(Meeting recessed at 1108 hours. Meeting reconvened
at 1200 hours.)
5. Unc : o. "From preliminary study of your proposed
changes, it appears that there are no controversial issues
between us. We will give it further study and give you
our full comments tomorrow. In the meantime I have a
few questions."
"(1) How soon after the agreement is signed do you
expect to be able to start actual repatriation at
PanmunjomV
"(2) To insure the safety of the personnel being re-
patriated, we would like to have your convoys south of
Pyongyang to have at least 5 vehicles. WiU this be
possible?
* Not printed.
April 20, 1953
573
"(3) We would like the provision for emergency stop-
over left in some form, even though it is ditlioult to effect,
so as to afford maximum protection to captured personnel
being repatriated.
"(4) We feel that the termination date of the agree-
ment should be twenty days after the commencement of
the initial repatriation. Do you have any ideas on thisV"
b. "We al.so have a few minor ideas on wording, which
we will give you in detail tomorrow."
c. "That is all the questions regarding the agreement."
6. Co>iimuni.<fts: a. "According to the proposed agree-
ment submitted by your side, the date for commencing
the repatriation and the date for signing the agreement
are related to each other. If this agreement can lie
signed on 10 April, then according to the actual condi-
tions of our side, repatriation may be commenced at
Pannumjiini not later than ten days after the signing of
the agreement."
6. "As to the other questions submitted by your side,
after my study I will answer to your side."
c. "If you have no other questions, I propose to recess
until 1100 hours tomorrow."
7. Unc: a. "It would expedite the signing of the
agreement if we could have your answers forwarded to
us today throu'-'h a liaison or security officer."
i6. "I have another matter. In regard to the fiiures
mat you gave us yesterday of the estimated numbers of
sick and wounded captured personnel which you are will-
ing to repatriate, it is my hope that yon will give the
broadest possible scope to the definition of 'sick and
wounded' when you make your final determination."
c. "I agree to recess until 11 AM tomorrow, and I pro-
pose that the officers whom we desitrnated to work on
details meet here at 13.30 to continue their work."
8. Communists: it. "The figures which otir side gave
you yesterday are the result of serious checking on the
part of our side ; and as to the question of scope, we have
already presented our ideas to you."
6. "Therefore, I think we have no argument about the
definition of scope of the sick and injured prisoners of
war, and I agree to your proposal to the meeting of staff
otflcers."
9. Unc: "May we expect to receive the information on
the question this afternoon?"
10. Communists: As to the question, I will answer you
tomorrow."
11. Unc: "It would hasten matters if we could obtain
the answer today, if possible."
12. Communists: "I have taken notice of your state-
ment."
13. Unc: "That is all I have."
14. Meeting recessed 1221 hours.
STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR LODGE
FoUoioing is the text of a statement which Am-
bassador Henry Cahot Lodge, Jr., U.S. representa-
tive to the United Nations, made in the General
Assemhly on April 7 :
D.S./U.N. press release dated April 7
I am authorized by my Government, which bears
responsibility for tlie Unified Command, to malie
a brief report to the General Assembly regardinji
the recent developments which have encouraged all
of us wlio seek peace in Korea.
On February 22 General Clark sent to the Com-
munist commanders a letter statinji that the U.N.
Command remained prepared, in accordance with
the Geneva Convention, to repatriate immediately
those sick and wounded captured personnel who
were fit to travel and inquiring whether the Com-
munists were prepared to proceed immediately
with their repatriation. General Clark's letter
simply repeated a long standing proposal that had
been made initially by the U.N. Command nego-
tiators at Panmunjom.
We were encouraged when on March 28 General
Clark received a favorable response to his letter. '
The Communist commanders indicated agreement
with the jjroposal to exchange sick and wounded
persons and stated that they considered the "rea-
sonable settlement of the question of exchanged
sick and wounded prisoners of war of both sides
during the ]:)eriod of hostilities should be made to
lead to the smooth settlement of the entire question
of prisoners of war."
The Communists' letter of March 28 was fol-
lowed on March 30 by a statement of the Chinese
Communist Foreign Minister, Chou En-lai, sub-
sequently endorsed by the Prime Minister of the
North Korean regime.
On March 31 General Clark, in a letter to the
commander of the Korean People's Army and the
commander of the Chinese People's Volunteers,
proposed that a meeting of the liaison groups from
each side be held at Panmunjom to make the nec-
essary detailed arrangements for the exchange of
the sick and wounded personnel. In response to
General Clark's proposal the Communist com-
manders suggested that the liaison groups meet at
Panmunjom on the 6th of April "to arrange pre-
liminarily the matter of exchange by both sides of
injured and sick ])risoners of war and to discuss
and decide on the date for resuming the armistice
negotiations."
The U.N. Command sent its next response on
April 5.^ In this letter the U. N. Command agreed
to send its liaison group to meet with the Com-
munist liaison group on April 6. The U.N. Com-
mand also invited the Communists to make de-
tailed suggestions for settling the entire question
of repatriating prisoners of war. I should like
to read one paragraph from General Clark's let-
ter of April 5 :
At as early a date as possible, I request that your
liaison group furnish our liaison group with a detailed
statement of suggestions on the implementation of the
proposal for settling the entire question of repatriating
prisoners of war as set forth in the statement of Foreign
Minister Chou En-lai, and endorsed by Marshal Kim Kl
Sung, in order that it may be studied while reasonable
settlement of the repatriation of sick and wounded is
being effected.
The first meeting of the liaison groups took
place on April 6 at Panmunjom. The U.N. Com-
mand representative stated that it is prepared to
exchange all sick and wounded prisoners of war
as expeditiously as possible in accordance with
article 109 of the Geneva Convention. The Com-
miniist delegate made a statement to the same ef-
fect. The U.N. Command representative asked
both sides to exchange simultaneously estimated
' Not printed.
574
Department of State Bulletin
figures by nationality of the sick and wounded
prisoners of war to be repatriated. The Commu-
nists agreed, but said that in order to determine
tlie numbers of sick and wounded prisoners of war
to be repatriated, the category of sick and
■wounded prisoners of war should be first deter-
mined as provided by article 110 of the Geneva
Convention.
At this same meetin" the U.N. Command dele-
o-ation repeated orally the request previously made
in General Clark's letter of April 5 that the U.N.
Command would be pleased to receive at an early
date a detailed statement of suggestions from the
Communist commander in implementation of the
proposal contained in the Chou En-lai statement
regarding the repatriation of all prisoners of war.
At the April 7 meeting some further progress
was made. The Communists would require some
time before furnishing the number of sick and
wounded prisoners to be exchanged and they ac-
cept the nine-point proposal of the Unified Com-
mand for arrangements for the exchange of sick
and wounded as a basis for discussion.
Let me promise you, Mr. Chairman and dele-
gates, that the U.S. Government, which bears re-
sponsibility for the Unified Command, will report
from time"to time to you on the progress at Pan-
munjom. It is apparent from the report I have
made to vou that progress is being made. We
hope thatthe progress will continue and will lead
to the conclusion'of an honorable armistice and
a peace in Korea consistent with U.N. objectives.
LETTER FROM THE COMMUNIST COMMANDERS
TO GENERAL HARRISON, APRIL 9
General William K. Harrison, Senior Delegate,
United Nations Command Delegation.
We have received the letter dated April 5, 1953,
from General Mark W. Clark, Commander-in-
Chief of the United Nations Command, in reply
to Marshal Kim U Sung, Supreme Commander of
the Korean People's Army and General Peng Teh-
Huai, Commander of the Chinese People's Volun-
On March 30 and 31, 1953, respectively, Chou
En-lai. Premier of the Government Administra-
tion Council and Minister for Foreign Affairs of
the Central People's Government of the People's
Republic of China, and Marshal Kim U Sung,
Premier of the Democratic People's Republic of
Korea issued statements, proclaiming the common
proposal of the governments of China and Korea
for settling the entire question of prisoners of
war, that is, ''both parties to the negotiations
should undertake to repatriate immediately after
the cessation of hostilities all those prisoners of
war in their custody who insist upon repatriation
and to hand over the remaining prisoners of war to
a neutral state so as to ensure a just solution to the
question of their repatriation." The two afore-
mentioned statements, enclosed in the letter of
April 1, 1953, from Marshal Kim II Sung and
General Peng Teh-Huai to General Mark W.
Clark, have already been delivered to your side. I
am now instructed to present to you the following
statement on this proposal :
(1) Article 118 of The Geneva Convention rela-
tive to the treatment of prisoners of war, of Aug-
ust 12, 1949, well-established principles and prac-
tice in international law, and paragraph 51 of the
draft Korean armistice agreement have all estab-
lished the principle that all prisoners of war on
both sides should be released and repatriated with-
out delay after the cessation of active hostilities.
It is, therefore, our view that the principle of re-
patriation of all prisoners of war of both sides
after the armistice so that they can return home
to lead a peaceful life is unshakable.
(2) However, in view of the fact that the dif-
ferences between the two sides on the question of
repatriation of prisoners of war have now consti-
tuted the only obstacle of the realization of an ar-
mistice in Korea, and in order to eliminate the
differences so as to bring about an armistice in
Korea, the Korean and Chinese side, in this new
l^roposal, makes the following obvious concession
as to the steps, time, and procedure of the repatri-
ation of prisoners of war. The Korean and Chi-
nese side holds that the repatriation of prisoners
of war should be carried out in two steps, that is,
both parties to the negotiations should undertake
to repatriate immediately after the cessation of
hostilities all those prisoners of war in their cus-
tody who insist upon repatriation and to hand over
the remaining prisoners of war to a neutral state
so as to insure a just solution to the question of
their rraatriation.
(3) In making this concession the Korean and
Chinese side by no means relinquishes the prin-
ciple as embodied in Article 118 of the Geneva
Convention in international practice and in para-
graph 51 of the draft armistice agreement, which
our side has firmly maintained. It is precisely
on the basis of this principle of repatriation of all
prisoners of war that our side firmly maintains
that the detaining side should insure that no coer-
cive means whatsoever be employed against all the
prisoners of war in its custody to obstruct their
returning home to effect forcible retention, and,
at the same time, should insure that the remaining
prisoners of war who are not directly repatriated
after the armistice be released and handed over to
a neutral state so as to secure a just solution to the
question of their repatriation.
(4) The Korean and Chinese side does not ac-
knowledge that there are prisoners of war who are
allegedly unwilling to be repatriated. Therefore,
the question of the so-called forced repatriation or
repatriation by force does not exist at all, and we
have always opposed this assertion. Based on this
stand of ours, our side maintains that those cap-
tured personnel of our side who are filled with ap-
April 20, 1953
575
prehensions and are afraid to return home as a
result of having been subjected to intimidation and
oppression should be handed over to a neutral state
and throu<rh explanations given by our side, grad-
ually freed from apprehensions, thereby attaining
a just solution to the question of repatriation.
(5) The foregoing is a full explanation of the
new proposal of our side. As to the concrete meas-
ures for implementing this proposal, they can only
be dicussed and decided upon at the meetings of
negotiations between the delegates on both sides.
And, in negotiations with both sides on an equal
footing, only consultation and discussion at the
conference are the proper way of settling ques-
tions. General Nam II, Senior Delegate, Delega-
tion of the Korean People's Army and the Chinese
People's Volunteers.
TEXT OF AGREEMENT SIGNED APRIL 11
[Unofficial]
The senior member of the United Nations Command liai-
son group and the senior member of the Korean People's
Army and the Chinese People's Volunteers liaison group,
in order to effect the repatriation of sicli and injured cap-
tured personnel in accordance with provisions of article
109 of the 1949 Geneva Convention relative to the treat-
ment of prisoners of vpar, agree to the following :
Repatriation shall be accomplished at Panmunjom.
Repatriation shall commence at Panmunjom not later
than 10 days after the signing of this agreement.
a. The Korean People's Army and the Chinese People's
Volunteers shall deliver sicli and injured captured per-
sonnel at the rate of approximately 100 per day until de-
livery of all siclc and injured captured personnel to be
repatriated by the Korean People's Army and the Chinese
People's Volunteers is completed. The number of persons
actually delivered each day shall be contingent upon the
ability of the United Nations Command to receive them,
but delivery shall in any case be completed prior to the
termination date of this agreement.
b. The United Nations Command shall deliver sick and
injured captured personnel at the rate of approximately
.500 per day until delivery of all sicli and injured captured
personnel to be repatriated by the United Nations Com-
mand is completed.
The number of persons actually delivered each day shall
be contingent upon the ability of the Korean People's Army
and Chinese People's Volunteers to receive them, but de-
livery shall in any case be completed prior to the termi-
nation of this agreement.
The United Nations Command shall deliver sick and
injured captured personnel in groups of approximately
twenty-five. Each group shall be accompanied by rosters,
prepared by nationality, to include: (a) Name, (6) rank,
(c) internment or military serial number.
After each group of sick and injured captured person-
nel is delivered and received, a representative of the re-
ceiving side shall sign the roster of the captured person-
nel delivered as a receipt and shall return this to the
delivering side.
In order to insure that the sick and injured captured
personnel of both sides are given maximum protection
duriiii: the full period of repatriation, both sides agree
to guarantee immunity from all attacks to all rail and
motor movements carrying sick and injured captured
personnel to Kaesong and Munsan-Ni, respectively, and
thence through presently established immunity routes to
Panmunjom, subject to the following conditions :
a. Movement of motor convoys to Kaesong and Munsan-
Ni, respectively, shall be restricted to daylight hours, and
each convoy shall consist of not less than five vehicles
in close formation : except that north of Panmunjom, be-
cause of actual conditions, the latter provisions shall
apply only to the route from Pyongyang to Kaesong.
6. Each car in rail movements and each vehicle in motor
convoys shall di.splay clearly visible identification mark-
ings.
c. Each side, prior to the initial movement, shall pro-
vide the liaison group of the other side with a detailed
description of the markings utilized to identify motor con-
voys and rail movements. This shall include color, size,
and manner in which the markings will be displayed.
Each side, prior to the initial movement, shall provide
the liaison group of the other side with the sites and
markings of the bivouac areas and night stop-over loca-
tions for motor convoys.
Each side shall inform the liaison group of the other
side, twenty-four hours in advance of each movement,
of the selected route, number of cars in rail movement
or number of vehicles in motor movement, and the esti-
mated time of arrival at Kaesong or Munsan-Ni.
Each side shall notify the liaison group of the other
side, by the most expeditious means of communication
available, of the location of emergency stop-overs.
During the period while sick and injured captured per-
sonnel are being repatriated through the Panmunjom con-
ference site area, the Oct. 22, 10.51, agreement between
liaison officers, with the exception of the part therein
provided for in Paragraph 8 of this agreement, shall con-
tinue in effect. Liaison groups of both sides and their
parties shall have free access to, and free movement
within, the Panmunjom conference site area. The com-
position of each liaison group and its party shall be as
determined by the senior member thereof: however, in
order to avoid congestion in the conference site area,
the number of personnel of each side in the area, includ-
ing captured personnel under its control, shall not exceed
300 persons at any one time. Each side shall transfer
repatriated personnel out of the Panmunjom conference
site area as expeditiously as possible.
During the period while sick and injured captured per-
sonnel are being repatriated through the Panmunjom
conference site area, the armed military police of each
side, who undertake to maintain order within the confer-
ence site area, shall be Increased from the maximum num-
ber of fifteen, as provided in the Oct. 22, 1951, agreement
between liaison oflJcers, to thirty.
Other administrative details shall be mutually arranged
by officers designated by the senior member of the liaison
group of each side.
This agreement is effective when signed and will termi-
nate twenty days after the commencement of repatriation
of sick and injured captured personnel at Panmunjom.
Done at Panmunjom, Korea, this eleventh day of
April, 1953, in the English, Korean and Chinese languages,
all texts being equally authentic.
Lee Sang Cho, Major Oen- J. C. Daniel, Rear Admirai,
eral, Korean People's United States Navy, sen-
Army, senior member ior member United Na-
Korean People's Army tions Command liaison
and Chinese People's group.
Volun teers liaison group.
Special Representative
for Korean Economic Affairs
The White House on April 9 announced that the
President had appointed Henry J. Tasca as his
special representative for Korean Economic
Affairs.
Mr. Tasca will investigate ways and means of
strengthening the Korean economy in the light of
576
Department of State Bulletin
U.S. security interests. He will report his recom-
mendations to the President through the Com-
mander-in-Chief, U.N. Command, at the earliest
practicable date. Mr. Tasca will leave immedi-
ately for Korea.
Mr. Tasca is presently Deputy for Economic
Allairs to Ambassador William H. Draper, Jr.,
the U.S. special representative in Europe. In
this post Mr. Tasca serves as adviser to the special
representative on economic matters, serving as
alternate to the special representative in Min-
isterial Council meetings of the Organization for
European Economic Cooperation, as well as direct-
ing the Office of Economic Affairs.
Mr. Tasca was previously Director of the Plans
and Policy Staff in the Office of the Special Repre-
sentative and was associated for nearly 4 years
with the ISIutual Security Agency and its pred-
ecessor, the Economic Cooperation Administra-
tion, at the Paris regional headquarters. He par-
ticipated in the negotiations which led to the
creation of the European Payments Union in 1950.
Last year Mr. Tasca headed the special task
group which assisted W. Averell Harriman, then
Director for Mutual Security, and Mr. Draper in
the Temporary Council Committee preparations
for the Lisbon Conference of the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization.
Soviet Attack on U.S. Plane
in North Pacific Ocean
Department Statements
Press release 144 dated March 18
I The American Embassy at Moscow on March
18, on instructions from the Department of State,
lodged a vigorous protest with the Soviet Foreign
Office against the attack by Mig fighters upon a
U. S. Air Force RB-50 in the North Pacific Ocean
on March 15.
The note sets forth the position of the U.S. f)lane
when attacked (about 100 miles northeast of
Petropavlosk and at least 25 miles from the nearest
Soviet territory), vigorously protests the action
of the Soviet aircraft, states that the Government
of the United States expects to be informed at an
early date of the disciplinary action taken with
regard to the Soviet personnel responsible for the
attack, and asks for information concerning meas-
ui-es adopted by Soviet authorities to prevent a
recurrence of incidents of this kind.
Press release 156 dated March 24
The Department has studied the text of a note
received from the Soviet Government on March
22 in response to our note of March 18. We find
the allegations made by the Soviets completely at
variance with the facts as established by a careful
investigation.
As we pointed out in our note the U.S. EB-50
April 20, 1953
250146—53 3
aircraft involved was at all times over inter-
national waters and at the time of the incident
was at least 25 miles from the nearest Soviet terri-
tory. Without any reason whatever the Soviet
aircraft opened fire on our plane, which was
oblisied to return the fire in self-defense.
The present Soviet note is a typical attempt by
the Soviet Government to avoid responsibility for
an unwarranted action of its military personnel
through the device of fabricating an unfounded
version of the affair. We stand on our note of
March 18 and continue to expect that the Soviet
Government will take measures to discipline the
Soviet personnel responsible and to prevent re-
currence of such incidents.
U.S. Note of March 18
No. 683
The Embassy of the United States of America
presents its compliments to the Ministry of For-
eign Affairs of the Union of Soviet Socialist Re-
publics and has the honor to bring the following
matter to the attention of the Ministry.
On March 15, 1953, a United States Air Force
plane of the RB-50 type was attacked by Soviet
fighter aircraft over the open seas at Latitude
64 : 02 North and Longitude 161 : 04 East. After
one of the Soviet planes of the Mig type opened
fire on the RB-50 the latter was forced to return
the fire.
It is reported that no damage occurred to the
American plane, and none was observed with re-
gard to the Soviet plane.
The Embassy has been instructed to protest
vigorously this action on the part of the Soviet
aircraft. The United States Government expects
to be informed at an early date concerning the
disciplinary action taken with regard to the Soviet
personnel responsible and also concerning the
measures adopted to prevent a recurrence of in-
cidents of this kind.
Soviet Note of March 22
[Unofficial translation]
The Foreign Ministry of the TJ.S.S.R., referring to a
note of the United States of America, Number 683 of
18th March, 1953, deems it necessary to state the
following :
In accordance with verified data, it has been estab-
lished that an American bomber of the B-29 type violated
on 15th March at 11 : 57 time in the district of Cape
Krestovoi the state frontier of the U.S.S.E., and flew
over the territory of Kamchatka np to seventy kilometers
over a distance of fifteen to seventeen kilometers from
the edge of the shore only a short distance from
Mutnovskaya Height and turned in the direction of the
sea.
At 12 : 26 the American aircraft B-29 type appeared
again and violated the state frontier of the TJ.S.S.R.
northeast of the town of Petropavlovsk in Kamchatka in
the area of the village of Zhupanovo.
Good weather, which in both cases enabled the crew
of the aircraft to carry out visual reconnaissance on a
large scale, excluded the possibility of loss of orientation
577
and confiniH'd that the above two eases of violation of
the state frontier of the U.S.S.R. were of a clearly pre-
meditated character.
Wlien the two Soviet fighter aircraft, which had taken
off, aiiproached the American bomber aircraft, which
was in tlie process of a second violation of the Soviet
state frontier, the American aircraft opened fire against
the Soviet fighter aircraft.
For the purpose of self-defense, one of the Soviet air-
craft had to open fire, after which the infringing aircraft
turned round, left the Soviet coast and disappeared in
an eastern direction.
The above facts show that the protest made by the
Government of the U.S.A. in a note of 18th March is
without foundation and therefore the Soviet Government
rejects that protest.
In view of the fact that the above-quoted data confirm
the fact of violation of the state frontier of the U.S.S.R.
by an American military aircraft, the Soviet Govern-
ment sends a protest to the Government of the U.S.A.
against the above-mentioned infringement and expects
that the Government of the U.S.A. will take due measures
to prevent in the future violation of the state frontier of
the U.S.S.K. by American aircraft.
Polish Embassy Asked To Cease
Distributing Anti-U.S. Bool<
U.S. Note of March 28
Press release 161 dated March 30
The Deparhnent of State on March 28 sent to the
Polish Evibassy at 'Washington a note requesting
that distribution of a jyuhlication hy the Embassy
making false charges against the United States
he stopped immediately and that any further dis-
tribution of similar material he discontinued.
The text of the U.S. note follows:
The Secretary of State wishes to inform His
Excellency the Ambassador of Poland that it has
come to the attention of the Department of State
that the Embassy has sent to various recipients in
this country copies of a publication entitled
"Documents on the Hostile Policy of the United
States Government Towards People's Poland".
This book contains numerous false charges of ag-
gressive and subversive activities on the part of
the United States against Poland. In this con-
nection reference is made to the United States
Government's note dated February 9, 1953 ^ and
earlier communications to the Polish Government.
The dissemination by the Embassy of this col-
lection of propaganda is not consistent with the
views expressed by the United States Government
contained in its note to the Embassy of March 21,
1952 - regarding the issuance of publications and
press releases by the Embassy. The Department
of State consequently requests the Embassy im-
mediately to cease distribution of this publication
and to refrain from any further distribution of
publications of a similar character.
' Bulletin of Feb. 23, 1953, p. 304.
= /6i(?., Mar. 31, 1952, p. 498.
PUBLICATIONS
Recent Releases
For sale hy the Superintendent of Documents, Government
Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C. Address requests
direct to the Superintendent of Documents, except in the
case of free publications, xchioh may be obtained from the
Department of State.
Agriculture, Cooperative Program in Costa Rica. Trea-
ties and Other International Acts Series 2511. Pub. 4720.
4 pp. 5<f.
Agreement between the United States and Costa
llica — Signed at San .lose Jan. 10 and 25, 19.'52 ; en-
tered into force Jan. 25, 1952.
Health and Sanitation, Cooperative Program in Costa
Rica. Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2512.
Pub. 4721. 4 pp. 5('.
Agreement between the United States and Costa
Rica— Signed at San Jost5 Jan. 10 and 24, 1952 ; en-
tered into force Jan. 24, 1952.
Consular Officers. Treaties and Other International Acts
Series 2494. Pub. 4729. 25 pp. 10«f.
Convention, with protocol of signature, between the
United States and the United Kingdom — Signed at
Washington June C, 1951 ; entered into force Sept. 7,
1952.
Health and Sanitation, Cooperative Program in Uruguay.
Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2453. Pub.
4745. 10 pp. lOif.
Agreement between the United States and Uruguay —
Signed at Montevideo Oct. 4, 1950 and Mar. 7, 1951 ;
entered into force Mar. S, 1951 ; agreement between the
Government of Uruguay and The Institute of Inter-
American Affairs — Signed at Montevideo Mar. 8, 1951.
Settlement of Disputes Arising Under Article 15 (a) of
the Treaty of Peace With Japan. Treaties and Other In-
ternational Acts Series 25.50. Pub. 4756. 33 pp. 15^.
Agreement between the United States and Other Gov-
ernments and Japan — Opened for signature at Wash-
ington June 12, 1952 : Signed for the United States
June 19, 1952; Signed for Japan June 12, 1952; en-
tered into force between the United States and Japan
June 19, 1952.
Educational Exchange Grants. International Informa-
tion and Cultural Series 27. Pub. 4792. 28 pp. 10^.
Explains International Educational Exchange Pro-
gram, with information for applicants on grants,
and summaries of basic laws concerned.
United States Educational Commission in the Federal
Republic of Germany. Treaties and Other International
Acts Series 2553. Pub. 4S09. 21 pp. 10«*.
Agreement lietween the United States and the Fed-
eral Republic of Germany — Signed at Bonn July 18,
1952 ; entered into force July 18, 1952.
United States Educational Foundation in the ITnion of
South Africa. Treaties and Other International Acts
Series 2,554. Pub. 4S10. 12 pp. lOi^.
Agreement between the United States and the Union
of South Africa— Signed at Cape Town, Mar. 26, 1952 ;
entered into force Mar. 26, 1952.
578
Department of Stale Bulletin
U.S. Policy on Human Rights
Printed lelow are the texts of: 1) a message
sent ly President Eisenhower on April 7 to mein-
bcrs of the U. N. Commission on Human Rights,
which convened at Geneva on that date; 2) a letter
dated April 3 from Secretary Dulles to Mrs. Os-
wald B. Lord, U.S. representative on the Com-
mission; and 3) a statement made hy Mrs. Lord
before the Commission on April 8:
U.S./U.N. press release dated April 9
LETTER FROM SECRETARY DULLES
TO MRS. LORD
Mr DEAR Mrs. Lord :
As you leave for Geneva to represent the United
States at the Ninth Session of the United Nations
Commission on Human Rights, the best wishes
of our Government and of the American people go
with you. The President and I are anxious that
you carry a personal message to the- Commission.
We believe that the American people are de-
termined to do all within their power to make the
United Nations an increasingly vigorous instru-
ment of international order and justice. It is our
earnest wish that the United Nations become an
ever more effective agency for promoting, in the
words of the Charter, "respect for human rights
and fundamental freedoms for all without dis-
tinction as to race, sex, language, or religion."
The United States stands for full and complete
enjoyment of these fundamental rights. The
whole American philosophy of government is
based on the conviction that man was endowed
with these rights by his Creator and that they are
inalienable. This conviction is expressed at many
points in the legal structure of our national and
state governments and is most clearly set forth
in the Declaration of Independence and in the Bill
of Rights in the Constitution of the United States.
Our history demonstrates that nationwide ob-
servance of fundamental human rights did not
sjjring into being upon the enactment of statutes.
In the years that have intervened between the
ratification of the Bill of Rights and the present,
we in the United States have made important
advances. Through education and publicity, we
have developed a human rights conscience which
is perhaps the strongest factor in the progress we
have made. In its most recent report to the
United Nations for publication in the agency's
Yearbook on Human Rights, the Government of
this country has submitted detailed evidence of
the progress recorded in a single year.^ AVe in-
tend that these advances shall continue.
Moreover, our Government has noted with satis-
faction the improvements in the observance of
human rights which have taken place in other
countries; but it has noted as well that much re-
mains to be done. We recognize that injustices
occur to a greater or lesser degree in all countries,
including our own. They cannot be overcome
in a day. We must work to eliminate them.
Background for the U.S. Decision
In the light of our national, and recently, inter-
national experience in the matter of human rights,
the opening of a new session of the Commission
on Human Rights appears an appropriate occa-
sion for a fresh appraisal of methods through
which we may realize the human rights goals of
the United Nations. These goals have a high
place in the Charter as drafted at San Francisco
and were articulated in greater detail in the Uni-
versal Declaration of Human Rights as adopted
by the United Nations General Assembly at Paris
in 1948.
Since the establishment of these goals, much
time and effort has been expended on the drafting
of treaties, that is. Covenants on Human Rights,
in which it was sought to frame, in mutually
acceptable legal form, the obligations to be as-
sumed by national states in regard to human
rights. We have found that such drafts of Cov-
enants as had a reasonable chance of acceptance in
some respects established standards lower than
those now observed in a number of countries.
While the adoption of the Covenants would not
compromise higher standards already in force,
it seems wiser to press ahead in the United Na-
tions for the achievement of the standards set
forth in the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights through ways other than the proposed Cov-
^For text of the U.S. report, see Bulletin of Feb. 2,
1953, p. 178.
AprW 20, 1953
579
enants on Human Eights. This is particularly
important in view of the likelihood that the Cov-
enants will not be as widely accepted by United
Nations members as initially anticipated. Nor
can we overlook the fact that the areas where
human rights are being persistently and flagrantly
violated are those where the Covenants would
most likely be ignored.
In these circumstances, there is a grare ques-
tion whether the completion, signing and ratifica-
tion of the Covenants at this time is the most
desirable method of contributing to human better-
ment particularly in areas of greatest need. Fur-
thermore, experience to date strongly suggests that
even if it be assumed that this is a proper area
for treaty action, a wider general acceptance of
human rights goals must be attained before it
seems useful to codify standards of human rights '
as binding international legal obligations in the
Covenants.
Re-examining tlie Covenants' Metliod
With all these considerations in mind, the
United States Government asks you to present to
the Commission on Human Rights at its forth-
coming session a statement of American goals and
policies in this field ; to point out the need for re-
examining the approach of the Human Rights
Covenants as the method for furthering at this
time the objectives of the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights; and to put forward other sug-
gestions of method, based on American experience,
for developing throughout the world a human
rights conscience which will bring nearer the
goals stated in the Charter. In making such sug-
gestions, I am sure you will want to give special
weight to the value of bringing the facts to the
light of day, to the value of common discussion of
problems in the international forum of the Com-
mission on Human Rights, and to the value of
each country drawing on the experience of other
countries for inspiration and practical guidance
in solving its own problems.
We recognize that in presenting to the Commis-
sion a change in approach, extended discussion
will be required in the Commission and later in the
Economic and Social Council and General As-
sembly as well. By reason of the considerations
referred to above, the United States Government
has reached the conclusion that we should not at
this time become a party to any multilateral treaty
such as those contemplated in the draft Covenants
on Human Rights, and that we should now work
toward the objectives of the Declaration by other
means. Wliile the Commission continues, under
the General Assembly's instructions, with the
drafting of the Covenants, you are, of course, ex-
pected to participate. This would be incumbent
on the United States as a loyal Member of the
United Nations.
Through the agency of the United Nations and
Importance of U.N.
Human Rights Goals
White House press release dated April 7
The President on April 7 sent the foUowing mes-
sage to the members of the V.N. Commission on
Human Rights at Geneva:
I am asking Mrs. Oswald B. Lord, the new repre-
sentative of tlie United States on the U.N. Com-
mission on Human Rights, to express to the Com-
mission my deep personal interest in its work. In
these days of International tension and strain, it is
encouraging to know that the members of the Com-
mission on Human Rights are working to develop
effective programs to promote human rights and
fundamental freedoms for all people and all nations
throughout the world.
The U.N. Charter states the human-rights goals
which the United States and the other members of
the United Nations have pledged themselves to
achieve in cooperation with the United Nations —
the promotion of universal respect for human rights
and fundamental freedoms for all without distinc-
tion as to race, sex, language, or religion.
For the people of the United States, as well as
for people everywhere, the U.N. Universal Declara-
tion of Human Rights is a significant beacon in the
steady march toward achieving human rights and
fundamental freedoms for all.
People everywhere are seeking freedom — freedom
to live, freedom from arbitrary restraint, freedom
to think and speak as they wish, freedom to .seek
and find the truth. We must press ahead to broaden
the areas of freedom. The United States is con-
vinced that freedom is an indispensable condition
to the achievement of a stable peace.
Unfortunately, in too many areas of the world
today there is .subjugation of peoples by totalitarian
governments which have no respect for the dignity
of the human person. This denial of the freedom
of peoples, the continued disregard of human rights,
is a basic cause of instability and discontent in the
world today.
For these reasons, the work of the Commission
on Human Rights assumes greater importance and
meaning. For the.se reasons also, there is need for
a new approach to the development of a human-
rights conscience in all areas of the world. I have
accordingly asked Mrs. Lord to present positive
U.N. action programs to the Commission which we
feel will contribute to that recognition of human
rights and fundamental freedoms which people are
seeking throughout the world.
its powerful moral influence, much has been and
can be accomplished. Example and education can
exert powerful influence. The United Nat ions can
also play an important part, through health, wel-
fare, and other technical assistance programs, in
raising standards of living throughout the world
and bringing a full life to millions of persons who
struggle merely to exist. The removal of restraint'^
on the rights of expression and association can re-
lease the creative energies of the hunuin spirit.
Firm in our belief that the United Nations is
the most hopeful and effective means of bringing
about world peace and of promoting the welfare
of mankind throughout the earth, the United
580
Department of State Bulletin
Stetes Government will support your every effort
to these ends.
Sincerely yours,
John Foster DuiiLES
STATEMENT BY MRS. LORD
As this is the first occasion in which I have
had the privilege of serving in the Commission
on Human Rights, I hope you will permit me to
make a few general remarks about the agenda.
I am happy to be a member of this Commission
and to join with you in the vital task of helping
to advance the cause of freedom. I accepted this
appointment from the President of the United
States because I personally am convinced of the
importance of promoting respect for human
rights through international cooperation.
At the very outset of our work, I wish to assure
you that the U.S. Government continues to sup-
port wholeheartedly the promotion of respect for
and observance of human rights and fundamental
freedoms. Both President Eisenhower and Sec-
retary Dulles have spoken to me personally about
their deep concern that the United Nations move
steadily forward toward the goals laid down in
the Charter.
In order to assure steady progress toward those
goals, the Government of the United States is
suggesting a new and urgent approach to the
promotion of human rights, to take account of
changed conditions in the world. Today, disre-
gard of the basic principles of human rights is
widespread and fundamental freedoms are denied
peoples in many areas.
Need for Human Rights Action Programs
Under these circumstances, the world does not
yet appear ready for a treaty of such compre-
hensive scope as the proposed covenants on human
rights. We need to work together immediately
to develop a higher moral sense of human-rights
values in all areas of the world. For that reason,
the United States is urging that this Commission
give immediate consideration to the development
of human-riglits action programs.
The Commission on Human Rights already has
made an outstanding contribution to the construc-
tive achievements of tlie United Nations. The
Universal Declaration of Human Rights stands
as a major landmark of progress in this difficult
field. It is with understandable pride that I
participate in this Commission, where our two
past chairmen, Mrs. Roosevelt and Mr. Malik, and
their colleagues have brought intelligence and
skill to bear upon some of the most challenging
problems of our times.
The agenda of the Commission clearly falls
into two distinct parts : the completion of the draft
covenants and the consideration of a wide range
of other matters.
The General Assembly and the Economic and
Social Council have asked that the Commission
complete the drafting of the covenants. This
task will necessarily occupy a considerable portion
of our time ; but perhaps, if we could set May 1
as a target date for completing the remaining
portions of the two covenants, we need not devote
more than half of our session to this task.
Since the completion of the Universal Declara-
tion of Human Rights in 1948, the Commission
has been entirely engrossed in the drafting of
the proposed covenants on human rights. As
discussions have proceeded on the covenants, it
begins to appear that they are not receiving the
acceptance which had been initially anticipated
and that they will not be ratified as widely as had
been hoped. The climate of world opinion does
not yet seem favorable to the conclusion of the
covenants in the United Nations. The covenants
will not have the expected effectiveness in the
field of human rights. For these reasons, my
Government has concluded that in the present
stage of international relations it would not ratify
the covenants.
Inasmuch as the United States is a loyal mem-
ber of the United Nations, its delegation will con-
tinue to collaborate in the drafting of these
covenants and to make suggestions for improving
them. The covenants will be looked upon as a
more precise and definitive statement of the prin-
ciples embodied in the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights, irrespective of their ratification
or nonratification. My Government hopes that
there will be a time when human rights will be
sufficiently respected in fact and when a human-
rights conscience will be sufficiently developed
throughout the world so that a codification of
the then prevailing principles will be worthwhile.
When and if such a time comes the United States
may give consideration to the ratification of a
covenant on human rights, and for that reason we
are concerned with the drafting of the covenants
now so that they will be in the most acceptable
form and will require the least possible change if
they are used as a model for future treaties.
It seems increasingly important, therefore, that
alternative and more effective and acceptable ways
be devised by the Commission to achieve the goals
of the Charter for the promotion of human rights
and fundamental freedoms.
Initiating Programs of Practical Action
The remaining part of our agenda contains a
large number of items not related to the draft
covenants. The U.S. delegation endorses the
listing on the provisional agenda and the order
of that listing. At the appropriate time, however,
I shall suggest that some of these items be given
priority. A number of these items are of the ut-
April 20, 1953
581
most significance and deserve our most earnest
consideration. It is for this reason that I hope
that perhaps the last half of our session might
be devoted to programs of practical action.
It is the view of the U.S. Government that the
guiding principle for the work of the Commission
should be to find the surest and speediest methods
of raising the level of practice around the world
in the observance of human rights. This would
require that we initiate a number of action pro-
grams. I shall be prepared to make detailed pro-
posals about such action programs in connection
with specific agenda items. For the present I
should like merely to outline the three principal
proposals which luy Government wishes me to
submit to the Commission.
First, we will propose that the Commission in-
stitute a study of various aspects of human rights
throughout the world. The Commission could
undertake this with the assistance of a rapporteur.
The rapporteur would consult with nongovern-
mental organizations as well as governments and
the specialized agencies for relevant data to sub-
mit to the Commission. The report of the rap-
porteur would be considered in the Commission,
which might then make general recommendations
concerning the subject under discussion. Two
subjects that might well be considered first are
freedom of religion and the right to a fair trial.
Second, we will propose that annual reports on
developments in the field of human rights be pre-
pared by each member government with the as-
sistance of a national advisory committee. These
reports would be considered in the Commission at
the same time as the study of the proposed rap-
porteur would be submitted.
Third, we will propose that the United Nations
establish advisory services on specific aspects of
human rights along the lines of the advisory serv-
ices now being provided in the economic, social,
and public-administration fields. These services
■would be in the form of experts going to coun-
tries requesting the services, scholarships and fel-
lowships being provided for training abroad, and
arrangements for seminars.
These are action programs that the Commission
can undertake now. There is no need for the
Commission to limit itself to the drafting of
covenants on human rights, which in any event
will have limited applicability. The Commission
should give more of its attention to constructive
programs which can be initiated without delay in
the United Nations for the promotion of the hu-
man-rights principles of the charter. Indeed, it
will be greatly to the advantage of the Commission
itself if it can at this session begin work on some
of these affirmative tasks even before the cove-
nants are considered by the General Assembly.
In this way the Commission could mark out the
basic lines of its future action programs and es-
tablish firmly its position in this field.
With all these potential programs for immediate
action at this session of the Commission, I think
that you can appreciate my view that we should
reserve adequate time for the consideration of
these later items.
It is my earnest hope that the work of this ses-
sion will be successful, especially in the launching
of new programs that will contribute effectively
to the safeguarding of human liberty.
Revised Disarmament
Resolution Adopted
The plenary session of the U.N. General As-
semhly on April 8 voted to ask the Disarmament
Co7nmission to continue developing plans for the
regulation, limitation, and balanced reduction of
aimied forces and armaments ; the elimination and
prohihition of weapons of mass destruction; and
interjiational control of atomic energy. One of
tivo Soviet amendments to the text approved by
Committee I was adopted; a second amendmerit,
which xoould have deleted reference to the 1952
resolution establishing the Commission, was re-
jected. The vote on the resolution as a whole
was 52^ (Soviet bloc) -3.
Following is the text of a statement by Henry
Cabot Lodge, Jr., U.S. represe7itative to the Gen-
eral Assembly, together with the text of the
resolution.
Ambassador Lodge's Statement of April 8
U.S./U.N. press release dated April 8
My delegation has carefully studied the pro-
posed Soviet amendments to the resolution on dis-
armament adopted by the Political Committee.
Our test, and we feel it would be the test of the
members of the (leneral Assembly as well, is
whether the adoption of these proposed amend-
ments would strengthen or weaken genuine dis-
armament efforts. AVe for our part have reluc-
tantly concluded that their adoption would in fact
weaken these efforts, and I regret to add that the
statement made this morning by the Soviet dele-
gate merely serves to confirm this conclusion. I
should like to explain why I say that.
With regard to the first Soviet amendment
which has just been referred to by Sir Gladwyn
Jebb, the proposal to delete the commendation
of the Disarmament Commission for its efforts
since the Sixth General Assembly, is a matter of
language rather than a matter of substance. It
is in that respect very different from the second
Soviet amendment. With regard to the first
amendment which would delete the commendation
of the Disarmament Commission, and those mem-
bers who loyally attempted to carry out the man-
date and principles established by the General
Assembly, we think it wholly appropriate, as the
Political Committee itself did, to express the satis-
faction of the General Assembly for the work of
the Commission. But we do not consider that
582
Deparimenf of State Bulletin
this is a matter of sufficient importance to warrant
drawing an issue. We, of course, would not con-
sider tliat the adoption of the first Soviet amend-
ment would in any way support the previously
expressed Soviet view that it was the United
States, the United Kingdom, or France which ob-
structed the Commission's work. Of course, we
do not think that any such inference could be
drawn from the first Soviet amendment.
However, with regard to the second Soviet
amendment, we shall vote against that amendment.
This proposes the deletion from the second para-
graph of the resolution adopted by the Committee
the reaffirmation of the General Assembly resolu-
tion of January 11, 1952.^ This resolution, which
is basic to the disarmament efforts of the United
Nations itself, established the Disarmament Cora-
mission and defined its terms of reference. It was
adopted in January of 1952 after thorough dis-
cussion and was reaffirmed by the Political Com-
mittee this year on March 23, by a vote of 49 to 5.
The Soviet amendment would, in our view,
simply turn back the clock. It would scuttle or
threaten to scuttle the important accomplishments
in the disarmament field of the Sixth General
Assembly, the Disarmament Commission, and of
the present Assembly. The Soviet representative
in the Political Committee made clear his inten-
tion, and in this respect I feel my statement is
justified that Mr. Vyshinsky's remarks this morn-
ing reaffirmed the position taken by the represen-
tative of the Soviet Union in the Political
1 Committee.
' In the Political Committee on March 19, the
Soviet representative there attacked the 1952
Assembly resolution. He did so in somewhat
more blunt and pointed terms than was done this
morning, but the effect was precisely the same,
and the meaning and intention is not changed.
The Soviet representative in the Political Com-
mittee argued that the Disarmament Commission
should have confined itself to considering the pro-
posals which the Soviet Union had presented to
the Sixth Assembly. That was the argument
made and that was the intention underlying the
Soviet amendments as they were explained to the
Political Committee.
Mr. President, the 1952 General Assembly res-
olution constitutes the U.N. mandate and guidance
to the Disarmament Commission. It is, therefore,
a basic document. We are dealing not simply
with a title, a mere name, or style of a General
Assembly resolution, but with the very terms of
reference of the Disarmament Commission itself-
This is not a mere matter of words and phrases.
It is the question whether we should carry forward
on a solid basis of the accumulated wisdom and
experience slowly and painfully built up in the
United Nations over the past 6 years on this
matter — or whether, as the Soviet Government
' BuiXETiN of Mar. 31, 19.52, p. 507.
April 20, J 953
now suggests, we should in effect wipe the slate
clean and start all over again. This is, indeed,
a high price to pay for an unknown destination.
May I call to the attention of the General Assem-
bly some of the more important guiding principles
established by the 1952 General Assembly resolu-
tion, which were opposed by the Soviet delega-
tion in that Assembly and which, as was indicated
again this morning by Mr. Vyshinsky, still are
opposed by the Soviet delegation. For that in-
deed is the only reason advanced for the adoption
of the second Soviet amendment.
First, the 1952 resolution on disarmament, the
basic mandate and guiding principle in this field,
laid down the policy that there must be progres-
sive disclosure and verification on a continuing
basis of all armed forces and all armaments.
Second, that such verification must be based on
effective international inspection to insure the ade-
quacy and accuracy of the information disclosed.
Both these points have been repeatedly attacked
by the Soviet delegation as unwarranted and not
permissible. Third, that unless a better or no less
effective system is devised, the U.N. plan for the
international control of atomic energy and the
prohibition of atomic weapons should continue
to serve as the basis for the international control
of atomic energy. And fourth, that there must
be an adequate system of safeguards to insure
observance of the disarmament program. These
are some of the basic and indispensable elements
which form part of the fiber and core of the U.N.
program and policy.
If the Soviet amendment were accepted, the
Soviet Union, as we believe is its intention, would
be in a position at the very least to cast doubt
upon the General Assembly's support of these
principles which have been repeatedly endorsed
by the majority of U. N. members. The Soviet
amendment would raise the question whether the
General Assembly continues to support the U.N.
plan for control of atomic energy. It would lead
to doubt whether the General Assembly continues
to support its 1952 decision that the progressive
and continuing disclosure and verification of all
armed forces and armaments is a first and
indispensable step in carrying out an agreed
disarmament program.
Mr. President, I would conclude by saying that
the U.S. Government welcomes any signs that the
new Soviet leadership is interested in negotiating
constructively for solutions to the many prob-
lems which confront us, including disarmament.
However, we seek the substance, not the shadow of
an agreement. It is, of course, too early to tell
whether we are going to be able to make signifi-
cant progress in the disarmament field. Cer-
tainly, the Soviet amendment, which I have been
discussing, does not promise to contribute to such
progress. Yet, my Government remains deeply
interested in the considered judgment of the
Soviet Government on the possibilities of honest
583
and constructive disarmament negotiations. We
hope for positive and tangible response from the
Soviet Government when the Disarmament Com-
mission resumes its work.
The resolution as adopted by the Political
Committee does not in any way preclude the sub-
mission by the Soviet Government in the Dis-
armament Commission of any proposals the Soviet
Government, or any other member for that matter,
desires to put forward. For our part, we pledge
ourselves to continue to work constructively for
a genuinely safeguarded .system of disarmament
and at the same time to give sympathetic and
honest consideration to any concrete and practical
proposals which the Soviet Government may make
toward this end.
Text of Resolution
D.N. doe. A/L. 149
Adopted April 8. 1953
The General Assembly,
Reoognizinq that
Under the Charter of the United Nations all States
are bound to settle their international disputes by peace-
ful means in such a manner that international peace and
security, and justice, are not endangered, and to refrain
In their international relations from the threat or use
of force against the territorial integrity or political inde-
pendence of any State, or in any other manner incon-
sistent with the purposes of the United Nations.
The aim of a system of world-wide disarmament is to
prevent war and release the world's Imman and economic
resources for the purposes of peace,
1. Takes 7vote of the report of the Disarmament Com-
mission [and commends the Commission for its efforts
to curry out the instructions laid down by the General
Assembly at its sixth regular session] ; '
2. Reafflrms General Assembly resolution 502 (VI)
and requests the Disarmament Commission to continue
its work for the development by the United Nations of
comprehensive and co-ordinated plans providing for :
(a) the regulation, limitation and balanced reduction
of all armed forces and armaments;
(b) the elimination and prohibition of all major
weapons, including bacteriological, adaptable to mass
destruction ;
(c) the effective international control of atomic energy
to ensure the prohibition of atomic weapcjiis and the use
of atomic energy for i)eaceful purposes only.
The whole programme to be carried out under effective
international control in such a way that no State would
have cause to fear that its security was endangereil ;
3. Requests the Commission to reiwrt to the General
Assembly and to the Security Council no later than 1
September 1U53, and hopes that all the members of the
Commission will co-operate in efforts to produce construc-
tive proposals likely to facilitate its task.
' The clause in brackets was deleted from the Com-
mittee I text of the resolution, on a Soviet motion.
Puerto Rico's New Self-governing Status
U.S./U.N. press release dated March 21
Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., U.S. rep-
resentative to the United Nations, announced on
March S3 the transmittal to Secretary-General
Trygve Lie of the new Constitution of the Com-
monwealth of Puerto Rico and other documents
pertaining to the Commonwealth'' s new self-
governing statiis. Following is the transmittal
letter:
I have the honor to refer to the U.S. representa-
tive's note UN-1727/89 dated January 19, 1953,'
notifying you tliat as a result of the entry into
force on July 25, 1952, of the new Constitution
establishing the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico,
the U.S. Government has decided to cease to trans-
mit information on Puerto Rico under article
73 (e) of the Charter.
The attainment by the people of Puerto Rico
of their new Commonwealth status is a most sig-
nificant step. This is the kind of progress to self-
government contemplated by the U.N. Charter.
This is the democratic pattern of the free world —
of goals set and hopes realized. The people of
' Bulletin of Feb. 9, 1953, p. 229.
Puerto Rico expressed their view by resolution at
their Constitutional Convention in the following
words :
Thus we attain the goal of complete self-government, the
last vestiges of colonialism having disappeared in the
principle of Compact, and we enter into an era of new
developments in democratic civilization.
I invite your attention in particular to the en-
closed letter of Governor Muiioz Marin of the
Commonwealth of Puerto Rico in which, after re-
questing the termination of the transmittal of
information under article 73 (e) with respect to
Puerto Rico, and after recounting the develop-
ment of the Island's political progress, he says:
The people of Puerto Rico are firm supporters of the
United Nations and this great organization may con-
fidently rely upon us for a continuation of that good will.
Let me add that the jieople of Puerto Rico at this
moment are proudly cooperating to the utmost in
the U.N. effort to repel aggression in Korea. The
men of Puerto Rico who are bearing the hardships
of battle with other U.N. troops have, by their
courage and determination, demonstrated their
strong love for freedom.
584
Department of State Bulletin
There are enclosed for the information of the
members of the United Nations the followin<r doc-
uments in compliance with the terms of Resolution
'2-2'2 (III) of the General Assembly:
(1) Text of the Constitution of the Common-
wealth of Puerto Rico.^
(2) Memorandum by the Government of the
United States of America Concerning the Cessa-
tion of Transmission of Information Under
Article 73 (e) of the Charter With Regard to the.
Commonwealth of Puerto Rico,
(3) Copy of the letter dated January 17, 1953,
from the Governor of Puerto Rico to the Presi-
dent of the United States.
MEMORANDUM BY THE GOVERNMENT OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA CONCERNING
THE CESSATION OF TRANSMISSION OF IN-
FORMATION UNDER ARTICLE 73 (e) OF THE
CHARTER WITH REGARD TO THE COMMON-
WEALTH OF PUERTO RICO
Introduction
1 The United States Government, in pursuance of
Article 73 (e) of the Charter of the United Nations, has,
in accordance with Resolution 66 (I) adopted by the
General Assembly of the United Nations on December 14,
1946, transmitted annually to the Secretary General since
1946 information on Puerto Rico. During this period
successive advances have been made in the growth and
development of self-governing institutions in Puerto Rico
and in the vesting of powers of government in the Puerto
Rican people and their elected representatives. This
process has reached its culmination with the establish-
ment of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico and the pro-
mulgation of the Constitution of this Commonwealth on
July 25, 1952. , ^ ^
2. With the establishment of the Commonwealth of
Puerto Rico, the people of Puerto Rico have attained a
full measure of self-government. Accordingly, the Gov-
ernment of the United States has decided that it is no
longer appropriate for it to submit information on Puerto
Rico pursuant to Article 73 (e) of the Charter.
3. Resolution 222 (III), adopted by the General As-
sembly on November 3, 1948, states that, having regard
to the provisions of Chapter XI of the Charter, it is es-
sential that the United Nations be informed of any change
in the constitutional position and status of any non-self-
governing territory as a result of which the responsible
government concerned thinks it unnecessary to transmit
information in respect of that territory under Article
73 (e) of the Charter. The Members of the United Na-
tions concerned are requested by this resolution to com-
municate to the Secretary General, within a maximum
period of six months, such information as may be appro-
priate, including the constitution, legislative act or exec-
utive order providing for the government of the territory
and the constitutional relationship of the territory to the
government of the metropolitan country.
4. As a result of the change in the constitutional posi-
tion and status of Puerto Rico as described in this mem-
orandum, the Government of the United States considers
it unnecessary to transmit further information under
Article 73 (e) of the Charter concerning the Commou-
" H. doc. 435, 82d Cong., 2d sess.
Apr// 20, 1953
wealth of Puerto Rico. The United States Government
desires that the United Nations be fully informed of the
background of this decision. Accordingly, and in pursu-.
ance of Resolution 222 (III), this memorandum has been
prepared and, together with a copy of the Constitution of
the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico and a letter from the
Governor of Puerto Rico is transmitted to the Secretary
General for circulation to the Members of the United
Nations for their information.
Constitutional Development of Puerto Rico
Under United States Administration
5. Puerto Rico has been administered by the United
States since 1898 when Spain ceded its sovereignty to the
Island under terms of the Treaty of Paris. Puerto Rico
had a military government until 1900 when the United
States Congress enacted the first organic law providing
for a civil form of government. The establishment of
the Commonwealth in July 1952 marks the culmination
of a steady progression in the exercise of self-government
initiated by the first organic law.
6. The first organic law, known as the Foraker Act,
provided for a Governor appointed by the President of
the United States, with the advice and consent of the
Senate of the United States, a legislative assembly in
which the lower house was elected but the upper house
was composed of the heads of executive departments of
the government and five other persons, all appointed by
the President with the advice and consent of the Senate ;
and a supreme court, the members of which were also
appointed by the President with the advice and consent
of the Senate, justices of the lower courts being appointed
by the Governor with advice and consent of the upper
house of the legislature. The act provided for Puerto
Rico's representation before all departments of the Fed-
eral Government by a popularly elected Resident Com-
missioner. The Resident Commissioner has a seat in the
House of Representatives of the Congress of the United
States.
7. In 1917, the scope of self-government was increased
with enactment by the Congress of a second organic law
known as the Jones Act. Under it, the people of Puerto
Rico elected both houses of their legislature, and the popu-
larly elected upper house advised and consented to the
Governor's appointment of justices of the lower courts.
The President retained authority to appoint the Governor,
the justices of the supreme court, the heads of the de-
partments of justice and education, and the auditor, but
all other heads of executive departments were appointed
by the Governor. The people of Puerto Rico became citi-
zens of the United States. The protection of a bill
of rights patterned on the bill of rights of the United
States Constitution was extended to Puerto Rico. Pro-
vision for representation before the various departments
of the Federal Government remained. The legislature
could repass a bill over the Governor's veto, but if the
Governor did not then approve it, it did not become law
unless it received the approval of the President.
8. In 1946, the President appointed as Governor, with
the advice and consent of the Senate, a Puerto Rican who
had formerly been Resident Commissioner from Puerto
Rico. This was the first time that a Puerto Rican had
been appointed Governor.
9. In 1947, the Congress authorized the people of Puerto
Rico to elect their Governor, beginning with the general
election in 1948, and provideil a line of succession in the
event of a vacancy in the position of Governor or of the
Governor's temporary absence or disability. The elected
Governor was authorized to appoint all the members of
his cabinet, the heads of the executive departments, in-
cluding the attorney general and commissioner of educa-
tion. No change was made at that time in the provisions
respecting appointment of the auditor and justices of the
supreme court.
585
Development and Adoption of the Constitution
of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico
10. In 1948, the candidates for Governor and Resident
Commissioner from Puerto Rico, who were elected by very
substantial majorities, ran on a platform calling for the
adoption by the people of I'uerto Rico of a constitution
of their own drafting, within the framework of a con-
tinuing relationship with the United States to which the
people of Puerto Rico would consent. In that election,
the candidates who advocated statehood for Puerto Rico
and independence for Puerto Rico were defeated. An
overwhelming number of candidates for the legislature
who ran on the same program as the successful candidates
for Governor and Resident Commissioner were also elected.
In accordance with the expressed wishes of the people
of Puerto Rico, there was introduced in the Congress a
bill to provide for the organization of a constitutional
government bv the people of Puerto Rico. It was enacted
on July 3, 1950 as Public Law 000, 81st Cong. (61 Stat-
319).
11. That law expressly recognized the principle of
government by consent, and declaring that it was "adopted
in the nature of a compact", required that it be submitted
to the voters of Puerto Rico in an island-wide referendum
for acceptance or rejection. If the act were approved by a
majority of participating roters, the Legislature of Puerto
Rico was authorized to call a constitutional convention to
formulate a constitution, which would become effective
upon its adoption by the people if approved by the Con-
gress after a finding by the President that it conformed
with the applicable provisions of the act and of the Con-
stitution of the United States. Those provisions of the
Organic Act which related to matters of local government
would thereupon be repealed, while the remaining pro-
visions of the Organic Act, relating to such matters as
Puerto Rico's economic relationship to the United States,
the force and effect of applicable Federal laws, and con-
tinued representation in Washington, would thenceforth
be known as the Puerto Rican Federal Relations Act. The
Congress made only two stipulations with respect to the
content of the constitution to be adopted; that it provide
a republican form of government and that it include a
bill of rights.
12. Four political parties participated in the campaign
preceding the referendum : two advocated approval of
Public Law COO, 81st Congress, one opposed it, and one
was divided in its position. On June 4, 19:j1, 506,185
persons, 65.08 percent of the 777,675 qualified voters of
Puerto Rico, participated in the referendum, and 76.5
percent of those voting approved the act. On August 27,
1951, ninety-two delegates were elected to a constitutional
convention, representing the Popular Democratic, the
Statehood and the Socialist parties. The convention met
in September 1951, and concluded its painstaking work
in February 1952. An official English and an official
Spanish version of the constitution were adopted, and
the text was puhlistied in the four daily newspapers of
Puerto Rico in both languages. Copies of the document
were distributed throughout the Island.
13. On March 3. 1952, the constitution was submitted
for adoption or rejection. Of the 783,610 qualified voters,
456,471 participated in the referendum. Of these, 373,594
or 81.84 percent of those voting supported adoption of the
constitution ; only 82,877 or 18.16 percent of those voting
disapproved it. All of the elections and referenda held
in Puerto Rico in connection with the development of the
constitution were on the basis of universal adult suffrage
without property or literacy requirements. Puerto Rico
has bad universal adult suffrage since 1929. There have
been no property requirements since 1906 and the last
literacy requirements were removed in 1935.
14. On April 22, 19.52, the President transmitted the
Constitution to the Congress with his recommendation
for approval, and by Public Law 447, 82nd Cong. (66
Stat. 327), signed by the President on July 3, 19.52, the
Congress approved the Constitution subject to certain
conditions which were to be submitted for approval to
the Puerto Rican Constitutional Convention. Public Law
447, in its preambular provisions, recalled that the Act j
of July 3, 1950 "was adopted by the Congress as a com-
pact with the people of Puerto Rico, to become operative
upon its approval by the people of Puerto Rico"; that the
Ijeople of i'uerto Rico had overwhelmingly approved this
Act and that the Constitution of Puerto Rico had been
drafted by a Constitutional Convention; that the Consti-
tution was adopted by the people of Puerto Rico in a
referendum ; that the President of the United States
had declared that the Constitution conformed fully with
the applicable provisions of the .\ct of July 3, 1950 and
the Constitution of the United States, that it contained
a Bill of Rights, and provided for a republican form
of government ; and that the Congress of the United
States had considered the Constitution and found that
it conformed with the stipulated requirements. The
operative part of Public Law 447 recorded the approval
by the Congress of the United States of the Constitution
of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico subject to certain
conditions, among which was that the following new
sentence be added to Article VII : "Any amendment or
revision of this Constitution shall be consistent with the
resolution enacted by the Congress of the United States
approving this Constitution, with the applicable provi-
sions of the Constitution of the United States, with the
Puerto Rican Federal Relations Act, and with Public Law
600, Slst Cong., adopted in the nature of a compact." The
Puerto Rican Constitutional Convention considered and
approved these conditions. On July 25, 1952. the Governor
of Puerto Rico proclaimed the establishment of the Com-
monwealth of Puerto Rico under its Constitution.
Principal Features of the Constitution
of the Commonwealth
15. The Constitution of the Commonwealth, as it be-
came effective with the approval of the Congress, provides
that "Its political power emanates from the people and
shall be exercised in accordance with their will, within
the terms of the compact agreed upon between the people
of Puerto Rico and the United States of .\merica" (Art.
I, Secticm 1). The Constitution of the Commonwealth
is similar to that of a State of the Federal Union. It
establishes a tri-partite form of government, with a popu-
larly elected Governor, a popularly elected bicameral
legislature and a judicial branch. The heads of all execu-
tive departments are appointed by the Governor, with the
advice and consent of the Puerto Rican Senate: appoint-
ment of the Secretary of State also requires the consent
of the House of Representatives. It should be noted that
with the establishment of the Commonwealth neither
the President nor the United States Senate participates
in any way in the appointment of any oflBcial of the gov-
ernment of the Commonwealth.
16. The Legislative Assembly, which is elected by free,
universal and secret suffrage of the people of Puerto Rico,
has full legislative authority in respect to local matters.
The Commonwealth has the power to impose and collect
taxes, and to contract debts. Acts of the Legislative
Assembly become law upon approval of the Governor, or,
in the event that an act is vetoed b.v the Governor, \jpon
its reenactment by two-thirds of the total number of
members of which each house is composed. The Presi-
dent may no longer prevent a bill repassed over the
Governor's veto from becoming law by disapproving it.
The protection of a bill of rights is extended to persons
in Puerto Rico. All public officials must take an oath to
support the Constitution of the United States and the
Constitution and laws of the Commonwealth. Amend-
ments to the Constitution may be proposed by the Legis-
lative Assembly, and will be voted on at a referendum,
becoming effective if ratified by a majority of the electors
voting thereon. The Constitution does not restrict the
substance of future amendments, except to provide that
586
Department of State Bulletin
they shall be consistent with the act approving the Con-
stitution, with the applicable provisions of the Federal
Constitution, with the Puerto Kican Federal Relations
Act, and with the act of Congress authorizing the drafting
and adoption of a constitution.
17. The judiciary of the Commonwealth is independent
under the Constitution. The justices of the Supreme
Court are no lonjier appointed by the President but are
appointed by the Governor with the advice and consent
of the Senate of Puerto Rico. .Justices hold office during
good behavior and may be removed, after impeachment,
for causes specified in the Constitution. The number of
justices may be increased only by law at the request of
the court itself. No judge may make a direct or indirect
financial contribution to any political organization or
party, or hold any elective office therein, or participate
in any political campaign or be a candidate for elective
office unless he has resigned his judicial office at least six
months prior to his nomination. Although judgments of
the Supreme Court of Puerto Rico may be appealed to the
United States Court of Appeals, decisions of the United
States Supreme Court have estalilished that the Supreme
Court of Puerto Rico is the final authority on the meaning
of a Puerto Rican law and that its decision interpreting
such a law may not be reversed unless the interpretation
is "inescapalily wrong" and the decision "patently errone-
ous" ; it is not sufficient to justify reversal that the Fed-
eral Court merely disagree with the Puerto Rican
Supreme Court's interpretation. There continues to be
a Federal District Court in Puerto Rico, but its jurisdic-
tion does not differ from the jurisdiction of Federal Dis-
trict Courts functioning within the boundaries of States.
IS. Under the Constitution, there is full and effective
participation of the population of Puerto Rico in the
Government of Puerto Rico. Article II, section 1, pro-
vides that no di.scrimination shall be made on account of
race, color, sex, birth, social origin or condition, or polit-
ical or religious ideas and requires the laws to embody
these principles. Puerto Rico is divided by the Constitu-
tion into senatorial and representative districts for pur-
poses of electing members of the Legislative Assembly,
and provision is also made for election of senators and
representatives elected at large. By a special procedure
established by Article III of the Constitution, minority
parties are assured of representation which recognizes
their island-wide voting strength. Elections will be held
every four years.
19. Article II, section 2, requires that the laws shall
guarantee the expression of the will of the people by
means of equal, direct, and secret universal suffrage and
shall protect the citizen against any coercion in the exer-
cise of the electoral franchise. Article VI, section 4, pro-
vides that every person over twenty-one years of age shall
be entitled to vote if he fulfills the other conditions deter-
mined by law and prohibits depriving a person of the
right to vote because he does not know how to read or
write or does not own property.
Present Status of Puerto Rico
20. The people of Puerto Rico continue to be citizens
of the United States as well as of Puerto Rico and the
fundamental provisions of the Constitution of the United
States continue to be applicable to Puerto Rico. Puerto
Rico will continue to be represented in Washington by
a Resident Commissioner whose functions are not altered
by the establishment of the Commonwealth. Matters of
foreign relations and national defence will continue to he
conducted by the United States, as is the case with the
States of the Union.
21. At the request of the people of Puerto Rico and
with the approval of the Government of the United States,
Puerto Rico has voluntarily entered into the relationship
with the United States which it has chosen to describe
as a "commonwealth" relationship. The term "common-
Apri! 20, 1953
wealth" was adopted by Puerto Rico as the official English
designation of the body politic created by the Constitu-
tion (the official Spanish title is "estado libra asociado"),
to define the status of that body as "a state which Is free
of superior authority in the management of its own local
affairs but which is linked to the United States of America
and hence is a part of its political system in a manner
compatible with its Federal structure", and which "does
not have an independent and separate existence" (Reso-
lution No. 22 of the Constitutional Convention). By the
various actions taken by the Congress and the people of
Puerto Rico, Congress has agreed that Puerto Rico shall
have, under that Constitution, freedom from control or
interference by the Congress in respect of internal gov-
ernment and administration, subject only to compliance
with applicable provisions of the Federal Constitution,
the Puerto Rican Federal Relations Act and the acts of
Congress authorizing and approving the Constitution, as
may be interpreted by judicial decision. Those laws
which directed or authorized interference with matters of
local government by the Federal Government have been
repealed.
22. In Hawaii, Alaska. Guam and the "Virgin Islands of
the United States the chief executive is appointed by the
President with the advice and consent of the Senate, not
popularly elected by the people ; the executive officer im-
mediately subordinate to the Governor is appointed by
the President, either alone or with the advice and consent
of the Senate, but not by the Governor ; and judges of the
highest courts exercising local jurisdiction are appointed
by the President with the advice and consent of the Sen-
ate, not by the Governor. This is so provided by their
respective organic acts as enacted by the Congress. This
is not the case with respegt to Puerto Rico. The people
of Puerto Rico will participate effectively in their govern-
ment through universal, secret and equal suffrage, in free
and periodic elections in which differing political parties
offer candidates, and which are assured freedom from
undemocratic practices by the Constitution itself. These
elections will be conducted in the future, as they have been
in the past, without interference by the United States.
The people of Puerto Rico have complete autonomy in
internal economic matters and in cultural and social af-
fairs under a Constitution adopted by them and approved
by the Congress.
23. Under the Puerto Rican Federal Relations Act,
there will still be free trade with the United States, only
United States coins and currency will be legal tender in
Puerto Rico, and the statutory laws of the United States
not locally inapplicable will, with some exceptions, have
the same force and effect in Puerto Rico as in the United
States. United States internal revenue laws do not apply
in Puerto Rico, and the people of Puerto Rico will con-
tinue to be exempt from Federal income taxes on the in-
come they derive from sources within Puerto Rico. The
proceeds of United States excise taxes collected on articles
produced in Puerto Rico and shipped to the United States
and the proceeds of customs collected on foreign mer-
chandise entering Puerto Rico are covered into the Treas-
ury of Puerto Rico for appropriation and expenditure as
the legislature of the Commonwealth may decide.
24. The final declaration of the Constitutional Conven-
tion of Puerto Rico (Resolution No. 23), expresses the
views of the people of Puerto Rico as to the status they
have now achieved.
"When this Constitution takes effect, the people of
Puerto Rico shall thereupon be organized into a common-
wealth established within the terms of the compact en-
tered into by mutual consent, which is the basis of our
union with the United States of America.
"Thus we attain the goal of complete self-government,
the last vestiges of colonialism having disappeared in the
principle of Compact, and we enter into an era of new
developments in democratic civilization."
587
Conclusion
25. The United States Government, therefore, has de-
cided that, with the entry into force on July 25, 1952, of
the new constitutional arrangements establishing the
Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, it is no longer appropriate
for the United States to continue to transmit information
to the United Nations on Puerto Rico under Article 73 (e)
of the Charter. This conclu.sion constitutes a recognition
of the full measure of self-government which has heen
achieved by the people of Puerto Rico.
THE GOVERNOR OF PUERTO RICO TO THE
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
Januaby 17, 1953
The Peesident of the United States,
Washington, D.C.
My Deab Mr. President:
On July 25, 1952, the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico was
formally installed in response to the wish of an over-
whelming majority of the people of Puerto Rico pursuant
to a compact between them and the Government of the
United States. Puerto Rico became a Commonwealth in
free and voluntary association with the United States, and
its people have now attained a full measure of self-gov-
ernment. Accordingly, I respectfully suggest on behalf
of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico that the Government
of the United States take steps to notify the United
Nations of the status of Puerto Rico, that it is no longer
a non-self-governing area, and that reports concerning
it are no longer appropriate under Article 73 (e) of the
Charter.
This development has climaxed fifty-four years of
growth in mutual understanding and mutual good will.
Democratic rights in Puerto Rico have been progressively
recognized as self-government has increased. Since 1917,
the people of Puerto Rico elected all members of their
legislature which had comprehensive powers to enact laws
for Puerto Rico. Since 1948, the people of Puerto Rico
also elected their own governor, and all other officials of
Puerto Rico were locally elected or appointed by elected
officials except the Auditor of Puerto Rico and the Justices
of the Supreme Court. Until the Commonwealth of Puerto
Rico began to function, the latter officials were appointed
by the President of the United States with the advice and
consent of the United States Senate. The Congress of
the United States, however, retained full jurisdiction to
legislate with respect to Puerto Rico without the consent
of its people, to override its laws, to change its form of
government and to alter its relations to the United States.
These reservations have been to a large extent formal.
In the entire fifty-four years history of United States ad-
ministration of Puerto Rico, Congress did not in any
instance exercise Its power to annul or amend an Act
of the Puerto Rico legislature, nor did it modify the rela-
tions of Puerto Rico to the United States except progres-
sively to extend self-government to its people in response
to their wishes. Even before 1948, the appointed Governor
of Puerto Rico was a Puerto Rican whose selection was
recommended by the majority political party of the island.
After 1948, the appointed Auditor and Justices of the
Supreme Court were Puerto Ricans, also appointed with
the recommendation and approval of the majority party.
This political history has been accompanied by a
mutually beneficial economic relationship. The people of
Puerto Rico have received many services from the Gov-
ernment of the United States and have benefited by
grants-in-aid. Puerto Ricans have not been subject to
the payment of taxes and have been entirely free of im-
posts, duties or any form of exactions for the support of
the federal Government. At all times since the turn of
the century we have enjoyed free trade with the United
States, and since 1917 we have had the benefit of common
citizenship. Despite the fact that our population has
grown from 953,000 inhabitants in 1900 to 2,219,000 in
1950, our standard of living has substantially increased.
For example, the averau'e per capita income in 1930 was
$122.00 as compared with $319.00 in 1950.
The people of Puerto Rico have been keenly aware of
our basic economic problems due to the density of popu-
lation and the poverty of natural resources. We are
proud of the progress that we have made and are con-
tinuing to make by the utilization of our own talents and
our democratic institutions. This progress would have
been impossible, however, if it had not been for the sym-
pathetic cooperation of the United States, manifested in
a wide variety of ways, material and political. We have
been helijed in building sounder social and educational
bases for the exercise of our political rights and for our
own economic advancement. Our joint efforts in com-
batting illiteracy and improving health conditions have
produced remarkable results. In 1900 the literacy rate
in Puerto Rico was 20 percent as compared to 78 percent
in 1950 ; and in the same period the death rate has dropped
from 25.3 per thousand to 10 per thousand.
Although the relationship was one of freedom and
justice in practice, the people of Puerto Rico were not
satisfied to remain in a status which appeared to reflect
the imposition upon a people of the will of another com-
munity. We are proud of our culture and background,
and we cherish our individual dignity and our common
heritage. We profoundly believe that our government
should be solidly based upon our own will and our own
free choice. Accordingly, for some years, as our demo-
cratic institutions developed and became firmly estab-
lished, the people considered and debated the matter of
their status.
Specifically, the people of Puerto Rico discussed three
choices : independence, statehood within the Federal
Union, or association with the United States as a free
Commonwealth. At no time did we consider that our
choice was restricted, or that any alternative was fore-
clo.«ed to us or could not be achieved by peaceful means ;
and it should be said that at no time did the United States
attempt, directly or indirectly, to interfere with our
choice. On the contrary. President Truman said in a
message to the Congress as long ago as October 1945 :
"It is the settled iwlicy of this Government to promote
the political, social, and economic development of people
who have not yet attained full self-government and
eventually to make it possible for them to determine their
own form of government • * *. It is now time, in my
opinion, to ascertain from the people of Puerto Rico their
wishes as to the ultimate status which they prefer, and,
within such limits as may be determined by the Congress,
to grant to them the kind of government which they
desire."
And in his message to the Congress in January 1946, he
said,
"This Government is committed to the democratic prin-
ciple that it is for the dependent peoples themselves to
decide what their status shall be."
Each of the alternatives of independence, statehood,
and association has been represented in Puerto Rico by
a political party which favored it, and which actively
campaigned for the support of the electorate and nomi-
nated candidates for the legislature and the governorship.
In the 1948 elections the three alternatives were fully
presented to the electorate by the three main political
parties. The preference of the people, expressed in an
election which was as democratic as any in the world, was
unmistakably expressed in favor of the third alternative:
a free Commonwealth associated with the United States
on the basis of mutual consent. Their choice is aptly
summed up in the Spanish name of the new body politic,
"Bstado Libre Asociado."
It was at the request of the officials of the Puerto Rican
588
Department of State Bulletin
government acting pursuant to the mandate of the people
that the Congress of the United States initiated the series
of actions which resulted in the creation of the Common-
wealth. On July 3, 1950, tJhe 81st Congress enacted Public
Law 600. This was, in effect, an offer by the Congress
to the people of Puerto Rico, which we might accept or
reject, to enter into a compact defining the status of
Puerto Rico and the relationships between the respective
communities. The compact offered the people of Puerto
Rico an opportunity to establish our own government and
to remain in association with the United States on defined
terms. It was the precise formula that the people, through
their elected representatives, had requested.
According to its terms. Public Law 600 was submitted
to the qualified voters of Puerto Rico in a referendum
held on June 4, 1951 after months of intensive debate.
The Law was accepted by the people of Puerto Rico by
a vote of 387,016 to 119,169. Sixty-five percent of the
eligible voters participated in the referendum. In this
as in all elections in Puerto Rico, all citizens of at least
21 years of age, male or female, without property or
literacy requirements, were entitled to vote.
After acceptance of Law 600, a Constitutional Conven-
tion was elected on August 27, 1951 in an election where
all the qualified voters had the right to participate. The
Convention met at San Juan on September 17, 1951 and
proceeded to draft a Constitution. On February 6, 1952
it approved the Constitution of the Commonwealth of
Puerto Rico which it had drafted, by a vote of 88 to 3.
On March 3, 1952 the qualified voters of Puerto Rico again
went to the polls to express approval or disapproval of
the Constitution drafted by the Convention. The Con-
stitution was ratified in this referendum by a vote of
373,594 in favor of approval and 82,877 against approval.
Pursuant to the provisions of the Compact, the Congress
of the United States on July 3, 1952, approved the Con-
stitution of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico.' On July
11, 1952, the Constitutional Convention of Puerto Rico
by resolution accepted amendments proposed by the Con-
gress and took the final step in ratifying the Constitution
of the Commonwealth. The Commonwealth was duly
installed on July 25, 1952, and the flag of Puerto Rico
was raised beside the flag of the United States.
The Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, therefore, repre-
sents tlie government that the people of Puerto Rico have
freely adopted. It reflects our own decision as to the
type of institutions and the liind of relationship to the
United States which we desire. There can be no doubt
that in the full sense of the term, in form as well as in
fact, the people of Puerto Rico are now self-governing.
We have chosen our institutions and relationship with
the United States. We have determined the nature and
distribution of the powers of government. We have cre-
ated our own Constitution under which we established
our own government, the nature of which is described
in Article I, Section 2 of the Constitution as follows :
"The government of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico
shall be republican in form and its legislative, judicial
and executive branches as established by this Constitu-
tion shall be equally subordinate to the sovereignty of
the people of Puerto Rico."
Under this Constitution, of course, all of our officials are
either elected by the people or are appointed by officials
whom we elect. The legislative power of the Common-
wealth under the compact and the Constitution essen-
tially parallels that of the state governments. The laws
enacted by the Government of the Commonwealth pur-
suant to the compact cannot be repealed or modified by
external authority, and their effect and validity are sub-
ject to adjudication by the courts. Our status and the
' For President Truman's message to the Congress re-
questing approval of the Constitution, see Bulletin of
May 5, 1952, p. 721. For his statement on signing the
joint resolution of approval, see ibid., July 21, 1952, p. 91.
terms of our association with the United States cannot
be changed without our full consent.
The people of Puerto Rico are firm supporters of the
United Nations, and this great organization may confi-
dently rely upon us for a continuation of that good will.
The Government of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico
will be ready at all times to cooperate with the United
States in seeking to advance the purposes and principles
of the United Nations.
Sincerely yours,
Luis Munoz Mabin
Got'Ornor
Commonwealth of Puerto Rico
U. S. Delegations
to International Conferences
U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America
The Department of State announced on April 9
(press release 179), that Merwin L. Bohan, U.S.
representative on the Inter-American Economic
and Social Council, had been designated acting
U.S. representative for the fifth session of the
U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America,
which is to open on that date at the Hotel Quitan-
dinha in Petropolis, Brazil.
The acting U.S. representative will be assisted
by the following advisers :
Robert E. Asher, Office of Assistant Secretary for Eco-
nomic Affairs, Department of State
James C. Carliss, Office of Regional Inter-American Af-
fairs, Department of State
Edmund H. Kellogg, Office of U.N. Economic and Social
Affairs, Department of State
Fred Burton Smith, Office of the General Counsel, Depart-
ment of the Treasury
Mrs. Kathryn H. Wylie, agricultural economist, Latin
American Division, Department of Agriculture
George Wythe, OflSce of International Trade, Department
of Commerce
At its forthcoming session, the Commission will
make an extensive survey of the current economic
situation in Latin America. Among the subjects
which will be considered in this connection are:
trends in production and the rate of development ;
inflationary tendencies ; trends in exports and im-
ports; price movements of export commodities;
payments problems — in particular, changes in the
pattern of payments with reference to Europe;
and problems of intra-regional trade. Of the
several important background documents which
will be used by the Commission in its consideration
of these subjects, one relates to the possibility of
effecting multilateral compensation agreements
between Latin American and European countries
through the facilities of the European Payments
Union ; another is the Resolution of the U.N. Gen-
eral Assembly on "Financing of Economic Devel-
opment through the establishment of fair and
equitable international prices for primary com-
modities and through the execution of national
programmes of integrated economic develop-
ment."
April 20, J 953
589
Inter-American Council of Jurists
The Department of State announced on April 9
(press release 181) that the United States would
be represented by the following delegation at the
Second Meeting of the Inter- American Council of
Jurists, which is scheduled to convene at Buenos
Aires on April 20, 1953 :
U.S. representative
William Sanders, Special Assistant and Planning Adviser,
Bureau of United Nations Affairs
Alternate U.S. representative
George H. Owen, U.S. Member, Inter-American Juridical
Committee, American Embassy, Rio de Janeiro
Advisers
Edward A. Jamison, Deputy Director, Office of Regional
American Affairs, Department of State
Marjorie M. Whiteman, Assistant Legal Adviser for
Inter-American Affairs, Department of State
The agenda for the forthcoming meeting, as
approved by the Council of the Oas on January
26, 1053, contains 13 topics for consideration by
the Inter-American Council of Jurists. Those
topics relate to politico-juridical matters, codifica-
tion and uniformity of legislation matters, and
organizational matters.
ators of prize-winning films of previous festivals,
except that no persons who have participated in
tiie production or presentation of a film entered
this year may be a jury member.
The U.S. Government will show the film "And
Now, Miguel," produced for the Overseas Infor-
mation Service of the Department of State. The
Mutual Security Agency will be I'epresented by
several films attributed to the countries of origin.
The American motion picture industry is tenta-
tively planning to show "Lili" (Metro-Goldwyn-
Maver ) , "Call Me Madam"' (Twentieth Century-
Fox), Walt Disney's "Peter Pan" (Rko), "I Con-
fess" (Warner Brothers), "Come Back, Little
Sheba" (Paramount), and two short films, "La
Gloire de Renoir" ("The Art of Renoir") (Twen-
tieth Centurv-Fox) and Walt Disney's "Sea
Birds" (RkoJ.
THE DEPARTMENT
Nonrenewal of VOA Contracts
SSx.ch international Film Festival
The Department of State announced on April 9
(press release 182) that the U.S. would be repre-
sented at the Sixth International Film Festival,
to be held at Cannes, France, April 15-29, 1953,
by the following delegation :
Delegate
Robert A. Kissacli, Jr., Visual Aids Specialist, Office of
the Chief of Army Field Forces, Department of the
Army, Fort Monroe, Va.
Alternate Delegate
Stephen J. Campbell, Attach^, American Embassy, Paris
Advisers
Joseph D. Ravotto, Films Officer, American Embassy,
Paris
Patricia Sussman, Film Distribution Chief, Office of the
Special Representative in Europe, Mutual Security
Agency, Paris
The purpose of this series of international film
festivals is to promote cooperation among the
producers and clirectors of motion pictures in all
countries and to stimulate the development of the
art of cinematography and the progress of the
film industry in the world. Among the awards
which will be made during the 1953 festival are
grand prizes for the best long film and the best
short film, special prizes for the best national se-
lection in each category, and eight other prizes,
the character of which will be determined by the
juries. The juries will be selected from among
the best qualified persons in France and the cre-
Press release 169 dated April 1
Notices of the nonrenewal of contracts for the
Voice of America's use of facilities at five radio
transmitting plants, effective June 30, were sent
out by Robert L. Johnson, Administrator of the
International Information Administration, on
March 31.
The decision to discontinue the use of facilities
of two private companies in California, two in
Massachusetts, and one in Ohio was made as a
necessary economy move to comply with the Bu-
reau of the Budget's directive of February 3 and
will effect an annual savings in excess of half a
million dollars, Mr. Johnson said. The Adminis-
trator explained that the Voice of America's re-
duction of more than 15 percent in radio program
hours within the current fiscal year has left an
excess of transmitting capacity.
As a result of a series of studies made by experts
in and outside the Government, Mr. Johnson said,
"I believe it is mandatory upon me to take
promptly whatever steps are necessary to prevent
the Government from being obligated for facilities
or services which I believe will not be needed."
The companies receiving notices to terminate
their contracts are Associated Broadcasters of San
Francisco, Calif.; Crosley at Mason, Ohio; Gen-
eral Electric at Behuont, Calif. ; Westinghouse at
Hull, Mass.; and World Wide Broadcasting Cor-
poration at Scituate, Mass. In his letter to the
firms affected, Mr. Johnson said, "This action is
taken with genuine regret particularly because
you and your Company have rendered in many
ways services of great value to the United States."
590
Department of State Bulletin
The Making of Treaties and Executive Agreements
Statevient by Secretary Dulles ^
Press release 174 of April 6
S.J. Res. 1 and S.J. Res. 43 involve proposals
of the utmost importance. They would basically
change the Constitution of the United States rel-
ative to the making of treaties and executive agree-
ments.
Each of the resolutions would deprive the
nation of treaty-making power in large areas.
They would deny to all treaties the force of law,
making their enforcement depend on subsequent
action of the Congress and, in the case of S.J.
Res. 43, also of the 48 States. They would subject
the current, day-by-day conduct of foreign affairs
to impediments which might be stifling.
Obviously, these far-reaching proposals should
not be enacted without careful study and nation-
wide awareness of their implications.
The Historical Background
Our present constitutional system was framed
in the light of the external dangers which had
resulted from the feeble power of the Confedera-
tion to deal with foreign affairs.
Perhaps the most urgent reason for calling of
the Convention which framed our Constitution
■was the fact that treaties made under the Articles
of Confederation were not enfoi'ceable because
they operated upon the States and not upon in-
dividuals. There was no federal judiciary with
authority to enforce treaties as part of the in-
ternal law.
Out of this grew the treaty provisions of our
Constitution. The debates of the Convention and
of the Federalist papers show the extreme care
that was taken in their formulation. They reveal
too that some of tlie pi'oposals contained in the
resolutions now being considered were advanced
and rejected. For instance, Gouverneur Morris
made a motion that no treaty should be binding
' Made on Apr. 6 before the Senate Committee on the
Judiciary in regard to S..J. Res. 1, "proposing an amend-
ment to the Constitution of the United States relative to
the making of treaties and executive agreements," and
S..I. Res. 43, "Proposing an amendment to the Constitution
of the United States, relating to the legal effect of certain
treaties."
"which is not ratified as a law." This was voted
down 8 to 1 (2 Farrand 392) .
The treaty-making power, as it was written into
our Constitution, is, to be sure, a large power.
Treaties made by the President and concurred in
by a two-thirds vote of the Senate become "law
of the land." No limitation upon the treaty-
making powers are explicitly defined in the Con-
stitution or decisions of the Supreme Court. But
the treaty-making power is not an unlimited
power. All of the Supreme Court cases which
deal with the subject are uniform to that effect.
Furthermore, while the Constitution provides
that treaties made under the authority of the
United States shall be the supreme law of the
land, they only rank on an equality with congres-
sional enactments.
The effect of any treaty as internal law can be
overcome by a simple act of Congress.
That is a Constitutional fact which must be,
and is, accepted by all other nations which make
treaties with us.
The present system has worked well for 160
years. The Supreme Court has never had occa-
sion to hold a treaty to be unconstitutional. On
the other hand, no treaty has ever yet been made
which can be cited as an example of the abuse of
the treaty-making power. These two circum-
stances are persuasive evidence of the care with
which treaty power has been exercised during the
entire existence of our Republic.
Origin of Proponents' Fears
During recent years there developed a tendency
to consider treaty making as a way to effectuate
reforms, particularly in relation to social matters,
and to impose upon our Republic conceptions re-
garding human rights which many felt were alien
to our traditional concepts. This tendency caused
widespread concern, a concern which is reflected in
the proposed resolutions before you, resolutions
whicli first took form in a prior Congress.
I believe that that concern was then a legiti-
mate one. Those who shared it were alert citizens.
I believe they have performed a patriotic service
in bringing their fears to the attention of the
April 20, J 953
591
American public. But I point out that the arous-
ing of that concern was a correction of the evil.
There has been a reversal of the trend toward
trying to use the treaty-making power to effect
internal social changes. This administration is
committed to the exercise of the treaty-making
power only within traditional limits. By "tradi-
tional" I do not mean that to imply that the bound-
ary between domestic and international concerns
is rigid and fixed for all time. I do mean that
treaties are contracts with foreign governments
designed to promote the interests of our nation
by securing action by others in a way deemed
advantageous to us. I do not believe that treaties
should, or lawfully can, be used as a device to
circumvent the constitutional procedures estab-
lished in relation to what are essentially matters
of domestic concern.
The Present Trend
To illustrate my point about the change of trend,
I am authorized to say :
1. The present administration intends to en-
courage the promotion everywhere of human
rights and individual freedoms, but to favor
methods of persuasion, education, and example
rather than formal undertakings which commit
one part of the world to impose its particular
social and moral standards upon another part of
the world community, which has different stand-
ards. That is the point of view I expressed in
1951 in relation to the Japanese peace treaty.
Therefore, while we shall not withhold our counsel
from those who seek to draft a treaty or covenant
on human rights, we do not ourselves look upon
a treaty as the means which we would now select
as the proper and most effective way to spread
throughout the world the goals of human liberty
to which this nation has been dedicated since its
inception. We therefore do not intend to become
a party to any such covenant or present it as a
treaty for consideration by the Senate.
2. This administration does not intend to sign
the Convention on Political Rights of Women.
This is not because we do not believe in the equal
political status of men and women or because we
shall not seek to promote that equality. Rather
it is because we do not believe that this goal can
be achieved by treaty coercion or that it con-
stitutes a proper field for exercise of the treaty-
making power. We do not now see any clear or
necessary relation between the interest and welfare
of the United States and the eligibility of women
to political office in other nations.
These same principles will guide our action in
other fields which have been suggested by some
as fields for multilateral treaties.
3. The Constitution provides that the President
shall have power to make treaties by and with
the advice and consent of the Senate. This ad-
ministration recognizes the significance of the
word "advice." It will be our effort to see that
the Senate gets its opportunity to "advise and
.consent" in time so that it does not have to
choose between adopting treaties it does not like
or embarrassing our international position by re-
jecting what has already been negotiated out with
foreign governments.
Prevention of Abuses of Power
Recent developments illustrate the ways by
which abuses of the treaty-making power can be
avoided. In one way or another, abuses have
been avoided throughout the life of our Republic.
The question thus is whether, in the face of 160
years of nonabuse of the treaty-making power, it
is desirable to amend our Constitution as now pro-
posed.
I have been sympathetic to the point of view
reflected in S.J. Resolution 1, and I have so ex-
pressed myself. I have, however, now come to
the conclusion that this whole matter requires fur-
ther study, because analysis of the pending reso-
lutions shows that they may seriously weaken our
Government in the field of foreign relations in
ways which, I know, the proponents of the resolu-
tions do not intend or desire. The two different
proposals before you, and independent drafting
efforts of my own, convince me that it is difficult,
if not impossible, to amend the Constitution so as
to exclude possible abuses, without incurring risks
that are far greater than the risk that the present
powers will be abused.
Present Importance of Treaty Power
At this time, perhaps more than ever before in
history, the United States should be able to make
effective contracts with other nations.
We need national power to achieve free-world
unity of purpose and performance.
Today about 50 free countries, representing ap-
proximately two-thirds of the peoples and natural
resources of the world, face a grave threat. That
threat comes from a single totalitarian dictator-
ship which rules one-third of the peoples and
natural resources of the world. This single des-
potic power has enormous advantages unless the
free nations can work together. This cooperation
of the free cannot be achieved by imposed unity.
It must be achieved largely through treaties and
executive agreements which will coordinate the
military and economic strength of the free world,
and promote friendly cooperation and under-
standing. The ability of the United States to use
treaties and agreements to effect this result can
become a matter of national survival.
We need national power to make treaties with
our potential enemies, in order to mitigate our
dangers and to ease our burdens through measures
which would effectively control armaments. Such
592
Department of Slate Bulletin
treaties do not now seem likely but their possi-
bility should not be excluded.
If we should be attacked, and, unhappily, there
should be war, the President as Commander-in-
Chief would need the power through executive
agreements to achieve unity of purpose and of
action with our allies. And when victory was
won, we would need national power to make
treaties of peace which would heal the wounds of
war.
It is against this background that the pending
resolutions must be judged.
Discussion of Resolution
I could discourse about the resolutions at length.
It may, however, be enough, if, at this time, I il-
lustrate, principally in terms of S.J. Res. 1, why
in my opinion the pending resolutions, despite the
good intentions which prompt them, actually
could be dangerous to our peace and security.
Secticn 1 of S.J. Kes. 1 provides that no treaty
shall abridge any right enumerated in the Con-
stitution. The Constitution specifies the power
of Congress to declare war. Does Section 1 of
the proposed Constitutional amendment mean that
the United States can never make a treaty which
would outlaw war? Can we never agree, with
other nations, to abridge the present unqualified
right of Congress in relation to war ? Surely this
is no time for the United States to make itself
unable to enter into treaties which would effec-
tively ban the terrible spectre of a war.
Section 2 of the proposed resolution says that no
international organization may supervise or con-
trol the rights of citizens of the United States
within the United States if those rights are
enumerated in the Constitution or are "essentially
within the domestic jurisdiction of the United
States." This could mean that the United States
could not make effective treaty arrangements for
the international control of atomic energy and
mass destruction weapons. The United States
has always insisted in negotiations and debates
with the Soviet Union that no limitation or con-
trol of armaments would be acceptable unless en-
forced by strict international supervision. This
was the so-called Baruch plan. The Soviet Union
has so far refused to accede to such international
control. But surely this is no time for the United
States to make itself unable to participate in the
effective international control of armaments.
And how about international supervision of
aviation, radio, narcotics, and quarantine require-
ments? Mere assertion that these are interna-
tional and not domestic matters will not settle the
question. We can but speculate as to what de-
cisions the Supreme Court may reach as to the
meaning and application of the proposed amend-
ment to our Constitution.
Section 3 of the proposed resolution says that
no treaty shall become "law of the land" except
April 20, 7953
through legislation by the Congress. This would
make it much more difficult to consummate effec-
tive treaties. Our nation's ability to deal with
other nations would be gravely impaired. For all
treaties which operate within the United States
would, in the first instance, have to be consented
to by the Senate by the traditional two-thirds
majority and then also, at a later date, be put into
force by laws requiring the concurrence not only
of the Senate but also of the House.
In the past it has often been charged that our
present Constitutional treaty-making process is
too difficult, being subject to block by % ph;s 1 of
the Senators present. This has been criticized as
"government by minority." It has also been sug-
gested that the % Senate requirement be aban-
doned in favor of a majority of both the Houses.
But now it is suggested that a % vote of the Sen-
ate is not enough — that there must also be a
majority vote of the House of Representatives
if a treaty is to be effective within our country.
In many countries, the Senate or Upper House
has become relegated to an unimportant role. In
this country, the Senate has proudly exercised a
unique role of participating with the President in
the making of treaties. It would occasion sur-
prise and misgivings in many quarters if the Sen-
ate should now feel so unsure of itself that it
sought to subject its % approval to veto by a
majority of the House.
Section 4- of the proposed resolution deals with
executive agreements. It provides that the Presi-
dent cannot make any agreement of any sort with
any foreign government or official except as the
Congress may prescribe. This section would
gravely embaiTass the President in dealing cur-
rently with foreign affairs. Today he is one of
the coordinate branches of government with
exclusive jurisdiction in relation to the current
conduct of foreign affairs. The proposed amend-
ment would drastically alter the President's posi-
tion in that respect and change the present
Constitutional concept of balance of power.
Executive agreements of major importance are
now customarily made pursuant to congressional
or treaty authorization, or depend on congres-
sional action for their implementation.
But every day the President, directly or through
his agents, makes minor agreements of some kind
or description with other governments or officials.
There are masses of agreements made and changed
almost daily with relation to the development of
foreign bases and disposition of our troops abroad.
There are many agreements with other govern-
ments to impose restrictions upon trade with areas
unfriendly to us. There are daily agreements re-
garding a host of matters. This proposed reso-
lution would subject this entire process to
congressional prescription.
I know full well that the proponents of this
resolution are not activated by a purpose to em-
barrass the President in such matters. But that
593
S.J. Res. 1
JOINT RESOLUTION
Proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the
United States relative to the making of treaties
and executive agreements.
Resoh-cd by the Senate and House of Represent-
atives of the United States of America in Congress
assembled {two-thirds of each House concurrino
therein). That the following article is proposed as
an amendment to the Constitution of the United
States, which shall be valid to all intents and pur-
poses as part of the Constitution when ratified by
the legislaturea of three-fourths of the several
States:
"Abticle —
"Section 1. A provision of a treaty which denies
or abridges any right enumerated in this Constitu-
tion shall not be of any force or effect.
"Sec. 2. No treaty shall authorize or permit any
foreign power or any international organization to
supervise, control, or adjudicate rights of citizens
of the United States within the United States enu-
merated in this Constitution or any other matter
essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of the
United States.
"Sec. 3. A treaty shall become effective as in-
ternal law in the United States only through the en-
actment of appropriate legislation by the Congress.
"Sec. 4. All executive or other agreements be-
tween the President and any international organi-
zation, foreign power, or official thereof shall be
made only in the manner and to the extent to be
prescribed by law. Such agreements shall be sub-
ject to the limitations imposed on treaties, or the
making of treaties, by this article.
"Sec. 5. The Congress shall have power to en-
force this article by appropriate legislation.
"Sec. 6. This article shall be inoperative unless
It shall have been ratified as an amendment to the
Constitution by the legislatures of three-fourths of
the several States within seven years from the date
of Its submission."
is what the amendment would do. It would so
detract from the authority of the office of the
President of the United States that his capacity to
deal currently with international affairs would
be gravely impaired.
Executive Agreements
It has long been recognized that there is an
undefined, and probably undefinable, borderline
between executive agreements which may be made
by the President alone and those that require
validation by the Senate as treaties, or the Con-
gress as laws. This has occasionally caused con-
troversy between the executive and legislative
branches of government.
There is a similar undefined, and probably un-
definable, borderline between international agree-
ments which require two-thirds Senate concur-
rence, but no House concurrence, as in the case of
treaties and agreements which should have the
majority concurrence of both Chambers of Con-
gress. This has occasionally caused controversy
between the Senate and the House.
The danger to the nation, however, from agree-
ments not submitted to the Senate as treaties, or
to the Congress for legislative validation, cannot
be great because, without either Senate or con-
gressional action, these agreements cannot consti-
tutionally become "law of the land."
This is an area to be dealt with by friendly
cooperation between the three Departments of
Government wliich are involved, rather than by
attempts at constitutional definition, which are
futile, or by the absorption by one branch of gov-
ernment of responsibilities which are presently
and properly shared.
In order to promote that friendly cooperation,
I am authorized by the President to advise this
Committee, the Senate Foreign Relations Com-
mittee, and the House Foreign Affairs Committee
as follows :
It has long been recognized that difficulties exist
in the determination as to which international
agreements should be submitted to the Senate as
treaties, which ones should be submitted to both
Houses of the Congress, and which ones do not re-
quire any congressional approval.
Differences of opinion resulting from these diffi-
culties have given rise in the past to disputes be-
tween the executive branch and the Congress
concerning the handling of international agree-
ments. It must be recognized that it would be
extremely difficult if not impossible to fit all
agreements into set categories. At times there
S.J. Res. 43
JOINT RESOLUTION
Proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the
United States, relating to the legal effect of cer-
tain treaties.
Resoli-ed 6;/ the Senate and House of Represent-
atives of the United States of America in Congress
assembled (two-thirds of each House concurring
therein). That the following article is proposed as
an amendment to the Constitution of the United
States, which shall be valid to all intents and pur-
poses as part of the Constitution when ratified by
the legislatures of tliree-fourths of the several
States:
"Abticle —
"Section 1. A provision of a treaty which conflicts
with any provision of this Constitution shall not be
of any force or effect. A treaty shall become ef-
fective as internal law in the United States only
through legislation which would be valid in the
absence of treaty. Executive agreements shall be
subject to regulation by the Congress and to the
limitations imposed on treaties by this article.
"Sec. 2. The Congress shall have power to en-
force this article by appropriate legislation.
"Sec. 3. This article shall be inoperative unless
it shall have been ratified as an amendment to the
Constitution by the legislatures of three-fourths of
the several States within seven years from the date
of its submission."
594
Department of Slate Bulletin
may be disagreement as to the manner in which
agreements are to be dealt with. While recog-
nizing this, the Executive cannot surrender the
freedom of action which is necessary for its op-
erations in the foreign affairs field. In the in-
terest of orderly procedure, however, I feel that
the Congress is entitled to know the considerations
that enter into the determinations as to which
procedures are sought to be followed. To that
end, when there is any serious question of this
nature and the circumstances permit, the execu-
tive branch will consult with appropriate con-
gressional leaders and committees m determining
the most suitable way of handling international
agreements as they arise.
5.J. Res. 43
S.J. Res. 43, which follows the language pro-
posed by a Committee of the American Bar Asso-
ciation, contains a further provision. This
would require that no treaty shall be effective in
any field in which Congress in the absence of a
treaty cannot legislate. This would create a no-
man's land in foreign affairs. It would require
the concurrence of all 48 States to make effective
such common treaties as treaties of friendship,
commerce and navigation; extradition; reciprocal
inheritance taxation; migratory birds; collection
of foreign debts; and status of foreign troops.
In this field of foreign affairs our country would
not speak with one voice but with 49. The pri-
mary objective of the f ramers of our Constitution
in this respect would be defeated.
A Balancing of Risks
I feel sure that the proponents of the resolu-
tions do not intend to do other than to eliminate
the risk of abuses. Their motives are, I know, of
the highest. The trouble is that, when it comes
to putting their desire into legal form, the result
is greatly reduced capacity for national action
in an area where it is of the utmost importance
that our nation should have power.
Of course, there can never be power without
risk of its abuse. But our present Constitutional
processes have worked successfully for 160 years.
Never during this period has any actual treaty
produced the results which the proponents of the
resolution fear. Whenever there has seemed to
be danger of that, the people of the United States,
the Judiciary of the United States, the Senate of
the United States, and the Executive Branch of
the United States have, in their respective spheres,
moved to repel that danger. What has happened
in recent months, including the exertions of the
proponents of the resolution, demonstrates that
the resolution is unnecessary. The trend they
feared has been checked.
In this connection, a special tribute is due to
Senator Bricker. His exertions to alert our na-
tion to possible danger will long be remembered.
It can, however, be judged that the proponents
of these resolutions have themselves sliown that
amendment of the Constitution is unnecessary.
The test of any Constitution is not the way it
reads but the way it works. George Washington
in his Farewell Address pointed out that "ex-
perience is the surest standard by which to test
the real tendency of the existing constitution of a
counti-y." He went on to warn against "changes,
upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion."
That, he said, "exposes to perpetual change from
the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion."
Our Constitution, as it is, has served us well
in the field of foreign relations. There is no
actual experience to clemonstrate the need of the
far-reaching changes here proposed. The fears
are hypothetical. Therefore, I suggest that this
constitutional area is one which deserves to be
kept under constant observation and study, but
that there is no present need for constitutional
change.
The Department of State has prepared a more
detailed memorandum dealing with the legal
questions raised by these resolutions. I submit
this for the information of the Committee and
ask that it be included, with its annexes, in the
record of this hearing.-
' Copies of this material may be obtained by writing
to the Division of Publications, Department of State.
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: Apr. 6-11, 1953
Releases may be obtained from the Office of the
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department
of State, Washington 25, D.C.
Press releases issued prior to Apr. 6 which appear
in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 144 of Mar.
18, 156 of Mar. 24, 161 of Mar. 30, 169 of Apr. 1,
and 171 of Apr. 2.
Subject
Dulles : Treaty-making powers
Restrictive business practices
Arrival of Chancellor Adenauer
Smith : N.\to treaty
Draper to Wiley : Status of Nato
U.N. Commission for Latin America
Biographic sketch of Ambassador Taft
Inter-American council of jurists
6th international film festival
Communique on U.S.-German talks
Transfer of German-owned vessels
Dulles-Adenauer exchange of notes
Dulles-Adenauer : CMltural relations
Linder : Agricultural imports
Iraq : Pt. 4 land assistance
Adult-education .seminar
Linder : Additional testimony
Libby Dam and Reservoir
*Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
No.
Date
174
4/6
tl75
4/6
176
4/7
tl77
4/7
tl78
4/7
179
4/7
*180
4/9
181
4/9
182
4/9
183
4/9
183A
4/9
184
4/9
185
4/9
tl86
4/10
tl87
4/10
tl88
4/10
tlS9
4/10
tl90
4/11
April 20, 1953
595
April 20, 1953
Ind
ex
Vol. XXVIII No. 721
American Principles
Arrival of Chancellor Adenauer 568
The Pan American Union : A true community of
free nations (Elsenhower) 563
U.S. and Germany discuss economic, political,
and cultural relations 565
American Republics
Inter-American Council of Jurists 590
Observance of Pan American Day 564
The Pan American Union : A true community of
free nations (Elsenhower) 563
U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America . 589
Asia
KOREA:
Special representative for Korean economic
affairs 576
Talks on repatriation of sick and wounded
prisoners (text of agreement) .... 570
Congress
The making of treaties and executive agree-
ments ( Dulles ), texts of resolutions . . . 591
Europe
GERMANY:
Arrival of Chancellor Adenauer 568
U.S. and Germany discuss economic, political,
and cultural relations 565
Validation of German dollar bonds .... 569
POLAND: Polish Embassy asked to cease dis-
tributing anti-U.S. book 578
U.S.S.R.: Soviet attack on U.S. plane In North
Pacific Ocean (texts of notes) 577
Finance
Validation of German dollar bonds 569
Human Rights
Importance of U.N. human rights goals (Elsen-
hower) 580
U.S. policy on human rights (Dulles) .... 579
International Information
Nonrenewal of VOA contracts 590
International Meetings
U.S. DELEGATIONS:
Inter-American Council of Jurists .... 590
Sixth International Film Festival 590
U.N. Economic Commission for Latin
America 589
Presidential Documents
Importance of U.N. human rights goals . . . 580
PROCLAMATIONS: Observance of Pan Ameri-
can day 564
Prisoners of War
Talks on repatriation of sick and wounded pris-
oners (text of agreement) 570
Protection of U.S. Nationals and Property
Soviet attack on U.S. plane in North Pacific
Ocean 577
Publications
Polish Embassy asked to cease distributing antl-
U.S. book 578
Recent releases 578
Puerto Rico
Puerto Rico's new self-governing status
(Lodge) 584
State, Department of
Nonrenewal of Voa contracts 590
The making of treaties and executive agree-
ments (Dulles), texts of resolutions . . . 591
Treaty Information
Validation of German dollar bonds 569
United Nations
Importance of U.N. human rights goals (Elsen-
hower) 580
Puerto Rico's new self-governing status
(Lodge) 584
Revised disarmament resolution adopted
(Lodge) 582
Talks on repatriation of sick and wounded pris-
oners (text of agreement) 570
U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America . 589
U.S. policy on human rights (Dulles) .... 579
Name Index
Adenauer, Chancellor 565. 568
Bohan. Merwln L 589
Chou En-lal 570
Clark, Gen. Mark 570
Dulles, Secretary 565. 568, 591
Elsenhower, President 563, 564, 576, 580
Elsenhower, Milton 563
Harrison, Gen. Wm. K 675
Johnson, Robert L 590
Kim II Sung 570
Kissack, Robert A., Jr 590
Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 570, 582, 584
Lord. Mrs. Oswald 579
Munoz Marin. Luis 589
Nixon, Vice President 568
Peng Teh-huai 570
Sanders. William 590
Tasca, Henry J 576
U. S. eOVERHBENT PRINT1N6 OFFICEi 1913
/ oo ^'^
j/v€/ uleha/yi^meni/ a)^ cnate^
KXVIII, No. 722
Ipril 27, 1953
THE CHANCE FOR PEACE • Address by the President . 599
THE FIRST 90 DAYS • Address by Secretary Dulles
603
SENATE BEGINS CONSIDERATION OF NATO
TREATIES 628
FULL TRUCE TALKS TO REOPEN AT PANMUNJOM . 608
THE SOVIET GERM WARFARE CAMPAIGN: A CASE
HISTORY • Statements by Ernest A. Gross 612
For index see back cover
Boston Public T-virary
Superintendent of Documents
MAY 2 0 1953
%J/ie
z/Jeficc/y&yieTtt ^^ t/iate yj W i JL \J L J. JL 1
Vol. XXVIII, No. 722 • Publication 5041
April 27, 1953
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
U.S. Oovcmment Printing Office
Washington 25, D.C.
Price:
62 Issues, domestic $7.50, foreign $10.26
Single copy, 20 cents
The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 1952).
Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
oy State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication compiled and
edited in the Division of Publications,
Office of Public Affairs, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the trork of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy issued by the White House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.
Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
The Chance for Peace
Address by the President "^
White House press release dated April 16
In this spring of 1953 the free world weighs one
question above all others: the chance for a just
peace for all peoples.
To weigh this chance is to summon instantly
to mind another recent moment of great decision.
It came with that yet more hopeful spring of 1945,
bright with the promise of victory and of freedom.
The hope of all just men in that moment too was
a just and lasting peace.
The 8 years that have passed have seen that
hope waver, grow dim, and almost die. And the
shadow of fear again has darkly lengthened across
the world.
Today the hope of free men remains stubborn
and brave, but it is sternly disciplined by ex-
perience. It shuns not only all crude counsel of
despair but also the self-deceit of easy illusion.
It weighs the chance for peace with sure, clear
knowledge of what happened to the vain hope
of 1945.
In that spring of victory the soldiers of the
Western Allies met the soldiers of Russia in the
center of Europe. They were triumphant com-
rades in arms. Their peoples shared the joyous
prospect of building, in honor of their dead, the
only fitting monument — an age of just peace. All
these war-weary peoples shared too this concrete,
decent purpose: to guard vigilantly against the
domination ever again of any part of the world
by a single, unbridled aggressive power.
This common purpose lasted an instant and
' Made before the American Society of Newspaper Edi-
tors and broadcast to the Nation over radio and television
networks on Apr. 16. Also printed as Department of State
publication 5042.
perished. The nations of the world divided to
follow two distinct roads.
The United States and our valued friends, the
other free nations, chose one road.
The leaders of the Soviet Union chose another.
The Road Followed by the United States
The way chosen by the United States was plainly
marked by a few clear precepts, which govern
its conduct in world affairs.
First: No people on earth can be held, as a
people, to be an enemy, for all humanity shares
the common hunger for peace and fellowship and
justice.
Second : No nation's security and well-being can
be lastingly achieved in isolation but only in ef-
fective cooperation with fellow nations.
Third : Any nation's right to a form of govern-
ment and an economic system of its own choosing
is inalienable.
Fourth : Any nation's attempt to dictate to other
nations their form of government is indefensible.
And fifth: A nation's hope of lasting peace
cannot be firmly based upon any race in arma-
ments but rather upon just relations and honest
understanding with all other nations.
In the light of these principles the citizens of
the United States defined the way they proposed
to follow, through the aftermath of war, toward
true peace.
This way was faithful to the spirit that in-
spired the United Nations : to prohibit strife, to
relieve tensions, to banish fears. This way was
to control and to reduce armaments. This way
was to allow all nations to devote their energies
and resources to the great and good tasks of heal-
April 27, 1953
599
ing the war's wounds, of clothing and feeding
and housing the needy, of perfecting a just politi-
cal life, of enjoying the fruits of their own free
toil.
The Road Followed by the Soviet Union
The Soviet government held a vastly different
vision of the future.
In the world of its design, security was to be
found, not in mutual trust and mutual aid but in
force: huge armies, subversion, rule of neighbor
nations. The goal was povcer superiority at all
cost. Security was to be sought by denying it
to all others.
The result has been tragic for the world and, for
the Soviet Union, it has also been ironic.
The amassing of Soviet power alerted free na-
tions to a new danger of aggression. It com-
pelled them in self-defense to spend unprecedented
money and energy for armaments. It forced
them to develop weapons of war now capable of
inflicting instant and terrible punishment upon
any aggressor.
It instilled in the free nations — and let none
doubt this — the unshakable conviction that, as
long as there persists a threat to freedom, they
must, at any cost, remain armed, strong, and ready
for any risk of war.
It inspired them — and let none doubt this — to
attain a unity of purpose and will beyond the
power of propaganda or pressure to break, now
or ever.
There remained, however, one thing essentially
unchanged and unaffected by Soviet conduct: the
readiness of the free nations to welcome sincerely
any genuine evidence of peaceful purpose enabling
all peoples again to resume their common quest
of just peace.
The free nations, most solemnly and repeatedly,
have assured the Soviet Union that their firm as-
sociation has never had any aggressive purpose
whatsoever. Soviet leaders, however, have
seemed to persuade themselves, or tried to per-
suade their people, otherwise.
And so it has come to jmss that the Soviet Union
itself has shared and suffered the very fears it has
fostered in the rest of the world.
This has been the way of life forged by 8 years
of fear and force.
What can the world, or any nation in it, hope
for if no turning is found on this dread road?
A Life of Fear
The worst to be feared and the best to be ex- J
pected can be simply stated. '
The icorst is atomic war.
The best would be this : a life of perpetual fear
and tension ; a burden of anns draining the wealth
and the labor of all peoples ; a wasting of strength
that defies the American system or the Soviet
system or any system to achieve true abundance
and happiness for the peoples of this earth.
Every gun that is made, every warship launched,
every rocket fired signifies, in the final sense, a
theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those
who are cold and are not clothed.
The Costs of a World in Arms
This world in arms is not spending money alone.
It is spending the sweat of its laborers, the
genius of its scientists, the hopes of its children.
The cost of one modern heavy bomber is this:
a modern brick school in more than 30 cities.
It is two electric power plants, each serving a
town of 60,000 population.
It is two fine, fully equipped hospitals.
It is some 50 miles of concrete highway.
We pay for a single fighter plane with a half
million bushels of wheat.
We pay for a single destroyer with new homes
that could have housed more than 8,000 people.
This, I repeat, is the best way of life to be found
on the road the world has been taking.
This is not a way of life at all, in any true sense.
Under the cloud of threatening war, it is humanity
hanging from a cross of iron.
These plain and cruel truths define the peril
and point the hope that come with this spring of
1953.
This is one of those times in the affairs of
nations when the gravest choices must be made, if
there is to be a turning toward a just and lasting
peace.
It is a moment that calls upon the govermnents
of the world to speak their intentions with sim-
plicity and with honesty.
It calls upon them to answer the question that
stirs the hearts of all sane men : is there no other
way the world may live?
Beginning of a New Era
The world knows that an era ended with the
death of Joseph Stalin. The extraordinary 30-
year span of his rule saw the Soviet Empire
A
600
Department of State Bulletin
expand to reach from the Baltic Sea to the Sea
of Japan, finally to dominate 800 million souls.
The Soviet system shaped by Stalin and his
predecessors was born of one World War. It sur-
vived with stubborn and often amazing courage a
second "World War. It has lived to threaten a
third.
Now a new leadership has assumed power in the
Soviet Union. Its links to the past, however
strong, cannot bind it completely. Its future is,
in great part, its own to make.
This new leadership confronts a free world
aroused, as rarely in its history, by the will to
stay free.
This free world knows, out of the bitter wisdom
of experience, that vigilance and sacrifice are the
price of liberty.
It knows that the defense of Western Europe
imperatively demands the unity of purpose and ac-
tion made possible by the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization, embracing a European Defense
Community.
It knows that Western Germany deserves to be
a free and equal partner in this community and
that this, for Germany, is the only safe way to full,
final unity.
It knows that aggression in Korea and in south-
east Asia are threats to the whole free community
to be met by united action.
This is the kind of free world which the new
Soviet leadership confronts. It is a world that
demands and expects the fullest respect of its
rights and interests. It is a world that will always
accord the same respect to all others.
So the new Soviet leadership now has a precious
opportunity to awaken, with the rest of the world,
to the point of peril reached and to help turn the
tide of history.
Will it do this?
We do not yet know. Recent statements and
gestures of Soviet leaders give some evidence that
they may recognize this critical moment.
We welcome every honest act of peace.
We care nothing for mere rhetoric.
We care only for sincerity of peaceful purpose
attested by deeds. The opportunities for such
deeds are many. The performance of a great num-
ber of them waits upon no complex protocol but
upon the simple will to do them. Even a few such
clear and specific acts, such as the Soviet Union's
signature upon an Austrian treaty or its release of
thousands of prisoners still held from World
War II, would be impressive signs of sincere in-
tent. They would carry a power of persuasion
not to be matched by any amount of oratory.
This we do know : a world that begins to witness
the rebirth of trust among nations can find its way
to a peace that is neither partial nor punitive.
With all who will work in good faith toward
such a peace, we are ready, with renewed resolve,
to strive to redeem the near-lost hopes of our day.
The first great step along this way must be the
conclusion of an honorable armistice in Korea.
This means the immediate cessation of hostilities
and the prompt initiation of political discussions
leading to the holding of free elections in a
united Korea.
It should mean, no less importantly, an end to
the direct and indirect attacks upon the security
of Indochina and Malaya. For any armistice in
Korea that merely released aggressive armies to
attack elsewhere would be a fraud.
We seek, throughout Asia as throughout the
world, a peace that is true and total.
Out of this can grow a still wider task — the
achieving of just political settlements for the other
serious and specific issues between the free world
and the Soviet Union.
None of these issues, great or small, is insolu-
ble— given only the will to respect the rights of all
nations.
Again we say: the United States is ready to
assume its just part.
We have already done all within our power to
speed conclusion of a treaty with Austria, which
will free that country from economic exploita-
tion and from occupation by foreign troops.
We are ready not only to press forward with
the present plans for closer unity of the nations
of Western Europe but also, upon that founda-
tion, to strive to foster a broader European com-
munity, conducive to the free movement of persons,
of trade, and of ideas.
This community would include a free and
united Germany, with a government based upon
free and secret elections.
This free community and the full independence
of the East European nations could mean the end
of the present unnatural division of Europe.
Reduction of Armaments
As progress in all these areas strengthens world
trust, we could proceed concurrently with the
next great work — the reduction of the burden of
April 27, 1953
601
armaments now weighing upon the world. To
this end we would welcome and enter into the most
solemn agreements. These could properly in-
clude :
1. The limitation, by absolute numbers or by
an agreed international ratio, of the sizes of the
military and security forces of all nations.
2. A commitment by all nations to set an agreed
limit upon that proportion of total production
of certain strategic materials to be devoted to
military purposes.
3. International control of atomic energy to
promote its use for peaceful purposes only and
to insure the prohibition of atomic weapons.
4. A limitation or prohibition of other cate-
gories of weapons of great destructiveness.
5. The enforcement of all these agreed limita-
tions and prohibitions by adequate safeguards,
including a practical system of inspection under
the United Nations.
The details of such disarmament programs are
manifestly critical and complex. Neither the
United States nor any other nation can properly
claim to possess a perfect, immutable formula.
But the formula matters less than the faith— the
good faith without which no formula can work
justly and effectively.
A New Kind of War
The fruit of success in all these tasks would
present the world with the greatest task, and the
greatest opportunity, of all. It is this: the dedi-
cation of the energies, the resources, and the imagi-
nations of all peaceful nations to a new kind of
war. This would be a declared total war, not
upon any human enemy but upon the brute forces
of poverty and need.
The peace we seek, founded upon decent trust
and cooperative effort among nations, can be forti-
fied, not by weapons of war but by wheat and
by cotton, by milk and by wool, by meat and by
timber and by rice. These are words that trans-
late into every language on earth. These are
needs that challenge this world in arms.
This idea of a just and peaceful world is not
new or strange to us. It inspired the people of
the United States to initiate tlie European Ke-
covery Program in 1947. That program was pre-
pared to treat, with like and equal concern, the
needs of Eastern and Western Europe.
We are prepared to reaffirm, with the most con-
crete evidence, our readiness to help build a world
in which all peoples can be productive and pros-
perous.
This Government is ready to ask its people to
join with all nations in devoting a substantial per-
centage of the savings achieved by disarmament
to a fund for world aid and reconstruction. The
purposes of this great work would be to help
other peoples to develop the undeveloped areas of
the world, to stimulate profitable and fair world
trade, to assist all peoples to know the blessings
of productive freedom.
The monuments to this new kind of war would
be these : roads and schools, hospitals and homes,
food and health.
We are ready, in short, to dedicate our strength
to serving the i^eds, rather than the fears, of the
world.
We are ready, by these and all such actions, to
make of the United Nations an institution that
can effectively guard the peace and security of
all peoples.
I know of nothing I can add to make plainer the
sincere purpose of the United States.
I know of no course, other than that marked
by these and similar actions, that can be called the
highway of peace.
I know of only one question upon which prog-
ress waits. It is this :
What Is the Soviet Union Ready To Bo?
Wliatever the answer be, let it be plainly spoken.
Again we say : the hunger for peace is too great,
the hour in history too late, for any government
to mock men's hopes with mere words and prom-
ises and gestures.
The test of truth is simple. There can be no
persuasion but by deeds.
Is the new leadership of the Soviet Union pre-
pared to use its decisive influence in the Commu-
nist world, including control of the flow of arms,
to bring not merely an expedient truce in Korea
but genuine peace in Asia ?
Is it prepared to allow other nations, including '
those of Eastern Europe, the free choice of their
own forms of government ?
Is it prepared to act in concert with others upon
serious disarmament proposals to be made firmly
effective by stringent U. N. control and inspection ?
If not, where then is the concrete evidence of
the Soviet Union's concern for peace ?
The test is clear.
602
Deparimenf of Sfate Bulletin
There is, before all peoples, a precious chance
to turn the black tide of events. If we failed to
strive to seize this chance, the judgment of future
ages would be harsh and just,
"if we strive but fail and the world remains
armed against itself, it at least need be divided
no longer in its clear knowledge of who has con-
demned humankind to this fate.
The purpose of the United States, in stating
these proposals, is simple and clear.
These proposals spring, without ulterior pur-
pose or political passion, from our calm conviction
that the hunger for just peace is in the hearts of all
peoples— those of Russia and of China no less than
of our own country.
They conform to our firm faith that God cre-
ated men to enjoy, not destroy, the fruits of the
earth and of their own toil.
They aspire to this : the lifting, from the backs
and from the hearts of men, of their burden of
arms and of fears, so that they may find before
them a golden age of freedom and of peace.
The First 90 Days
Address hy Secretary Dulles'^
Press release 200 dated April 18
President Eisenhower, speaking here last Thurs-
day,^ opened the door to the mansion of peace. He
invited the Soviet Union to come in. That invita-
tion was not mere rhetoric. Its timing was not
chosen at hazard. It marked a planned stage in
the evolution of Eisenhower foreign policy. The
speech really had its beginning when President
Eisenhower took office, which was 90 days ago
tomorrow.
The words which President Eisenhower uttered
might have been uttered at any time during these
past 90 days. But these words gained immensely
in significance because they came against a back-
ground of cohesive, positive action.
When President Eisenhower first took office, a
plea for peace such as he made this week might
have been interpreted as a sign of weakness or a
mere gesture of sentimentality. In order that such
a plea should carry maximum impact, it was first
' Made before the American Society of Newspaper Edi-
tors and broadcast to the Nation over radio and television
networks on Apr. 18. Also printed as Department of State
publication 5044.
' Supra.
April 27, 1953
necessary to demonstrate to the world, and to So-
viet leaders in particular. President Eisenhower's
will and capacity to develop foreign policies so
firm, so fair, so just that the Soviet leaders might
find it expedient to live with these policies rather
than to live against them.
I should like briefly to review this 90-day period,
which had as its climax the President's historical
address.
The European Defense Community
One of the worries of the free world, and one
of the hopes of the Soviet world, has been disunity
in Western Europe. For example, it would be
particularly disastrous for the West if Franco-
German antagonism were revived. That would
indeed aiTord Soviet intrigue a fertile field of
operation.
The continental European countries themselves,
including France and Germany, had seen the
danger and had devised a program to meet it.
They had proposed to create a European Defense
Community, the members of which would merge
their military power into a single force. A treaty
603
to this effect was signed nearly a year ago. It was
contemplated by the treaty that it would be rati-
fied and come into force within 6 months. But,
following the signature of the treaty, nothing hap-
pened. Last January it seemed that the project
was dying.
The President, out of his own intimate knowl-
edge of European conditions, felt that our Gov-
ernment should indicate its deep concern and point
out that failure to realize the European Defense
Community could mean collapse of the hopes and
efforts that inspired the Marshall plan, the North
Atlantic Treaty, and the mutual security program.
Therefore, on January 30, just 10 days after the
President's inaugural, Mr. Stassen and I, at the
President's request, visited the six European De-
fense Community countries and also Great Britain.
As a result of our visit and the return visits to
Washington of several European leaders, this proj-
ect has now been revived. It cannot yet be con-
fidently predicted that it will be realized. But it
is today the livest single topic before the six
parliaments of continental Europe.
The Soviet Union now faces the likelihood that
Western Europe will produce a unified military
force, including French and Germans. Thus
would come to a final end one of the hopes from
which Soviet imperialism has taken comfort.
NATO
It was never expected that the European Defense
Community, when created, would alone carry the
burdens of making Western Europe secure. Edo,
a community of 6, would stand within the frame-
work of Nato, a partnership of 14. This partner-
ship, however, also presented us with urgent prob-
lems. For most of the members had come to feel
that the program for Nato represented a type of
effort which they could not continue indefinitely to
bear.
The United States and its Nato partners had
been operating on the assumption that the moment
of greatest danger was some early, predictable
date. Therefore, it had been reasoned, emergency
efforts should be made to meet that date, leaving
subsequent years for stabilization and re-
cuperation.
But the Soviet Union did not conveniently relax
its threat in order to meet the preconceived time-
table of the Nato countries. Accordingly it was
found necessary each year to prolong the extraor-
604
dinary exertion and to defer the period of stabih-
zation. This spasmodic approach was exhaustive
to all concerned. Several of our allies told us that
they could not hold to the present pace without
greatly increased help from the United States.
The situation obviously called for a fresh
approach.
Because we did not believe that any specific date
of peak danger could be reliably forecast ; because
Soviet communism itself professes to operate in
terms of "an entire historical era"; because new
weapons inevitably change the aspect of the mih-
tary task ; because a vigorous and happy society is
itself an important ingredient of freedom— for
these reasons we decided to find programs which,
on the one hand, will provide Europe with sub-'
stantial insurance against being overrun by Soviet
attack and which, on the other hand, can, if neces-
sary, be sustained for an indefinite period with
growing reliance on Western Europe's own
strength.
Next week the Secretary of the Treasury. Mr.
Humphrey, the Secretary of Defense, Mr. Wilson,
the Director for Mutual Security, Mr. Stassen, and
I will go to Paris to meet with the other members
of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization Coun-
cil. There we shall listen sympathetically to the
pomt of view of our partners and together with
them concert military programs designed to deter
attack from without, without undermining inner
strength.
All will know, and I am confident that the So-
viet leaders know best of all, that what we plan
is not greater weakness but greater strength. The
productivity of the free world is so prodigious,
its inventiveness so phenomenal, that any military
aggressor that attacked our free- world partnership
would be doomed to sure defeat.
What we plan is to dissipate another Soviet
hope, the hope expressed by Stalin when he said
that "the moment for the decisive blow" would
come when the opponents of communism "have
sufficiently weakened themselves in a struggle
which is beyond their strength . . . have suffi-
ciently disgraced themselves through their prac-
tical bankruptcy so that our victory is assured."
We do not intend that that moment of bankruptcy
shall come.
Let me add that the policy here expressed was
determined upon without regard to any of the
recent Soviet moves. We are not dancing to any
Russian tune. Nothing that has happened has in-
Depar/menf of Stale Bulletin
' duced in us a mood of relaxation or any desire to
' weaken Nato. The purpose and the result wiU
' be a Nato more sure to live and to perform its
appointed tasks.
The Far East
, In the Far East vigorous policy decisions were
, also taken since the 90 days began. In Korea we
embarked upon a program to change the complex-
ion of that struggle. As President Eisenhower
told you, we still welcome an armistice, not merely
to end the fighting but on the assumption that it
will lead to a peace which accords with the prin-
ciples of the United Nations — and that means a
free and united Korea. Of course we want peace
in Korea. But we do not play the role of
suppliants.
We have vastly improved our relations with the
National Government of China. We now have an
Ambassador at Taipei, Formosa, the provisional
capital. We are speeding the delivery of military
assistance, which was woefully in arrears. Presi-
dent Eisenhower has changed the instructions to
the Seventh Fleet so that, while it is still instructed
to protect Formosa, it is no longer instructed to
protect the Chinese Communists on the mainland.
In relation to Indochina, the French Govern-
ment and the Associated States have been told that
we would be favorably disposed to giving increased
military and financial assistance to plans realisti-
cally designed to suppress the Communist-inspired
civil war, which for 6 years has wracked the area
and seriously drained the metropolitan resources
of France.
We recently annoimced, in conjunction with the
French Government,^ that should the Chinese Com-
munist regime take advantage of a Korean armi-
stice to pursue aggressive war elsewhere in the Far
East, such action would have the most serious con-
sequences and would conflict directly with the un-
derstanding on which any armistice in Korea was
reached. That decision was taken prior to the re-
cent revival of prospects for a Korean armistice.
It was part of our effort to anticipate what may
happen rather than to catch up with what has
happened.
We negotiated with the Governments of Britain,
France, and other maritime powers for a tighten-
ing of the blockade of Communist China. They
are taking important practical measures to restrict
' Bulletin of Apr. 6, 1953, p. 491.
the voyages of their own ships to China and to
withhold fuel from ships of other nations which
are carrying strategic goods to China.
You can see, as others have seen, that a new order
of priority and urgency has been given to the Far
East. Further, it has been made clear that we
consider that our Eastern friends, from Japan,
Korea, and Formosa to Indochina and Malaya,
face a single hostile front, to be met with a common
purpose and growing cooperation as between the
component parts of freedom.
This means that the Communists in the Far East
can no longer count on winning by shifting their
strength and by focusing attack on one or another
free-world position that is isolated from the others.
The Communist strategy, based on a contiguous
land mass, is now confronted by a growing free-
world unity based upon the peninsular positions
and offshore island chain now controlled by the
free peoples of Asia.
The Middle East and Latin America
The Middle East and Latin America, two areas
far apart, have both been the subject of Communist
attempts at infiltration. The ground was fertile
because these areas have somewhat lacked our at-
tention ; and, in the case of the Middle East, there
has developed a spirit of nationalism, which has
at times grown fanatical in its opposition to the
Western Powers.
As was announced some weeks ago, Mr. Stassen
and I have been invited by the governments of
more than a dozen countries of the Middle East
and South Asia to visit them. We have accepted
and plan to go next month. That is significant,
for no United States Secretary of State has ever
visited any of these countries. It will afford us
an opportunity to meet at firsthand many of the
leaders and, I hope, to dissipate the false impres-
sions which Communist propaganda has fomented.
As President Eisenhower announced last Sun-
day,* the State Department is organizing a good-
will mission to South America, which will be
headed by the President's brother. Dr. Milton
Eisenhower. He will personally carry the Presi-
dent's sentiments of good will toward the Repub-
lics and peoples to the south of us. Our new As-
sistant Secretary for this area is already in Central
America.
I have had the pleasure of two meetings, one at
* lUd., Apr. 20, 1953, p. 563.
April 27, 7953
605
the United Nations and the other at Washington,
with the representatives of all 20 of the American
Republics.
What we have done, and what we already plan,
mark a determination to develop better mider-
standing and more fellowship with peoples whom
we know and respect but whose friendship we
have taken too much for granted. Thereby we
may close another possible avenue of Soviet Com-
mimist aggression.
Captive Peoples
The free peoples are susceptible to Soviet guile
because they so passionately want peace that they
can readily be attracted by illusions of peace. One
such illusion is a settlement based on the status quo.
This present status involves the captivity of hun-
dreds of millions of persons of distinctive nation-
ality, race, religion, and culture. The hardest task
of the Soviet rulers is to beat this disunity into
Communist conformity. If that can be done, then
the menace of Soviet communism will be immeas-
urably increased.
It was of the utmost importance that we should
make clear to the captive peoples that we do not
accept their captivity as a permanent fact of his-
tory. If they thought otherwise and became hope-
less, we would unwittingly have become partners
to the forging of a hostile power so vast that it
could encompass our destruction.
President Eisenhower, anticipating some of the
events that have since occurred, acted immediately
after his inauguration to propose that our national
position should be made clear through a solemn
resolution concurred in by Congress and the Presi-
dent. The Congress has yet to act. However, I
am persuaded, and I trust that the captive peoples
are persuaded, that Congress in fact fully shares
the point of view that President Eisenhower ex-
pressed. In any event the Chief Executive has
formulated his position on this important matter
and by doing so has foreclosed another of the hopes
which Soviet rulers had optimistically entertained.
State Department Organization
Wliile we have been making these policy de-
cisions, we have at the same time been acting to
assure that the State Department would be able
to make new policies wherever these would seem
better than the old and to assure a steadily rising
level of performance.
606
In addition to the new Secretary of State, there
are two new Under Secretaries, one of whom
specializes in administration and security matters.
There are six new Assistant Secretaries. There is
a new Legal Adviser, a new Counselor, a new
Director of International Information Adminis-
tration, who has responsibility for the Voice of
America. The whole Policy Planning Staff is to
go under new direction and be coordinated closely
with the revitalized National Security Council.
We are also bringing fresh vision and new vigor
into our United Nations Mission and into our Em-
bassies abroad. The Chief of the Permanent Mis-
sion to the United Nations, former Senator Austin,
retired last January after many years of distin-
guished service. He has been succeeded by for-
mer Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, who now heads
the Permanent Mission. His vigor and parlia-
mentary skill already demonstrate that the Soviet
leaders cannot look forward to using the United
Nations as a sounding board for propaganda but
that they will have to deal in the United Nations
with a mobilized body of world opinion which is
determined that the United Nations shall, in fact,
serve its avowed purpose to maintain international
peace and security in conformity with the prin- i
ciples of justice. 1
New Ambassadors are installed or being in- I
stalled in Great Britain, Ireland, France, Italy,
Germany, Russia, Spain, Mexico, Brazil, Japan,
Free China, India, and Pakistan. Other appoint-
ments are in contemplation.
For the first time in State Department history,
all of our major appointments are subject to FBI
field checks so as to eliminate security risks and
possibility of hostile infiltration into high places.
So far as is humanly practical, we are seeing to
it that Communist agents shall not have access to
the State Dejiartment.
We are fortunate in having a body of Foreign
Service career men and women who can be the main
reliance of the President and myself. They are a
permanent and nonpolitical part of Government.
They became such under the Rogers Act, enacted
by a Republican Congress during the administra-
tion of President Coolidge and Secretary Hughes.
There is a tendency in some quarters to feel
that confidence cannot be placed in these career
officials because in the past, as was their duty, they
served under Democrat Presidents and Democrat
Secretaries of State. It is, however, easier than
most think for our career Foreign Service men and
DeparfmeM of State Bulletin
women to adapt themselves to new Eepublican
leadership. Like career soldiers, Foreign Service
ofiBcers respect and welcome high-level policy di-
rection such as they are getting under President
Eisenhower. They are, with rare exceptions, a
splendid and patriotic group of men and women,
with a fine tradition. They are experts, trained
to analyze and interpret foreign conditions and to
carry out designated missions, usually of delicacy,
sometimes of danger. Just as the Nation depends
for defense purposes on the graduates of our Mili-
tary and Naval academies, so the Nation for
foreign services depends on our career diplomats.
Our people here at home, our friends abroad,
and our enemies abroad can know that we have
not only strong foreign policies but that we are
rapidly molding an organization which will be
secure and which will be efficient in action.
I might add, as of particular interest to this
distinguished group of American editors, that
these foreign policies of which I speak are no
longer looked upon as state secrets. We are de-
termined that the public shall be as fully informed
as possible, and in the clearest and simplest lan-
guage possible, about what we are doing in the
State Department and what our foreign policy is.
I have long felt that, under our form of govern-
ment, the effectiveness of foreign policy depends in
large measure upon public understanding and sup-
port of it.
The Soviet Peace Defensive
Our conduct has been calmly strong, never
truculent nor blustering. In the face of it Soviet
leaders gave evidence that they were changing
their policies. They initiated what presents to you
and to me one of the most perplexing problems of
our time. It is a problem that I think is largely
due to a misnomer. The Kremlin launched what
is commonly called a "peace offensive." Wliatever
it is that the Kremlin has launched— and no one
can be sure just yet what it is — it is not a peace
offensive. It is a peace defensive.
It is gratifying that Soviet leaders appear now
to have shifted from an offensive to a defensive
mood. But we cannot yet tell whether this repre-
sents a basic change or merely a tactical shift. It
is prudent, for the present, to assume that we are
witnessing a tactical move of the kind which Soviet
communism has often practiced.
Stalin, in his classic treatise on "Strategy and
Tactics," taught that, from time to time, "conces-
sions" may have to be made "in order to buy off a
powerful enemy and gain a respite." He went on
to explain the necessity of maneuvering with a
"view to effecting a proper retreat when the en-
emy is strong. . . . The object of this strategy is
to gain time and to accumulate forces in order later
to assume the offensive."
Is the successor — or should I say, are the suc-
cessors—following this strategy of the dead
Stalin?
Whatever the reason and purpose of present
Soviet moves, the fact is that the Communist
leaders seem now disposed to grant some things
-which they formerly denied.
Last February 22, in an effort to probe the
mood of the enemy in Korea, we quietly proposed
an exchange of sick and wounded prisoners of war.'
Such proposals had frequently been made before,
without results. This time a result seems to be in
the making.
I should perhaps explain, to end some misunder-
standing, that while under the agreement made
we will return many more sick and wounded pris-
oners than we will receive, that is because the total
number of prisoners which we hold is many times
the number held by the Communists. The ratio of
returning sick and wounded to the total prisoners
of war held is approximately the same for both
sides, with a slight advantage in our favor.
It also now appears that the enemy may now
want an armistice in Korea, after having evaded
it for nearly 2 years.
In other respects and in other quarters Com-
munist leadership is making concessions. These
are all still minor but not without significance.
They suggested to us that the time had come to
launch a true peace offensive. That President
Eisenhower has done. Soviet leadership is now
confronted by the Eisenhower tests. Will it meet,
one by one, the issues with which President Eisen-
hower has challenged it ? If so, will it abolish and
abandon, in fact as well as in name, the Comin-
f orm through which it endlessly conspires to over-
throw, from within, every genuinely free govern-
ment in the world ? We await the deeds which wiU
give answer to these questions. We profoundly
hope that these deeds will, in fact, end a black
chapter of distrust and open a bright new chapter
of peace and good will.
° lUd., Apr. 6, 1953, p. 494.
Apn\ 27, 1953
607
The New Era
Some weeks ago when I was at the United Na-
tions, I said that the Stalin era had ended and that
the Eisenhower era had begun, bringing with it
new hope for all mankind.® Already that predic-
tion is in process of confirmation. President
Eisenhower's address is a fact which will inevitably
influence the course of history. Around the world
peoples and governments have universally wel-
comed that address. In all the capitals of the free
world, press and radio have demonstrated an un-
precedented spontaneous support for the Presi-
' Ibid., Mar. 23, 1953, p. 430.
dent's call for a world-wide peace offensive and
his challenge to the new Soviet leadership to back
up their words with deeds. That response is not
merely because of the words the President used but
because what he said had its setting in a 90-day
framework.
I do not attempt to read the future. That must
always remain obscure so long as vast power is
possessed by men who accept no guidance from
the moral law. But surely our duty is clear. Those
who represent a Nation with the tradition and
power of the United States must act boldly and
strongly for what they believe to be right. The
future is for a higher verdict.
Full Truce Talks To Reopen
at Panmunjom
LETTER FROM GENERAL HARRISON
TO GENERAL NAM II, APRIL 17 >
To General Nam II, Senior Delegate, Delegation
of the Korean People's Army and the Chinese
People''s Volunteers.
1. The Commander in Chief of the United Na-
tions Command has authorized me to instruct the
United Nations Command Liaison Group to meet
with the Liaison Group of your side on April 18
or as soon thereafter as is agreeable to your side,
to discuss matters incidental to reopening plenary
sessions of the Armistice Delegations as requested
by your Liaison Group on 11 April, 1953.
2. The United Nations Command has studied
the statement of the official position of your side
which you presented,^ but does not find the ampli-
fication of details regarding the statements of
Foreign Minister Chou En-lai and Marshall Kim
U Sung, which was requested in General Clark's
letter of 5 April, 1953. However, in view of the
agreement by your commanders in their letter of
1 April to the proposal advanced in General
Clark's letter of 31 March, it is assumed that you
are prepared to accept Unc proposals or make a
comjiarable constructive proposal of your own
' On Apr. 18 the Communists replied to General Harri-
son's letter, and liaison officers met on Apr. 19. They
agreed to reopen plenary sessions on Apr. 25.
' BuixETiN of Apr. 20, 1953, p. 575.
608
which would constitute a valid basis for resump-
tion of the meetings.
3. With reference to the statements of Foreign
Minister Chou En-lai and Marshall Kim U Sung,
the Unc would consider that an arrangement such
as the following would be reasonable and con-
structive and could lead to a prompt resolution of
the problem of prisoners of war :
(1) That the neutral state be a nation such as
Switzerland, traditionally recognized as appro-
priate in matters of this kind ;
(2) That in the interest of practicality, pris-
oners of war who are not directly repatriated be
released to the custody in Korea of the neutral
state ;
(3) That after allowing a reasonable time such
as 60 days during which opportunity has been
afforded by the neutral state to the parties con-
cerned to determine the attitudes of individuals
in its custody with respect to their status, the
neutral state M-ill make arrangements for the
peaceable disposition of those remaining in its
custody.
4. The United Nations Command is of the opin-
ion that unless the meetings of the full delegations
indicate that an acceptable agreement will be
reached in a reasonable time, it will be advisable
to recess the meetings again.
William K. Harrison, Jr., Lt. Gen. USA
Senior Delegate, UNC Delegation.
Department of Slate Butletin
SUMMARY OF LIAISON MEETING OF APRIL 11
1. Meeting of Senior Liaison Group convened at 1100
hours this date. Suhstance of record follows :
2. UNO : "I have a statement to make. Yesterday you
said you had around 15 prisoners of war of other national-
ities, including those of Turl^ey, Canada, Greece, the
Kctherlands, etc. You also said you were checking the
figure to determine the breakdown by nationality. Do
you have this breakdown today?"
3. Communists: "As I pointed out yesterday to your
side, I will give you the figures as soon as our checking
is finished. I propose that prior to signing the agreement
the interpreters of both sides check the drafts we are to
sign."
4. Unc : a. "I have been studying the figures you have
furnished which indicate the approximate number of sick
and injured captured personnel you intend to repatriate.
I believe that you will agree that medicine is not an exact
science; accordingly, for humanitarian reasons, I again
request that you use the broadest interpretation of the
degree of sickness in determining the final number of
captured personnel who will he repatriated. We will
do the same.
6. "We have prepared our copies of the agreement for
repatriation of sick and injured captured personnel for
signature. If your side has prepared your copies of the
agreement, I agree that the interpreters check the various
versions and that we recess for this purpose for 10
minutes."
5. Communists: a. "As I have pointed out before, the
estimated figures of sick and injured prisoners of war
furnished by our side are the result of serious checking
in accordance with the principle which our side has con-
sistently maintained, that is, the principle of repatriating
all sick and injured prisoners of war. Our side considers
that there should be no further dispute about this
question.
6. "In order to check the versions of the agreement,
Captain Munchae Su, Nka, and Tuan Lien Chung, Ccf,
will participate in this work."
6. Unc : "I appoint Lt. Underwood, Captain Lum, and
Lt. Wu for our side."
7. Communists: "I agree to your proposal to recess for
10 minutes."
(Meeting recessed at 1110 hours. Meeting reconvened
at 1205 hours.)
8. Communists: "Prior to signing of both sides, I want
to make a statement as follows :
a. "Both sides have reached agreement on the exchange
of sick and injured prisoners of war during the period
of hostilities in accordance with the principles of Article
10 of the Geneva Convention relative to the treatment of
prisoners of war. Our side has consistently stood for
and will immediately carry out the repatriation in toto
of sick and injured prisoners of war held in our custody.
Your side has stated that you will invoke the provisions
of paragraph 3 of Article 109 of the Geneva Convention
and repatriate only a part of the sick and injured prisoners
of war held in your custody.
b. "In this connection our side has pointed out that
the provisions of paragraph 3 of Article 109 of the Geneva
Convention can by no means be used as a pretext for
employing coercive means to obstruct the repatriation of
sick and injured prisoners of war who are willing to
return to our side during the period of hostilities.
c. "Now our side must state again that our side reserves
the right to request that the sick and injured captured per-
sonnel of our side not repatriated this time be handed
over to a neutral state so as to secure a just solution
to the question of their repatriation after an armistice.
d. "Furthermore, our side proposes that the liaison
group meetings shall be continued after the signing. We
have other matters to bring up at the meeting.
e. "Then, I propose to begin to sign."
9. Unc: "I agree." (Actual signing begins at 1208 and
is completed at 1210 and one half hours.) '
10. Unc; "I have a statement to make.
a. "We are ready to start the actual repatriation at
Panmunjom of the sick and wounded captured personnel
held in our custody on 72 hours notice. Can you tell me
when you will be able to start repatriating our captured
personnel?
6. "I agree to the continuation of the liaison group
officers' meeting. I recommend that we recess now. I
will be ready to meet with you again at any time you
desire."
11. Communists: a. "As to the question raised by yotir
side. I will answer tomorrow.
6. "Now I would like to raise a question concerning the
resumption of the plenary session of the delegations of
both sides. In the letter ot March 28 addressed to your
commander ' our commanders liave already pointed out
that the reasonable settlement of the question of exchang-
ing sick and injured prisoners of war of both sides during
the period of hostilities should be made to lead to the
smooth settlement of the entire question of prisoners of
war. Such a view has already been agreed to by your
commander. Now, inasmuch as both sides have signed
the agreement for the repatriation of sick and injured
captured personnel and our side has in addition put forth
a new proposal for settling the entire question of repatria-
tion of prisoners of war, and has given a full exiilanation
of this proposal, our side considers that the plenary ses-
sion of the delegations of both sides should be resumed
immediately to discuss and settle the entire question of
prisoners of war so as to realize an armistice in Korea.
I would like to know the views of your side on the date
of resuming the plenary session."
12. Unc : "I have noted your statement and will Inform
my superiors.
' For text of the agreement, see ibid., p. 576.
* Ibid., Apr. 6, 1953, p. 494.
April 27, 1953
609
a. "I propose that we recess now and I will notify you
through liaison officers when we are ready to meet again
to give you our answer.
6. "I suggest that the staff officers meet at 1345 to con-
tinue their work."
i:^. Communints: a. "Our side holds that both .sides
should immediately discuss and decide on the date for re-
suming the plenary sessions of the delegations. Since
your side has proposed a recess to consider it we would
not insist, hut our side still hopes that the liaison groups'
meeting should be resumed within one (1) or two (2)
days to discuss and decide on the date for resuming the
plenary sessions.
6. "I agree to your proposal that the staff officers' meet-
ing be resumed."
14. UNO ; "We have noted your statement. We agree to
recess."
15. Meeting 'adjourned at 1222 hours.
Technical Assistance to Iraq
For Land Development Program
Press release 187 dated April 10
Under an agreement signed at Baghdad on
April 7, the U.S. Technical Cooperation Mission
in Iraq will provide technical assistance to the
Government of Iraq in carrying out its vast "Miri
Sirf " land development and resettlement program.
The Miri Sirf (state-owned lands) of Iraq in-
volve about 19 million acres, about two-thirds of
which are considered to be capable of agricultural
use with some degree of development. There are
more than 2 million landless farmers in Iraq,
tenants and peasants of large landholders, pres-
ently averaging $200 or less per family per year
in income.
About 3 years ago, the Government of Iraq
enacted legislation providing for the division of
state-owned lands into family-size farms, pro-
viding for irrigation water and other types of
assistance needed to develop the lands for agricul-
ture, and for opening them up for settlement by
peasant families.
At present there are three projects in operation,
involving some 200,000 acres and 1,600 families.
Other projects in various stages of development
involve well over a million acres and are planned
to accommodate about 10,000 families. The
annual income of farmers already settled averages
two to three times their former incomes, mainly
as a result of being able to retain the proceeds of
their labor.
The Miri Sirf program holds great significance,
as one of the most important and largest-scale
efforts by a Near Eastern government to encour-
age and assist peasants to become owner-operators
of family-sized farms. A considerable amount
of Iraq's oil revenues are being devoted to the
development of the lands, providing community
facilities, building roads, giving financial assist-
ance and guidance to the farmers, providing
health services, schools, water supplies, and the
like. The program is considered by the Govern-
610
nient of Iraq to be of great significance in its
social and economic development and in improving
the living conditions of its people.
A major difficulty in carrying out this vast pro-
gram lias been the general scarcity of technicians
in Iraq. Tlie project involves enormous prob-
lems—lands must be surveyed and classified
according to their agricultural capabilities; soil
surveys must be made; irrigation works must be
planned and constructed; peasant farmers must
be given assistance in farm planning and man-
agement through the first critical years of inde-
pendent operation ; credit facilities must be offered
with some supervision of loans; schools must be
set up and provided with teachers; health clinics
must be established and manned; guidance must
be given in the formation and operation of coop-
eratives; instruction in improved methods of
farming is needed by most of the settlers; malaria
control is necessary in many sections; and so on.
The small staff of specialists in the Ministry of
Agriculture, which administers the program, and
the Ministries of Education and Health which
are assisting with it, are spread thinly over the
huge program, which will reach into almost every
part of Iraq.
Under the new agi-eement, the Technical Co-
operation Administration (which administers the
technical cooperation program) will assist in
planning the program, will lielp provide technical
advice, will help train Iraqi technicians, will assist
with some of the research and survey work, and
will provide some demonstrational equipment and
supplies as needed to teach improved methods.
The agreement does not provide for any addi-
tional allocation of funds or additional American
personnel, although future project agreements
may provide for supplies, equipment, and possibly
additional personnel.
The technical cooperation program in Iraq is
carried out under a general agreement for tech-
nical cooperation between the Government of Iraq
and the United States, which was signed on April
10, 1951.' Cooperative activities are now under
way in the fields of agriculture, water resources,
education, industrial development, highway
transportation, health and sanitation, and social
affairs.
MSA Grant to Yugoslavia
The Mutual Security Agency (Msa) on April 6
announced a special grant of $11 million to
Yugoslavia for the current fiscal year.
This sum, like a similar grant of $20 million
announced in January,^ has been made to offset
the results of last year's disastrous drought by pro-
' Btn.LETiN of Apr. 23, 1951, p. 653.
' Bulletin of Jan. 26, 1953, p. 135.
Department of State Bulletin
viding funds for the purchase of foodstuffs —
principally, corn, wheat, lard, and sugar-
The new grant brings to $109,000,000 the total
of U.S. aid in defense-support funds to Yugo-
slavia during the current fiscal year. In addition
to the $31 million for drought relief, Yugoslavia
is receiving $78 million from Msa as part of a
$99 million tripartite-aid program to which the
United Kingdom and France are also contributing.
The tripartite program is designed to assist
Yugoslavia in maintaining its defense effort.
Libby Dam and Reservoir
Press release 190 dated April 11
The following letter was sent by Secretary
Dulles to the International Joint Commission —
United States and Canada, regarding the applica-
tion by the Government of the United States for
the construction and operation of Libby Dam and
Reservoir, filed with the Commission on January
12,1951:
April 8, 1953
The International Joint Commission,
Washington, D. C, United States of America; and
Ottawa, Ontario, Dominion of Canada.
SiBS:
Reference Is made to the Application dated January 12,
1951 filed by the Government of the United States with
the International Joint Commission for approval of the
construction and operation of a dam and reservoir re-
ferred to as "Libby Dam" on the Kootenai Kiver near
Libby, Montana.
Consideration has been given by the Chief of Engineers
of the Department of the Army to the advisability of the
withdrawal of the Application in order that examination
might be made with respect to certain domestic questions
as selection of the axis for the dam, relocations and
related matters that could be dealt with in accordance
with regularly established procedures, rather than inter-
mingled with investigation of the international aspects
of the case.
In view of these developments you are advised that
the Government of the United States, in accordance with
a request of the Secretary of the Army, hereby withdraws
the Application for the approval of the Libby Dam project
effective as of this date.
Very truly yours,
John Fosteb Dulles
Secretary of State
Specified Exemption Laws
for Escapee Program
EXECUTIVE ORDER'
By virtue of the authority vested in me by section 532
of the Mutual Security Act of 1951, as added by section 7
(m) of the Mutual Security Act of 1952 (Public Law 400,
approved June 20, 1952, 66 Stat. 146), it is hereby deter-
mined that the performance of functions with respect
to the escapee program, authorized by the Mutual Security
Act of 1951, as amended, and administered by the Depart-
ment of State, without regard to the three following-
designated provisions of law will further the purposes
of the said Mutual Security Act of 1951, as amended :
1. Section 3648 of the Revised Statutes, as amended,
60 Stat. 809 (31 U. S. C. 529).
2. Section 305 of the Federal Property and Administra-
tive Services Act of 1949, approved June 30, 1949, ch.
288, 63 Stat. 396 (41 U. S. C. 255).
3. Section 3709 of the Revised Statutes, as amended
(41 U. S. C. 5).
This order supersedes Executive Order No. 10410 of
November 14, 1952,' entitled "Specification of Laws from
which the Escai^ee Program Administered by the Depart-
ment of State Shall be Eiempt."
DWIGHT D. EllSENHOWEB
The White House,
April n, 1953.
Upon receipt of the letter the Commission has
taken action in accordance therewith.
U. S. Interest in Stability
of Japan's Economy
The folio-wing statement loas made on April 15
by Michael J. McDei^iott, Special Assistant for
Press Relations:
The future stability of the Japanese economy
is, of course, of great concern to the United States,
which is giving a great deal of thought to this
question. In recent years Japan's balance-of-
payments position has been largely supported by
U.S. expenditures arising from hostilities in
Korea, the maintenance of U.S. forces in Japan,
and various U.S. mutual-assistance programs for
the Far East. The Department believes that
total U.S. expenditures in Japan will not be
sharply reduced but will remain at a relatively
high level for at least the next 2 years. However,
if a serious situation were ever to develop in the
Japanese economy, the Department is sure that
the U.S. officials would want to sit down together
with Japanese representatives to consider ways
in which this Government could help.
' 10446, 18 Fed. Reg. 2209.
' Bulletin of Dec. 8, 1952, p. 909.
April 27, J 953
611
The Soviet Germ Warfare Campaign: A Case History
Statements hy Ernest A. Gross
U. S. Representative to the General Assembly '
U.S./U.N. press release dated March 27
I should like to explain why the United States
requested the General Assembly to consider as part
of its agenda the item which has now been reached :
"The Question of an Impartial Investigation of the
Charge of Use by the United Nations Forces of
Bacteriological Warfare." My Government is
asking the General Assembly to create and to
supervise an impartial investigation of these
charges which the Soviet representative in the
Security Council has called "a serious interna-
tional accusation against the United States Gov-
ernment." In fact, the target of these charges is
no less a body than the United Nations itself! If
this Organization is worthy of our support and of
our confidence, then it must see these charges for
what they are and see that they are weighed and
set at rest. What could be a more fundamental
revolt against the purpose of the Charter to de-
velop friendly relations among nations than the
repeated charge of germ warfare ?
In attacking the United Nations itself, they seek
to undermine the collective effort of the U.N.
forces in meeting aggression in Korea. We can-
not ignore an attack of this nature upon the
character of the men who are giving their lives
for the free world in this collective effort.
While the Chinese and North Korean people
fight and die in their aggressive war in Korea, the
Soviet Union furnishes supplies and lies.
This false and malicious campaign, this "serious
international accusation," is designed and in-
tended to spread hatred, division, and suspicion in
the minds of men. It is designed to increase the
tensions in the world. This being the inevitable
result of the Soviet campaign of lies and hatred
the question arises whether it is the considered'
purpose of the Soviet Government thus to under-
' Made on Mar. 27 and Apr. 8 in Committee I (Political
and Security).
612
mine and destroy the very foundation of interna-
tional good will and cooperation. If this indeed
is the considered purpose of the new Soviet leader-
ship, how are we to appraise their professions of
peace ? How can we achieve a peaceful settlement
of outstanding issues when one side continues to
spread charges that are false, known to be false,
and which it has never been willing to put to the
proof ?
This campaign of international communism
must not be ignored. Its venom is intended to
make each man fear his neighbor just as inter-
national communism would have each nation of
the free world suspect its neighbor and so foster
the tension upon which Soviet imperialism thrives.
Quite clearly, one specific objective is to isolate
the free M'orld from the United States by attempt-
ing to single out my Government for special con-
demnation. That is why the people of the free
world should for the sake of their own security
look long and hard at the facts.
How the Charges Have Survived
But how, one may ask, can these vicious charges
live— how can they be repeated when in the United
Nations, and in the free world at least, the truth
IS there for any man to see and to hear if he will
seek It out ? We must first of all look at just how
these charges have been able to survive.
Since March of 1952 until today, an impartial
investigation of the charge of bacteriological war-
fare has been offered over and over again by the
United Nations, by the World Health Organiza-
tion, and by the International Committee of Red
Cross Societies. It has been offered also by my
own Government within and without the United
Nations just as it is put forward by my own
Government here today.
There has been no response from the Soviet
Union, the Chinese Communist regime, and the
North Korean authorities except on one occasion.
Department of State Bulletin
It is not part of their plan to respond. It is their
plan to lie and then hide from an impartial in-
vestigation. Their tactic of "lie and hide is
cowardly— but it is a calculated cowardice.
The one response from the Soviet Union to tne
decision of the Security Council to investigate
what the Soviet representative himself called a
serious international accusation" was a Soviet veto.
That is not a response which is open to the Soviet
representative in this forum.
We must see this campaign for what it is. it is
the technique of the big lie. Let me briefly trace
its history. No one describes it better than Hitler
when, writing in Mein Kampf, he said :
In the size of the lie, there is always contained a certain
factor of credibility . . . [The masses] ^lU more
easily fall victims to a great lie than to a small one
since they themselves perhaps also lie sometimes in 1 ttle
lings b'ft would be too much ashamed of too great Ues^
Thus, such an untruth will not enter their heads and
therefore they will be unable to believe in the possibility
of the enormous impudence, of the most infamous dis-
tortions, in others.
But it was Stalin himself who invented the bac-
teriological warfare lie. Back on January i, ld66,
in a statement to the Joint Plenum of the Central
Committee and Central Control Commission of the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union, he attacked
certain resistance elements of the Soviet popula-
tion which, he said :
Organize wrecliing activities in the collective and state
farms, and some of them, including certain Professors,
go to such lengths in their zeal for wrecking as to inject
the germs of plague and anthrax into cattle on the
collective farms, help spread meningitis among horses,
etc.
In the Purge Trials of 1937 and 1938, with which
Mr. Vyshinsky is not unfamiliar, again we hnd
the bacteriological warfare lie. One defendant
"confessed" to manufacturing virulent bacteria in
three separate factories in order to destroy herds
of Soviet swine. Another defendant "confessed
that he had connived with Japanese intelligence
to infect the Red army with "highly virulent
bacilli" in the event of war.
Global Organization of the Campaign
I come now to the second stage of the case his-
tory of the lie. The campaign charging germ
warfare in Korea was launched on February 21,
1952 It has been with us ever since. It is a long-
term affair and fully organized on a global basis.
From Moscow the campaign is directed, from
Peiping and other Communist capitals it is co-
ordinated. By all the Communist and fellow-
traveler communication media and apparatus it is
disseminated. The division of labor is clear-cut.
Eaw material flows from Moscow and Peipmg.
By that, I mean the so-called documentation, an-
nouncements of raids, protests, etc. The eye-
witness evidence" is provided by the Chinese Com-
munists and the North Koreans. It is they who
Apr// 27, 7953
250917—53 8
issue the initial protests. The Soviet Government,
in addition to exercising primary responsibility
for coordination of the worldwide big lie eflorts,
bolsters the so-called "evidence" with its own
peculiar interpretations of evidence and state-
ments, arranges for satellite and international
front organization protests, and conducts the big
lie campaign in the United Nations.
The Communist-front World Peace Council
leads most of the protest movements and is the
focal point for various groups who call themselves
investigatory commissions and make reports on
tHf* cli^rffGS.
You will undoubtedly soon hear from the lips
of the Soviet representative the latest product of
this campaign. It has been continued regularly
in the columns of the Soviet Government press.
For example, as recently as March 16 a headline
appeared in Pravda: "American Aggressors Con-
tinue Bacteriological Warfare in Korea. ihe
story goes on to charge that American planes have
recently dropped 16 types of insects m various
villages in Korea. , u i.-u
Let me now turn to certain devices used by tne
Communists in building up and spreading the lie.
The Communists have repeatedly employed Com-
munist-controlled "investigations," and they have
resorted to extorted confessions. They have done
this in an attempt to provide an ostensibly scien-
tific and legal basis for their false charges.
The Communists have staged three so-called
investigations :
1. On March 13, 1952, Peiping announced the
formation of a so-called "Investigation Commis-
sion." This was carefully selected from among
Chinese Communists to insure its partiality. Be-
fore it began its work, its chairman amiounced
that its purpose was "to gather the various crim-
inal facts on bacteriological warfare waged by
the American imperialists."
2. Another so-called investigation was staged
by a committee of the Communist front— Inter-
national Association of Democratic Lawyers. Ac-
cording to Pravda, on March 4, 1952, this group
was sent out "in order to investigate and establish
the crimes conmiitted by the interventionists in
Korea, in violation of all international agree-
ments." The Commission was made up of cur-
rently faithful followers of the party line. Its
chairman, Brandweiner, was also a former Nazi.
3. Last September, the Chinese Communists
published a lengthy report of the Communist-
sponsored "International Scientific Commission
for the Investigation of Facts Concerning Bac-
teriological Warfare in Korea and China." This
group of so-called investigators was organized by
a member of the Chinese Communists' Peace Com-
mittee. It was composed of Communists or
Communist sympathizers. The only member pro-
fessionally qualified as a scientist for the subject
supposedly under investigation was a Soviet epi-
demiologist. Dr. M. M. Zhukov-Verezhinikov
613
(U.S.S.R. ) , Vice-President of the Soviet Academy
of Medicine. In a speech carried by Soviet news-
papers on March 14, 1952 (months before the in-
vestigation), he had ah-eady announced his
judgment:
The American imperialists have perpetrated a new
crime. They have carried out a bacteriological attack on
the Korean Peoples Democratic Republic and on the Chi-
nese Peoples llepublic.
This supposedly scientific body was not only
composed of members who had formed their judg-
ments before going to China, but the Commission
itself did not even bother to examine the so-called
evidence of bacteriological warfare on the spot.
For example, Dr. Andrea Andreen stated upon her
return to bweden in September 1952 :
We felt so sure of the integrity of our Chinese hosts
that we entirely trusted statements which they made re-
garding American use of germ warfare. The scientific
foundation of the Commission's work consisted of the fact
that the delegates implicitly believed the Chinese and
North Korean accusations and evidence.
"Confessions" in Communist Statecraft
We all know that confessions play an important
part in the statecraft of Communist countries.
From the earliest purge trials to the present day,
the Communists have developed methods for
breaking the strongest human spirit and com-
pelling innocent people to confess to any tale which
the state authorities may require.
The techniques consist primarily of prolonged
deprivation of sleep which in time exerts a toxic
effect similar to drugs, spinal injection of truth
serum, and enforced maintenance of rigid postures
for long periods. Psychological methods are also
used: subjecting the prisoner to terrifying mass
denunciations ; the creation of a sense of isolation
and the futility of resistance in the mind of the
prisoner; use of fellow prisoners as stool pigeons;
alternation of severe and lenient treatment ; com-
pelling the prisoner to write hundreds of pages of
self-disclosure; and, finally, deceit and trickery.
The more orthodox method of beating is also fre-
quently used.
I have looked at the facts of the specific cases
which are here generalized, and I admit that these
tacts shocked me so that I have not felt free to
put them before this Committee in detail. I will
cite, however, one of the least shocking examples :
A Belgian priest. Father Schijns, who was kept
in solitary confinement for 6 months by the Chi-
nese Communists in 1951, says:
The sleeplessness, the pain, the total abandonment and
isolation, and the headaches brought me gradually to a
state of comiilete hallucination. I began, entirely awake
and not dreaming, to see spots and shadows on the walls
of my room transformed into wild beasts and war scenes
At t'mes;^ I found myself weeping aimlessly and sense-
lessly. The psychological effect of such a rigid isoiation
was that I, Just as all the others in our house, finally sat
down in front of a typewriter and began to write down
confessions hundreds of pages in length. I took the hint
to recite the facts about everything that I knew and did.
614
our work, our cares, our activity. Anyone might read It
It was all patent and well-known. I had only to leave it
to my Communist masters to construe misdeeds from these
facts.
I turn now to a consideration of the so-called
confessions extorted by their Communist captors
of A.merican prisoners of war in their hands. It
is difficult to approach this question without a
feeling of strong emotion and resentment. There
of course can be no doubt that a captor, hardened
to use of methods such as I have described, would
not hesitate to turn these helpless men into tools
for their propaganda machine.
Mr. Vyshinsky has recently circulated to the
members of this Committee two recent alleged
confessions of American military personnel. He
is the same Mr. Vyshinsky who stated on Novem-
ber 10, 1952, in this same Committee:
Under conditions of war imprisonment, there is not and
cannot be the most minimum conditions for the free ex-
pression of the will of any war prisoner.
These so-called confessions are false in their
general assertions and in their specific allegations.
They are of course in no event entitled to credence.
They should be presumed to be false against the
background of the circumstances in which they are
extorted. However, we need not rely upon a mere
presumption of their falsity. We have specific
refutation.
These military officers have allegedly identified
a certain directive from the Joint Chiefs of Staff
of the United States which is supposed to have
instituted a plan for bacteriological warfare in
Korea. They have allegedly identified certain
military personnel who are said to have partici-
pated in meetings for carrying this plan into
operation.
There was no such directive, and there were no
such meetings.
Statements by American Military Officers
Mr. Chairman, I read to this Committee a state-
ment by Gen. Omar N. Bradley, Chairman of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff of the United States. The
statement was written on March 25. I quote :
(1) The Joint Chiefs of Staff have never made a plan
for bacteriological warfare in Korea.
(2) The Joint Chiefs of Staff liave never sent a directive
to the Commanding General, Far East Command, or any
other individual in the Far East, by any means directing
the initiation of bacteriological warfare in Korea.
(3) The Joint Chiefs of Staff cateirorically deny that
any military forces of the United States have engaged in
bacteriological warfare in that area including contiguous
Chinese territory.
Next, Mr. Chairman, I read this Committee a
.statement by Maj. Gen. C. F. Schilt, who was
Commanding General of the First Marine Air-
craft Wing in Korea from July 1951 to April 1952.
This is the responsible officer who commanded the
organization which has been alleged, by these
latest confessions, to have dropped germ bombs
in Korea :
Department of Sfate Bulletin
I categorically aflBrm that the account of bacteriological
warfare activity on the part of United Nations and/or
United States forces contained therein are complete fabri-
cations. In particular the activities of the First Marine
Aircraft Wing which were a matter of intimate knowledge
to me in my oflScial capacity at no time participated in
bacteriological warfare. None of the statements on the
subject attributed to me are true. At no time did I re-
ceive or issue any instruction concerning bacteriological
warfare nor did i ever attend any conferences or engage
in any other planning activities connected with this sub-
ject No special security measures were ever imposed
upon the wing or any of its units and during all my
service in Korea I never heard of the alleged code word
super propaganda (SUPROP).
Next, Mr. Chairman, I read this Committee a
statement by Maj. Gen. Clayton C. Jerome who
replaced INIajor General Schilt as Commanding
General of the First Marine Aircraft Wing and
served in that capacity to January 8, 1953 :
It's all a damn lie, and I would like to go up to the U.N.
and tell them so under oath.
I categorically deny the truthfulness of the accusations
contained in the alleged confessions of Col. Schwable and
Major Bley that United Nations and/or U. S. Forces
planned or participated in bacteriological warfare. As
Commanaing General of the First Marine Aircraft Wing
during the period 11 April 1952 to 8 January 1953, I posi-
tively state that no orders were received by the First
Marine Aircraft Wing or issued to subordinate units of
the Wing which related to bacteriological warfare. There
were no plans for bacteriological warfare prepared by
the First Marine Aircraft Wing. The allegations that
I discussed such matters with the 5th Air Force and
conducted conferences within the First Marine Aircraft
Wing relating to bacteriological warfare are completely
false.
Other statements in the two alleged confessions
are equally false. I will not burden the Committee
by reading the sworn statements of the persons
mentioned" in these two alleged confessions. I
have these statements here, and I now request the
Secretary-General to circulate them to the mem-
bers of the United Nations for their inspection.^
In the greatest detail, persons, places, meetings,
and activities referred to in the so-called confes-
sions are denied and refuted. The "confessions"
emerge as cleverly forged and contrived documents
with no substance whatever.
I have described the nature and origins of this
Soviet plot. The whole apparatus of a police-
state system, centering in the Kremlin, is being
used to manufacture and distribute a total lie —
false in all its parts, both general and particular.
How should the General Assembly meet this
assault upon the United Nations and upon the
effort of the United Nations to resist aggression
in Korea?
Repeated offers of an impartial investigation of
the charges have been made by the United States,
by the International Committee of the Red Cross,
and by the U.N. Security Council itself. These
offers have been ignored, rejected, or vetoed.
' U.N. doc. A/C.IA'.ST, dated Mar. 27.
April 27, 1953
How the U.N. Should Meet the Assault
Despite this fact — or indeed, because of it — it
seemed to us fitting to submit this question to the
General Assembly. It is the U.N. Charter itself
which is being subverted by Soviet actions, and
we are assembled here as custodians and trustees
of the Charter.
I have introduced a resolution on this matter,
so that the moral weight and dignity of the Gen-
eral Assembly may be brought to bear. This does,
after all, embody the collective judgment of the
world community.
We propose, along with all the other nations
whose forces are engaged in repelling aggression
in Korea, that the General Assembly do now for-
mally take note of the accusations which have been
made and repeatedly denied by the Unified Com-
mand. We think the Assembly should record the
fact that offers of impartial investigation have
been rejected by the very persons who originate
and disseminate the false charges.
We propose that the General Assembly should
now call upon the Governments and authorities
concerned to cooperate with a Commission estab-
lished by the Assembly itself to conduct an im-
partial investigation of the charges that have been
made. The Commission should be allowed to
travel freely throughout such areas of North and
South Korea, the Chinese mainland, and Japan,
as the Commission may think necessary in the
performance of its task. It should have freedom
of access to such persons, places, and documents as
it considers necessary. And it should be free to
examine any witness, including prisoners of war.
A special problem is presented by reason of the
base Communist practice, which I have described,
of using the device of extorted confessions. We
feel there is a right way to deal with this matter.
The General Assembly should ask the Commu-
nists whether they will submit the so-called con-
fessions to impartial investigations.
We challenge the Communist authorities con-
cerned to permit all United States military per-
sonnel, whose so-called confessions have been pub-
lished, to be brought to a neutral area. There they
should be given a fair chance to tell the truth to
an impartial U.N. Commission. I ask that they
be brought to an area in some country which is
neither a participant in the U.N. Command in
Korea nor whose Government has supported or
approved the action of the aggressors in Korea.
There they would remain under the responsibility
and custody of the Commission and would be
interned until the conclusion of hostilities in order
to preclude fear of later reprisals by their Com-
munist captors. After an adequate period of rest
and recuperation, they would be informed of the
propaganda use which has been made of their
alleged "confessions" and asked by the Commis-
sion to verify or deny the facts contained therein.
615
It is for the Soviet delegate to accept this offer,
in the name of truth.
We await his reply.
CHARGES BY THE PEIPING RADIO
U.S. /U.N. press release dated April 8
Several days ago, in introducing the subject of
this debate, the U.S. delegation made clear what
our objective was and what it has been from the
moment when these false charges became a part
of the established Communist propaganda pol-
icy. We have since then heard statements by the
Soviet representative and by several of the mem-
bers of the Soviet bloc.
One of the points which has been stressed in all
the statements made by the Soviet group, al-
though with varying degrees of emphasis, has
been the alleged fault of this Committee in failing
to invite the Chinese Communist regime and the
North Korean authorities to attend our meetings
for the purpose, as it has been put again this after-
noon by the Polish representative, of participating
in our discussions.
Mr. Chairman, the question has been asked by
other speakers before me and I think it only appro-
priate to ask again what purpose would be served
by inviting the Chinese and the North Korean
authorities to come here to propagate a lie ? There
are not two sides to a lie. A lie is an empty thing.
It has only one side, an outside. This lie, as we
have demonstrated by our highest authorities, by
the most responsible officials of the U.S. Govern-
ment speaking for themselves within their respon-
sibility as representatives of the U.N. Command
in Korea, is false in all its generalities and in every
particular.
The Chinese Communists and the North Korean
authorities have never at any time requested or
suggested that an impartial investigation be con-
ducted into the grave charges which they have
persisted in leveling against the United States and
the United Nations. I do not think it is neces-
sary to speculate concerning the nature of the
propaganda and lying testimony which these au-
thorities would engage in if invited to attend our
discussions.
On March 30, and I must note as a matter of
tragic irony and coincidence, on the same day
when Chou En-lai issued a statement regarding
the prisoners of war in Korea, on that same day
when the hopes of the world were raised, the
Peiping Radio commented upon the proposal
which I laid before this Committee on behalf of
the 16 cosponsors. I should like to explain to
the Committee in the words of the Peiping broad-
cast the attitude which the Chinese Communist
authorities take in what I think may fairly be
characterized as a desperate attempt to evade an
impartial investigation.
616
Speaking before the Political Committee had
before it tlie proposed composition of the com-
mittee of investigation, before any names had
been suggested for inclusion in the draft resolu-
tion, Peiping Eadio characterized the proposal
that the General Assembly set up a commission
to conduct what it called a so-called impartial
investigation and a commission which would have
free access to areas necessary to its investigation,
and said such a so-called commission — and I point
out that the membership of the Commission had
not then yet been suggested — that such a so-called
commission could more suitably be termed a special
detachment of the United States intelligence to
collect information about germ warfare waged
by the American Forces. And the Peiping Radio
went on to say that it is quite obvious tliat the
U.S. Government, which is still continuing bac-
teriological warfare, is in urgent need of first-
hand information concerning the results of this
warfare.
This is the manner in which the Peiping Radio
characterized a solemn and dignified proposal for
the creation of an impartial commission and at-
tacked and undermined a commission whose com-
position had not even at that point been suggested.
With regard to our proposal, which is contained
in this draft resolution, to turn over to the com-
mission the prisoners of war who are alleged to
have made confessions, the Peiping Radio on that
same day characterized this proposal as a des-
perate attempt — to use their language — to get
these prisoners of war handed over to a commis-
sion which is in the exclusive service of the U.S.
Government. Again I remind the Committee the
members of the commission had not even then
been named or proposed.
The Peiping Radio went on to say that the
"United States Gestapo" — to use their language —
could then employ threat and persuasion for the
so-called repudiation of these prisoners of war.
In other words, it is a move directed toward co-
ercing them to repudiate their own depositions.
By this attempt to use such a shameful dodge,
Peipmg Radio said, to get a repudiation of the
confessions made by the captured U.S. Air Force
officers the U.S. Government fools nobody. On
the contrary, it only proves that the U.S. Gov-
ernment is at its wits end and can find no way
of evading the grave responsibility for using bac-
terial weapons.
This is the language of the Chinese Communist
authorities on March 30. Do we need to speculate
further concerning the nature of the statements
which would be made if their representatives were
invited to participate in our deliberations?
Mr. Chairman, what the U.S. Government has
proposed from the beginning and what we now
urgently continue to maintain is not a discussion,
not a debate, but an investigation. Impartial
experts who would be selected by the commission
proposed in this resolution would work with mi-
Departmenl of State Bulletin
ci'oscopes, not with microphones. This is not a
propaganda maneuver. This is an honest and
practical device to expose charges which I think
all the world knows to be false.
Reference has been made to what I think has
been called the moderate tone of the Soviet repre-
sentative in dealing with this subject yesterday.
Mr. Chairman, it is somewhat startling that when
the Soviet representative whispers, to hear the
echoes shout back. The tone which we have heard
from other spokesmen has not been as moderate
and restrained as the whispers of the Soviet repre-
sentative. However, we feel that a lie is just as
false whether it is whispered or shouted.
In an attempt to evade the investigation — and
this repeats a performance with which we have
become familiar and which we saw last summer
in the Security Council — the Soviet representative
and his louder echoes have referred to the Geneva
Protocol and to the desirability of ratifying the
Geneva Protocol.
Mr. Chairman, whose good faith is on trial
here? We are urging an impartial investigation
and an honest method which we Imow — and say
with a sense of responsibility — will expose a lie.
Now, why does the Soviet representative intro-
duce the subject of the Geneva Protocol? It has
nothing to do with the truth or the falsity of the
charges of germ warfare. It is, therefore, an eva-
sion of the point at issue here, a pretext for evad-
ing our suggestion for an investigation. The
question of the ratification of the Geneva Protocol
relates to a quite different, although a very im-
portant matter; that is, what is the most practical,
effective, and honest method of eliminating bac-
teriological weapons and other weapons of mass
destruction from national arsenals.
The Geneva Protocol does not meet the need of
the present difficult world for security against the
use of bacteriological weapons. The protocol
merely collects promises not to use poison gas
and bacteriological weapons first. If every mem-
ber of the United Nations were to sign the Geneva
Protocol and ratify it today, the Soviet Govern-
ment having already hurled the lie about the
United Nations use of germ warfare in Korea
would be free under its own reservations to the
Geneva Protocol to use germ warfare against any
U.N. member. There is no security in such an
arrangement.
The Geneva Protocol permits the continued
manufacture and stockpiling of bacteriological
Draft Resolution on Impartial Investigation
of Germ Warfare Charges*
U.N. doc. A/C. 1/L, 36/Rev. 2
Adopted April 8, 1953
The General AsscmMy,
Noting that accusations have been made by cer-
tain governments and autliorities charfrfng the use
of bacteriological warfare by United Nations forces,
and that the Unified Command for Korea has re-
peatedly denied such charges,
Recallinf! that when the charges were first made
the Unified Command for Korea requested that an
impartial inve.stigation be made of them.
Noting that tlie Central People's Government of
the People's Republic of China and the North Korean
authorities have so far refused to accept an offer
by the International Committee of the Ked Cross
to carry out an investigation,
Noting that the draft resolution submitted in the
Security Council by the Government of the United
States proposing an investigation of these charges
by the International Committee of the Red Cross
failed to carry because of the negative vote of the
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics,
Desiring to serve the interests of truth,
1. Resolves that, after the President of the Gen-
eral Assembly has received an indication from all
the governments and authorities concerned of their
acceptance of the investigation proposed in this
resolution, a Commission composed of Brazil, Egypt,
Pakistan, Sweden, and Uruguay shall be set up and
shall carry out immediately an investigation of the
charges that have been made ;
2. Calls upon the governments and authorities
concerned to enable the Commission to travel freely
throughout such areas of North and South Korea,
the Chinese mainland, and Japan as the Commission
may deem necessary in the performance of its task
and to allow the Commission freedom of access
to such persons, places and relevant documents as
it considers necessary for the fulfillment of its task
and to allow it to examine any witness Including
prisoners of war under such safeguards and con-
ditions as the Commission shall determine : all
prisoners of war who are alleged to have made con-
fessions regarding the use of bacteriological war-
fare shall, prior to examination by the Commission,
be taken to a neutral area and remain under the
responsibility and custody of the Commission until
the end of the Korean hostilities ;
3. Requests the President of the General As-
sembly to transmit this resolution immediately to
the governments and authorities concerned re-
questing them to indicate their acceptance of the
investigation proposed in this resolution ;
4. Requests the President of the General Assem-
bly to report to the General Assembly at the earliest
practicable date on the results of his efforts ;
5. Directs the Commission, when set up, to enlist
the aid of such scientists of international reputa-
tion, especially epidemiologists, and such other
experts as it may select ;
6. Directs the Commission, after acceptance of
the investigation proposed In this resolution by aU
the governments and authorities concerned, to re-
port to the Members of the General Assembly
through the Secretary-General as soon as possible
and no later than 1 September 1953 ;
7. Requests the Secretary-General to furnish the
Commission with the necessary staff and facilities.
*Sponsored hy Australia, Belgium, Canada, Co-
lombia, Ethiopia, France, Greece, Luxembourg,
Netherlands, New Zealand, Philippines, Thailand,
Turkey, Union of South Africa, United Kingdom,
and the United States; adopted by Committee I on
April 8 by a vote of 52-5-3.
April 27, 1953
617
wenpons. It does not provide for international
control to prevent facilities for waging mass germ
warfare from becoming a part of the armaments
of nations.
U.S. Proposal on Disarmament
We think, and we have advised the Disarma-
ment Commission of our view in this regard and
this view has been supported, that the Disarma-
ment Commission should continue its work for
the development by the United Nations of com-
prehensive and coordinated plans providing for
the elimination and prohibition of all major
weapons, including bacteriological, adaptable to
mass destruction.' That is what the General As-
sembly resolution provides, which we voted on
this very morning.* Within the Disarmament
Commission we have repeatedly stated our desire
to provide for effective, honest international con-
trol of bacteriological weapons. We have pointed
out that safeguards must be devised to insure the
elimination of bacteriological weapons, their fa-
cilities and appliances for their production and
their use. We regard it essential that there be
an effective and continuous system of disclosure
and verification of all armed forces and arma-
ments, including the weapons of mass destruction.
This is our program laid before the Disarma-
ment Commission, a program to which my Gov-
ernment is pledged and dedicated to further and
to develop, we hope, to a successful conclusion.
It, therefore, seems clear to my Government as
we come close to a vote on the draft resolution
before us that the procedure we suggest is honest,
that the commission we propose is fair, and that
there is no logical or sensible reason to be found
in evasions.
I challenge the Soviet representative, remind-
ing him that these charges have been made in
Moscow, have been disseminated by Moscow, to
state whether his Government is prepared to sup-
port an impartial investigation of the charges
which the Moscow Eadio and the Communist
newspapers of the Soviet Union have propagated
and disseminated. And I ask him whether the
countries proposed for the commission to conduct
this impartial investigation — Brazil, Egypt,
Pakistan, Sweden, and Uruguay — can be stigma-
tized and slandered?
I believe, Mr. Chairman, that we should proceed
with the resolution. I am confident that the over-
whelming majority of the members of this Com-
mittee will support a procedure which we know
will result in an exposure of an infamous lie.
' For a r^sum$ of U.S. proposals on disarmament, see
ibid., Mar. 30, 1953, p. 477.
* Ibid., Apr. 20, 1953, p. 584.
Trygve Lie's Work Praised;
Welcome Extended to his Successor
Statements by Henry Cahot Lodge, Jr.
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly
Tribute to Trygve Lie
U.S. /U.N. press release dated April 7
On behalf of the Government of the United
States, I wish to express appreciation for the work
of the retiring Secretary-General, Trygve Lie.'
Duriii" his more than 7 years of service to the
United Nations he has given of himself unreserv-
edly to promote the ideals of the Charter. His
difficult task he has carried out with courage, with
energy, and with devotion.
Mr. Lie has generally been regarded as a symbol
of the United Nations. The Preparatory Com-
mission in London in 1945 prophesied that the
United Nations could not prosper nor its aims be
realized without the active and steadfast support
of the peoples of the world, and that the Secretary-
General more than anyone else would stand for
the United Nations as a whole in the eyes of the
world. Mr. Lie has recognized the responsibility
that this concept placed upon his shoulders and he
said, himself, some years later: "The office I hap-
pen to hold — the office of Secretary-General —
stands for the hopes for peace and civilization
that are bound up in the United Nations."
It was Mr. Lie's task to set up the organization
at the very stai't and to make it a going concern.
His was the task of establishing uie precedents
which might guide his successors. He has done
this in a manner which has enhanced the dignity
of his office. He has not failed to look beyond
the immediate problem to the future and he has
taken the initiative in presenting his views on
long-range planning for the United Nations.
The great test of the United Nations itself came
when the organization was faced with the attack
in Korea. The issue was whether the organiza-
tion itself should survive or should perish.
Within 15 hours after the Secretary-General was
informed that a conflict appeared to have broken
out in Korea, he courageously stated his views to
the Security Council. Having asked for a report
from the U.N. Commission in Korea, he told the
Security Council on June 25, 1950, that the situa-
tion was in his view a serious one and a threat to
international peace, and he said : "The Security
Council is, in my opinion, competent to deal with
it. I consider it is the clear duty of the Security
Council to take steps necessary to re-establish
peace in that area."
The 7 years of Mr. Lie's Secretary-Generalship
have presented him with the problems of moving
' Dag Hammarskjold of Sweden was elected by the Gen-
eral Assembly on Apr. 7 to succeed Mr. Lie as Secretary-
General.
618
Department of State Bulletin
the headquarters of the organization from one tem-
porary location to another — from the Henry Hud-
son Hotel to Hunter College, then to Lake Success,
and finally to the new Headquarters building in
which we sit. It was a long way from Church
House in London, where the Preparatory Commis-
sion met, to this Headquarters building. It could
be said that in a way this headquarters is a monu-
ment to Mr. Lie, because under his guidance it
came into being.
However, I suggest that a monument to his work
lies not in stone and glass and mortar. The
United Nations is neither one building nor another.
It is the peoples of the world here meeting through
their representatives on the basis of Charter prin-
ciples. From his first report to the General As-
sembly to his last, Mr. Lie has seen what the
United Nations really is. He said in June of 1946 ^
that it is a machinery through which nations can
cooperate; that it can be used and developed in
the light of its activities and experience to the
untold benefit of humanity or it can be discarded
and broken. And in his last report to us in Sep-
tember of 1952 he stated that so long as the United
Nations exists and functions we can keep alive
the hope and continue the effort for peaceful ad-
justments, for workable bases of coexistence, and
even ultimately for the reconciliation of what to-
day may seem unreconcilable.
I suggest that the true monument to Mr. Lie is
his stated conviction and belief in the principles
of the U.N. Charter.
It could not be an easy task for a man of prin-
ciple and integrity to attempt to administer an
organization composed as it is today of 60 mem-
bers. Differences of opinion are bound to arise
and are to be expected. Mr. Lie's position re-
minds me of the two lines in John Gilpin's ride :
And those behind cried "Forward,"
And those in front cried "Back."
As he takes leave of us, Mr. Lie should have
the satisfaction of knowing that his is a job well-
done. He has not only the grateful thanks of the
U.S. Government — the best wishes of the Ameri-
can people go with him also.
Welcome to Dag Hammarskjold
n.S./U.N. press release dated April 10
It is a pleasure to welcome on behalf of the
United States, Dag Hammarskjold as Secretary-
General. He is, of course, no stranger to the
United Nations, having represented his Govern-
ment here at this very session.
As Secretary-General he will hold a key posi-
tion in an organization to which my Government
attaches the greatest importance. The Secretary-
General, together with his staff, comprises what
the charter calls a principal organ of the United
Nations.
' U.N. doc. A/2141.
ApriJ 27, 1953
Sweden has a great tradition of service by her
citizens in international affairs. Mr. Ham-
marskjold's father, in addition to serving his coun-
try as its Prime Minister and as a judge, has
worked, written, and taught in the field of inter-
national law and international organization. His
father is also the President of the Nobel Founda-
tion, that body which carries on the aspirations of
another great Swede, Alfred Nobel. We all cher-
ish the memory of Count Folke Bernadotte who,
as a U.N. Mediator, laid down his life in the serv-
ice of the United Nations.
In keeping with this tradition, it is most appro-
priate that Mr. Hammarskjold, himself a most
distinguished citizen of Sweden, should be Secre-
tary-General of the United Nations.
The role of the United Nations and therefore
the role of the Secretary-General is as broad as the
entire field of human endeavor. We are fortunate
that Mr. Hammarskjold brings to it not only his
skill as a diplomat and as a minister, but also his
broad experience in economic and financial mat-
ters. All these talents directly relate to important
fields of U.N. work.
As Mr. Hammarskjold takes up his duties he
becomes part of a living organization which has
gone further toward organizing peace and organ-
izing security than any other body in modern his-
tory, and this result has occurred at a time of
great threats to the peace and the security of the
international community.
Today no state can be an island. A web of
interrelations must exist between it and other
states.
Today an international organization must rep-
resent different cultures and different races, al-
though a little over 100 years ago the Council of
Europe was conceived as a group of sovereigns,
products of the same civilization and background,
maintaining the stability of Europe.
Today, as then, we must expect conflict among
people and among states. But that does not mean
that this conflict need be physical. Shifting tides
of power among men and among nations can be
tested by quick access to world public opinion.
That is what the United Nations provides.
From his post the Secretary-General will be
able to see whether the technical advances of pure
science can be balanced through corresponding
advances in the means by which men and nations
can live in peace with their neighbors. To this
quest he can contribute.
No one would tell Mr. Hammarskjold that his
work will be easy. His problems will be even
more numerous than the 60 members of the United
Nations, and as one problem is resolved, others
will appear to take its place. . . .
Mr. Secretary-General ... my Govern-
ment is happy to have cast its vote in favor of
placing this organization— this instrumentality
for peace and security — in your custody.
619
Maintaining Charter Standards for International Civil Servants
Statement hy Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.
U.S. Representative to the Geiieral Assembly ■
U.S./U.N. press release dated March 28
Let US begin by paying tribute to Secretary-
General Lie and to the important and efficient
work done by the staff members of the Secretariat
in this, as well as in past, Assemblies. In 1950,
and again in this General Assembly, I have ob-
served the fine efforts of the men and women who
selflessly and anonymously serve us in our search
for peace.
It is sometimes forgotten that the task under-
taken by Mr. Lie in the organizational period of
the United Nations was nothing short of monu-
mental. That he brought together a staff wliich
met the needs of governments, which were holding
hundreds of meetings, stands to his everlasting
credit. I have every confidence that the U.N.
Secretariat will continue to provide for the needs
of this international organization with increasing
efficiency.
Mr. Lie, in his statement before this Assembly j^^
gave a full report on the problems he has had to
face in a period of world trouble. He dealt in
some detail with his relationships with some of
the member goverimients. My own remarks will
deal less with the past than with the present and
future.
The position of the U.S. Government on this
question is determined by the importance of the
United Nations in American foreign policy. Pres-
ident Eisenhower in his inaugural speech described
the United Nations as "the living sign of all peo-
ples' hopes for peace .... We shall strive to
make it not merely an eloquent symbol but an
effective force." This is the basic instruction of
the U.S. delegation.
If the United Nations is to be an effective force,
it must have the full support of world public
" Made on Mar. 28 in plenary session on the Report of
the Secretary-General on Personnel Policy.
' For a summary of Trygve Lie's statement of Mar 10
see Bulletin of Mar. 23, 1953, p. 452.
opinion. Public opinion and moral force are the
strength of the Organization. We have seen, in
the past, the weight of public opinion in bringing
questions to issue and settlement in the United
Nations.
World public opinion is, in large part, the com-
bined public opinion in the several member states.
Public opinion in the United States is concerned
that the effectiveness of the United Nations may
be impaired because of the existence of a serious
personnel problem. Senator Wiley, chairman of
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, summed
up the general view in the United States when he
said, "There is absolutely no place in the inter-
national secretariat for a single American Com-
munist or any American of doubtful loyalty."
And later on, "the United Nations should not
become a haven for disloyal Americans or for
espionage."
As I said upon presenting my credentials to the
Secretary-General, this essentially administrative
problem has been one of the principal obstacles in
the United States to increased confidence in the
United Nations.
The Secretary-General has demonstrated that
he, also, is fully cognizant of the fact that the
United Nations effectiveness is profoundly influ-
enced by the extent of public faith and confidence
in the Secretariat.
It is because of the fundamental importance of
this problem that the following steps have been
taken :
First: The Secretary-General has dismissed the
individuals whose actions he regarded as a failure
to meet the fundamental obligations of interna-
tional civil servants.
Second: He asked the U.S. Government to fur-
nish him with full information concerning both
present and prospective U.S. members of his staff
so that he can insure that the Charter standards
are met.
620
Department of State Bulletin
Third: The U.S. Government has agreed to un-
dertake investigations necessary to supply the
needed information.
Fourth: These investigations are now in
process.
You have before you in the Report of the Secre-
tary-General ' the procedures which are being fol-
lowed by the U.S. iTOvernment in conducting these
investigations. Although some modification may
be necessary from time to time to assure that U.S.
employees or applicants for the United Nations
are accorded the same protection as employees of
or applicants for the U.S. federal service, the pri-
mary concern here is that the advice provided to
the "Secretary-General by the U.S. Government
will be based on a thorough inquiry into the facts
and that the U.S. Government regards the infor-
mation provided only as advice. While we hope
that the information so provided will prove ade-
quate to permit the Secretary-General responsibly
to reach conclusions similar to those reached by
the U.S. Government, we recognize that the re-
sponsibility for final judgment in the matter rests
solely with the Secretary-General.
The investigations are proceeding rapidly.
Nearly 1,800 investigation forms have been filed,
and investigators are currently working on most
of these cases. I am confident that most of these
investigations will have been completed in the
next few months and that the Secretary-General
will have been furnished the information he has
asked of the U.S. Government by the next regular
session of the General Assembly.
The U.S. Government considers that the issues
raised in the last few months can be satisfactorily
met within the spirit of the Charter by the proce-
dures which the Secretary-General indicates m
his report he will follow in reviewing the infor-
mation to be supplied and by the action he pro-
poses to take on cases where the information dis-
closes the individual is engaging in or is likely
to engage in subversive activities.
Protecting Individual Employees
These procedures do not lose sight of the neces-
sity of protecting the individual employee from
unjust accusation and arbitrary action. We fully
share the concern that many of you have expressed
both privately and publicly that the independence
of the Secretariat must be maintained. We recog-
nize that, in order to do so, employees cannot be
penalized simply because they do not personally
agree with the policies of the particular regime m
power in their country of citizenship. We have
no interest in knowing whether any American m
the Secretariat is Republican or Democrat or
Independent, so long as he meets the Charter
standards of efficiency, competence, and integrity.
However, we do have an interest in knowing
' U.N. doc. A/2364 dated Jan. 30.
ApiW 27, 1953
whether he is a member of a conspiracy dedicated
to the forcible overthrow of our democratic form
of government — and undoubtedly most of you have
a similar interest.
Since the power of selection resides solely in the
Secretary-General and since it seems clear to us
from the Secretai-y-General's Report that the
standards he proposes to apply will protect staff
members against inadequately supported or un-
reliable representations from member govern-
ments, there should be no doubt as to the continued
independence of the Secretariat or the safeguard-
ing of individual rights.
Consequently, the U.S. delegation believes the
Secretary-General should continue to apply the
policies outlined in his report.
Of course, it is probable that all delegations find
certain points of emphasis or detail in the Report
of the Secretary-General with which they may
disagree. There are a number of aspects which
the United States believes could be improved by
amendments. But we consider the Report as a
whole to be acceptable.
Further, some delegations have expressed the
view that there should be a full discussion of the
possibility of a fundamental revision of the Char-
ter provisions relating to the Secretariat. We cer-
tainly are not opposed to such a discussion. But
such a discussion has no direct bearing on the
practical situation we face, which is that tlie Sec-
retary-General is meeting the problem before him
in an effective and forthright manner and should
not be prevented from working out a full solution.
The U.S. delegation believes this Assembly
should take no action which will hinder the Sec-
retary-General in taking whatever action may be
necessary to deal with the existing situation. But,
of course, the United States has no objection — in
fact we welcome it — a further discussion of this
question at the Eighth Session of tlie General
Assembly, such discussion to take fully into ac-
count the developments during the intervening
period.
In order to accomplish these two purposes, the
U.S. delegation has joined with other delegations
in sponsoring a draft resolution which is before
you for consideration.^ The U.S. delegation for
the same reasons will vote against the resolution
proposed by several other delegations, which pro-
poses to suspend any further action on personnel
questions while a detailed study is made by a
committee of 15 members. We consider that such
action by the General Assembly would make it
impossible for the Secretary-General to deal ade-
quately with the personnel problems confronting
the Organization.
Reverting to the Secretary-General's Report for
a moment, there are two questions which have been
' U.N. doc. A/L. 146, dated Mar. 28. The resolution is
sponsored, in addition to the United States, by France and
the United Kingdom.
621
directed to me in private discussion on which com-
ment might be appropriate.
A question has been raised about the conclusion
of the Secretary-General's Report that a refusal,
on the ground of possible self-incrimination, to
testify before public investigatory bodies may be
held to be inconsistent with the obligations of staff
members. Let me, therefore, speak briefly about
the privilege against self-incrimination.
Resolution on Personnel Policy*
U.N. doc. A/Resolution 95
Adopted April 1, 1953
The General Assemily,
Recalling the following provisions of Articles 100
and 101 of the Charter :
Article 100
"1. In the performance of their duties the Secre-
tary-General and the staff shall not seek or receive
instructions from any government or from any other
authority external to the Organization. They shall
refrain from any action which might reflect on their
position as international oflicials responsible only to
the Organization.
"2. Each Member of the United Nations under-
takes to respect the exclu.sively international char-
acter of the responsibilities of the Secretary-General
and the staff and not to seek to influence them in
the discharge of their responsibilities.
Article 101
"1. The staff shall be appointed by the Secretary-
General under regulations established by the General
Assembly.
"3. The paramount consideration in the employ-
ment of the staff and in the determination of the
conditions of service shall be the necessity of secur-
ing the highest standards of efficiency, competence
and integrity. Due regard shall be paid to the im-
portance of recruiting the staff on as wide a geo-
graphical basis as possible",
and
Having reviewed and considered the report of the
Secretary-General on personnel policy (A/2364),
1. Expresses its confidence that the Secretary-
General will conduct personnel policy with these
considerations in mind ;
2. Requests the Secretary-General to submit to
the General-Assembly at its eighth session a report
on the progres.s made in the conduct and develop-
ment of personnel policy, together with the com-
ments of the Advisory Committee on Administrative
and Budgetary Questions thereon ;
3. Invites the Secretary-General and the Advisory
Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Ques-
tions to submit, after appropriate consultations with
the administrative heads of the specialized agencies,
their recommendations as to any further action
that may be required of the General Assembly ;
4. Calls upon all Members of the United Nations
to assist the Secretary-General in the discharge of
his responsibilities as chief administrative officer
of the United Nations.
*Adopted by the General Assembly on Apr. 1
by a vote of 41-13-4-
The Privilege Against Self-incrimination
Many of the nations represented here share with
my country a common tradition of the rule of law
and of jealous concern for the protection of the
rights of individuals against invasion by arbitrary
governmental power. But the conditions and the
manner in which this protection is provided often
vary.
The privilege of witnesses to refuse testimony to
legislative bodies is a case in point. In many,
perhaps in a number of countries legislative bodies
are not generally granted the power to compel the
attendance of witnesses and the jsroduction of rec-
ords and to compel testimony under oath in aid of
independent investigations. Where such powers
are rare, or unknown, the refusal of a citizen to
cooperate in an investigation may well be regarded
as an assertion of a simple right. In such a situa-
tion, to draw inference from the refusal to testify
may appear questionable.
In the United States, however, the position of an
uncooperative witness is quite different. The
power of the legislature and its committees to
make independent investigations and to exercise
the ancillary powers necessary thereto is well estab-
lished and fully recognized both in the written
Constitution and by custom. This power is a
necessary consequence of our constitutional system
with its strict separation of executive, legislative,
and judicial powers. To exercise its responsibili-
ties, the legislature must be able to assure itself of
access to the information it needs directly from the
community. Lacking the power of parliamentary
legislatures where executive and legislative func-
tions coexist in the same people, it need not rely
merely on information made available to it by the
Cabinet. This independent power of the legisla-
ture to ascertain facts has been recognized to be not
an invasion of liberty, but an essential guaranty of
that liberty and of democracy. It is in jpact
broader and less limited than the corresponding
powers vested in the executive. It springs from
our system of separation of powers which, I
believe, exists in no other nation to the extent that
it exists here.
Accordingly, the obligation to cooperate with
legislative investigations and to make available the
information required by legislative bodies is recog-
nized as a fundamental obligation of American
citizenship.
The privilege against self-incrimination is di-
rected primarily at court proceedings and does not
excuse the citizen from his obligation to disclose
information to a legislative committee. The main
purpose of the privilege is the protection of the
individual against being compelled to disclose
facts which may put him in jeopardy of criminal
prosecution. But it may not be invoked as a
means of giving effect to a general objection to any
given investigation, its subject matter, its methods,
or the persons conducting it.
622
Department of Stale Bulletin
Thus it is no violation of any "right" of Ameri-
cans in the Secretariat if the Secretary-General
takes a grave view of failure to respond to legiti-
mate questions by U.S. legislative bodies, particu-
larly if the inquiry is concerned with possible
subversive activities affecting the very safety of
the United States. We do not think any citizen
has a "right" to hold public oflBce ; we consider such
tenure to be a privilege.
In liis Report, the Secretary-General does not
propose to ignore the nature of the questions asked
or to disregard the other information conceiuiing
the individual which may have been made avail-
able to him in determining the consequences of a
refusal to testify. I hope that what I have said
about the obligation of Americans to cooperate
with public investigations may have helped to
demonstrate that the Secretary -General's position
is not only consistent with law but is a policy which
fairly takes into account these considerations about
Americans who fear self-incrimination when asked
about subversion in the United States.
Estimating Personnel Performance
The second question relates to paragraphs 97, 98,
and 99 which state in part : "The Secretary-Gen-
eral should not retain a staff member in the
employment of the United Nations if he has
reasonable grounds for believing that that staff
member is engaging or is likely to engage in sub-
versive activities against the government of any
member state." Wliile this statement and the
accompanying test seem to me to be clear and
unequivocal, I have heard reservations about the
policy of refusing employment to individuals on
grounds of "the likelihood of engaging in subver-
sive activities." This is because it is held to be
almost impossible to make such a determination
with any degree of accuracy. The U. S. Govern-
ment believes that, as in the case of judging any
other factor of probable personnel performance,
one must look at the individual's past record.
Admittedly it is a difficult decision but no more
difficult than an attempt to appraise the courage
and leadership qualities of a soldier or the ability
of a diplomat to respect confidences. All human
actions which include an appraisal of the future
are estimates of likelihood. No one is ever hired
for any job without an estimate of his probable
future performance. There are no absolutes of
judgment, but, if the guide is past performance,
the prediction is likely to be accurate. The pro-
cedures established by the U. S. Government and
by the Secretary-General assure objectivity and
fairness in reaching these decisions. It is for this
purpose that the U. S. Government is investigat-
ing the background, employment history, and
character of present and prospective U. S. citizen
staff members not only as regards loyalty but also
the probability of competent performance. We
wish to provide the Secretary-General with in-
formation on the basis of which he can make as
informed a judgment as possible on this point.
In summary, Mr. President, the position of the
United States is: The U. S. Government does not
believe that persons engaged or who, based on
their past and present record, seem likely to en-
gage in subversive activities against any member
state should be employed in an international
organization. We will do all in our power to
provide the Secretary-General with the informa-
tion necessary to enable him to make a determina-
tion on this matter. This does not constitute, nor
is it intended to constitute, dictation to the Sec-
retary-General or other member governments. It
is a service to the United Nations in the interest of
maintaining a Secretariat which measures up to
standards established in the Charter for inter-
national civil servants.
We, therefore, commend the policies adopted by
the Secretary-General as measures designed to
strengthen the Secretariat and the United Nations
itself to meet the challenges which face us in the
unknown future. In our view, these policies de-
serve a fair trial. The Secretary-General and the
U. S. Government will require time and support
to make them effective. The General Assembly
will be able to judge the value of the policy by
their results. World public opinion as well as
U. S. public opinion will have an opportunity to
judge the results. I am confident that these pol-
icies will prove themselves in the main test. They
will serve to make the United Nations an effective
force.
Accordingly, I urge you to approve the draft
resolution of which my delegation is a co-sponsor.
Greece Unifies Exchange System
The Government of Greece has consulted the
International Monetary Fund on unification of its
exchange system.
Effective April 9, Greece eliminated all multiple
currency practices and adjusted the official ex-
change rate from 15,000 drachmas per U.S. dollar
to 30,000 drachmas per U.S. dollar.
The Fund welcomes and concurs in the action
proposed by the Greek Government to unify its
exchange system by the elimination of its multiple
currency practices and adjustment of the Greek
official exchange rate.
The Fund notes that this unification of the ex-
change system has been made possible by the de-
termination of the Greek Government to achieve
monetary stability through the pursuance of an
internal stabilization program. The Fund con-
siders that these policies should contribute to the
further development of the Greek economy, but
wishes to emphasize the importance of continuing
firm anti-inflationary measures.
April 27, J 953
623
The United States in tlie United Nations
[April 2-16]
General Assembly
By a secret vote of 57-1-1, the General Assem-
bly on April 7 confirmed the Security Council's
recommendation for the appointment of Dag
Hammarskjold of Sweden as the new U.N.
Secretary-General. He was sworn in on April 10.
At the April 7 meeting, V. K. Krishna Menon
of India referred to the developments in Korea
and expressed the hope that the U.N. Command
would keep the United Nations informed of the
status of negotiations. At tlie request of President
Pearson, Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.,
reported briefly on behalf of the Unified Command
on the recent events that had encouraged "all of
us who seek peace in Korea." (For text, see
Bulletin of Apr. 20, 1953, p. 574.)
On April 8 the Assembly voted 52-5 (Soviets) -3
to continue the Disarmament Commission, after
accepting a Soviet amendment deleting from the
text a commendation of the Commission's work.
Anotlier Soviet proposal to omit a reference to
the General Assembly resolution establishing the
Commission was rejected by a vote of 10-33
(U.S.)-13.
The Czechoslovak resolution condemning al-
leged U.S. interference in the internal affairs of
certain states was rejected, 5-41-14.
Committee I {Political and Security) — By a
vote of 52-5 (Soviet bloc)-3 (Burma, India, In-
donesia), the Committee on April 8 adopted the
joint resolution establishing a commission com-
posed of Brazil, Egypt, Pakistan, Sweden, and
Uruguay to make an impartial inquiry into charges
of the use of germ warfare. ( For text, see p. 617.)
General debate on the Polish omnibus item
opened on April 9, with Stanislaw Skrzesewski
(Poland) as first speaker. He explained that the
recent Communist Chinese and North Korean pro-
posals offered a basis for the solution of the
Korean and related problems, and he therefore
introduced a revised text of the original Polish
draft to take into account the changed state of
affairs. The revised version recommended "the
immediate resumption of truce negotiations . . .
it being understood that . . . the parties will
624
exert every effort to reach agreement on the ques-
tion of the exchange of sick and wounded prison-
ers of war and . . . of prisoners of war as a whole,
endeavoring thereby to remove the obstacles
preventing the termination of the war in Korea."
Andrei Vyshinsky (U.S.S.R.) then made a
lengthy speech during which he declared that the
Soviet Union still adhered to the principle that all
prisoners must be repatriated, regardless of their
desires. He further stated that the U.S.S.R. rec-
ognized the fairness and justice of Chou En-lai's
proposal that prisoners resisting repatriation
should be sent to a neutral country (Bulletin of
Apr. 13, 1953, p. 526). He emphasized his coun-
try's desire for peace and the incompatibility of
Nato with this objective, as had the Polish repre-
sentative. Mr. Vyshinsky also endorsed the re-
maining part of the Polish resolution, which
called for a one-third reduction of all armed forces
and unconditional prohibition of atomic weapons;
called upon states which had not done so to ac-
cede to or ratify the Geneva Protocol of 1925;
asked the General Assembly to declare participa-
tion m Nato incompatible with U.N. membership;
and called for a five-power "peace" pact.
Commenting briefly, Ernest A. Gross (U.S.)
said the Vyslunsky speech was reminiscent of a
past which the new Soviet leaders profess was a
bygone past. The Soviet intervention seemed to
him stale, dull, and regressive. As for the Po-
lish text, it contained only all the old slogans
which the Soviet Union had offered at previous
sessions — no more and no less.
Speaking again on April 10, Ambassador Gross
told the Committee that U.N. debate on a Korean
armistice at the present time would not facilitate
the Panmunjom negotiations. He attributed the
current conciliatory Soviet gestures to the West's
policy of strength and unity and declared the
Polish proposals would contribute nothing to the
quest for agreement.
On April 14, the Brazilian delegation circulated
a draft resolution noting with satisfaction that
agreement had been reached on the exchange of
sick and wounded prisoners of war in Korea, ex-
pressing hope that the exchange would promptly
be effected and that further negotiations at Pan-
Department of Sfafe BuHetin
munjoni would result in an early armistice, and
proposing to recess the present session after com-
pletion of current agenda items until the signing
of an armistice or other developments in Korea
require Assembly consideration.
Henrique de Souza Gomes (Brazil) on April 15
offered a clarification of the motives behind his
delegation's proposal. In view of the recent
change in the international atmosphere, it seemed
necessary to reevaluate the situation and to explore
every possible means likely to alleviate pi'esent
world tensions. He cautioned, however, that it
would be futile to ignore the very serious diver-
gencies still prevalent.
The Brazilian draft singled out the problem of
the Korean armistice because the delegation
thought this was the most "burning" question,
which at the same time held the highest hopes of
settlement, he explained. He added that this
settlement was an essential step in preventing a
new world war or the extension of present con-
flicts. A "modest" approach between despair and
unwarranted optimism guided the delegation in
its desire to enunciate certain points which had
found unanimous support.
Mr. Vyshinsky, after renewing his delegation's
attack on Nato and on Western disarmament pro-
posals and noting that the U.N. commander in
Korea had not yet replied to the Communists' re-
quest for the resumption of peace talks, said that
the Brazilian draft was worthy of the most care-
ful study and attention.
Ambassador Gross (U.S.) refuted the familiar
charges as to Nato and disarmament; he then
welcomed Mr. Vyshinsky's apparent intention to
support the Brazilian proposal, which the United
States also endorsed.
Economic and Social Council
The Council on April 2 adopted in four separate
votes the U.S. resolution requesting the Secretary-
General to invite Libya, Spain, Nepal, and the Re-
public of Korea to attend the Conference on the
Limitation of the Production of Opium scheduled
to begin May 11. The invitations to Libya and
Nepal were approved unanimously ; that to Spain
by a vote of 13-4 (U.S.S.R., Poland, Uruguay,
Yugoslavia)-l (India) ; and that to the Republic
of Korea by a vote of 14-2 (U.S.S.R., Poland)-2
(India, Yugoslavia).
Walter Kotschnig (U.S.) on April 6 introduced
a resolution on international cooperation on car-
tography, noting the Secretary-GeneraPs report
and the efforts made by governments to stimulate
accurate surveying and mapping of their terri-
tories. The draft requested continuance of the
Secretary-General's consultations regarding the
holding of regional cartographic conferences and
also the submission in due course of a report to
the Council on such consultations. Mr. Kotsch-
nig explained that the United States felt that
priority should be given to poorly mapped areas,
especially Asia, the Far East, and the Middle
East. "Work already under way by a Pan Amer-
ican body met the needs of Latin America, he
added, indicating that this region would not re-
quire U.N. interest.
India suggested an amendment to the U.S. text
which would provide for the Secretary-General's
consultations to cover also the adoption of a
standard method of writing geographic names on
maps. Following U.S. acceptance of the Indian
amendment, the draft was approved by a vote of
15-2 (U.S.S.R., Poland)-! (Belgium).
Other resolutions adopted on April 6 included
a U.K. draft asking further work on the Inter-
national Map of the World on the Millionth Scale
and a proposal that Ecosoc should grant the free-
dom-of-information rapporteur's request for
access to communications dealing with freedom of
information.
On April 9 the Council completed action on the
trade-union-rights item by approving a five-part
U.K.-Swedish proposal providing, among other
things, for automatic referral of complaints con-
cerning Ilo members to the Ilo Governing Body
for consideration, noting the U.S.S.R. failure to
cooperate in answering allegations, reiterating a
request to Spain and Rumania to cooperate, dis-
missing the allegation concerning Trieste as not
meriting further examination, and inviting the
competent authorities of the Saar to submit
observations on a new allegation.
At the same session, Mr. Wadsworth announced
that the United States was unable to grant per-
mission to representatives of the Women's Inter-
national Democratic Federation and the World
Federation of Trade Unions to enter the United
States for the purpose of attending U.N. sessions.
Following is the text of his statement :
I am instructed by my Government to state that it has
found it impossible to grant the recent application of
Mrs. Margarette Lucliock, a representative of the Wom-
en's International Democratic Federation, and Mr. Jan
Dessau, a representative of the World Federation of
Trade Unions, for admission to the United States to
attend sessions of United Nations bodies, including the
Economic and Social Council, at United Nations Head-
quarters in Nevp York. In denying these applications,
my Government has found it necessary to invoke the
right to safeguard its security which it reserved to itself
in Section 6 of the Joint Kesolution (Public Law 357)
of the 80th Congress, which authorized the United States
to enter into the Headquarters Agreement, and in the
note of its Representative, dated November 21, 1947, bring-
ing the Headquarters Agreement into effect. My Govern-
ment is communicating with the Secretary-General of
the United Nations in reply to his inquiry dated March
19. 1953 concerning the application of Mrs. Luckock.
I wish to assure you that, in denying these visa ap-
plications, my Government has acted only after the most
careful consideration and in full recognition of the re-
sponsibilities which it has assumed towards the United
Nations.
April 27, 1953
625
A U.S. draft resolution deferring decision on a
U.N. narcotics laboratory pending study before
Ecosoc's 18th session by an expert committee and
the Narcotics Commission was approved on April
10. At the same meeting, the Commission con-
firmed members of functional commissions and
agreed unanimously to invite Italy to accede to
the Convention on the Death of Missing Persons.
Eugene Black, president of the International
Bank for Reconstruction and Development, pre-
sented the bank's annual report on April 14, and
five resolutions relating to the Population Com-
mission's work were approved. At the next day's
meeting, the Council considered two reports of
the Technical Assistance Committee and ap-
proved the resolution deciding that the new
method of obtaining payment toward the living
costs of experts recommended by the Tag should
be substituted for the existing one not later than
January 1954.
Proposals for Agreement
on Cartel Practices
Press release 17,5 dated April 6
The Ad Hoc Committee on Restrictive Business
Practices of the U.N. Economic and Social Council
(Ecosoc) has released its report containing the
Committee's proposals for an international agree-
ment to prevent harmful cartel practices.^ The
report, which has been under preparation for over
a year, will provide the basis for further dis-
cussions by the Council at its 16th session this
summer.
Tlie Conimittee proposes that countries agree
to take action and cooperate with each other to
prevent restrictive business practices affecting in-
ternational trade having demonstrably harmful
effects. These practices would be subject to in-
quiry upon complaint to determine whether such
harmful effects were present. Practices involved
would, for example, include agreements among
competing business firms to abide by certain prices,
not to make or sell more than specified amounts, or
not to sell in specified geographic areas.
The Committee, operating as a group of experts,
has had the assignment of preparing these pro-
posals for the consideration of governments. The
Ecosoo discussions should reveal whether these
proposals form the basis for the negotiation of an
international agreement acceptable to govern-
ments. Governments will use the interval between
now and the summer session of Ecosoc to review
the report. This interval will provide an oppor-
tunity for discussion of its contents with interested
U.S. groups.
The Committee was established by resolution of
Ecosoc in the summer of 195 1.^ This resolution,
' U.N. doc. E/2380, E/AC. 37/3.
Bulletin of Oct. 8, 1951, p. 595.
626
which was introduced by the United States, rec-
ommended to members of the United Nations that
they take appropriate measures and cooperate with each
other, to prevent . . . business practices affecting inter-
national trade which restrain competition, limit access to
niarliets, or foster monopolistic control, whenever such
practices have harmful effects on the expansion of pro-
duction or trade, on the economic development of under-
developed areas, or on standards of living.
The Committee, consisting of representatives of
Belgium, Canada, France, India, Mexico, Paki-
stan, Sweden, the United Kingdom, the United
States, and Uruguay, was established to develop
proposals as to methods to be adopted by interna-
tional agreement to implement this recommenda-
tion.
The U.S. position has been that this sort of
trade restriction should be eliminated. Healthy
and active competition provides a spur for lower
costs, lower prices, and higher productivity, which
in turn lead to greater trade and increasing stand-
ards of living. In this Government's view, re-
strictive business practices can have harmful ef-
fects on international trade similar to those of
governmental barriers such as quotas and excessive
tariffs. In proposing to Ecosoc that this action
be taken, the United States had in mind that such
practices often cannot be dealt with effectively by
one nation alone under its own domestic laws, and
that therefore supplementary international action
IS needed to cope with the portions of the problem
wliich he beyond a single country's jurisdiction.
The Committee held sessions in January, April,
and September of last year. Its final session
started on January 12 of this year and continued
through February 21. In summary, the plan
which the Committee has developed provides that,
on the complaint of any country, a practice al-
leged to have harmful effects would be subject to
inquiry in order to determine whether such effects
actually exist. This determination would be made
m the light of facts submitted by governments.
These facts would be obtained by each government
in accordance with its own procedures and would
be assembled for analysis. Representatives of
governments participating in the agreement would
determine on the basis of this analysis wliether the
practice complained of had a harmful effect in the
light of the objectives of the agreement. If they
so found, the governments concerned would be
requested to take remedial action.
The governments participating in the agreement
would undertake to adopt measures by legislation
or otherwise to carry out the purposes of the
agreement. Each government would further agree
to take full account of the findings and recom-
mendations transmitted to it concerning specific
business practices, to take the action it considered
appropriate, having regard to its obligations under
the agreement, and, if in any instance it did not
act, to state the grounds for its inaction.
The agreement would apply to the business prac-
tices of commercial enterprises whether publicly
Department of State Bulletin
or privately owned. It would not apply to busi-
ness practices specifically required by govern-
ments, but, where some governments impose such
a requirement and others do not the agreement
might be applied at the discretion of the partici-
pating countries. Moreover, the effects of such
aovernmentally imposed restrictive practices
might be brought to the attention of countries that
had imposed the requirement.
Copies of the Committee's report may be ob-
tained from U.N. Headquarters. The Govern-
ment will be glad to receive the views of those
interested in the report and to answer inquiries
directed to it. Any interested groups which desire
to discuss the proposals of the Committee with the
Government will be given an opportunity to do so.
Requests may be addressed to the Secretary of the
Interdepartmental U.N. Economic Committee,
Department of State. Views which are received
will be taken fully into account when a position
is formulated for the Council discussions.
Adult Education Seminar
To Convene at Ciudad Trujillo
Press release 188 dated April 10
The U.S. Government has accepted the invita-
tion of the Government of the Dominican Eepub-
lic to send a representative to a Seminar on Adult
Education which will be convened at Ciudad Tru-
jillo on April 14, 19&3. Dr. Bess Goodykoontz,
who is the Director of Comparative Education,
Division of International Education, Office of
Education, Federal Security Agency, has been
designated U.S. representative at the seminar.
The purpose of the seminar is to provide an
opportunity for specialists from the American
Eepublics to review recent progress and consider
specific aspects in the education of adults. The
participants will discuss the fundamental educa-
tion of the adult, including techniques for teach-
ing adults how to read and write, and national
literacy campaigns; the primary school and its
role in the prevention of adult illiteracy ; expand-
t ing cultural opportunities for adults, by such
' means as night schools, educational motion pic-
tures and radio and television broadcasts, and
public libraries; programs and means for im-
proving, adult life in industry and agriculture as
well as in the home and the community ; and the
relation of adult education to international peace.
The seminar is being convened on the initiative
of the Government of the Dominican Eepublic,
pursuant to a 1952 resolution of the U.N. Educa-
tional, Scientific and Cultural Organization which
recommended that member governments develop
activities in adult education in their respective
countries and that they hold regional and national
meetings on the subject.
April 27, 1953
Current United Nations Documents:
A Selected Bibliography '
General Assembly
Report of the Secretary-General on Personnel Policy.
Note bv the Secretarv-General. A/2366, Mar. 4, 1953,
3 pp. liimeo and A/2367, Mar. 4, 1953, 11 pp. mimeo.
Korea (a) Reports of the United Nations Commission
for the Unification and Reliabilitation of Korea, (b)
Reports of the United Nations Agent General for
Korean Reconstruction. Supplementary report of the
First Committee. A/2368, Mar. 9, 1953. 6 pp. mimeo.
Methods Which Might Be Used To Maintain and
Strengthen International Peace and Security in Ac-
cordance With the Purposes and Principles of the
Charter: Report of the Collective Measures Com-
mittee. Report of the First Committee. A/2370,
Mar. 17, 1953. 3 pp. mimeo.
Regulation, Limitation and Balanced Reduction of All
Armed Forces and All Armaments: Report of the
Disarmament Commission. Report of the First Com-
mittee. A/2373, Mar. 23, 1953. 5 pp. mimeo.
Question of Impartial Investigation of Charges of Use
by United Nations Forces of Bacteriological Warfare.
Letter dated 5 March 19.53 from the Head of the dele-
gation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
addressed to the President of the General Assembly.
A/C.1/L.28, Mar. 12, 1953. 17 pp. mimeo.
Security Council
Letter Dated 28 February 1953 From the Minister for
Foreign Affairs of Syria Addressed to the Secretary-
General Concerning the Report Dated 30 October 1952
of the Chief of Staff of the Truce Supervision Organ-
ization (S/2S33). S/2956, Mar. 12, 1953. 10 pp.
mimeo. , ^ ._^ c -4.
Decisions Taken and Resolutions Adopted by the becurity
Council During the Year 1952. S/INF/7, Feb. 20,
1953. 7 pp. mimeo.
Trusteeship Council
United Nations Visiting Mission to Trust Territories in
West Africa 1952. Report on Procedures of Visiting
Missions. T/1044. Mar. 16, 1953. 9 pp. mimeo.
List of Documents Circulated by the Secretary-General
Pursuant to Rules 24 and 85, Paragraph 2 of the Rules
of Procedure. Memorandum prepared by the Secre-
tariat. T/C.2/L.27, Mar. 5, 1953. 19 pp. mimeo.
Economic and Social Council
Allegations Regarding Infringements of Trade_ Union
Ri-'hts Received Under Council Resolution 2(7 (X).
Communications received from the General Workers
Union of British Honduras. E/2333/Add.27, Feb. 24,
19.53. 5 pp. mimeo. ^ ^ i:< /oq-i /
Report of the International Monetary Fund. l<./2dol/
Add.l, Jlar. 5, 1953. 7 pp. mimeo.
» Printed materials may be secured in the United States
from the International Documents Service, Columbia
University Press. 2960 Broadway, New York 2i, N. y.
Other materials (mimeoffraphed or processed documents)
may be consulted at certain designated libraries in the
United States. . , . v,,- i ., „„
The United Nations Secretariat has established an
OflBcial Records series for the General Assembly, the
Security Council, the Economic and Social Council, the
Trusteeship Council, and the Atomic Energy Commission,
which includes summaries of proceedings, resolutions, and
reports of the various commissions and committees. In-
formation on securing subscriptions to the series may be
obtained from the International Documents Service.
627
Senate Begins Consideration of NATO Treaties
On April 7 the Senate Committee on Foreign
Relations began its consideration of three NATO
treaties: The Status of Forces Agreement, the
Protocol thereto on International Military Head-
quarters, and the Agreement on the Status of
NA TO Forces.
Expressions of support for the treaties came in
the form of a statement made before the Com-
mittee by Under Secretary Smith and in a letter
addressed by Ambassador William H. Draper, Jr.
U.S. special representative in Europe, to Senator
Alexander Wiley, Chairman of the Committee on
t oreign Relations.
Fotlowing are the texts of Under Secretary
kmiths statement; President Eisenhower'' s mes-
sage transmitting to the Senate the Protocol on
MUitary Headquarters, together with Secretary
Dulles'' letter forwarding the Protocol to the Presi-
dent; and Ambassador Draper's letter to Senator
Wiley.
UNDER SECRETARY SMITH'S STATEMENT
OF APRIL 7
Press release 177 dated April 7
I am here to support three documents which
you are now considering: The Nato Status of
-borces Agreement/ the Protocol thereto on Mili-
tary Headquarters/ and the Agreement on the
btatus of the North Atlantic Treaty Or^aniza-
tion.3 ■' *=
Secretary Dulles has asked me to express his
regrets that, because of the arrival of Chancellor
Adenauer today, he cannot appear before you
1 know that he would have liked to have per-
sonally expressed his strong support for the early
ratification of these three treaties.
We have here three treaties designed to trans-
late policy into action. These are multilateral
treaties, consonant with our obligations under the
U.N. Charter and under the North Atlantic
Treaty. They were negotiated within the North
' S. Rxec. T, 82(1 Cong., 2d sess
S. Exec. B, 83d Cong., 1st sess.
S. Kxeo. U, 82d Cong., 2d sess.
628
Atlantic Treaty Organization in order to estab-
lish a uniform basis for dealing with a large num-
ber of the legal and administrative problems
which have naturally arisen in connection with
operations of the Organization. The United
States was one of the leaders in developing the
text of these treaties. I hope that the United
States will, by adopting these treaties, continue to
evidence its support of this vital collective-se-
curity effort and its leadership in seeking prac-
tical solutions for practical problems.
The treaties under consideration provide for
the operations of Nato forces, Nato headquarters,
and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization it-
.self.
First, there is the Agreement on the Status of
Forces, signed at London on June 19, 1951. This
agreement is intended to establish a uniform basis
of responsibilities, rights, and privileges appli-
cable to the forces of the respective Nato coun-
tries and related civilians while in the territory of
other Nato countries.
The second agreement is a protocol to the Status
of Forces Agreement. It establishes the entity of
the integrated military headquarters of N.ato and
creates certain responsibilities, rights, and privi-
leges necessary for their operations within the
territory covered by the North Atlantic Treaty.
The third agreement deals with the North At-
lantic Treaty Organization itself, its international
staff and national representatives thereto and es-
tablishes the responsibilities, rights, and privile"-es
that will govern them. I should like to speak
briefly about the major aspects of each of these
documents m turn.
Status of Forces Agreement
Turning first to the Agreement on the Status
of Nato Forces, it is noteworthy that this ao-ree-
ment, like the North Atlantic Treaty effort itself,
is precedent-making. Never before have peace-
loving nations dedicated themselves to a peace-
time effort which would integrate their defense
preparations. This concept of integrated defense
planning gives greater defensive strength for the
same amount of expenditure in manpower, mate- I
nel, and money. Naturally, it involves the poten-
Department of State Bulletin
tial stationing and movement of forces of each of
the North Atlantic Treaty nations in the territory
of any one of them, as Nato phxns are directed
toward the defense of the whole North Atlantic
Treaty area.
The administrative problems connected with the
stationing of foreign forces in the territory of any
member Nato state are manifold. An orderly
basic system of rights, responsibilities, and proce-
dures must be established for the following
reasons: (1) to reduce the administrative burden
on the troop commanders ; (2) to reduce to a mini-
mum the area of possible dispute between countries
who send troops and countries who receive them ;
(3) to insure that the people of the countries who
receive troops are protected as to life, limb, prop-
erty, and security from acts of foreign troops or
civilians.
We have had arrangements concluded in war-
time on these legal and administrative subjects
governing our troops abroad both in World War I
and World War II. Such arrangements are quite
different from the treaties before you, which are
intended to govern deployments for the indefinite
period of the cold war. Provisions that were
proper for agreements negotiated in wartime
obviously could not be expected to be applied to
this different operation. We have secured the best
possible terms for these circumstances. They ai'e
very good terms. They will provide a firm and
uniform base in lieu of the varied informal,
interim, and ad hoc arrangements which have gov- -
erned our present deployments abroad pending
action on this treaty.
Each country, of course, has had to reconcile its
desires to have maximum rights for its troops
abroad with its natural inclination to grant mini-
mum privileges to other troops coming to its terri-
tory. The controlling idea has been to provide a
reasonable and just basis that would serve the pur-
poses I have just outlined.
The resulting agreement therefore represents,
as do all three agreements, a giving and a taking
on the part of all. Insofar as it affects the United
States, I believe that it both protects our interests
as a nation sending troops abroad and as a nation
receiving foreign troops here.
This agreement covers all members of the armed
forces of any Nato nation, civilians employed by
those armed forces and serving with them, and
their immediate dependents, while in other Nato
nations under orders. It establishes very clearly
that these persons must respect the law of the
foreign country in which they may be stationed.
It then deals with a number of aspects of rights,
responsibilities, and privileges, and with your
permission I should like to refer to certain of the
most important aspects which are covered.
We had to develop arrangements that would
permit ready movement of military forces in
peacetime across international borders. At the
same time, those procedures could not overlook
Apri7 27, 1953
the security interests of the nations receiving
forces. Although the result has been to exempt
military personnel from passport and visa regu-
lations and immigration inspection as well as from
alien registration control laws, this does not mean
that security will be neglected. Military person-
nel must be appropriately identified, of course.
I can assure the Committee that screening proce-
dures are being established and that an interim
procedure has been adopted for immediate appli-
cation which all interested agencies of the execu-
tive branch are agreed on as appropriate and
adequate for that purpose. If the circumstances
require, any state may arrange the removal of
any individual from its territory.
The problem of jurisdiction in cases of criminal
offenses had to be settled. Even as this country
did not wish to surrender all of its rights with
respect to criminal jurisdiction for offenses com-
mitted by foreign forces here, other countries
were reluctant to totally surrender their rights.
At the same time, it was fully appreciated that
the government which sends persons abroad would
wish to insure that any trials of its personnel
were appropriately conducted.
The result was the creation of a system of juris-
diction that provides that offenses committed in
performance of duty, or treason, or espionage
against his own country, will subject a person to
trial by his own authorities. Other offenses
against the law of the foreigri country where a
man is stationed will be subject to trial in the
foreign courts, but the foreign government must
give sympathetic consideration to requests for
waiver of that right. The normal safeguards of
fair trial— the right of counsel, the right to a
fair and speedy trial, the right to procure wit-
nesses, and protection against double jeopardy-
are expressly covered.
The Committee is aware that under the adniin-
istrative agreement with Japan we agreed to im-
mediately conclude with Japan, at its option, once
we have ratified this Status of Forces Agreement,
an agreement on criminal jurisdiction similar to
the provisions of this agreement.
The subject of claims is a complex and technical
one. Again, we had to resolve these problems on
a basis of practicality and equity. The provisions
on claims had to be clearly established in order
that the rights of the citizenry as well as the
states covered by the agreement would be pro-
tected. The procedures adopted result in the
sharing of liability in cases of normal military
operations and the appropriate determination of
responsibility on an equitable basis in other cases.
The treaty sets forth a number of procedures
designed to safeguard the economy of the country
receiving foreign forces from the impact of uncon-
trolled local purchasing, and similar operations.
Reasonable and practical channels of dealing with
the civilian community are established.
I know that the Congress has been interested
629
in the subject of tax relief. The treaty neither
provides nor precludes general tax relief on ex-
penditures for the common defense. The execu-
tive brancli has concluded a series of arrangements
with pertinent Nato countries, parties to this
agreement, which provide for relief from taxes
upon such U.S. expenditures. Copies of these
arrangements are available.
The treaty provides for the contingency that
operations in time of hostilities may require dif-
ferent arrangements. Provision is made for
necessary moclifications.
The grant and receipt of certain customs exemp-
tions and of freedom from certain customs pro-
cedures are covered, and other administrative
privileges and immunities are set forth in the
agreements.
In summation of this agreement then, we find
that procedures are established which will reduce
possible areas of frictions and eliminate the
worries of governments and populations as to the
conduct of foreign troops upon their soil. Some
such procedures are essential. These procedures
appear reasonable, equitable, and just. In con-
sidering them from a practical point of view, the
Senate will also wish to recall that the stationing
of large numbers of foreign forces in the United
States is probably not indicated, whereas we have
many people abroad.
Protocol on Military Headquarters
I should like to turn now to the Protocol on
Military Headquarters. This protocol is neces-
sary because of the international character which
necessarily attaches to the military headquarters
of an integrated force.
This protocol will apply to the respective head-
quarters of the Supreme Allied Commanders of
Nato. These will include General Ridgway's
Headquarters in Paris, Admiral McCormick's
Headquarters at Norfolk, Va., and the Headquar-
ters of the Commanders-in-Chief of the Channel
Command in England. It will also cover head-
quarters immediately under them and such other
subordinate headquarters as the North Atlantic
Council determines.
Because it is desirable to consider these head-
quarters as separate entities, they are given the
right to acquire property, make contracts and
the capacity to sue and be sued.
In general, persons attached to these headquar-
ters by the respective Nato nations and their
civilian components and employees are given
rights and responsibilities parallel with those
created in favor of individuals and forces covered
by the Nato Status of Forces Agreement.
A few points of difference are noteworthy.
The International Headquarters are given no ju-
risdiction to handle criminal cases, certain claims
matters, and certain other administrative matters
in their own right — these remain the responsi-
bility of the state attaching the individual to the
headquarters. For obvious reasons of military
security, the records of the headquarters are de-
clared to be immune from process.
And, as in the case of the Status of Forces Agree-
ment, provision is made for change in the protocol
in case of actual hostilities.
Again, and before leaving our consideration
of the protocol, we should note that this action
is precedent-making. We know of no peacetime
situation where integrated international head-
quarters of a military nature have been estab-
lished. Friction between headquarters and the
countries where they are situated, over adminis-
trative matters, would deter sorely the Nato de-
fense effort. The procedui^es established in this
agreement present a sound basis to eliminate that
difficulty.
Agreement on NATO
The third agreement is the one dealing with the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization itself. The
provisions of the agreement give to the Organiza-
tion legal stature with powers and obligations
consistent with its functions. In many respects
it assimilates the Organization to a diplomatic
mission and provides appropriate status for the
international staff and members of delegations
to the Organization.
The agreement is necessary if the respective
delegations and representatives to the Nato and
their staffs, together with the international secre-
tariat and subordinate bodies of the Organization,
are to perform their functions.
The Council and the subsidiary bodies concerned
are the entities covered by the treaty. Most of
these are situated at Paris. A few others are
situated elsewhere in Europe. At the present
time the only entities covered by this treaty and
situated in the United States are the Standing
Group of the Military Committee and the Mili-
tary Kepresentatives Committee which are located
in Washington. The Military Headquarters, as
we have already noted, are covered by the special
protocol dealing with them.
The agreement includes safeguards to assure
cooperation and respect for local laws. Provision
is made for waiver of immunity from process, and
each nation retains an unabridged right to require
any person who abuses any privilege to leave its
territory.
There are provisions in this agreement, as in
the case of the Protocol on Military Headquarters,
which authorize the United States to enter into
an arrangement with the Organization providing
that the United States may employ and tax its
own citizens. The United States has entered into
such arrangements.
I have mentioned the most important parts of
these agreements. They deal with matters of
interest to various government agencies and have
630
Departmenf of Sfaie Bulhfin
oeen negotiated in consultation with the Depart-
ments of Justice, Defense, and Treasury, whose
representatives are also present here.
A bill to implement the claims provisions of
the treaties has been transmitted to the Congress.*
The interested agencies are agreed that they do
not require, and do not plan to submit, further
legislation to implement any of the proposed
treaties.
I would like to refer to the respective messages
of the President transmitting these agreements to
the Senate, as well as to the letters of the Secre-
tary of State forwarding them to the President,
and to say that I support the statements contained
therein. . .
In conclusion I want to express my appreciation
for this opportunity to appear before this Com-
mittee, to assure you of the desire of the Depart-
ment of State to be as helpful as possible in ex-
plaining any matters connected with these
proposals, and to submit to this Committee my
personal belief that the early ratification of these
agreements will be a step forward in the integra-
tion of the North Atlantic Treaty area.
The Nato nations are agreed that the early rati-
fication of these agreements is desirable. Already
there are three ratifications of the Status of Forces
and Civilian Agreements, and one of the protocol.
In the interest of setting up fair and equitable
ground rules under which nationals of one country
can be stationed in and work in the territory of
other countries, in furtherance of the vital Nato
defense effort, I consider these agreements desir-
able and in the best interests of the vital foreign
policy of the United States.
MESSAGE FROM PRESIDENT EISENHOWER
TO THE SENATE^
The White Hottse,
February 27, 1953.
With a view to receiving the advice and consent
of the Senate to ratification, I transmit herewith
a certified copy of a protocol on the status of Inter-
national Military Headquarters set up pursuant
to the North Atlantic Treaty, signed at Paris on
August 28, 1952. This document is a protocol to
the agreement regarding status of forces of parties
of the North Atlantic Treaty, and is related to the
agreement on the status of the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization, both previously transmitted
* Reference here is to draft legislation transmitted by
the Department of Defense on Jan. 19 entitled "A Bill
To Provide for the Orderly Settlement of Certain Claims
Arising Out of Acts or Omissions of Civilian Employees
and MUitary Personnel of the United States in ForeigQ
Countries and of Civilian Employees and Military Per-
sonnel of Foreign Countries in the United States, and for
other purposes."
" S. Exec. B, 83d Cong., 1st sess. President Truman s
Messages to the Senate and forwarding letters sent to him
by Secretary Acheson are contained in S. Exec. T, 82d
Cong., 2d sess., and S. Exec. U, 82d Cong., 2d sess.
AprW 27, J 953
to the Senate in the second session of the 82d
Congress.
The Status of Forces Agreement of 1951 and the
present protocol, as well as the companion agree-
ment relating to the status of the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization itself, are necessary parts of
the new machinery we need to carry forward the
vital program for the integrated defense forces of
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. These
are multilateral agreements and thus provide that
basis of uniformity in these fields which is essential
for Nato and its integrated operations. While
these agreements do not in every respect reflect the
maximum desires of each country, and to that
extent represent certain compromises on the part
of all, it is my considered belief that they provide
a workable, equitable, and desirable framework
for Nato activities and peacetime Nato military
operations. The early acceptance of these agree-
ments by the Nato nations is very important to the
furtherance of the Nato collective-defense effort.
I also transmit, for the information of the
Senate, the report made to me by the Secretary of
State regarding this protocol.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhowek
SECRETARY DULLES' FORWARDING LETTER
TO THE PRESIDENT'
Department of State,
February 25, 1953.
I have the honor to submit to you a certified
copy of a protocol on the status of International
Military Headquarters set up pursuant to the
North Atlantic Treaty, signed at Paris on August
28, 1952, with the recommendation that it be trans-
mitted to the Senate for its advice and consent to
ratification. . .
The protocol has as its purpose the definition ot
the status of any Supreme Headquarters or Allied
Headquarters, and members of their staffs, which
may be established in the territory of any of the
parties to the North Atlantic Treaty. Supreme
Headquarters is defined in the protocol to mean
Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers in Europe,
Headquarters of the Supreme Allied Commander
Atlantic, and any equivalent international mili-
tary headquarters set up pursuant to the North
Atlantic Treaty. Allied Headquarters is defined
to mean any Supreme Headquarters and any
international military headquarters which is
immediately subordinate to a Supreme Head-
quartei-s.
The status of an Allied Headquarters and its
personnel is determined primarily by setting forth
in the protocol the principles which shall govern
the application thereto of the agreement between
the parties to the North Atlantic Treaty regard-
ing the status of their forces, signed at London
June 19, 1951 (S. Ex. T, 82d Cong., 2d sess.) . Sub-
' S. Exec. B, 83d Cong., 1st sess.
631
ject to the provisions of the protocol, the agree-
ment is to apply to Allied Headquarters in the
territory of a party to the protocol in the North
Atlantic Treaty area, and to the military and civil-
ian i)ersonnel of such Headquarters and their de-
pendents. The basic points covered with respect
to applying the status of forces agreement of 1951
may be summarized as follows:
1. The rights and obligations which the agree-
ment gives to or imposes upon the sending state
or its authorities in respect of its forces or their
civilian components shall, in respect of an Allied
Headquarters and its personnel, be vested in or at-
taclied to the appropriate Supreme Headquarters
and the authorities responsible under it, subject
to certain exceptions enumerated in article 4 of the
protocol.
2. The obligations to waive claims imposed on
the contracting parties by article VIII of the
agreement shall be attached both to Allied Head-
quarters and to any party to the protocol con-
cerned. The claims to which paragraph 5 of ar-
ticle "VIII of the agreement applies shall include
claims arising out of acts or omissions of any of
the employees of an Allied Headquarters, or out
of any other act, omission, or occurrence for which
an Allied Headquarters is legally responsible, and
causing damage in the territory of a receiving state
to third parties other than to any of the parties
to the protocol.
3. The exemption from taxation accorded under
article X of the agreement to members of a force
or civilian component in respect of their salaries
and emoluments shall apply, as regards personnel
of an Allied Headquarters, to salaries and emolu-
ments paid to them as such personnel by the armed
service to which they belong or by which they are
employed, except that they shall not be exempt
from taxation imposed by a state of which they are
a national.
4. An Allied Headquarters shall have, subject
to the same conditions, the rights granted to a
force under article XI of the agreement with re-
spect to customs laws and regulations of a receiv-
ing state.
In addition to prescribing how the status of
forces agreement of 1951 shall apply, the protocol
accords to an Allied Headquarters special privi-
leges and benefits. These include :
1. For the purpose of facilitating the establish-
ment, construction, maintenance, and operation of
Allied Headquarters, such Headquarters are to be
relieved so far as practicable from duties and taxes
affecting expenditures by them in the interest of
common defense and for their official and exclusive
benefit, and each party to the protocol is to enter
into negotiations with any Allied Headquarters
operating in its territory for the purpose of con-
cluding an agreement to give effect to this pro-
vision.
632
2. No measure of execution or measure directed
to the seizure or attachment of its property oFh
funds shall be taken against any Allied Headquar- ■
ters, except for the purpose of paragraph 6 (a) ii
of article VII and article XIII of the agreement .
3. To enable it to operate its international ■
budget, an Allied Headquarters may hold currency \
of any kind and operate accounts in any currency.
4. The archives and official documents of an
Allied Headquarters kept in premises used by
those Headquarters or in the possession of any
properlj- authorized member of the Headquarters '
shall be inviolable, unless the Headquarters has
waived this immunity. Allied Headquarters
shall, however, at the request of the receiving state
and in the presence of a representative of that
state, verify the nature of any of such documents
to confirm they are entitled to such immunity.
The protocol further provides that each Su-
preme Headquarters shall possess juridical per-
sonality and recognizes the capability of a Su-
preme Headquarters, under certain conditions, to
conclude contracts and to acquire or dispose of
property. A Supreme Headquarters may also,
subject to the provisions of article VIII of the
agreement, engage in legal proceedings as claim-
ant or defendant.
Under the protocol, any assets acquired from
the international funds of an Allied Headquarters
under its capital budget and no longer required by
the Headquarters are to be disposed of under
arrangements approved by the North Atlantic
Council and the proceeds distributed among or
credited to the parties to the North Atlantic
Treaty in the proportions in which they have
contributed to the capital costs of the Headquar-
ters. Any land, buildings, or fixed installations
provided for the use of an Allied Headquarters
by the receiving state without charge to the Head-
quarters are to be handed back when no longer
needed to the receiving state, and any increase or
loss in the value of such property resulting from
its use by the Headquarters shall be determined
by the North Atlantic Council and distributed
among or credited or debited to the parties to the
North Atlantic Treaty in the proportions in which
they have contributed to the capital costs of the
Headquarters.
With respect to taxation of employees of an
Allied Headquarters of categories agreed by the
North Atlantic Council, a formula has been pro-
vided in the protocol that is similar to the one
evolved in the agreement on the status of the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization, signed at
Ottawa on September 20, 1951 (S. Ex. U, 82d
Cong., 2d sess.), concerning taxation on the sala-
ries and emoluments jiaid by the Organization to
its officials. This formula provides exemption for
employees who are paid directly by Allied Head-
quarters, but enables those states which desire to
conclude an arrangement with Allied Headquar-
Department of Sfate Bulletin
tcis to employ and assign all of its nationals who
are to serve on the staff of Allied Headquarters,
to pay the salaries and emoluments of such persons
from its own funds at a scale fixed by it, and to
charge income tax on the salaries and emolu-
ment's so paid. In accordance with this provision,
the United States is about to sign an agreement
with the North Atlantic Council, acting on behalf
of International Military Headquarters, whereby
this Government will employ and assign to such
Headquarters all United States nationals who are
to serve on the staff thereof and pay the salaries
and emoluments of such persons from its own
funds at a scale fixed by it. This arrangement
will be similar to the one transmitted to the Senate
for its information in connection with the agree-
ment on the status of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization and printed in Senate Executive U,
82d Congress, 2d session.
This protocol is related to the agreement regard-
ing tlie status of forces of parties to the North
Atlantic Treaty, and the agreement relating to
the status of the North Atlantic Treaty Organiza-
tion, transmitted to the Senate in the second ses-
sion of the 82d Congress. The former agreement
also relates to the administrative agreement with
Japan, insofar as that agreement provides that
upon the coming into force with respect to the
United States of the "Agreement between the
Parties to the North Atlantic Treaty Kegarding
the Status of Their Forces," signed at London
June 19, 1951, the United States will immediately
conclude with Japan, at the option of Japan, an
agreement on criminal jurisdiction similar to the
corresponding provisions of that agreement.
These agreements provide for the basic uni-
formity in these fields which is required in the
interest of integrated operations. They repre-
sent a successful reconciliation of the views of
the various countries concerned and establish
basic rights and responsibilities which, though not
fully satisfying the views of all countries in every
respect, nevertheless represent a reasonable, prac-
tical, and realistic formula for these areas from
the point of view of the United States, both as
a nation sending troops abroad under these agree-
ments and as a nation which may be receiving
foreign troops here under their terms.
It is considered important, from the point of
view of furthering the Nato collective defense
effort, that these agreements be accepted by the
Nato nations at the earliest possible date.
It is hoped that the Senate will give favorable
consideration to the protocol at the same time
that it considers the agreement on the status of
forces of 1951.
I am authorized to state that the Secretary of
Defense concurs in the necessity for the early
ratification of these agi'eements.
Respectfully submitted-
John Foster Dulles
April 27, 1953
AMBASSADOR DRAPER'S LETTER OF MARCH 6
Press release 178 dated April 7
Paris, France,
March 6, 1953.
Mr Dear Senator Wiley: I understand that
your committee is presently considering the Status
of Forces Agreement, the protocol on the status of
International Military Headquarters, and the
agreement on the status of the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization itself.
As United States special representative in
Europe, and as the United States permanent rep-
resentative to the North Atlantic Council, I urge
prompt approval of these agreements by your com-
mittee ancl by the Senate of the United States.
During the past two years the fourteen nations of
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, in view
of the existing threat of armed aggression and in
the interest of their own individual and collective
security have placed large forces under Interna-
tional Command, many of them outside their own
country. Common military headquarters have
been created and are now functioning in several
Nato countries. It is obvious, in these circum-
stances, that solutions on some permanent and
mutually acceptable basis had to be found for a
whole series of problems concerning the relation-
ship of the forces and the international military
headquarters to the countries in which they are
stationed.
These day-to-day problems concerning customs,
jurisdiction, claims, and many other similar mat-
ters can only be solved in a spirit of mutual good
will. Nato military cooperation in peacetime can-
not be effective unless these many troublesome
questions are the subject of common agreement.
It is a tribute to the spirit of intimate coopera-
tion which now prevails among the members of
the alliance that all of them have been able to
reach common agreement on the principles which
should control the relationship of armed forces
and of international military headquarters to the
countries in which they are located.
The Status of Forces Agreement now before
the Senate is the result of patient and friendly
negotiations over a period of months. It pro-
vides for uniform treatment of all Nato forces
and makes possible equal treatment for United
States forces regardless of the country in which
they may be stationed. It appropriately safe-
guards tiie interests of the United States and of
each of our other Nato partners. I recommend
its approval without reservation or amendment.
It will, when ratified, make possible satisfactory
solution of the problems raised by the presence
of national forces in countries outside their own.
Approval by the Senate will be further evidence
of the continued support of the American people
for the principle of collective security and their
confidence in friendly peacetime collaboration
with our treaty partners. Without such an agree-
633
ment the task of the Nato military commanders
would be infinitely more difficult and the steady
development of common training, and planning
of the Nato armed forces would be seriously
impaired.
The agreement on the status of the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization itself giving appro-
priate status to its staff and to the fourteen na-
tional delegations accredited to it, is indispensable
for the proper operation of the organization. It
deals appropriately with the variety of problems
yrhich emerge whenever an international organ-
ization is created. It gives the organization a
legal standing, defines its privileges and immuni-
ties, and the status of the staff of the organization
and that of the national delegations to Nato.
This charter for the organization follows closely
similar agreements relating to international
organizations.
The military headquarters protocol adapts the
appropriate provisions of the Status of Forces
Agreement to the personnel assigned to interna-
tional headquarters and gives the necessary legal
status to the headquarters themselves.
Approval of these documents by the United
States Senate and by the other Nato governments
will, in my opinion, mark a milestone in the field
of international cooperation and the continued
progress of Nato. The fact that these agreements
are necessary is eloquent testimony to the fact
that Nato has progressed from an organization
which existed only on paper a few years ago to a
functioning peacetime political and military
organization in which fourteen nations are act-
ually pooling their strength in the interest of
their own security.
Respectfully yours,
William H. Draper, Jr.,
U.S. Special Representative in Europe.
Recommendation for Extension
of Trade Agreements Act
Message of the President to the Congress ^
In my State of the Union message I recom-
mended that "the Congress take the Reciprocal
Trade Agreements Act under immediate study
and extend it by appropriate legislation."
I now recommend that the present act be re-
newed for the period of 1 year. I propose this
action as an interim measure. As such, it will
allow for the temporary continuation of our pres-
ent trade program pending completion of a thor-
ough and comprehensive re-examination of the
economic-foreign policy of the United States.
I believe that such a re-examination is impera-
tive in order to develop more effective solutions
to the international economic problems today con-
' S. doc. 38, 83d Cong., 1st sess.
634
fronting the United States and its partners ii
the community of free nations. It is my inten
tion that the executive branch shall consult witl
the Congress in developing recommendations
based upon the studies that will be made.
Our trade policy is only one part, although a
vital part, of a larger problem. This probleir
embraces the need to develop, through coopera-
tive action among the free nations, a strong and
self-supporting economic system capable of pro-
viding both the military strength to deter aggres-
sion and the rising productivity that can improv?
living standards.
No feature of American policy is more impor-
tant in this respect than the course which we set
in our economic relations with other nations. The
long-term economic stability of the whole free
world and the overriding question of world peace
will be heavily influenced by the wisdom of oui
decisions. As for the United States itself, its
security is fully as dependent upon the economic
health and stability of the other free nations as
upon their adequate military strength.
The problem is far from simple. It is a com-
plex of many features of our foreign and domestic
programs. Our domestic economic policies cast
their shadows upon nations far beyond our
borders. Conversely, our foreign-economic pol-
icy has a direct impact upon our domestic econ-
omy. "We must make a careful study of these
intricate relationships in order that we' may chart
a sound coui-se for the nation.
The building of a productive and strong eco-
nomic system within the free world, one in which
each country may better sustain itself through
its own efforts, will require action by other gov-
ernments, as well as by the United States, over
a wide range of economic activities. These must
include adoption of sound internal policies, crea-
tion of conditions fostering international invest-
ment, assistance to underdeveloped areas, progress
toward freedom of international payments and
convertibility of currencies, and trade arrange-
ments aimed at the widest possible multilateral
trade.
In working toward these goals, our own trade
policy as well as that of other countries should
contribute tothe highest possible level of trade on
a basis that is profitable and equitable for all. The
world must achieve an expanding trade, balanced
at high levels, which will permit each nation to
make its full contribution to the progress of the
free world's economy and to share fully the bene-
fits of this progress. ■
The solution of the free world's economic prob- *
lems is a cooperative task. It is not one which the ;
United States, however strong its leadership and
however firm its dedication to these objectives, can
effectively attack alone. But two truths are clear :
the United States' share in this undertaking is so
large as to be crucially important to its success —
and its success is crucially important to the United
Department of State Bulletin
States. This last truth applies with particular
force to many of our domestic industries and es-
pecially to agriculture with its great and expand-
ing output.
I am confident that the governments of other
countries are prepared to do their part in working
with us toward these common goals, and we shall
from time to time be consulting with them. The
extension for one year of the present Reciprocal
Trade Agreements Act will provide us the time
necessary to study and define a foreign economic
policy which will be comprehensive, constructive,
and consistent with the needs both of the American
economy and of American foreign policy.
Mr. DeMille To Confer
With Mr. Johnson
Press release 19S dated April 18
Kobert L. Johnson, Administrator of the Inter-
national Information Administration, has asked
Cecil B. DeMille, outstanding leader in the film
industry, to come to Washington to confer with
him on tlie use of motion pictures in the overseas
information program.
Motion pictures are one of five means of commu-
nication used by our overseas information pro-
gram which also includes the worldwide use of
press, radio, Usis libraries, and the Educational
Exchange Program. This conference with Mr.
DeMille, starting April 20, is pai't of Mr. John-
son's overall plan to invite leading experts in
various fields to give him the benefit of their
advice and thinking.
Alfred H. Morton To Become
Consultant on Telecommunications
Press release 197 dated April 17
Robert L. Johnson, Administrator of the Inter-
national Information Administration, has asked
Alfred H. Morton, Deputy Administrator and
head of the Voice of America in New York, to
come to Washington to serve as his chief con-
sultant in "the all-important field of telecommuni-
cation."
Mr. Johnson said he is determined to create a
stronger, more effective, and more efficient Inter-
national Information and Educational Exchange
Program because "'this activity is vitally impor-
tant to the United States Government."
Mr. Johnson, President Eisenhower's choice to
revitalize U.S. overseas information activities,
said "the program which the new administration
envisages requires careful thought, study, and
long-range planning."
The Administrator pointed out that Mr. Mor-
ton's 30 years' experience in radio and active in-
terest in television since its inception would be in-
valuable to him at this time, and added, "I am
asking him to make that experience more readily
available to me by serving as my chief consultant
on those matters here in Washington."
Mr. Morton, well-known leader in the radio in-
dustry who has directed the Voice of America
since October 1, 1952, stated that he agreed to
assume these new responsibilities at Mr. Johnson's
request and plans to take over his duties in Wash-
ington on Monday, April 20.
Robert J. Francis will be Acting Deputy Ad-
ministrator of the Voice of America in New York
until such time as a new director is appointed.
PUBLICATIONS
Recent Releases
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Oovern-
ment Printing Oflicc, Wasldngton 25, D. C. Address re-
guests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, except
in the case of free publications, ichich may be obtained
from the Department of State.
Telecommunications. Treaties and Other International
Acts Series 24S9. Pub. 4685. 113 pp. 30{S.
Agreement between the United States and American
Republics replacing Inter-American radio agreement
of Jan. 26, 1940.
Safety at Sea, North Atlantic Ice Patrol. Treaties and
Other International Acts Series 2507. Pub. 4719. 16 pp.
10^.
Interim arrangement between the United States and
Other Governments revising the scale of contribu-
tions under article 37 of the International Convention
on Safety of Life at Sea — Signed at London May 31,
1929.
Regulation of Production and Marketing of Sugar.
Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2526. Pub.
4725. 7 pp. 10«!.
Protocol between the United States and Other Gov-
ernments (prolonging the international agreement of
May 6, 1937)— Signed at London Aug. 31, 1951.
Consular OflBcers. Treaties and Other International Acts
Series 2J94. Pub. 4729. 25 pp. 10<f.
Convention with protocol of signature between the
United States and the United Kingdom — Signed at
Washington June 6, 1951.
Mutual Defense Treaty. Treaties and Other Interna-
tional Acts Series 2529. Pub. 4733. 8 pp. 10«>.
Treaty between the United States and the Republic
of the Philippines — Signed at Washington Aug. 30,
1951.
Eradication of Foot-and-Mouth Disease in Mexico.
Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2404. Pub.
4736. 47 pp. 20«f.
Exchange of notes between the United States and
Mexico — Signed at Washington Mar. 17 and 18, 1947 ;
Feb. 9 and Mar. 28, 1949 ; and at Mexico City Sept. 26
and Oct. 3, 1947 ; Nov. 24 and 26, 1947 ; and Dec. 15,
1947 ; agreement dated at Mexico City Feb. 3 and 12,
1949.
April 27, 1953
635
April 27, 1953
Index
Vol. XXVIII, No. 722
Agriculture
Technical assistance to Iraq for land develop-
ment program 610
American Principles
Maintaining Charter standards for International
civil servants (Lodge), text of resolution . 620
The chance for peace (Elsenhower) 599
The first 90 days (Dulles) 603
American Republics
Adult education seminar to convene at Cludad
TrujUlo 627
Asia
JAPAN: U.S. interest in stability of Japan's
economy 611
KOREA :
Full truce talks to reopen at Panmunjom . . . 608
The Soviet germ warfare campaign: A case
history (Gross) 612
Canada
Libby Dam and reservoir 611
Congress
Recommendation for extension of trade agree-
ments act (Elsenhower) 634
Senate begins consideration of Nato treaties . . . 628
Specified exemption laws for escapee program . , 611
Europe
GREECE: Unifies exchange system 623
YUGOSLAVIA: MsA grant to Yugoslavia 610
U. S. S. R. : The Soviet germ warfare campaign:
A case history (Gross) 612
Finance
Greece unifies exchange system 623
International Information
Alfred H. Morton to become consultant on tele-
communications 635
Mr. DeMille to confer with Mr. Johnson 635
International Meetings
Adult education seminar to convene at Ciudad
Trujillo 627
Mutual Aid and Defense
Senate begins consideration of Nato treaties . . 628
Mutual Security
MsA grant to Yugoslavia 610
The chance for peace (Elsenhower) 599
The first 90 days (Dulles) ' ' 603
Near and Middle East
IRAQ: Technical assistance for land develop-
ment program 610
North Atlantic Treaty Organization
Senate begins consideration of Nato treaties . . . 628
Presidential Documents
MESSAGES TO CONGRESS: Recommendation
for extension of trade agreements act .... 634
Specified exemption laws for escapee program . . 611
Prisoners of War
Pull truce talks to reopen at Panmunjom .... 608
Publications
Recent Releases 635
Technical Cooperation and Development
Technical assistance to Iraq for land develop-
ment program 610
Trade
Proposals for agreement on cartel practices . . . 626
Recommendation for extension of trade agree-
ments act 634
United Nations
Adult education seminar to convene at Ciudad
Trujillo g27
Maintaining Charter standards for international
civil servants (Lodge), text of resolution . . 620
Proposals for agreement on cartel practices . . . 626
The chance for peace (Eisenhower) 599
The Soviet germ warfare campaign: A case his-
tory (Gross) 612
Trygve Lie's work praised; welcome extended to
his successor (Lodge) 618
U.N. Documents: A selected bibliography . ' '. 627
U.S. in the U.N ........ 624
Name Index
DeMille, Cecil B 53=
Draper, William H., Jr 633
Dulles, Secretary .'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'. 603 631
Eisenhower, President 599 611 631 634
Goodykoontz, Dr. Bess ' 527
Gross, Ernest A !!!!!! 612
Hammarskjold, Dag ."..'.'.'.'. . . .' 619
Harrison, General 608
Johnson, Robert L 635
Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 618 620
Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr ' " ' 6I8' 620
Lie, Trygve '. ' ' 'gin
Morton, Alfred H gog
Smith, Walter Bedell g^B
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: April 13-18, 1953
Releases may be obtained from the Office of the
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department
of State, Washington 25, D. C.
Press releases issued prior to April 13 which
appear in tliis issue of the BtrLLETiN are Nos. 175
of Apr. 6, 177 of Apr. 7, 178 of Apr. 7, 187 of Apr.
10, 188 of Apr. 10, and 190 of Apr. 11.
Subject
Rubottom : Pan Americanism
Swiss-German property agreement
Auerbach : Visa function
Morton : U.S. trade policy
Linder : House dairy committee
Text of German bond agreement
Morton : Chief consultant, Mr. Johnson
Mr. DeMille to confer with Iia
Ministerial meeting of Nac
Dulles : The first 90 days
tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
*Not printed.
No.
Date
tl91
4/13
tl92
4/15
tl93
4/15
tl94
4/16
*195
4/16
tl96
4/16
197
4/17
198
4/18
tl99
4/18
200
4/18
U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE; 1953
^Uie/ Q)efia^t'meni/ o^ t/iate^
■*Te3
AT THE CROSSROADS IN U.S. TRADE POLICY •
647
by /Assistant Secretary Morton
THE UNITED NATIONS: A PLACE TO PROMOTE
PEACE • by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr 658
THE VISA FUNCTION UNDER THE IMMIGRATION
AND NATIONALITY ACT • by Frank L. Auerbach . 642
PRESIDENT FAVORS INCREASED AID TO MIGRANTS
FROM EUROPE:
Letter to Congressional Leaders 639
Exchange of Letters With Queen Juliana 639
Letter to Migration Committee 641
For index see back cover
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
JUN 1-1953
Me Qje/iwic^e^ ^/ y^a^ JOllllGtin
Vol. XXVIII. No. 723 • Publication 5051
May 4, 1953
For sale by the Snperlntendent of Docnments
U.S. OovernmeDt Printing Office
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The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 1962).
note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinfd. Citation of the Depaetmkni
o? Statu Bdlletdj as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BVLLETIN,
a weekly publication compiled and
edited in the Division of Publications,
Office of Public Affairs, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy issued by the While House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.
Publications of the Department, as
u>ell as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
President Favors Increased Aid to Migrants From Europe
Following are the texts of an identical letter
which the President sent on April 22 to Vice Presi-
dent Nixon, President of the Senate, and Joseph
W. Martin, Jr., Speaker of the House of Repre-
sentatives, recommending the enactment of emer-
gency immigration legislation for the special ad-
mission of European immigrants; a letter dated
March 18 from Queen Juliana of the Netherlands
to the President and his reply, dated April k, re-
garding the problem of aid to refugees; and a let-
ter from the President dated April 11 to Hugh
Gibson, Director of the Intergovernm.ental Com-
mittee for Migration from Europe, regarding an
intematioruil program to aid migrants.
LETTER TO CONGRESSIONAL LEADERS
White House press release dated April 22
We are all aware of the tragic developments of
the past several years which have left countless
thousands of individuals homeless refugees in the
heart of Europe. In recent months, the number
of refugees has been increased by the steady flow
of escapees who have braved death to escape from
behind the Iron Curtain. These refugees and
escapees searching desperately for freedom look
to the free world for haven.
In addition, the problem of population pres-
sures continues to be a source of urgent concern
in several friendly countries in Europe.
It is imperative that we join with the other
nations in helping to find a solution to these grave
questions. These refugees, escapees, and dis-
tressed peoples now constitute an economic and
political threat of constantly growing magnitude.
Tliey look to traditional American humanitarian
concern for the oppressed. International political
considerations are also factors which are involved.
We should take reasonable steps to help these
people to the extent that we share the obligation
of the free world.
Therefore, after consideration of all the points
of view which have been presented, I recommend,
within the framework of the immigration laws,
the enactment of emergency inamigration legisla-
May 4, 1953
tion for the special admission of 120,000 immi-
grants per year for the next two years.
In order to help resolve this current immigra-
tion and refugee problem in the tradition of our
American policy, I urge that the Congress give
this recommendation its earliest consideration.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
EXCHANGE OF LETTERS BETWEEN THE
PRESIDENT AND QUEEN JULIANA
White House press release dated April 23
April 4, 1953
My Dear Queen Juliana :
Prince Bernhard has given me your letter of
March 18, 1953 and an accompanying memoran-
dum ' concerning the plight of refugees through-
out the world. Your preoccupation with the
challenge which refugees present to the free world
at a time when your own country and people are
facing so nobly the burdens of over-crowding and
the disastrous effects of the recent floods, demon-
strates again the compassion which Your Majesty
has always shown for those in distress beyond her
own borders. I share this concern with you. The
United States Government stands ready at any
time to consider constructive international meas-
ures to alleviate the problems presented so sympa-
thetically in your letter and memorandum.
The refugees in Germany constitute a substan-
tial proportion of the German population. The
United States Government, in planning economic
measures of assistance with the authorities of the
German Federal Eepublic, has always taken the
refugees into account. Along with the indigenous
population, they have in large part contributed to
and benefited from the rising level of the German
economy. The achievement of economic balance
and the expansion of employment opportunities
in Germany have been primary objectives of
United States measures of assistance to the Ger-
man economy. The United States Government
will persist in these efforts in collaboration with
' The memorandum is not printed here.
639
the German Federal authorities. This collabora-
tion has been particularly close and continuous in
recent months since the flow of refugees into Berlin
has increased.
Your letter points out that emigration may also
play a role in relieving population pressures in
Germany and other countries whose governments
also provide asylum for refugees. To provide
opportunities for decent livelihood in countries of
immigration for migrants and refugees, the United
States Government has given active support to
the Intergovernmental Committee for European
Migration. At its forthcoming session in Geneva,
the Migration Committee will give further atten-
tion to ways and means of expanding oppor-
tunities for emigration overseas.
The United States Government, under its
Escapee Program, is also providing assistance in
assimilation and resettlement for those who are
currently fleeing from Eastern European countries
into German_y, Trieste, Austria, Turkey, Italy and
Greece. Tlus assistance is supplementary to that
provided by these countries of first asylum and
the voluntary agencies which provide the essen-
tial human touch in their services to refugees.
Present efforts to re-establish refugees either
through integration in their present countries of
residence or emigration, should be intensified.
I am confident that the free world will respond
to meet the challenge which the refugees present
not only because they are human beings whose
dignity and self-respect are at stake, but because
they desire with us to play their part in achieving
peace and order in the world.
With expressions of great respect and warm
personal esteem.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
March 18, 1953
My Dear Mr. President,
The people of the United States have magnifi-
cently shown their warmhearted sympathy for
those in our country who through the flood lost
their homes and are in great distress. American
help came pouring into our stricken land. Help
came indeed, from all over the world, to relieve
us in our dire need. With profound gratitude in
our hearts we see the problem of our homeless
solved on a world basis by one spontaneous move
of generosity from peoples and governments alike.
This generous support has been of great material,
and also of immeasurable moral help to us.
Sympathy for the victims of distress is well
known to be a great American tradition. I feel
justified, therefore, to ask for your warm attention
to the problem of those who became homeless by
persecution : the refugees of the entire world.
I appeal to you for personally taking the lead in
solving this ever increasing world problem on a
640
world basis. I strongly feel that this problem is
one of the most dangerous and tragic elements
in an uncertain future.
I am aware that in the past year, through inter-
national effort generously supported by the United
States Government, a great many refugees have
found a new home, but the problem is still far from
solved. Thousands of new refugees, mostly in
circumstances of great distress and often in a state
of mental despair, are in need of our help.
There are still over 400,000 refugees living in
camps in Europe. Tens of thousands of refugees
are fleeing from the Eastern Zone of Germany
into West Berlin. There are still many thousands
of refugees elsewhere in the world. A concerted
international action is therefore indicated.
The problem of the refugees can only be solved
if they are given opportunities to resettle in new
countries, or if they are assimilated in their coun-
tries of present residence.
Mass resettlement schemes, however, are seri-
ously hampered at the present time, because in
various countries of immigration refugees are not
given enough economic opportunities. Moreover,
in certain European countries, like my own, the
pressure of surplus population leaves little room
for absorbing them.
Unless legislation in the countries of immigra-
tion specifically permits the entry of refugees and
their families, including those in destitute circum-
stances, it is to be feared only very small numbers
of refugees will get a chance to emigrate.
A new approach is necessary, therefore, which
opens large opportunities for immigration and
also creates the necessary economic conditions per-
mitting the assimilation of refugees in the coun-
tries of their present residence.
Efforts to stimulate this assimilation are at the
present time being made in several countries, in
particular through the operation of an important
grant from an American foundation, in close co-
operation between the Governments concerned
and the Voluntary Agencies working on behalf
of the refugees. However, private agencies do
not dispose of the necessary resources. Govern-
mental action will be necessary to open credit
facilities for all those refugees who are only too
willing to support and house themselves if they
are given the initial opportunity to regain their
independence.
These aspects should receive due attention when-
ever plans are made to promote the economic de-
velopment and stability of the world. Neglecting
them means that tens of thousands of refugees
are condemned to live in camps without any hope
for the future for many more years. Such a
tragedy, if it were to occur, would destroy the
faith in the privileges of freedom not only of the
refugees themselves, but also of their kinsmen
whom they have left behind.
Discontentment, frustration and even despair is
felt by millions of uprooted people, dislocated all
Department of State Bulletin
over the world. The free world cannot tolerate
so rrmch suffering in its midst without having to
suffer itself.
To preserve their human dignity and restore
their self-respect, the right psychological and
spiritual approach is of overriding importance.
How could refugees ever trust free society if it
shows interest only for trained muscles or brains,
but lacks respect for the higher values of life ; if
it looks at refugees only as labor potential, and
refuses those who cannot work; if it separates
tliem from their families ?
It is my conviction that the refugee problem
should be tackled in the shortest possible time in
its entirety.
The Netherlands will be glad to cooperate in
any planning and, within the practical limits of
its capacities, in any constructive effort to arrive
at results.
Although I fully understand the multitude and
magnitude of the problems confronting you, I had
to lay this matter of ever-growing importance
before you, conscious of the responsibility of all
for all, a responsibility which in the plight of the
Netherlands the entire world has accepted and
lived up to in such an impressive way. In all
humility we saw the lesson of loving one's neigh-
bor being observed in a world otherwise so deeply
disturbed by international strife.
I am confident you will find the right approach
to this problem. May it be given you to solve it.
Thus world peace will gain.
Yours sincerely,
Juliana
LETTER TO MIGRATION COMMITTEE
April 11, 1953
Dear Mr. Gibson :
Recalling your recent conference with me at the
White House at which you so ably set forth the
gravity and extent of population pressures in
certain countries in Europe and the additional
burdens assumed by many of these countries in
the reception of new refugees from Eastern
Europe, I welcome the opportunity afforded by
the Fifth Session of the Intergovernmental Com-
mittee for European Migration to respond to your
presentation on behalf of the Committee.
I am fully aware of the need for international
action and collaboration in developing opportuni-
ties in many countries of the world for those in
Europe who desire to emigrate. By emigration
they may achieve self-dependence through useful
employment and live with their families in dignity
and self-respect doing their part to contribute to
peace and order in the world. The Migration
Committee, organized in Brussels in 1951, has
taken important initial steps to facilitate the
movement of migrants and refugees from Europe.
The United States Government notes with satis-
faction not only the financial support which the
member governments have given to the Commit-
tee, but the manner in which these governments
have assisted by receiving migrants and refugees.
You stated that the results to date have been
modest. I believe that greater achievement is
possible and will depend upon sound and modest
beginnings. The task before the Committee calls
for intensive effort and resourcefulness in finding
step-by-step the best ways and means of develop-
ing and applying available international resources
in assistance to the emigration and immigration
countries in resolving their mutual problems.
The United States Government fully supports the
efforts which the Committee is making to assist
those in Europe seeking opportunities for a liveli-
hood in other countries which are in a position to
receive them. The problems which face the Com-
mittee are under constant examination by the
competent agencies of the United States Govern-
ment and, as the work of the Committee develops,
consideration will be given to the manner in which
the United States, in concert with other govern-
ments, can most helpfully assist the Committee
in its further efforts.
I wish the Committee every success in its de-
liberations at the Fifth Session.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
The Honorable Hugh Gibson
Director, Intergovernmental Committee for
European Migration
63 rue des Paquis
Geneva, Switzerland
U.S. Expresses Sympathy
for People of Laos
At a news conference on April 17 Michael J.
McDerviott, Special Assistant for Press Relations,
made the following statement:
The Royal Government of Laos has issued a
statement drawing attention to the attack upon the
territory of the Kingdom by Viet Minh troops and
stating the determination of the Government, the
army, and the people of Laos with the aid of
French Union troops to resist this aggression.
The Government of the United States is follow-
ing developments with the closest attention. It
expresses its sympathy with the people of Laos
in their present emergency and its fervent wishes
to them, to their troops, and to those of the French
Union in their efforts to resist and turn back the
invaders. The United States will continue to pro-
vide and will study ways and means of making
more effective its assistance to the Associated
States of Indochina and to France in the struggle
to destroy Communist aggression in Laos, Cam-
bodia, and Vietnam.
May 4, 7953
641
The Visa Function Under the Immigration and Nationality Act
iy Frank L. Auerhach ^
Press release 193 dated April 15
I am glad to be here today and to review with
you some of the more important changes the Im-
migration and Nationality Act has brought about
in relation to the visa function of the Department
of State.
The new law, commonly referred to as the
McCarran-Walter Act, became effective on Decem-
ber 24, 1952, and thus has been in operation for less
than 4 months, a rather brief period to assess its
effect in any thorough fashion. But compared
with the old law, the new act has brought about
certain changes in our immigration laws and con-
sequently in implementing regulations, the effect
of whicli can already clearly be recognized in the
day-by-day operations. I should like to discuss
with you some of these changes.
One of the most important changes, if not the
most important change brouglit about by the new
law, is that it eliminates racial discrimination
frorn naturalization and makes aliens of all races
eligible for immigration into the United States.
Before the new act became operative on Decem-
ber 24, 1952, the Immigration Act of February
5, 1917, provided for the so-called Asiatic barred
zone, natives of which, with few exceptions, could
not come to the United States as immigrants. In
addition the Immigration Act of 1924 made in-
eligible for immigration all persons who under
our nationality laws were barred from naturali-
zation. These provisions of the 1924 act made
ineligible for immigration, among others, natives
of Korea and Japan. In recent years this resulted
in many unfortunate situations, particularly in
the case of American servicemen who married
"Address made at New York City before the Federal
Bar Association of New Torlc. New Jersey, and Con-
necticut on Apr. 16. Mr. Auerbach is a foreign affairs
officer in the Visa Office. For an article entitled -'Visa
Work of the Department of State and the Foreign Serv-
ice," see BULLETIN of Feb. 2, 1953, p. 195, and Feb. 9, 1953,
p. 232 (also available as Department of State publication
4you ) .
642
Japanese or Korean girls only to discover that
under the then applicable immigration laws they
could not bring their wives into the United States.
In providing for the immigration of persons
of Asian ancestry the Immigration and Nation-
ality Act follows, generally speaking, the pattern
set up in 1943 when the Congress upon the urging
of President Roosevelt repealed the Chinese Ex-
clusion Act and set up a quota for Chinese persons.
Different from the case of other immigi-ants
whose quota is determined by place of birth, the
law provided in the case of Chinese persons that
ancestry rather than place of birth was to be the
determining factor in establishing an alien's quota.
A similar formula was followed in 1946 when
Congress set up a quota for East Indians.
As stated already, the new law follows in gen-
eral the formula of the 1943 act as to the determi-
nation of quota chargeability of Asian peoples
with some very significant liberalizing exceptions.
Under the old law the East Indian husband, wife,
or child and the Chinese husband and child of an
American citizen could enter the United States
only as quota immigrants, which mostly meant
many years of waiting due to the smallness of and
the heavy demand on these quotas. The new law
accords nonquota status to any child, wife, and
husband of an American citizen, regardless of
their ancestry or race.
The sahitory effect of this liberalization can be
observed in the day-by-day work in the Visa Office
of the Department of State.
Quota Chargeability of Asian Immigrants
The quota chargeability of an Asian immigrant
who is not entitled to nonquota status is de-
termined by his place of birth if he is born within
the so-called Asia-Pacific Triangle, covering
roughly all Asian countries from India to Japan
and all Pacific Islands north of Australia and New
Zealand. In other words, a Japanese person born
in Korea is chargeable to the Korean quota while
Department of State Bulletin
an East Indian born in Japan is chargeable to
the Japanese quota. If an immigrant who is
attributable by as much as one-half of his an-
cestry to a people or peoples indigenous to the
xVsia-Pacific Triangle is born outside of the Tri-
angle his quota is determined by his ancestry
rather than by his place of birth. Due to specific
statutory provisions Chinese persons who are
quota immigrants are always chargeable to the
Chinese quota regardless of whether they are born
within or without the Asia-Pacific Triangle.
Apart from the provisions relating to the immi-
gration of Asian peoples the national origins sys-
tem in allocating immigration quotas has by and
large been continued in the new act from the
Immigration Act of 1924.
A new provision in the Immigration and Na-
tionality Act places a ceiling of 100 on the number
of quota visas which may be issued to natives of
colonies and dependencies who are chargeable to
the quota of the governing country. For example,
natives of Malta, Hong Kong, Bermuda, or Trini-
dad who are chargeable to the quota of Great
Britain may not be issued in any one year more
than 100 visas each of the total quota of Great
Britain. This new provision has particular sig-
nificance in the Portuguese and Spanish quotas
where the colonies may absorb all of the mother
country's quota.
In order to facilitate the administration of this
provision of the law the Department of State has
established by regulation so-called subquotas of
100 each. The term subquota designates that
portion of the quota of a governing country which
may be made available, subject to a limitation of
100 annually, to quota immigrants born in any
colony or other component or dependent areas
overseas from the governing country. Charge-
able to such subquotas is, as a rule, any quota im-
migrant born in a colony, component, or dependent
area. The Department has determined that there
are at present a total of 78 subquotas of 8 coun-
tries : the quota for Great Britain and Northern
Ireland has 44 subquotas; France 16 subquotas;
Portugal 8 subquotas ; Spain and the Netherlands
3 subquotas each ; India 2 subquotas ; and Belgium
and Denmark 1 subquota each. Nine of the 44
subquotas of Great Britain are allocated to British
colonies and dependent areas in the Western Hem-
isphere. They are the Bahamas, Barbados, Ber-
muda, British Guiana, British Honduras, Ja-
maica, Leeward Islands, Trinidad, and Windward
Islands.
Change in Preference Quotas
Another significant change brought about by
the new law is the system of preferences within
quotas. Under the old law the first 50 percent of
a quota was available to parents, and to husbands
by marriage since January 1, 1948, of American
citizens and, in the case of quotas over 300, to
May 4, 1953
so-called skilled agriculturists. The next 50 per-
cent of the quota was available to the wives and
children of permanent resident aliens. Those
portions of a quota not used by either preference
group were available to all other immigrants some-
times referred to as new seed immigrants because
they had no close ties in the United States.
Under the new law relative preferences have
been expanded and in addition a system of selec-
tive immigration has been introduced. The first
50 percent of each quota is first available to so-
called skilled aliens whose services are needed
urgently in the United States because of their high
education, technical training, specialized experi-
ence, or exceptional ability. The next 30 percent
of each quota is available to parents of American
citizens and the remaining 20 percent to spouses
and children of aliens lawfully admitted for per-
manent residence.
Any portion not used by any of these three pref-
erence groups is first available to aliens in any of
the other preference groups and if not required by
them becomes available to nonpreference quota
immigrants. Twenty-five percent of this portion
of the quota not used by the first three preference
groups, however, is made available to a so-called
fourth preference quota group consisting of
brothers and sisters of American citizens, and to
the sons and daughters of American citizens who
do not qualify for nonquota status because they
are married or over 21 years of age.
Up to this time the number of aliens who have
been found qualified for the so-called first prefer-
ence quota has been rather small, probably due to
the fact that this new preference for skilled aliens,
which it is expected will eventually benefit Amer-
ican economy and industry, has not yet become
well-known. There has been a considerable de-
mand for fourth preference quota visas particu-
larly by brothers and sisters of American citizens
who through this new preference find their cases
considered ahead of those aliens without such
close family ties in the United States.
Protection of American Labor
The introduction of the system of selective im-
migration was accompanied by another significant
change in our immigration law. The new law
did not re-enact the so-called contract labor pro-
visions but has substituted provisions designed to
safeguard American labor more effectively and
more flexibly. The contract labor provisions of
the old law, with few exceptions, excluded from
admission into the United States aliens who \yere
promised or had a contract for labor in the United
States which was predominantly manual in charac-
ter. The purpose of this provision was to protect
American labor from competition of immigrant
labor. The new law approaches this problem dif-
ferently. Immigrants who seek to enter the
United States to perform skilled or unskilled labor
643
are barred from admission only if the Secretary
of Labor certifies to the Secretary of State and
the Attorney General a sufficiency of workers in
the United States wlio are able, willing, and quali-
fied to perform at the place to which the alien
is destined such skilled or unskilled labor as the
alien is seeking to perform, or that the employ-
ment of certain immigrants will adversely affect
the wa^es and workinn; conditions of the workers
in the United States similarly employed. In the
absence of such certification by the Secretary of
Labor this provision is inoperative. So far, the
Secretary of Labor has not made a certification
as contemplated by the law. The scope of this
potential ground for exclusion is limited. Even
after the Secretary of Labor has made a certifica-
tion as to the sufficiency of labor in a given locality
the resulting excluding provision applies only to
nonpreference quota immigrants and immigrants
entitled to nonquota status as natives of the West-
ern Hemisphere or as former American citizens.
It does not apply to any of the other nonquota
immigrant categories or to preference quota
immigrants.
The abolition of the contract labor provisions of
the old law has a significance which affects
another important requirement of the law. Both
under the old and new law an immigrant may be
issued a visa only if he can show that he will not
become a public charge in the United States.
Unless the alien had at his disposal in this country
funds of his own, proof that he was not likely to
become a public charge under the old law usually
was presented by the submission of a so-called
affidavit of support from a relative or close friend
in the United States who expressed his willingness
and showed his ability to take care of the alien
in such way that he would not become a public
charge. The presentation of a work contract in
this connection was unacceptable unless the alien's
vocation was predominantly mental. The pre-
sentation of a work contract for manual employ-
ment not only did not overcome the likelihood of
becoming a public charge but led mandatorily to
the denial of a visa under the contract labor j)ro-
visions. Under the new law the presentation of
a work contract may in some cases very well be
the sole proof required by the consul to satisfy the
requirement of the law that the alien is not likely
to become a public charge.
The law contains another new provision which
permits an immigrant in certain cases to over-
come a likelihood of becoming a jniblic charge.
In the case of an alien ineligible to receive a visa
because he is likely to become a public charge a
bond may be posted with the Attorney General.
Under the Department of State visa regulations
the posting of such bond with the Attorney Gen-
eral will be accepted by the consular officer as
satisfactory proof that the alien is not likely to
become a public charge in the United States.
At this point I should like to comment briefly
on the public charge provision of the statute as
it is implemented by the regulations of the De-
partment of State. In the language of tlie statute
an alien is ineligible to receive a visa if in the
opinion of the consular officer at the time of ap-
plication for a visa, the alien is likely at any time
to become a public charge. Under the Depart-
ment's regulations any conclusion that an alien,
eligible to receive a visa, is likely to become a pub-
lic charge must "be predicated upon the existence
of facts or circumstances which indicate a reason-
able probability that the immigrant will become
a charge upon the public after entry into the
United States."
Another provision of the new law relating to
the issuance of visas to immigrants is of consid-
erable significance. Since the Alien Registra-
tion Act became law in 1940 and until the new
law took effect, not only present but also former
members of proscribed organizations were ex-
cluded from admission into the United States. In
other words, under the old law an alien who was a
member of the Communist Party some 20 years
ago but had long since terminated his membership
could not be issued an immigration visa even if
he had become one of the most outspoken and
effective fighters against communism.
For the first time an escape clause for former
voluntary members of proscribed organizations is
provided by the new act. It contains a defector
clause which permits the issuance of an immi-
grant visa to former voluntary members of pro-
scribed organizations if the alien since the termi-
nation of his membership, and for at least 5 years
before the date of his visa application, has been
actively oj>posed to the doctrine, program, prin-
ciples, and ideology of the proscribed organiza-
tion to which he belonged. The issuance of a
visa to such an alien is conditioned on a finding
that his admission into the United States would
be in the public interest. Visa regulations of the
Department of State provide that in the interest
of a coordinated and uniform interpretation of
what constitutes the public interest in issuing or
refusing visas to political defectors, all such cases
will be referred by the field to the Secretary of
State for possible consultation with the Attorney
General.
Elimination of Sex Discrimination
Another change in our immigration laws which
affects the visa function of the Department of
State should be mentioned. The new law elimi-
nates the discrimination between sexes which could
be found both in the Immigration Act of Febru-
ary 7, 1917, and in the act of 1924. Under the old
law an American citizen could bring to this coun-
try his alien wife as a nonquota immigrant; but
an American woman could bring her alien hus-
band by marriage since January 1, 1948, only as
a preference quota immigrant. An alien law-
fully admitted for permanent residence could
644
Department of State Bulletin
brin<^ his wife to this country as a preference
quota immigrant while an alien woman lawfully
admitted to this country could bring her alien
husband only as a nonpref erence quota immigrant
which in the case of smaller quotas meant consid-
erable and often indefinite delay. .If an immi-
grant husband and wife were born in two diller-
Int countries and the wife was chargeable to an
oversubscribed quota while the husband was
chargeable to an open quota, under the old law
the wife could be charged to her husband s quota.
But the reverse did not apply. In other words,
a husband chargeable to an oversubscribed quota
could not be charged to the open quota ot his ac-
companying wife. These and many other pro-
visions of the old law which discriminated against
women have all been eliminated under the Immi-
gration and Nationality Act. Wives have been
aiven the same status in all respects as are granted
to husbands. In other words, an alien husband
of an American woman may be issued a nonquota
visa as can the alien wife of an American citizen;
and an alien lawfully admitted for permanent
residence may bring his spouse as preference quota
immigrant regardless of whether the preceding
spouse is the husband or the wife.
One new feature of the Immigration and JNa-
tionality Act which refers both to immigrants and
nonimmigrants is the requirement that visa peti-
tions be filed with the Immigration and Natural-
ization Service in the case of aliens coming tem-
porarily to the United States for employment or
training and in the case of all preference quota
and nonquota immigrants except those who are
nonquota immigrants due to their birth m the
Western Hemisphere.
The petition procedure in these cases rests ex-
clusively with the Immigration and Naturaliza-
tion Service. Upon the approval of a petition by
the Immigration and Naturalization Service the
Department of State is notified and m turn for-
wards to the consular offices abroad the Attorney
General's classification of the alien.
Visas for Business Visitors
Some questions have arisen as to whethex cer-
tain nonimmigrant aliens coming to the United
States temporarily are to be considered tem-
porary workers requiring petitions, or visitors tor
business in whose case a nonimmigrant visa may
be issued without the prior approval of a petition.
Since it was obviously the intent of the law to
protect by the petition requirement American
labor, the Department of State and the Immigra-
tion and Naturalization Service have agreed that
certain classes of nonimmigrant aliens who are
coming to the United States temporarily for non-
compensatory and noncompetitive employment
or instruction may properly be classified as visi-
tors for business. For example, various American
firms who have purchased abroad machinery or
May 4, 1953
other equipment and have arranged for expert per-
sonnel to install in this country such machinery
and to instruct the American personnel m its
operation. These aliens, it has been agreed, will
be considered visitors for business and may, there-
fore, be issued visitors' visas without a prior peti-
tion if they continue to draw their pay from their
foreign employer and receive from the American
firm not more than a subsistence allo^yance and
reimbursement for other expenses incidental to
their temporary stay in this country. .
Another example is that of a group ot minis-
ters of religion who for years have been coming
from England in exchange with American min-
isters going to England during the summer
months. These ministers coming from England
continue to draw their salary in England and are
the guests in this country of the American church
at which they serve, or of its members Here
a<rain it has been held that a visitor-for-busmess
visa may properly be issued rather than a visa
requiring a visa petition.
A third group of aliens is considered qualified
for classification as visitors for business rather
than as temporary workers. These are aliens
brouo-ht to the United States temporarily by
American exporters who are selling American
goods abroad and who bring these aliens to this
country in order to familiarize them with the
manufacture, service or sales methods of the Amer-
ican product. The Immigration and Natural-
ization Service and the Department of State have
ao-reed that these aliens may be classified visitors
for business if the nature of their instruction is
predominantly mental; if securing this instruc-
tion benefits the American national interest; and
if these aliens continue to draw their pay from
their foreign employer who may be a, foreign
branch of an American firm, and receive from
the American firm not more than a subsistence
allowance and reimbursement for other expenses
incidental to their temporary stay.
In view of the concern sometimes expressed
about the allegedly unlimited power of consular
officers in refusing visas, as a final point I should
like to discuss the administrative procedures sur-
rounding the refusal and revocation of immigrant
^^ Wiien an immigrant visa is refused by a con-
sular officer a memorandum of refusal is prepared
and retained in the consular file. The action of
refusing an immigrant visa by a consular officer
has to be reviewed by the consular officer in charge
of visa work at the foreign post. If this superior
officer concurs in the refusal he has to counter-
sign the memorandum of refusal. If he does not
concur in the refusal the case is referred to the
Department for an advisory opinion.
Once an immigrant visa is issued it may be re-
voked only under the following circumstances:
( 1 ) The consular officer knows, or after investiga-
tion is satisfied, that the visa was procured by
645
fraud, willingly false or misleading representa-
tion, the willful concealment of a material fact,
or other unlawful means; or (2) the consular offi-
cer obtains information establishino; the alien was
otherwise ineligible to receive the particular visa
at the time it was issued.
Notice of revocation, if practicable, is to be
given to the alien at his last known address before
his departure for the United States. Whenever
circumstances permit the alien will also be given
opportunity to show why he believes revocation
to be, or to have been, unwarranted.
Once an immigrant visa has been revoked a full
report concerning the revocation has to be sub-
mitted to the Department of State for transmis-
sion to the Attorney General. If it was not
practicable to give the alien notice of revocation
before his departure for the United States, the
report submitted to the Department of State has
to explain all the pertinent circumstances in the
case.
In addition to this procedure prescribed by
regulations it has long been the administrative
practice of the Visa Office to entertain inquiries
by attorneys and other interested persons in the
United States concerning the disposition of visa
cases. If there is no case record in the Depart-
ment on the case in which an inquiry is received
a request for a report on the case will be directed
to the field. If on the basis of the facts available
in the Department or upon the report received
from the field it is found that the handling of the
case by the consular officer is not consistent with
the Department's interpretation of law and regu-
lations an appropriate advisory opinion will be
despatched to the consular officer having juris-
diction in the case.
In this connection, I should like to refer to the
provision of the Immigration and Nationality
Act which establishes that determination and
ruling by the Attorney General with respect to
all questions of law are controlling for all agen-
cies entrusted with the administration of this Taw.
Therefore, the interpretation of the Immigration
and Nationality Act by the Department of State
is not only guided by pertinent court decisions but
also by rulings and requested opinions of the
Attorney General.
These are some of the provisions of the Immi-
gration and Nationality Act which hare been
given little if any publicity, but which are of con-
siderable importance to those administering the
law and particularly to those who are affected by
the law, the immigrant, the nonimmigi-ant, and
their sponsors and representatives in this country.
Of course, it is unavoidable that a new law deal-
ing with a subject matter as complicated as that
of immigration will raise problems, many of
which cannot be recognized until the law has'been
in operation for some time. As far as the first
4 months of the law's operations are concerned,
it has not presented any serious operational diffi-
646
culties in the visa field which could not be re-
solved by reasonable interpretation or adjustment
of administrative procedures.
The Visa Office of the Department of State, by
the issuance of instructions and advisory opinions,
IS doing all in its power to assist consular officers
throughout the world to achieve as uniform an
interpretation of the law as is possible. .
Secretary Dulles Departs
For NAC Ministerial Meeting
Statement by the Secretary '
Press release 206 dated April 21
I believe the forthcoming meeting of the Nato
ministers will be a very important one. This wiU
be the first time that representatives of the Eisen-
hower administration have participated directly
in Nato ministerial meetings. There are a num-
ber of matters which we will wish to discuss with
allied governments, and there are several impor-
tant decisions to be taken.
Our principal immediate objective will be to
reach agreement on broad Nato defense programs
for 1953. I believe such an agreement will be at-
tained and will provide for a substantial increase
in Nato's defensive strength. In addition, we will
wish to examine the current world situation,
especially in the light of the proposals of Presi-
dent Eisenhower in his speech of April 16 before
the American Society of Newspaper Editors.^ "We
also wish to lay the groundwork for the develop-
ment of plans for future years— long-range plans
which will enable us to deter military attack from
without while maintaining our inner economic and
political strength.
In our discussions in Paris, we will naturally
wish to consider recent statements and actions by
the Soviet Government, in which all Nato peoples
have a common interest. However, I do not be-
lieve that our present security planning can be
modified by recent Soviet moVes. As I said in
my address to the editors last Saturday ,3 nothing
that has happened so far justifies any relaxation
of effort nor any weakening of Nato defenses.
Instead, there is good reason to believe that the
growing strength of the free world may influence
the Soviet Union decisively in the direction of
peace. The commonsense course for nations of
the Atlantic community is to move forward
steadily toward greater .strength and unity, main-
taining always an appropriate balance between
our military defenses and the basic economic sta-
bility upon which both our defenses and our entire
social order depend.
' Made at the Washington National Airport on Apr 21
' Bulletin of Apr. 27, 19.53, p. 599.
' Ibid., p. 603.
Department of State Bulletin
At the Crossroads in U.S. Trade Policy
hy Thruston B. Morton
Assistant Secretary for Congressional Relations ^
Since this city, the State of Louisiana, and as
a matter of fact the entire Mississippi Valley, has
Buch an important stake in international trade, i
am sure that you would like to know how the
administration feels about your theme, Balance
Trade, Reduce Aid." „ • i ^ j ^i
I can assure you that the President and the
executive branch of the Government agree that it
is in our national interest and m the interest ot
the entire free world that we increase trade and
thus reduce the need for aid. But we are, in Wb6,
at the crossroads in U.S. trade policy.
This administration is going to be assailed witn
two lines of argument. On the one hand, im-
portant groups will be saying: "We must keep the
\merican market for American products. Why
should we want to engage in foreign trade and
thus make ourselves dependent upon other na-
tions over whom we have no possible means ot
control Wliy should we share our incompar-
ably rich and extensive markets with other na-
tions and allow foreign goods to compete with the
products of American workers?"
They will also argue that we must keep out the
goods of foreign countries produced by 'cheap
labor in order to avoid lowering our standard ot
living They will claim that if we permit im-
ports from abroad we will be faced with unem-
ployment in our industries and the closing down
of productive facilities.
Then as a final argument, the opponents ot any
measures to lower barriers to trade will note that
our tariffs are the lowest they have ever been in
our history, lower than many other nations ot the
free world. AVliy, they conclude, should we lower
them any further? .
On the other side we have those groups which
will contend that without a solid economic foun-
dation the mutual-defense effort in the free world
• Address made before the 8th Mississippi Valley World
Trade Conference at New Orleans, La., on Apr. 17 (press
release 194 dated Apr. 16).
Moy 4, 1953
is built on quicksand. They will point out that
we cannot have international political cooperation
and economic isolation. They will say that with
our storehouses piling up with butter, cheese,
dried milk, cotton, grains, and other products, it
does not take much imagination to realize how
dependent we are on export markets. It we try
to keep the American market for our products,
foreigners are going to keep theirs for their
products. , , ., 1
This side also will point out that it makes no
sense to say that low labor costs abroad can cut
our standard of living if we import.
They will note that American automobile tac-
tory workers get higher wages than those of any
other country and better pay than most worlcers
in other American nonexport industries. ISut
American cars are cheaper than foreign cars and
can undersell them in open competition. The im-
portant factor in trade isn't the wage per day;
it's the wage per unit of product. Our workers,
with the mechanized means of production and
highly developed technology, are able to produce
a greater number of products per hour, thus re-
sulting in lower costs per unit even though their
wages per hour are high.
Furthermore, they will note, the U.S. economy
has developed on the basis of the theory that
competition is what keeps our system dynamic
and progressive. Give in to the protection senti-
ment, they say, and you destroy the ingredient m
American society that makes it grow.
And lastly, they will reply that our tariffs may
be the lowest in our history, but that there are still
many, many rates ranging from 50 to 400 percent
ad valorem.
And so the battle rages. Although the argu-
ments of those who recognize the need for lower-
ing barriers to trade may be more persuasive m
the abstract, the troops with special interests are
infinitely more effective in getting their views pre-
sented where it counts the most^before our legis-
647
Jators. If we are ever to get a foreign-trade policy
capable of serving as the foundation for a strong
free world defense effort, it is incumbent upon
groups such as yours to stimulate a broader under-
standing of the issues involved.
I'd like to take myself out of this crossfire and
give you some of the facts which reveal the dan-
gers to the United States of pulling back from
our policy of international cooperation in the field
of trade.
Gone are the days when diplomacy was a mat-
ter of ambassadors influencing individuals in
power in foreign countries and dealing solely in
the political plane. Economic and trade policy
are very much a part of our diplomacy and our
defense effort. President Eisenhower put it very
well in his inaugural address : ^
... we are linked to all free peoples not merely by
a noble idea but by a simple need. No free people can
for long cling to any privilege or enjoy any safety in
economic solitude. For all our own material might, even
we need markets in the world for the surpluses of our
farms and our factories. Equally, we need for these
same farms and factories vital materials and products
of distant lands. This basic law of interdependence, so
manifest in the commerce of peace, applies with thousand-
fold intensity in the event of war.
Trade Restrictions: An Aid to the Kremlin
A most important part of our leadership is how
to provide an economic foundation for a healthy
free world — how to build strength and security
to counter both the Communist threats of aggres-
sion and the Communist efforts to divide the free
world. This problem is just as real today as it
was 3 weeks or a month ago, when the Commu-
nists launched on the newest zig of their zigzag
policy. If we don't come up with the right an-
swers it isn't going to matter to any of us how
much cheese, glassware, silk scarves, tuna fish,
and shrimp enter the United States in 1953, 1954,
or any other year.
The Kremlin's policy is to create weakness and
disunity in the free world. Those who tend to
pass off lightly the part that U.S. trade policy
plays in our over-all foreign policy should read
the article that Stalin wrote before his death in
the Russian magazine Bolshevik for October 1952 :
The most important result of the Second World War
in its economic consequences must be considered the dis-
integration of a united, all-embracing world market.
This circumstance determined further the deepening of
the general crisis of the capitalist system . . .
. . . idleness of enterprises in these countries will in-
crease. In this, properly speaking, there consists a deep-
ening of the general crisis of the world capitalist system
in connection with the disintegration of the world market.
Stalin saw that crisis in terms of an "inevitable"
trade conflict between the nations of the free
world. He assured his readers that this conflict
meant the certain disintegration of free world
' Bulletin of Feb. 2, 1953, p. 168.
648
unity and the ultimate world triumph of com-
munism.
"We need not worry," was the essence of his
remarks. "The free nations will destroy them-
selves. They haven't got what it takes to work
and prosper together."
And those who thought that perhaps with
Stalin's death we might get a different Commu-
nist line should read the speech delivered on March
14 by the Polish representative to the Economic
Commission for Europe.
E. Milnikiel, Polish Minister to Sweden, told
the Western European countries at a meeting of
the U.N. unit not to expect any help from the
United States in solving its economic problems
by "trade, not aid."
Milnikiel's speech would not have been remark-
able had it not revealed the complete coverage that
Communist information services are currently
giving to every evidence of what we may broadly
call "protectionism" in the West — everything
from "Buy American" to the escape-clause actions
which are invoked in an attempt to keep out im-
ports from the United States.
Those who are anxious to avoid providing the
Communists with a weapon to beat us over the
head are concerned by the introduction of many
restrictionist bills in this session of Congress.
At least 38 bills have already been introduced
this session to cut imports from our friends and
allies.
At least 22 bills have been presented in the
House and 2 in the Senate to cut imports of fuel
oil. Two bills would put a 35 percent ad valorem
duty on imported shrimp. Three bills would
double the duty on Swiss watches. One bill to
put a 5-cents-per-pound duty on fresh or frozen
tuna would really hit Japan hard.
And one bill would give to a Cabinet officer the
power to shut off imports when he considered
them "excessive."
Communist Use of the Trade Issue
To cite an example of how the Communists use
the trade issue, I would like to tell you about the
time our restrictions on cheese imports were im-
posed, when a tariff quota was imposed on al-
monds, when minor escape-clause actions were
taken which affected Italy.
The Communists in Southern Italy and Sicily
went into action. Hardly had our restrictions
gone into effect than a Soviet ship appeared in
southern Italian ports accompanied by wide-
spread publicity that the Soviet Union intended
to buy Italian products. It was a very effective
gesture, especially when they bought some boat-
loads of lemons and almonds.
One American official who traveled in Southern
Italy at this time reported that the Communists
were also using our trade actions to attack the
Nato defense effort. The Communists plastered
Department of State Bulletin
wallposters far and wide and repeated by word
of mouth, "The United States is ready to take
our sons, but she won't take our goods."
Clearly, if we want our allies to throw their
economic lot in with us and abandon their his-
toric markets to the East, we must assure them
that we will be a responsible and reliable leader.
Not just now and then, but consistently.
Of course, we'll need cooperation from the other
countries of the free world if we are to build a
strong economic foundation.
Countries of the free world must take measures
to control inflation; restrictive business and labor
practices must be curbed ; competition in industry
encouraged; productivity increased; and a better
climate provided for foreign investment. All
these measures would strengthen the economies
of the free world.
Another danger which would result from our
failure to encourage the free world to reduce bar-
riers to trade is that the Soviet bloc could make
big gains in the battle of production.
The Kremlin can, by decrees, eliminate the
national economies of the satellites and merge
them all into a Soviet economy covering the entire
heartland of Europe and Asia.
If we look at a map and trace the outlines of the
Soviet bloc, we can see that the major part of
Europe and Asia is combined under the iron con-
trol of the Soviet Union. The Soviet bloc, with
its potential resources and a potentially huge in-
ternal market, can maximize its production with-
out much international trade. Conceivably, by
dictation from the Kremlin, every part of the
Soviet bloc could be directed to produce the things
it is best suited to produce. It could thus assure
that the best possible use of its resources, plants,
and manpower is being made.
The remainder of Europe, Asia, and the West-
ern Hemisphere, on the other hand, is frag-
mentized into over 50 individual countries, each
with its own economic structure, each lacking raw
materials, resources, plants, and key skills found
only in otiier countries. Each is separated from
the others by numerous currency and trade bar-
riers that impede the flow of trade among these
various free countries.
To compensate, the free world needs to lower
barriers to trade among its member countries.
Not only does the lowering of barriers to trade
strengthen the free world by permitting each
country to obtain needed materials at the lowest
cost, by permitting each to achieve top efficiency
from large-scale production, but it also raises the
standard of living of all countries of the free
world.
The world took a big step forward when man-
kind decided that division of labor enabled all
the villagers to live better. "When the shoemaker
stopped making his own clothes and concentrated
on making shoes, when the farmer concentrated on
raising crops instead of trying to build his own
equipment, the whole community benefited. That
same principle holds for the nations of the free
world.
The Tariff Curtain and the Iron Curtain
Today one of Western Europe's most pressing
problems is that of trade. Figuratively speaking,
her shoemakers can't sell their shoes to pay for
the agricultural and other products they need
from us.
This problem has intensified since the historic
trade between Eastern and Western Europe has
been cut down. Formerly, up until World War
II, nearly one-third of Western Europe's com-
'merce was conducted with Russia, Poland, Hun-
gary, Bulgaria, Rumania, and Czechoslovakia.
Broadly, the countries behind the Iron Curtain
supplied Western Europe with cereals, metals,
timber, hides, and other raw materials in exchange
for textiles, hardware, machinery, electrical equip-
ment, chemicals, and other manufactured goods.
The cutback of East- West trade to prevent strate-
gic materials from going to the Soviet bloc has
sharply cut down a key source of raw materials
for Western Europe and has shrunk drastically
a major market for its manufactured goods.
Moreover, Western Europe's whole trading pat-
tern with Asia and other less developed areas was
disrupted during World War II and has not been
altogether restored since.
This situation spotlights another danger which
a restrictionist U.S. trade policy would create.
Western Europe must find new markets. A re-
strictive trade policy by us would crush our allies
between the tariff curtain and the Iron Curtain.
We seem to our friends to be very inconsistent
when we ask the countries of Western Europe to
refrain from East- West trade and then shut the
door to trade with the United States by our own
restrictions on the importation of foreign goods.
Furthermore, such restrictions are not in our
own self-interest. If we do not give the people
of Western Europe the opportunity to earn
dollars, how can we expect them to buy our goods?
Restrictions on imports that deny the right to our
customers to earn dollars mean lost markets for
American business.
We should permit access to our markets from
abroad, or else that segment of business and agri-
culture which sells abroad must become accustomed
to diminishing markets. You are undoubtedly
familiar with the restrictions imposed by Congress
on the importation of cheese which has cut the
sale of foreign cheese in the United States. This
has resulted, specifically in the case of France, in
the cancellation of contracts for the purchase of
citrus fruit, because the dollars were not available
due to French inability to earn dollars in the
American market. We must recognize that for
every dollar of sale prevented in the United States
there is a dollar of American exports lost abroad.
May 4, 1953
649
We are really in a very peculiar situation.
After having helped to build up the production
of our allies and our former enemies so that the
countries of the free world can stand on their own
feet in competitive world trade, we have not at
the same time been able to lower our trade barriers
to make it possible for them to sell to us.
Take the case of Japan — a bulwark against
communism in the Far East. The 80 million
people crowded into the island of Japan, an area
smaller than California, must trade in order to
live. We have spent hundreds of millions of dol-
lars a year to keep Japan alive and to rebuild her
economic strength. Japan in return has cut off
most of her once rich trade with China, although
this has meant paying higher prices for raw ma-
terials and losing an important market.
If we are going to keep Japan on the free
world's side, she must expand her trade with the
free world or go on being subsidized by the Amer-
ican taxpayer. There is, of course, one other
possibility. She could tie her economy in with
the Soviet bloc, but that isn't the solution that we
would like to see.
Stalin, before his death, predicted that the free
world could not absorb the export capacities of
Germany and Japan. It is incumbent upon the
free world to prove him wrong in this, as in his
other predictions.
There is still another danger if we withdraw
from international cooperation in the trade field.
This is a danger to our economy.
In the postwar period from 1946 to 1952, the
cumulative dollar deficit of the United States with
the rest of the world amounted to approximately
$34 billion. It was covered by aid from the
United States and the use of gold and dollar re-
serves. With the reduction of foreign aid, which
has made possible a large part of U.S. shipments
abroad of agricultural and manufactured prod-
ucts, exports will drop sharply, unless we increase
our imports and permit other countries to earn the
dollars needed to maintain their purchases of
American products.
In this dilemma the United States faces three
choices in its trade policy :
1. We can cut exports and accept defaults on
payments of loans ;
2. We can meet the trade deficit with money
from the public treasury — the taxpayer's pocket;
or
3. We can face the economic facts of life and
recognize that the only way we can receive pay-
ment for goods is in the form of imports of goods
and services.
President Eisenhower, recognizing the dangers
and aware of the need for trade to strengthen the
economic foundations of the free world, has rec-
ommended to Congress the extension for 1 year of
the present Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act as
an interim measure.' He also recommended that
we revise our customs regulations to remove ad-
ministrative barriers to trade; encourage the flow
of private American investment abroad; utilize
facilities overseas for the production of articles
which are needed for mutual defense ; and import
greater amounts of important raw materials
which we do not ourselves possess.
The right answers in the field of foreign eco-
nomic policy are not easy to come by, and there
is one thing of which we can be certain — none of
them are easy to adopt.
You are probably all aware that hearings vtill
begin on April 22 before the House Ways and
Means Committee to decide which of the cross-
roads the United States shall take in its trade
policy. The hearings will be held on a bill which
would tear the vitals out of the present Reciprocal
Trade Agreements Act. Adoption of such a bill
would create consternation among countries of
the free world and would lend credence to the
Communist theme that the United States wants
to sell but it does not want to buy.
The Need for a Customs Simplification Bill
Hearings will also be held in the near future on
a customs simplification bill. Such a bill is long
overdue. We haven't had any real changes since
1930, despite the rapid strides we have made in
technology. This has led to some strange devel-
opments in the Customs Houses around the coun-
try. I'd just like to cite a few strange situations
which arise from our present law.
Take paragraph 1559 for example. It provides
for the classification of those imported articles
not specifically provided for in the Tariff Act of
1930. It's called the "general basket clause." It
specifies that each and every article not named in
the tariff shall be assessed the duty charged for
the product it most resembles. Where an article
that isn't listed by its own name resembles two
other named articles, on which different rates
apply, it is assessed at the rate for the article
paying the highest duty. This rule has caused
some fantastic results.
For example, staple fiber nylon yarn is classi-
fied under the wool schedule if the yarn has a
crimp or crinkle in it. Exactly the same yarn is
classified under the silk schedule and charged a
different rate if there is no crimp in it.
Since the enactment of the 1930 tariff, many
new products have been developed, and when any
of these products are imported the question of tar-
iff classification arises at once. That's when the
customs collectors run into the "rule of similitude."
Collectors of customs are given no latitude by
paragraph 1559 to use their good judgment, ex-
perience, or common sense. This paragi-aph says
if they find that an imported article resembles
' Ibid., Apr. 27, 1953, p. 634.
650
Department of State Bulletin
more than one enumerated article, the classifica-
tion must blindly follow the rule of highest rate.
Under this rule, radar equipment was classified
as clocks until the Customs Court reversed the
decision many months later. The Court held that
the clock paragraph was intended by Congress to
apply to instruments desi^ied to provide a more
accurate measurement of time than a radar device
does.
I have also heard, but I can't vouch for it, that
interpretations under our complicated customs
rules brought a young collector widespread re-
nown in the Customs Service. He had to figure
out how to rule on a body in a coffin. The body
was that of an American being shipped home for
burial. This bright collector's solution was to
classify the body as "an American product, not
advanced in value or improved in condition."
Under that legitimate customs-law classification
it could come in duty free. The collector also
admitted the coffin without charge, on the theory
that it was the "usual container" for such goods.
Unfortunately I didn't bring along my crystal
ball, so I am not going to try to predict what
course of action Congress is going to take with
regard to trade policy and how it will affect the
theme of this conference, "Balance Trade, Reduce
Aid." However, I do know that our Senators and
Representatives try to reflect the views of their
constituents. We can, therefore, expect no prog-
ress in legislation to help balance trade unless
there is general public understanding and support
throughout the country for such a move.
For that reason, as well as to develop a forward-
looking foreign economic policy which will be in
the best interest of the entire country. President
Eisenhower has announced that he plans to ap-
point a commission to undertake a fundamental
study of U.S. foreign economic policy.
I am certain that the study will consider realis-
tic measures which are required to face up to
present-day problems. And I am sure that the
realism of this commission will not fit the descrip-
tion which Disraeli, the great British Prime Min-
ister of the last century, gave of a realist. He said,
"A realist is a man who insists on making the same
mistakes his grandfather made."
Up to the present time the United States has
failed to adopt a policy adequate to the needs of
a creditor nation — a creditor nation which wants
to be paid for its exports. The renewal of the
present Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act and
the passage of a customs simplification act, as
requested by the President, are not the final meas-
ures which need to be taken to meet the demands
of these perilous times, but they are what is needed
to keep the situation from deteriorating until we
can have a thorough study which will result in
recommendations which the American people and
the Congress will support.
Problems of American Agriculture and Foreign Trade
Statement hy Harold F. hinder
Assistant Secretary for Econoirdc Affairs ^
Press releases 186, 189 dated April 10
I was very glad to receive the Committee's in-
vitation to comment, on behalf of the Department
of State, on the relation of our agricultural im-
ports and exports to our domestic agricultural
programs.
This is a subject which, all too frequently, is
dealt with in bits and pieces as emergency situa-
tions arise. It is timely, it seems to me, for these
problems to be reviewed in some systematic way,
so that we can find the course most in harmony
with our national objectives. I think that such a
course can be found and that reviews of the sort
your Committee is conducting are needed to help
find it.
On the surface, it might appear that there was
no need for Americans to worry very much either
' Made before the Senate Committee on Agriculture and
Forestry on Apr. 10.
about exports or imports. Superficially, we seem
to have a fairly self-sufficient economy. When
we look at the figures in the aggregate neither our
imports nor our exports seem to bulk very large
compared to what we produce at home. For every
dollar of domestic production, we import only 3
cents worth and we export only 4 cents worth of
goods. Except for the Soviet Union, these figures
are lower than those of any major country in the
world.
Yet, like so many figures of this kind, the im-
pression they give is deceptive. The fact is that
critical parts of our economy are geared to doing
a substantial amount of business with foreign
countries. This is especially true, as you know, in
tlie field of agriculture. We sell a great deal of
our cotton, wheat, tobacco, and rice overseas ; last
year, for example, just under 40 percent of each
of these crops was marketed abroad. To a lesser
extent, we market a good manj^ of our specialty
May 4, J953
651
crops abroad as well. Our apple, orange, raisin,
and prune producers have always relied on foreign
markets to provide the extra margin of profit that
makes the ditference between a lean year and a
prosperous one. Taken all together, these exports
require the use of about CO million acres of Amer-
ican farmland, an area larger than the cultivated
areas of all our Southeastern States.
The importance to the farmer of his export
markets is something of which he himself is not
always aware. As far as the farmer is concerned
his contact is with domestic merchants, not with
foreign users. What he is not in a position to see
is that these crops are resold by these merchants
for export abroad. Once these foreign markets
dry up, the pipline is clogged and the domestic
buyers disappear.
Effects of a Reduction in Foreign Markets
Another point that needs to be stressed is the
fact that when foreign markets for our export
crops are reduced, it is not the cotton or wheat or
tobacco farmer alone who is affected. Our whole
agricultural economy feels the effect, through a
number of different channels. Perhaps the most
important result is that farmers tend to turn over
some of their land from export crops to domestic
crops, from cotton to cattle grazing, from tobacco
to truck farming, from wheat to dairying, and so
on. And the resultant pressures are felt through-
out the whole range of agricultural production.
Prosperity for our export-crop producers, there-
fore, is inseparably tied in with prosperity for
the farmer producing for the home market.
This brings me to the next stage of our problem.
How can we maintain a situation in which our
overseas markets remain willing and able to buy
American agricultural products? The Marshall
plan answered this problem to some extent. Of
course, the Marshall plan was conceived for a
much larger purpose and accomplished a great
deal more than simply providing an overseas mar-
ket for American farmers. But it did serve the
incidental purpose of providing foreign countries
with dollars, some of which were used to buy our
American export crops.
This means of disposing of American farm
products, however, is one which none of us wants
to continue for any longer than necessary, neither
the American taxpayer nor the American farmer,
nor even the foreign governments who receive our
aid. Foreign buying must be placed on a basis
on which it pays its own way. The only practical
way of achieving this is to make sure that the
foreign countries have every reasonable oppor-
tunity to earn the dollars that they need to buy
our Arnerican products. This means that foreign
countries should have every reasonable chance to
sell their goods in our markets.
It is at this point that American agriculture
is faced with a dilemma. Some of the products
652
which other countries have been selling to us and
want to keep on selling to us are items which we
can produce for ourselves, provided domestic
prices are high enough. And one way of helping
to keep these prices high, in addition to govern-
ment buying, is to reduce or eliminate the imports
we have been receiving from foreign producers.
A reduction of imports is often an attractive
and seemingly painless solution, when one segment
or another of American agriculture is demanding
some action. Yet when we apply restrictions to
keep out the normal imports of foreign producers,
we clearly are running serious risks. Foreigners,
finding that their American market is gone, will
be forced to cut back on their purchases of our
export crops as a result. And some of the farmers
who previously raised export crops will turn to
production for the home market, thereby adding
to home competition and adding to the pressure
on our support programs. Everybody may lose;
our cotton farmers may lose their markets over-
seas, and foreign producers may lose their domes-
tic markets in the United States. We balance our
trade with the rest of the world in the worst pos-
sible way, by restricting it both ways.
I do not pretend to have any easy answers for
this dilemma which American agriculture faces.
As long as we recognize the equity of support
prices for the American farmer, we shall always
be faced with the problem of reconciling the
farmer's interest in maintaining these programs
and his interest in maintaining his overseas mar-
kets. We may never be able to achieve a perfect
balance between these two interests. But I feel
sure that we can achieve a better balance than
our present policies now provide.
I have had occasion to make these points to
a good many groups in the recent past and from
time to time I have been told : "This is all very
well, but isn't it true that countries abroad are
imposing more and more restrictions on American
products and that their current dependence on our
cotton, wheat, tobacco, and so forth, is no more
than a flash in the pan?"
Foreign Demand and tlie Scarcity of Dollars
To begin with, I want to point out that the
reasons that countries maintain their present re-
strictions on some American products is precisely
because they are buying other American products
so heavily. In other words, the demand of for-
eigners for American exports has grown much
faster than the dollars that they have been able
to earn; as a result, foreign governments have
had to ration their supply of scarce dollars for
the various competing demands which have been
made upon them. And in rationing their scarce
dollars, many of these countries have tried to re-
duce their purchases of apples, peaches, and other
less basic products as a way of meeting part of the
cost of their increased purchases of cotton, wheat,
Department of State Bulletin
and tobacco. Far from reducing their overall
purchases of American agricultural products they
have greatly increased these purchases.
The fio-ures present a striking story. 1 he rest
of the world, which bought about 700 million
dollars of our agricultural products annually m
the years just before the war, has been buying
from us at an annual rate of about 3,500 million
dollars since the end of the war. This increase
in our exports is much greater than the rise m
our imports of agricultural products; before the
war we imported about 600 million dollars an-
nually of the kinds of products American agri-
culture can produce, whereas since the war the
ficrure has risen to only 1,600 million dollars
annually. It should be pointed out that tlie
world's increased purchases of American agri-
cultural products have been reflected m a relatively
laro-e number of the individual commodities in-
volved For some crops, both quantities and
prices of exports have gone up; for others, the
increase has been principally m the price. The
only quantity decreases in exports of important
crops have been in fruits.
There has been considerable speculation on how
long the increased dependence of the rest of tlie
world on American agriculture is likely to last.
No one, of course, can speak with certainty about
the lono--run prospects. But as nearly as can be-
iudo-ed from the facts, there is every reason to'
suppose that the demand by foreign countries tor
American export crops will remain high over the
years, provided foreign countries have the dollars
to buy these crops.
The Increased Emphasis on Industrialization
There are a number of reasons why this is to be
expected. In the period immediately following
the war, it was generally thought that our ab-
normal exports of agricultural products simply
reflected the effects of overseas war destruction.
But as time went on and our agricultural exports
were maintained and expanded we began to see
other causes for this extraordinary development.
One major cause was the increased emphasis ot
a threat many countries on industrialization. Ar-
gentina, for example, followed a deliberate policy
of attracting workers from the farms to the cities.
As a result, wheat acreage in Argentina has
dropped to about 20 percent below its prewar level,
and wheat production in Argentina has been
equally depressed. Countries which previously
relied upon Argentine wheat exports have had to
turn to other sources. In addition to the loss of
Argentine wheat, other normal prewar sources
of wheat, such as Eastern Germany, the Balkan
countries and the Soviet Union, also have shrunk.
The loss of these sources, like the loss of Argentine
wheat, has largely been due to the policy of forced
industrialization, which has sharply reduced the
amounts of agricultural products available for
May 4, 1953
foreign buyers. The forces that have tended to
diminish prewar sources of wheat have also re-
duced the supplies of other agricultural products.
The result has been that many countries have had
to turn to the United States and Canada to till
the gap created by the loss of supplies from other
areas. . , . , , • v j.-
The emphasis on continued industrialization
around the world gives American farmers every
right to anticipate that the rest of the world is
o-oing to remain a good customer for American
products in the years ahead, always provided these
countries are allowed to earn the dollars that are
needed for that purpose. America's best custom-
ers are the countries with expanding production
and expanding incomes. These are the countries
which develop the internal needs for American
essentials and the desires for American luxuries.
As long as incomes in any country are on the
increase, demands for one or another of America s
diverse export crops are bound to increase as well ;
if not for wheat, then for cotton ; and if not for
cotton, then for peaches. But in order to translate
this growing demand into actual purchases, we
must be willing to give these countries the chance
to earn dollars; we must be willing, in short, to
have trade run on a 2-way street.
These are some of the facts which it seems to
me this Committee will have to take into account
in considering the problems of American agricul-
ture and foreign trade. I am sure that similar
considerations will be elaborated and analyzed
in the study which the President has initiated of
our overall foreign economic policy.' Only if
such facts are fully appraised can we move ahead
with a mutually consistent agricultural policy
and trade policy which will advance our total
national interests.
At the close of his main statement, Mr. Linder
made the following additional remarks:
Section 22 of the Agricultural Act
It is our understanding that, at yesterday's
hearin"-, suggestions were made for amending sec-
tion 22 of the Agricultural Act so that restrictions
could be imposed on agricultural imports before
the Tariff Commission had come to a conclusion
as to whether or not such imports were interfering
with domestic agricultural programs. I believe
that this proposed amendment came up in connec-
tion with the proposal supported by the adminis-
tration for the removal of section 104 of the De-
fense Production Act, which now imposes severe
restrictions on imports of dairy products as well
as certain other products.^ Some fear was ex-
= For text of the President's message announcing this
study and requesting the Congress to extend the Recipro-
cal Trade Agreements Act for 1 year pending its comple-
tion, see Bulletin of Apr. 27, 1953, p. 634.
» For text of a statement made by Mr. Linder relating
to section 104, see ibid., Apr. 13, 1953, p. 554.
653
pressed that in view of the prospective expiration
of section 104 on June 30 of this year the Tariff
Commission mij^ht not act promptly enou<^h in
deciding upon sucli restrictions as might prove to
be necessary to prevent imports from interfering
witli tlie domestic dairy products pro";ram.
The Department of State has not had an op-
portunity to consider all the implications of the
proposed amendment to section 22. Our prelim-
inary view, however, is that such an amendment
would fundamentally alter the present procedures
by placing restrictions on imports before a con-
sidered judgment had been reached as to whether
or not such restrictions were in fact necessary to
prevent impairment of domestic programs. I am
not at all sure that restrictions imposed in this way
would not create for us many of the international
difficulties which we have had in connection with
section 104. It may be that some change in sec-
tion 22 will prove to be necessary. It is our view,
however, that any substantial changes in our for-
eign-trade policy should be undertaken only after
the careful and comprehensive study contemplated
in the President's recent message to Congress on
the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act. As you
know, the President in his message asked that the
Trade Agreements Act be extended, in its present
form, for a period of one year pending a complete
and comprehensive review of our foreign-eco-
nomic policy. Such a review would include a
study of the relationship between our foreign-
trade policy and our domestic agricultural pro-
grams with the idea of finding more effective solu-
tions to the problems which confront us. Basic
changes in the operation of section 22 at this time
would, in our judgment, tend to prejudice the out-
come of this study.
The proposed amendment under section 22
would not appear to be necessary in connection
with the removal of 104 restrictions. Since yes-
terday's hearing, the President has requested the
Tariff Commission to institute immediately an
investigation under section 22 with respect to
commodities now subject to restriction under 104.
In his letter to the Tariff Commission he has asked
that the Tariff Commission report back to him
not later than June 1, that is to say a full 30 days
before the scheduled expiration of section 104.
Submission of U.S. Claims
on German Property
Press release 192 dated April 15
The Department of State has been informed
that the agreement between Switzerland and the
Federal Republic of Germany concerning German
assets in Switzerland became effective March 20,
1953.^
' See Bm-LETiN of Sept. 8, 1952, p. 363 for (1) Synopsis
of the Swiss-German Agreement of Aug. 26; (2) Text of
tlie related Swiss-Allied agreement of Aug. 28 and sum-
mary of letters annexed thereto.
Under article 5 of the Swiss-German agreement,
protection is afforded to persons having interests
in German assets in Switzerland, in general, as
follows :
1. Persons having assets of a total value of less
than 10,000 Swiss francs.
2. Persons who, on February 10, 1945, were dual
U.S. -German nationals, provided that the United
States supports their claim.
3. Persons deprived of life or substantially of
liberty or of full citizenship rights under Nazi
discriminatory laws.
4. Persons who can prove by certain certified
statements that their property in Switzerland was
returned to tliem pursuant to the laws in Germany
on restitution.
5. Non-German persons having a 25 percent or
more interest in firms organized under German
law, which firms have assets in Switzerland.
6. Non-German beneficiaries of a family foun-
dation.
Under article IS and the related letter, protec-
tion is afforded American interests of 25 percent
or more in firms organized outside of Germany
and Switzerland, in which Germans participate to
the extent of 50 percent or more and which have
assets in Switzerland.
Under article 7 of the Swiss-German agreement
the Swiss Compensation Office, an agency of the
Swiss Government, is required to "despatch re-
quests in an appropriate manner to all owners of
property in Switzerland asking them to apply,
personally or through agents, within 2 months
from publication of such request for the unblock-
ing of their property according to Article 5." By
article 13 the Swiss Compensation Office is to un-
block the properties specified in article 5 if a
request by the owner has been filed within 2
months of the announcement referred to in
article 7.
It is suggested that claimants in the United
States not await receipt of notice from the Swiss
Compensation Office but instead communicate im-
mediately with the Swiss Compensation Office re-
questing the unblocking of their property. The
address of the Swiss Compensation Office is Tal-
strasse 62, Ziirich, Switzerland.
In a letter of August 26, 1952, the Federal Re-
public of Germany advised the United States that
it would afford protection to U.S. nationals (and
certain other non-German nationals) who had
funds in Switzerland deposited through a Ger-
man bank, if the German bank had advised the
U.S. national that the funds received were depos-
ited with a specified Swiss bank in a specified
account and if the account exists today. Any U.S.
national having funds in this category should
communicate with the Department of Stata
regarding the procedure to obtain protection.
654
Department of Sfafe Bulletin
Questions Relating to
Korean Settlement
Press Conference Remarks hy Secretary Dulles
I
Press release 203 dated April 20
When ashed at a press conference on April 20
whether there had been dLscussion within the ad-
ministration of a possible political frontier being
established at the toaist of Korea, the Secretary
made the follotving response:
No. The waistline has always been one of the
lines which has been given important considera-
tion in terms of the military position in Korea.
That line is a fairly short line of about 100 miles,
I think, as against the present line of about 120,
and as against the northern line which would be
about 600 miles. So the waistline has for a long
time been one of the lines which has been con-
sidered from a military standpoint.
From a political standpoint there has been no
renunciation of the goal of a United Korea, which
was the goal which was laid down by the United
Nations. It was first laid down in 1947 when I
handled the matter as a member of the U.S. dele-
gation. It was reaffirmed in 1948 in Pans when
I was also on the U.S. delegation handling the
matter. It was again reaffirmed in 1950 when I
was a delegate to the United Nations. That posi-
tion was expressed by the President last Thursday
and so expressed by me on Saturday.^
Secretary Dulles replied as follows lohen ashed
about proposals that a political solution be made
a condition to a military truce in Korea:
I believe that we should try as far as is practi-
cable to assure that a political discussion shall as
nearly as possible coincide with the military armi-
stice discussions, and that we should not face a
long period of debate about an armistice which
would postpone indefinitely political discussions.
We have been through nearly 2 years of that, and
I hope that if, and as, armistice negotiations are
renewed, as they probably will be next Friday,
that they will be quick and to the point, and not
for long postpone political discussions.
Of course, the armistice agreement,^ which is
not just a U.S. document but a U.N. document,
has already been formulated in the sense that it
provides by article IV, section 60, that it will be
recommended that within 3 months after the ar-
mistice agreement is signed a political conference
be held. So to that extent, the order of events
has already been fixed by a document which the
United States alone is not at liberty to change.
' Bulletin of Apr. 27, 1953, pp. 599 and 603.
' rx doc. A/222S, dated Oct. IS, 1952.
May 4, 1953
But I believe that we can expedite the armistice
negotiations and, if they are successful, bring
about a prompt political discussion.
Asked whether he loould favor going ahead with
the armistice first and then go into politkal discus-
sions, the Secretary replied:
Yes, I think we are committed to that by the
agreement as drawn and, which, I say, is not just
a U.S. document, but a U.N. document. It was
reported to the United Nations on October 18,
1952.
Asked whether the United States at the truce
negotiations intended to sound^ out the Commu-
nists as to their views on a political settlement, the
Secretary replied:
I doubt that that would be an appropriate forum
for such a sounding, because that is a military
discussion by military leaders and the armistice
is a military' document. It could be done through
some other means but that doesn't mean to say it
will be. I just say it could be.
Asked whether he thought the Communists
would permit free elections and how the country
could be unified toithout free elections throughout
Korea, Secretary Dulles replied:
I mean the kind of thing which was envisaged
by the U.N. resolutions of '47 and '48 which did
contemplate elections under neutral auspices.
There was a commission, you know, sent out there.
The United States was not represented on the
commission. It was largely a commission of so-
called neutrals. And they did supervise elections
in part of the area but they were not allowed to
proceed into the northern part of Korea. But
refusals are not always permanent. We have been
hoping for changes, and sometimes they come
unexpectedly.
You take what is happening today, the exchange
of sick and wounded prisoners of war, that is
something which the Government had sought a
good many times over the past couple of years. It
has always been rejected. WHien under President
Eisenhower's and my suggestion the proposal was
renewed again last February 22, it was accepted.
There are oftentimes unpredictable changes in the
point of view and attitude of the Soviet Commu-
nist regime, and it is never wise to abandon hope
permanently.
Correction
Bulletin of April 20, 1953, page 575, first column :
Tlie lieading should read: Letter from General
Nam II to General Harrison, April 9.
655
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Calendar of Meetings'
Adjourned During April 1953
International Wheat Council: 11th Session
International Wheat Council: Reconvening of 8th Session
Indian Railways Exhibition
U. N. (United Nations) :
Commission on Status of Women: 7th Session
Commission on Narcotic Drugs: 8th Session
Consultative Group in the Field of Prevention of Crime and Treatment
of Offenders — Latin American Regional.
Economic Commission for Latin America: 5th Session
Economic Commission for Europe: East- West Trade Conference . .
General Assembly: Reconvening of 7th Session
Fag (Food and Agriculture Organization) :
Committee on Relations with International Organizations: 14th
Session.
Technical Advisory Committee on Desert Locust Control
Wmo (World Meteorological Organization) : Commission for Synoptic
Meteorology: 1st Session.
UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization): Executive Board: 33d Session.
Milan International Trade Fair
Conference on Caribbean Timbers, Their Utilization and Trade Within
the Area.
IcEM (Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration) :
Finance Committee
5th Session of Committee
6th International Film Festival
Rice Consultative Committee: 6th Meeting
South Pacific Conference: 2d Session
Paso (Pan American Sanitary Organization): Executive Committee:
19th Meeting.
Nato (North Atlantic Treaty Organization): Ministerial Meeting of the
North Atlantic Council.
Washington .
Washington .
New Delhi .
New York. .
New York. .
Rio de Janeiro
Rio de Janeiro
Geneva . . ,
New York.
Jan. 30-Apr.2
Feb. 2-Apr. 13
Mar. 4- Apr. 17
Mar. 16-Apr. 3
Mar. 30-Apr. 24
Apr. 6-19
Apr. 9-17
Apr. 13-18*
Feb. 24-Apr. 23
(recessed)
Rome Mar. SO-Apr. 2
Rome. . .
Washington
Paris . . .
Milan .
Trinidad
Apr. 21-24
Apr. 2-29*
Apr. 8-20
Apr. 12-29
Apr. 13-18
Geneva Apr. 13-15
Geneva Apr. 16-25
Cannes Apr. 15-29
Singapore Apr. 15-16
Noumea Apr. 16-28
Washington Apr. 20-30
Paris Apr. 23-25
In Session as of April 30, 1953
Washington Feb.
Paris Mar.
International Materials Conference
Oeec (Office of European Economic Cooperation): European Inland
Transport Conference.
U.N. (United Nations):
Economic and Social Council:
15th Session of the Council New York Mar. 31-
Commission on Human Rights: 9th Session Geneva Apr. 7-
Fisoal Commission: 4th Session New York Apr. 27-
Ad Hoc Committee on Forced Labor: 4th Session Geneva Apr. 17-
High Commissioner's Advisory Committee on Refugees Geneva Apr. 27-
Inter-American Council of Jurists: 2d Meeting Buenos Aires Apr. 20-
South Pacific Commission: 11th Session Noumea Apr. 25-
26, 1951-
18-
Scheduled May 1-July 31, 1953
Itu (International Telecommunication Union):
Administrative Coimcil: 8th Session Geneva May 2-
International Telegraph Consultative Committee: 8th Plenary As- Arnheim May 26-
sembly.
International Cotton Advisory Committee: 12th Plenary Meeting . . . Washington May 4-
' Prepared in the Division of International Conferences, Department of State, Apr. 23, 1953.
tentative dates.
Asterisks indicate
656
Departmenf of State Bulletin
iOpu (Universal Postal Union): Meeting of the Executive and Liaison
Committee.
UN. (United Nations):
Social Commission: 9th Session ... •••■•.
Ad Hoc Commission on Prisoners of War: 4th Session ._ . • • • ■ •
International Conference to Adopt Protocol on Limitation of the 1 ro-
duction of Opium.
■ International Law Commission: 5th Session ... . . ... • . ■
I Economic Commission for Europe: 3d Regional Meeting of European
Statisticians.
Trusteeship Council: 12th Session. . . _
Economic and Social Council: 16th Session
Ad Hoc Committee on Administrative Unions
Committee on Non-Governmental Organizations
Technical Assistance Committee . • • - • ■ • .• • • •. ■ .■ : ■ ■
Ad Hoc Committee on Factors (Non-Self-Governing Territories) . .
International Sugar Conference
Who (World Health Organization) :
6th World Health Assembly
Executive Board: 12th Session _.
IcAO (International Civil Aviation Organization) : .
Standing Committee on Aircraft Performance: 4th Session ....
Assembly: 7th Session
North Atlantic Ocean Weather Stations
Ilo (International Labor Organization) :
Permanent Agricultural Committee: 4th Session
Governing Body (and Committees)
Annual Conference of the Ilo: 36th Session •■■•.•••••■•
Meeting of Experts on Systems of Payment by Results in Construction
Industry.
Caribbean Commission: 16th Meeting ■ ,• • .-
International Rubber Study Group: 10th Meeting
International Svmposium on Neurosecretion . ... •.••.■•.• • „\
International Commission for the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries: 3d
Meeting.
Fag (Food and Agriculture Organization):
Latin American Seminar on Land Problems
Committee on Commodity Problems: 21st Session
Council: 17th Session „V^
International Seed Testing Association: 10th Congress . . ... • •
UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organ-
ization):
International Center for Workers Education
Executive Board: 34th Session . . . . ... • • • • •. •. •„•,••
International Conference on the Role and Place of Music in Educa-
tion.
2d Extraordinary Session
International Chestnut Commission
Horticultural Congress and Exposition
International Traffic and Safety Exhibition ••■•.•
Pan American Highway Congress, Provisional Committee . . . ■ ■ ■
Meeting of Directing Council of the American International Institute
for the Protection of Childhood.
8th Pan American Railway Congress
13th International Dairy Congress and Exposition
International Whaling Commission, 5th Meeting . . . • • ■ •„;;•,
International Commission for Criminal Investigation: 22d General
Assembly-
20th International Aeronautical Exposition .
Icsu (International Council of Scientific Unions):
Committee on the International Geophysical Year 19&/-a» ....
Executive Board: 5th Meeting . ..... . . • • ■ :„ : ^ ■ • . •
Ad Hoc Committee on Quarantine Regulations (South Pacific Commis-
Comm°ission of International Union of Pure and Applied Physics on Cos-
mic Ravs.
16th International Conference on Pubhc Education
International Film Festival \ ■„'■ ' i A„o„^;ot;^'r, for
Wmo (Worid Meteorological Organization): Regional Association tor
South America. „ ■ ■ t Ttr„™o„
9th General Assembly of the Inter- American Commission of Women . .
Bern May 4-
New York May 4-
New York May 11-
New York May 11-
Geneva June 1-
Geneva June 15-
New York June 16-
Geneva June 30-
New York June
Geneva June
New York June
New York July 21-
London* June or July*
Geneva May 5-
Geneva May 25-
Paris May 6-
Brighton, England . . . June 16-
Brighton, England . . . July 8-
Geneva May 6-
Geneva May 2fr-
Geneva June 3-
Geneva July 21-
Paramaribo, Surinam May 11-
Copenhagen May 11-
Naples May 18-
New Haven May 25-
Sao Paulo May 25-
Rome June 3-
Rome June 15-
Dublin May 25-
Compilgne, France . . May 30-
Paris June 8-
Brussels June 29-
Paris July 1-
Spain-Portugal .... May-
Hamburg May-
Milan May-
Washington June 1-
Montevideo June 2
Washington and Atlan- June 12-
tic City.
The Hague June 22-
London June 22-
Oslo June 24-
Paris June 26-
Brussels June 30-
Strasbourg July 6-
Noum^a June-
Bagnferes-de-Bigorre . . July 5-
Geneva July 6-
Rio de Janeiro July-
Rio de Janeiro July-
Washington* Juiy-
May 4, 1953
657
The United Nations: A Place To Promote Peace
by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr.
U.S. Representative to the United Nations
U.S./D.N. press release dated April 15
I come to you tonight from that interesting,
novel, hopeful, primitive, sometimes exasperating
but always essential contrivance known as the
United Nations. Calvin Coolidge once said that
politicians are men who are twice spoiled — by
extravagant praise on the one hand and extrava-
gant abuse on the other. I do not think the
United Nations is spoiled but it certainly suffers
from extravagant hopes which have inevitably
led to extravagant disappointments.
I personally approached the United Nations
convinced of its essentiality but with some ex-
asperation and without great expectations. I
recognized that most Americans were troubled
about it for two principal reasons : First, because
of the reports of American employees of the
United Nations who were subversive, and second,
because of the impression that the Soviet Union
was using the United Nations as a device to help
it win the cold war.
Let me assure you tonight that the personnel
Eroblem in the United Nations is in process of
eing solved. On the day that I presented my
credentials I told the Secretary-General of the
importance of this problem to American public
opinion. The next day I called again with 2,000
forms, each of 6 pages in length— to be filled out
by each employee, and that very afternoon, at the
suggestion of the Secretary-General, the Amer-
ican employees had lined themselves up in the
corridors for fingerprinting. All forms have
been filled out and are being processed by the Fbi
and the Civil Service Commission. The Secre-
tary-General has cooperated. I think this prob-
lem is well on its way to satisfactory solution and
should be cleaned up in a matter of months.
As far as the cold war is concerned, we can set
' Address made at the Women's National Press Club
dinner honoring the American Society of Newspaper Edi-
tors at Washington on Apr. 15.
658
down the following thoughts about the Unitec
Nations :
It is a place where we can see what the Com
munists are doing in the war of ideas and some-
times in other ways. Without it we could not set
nearly as much.
It is a place where Americans can see how theii
American public servants are conducting th(
American side in the cold war, and it therefon
enables us to correct our mistakes. If it were no(
for the United Nations I do not know how wf
would ever become speedily aware of whether oui
conduct of the cold war was adequate or not.
It is a place — and we as newspapermen will par-
ticularly appreciate this — where you can get au-
thoritative reactions quickly on the state of
opinion in almost any pai't of the world, which it
would take you days if not weeks, to get other-
wise. For example, a few weeks ago Mr. Vyshin-
sky turned to me and with upraised hand shouted:
"You Americans have lost Asia anyway." My
answer, of course, was that we Americans were not
trying to get Asia, that we did not think of Asia
as some prize inhabited by slaves but as a place
inhabited by human beings who wanted to live
their own lives, and that 9ie way to regard Asia
was as a place to be helped rather than as a pawn
in the game of power politics.^
Within 5 minutes after I said this there werej
representatives from Far Eastern nations who,'
knowing the public opinion in their own countries,
said that my statement would be of such interest
that it should be translated into many oriental
languages and broadcast on the Voice of America.
This, of course, was immediately done. It is use-
ful for the United States to have a place where
that kind of quick reaction can be obtained.
It is a place where is located the greatest sound-
^Por text of Ambassador Lodge's General Assembly
statement of Mar. 11, see Bulletin of Mar. 23, 1953, p. 446.
Department of State Bulletin
ing board in the world — where public opinion is
developed for the world — and never forget that
public opinion is basic in the modern world today
in spite of iron curtains.
It is a place where the free world gets consoli-
dated. Being free, the non-Communist nations
naturally tend to go their own way and to drift
apart. But sooner or later some Communist
spokesman will make some statement that is so
monstrous and so outlandish and so offensive that
you can almost see the free nations getting together
before your very eyes. This more than counter-
balances whatever advantages the Communists
may get out of their propaganda.
It is a place where representatives of nations
can meet informally without raising considera-
tions of prestige and thus settle disputes. The
Berlin airlift, for example, was brought to an end
as the result of an American and a Soviet repre-
sentative more or less "bumping into each other"
in the corridors of the United Nations. It is the
best place in the world for this kind of contact —
which can prevent such enormous quantities of
human bloodshed.
It is a place where we have developed allies —
certainly not as many as we should have liked.
But, equally certain, whatever allies we have are
welcome and are that much clear gain.
U.N. Divisions on tlie Korean Battleiine
One gets a sense of how utterly real the value of
the United Nations is when it is recalled that in
Korea, only 5 of 15 divisions in the line are Ameri-
can. Of a 155-mile-long battlefront, 60 percent
is held by Eok (Republic of Korea) troops, 15 per-
cent by units from other U.N. countries, and 25
percent by Americans. And the Republic of
Korea, over and above its own divisions, is giving
us still more fighting help in the form of Katusa's
(Korean Augmentation to U.S. Army). Of the
American divisions in the line, roughly one- fourth
of the men consist of such Koreans.
All of this, added to the fact that the American
percentage is undoubtedly decreasing, gives the
United Nations some very poignant value in actual
terms of flesh and blood. Sixteen nations, in ad-
dition to Korea, have proved by actually sending
their manhood that they believe in the principle
of collective security. To me, these nations-
Australia, Belgium, Canada, Colombia, Ethiopia,
France, Greece, Luxembourg, New Zealand, the
Netherlands, the Philippines, Thailand, Turkey,
the Union of South Africa, and the United King-
dom— should have a special place in the affec-
tions of the American people. If we did not have
their help and that of the Koreans, we would need
10 more U.S. divisions in the line.
It is a place in which hypocrisy can be exposed.
Wlioever has ever served in Congi-ess knows that
there is nothing like face-to-face debate to reveal
a stuffed shirt to public gaze. The United Na-
fAay 4, 7953
tions fills a similar place in revealing hypocrisy
among nations.
It is a place where the threat of war in Iran in
1946 was moderated and gradually extinguished;
it is a place from which the initiative was taken,
with substantial American backing, to prevent
Communist encroachment on Greece in 1947; it is
a place which enormously facilitated the advent of
Israel into the family of nations and prevented
that advent from causing extensive hostilities; it
is a place which, working with the Netherlands
and the Indonesians, found the way to give full
independence to the 76 million people inhabiting
Indonesia ; it is a place which means much to the
independence of Libya and will undoubtedly
mean much to the independence of Somaliland.
It is a place in which the age-old American be-
lief that a meeting of minds produces more yris-
dom than the single opinion of even a brilliant
mind is often demonstrated. The United States
frequently brings proposals before the United Na-
tions which have been extensively studied and
prepared. Yet on many occasions these proposals
have been altered and improved as a result of the
debate.
It is a place in which six of the member nations
consist of peoples who were under alien control
when the Charter was signed. Of the 800 million
people in the free world who were dependent 10
years ago, some 600 million, or three- fourths, have
won full independence since 1945, and many more
have been placed under U.N. trusteeship. The
newly independent countries include the U.N.
member states of India, Pakistan, Burma, the
Philippines, Indonesia, and Israel. They also
include such nonmember states as Ceylon, Jordan,
the Associated States of Indochina, and Libya.
It is a place which at this moment is exerting a
strong influence to prevent the dispute over Kash-
mir between India and Pakistan from breaking
out into open war.
It is a place in which a veto-proof method has
at last been evolved for bringing a real collective-
defense program into being. When, as, and if
aggression occurs in the future we will no longer
be paralyzed by the Communist abuse of the veto.
A Glass House Without Secrets
It is a place which makes it hard for those who
want to divide and rule. The strategy of Genghis
Khan and, after him, Tamerlane, was to cajole
one nation with false favors while attacking a
neighbor nation. Sometimes I think that this is
one of the more striking instances in modern times
of inherited characteristics. But certainly it is
true that it is much harder to play this kind of a
game when the entire free world is looking in on
the glass house on the East River, where there
are no secrets and everyone can see what you're
doing.
It is a place which, from the point of view of the
659
Kremlin, must be a real headache. They camiot
control it; they camiot break it up; they do not
dare leave it.
All this is not to blind our eyes to the failures;
the United Nations has appeared at times to be
engaged in a stodgy routine instead of being the
arena where the world struggle is dealt with most
boldly ; and the United Nations has not prevented
the Communist victory in China — a victory which
achieved what imperialist Japan was seeking and
wliich we risked war in order to avert. Although
Soviet communism has suffered one serious setback
in Yugoslavia and has been held back in Western
Europe at the cost of great exertions, there have
been Communist successes in other places which
we would be foolish not to admit.
There are a few other things which the United
Nations is not. The United Nations is not a
place which in any way destroys U.S. sovereignty.
The charter specifically prohibits its intervention
in domestic matters. Your representative at the
United Nations is not called Congressman or Sen-
ator but Ambassador, and for the simjDle reason
that he represents a sovereign state.
It is not a place which threatens the destruction
of our Constitution. The Supreme Court in the
case of Afiakura vs. The City of Seattle has said
that the treaty-making "power does not extend as
far as to authorize what the Constitution forbids."
Any treaty, whether drafted in the United Na-
tions or not — and I am one who thinks that too
many treaties have originated there — needs a two-
thirds vote of the Senate as well as the signature
of the President, and almost all treaties need con-
gressional legislation later.
It is not a nest of Communist spies, for the
simple reason that there is nothing to spy on in
the United Nations. The Russians haven't even
filled their quota of employees at the United Na-
tions. No U.S. citizen employed by the United
Nations has ever been prosecuted for espionage.
It is not a place which is controlled by Soviet
Russia and the Communists. It is a rare day
when the Soviets can count on more than 5 votes
out of the 60.
It is not a snare which dragged the United
States into the Korean war. The United States
asked the United Nations to take action after the
Korean war had broken out.
It is, of course, not a place which can send
American boys to fight anywhere. This power is
a wholly American power. Moreover, the United
States has the right to veto any action of the Se-
curity Council of the United Nations dealing with
armed force.
The United Nations is, of course, not a place
which can prevent great powers from fighting if
they want to fight. But, as Secretary Dulles has
said.
It can help them to avoid fighting when they really
do not want to fight but feel that, unless there is some
face-saving device, use of force may be the only alterna-
tive to a disastrous loss of prestige. World organization
provides a lap into which even the great powers may
choose to drop their disputes. It provides a better way
as against the alternatives of humiliating surrender and
violent defiance.
In the words of the charter, it is a "center for
harmonizing."
None of the 60 Nations comprising the United
Nations, except for the Soviet Union, is able to
maintain its economic and strategic existence
alone — and the Soviet Union can only do it by
requiring the harshest kind of slave labor. It is
particularly true that the United States cannot
stand alone. Our country cannot maintain itself
without supplies far in excess of what we produce
here — metals, tin, copper, nickel, chrome, man-
ganese, cobalt, etc., and ultimately oil. If we
were denied as few as 20 essential materials we
would be completely crippled.
Tlie only answer to this dilemma is to strengthen
the bonds of enlightened self-interest and of mu-
tual self-respect with other nations.
To conclude, the United Nations is a place where
world communism can see us at close range and
that suggests this observation :
Recent Changed Appearance of Soviet Policy
There are probably several reasons for the re-
cent clianged appearance of Soviet policy. For
one thing, it is the kind of change of pace which
a nation can use when it has the initiative. Hav-
ing the initiative enables a nation on one day to
anger and alert its rival and cause him to "tool
up" — and then, just as he is beginning to get
strong, to use honeyed words on some other day
and cause the rival to "tool down." One reason for
the changed appearance of Soviet policy is the
strength of America under the leadership of Pres-
ident Eisenhower as this has been reflected at the
United Nations where the Soviets have had a good
chance to observe it. I think we are giving the
impression of a people united as they have not
been in a long time behind a leader who has at his
command many, many strong tools which he can
use to regain the initiative and to build a peaceful
world.
For the future, therefore, we should look at
deeds and not at words. Words have become so
debased by communism that they are inaccurate
guides to the truth of world strategy. We should
watch for results and, when one action has been
completed, then watch for the next. We will meet
the Soviets halfway at any time, in the realm of
deeds, and it is only deeds which can bind up the
wounds of the world.
The United Nations is not in any sense a finality.
It is in a primitive stage, but, primitive though it
is, we know that if it disappeared, war would seem
inevitable.
With all its faults, the United Nations is a liv-
ing organization which has gone further toward
660
Department of State Bulletin
Ijrganizing peace and organizing security than any
jther body in modern history— and this result has
occurred at a time of great threats to the peace
and the security of the international community.
I have said that war would seem inevitable if
the United Nations disappeared. If, on the other
hand, the United Nations continues and we do
have armed aggression, then it would be the in-
dispensable vehicle for repelling that aggression.
This is undoubtedly one reason why the Commu-
nists don't leave it.
We can also be sure that if the United Nations
did not exist, even in its present imperfect form,
men of good will throughout the world would be
straining every nerve to create what we have now.
It was possible to get along without a place like
the United Nations in the days when the 4y2-day
boat to Europe was the quickest way to travel
across the seas. But now a place like the United
Nations is just as necessary in international poli-
tics as an airport is in international travel and
for many of the same reasons.
You ladies and gentlemen who play such a de-
cisive role in molding the opinions of your fellow
citizens have a great responsibility in this field.
Tlie issue of war and peace depends on the exist-
ence of a consensus of moral judgment as to what
is right and just. You play a decisive part m
developing that consensus. But this is not all.
Remember tliat when the Wright brothers in-
vented the first airplane and caused it to fly a few
hundred yards at Kitty Hawk, N.C., they did not
immediately chop it to pieces with hatchets and
burn it up with a blow torch because it had not
flown further. They set about to improve it and
so we have the wonderful airplanes of today. Let
us work together to improve what we have, and
in this work no single group can play as decisive
a part as can this gathering of American news-
paper editors.
Adoption of Resolution
on Korean Question
Stateinent by Ernest A. Gross
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^
U.S. /U.N. press release dated April 18
We have just repeated in the Assembly an un-
precedented step which was taken earlier this week
in the Political and Security Committee. We
have adopted unanimously a resolution on the
Korean question. The resolution expresses the
hope that the exchange of sick and wounded pris-
oners of war will be speedily completed and that
the further negotiations at Panmunjom will re-
sult in achieving an early armistice in Korea con-
sistent with U.N. principles and objectives.
" Made on Apr. 18 in plenary session.
May 4, 1953
Text of General Assembly's
Resolution on Korea
U.N. doc. A/Resolution 99
Adopted April 18, 1953
Tlie General Assembly,
Reaffirming its unswerving determination to
spare no efforts likely to create conditions favour-
able to the attainment of the purposes of peace
and conciliation embodied in the Charter of the
United Nations, ,
Noting, following the United Nations Command
initiative for the exchange of sick and wounded
prisoners of war, the communication by the Min-
ister for Foreign Affairs of the Central People's
Government of the People's Republic of China dated
31 March 1953 to the President of the General
Assembly, and the exchange of communications be-
tween the United Nations Command and the Com-
manders of the Chinese People's Volunteers and
the Korean People's Army in regard thereto,
Confident that a just and honourable armistice
in Korea will powerfully contribute to alleviate the
present international tension,
1 Notes with deep satisfaction that an agreement
has been signed in Korea on the exchange of sick
and wounded prisoners of war;
2. Expresses the hope that the exchange of sicK
and wounded prisoners of war will be speedily
completed and that the further negotiations at
Panmunjom will result in achieving an early armi-
stice in Korea, consistent with the United Nations
principles and objectives ;
3 Decides to recess the present session upon com-
pletion of the current agenda items, and requests
the President of the General Assembly to recon-
vene the present session to resume consideration
of the Korean question (a) upon notification by
the Unified Command to the Security Council of
the signing of an armistice agreement in Korea;
or (b) when in the view of a majority of Members
other developments in Korea require consideration
of this question.
This is an impressive development. It expres-
ses a real striving for peace. It is a response to
the desire of the peoples of the world for a lessen-
ing of tensions. , o • . /->
We are pleased to see that the Soviet (jovem-
ment, and those who vote with it, for the first time
have voted today with the overwhelming i«a]ority
of the United Nations in the General Assembly on
a resolution dealing with Korea. It remains to
be seen whether this action warrants the hope and
optimism that has been engendered by this vote
and by some recent Communist statements. It is
easy enough for the Soviets to talk for peace.
They have done that only too frequently before.
It remains to be seen whether they really want
peace and whether this promise will be reflected
in constructive performance around the confer-
ence table at Panmunjom.
This strikes us as a solemn moment of hope
rather than of gratitude. While these develop-
ments are encouraging, this is not in our judgment
a moment for elation. It is a time for sober re-
flection, for further practical action at Panmun-
jom which can result in an armistice.
661
Let there be no misunderstanding. Progress
has been made. We realize it and we are glad.
The U.N. Command negotiators and the Connnun-
ist commanders have agreed to exchange sick and
wounded prisoners of war, a humanitarian task
which is scheduled to begin on April 20. I am
sure that all of us will be watching carefully in
the hope that this important agreement will be
carried out expeditiously.
On April 7 last, the chairman of the U.S. dele-
gation, Ambassador Lodge, gave a report to this
Assembly regarding developments which had
taken place in Panmunjom up to that time.= A
supplementary report of the communications ex-
changed since April 7 is being transmitted to the
President of the General Assembly for the infor-
mation of the members of the United Nations.
We are hopeful that the exchange of sick and
wounded will be completed shortly. We are
hopeful also that the letter of April 16 [17] of the
U.N. Command^ will lead to a resumption of
negotiations on the overall question of prisoners
of war.
My Government, which bears the responsibility
for the Unified Command, will continue to seek
peace by every honorable and decent means. The
true initiative for peace has been with the United
States and other loyal supporters of the United
Nations. As President Eisenhower said on April
16, the first great step toward peace must be the
conclusion of an honorable armistice in Korea.
U.S. Delegations
to International Conferences
Ministerial Meeting of NAC
The Department of State announced on April
18 (press release 199) that a Ministerial Meeting
of the North Atlantic Council will be held at
Pans beginning April 23, 1953. The U.S. delega-
tion to the meeting will be as follows :
U.S. Representatives
John Foster Dulles, Secretary of State
George M. Humphrey, Secretary of the Treasury
Charles E. Wilson, Secretary of Defense
Harold E. Stassen, Director for Mutual Security
U.S. Permanent Representative
William H. Draper, Jr.
Advisers
0. Douglas Dillon, American Ambassador to France
W. Randolf Burgess, Consultant and Deputy to the Sec-
retary of the Treasury
Omar N. Bradley, General of the Army, Chairman, Joint
Chiefs of Staff
Carl W. MeCardle, Assistant Secretary of State for Pub-
lic Affairs
Livingston T. Merchant, Assistant Secretary of State for
European Affairs
' Bulletin of Apr. 20, 1953, p. 574.
tbid., Apr. 27, in.'ia, p. G08.
662
Douglas llacArthur, 2d, Counselor, Department of State
Andrew N. Overby, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury
Frank C. Nash, Assistant Secretary of Defense
Frederick L. Anderson, Deputy U.S. Special Representa-
tive in Europe
David K. E. Bruce, U.S. Observer to the Interim Commit-
tee of the European Defense Community and U.S.
Representative to the European Coal " and Steel
Community
John Ohly, Deputy to the Director for Mutual Security
il embers I
Charles W. Adair, Jr., William Batt, Royden E. Beebe, Jr.,
Brig. Gen. Usaf, Henry E. Billingsley, James S. Bii-
lups, Lt. Col., UsA, Arthur C. Davis, Vice Adm., Usn,
C. Burke Elbrick, Roger Ernst, Russel Fessenden,
Luke W. Finlay, Richard B. Freund, William Gal-
loway, Harrison A. Gerhardt, Col., Usa, C. Dillon
Glendinuing, Lincoln Gordon, John C. Hughes, Fred
W. Jandrey, Helen P. Kirkpatriek, Jeffrey C. Kitchen,
Willis S. Mathews, Brig. Gen., Usa, Ben T. Moore,
Roderic O'Connor, William N. Tomlinson, George H.
Willis, Robert J. Wood, Brig. Gen., Usa, James K.
Woolnough, Jr., Col., Usa
Executive Secretary
Millard L. Kenestrick
Assistant Executive Secretaries
John E. Fobes, Joseph Slater
Mineral Resources Development (ECAFE>
I
The Department of State announced on April 20 (press
release 205) that the U.S. Government had accepted the
invitation of the U.N. Economic Commission for Asia
and the Far East (Ecafe) to participate in a Regional
Conference on Mineral Resources Development which
will be held at Tokyo from April 20 to 30, 1953. The U.S.
delegation to this conference is as follows : |i
Chairman '
Peyton Kerr, Economic Officer, American Embassy, Tokyo
Members I
David A. Andrews, Assistant Chief, Foreign Geology
Branch, Geological Survey, Department' of the In- .
terior ■
Wesley Clifford Haraldson, Economic Officer, American
Embassy, Tokyo
Earl Irving, Senior Mining Consultant, Special Technical
Economic Mi.ssion. Manila
K. P. Wang, Chief, Far East Branch, Foreign Minerals
Division, Bureau of Mines, Department of the In-
terior
The conference at Tokyo has been called by Ecafe to
provide an opportunity for experts on mineral resources
to exchange views on and discuss techniques for the de-
velopment of the mineral resources of the countries of
the Far East. In addition to discussions concerning
mineral resources exploration and exploitation in con-
nection with the overall economic development of the
region, the conference will be concerned with status re-
ports by country exiierts regarding specific minerals.
Activities undertaken under the technical cooperation
program, the United Nations Expanded Technical Assist-
ance Program, and other programs of technical assistance
in the field of mineral resources development will also be
considered.
Department of State Bulletin
The United States in tlie United Nations
[April 16-23]
General Assembly
The Assembly on April 18 unanimously adopted
Committee I's resolution noting with satisfaction
the agreement on the exchange of sick and
wounded, expressing hope for an early Korean
armistice, and providing for recessing the present
session after completion of the current agenda
items. In an explanation of vote, Ernest A. Gross
(US.) expressed his Government's pleasure at
seeing the U.S.S.R. and those who voted with it
join The overwhelming majority for the first time
on a General Assembly resolution dealing with
Korea. It remained to be seen, he went on,
whether this action warranted the hope and op-
timism that had been engendered by this vote
and by some recent Communist statements. It
was easy enough for the Soviets to talk of peace ;
whether they really wanted peace, and whether
this promise would be reflected around the Pan-
muniom conference table, was another matter.
The United States, Ambassador Gross con-
tinued, was hopeful that the exchange of sick and
wounded prisoners of war would be completed
shortly and that negotiations on the overall pris-
oner question would be resumed. The true initia-
tive for peace, he went on, was with the United
States and the other loyal supporters of the United
Nations.
Earlier in the meeting. President Lester Pearson
explained that since Committee V (Administrative
and Budgetary) was not meeting during the second
half of the session, the Secretary-General had pre-
pared a report on the fiscal implications of Com-
mittee I's report on the bacteriological-warfare
item. He requested unanimous consent for a pro-
posal that the Assembly examine the estimates
itself, without reference to Committee V. Andrei
Vvshinsky (U.S.S.R.) objected to the proposal on
tlie grounds that it was contrary to the rule requir-
ing study of all financial implications by Com-
mittee V and that, in any event, the investigatory
body was unnecessary inasmuch as the germ-war-
fare charges already had been investigated by
what he called impartial groups.
Because of tliis objection. President Pearson
May 4, 1953
said Committee V would be called into session and
that its report would be taken up at the next
plenary meeting.^ » -i oq
The Assembly completed its agenda on April ^5,
by adopting Committee I's resolutions on the bac-
teriological-warfare item and on the Burmese
complaint, and went into recess. Under the terms
of the resolution on Korea adopted on April 18, it
will reconvene to resume consideration of the
Korean question after conclusion of an armistice
in Korea or if other Korean developments require
it to do so. . ,,. J!
The vote on the resolution calling for an impar-
tial investigation of germ-warfare charges was
51-5 (Soviet bloc) -4 (Burma, India, Indonesia,
Saudi Arabia) . The Saudi Arabian delegate ex-
plained his abstention on the ground that prior
agreement had not been reached by the parties
cUrectly concerned. , . ,, ^ rani
On the Burmese complaint, the vote was 5y-U-l
( China ) . The representative of Burma, who had
abstained from voting on the resolution m Com-
mittee I, this time cast an affirmative vote on in-
structions from Rangoon; his Government, he
said, had been impressed by the efforts made to-
ward reaching general agreement on the question.
Committee I {Political and Security)— Ihe re-
vised Brazilian resolution on Korea was adopted
unanimously on April 16. The Committee voted
after the Polish delegate, Stanislaw Skzreszewski,
announced that he would withdraw the Korean
section of his resolution, in view of the new
initiative" by the Chinese Communists and North
Koreans: his delegation would vote for the Bra-
zilian proposal. On instructions from his Gov-
ernment, he also would not insist on a vote on the
remaining sections of his resolution, dealing with
disarmament and Nato, since the debate indicated
that those two problems needed further discussion
He reserved the right to raise them at the next
regular session of the Assembly.
At the next day's meeting, debate began on the
Burmese complaint of aggression by the National
Government of China, a new item which the Gen-
^On April 21 Committee V voted 32-5 (Soviet bloc M
to inform the Assembl.v that the adoption and implementa-
tion of the Committee I resolution would involve about
$65,000, to be financed out of the Working Capital Fund.
663
eral Committee on March 31 had recommended for
inclusion on tlie Assembly's agenda.
U Myint Thein (Burma) charged that Chinese
Nationalist forces which had retreated into Burma
in 1950 were committing aggression against his
country. Dr. Tingfu Tsiang (China) denied tliat
his (jovernment had any control over the Chinese
troops in Burma. However, if Burma wanted the
National Government to further Burmese wishes
on the matter, the National Government stood
ready to cooperate ; but the resolution was neither
just nor helpful.
Following is the te.xt of a statement which Am-
bassador Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. (U.S.) made
during the debate on April 21 :
The problem before the Committee is essentially one
of achieving a peaceful settlement of Burma's complaint
concerning the presence of Chinese irregular troops in
Burma contrary to tie wishes of the Burmese Govern-
ment. Some of these troops settleil in the Kengtung area
at the end of World War II, and others have drifted into
Burma since then. Some 1,700 troops under General
Li Ml retreated into Burma in 1950 and have since then
been joined by stragglers from neighboring regions. The
total number of Chinese irregular troops presently on
J^iirmese soil is estimated by the Burmese Governmeiit at
_ The United States believes that Burma is entirely
justified in its desire to eliminate from its territories these
troops in view of the fact that they do not submit to its
authority and that elements of them have been engaged
in depredations against peaceful Burmese villages It is
in the common interest of Burma and China, and of the
United Nations, that eflfective steps be taken to remove
through pacific means this challenge to Burma's
sovereignty.
Since Burma and the Republic of China do not main-
tain diplomatic relations, some intermediary which has
relations with both has been needed. At the request of
Burma, the United States has acted as this intermediary.
Within the last few months, my government has been
engaged in a vigorous efifort to bring the parties to
agreement on a method of meeting the situation.
We believe that the fundamental basis for any negotia-
tions is an agreement in principle by the Chinese Govern-
ment to cooperate to the best of its ability in effecting a
withdrawal of Li Mi's troops from Burma. After this
there should be a ces.sation of hostile activities and an
examination of feasible methods of withdrawing the
troops. This in turn should be followed by a laying down
of arms and departure of the troops from Burma It is
toward this type of solution that the United States is
worliing.
We consider that progress has been made in these ef-
forts and we have ground for belief that with cooperation
along these lines tangible results will be forthcoming. In
his statement the Representative of China gave certain
assurances concerning the cessation of support and supply
of the troops. And we noted with special interest the
statement of the Delegate of Thailand that his government
stands ready to facilitate the evacuation of the Chinese
irregular troops through his country, if agreement is
reached on this course. It is only through such helpful
moves as this that a solution can be found. We are in
constant contact with both parties; and our efCorts are
continuing and will continue as long as they are desired
and there is a prospect of useful results.
The problem is not an easy one. It appears doubtful
to us that a full solution— that is, the departure of all
these irregular troops— will be feasible. Many of the
troops seem to be common bandits posing as Chinese Na-
tionalists. Numerous others are not under the control
664
of anyone and have long looked upon certain parts of the
Kengtung area as their home. We hope, however, that if
the present negotiations are successful, a substantial num-
ber can be induced to leave Burma, thus reducing the
problem to manageable proportions for the Government of
Burma.
The United States Delegation does not believe that the i
draft resolution proposed by Burma, in its present form, '
is the best approach to this problem. Adoption of such
condemnatory language by the Assembly would be likely
to retard rather than promote the agreement which is
clearly needed. Moreover, we do not believe that the
procedure established in the Burmese draft resolution-
action in the General Assembly calling for subsequent
and essentially duplicate consideration in the Security
Council— would be desirable as a general practice or
helpful in this case. We think that, instead, the Assembly
should address itself to the promotion of eftorts for a
peaceful and practical settlement. . . .
Two additional resolutions were introduced
April 21 A proposal by Argentina requested
Burma, China, and others directly concerned to
enter into negotiations, especially "to bring about
the immediate withdrawal" of the troops A
Mexican draft provided that the General Assem-
bly should call upon the foreign troops whose
presence, hostile activities, and depredations it
considered a violation of Burmese sovereignty,
to submit to disarmament and agree to internment
or to leave Burma at once. The text also con-
demned the hostile acts of the forces and affirmed
that assistance to them was contrary to the charter.
It invited Burma to report on the situation to the
next Assembly.
n^7 \ Proposal introduced by Argentina and
Chile, the Mexican draft was amended to recom-
mend that the negotiations in progress through
the good offices of other states be continued. The
Mexican draft was further amended by Lebanon
and was adopted on April 22 by a vote" of 58-0-2
Because the Committee, on a motion by Iran'
decided to give the Mexican draft priority in the
voting, the Burmese text did not come up for a
vote. The Burmese delegate, explaining his ab-
stention, expressed regret that the Committee had
not seen eye to eye with it on the dispute.
As the Committee ended its work, Chairman
Joao Carlos Muniz (Brazil) said that in his view
the meetings had been marked by a high level of
debate. After several speakers had paid warm
tributes to the chairman, Andrei Vyshinsky,
speaking for the "so-called Soviet bloc— which was
a figment of the imagination," remarked that
Chairman Muniz had done a good job on the whole.
Economic and Social Council
Discussion of the world economic situation be-
gan on April 16. In general, the speakers agreed
that current prospects for peace did not threaten
the international economy. Delegates from Bel-
giuni, India, and Sweden, however, urged that
studies be made of the problems involved in recon-
version and possible economic recession. Sir
Gladwyn Jebb (U.K.) expressed apprehension
Department of State Bulletin
over the continued imbalance of payments and
warned that any increase in obstacles to U.S. im-
ports would have "very serious" consequences.
Speaking for the United States, James J. Wads-
worth stressed the importance of encouraging
individual incentive and said his Government
would have a "cooperative approach" to the prob-
lem of building a productive, strong economic sys-
tem within the free world.
On April 17 the Council adopted unanimously
an Argentine-Australian-French draft recom-
mending continuance of international action for
conservation and utilization of nonagricultural
and water resources under previous Council
resolutions.
Action on the world economic situation was com-
pleted on April 23 with the adoption of a request
that the Secretary-General include index numbei-s
for marine freight rates in future reports. At
the same meeting, the Council approved unani-
mously a revised six-state resolution on rapid in-
dustrialization of underdeveloped countries, thus
concluding its consideration of integrated eco-
nomic development. The revised draft author-
ized the Secretary-General to consult experts
(rather than to convene an expert group, as in the
original text) in continuing his studies on the pro-
cess and problems of industrialization, and re-
quested that a report be submitted before the
Council's eighteenth session opened. A U.S.-
French amendment suggesting that such studies
be carried out by subsidiary Council bodies was re-
jected, 5-11-2.
THE CONGRESS
German Debt Settlement Agreements
Transmitted to the Senate
Message of the President to the Senate
White House press release dated April 10
I transmit herewith for the consideration of the
Senate a copy of each of the following agree-
ments :
1. Agreement on German External Debts signed
at London on February 27, 1953, by the Federal
Republic of Germany and by the United States
and 17 other creditor countries.^
2. Agreement between the United States and
the Federal Republic of Germany regarding the
Settlement of the Claims of the United States for
Postwar Economic Assistance (other than sur-
plus property) to Germany signed at London on
February 27, 1953.^
' S. Exec. D, SSd Cong., Lst sess.
' S. Exec. E, SSd Cong., 1st sess.
3. Agi-eement between the United States and
the Federal Republic of Germany relating to the
Indebtedness of Germany for Awards made by
the Mixed Claims Commission, United States and
Germany, signed at London on February 27,
1953.^
4. Agreement between the United States and
the Federal Republic of Germany concerning the
Validation of German Dollar Bonds signed at
Bonn on April 1, 1953.*
I request the advice and consent of the Senate to
the ratification of these four agreements.
In addition, I transmit for the information of
the Senate two related agreements between the
Federal Republic of Germany and the United
States and a report made to me by the Secretary
of State covering all six of these agreements. One
of the agreements is concerned with the settle-
ment of the obligation of the Federal Republic of
Germany to the United States for surplus prop-
erty furnished to Germany. This agreement was
signed at London on February 27, 1953, and was
concluded under the authority of the Federal
Property and Administrative Services Act of
1949 (P. L. 152, 81st Cong.). The other agree-
ment signed at Bonn on February 27, 1953, is an
executive agreement relating to the establishment
of procedures for the validation of dollar bonds
of German issue.°
The arrangements set forth in these several
agreements provide for the orderly settlement of
German external debts, including the prewar
debts due mainly to private persons and the claims
of the U.S. Goveriunent arising from postwar
economic assistance to Germany. On the former
of these categories, the effect will be to end the
state of default which has existed for about 20
years. The consideration of reparation and
other governmental claims arising from World
Wars I and II is deferred under the terms of the
agreement.
The complex documents transmitted herewith
are the result of negotiations, extending over more
than 2 years, in which all of the interests con-
cerned have been represented. In particular, it
is to be noted that the settlement terms and pro-
cedures for debts due to private creditors were
worked out by negotiations between representa-
tives of private creditor interests and of the debt-
ors. In the light of all of the circumstances, it is
the view of the Executive Branch of the U.S. Gov-
ernment that the settlement arrangements em-
bodied in the Agreement on German External
Debts and in the various bilateral agreements are
reasonable, satisfactory, and equitable to the
interests concerned.
With regard to debts due to private creditors,
maturity dates have been extended and the credi-
tors are called upon to accept a reduction in in-
" S. Exec. P, SSd Cong., 1st sess.
' S. Exec. G, 83d Cong., 1st sess. For text, see below.
" For text see Bulletin of Mar. 9, 1953, p. 376.
May 4, 1953
665
terest arrears and interest rates, but the principal
of the debts is unchanged. With regard to the
claims for economic assistance given to Germany
in tlie postwar period, for which the U.S. Gov-
ernment is by far the largest claimant, the settle-
ment is comjoarable to the terms which other
countries have received for similar assistance. On
both categories of debt, the German Federal Re-
public has undertaken to make very considerable
payments, but these payments may reasonably be
considered within the Federal Republic's capacity
to pay. Should the German Federal Republic,
however, get into payment difficulties, consulta-
tive machinery to deal with the situation is pro-
vided for.
The elimination of the German state of default
will contribute substantially and directly to the
development of normal commercial relationships
between the German Federal Republic and the rest
of the free world. It will open up the possibili-
ties of new credit, for both short-term trade
financing and long-term investment.
These agreements should be considered by the
Senate not only in the light of the direct financial
benefits to the United States but also in relation
to the contribution they will make to the achieve-
ment of the principal objective of U.S. policy
toward Germany, that of restoring Germany to
the position of a responsible nation in the com-
munity of free nations.
I recommend, therefore, that the Senate give
early and favorable consideration to the Agree-
ment on German External Debts and to the three
bilateral agreements between the United States
and the Federal Republic of Germany relating,
respectively, to the settlement of claims for post-
war economic assistance to Germany, to the in-
debtedness of Germany for the Mixed Claims
Commission awards, and to the validation of Ger-
man dollar bonds, and give its advice and consent
to their ratification, in order that the debt settle-
ment arrangements may be made effective as
promptly as possible.
Text of U. S. -German Dollar Bond Agreement
Press release 196 dated April 16
The Department of State made public on April
11 the final text of the agreement between the
United States and the Federal Republic of Ger-
many regarding certain matters arising from the
validation of German dollar bo7ids. The agree-
ment loas signed at Bonn on April i, 1953.^
The final text of the agreement is as follows:
Aqkeement Between the United States of America and
THE Federal Republic of Germany Uegarding Certain
Matters Arising From the Validation of German
Dollar Bonds
Whereas the United States of America (hereinafter
referred to as "the United States") and the Federal
' For text of the Department's announcement of the
signing, see ibid., Apr. 20, 1953, p. 569.
Republic of Germany (hereinafter referred to as "tht
Federal Republic") have agreed that it is in their com
mou interest to provide for the determination of tlK
validity of German dollar bonds in view of the possibilitj
that a large number of such bonds may have been unlaw-
fully acquired during hostilities in Germany or soon
thereafter ;
Whereas they have agreed on procedures for accom-
plishing this purpose in the Agreement Between the Gov-
ernment of the United States of America and the Govern-
ment of the Federal Republic of Germany Regarding the
Validation of Dollar Bonds of German Issue (hereinafter
referred to as "the Agreement on Validation Procedures")
signed at Bonn on February 27, 1953 ;
Whereas the Federal Republic on the one hand and
the United States and other countries on the other signed
the AsTeement on German External Debts at London on
February 27, 1953, for the settlement of Germany's ex-
ternal obligations, including German dollar bonds, the
benefits of which will apply only to bonds which have
been duly validated ; and
Whereas the United States and the Federal Republic
agree that further measures are required to permit
debtors and creditors to proceed to the orderly settlement
of the obligations arising from German dollar bonds with
confidence in the stability of the procedures regarding
validation and with assurance that claims prejudicial to
such settlement will not be asserted on the basis of bonds
which were unlawfully acquired :
Therefore, the United States and the Federal Republic
have agreed as follows :
Article I
Except as may be agreed between the Federal Republic
and the United States, the Federal Republic will not
amend, modify, or repeal its Law for the Validation of
German Foreign Currency Bonds of August 2.5, 1952
(Bundesgesetzblatt 1952, Part I, page 553) (hereinafter
referred to as "the Validation Law") or the Schedule
thereto insofar as they relate to bonds, debentures, or
other obligations (hereinafter referred to as bonds) listed
in the said Schedule or in the First Implementing Ordi-
nance under the said Law of February 21, 1953 (Bundes-
gesetzblatt 19,53, Part I, page 31) and in respect of which
the Schedule or the said Ordinance describes the United
States as the Country of Offering, or to coupons, dividend
warrants, renewal certificates, subscription warrants or
other secondary instruments issued in connection with
such bonds. Except as may lie so agreed, the Federal
Republic will not extend the provisions of the said Law
to bonds offered in the United States and not listed in
the said Schedule or the said Ordinance.
Article II
No bond, coupon, dividend warrant, renewal certificate,
subscription warrant or other secondary instrument re-
ferred to in the first sentence of Article I above shall be
enforceable unless and until it shall be validated either
by the Board for the Validation of German Bonds in the
United States established by the Agreement on Validation
Procedures, or by the authorities competent for that pur-
pose In the Federal Republic.
Article III
The members of the Board for the Validation of Ger-
man Bonds in the United States are authorized and bound
to waive all immunity from service of process issuing from
courts in the United States in proceedings brought to
determine whether the requirements for validation of
bonds under the Validation Law have been met. Such
proceedings must be brought within three months from
receipt of the decision of the Board by the party seeljing
validation of the bond. It is agreed that such "members
will comply with any judgments, orders or decrees that
such courts may issue in such proceedings. The term
"members'" as used in this Article includes the chairman
and the deputies of the members when acting as members.
666
Department of State Bvlletin
Article IV
For the purpose of all proceedings in the United States,
the English texts of the Validation Law and of the Sec-
ond Implementing Ordinance thereunder of March 7, 1953
(Bundesanzeiger Nr. 50 of March 13, 1953) which are
annexed to the Agreement on Validation Procedures shall
be authentic.
Article V
This Agreement shall be ratified by the TJnited States
and the Federal Republic in accordance witli their re-
spective constitutional procedures. The Agreement shall
enter into force upon (a) the excliange of instruments of
ratification at Washington, and (6) the entry into force
of the Agreement on German External Debts between the
Federal Republic on the one hand, and France, the United
Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, the
United States and other countries on the otlier hand.
Done in duplicate, in the lOnglish and German lan-
guages, both authentic, at Bonn, this 1st day of April,
1953.
For the United States of America:
James B. Conant
For the Federal Republic of Qermany:
SCHAEFFEB
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Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: Apr. 20-24, 1953
Releases may be obtained from the Office of the
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department
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Press releases issued prior to Apr. 20 which ap-
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No. Date Subject
Exit visa for Pvt. Bergen
Cale: Latin American trade
Dulles : Possible Korean settlement
Dulles: Private organizations «& Pt. 4
Mineral resources (Ecafe)
Dulles: 11th meeting of Nac
Kimball, Carolan appointed to Iia
Fsi graduates Pt. 4 technicians
Curtailment of Iia staff
de Mille to assist Iia
Prewar treaties with Japan
Fiscal Commission (Ecosoc)
Smith : Advance text of address in N. H.
* Not printed.
t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin.
t201
4/20
t202
4/20
203
4/20
t204
4/20
205
4/20
206
4/21
•207
4/21
*208
4/22
t209
4/22
*210
4/23
t211
4/24
t212
4/24
*213
4/24
May 4, 7953
667
May 4, 1953
Index
Vol. XXVIII, No. 723
Agriculture
Problems of American agriculture and foreign
trade (Under) 651
American Principles
At the crossroads In U.S. trade policy (Morton) . 647
The United Nations: A place to promote peace
(Lodge) 658
Asia
KOREA:
Adoption of resolution on Korean question
(text of resolution, Gross statement) . . 661
Questions relating to possible settlement of
Korean question (Dulles) 655
LAOS: U.S. expresses sympathy for people . . . 641
Claims and Property
Submission of U.S. claims on German Property . 654
Congress
German debt settlement agreements transmit-
ted to the Senate (Elsenhower), text of
agreement 665
Europe
GERMANT:
Debt settlement agreements transmitted to
the Senate (Elsenhower) 665
Submission of U.S. claims on German prop-
erty 654
President favors increased aid to migrants from
Europe 639
Finance
German debt settlement agreements transrait-
ted to the Senate (Elsenhower), text of
agreement 665
Foreign Service
The visa function under the Immigration and
Nationality Act (Auerbach) 642
Immigration and Naturalization
President favors Increased aid to migrants from
Europe 639
The visa function under the Immigration and
Nationality Act (Auerbach) 642
International Meetings
Calendar of meetings 656
U.S. DELEGATIONS:
Mineral resources development (Ecafe) . . . 862
Ministerial meeting of Nac 662
North Atlantic Treaty Organization
Ministerial meeting of Nac 662
Secretary Dulles departs for Nac ministerial
meeting 646
Presidential Documents
German debt settlement agreements trans-
mitted to the Senate 665
President favors increased aid to migrants from
Europe 639
Prisoners of War
Adoption of resolution on Korean question (text
of resolution, Gross statement) 661
Publications
Recent releases 667
Refugees and Displaced Persons
President favors Increased aid to migrants from
Europe 639
State, Department of
The visa function under the Immigration and
Nationality Act (Auerbach) 642
Trade
At the crossroads in U.S. trade policy (Morton) . 647
Problems of American agriculture and foreign
trade (Under) 651
Treaty Information
Text of U.S. -German dollar bond agreement . . 665
United Nations
Adoption of resolution on Korean question (text
of resolution. Gross statement) .... 661
Questions relating to possible settlement of
Korean question (Dulles) 655
The United Nations: A place to promote peace
(Lodge) 658
The United States In the United Nations . . . 663
Name Index
Auerbach, Frank L 642
Dulles, Secretary 646, 655, 662
Eisenhower. President 639, 665
Gibson, Hugh 641
Gross, Ernest A 661
Humphrey, George M 662
Juliana, Queen 639
Kerr, Peyton 662
Linder, Harold F 651
Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 658
Martin, Joseph W., Jr 639
McDermott, Michael J 641
Morton, Thruston B 647
Nixon, Vice President 639
Stassen, Harold E 662
Wilson, Charles E 662
U S. eOVERHUENT PRINTING OFFICE: I9B3
jAe/ ^efia^tmeni/ /O^ CHaie^
Vol. XXVIII, No. 724
May 11, 1953
RESULTS OF NORTH ATLANTIC COUNCIL'S
ELEVENTH MEETING:
Address by Secretary Dulles 671
Text of Final Communique 673
DOCUMENTS ON KOREAN ARMISTICE
NEGOTIATIONS 686
THE WORLD ECONOMIC SITUATION • Statement by
James J. tf'adsivorth 683
THE FOREIGN SERVICE AS AN ARM OF U.S.
POLICY • by Clare Boothe Luce 679
PRACTICALITIES OF POWER • by Under Secretary
Smith 675
For index see back cover
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
JUN 1-1953
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May 11, 1953
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Results of North Atlantic Council's Eleventh Meeting
ADDRESS BY SECRETARY DULLES >
Last Monday [April 27] I returned from 5 work-
ing days in Em-ope with Secretary Humphrey,
Secretary Wilson, and Governor Stassen. We
went to attend the meeting of the Council of
Nato. We have reported to the President and
to the Congress and now I report to you.
First let me, for background, recall what Nato
is. Nato is the grand alliance of 14 nations that
was created under the North Atlantic Treaty.
That treaty was adopted 4 years ago as a biparti-
san act to prevent a third world war coming out
of Europe. The administration was then Demo-
cratic, but Republicans in the Senate, of which I
was then one, took an active part in bringing about
Senate consent to ratification. Then, in 1950,
General Eisenhower was called to be the first
Supreme Commander of the Nato forces in Eu-
rope. So he knows a great deal about it. It was
indeed his vision, energy, and inspiration which
largely converted this organization from a paper
blueprint into a solid bulwark which already has
tremendous protective value to the United States.
Let me recall what this value is. Suppose, for
example, that Western Europe were overrun by tlie
Red armies so that the Soviet world included all
of Europe. That would so shift the balance of
industrial power that we would be in great peril.
Take steel production as an example, because steel
is a basic commodity. Today we and our allies
have an advantage of about three to one over the
Communist world. But if Western Europe were
shifted from the free world side to the Red side
of the ledger, then the steel ratio would be about
50-50. Under those circumstances the Soviet
leaders would be much more likely to attack us
than is the case today.
Of course, our concern is much more than mate-
rial. Europe is the cradle of our civilization and
dear to many of us as the home of our ancestors.
It would be a terrible blow, spiritually and mor-
ally, if Europe's religion and culture were to be
stamped out by ruthless atheism.
We could not and would not sit idly by in the
face of such an attack on Europe. So it is a case
' Made over radio and television networks on Apr. 29
(press release 225 ) .
where we should seek prevention which is cheaper
than cure, as two world wars have taught us.
Nato is prevention, we hope, against a repetition
of 1914 and 1939.
Nato now has approximately 50 divisions in
Western Europe and there are more than 25 di-
visions in the southern flank of Greece and Turkey.
Some of these units are not fully trained and
equipped and there is still much to be done to
get maximum combat effectiveness. Nevertheless
the existing forces have great value as a deterrent
to aggression. Europe is not yet fully secure, but
it is no longer a "pushover," so weak that it is a
temptation to others to seize it by an act of war.
At last week's Nato meeting we tried to find
practical ways of making Nato even stronger. We
went at this with some new ideas, largely drawn
from President Eisenhower's own personal experi-
ence and judgment.
Combat Effectiveness To Be Increased
1. We sought military strength which would be
borne out of economic health, not economic sick-
ness. The European members have been strain-
ing toward a theoretical goal and now they are
beginning to get out of breath. Since we cannot
foresee the year of greatest danger. President
Eisenhower believes that it is safest to adopt a
pace which can be maintained with growing
strength, rather than run the risk of dropping
exhausted by the wayside before the haven is
reached. Therefore, at this Nato meeting we put
our emphasis on getting greater strength by less
costly methods. This can be done by improving
quality, rather than by seeking an immediate large
increase in quantity. In a world of toughness, it
is better to be compact and hard rather than to be
big and soft. There will be a steady Nato build-
up, but in the main this year's and next year's
adfled strength will come through im])roved
quality. That will tend to relieve the excessive
strain which has been placed upon the budgets and
currencies of some of the countries, including our
own. At the same time there will be a big lift in
Nato's combat effectiveness. You can figure this
to be as much as 30 percent this year.
Alay 7?, 7953
671
2. We sought to fill the big gap in European
defense which is the present lack of (ierman
forces. This gap in the center cannot be made
good by any eO'ort, however great, put forward
by tlie other countries. Further, I do not believe
that Americans, or British, or French want to an-
ticipate fighting to defend (iermany while the
Germans look on as spectators. At present Ger-
mans are only spectators because the surrender
terms do not authorize Germany to have any
armed forces.
The continental Euroi)ean countries themselves
thought out a solution which was to make agree-
ments largely restoring West Germany's sover-
eignty and permitting Germans to rearm not just
as German national forces, which might serve na-
tional ambitions, but as j^art of a single European
Defense Community. This in turn would fit into
Nato's defense plans.
These agreements were signed almost a year
ago, but still they have not yet been brought into
force. At this Nato Council meeting I intro-
duced a resolution calling for the prompt creation
of the European Defense Community (Edc).
This was unanimously adopted.
All of the Edc governments are fully aware of
the importance of early action. But in each of
the countries there are parliamentary delays.
This strains our patience. But it should not break
it. There is no other good solution of the problem
of establishing adequate strength and peace in
Europe, as the cabinets realize and I trust that
the parliaments too will accept that same view
during the coming months.
3. We put great emphasis on what is called "in-
frastructure.'^ That is a strange new word, which
has come to have great importance. It means the
network of facilities in one country available for
Nato forces drawn from different countries. This
requires that airfields, pipelines, supply depots,
radio communication, radar and the like, in each
country, be made available to many national forces
on a common basis. In past years, there has been
long haggling about working this out. This time
we foimd agreement on a 3-year program for de-
veloping this "infrastructure." At moderate cost,
it will add enormously to the efficiency of the exist-
ing forces. For example, it will create 50 new air-
fields in a year for common use in Europe. There
can be a dispersion and deployment of aircraft on
the ground, so that all will not be the concentrated
target of a few bombs. And if some airfields are
bombed out, there will be alternate fields, well
equipped, on which planes aloft can land and take
off. This will make Nato forces much more effec-
tive and secure.
4. We gave much thought to new tactical weap-
ons, and to the increased power which they can
give to the defense of Europe. We are starting
some Nato training in these matters with due
regard to security.
Talks With Military Leaders
Just before leaving Paris, I talked at length with
two of the top military leaders of Nato, General
Ridgway and his Chief of Staff, General Gruen-
ther. Naturally, they would like more land and
air strength and they are particularly anxious to
see the defense forces rounded out with German
contingents. However, they believe that today
there is enough strength so that if the Soviets
planned to overrun Europe, it would be necessary
for tlieni first largely to re-enforce the Red armies
now in or near Eastern Germany. This, they
could not do without our knowledge. This fact
alone is of great importance. It means that we
would probably get the opportunity to bring into
final readiness counter measures both in Europe
and elsewhere, which might in fact deter the actual
assault and preserve the peace.
What I have said gives you a good idea of what
went on at our formal Nato meetings. Outside
of these meetings, we talked informally and di-
rectly with most of the members. We did not
talk to them as though Nato were just our re-
sponsibility and not theirs. After all, Nato is a
joint enterprise, and it has its primary location
in Europe.
Also we discussed with the British and the
French, among others, the matter of general eco-
nomic aid from the United States. Some call it
a "hand-out." That is hardly fair, because the
United States has gained intangible, if not specific,
benefits.
Americans have always generously responded to
emergency needs. But outright grants ought to
be reserved only for real emergencies. They are
a kind of crutcli which may be needed from time
to time. But as soon as there is economic health
and the opportunity for a people to earn their way
by their own efforts, then the crutch ought to be
tlirown away. We believe that this is becoming
increasingly possible.
We talked over that viewpoint with our friends
in Europe. We found that they welcomed a rela-
tionship which would be dignified and self-respect-
ing for all concerned. There are plenty of ways
whereby the British and French and others
can contribute in Europe or Asia to special efforts
which are in the common interest. Then they will
be more and more earning their way.
We shall still be spending substantial sums, and
these friendly countries do not need to anticipate
too great reduction in their dollar income. But
our Government will be specifically getting, for
the dollars it spends abroad, what may enable it
to save in other security measures and thus, on
balance, get more security for less money.
At this last week's Nato Council meeting, in
the ways I indicated, there came into Nato a
transforming spirit. The full effect will only be
apparent in later years as we look back. But as
we look forward, we can anticipate that Nato will
672
Department of Slate Bulletin
never grow into an organization which sucks the
Ufe blood out of the member countries, but rather
be the shield behind which confidence will grow to
invigorate all of the protected nations.
It has been said that the proper role of military
strength is to give time for moral ideas to take
root. The role of Nato is to enable the gieat
moral and spiritual principles of Western civili-
zation to take root and blossom again after the
ravages of two world wars. That was the con-
ception of those Americans who, without regard
to party, joined with the other free peoples to
create the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
That is the conception for which so many Ameri-
cans, without regard to party, have given their
dedicated efforts. That is the conception which
we believe is now nearing realization.
President Eisenhower, in the message which lie
sent tlirough us to the Nato Council, said, "Nato
has become a mighty force for peace and an in-
strument of enduring cooperation among the At-
lantic peoples." As such it greatly increases what
the President, in his challenging address, called
"the chance for peace." ^
TEXT OF FINAL COMMUNIQUE ISSUED APRIL 25
1. The North Atlantic Council, meeting in Paris
in Ministerial Session with the Ministers of For-
eign Affairs, Defence, Economics and Finance
present, and under the chairmanship of Lord Is-
may, completed their work today.
2. The Council agreed on short and long-term
programmes for Nato. They established a firm
military programme for 1953 and a provisional
programme for 1954. In addition to the forces
which Greece and Turkey are contributing, there
will be a notable increase in the size of the forces
assigned to Nato Supreme Commanders and a
considerable improvement in their effectiveness.
Training is being greatly improved at all levels.
The series of large-scale manoeuvres held during
the last year has appreciably raised the standard
of co-operation of the forces of the member coun-
tries ; units are being better equipped and the or-
ganization of support forces is developing. The
Nato military authorities consider that the at-
tainment of the foi'ce goals in 1953, and the com-
bined influence of these various factors, will add
materially to the defensive strength of Nato dur-
ing 1953.
3. Agreement was reached not only on the com-
mon financing of the second pai-t (£67,000,000) to
the Fourth Slice of the Infrastructure Programme
(the first part to the amount of about £80,000,000
having been settled at a Ministerial Meeting in
December), but also on a cost-sharing formula
which would cover future programmes to be sub-
mitted by the Supreme Commanders for the three-
year period beginning in 1954, involving expendi-
"A Mighty Force for Peace"
Folloiriny is the text of a message from President
Eisenhower tchteh Secretary Dulles read to the
members of the North Atlantic Council at the open-
ing of their eleventh meeting on April 23:
On the occasion of this important meeting I send
my iiersonal greetings to the North Atlantic Council.
As you know, I have long held the deep conviction
that the success of Nato's program was essential to
world ijeaee and to the security and well-being of all
Atlantic nations. My subsequent experience has re-
inforced and strengthened this belief. Nato has
become a mighty force for peace and an instrument
of enduring cooperation among the Atlantic peoples.
We deplore the fact that civilized nations are com-
pelled at this stage of human history to devote so
large a portion of their energies and resources to the
purpose of military defense. I have already ex-
pressed my hope that it will be possible in the fore-
seeable future to devote part of these resources and
energies to more constructive purpo.ses. I know
that this can be accomplished if all nations will co-
operate sincerely in creating the necessary condi-
tions for lasting peace. But until the conditions
for genuine peace have been firmly established it
would be foolhardy for us to delude ourselves about
the dangers confronting us. It is still the foremost
task of free governments to develop sutBcient eco-
nomic, defensive, and moral strength to make cer-
tain that our civilization is spared the horror and
devastation of another world war.
All honest men know that Nato has no intention
of aggression and that we seek only enough strength
to deter aggression by others. We cannot afford
to .seek less.
As this meeting opens there is an opportunity
for mankind to move forward toward a new era of
Ijeace and progress. The realization of this oppor-
tunity will depend primarily upon the deeds of
others. But our own task is clear. While we carry
the hope of peace in our hearts unblemished by
self-delusion or wishful thinking, we will also em-
ploy the skill of our minds and hands to make this
hope a living reality. Throughout the changing and
unpredictable events of future months and years we
will remain steadfast in purpose and imited in
action.
A quotation from Lincoln seems to have particular
significance for our situation of today. We have
malice toward none. We have charity for all peo-
ples. But we vrill remain firmly determined to do
the right as God gives us to see the right and will
strive on to finish the work we have begun.
' Bulletin of Apr. 27, 195."5, p. 599.
Aioy J J, J953
ture of up to £250,000,000, subject to the approval
of Parliaments. These programmes will include a
wide range of projects such as airfields, telecom-
munications, naval bases and port facilities, pipe-
lines and radar installations. The military
authorities of Nato now have a financial planning
figure to which they can work for over three years.
In addition, an improved system is ready to be put
into operation to ensure closer financial super-
vision over the expenditure of common infrastruc-
ture funds.
4. The Council gave close attention to various
economic and financial factors affecting the rate of
expansion of the defence efforts. It wiis agreed
that the development of sound national economies
673
and the increase of military forces should be pur-
sued concurrently ; in certain fields the establish-
ment of long-term joint military production
programmes appeared to be the least costly and
the most efficient solution.
5. It was on these lines that the Member Gov-
ernments and the International Staff developed
a method for preparing correlated production pro-
grammes. The object of this is both to ensure that
the defence production undertaken by European
countries within their own budgets is on the most
economic lines and to make defence production
in Europe more effective. The participation of
the United States, through off-shore procurement,
adds to the contribution of the European coun-
tries and plays a very important part in these
achievements. The additional fighter aircraft
production programme, which has recently been
announced is a first important result of this.
It will facilitate the expansion of the aircraft in-
dustries in five European countries while at the
same time strengthening the air defence capacity
of the Alliance. Other programmes are being con-
sidered. Nato is also studying the means of de-
veloping production in Europe of spare parts for
the maintenance of eqviipment of American and
Canadian origin.
6. The Secretary General's Progress Report to
the Council stressed the close collaboration be-
tween the civilian and military agencies of Nato,
and outlined the current work of the International
Staff. It emphasised the importance of develop-
ing a better public understanding of the aims
and achievements of Nato, a matter to which Gov-
ernments should give their constant attention.
The Report described the progress made in the
many and varied technical studies by Committees
of the Council in a mmiber of widely different
fields, such as civil defence and other aspects of
civil organization in time of war.
In the course of discussion on the Report, the
Council re-emphasised their interest in the Nato
countries' co-operation in the economic, cultural
and social fields. They noted with satisfaction
the initiative taken by the President of the United
States of America, recently announced, with a
view to fostering the solution of over-population
problems in certain countries.''
7. The Council continued their regular practice
of exchanging views on political matters of com-
mon concern. In reviewing the international sit-
uation they were in full agreement. This agree-
ment included their estimate of the recent Soviet
moves and gestures. To the extent that these
moves and gestures are proved by events to be
genuine efforts to reduce international tension,
they will be welcomed by Member Governments,
whose policy has always been to seek every oppor-
tunity for world peace.
8. Nevertheless, the Council found that there had
not yet in fact been any change in the funda-
" Ibid., May 4, 1953, p. 6.39.
mental threat to the security of free peoples. The
most striking evidence of this continuing threat
is the huge and constantly strengthened military
force maintained by those nations whose policies
have been responsible for the present tension, and
who are still promoting aggressive war in several
parts of the world. The most recent example is
the extension of hostilities in Laos. This serious
development has increased the burden of France
in the struggle against aggression and has given
rise to deep concern on the part of other Member
Governments.
9. The Council, therefore, reaffirmed the policy
of collective defence which has proved fully justi-
fied, and which has been responsible for the grow-
ing confidence of the free world in the future.
The Council felt that there was every prospect
that this policy, continued with firmness and pa-
tience, will create a basis for a just settlement of
unresolved international problems.
10. The Council considei'ed it essential that
Member Governments should continue to develop
the free Atlantic Community which should in-
clude a European Defence Community to be estab-
lished as soon as possible in an ever more closely
united Europe.
11. The Council reaffirmed their fundamental de-
sire to build for peace. They looked forward
to the day when a greater share of the resources
of their countries would be devoted to national
and international reconstruction and development.
Convinced that in unity lies their greatest
strength, they are resolved to broaden co-operation
in every field, economic, political and social, as
well as military, and so to make the Atlantic
Community a lasting reality.
TEXT OF RESOLUTION ON EDC ADOPTED
APRIL 24
The North Atlantic Council,
Recalling its previous resolutions of May 26th
and December I7th, 1952, concerning the treaty
establishing the European Defence Community
and the Additional Protocol to the North Atlantic
Treaty on guarantees to members of the European
Defence Conununity ; ^
Taking note of the progi-ess which has been
made since the previous session, including sub-
mission of the Treaty to the parliaments of all
signatory countries and the fact that five signa-
tories have now completed parliamentary action
on the Additional Protocol to the North Atlantic
Treaty on the guarantees given by the Parties to
the North Atlantic Treaty to members of the
European Defence Conmiunity;
Taking note of the progress of the Interim
Committee, created by the governments signatory
to the Treaty establishing the European Defence
'For text of the additional protocol, see ibid., .Tune 9,
1952, p. 89a; for text of the Nac resolution of Dec. 17,
1952, see ibid., .Tan. 5, 1953, p. 4.
674
Department of State Bulletin
Community, in connection witli tlie technical
planning and other steps necessary to the Treaty's
coming into force, inchiding the completion of the
Additional Protocols and agreements proposed by
the Interim Committee and designed to facilitate
the carrying out of certain important provisions
of the Treaty ;
Stresses that the Atlantic Community continues
to attach paramount importance to the rapid entry
into force of the Treaty establishing the European
Defence Community, and, consequently, to its
ratification by all signatories, as well as to the
ratification of the Additional Protocol to the
North Atlantic Treaty.
Practicalities of Power
ly Under Secretary Smith ^
The Chinese philosopher who lived and wrote
about 3,000 years ago said once, "It is not only
that at times certain men are dangerous to society,
but that at times certain societies are dangerous to
all honest and decent men." We still confront the
most dangerous of those societies as we have in
the past confronted a series of them. Those which
are dangerous today are represented by Soviet
Russia and Communist China.
Now this morning at about one o'clock I was
awakened by the news yesterday that Pravda
had published in full the text of President
Eisenhower's recent speech on foreign relations.
The fact that any other newspaper in the world
published the full text of President Eisenhower's
speech would arouse no comment at all. The fact
that Pravdcu in a totalitarian state, publishes such
a speech approaches a major stature of a miracle,
and you see in that one little vignette the difference
between our free society and that which exists in
the Soviet Union.^
I recall about 8 years ago the Manchester Guard-
ian, I think it was, published a cartoon which im-
pressed me enormously. The ordinarily four-by-
four cartoon square was divided into 16 little one-
inch squares and in the first of those squares the
world, depicted as a cringing little dog, was get-
ting a pat on the back from a benign, pipe-smoking
Stalin and the little animal was wriggling all over
with pleasure. In the next square the same little
animal was getting a kick from Molotov, the stars
were flying m all directions and, of course, it was
'Address made at the University of New Hampsliire,
Durham, X. H., on Apr. 25 (press release 21.3).
' For a White House statement on this subject, see p. 67S.
May II, 1953
yowling with anguish. The third square was a
repetition of the first, the fourth of the second,
and so on over the whole 16 squares— alternate
pats and kicks— alternate wriggles of pleasure and
yowls of anguish, but a constant repetition of the
same thing.
Under these circumstances I think it will help
us remain oriented if we can keep constantly m
mind the real fundamentals of present world con-
ditions. One such real fundamental is power, and
I mean by power, military power, regrettably.
With a full understanding of the place of power m
world relationships, we can better adjust our-
selves to the requirements which have been im-
posed upon us and we can resolve satisfactorily in
our own minds what might appear to be contra-
dictions in American foreign policy.
For instance, there seems to be a contradiction
when in all sincerity we advocate disarmament
while we're spending billions of dollars to rearm
ourselves and to rearm our allies. There seems
to be a basic conflict in our unremitting efforts for
peace while we go ahead with the development of
more effective and destructive weapons. But ac-
tually, there isn't any contradiction at all. The
necessity for this derives from the place of power
in the world situation. We didn't inject this fac-
tor into it— it was and it has been there for many
centuries. But the fact that we're not responsible
for its presence does not permit us to ignore it. To
do so would be the height of folly, and that is my
theme today.
Since we cannot ignore the ix)wer factor, then
obviously we have to deal with it, and if we're to
deal with it successfully it must be understood both
in its origin and in its evolution. The lessons of
675
history are too well known on this campus for me
to repeat them. It is sufficient for me to remind
you that within the memory of a good many of you
here, there were some governments that were in-
clined to look on an expeditionary force or on a
cruiser as a convenient instrument for the conduct
of international negotiations.
Today most members of the world community
have abandoned some earlier, essentially primitive
patterns of international beliavior — and since
World War II we and like-minded nations have
joined in an effort to replace force as the decisive
factor in the relationship between states with a
more civilized mechanism. The cause of this
evolution and our ideas regarding the application
of military strength in world affairs are very
simple. We realize that man's capacity to destroy
himself and his works have increased almost be-
yond the scope of imagination. The thoughtful
man of today lives with the sobering knowledge
that weapons exist which could bring modern
civilization to an explosive end. Consequently the
United States and like-minded nations have broken
witli the historic and primitive ])attern of power
politics. We're trying to resolve international dif-
ferences and tensions by economic, political, and
diplomatic negotiation.
Possibly the tragedy enacted in Geneva in the
1920's was a necessary, if painful, lesson to the
people of the world, l)ut the failure of the League
of Nations hasn't deterred us from making a new
and much more pi'omising effort. We now have
an international organization to which disputes
can be brought for discussion and arbitration, and
there isn't one of you here that would dispute the
fact that this procedure is the right and possibly
the only road to a just and peaceful world order.
We know very well tlie futility of seeking solutions
through violence. We would discard force in
favor of the peaceful methods of negotiation and
compromise. Now if this fact were univer-sally
accepted, our worries and our present danger
would be reduced to zero. Unfortunately it is not
universally accepted. A very large segment of
the peoples of the world are under the complete
control of leaders who prefer to rely on military
power as the definitive factor in their relationship
with other nations.
Now in this tragically simple fact are the im-
plications of immense consequences. Every time
I think of it I think of an aphorism, attributed,
I believe, to Chesterton, who said, "Christianity
is mankind's gi'eatest and finest thought — the only
trouble is it has never really been tried.'' We
have a situation, many of the aspects of which
are those of peace, and yet we really have no
peace. We want to be rid of the burden of arma-
ments, yet we have to spend billions for arms and
are likely to have to continue to spend billions for
arms. We and our allies yearn for peace and
we're fighting in Korea and we're fighting in Indo-
china and we're fighting in Malaya.
The Soviet Obsession
The root of the paradox lies in the Soviet ob-
session witli the power factor, which I don't think
any of you should ever forget. Because of this
obsession we're compelled to create strength of
our own as a counterweight to the strength of
the Soviet Union. I^ven though we reject force
as an instrument in our relationship with other
nations, we've learned through bitter experience
that Soviet intransigence reaches a peak when the «
negotiator across the table lacks power. If the I
Kremlin .should as a temporary expedient make
conmiitments, we can look forward to the likeli-
hood that they maj' be violated before the ink is
dry on the document if the commitments are made
to an associate or another nation which lacks
power. On the other hand, we've learned that
it's possible to negotiate with the Soviet Union if
our negotiating position has solid strength
behind it.
Nothing that has liajipened in the past weeks
can be construed as evidence of lessening the Soviet
preoccupation with the power factor. Since 1919
there have been a great many twists and turns in
Soviet policy, but as far as we know and as far
as we can tell today, the fundamentals on which
Russian policy is based have really not altered in
any significant way. To understand this we
should recognize that those fimdamentals have
existed for a long time and they were really not
changed by the Bolshevik Kevolution.
I have often quoted Lord Pahnerston, a British
statesman of the last centui-y, a man who was ex-
tremely well-informed and a perceptive observer
of Russia. Pahnerston said :
It h;is always been tlie pnlicy and the practice of the
Ru.ssian government to expand its frontiers as rapidly as
the apathy or the tinjidity of its neighbors would permit,
but usually to halt and often to recoil when confronted
by determined opposition, then to await the next favorable
opportunity to spring upon its intended victim.
Now that analysis fits the postwar action of the
Soviet Union very well indeed.
The Kremlin tried to keep troops in Northern
Iran, then withdrew them in the face of deter-
mined opposition. The legitimate Greek Gov-
ernment after tlie war looked rij^e for overthrow.
Tlie Kremlin in.stigatcd revolt and later aban-
doned the rebels when they were met with deter-
mined opjiosition, Berlin had all the earmarks of
a soft touch. I was in Moscow at that time. I
had very little hope for the situation. Soviet mil-
itary forces blockaded the city and then when
they encountered really determined op])osition —
and it wasn't military opposition either; it was
moral and economic opposition backed up by an
airlift — they lifted tlie blockade. Now each of
these withdrawals was effected when determined
opposition was met and not before.
Stalin spelled the thing out in a speech which
I have read many times. It is included also in
his famous work, Problem.^ of Lemmsm. He was
676
Department of State Bulletin
describing the mishaps of the Czarists' govern-
ment and he said :
The history of Russia of the olden days was that she
was always getting defeated for her backwardness. Such
is the law of the exploiters to beat those who are back-
ward and weak. If you are backward, if you are weak,
that means you are wrong. That means that you can be
defeated and enslaved.
Now he was using that argument as a spur to tlie
5-year phm and for increasing enormously the
heavy industry of Russia to support a military
potential, but quite obviously those were his
thoughts and he applied those ideas equally to
other and to weaker nations than the Soviet Union.
We know very well that the Kremlin has never
visualized a world of coequals. Lenin himself
said :
We great Rus.sians have never been able to make anything
but slaves of captive peoples. We have visualized a
dominant Russia among a galaxy of satellites and armed
might is the first requisite for attaining such a globe-
girdling objective.
In addition to the means of reducing the strength
of the intended victim, military force and sub-
versive tactics are also a necessity to weaken that
strength before brute force is applied.
Now our own aspirations, as all of you know,
are very different, but different though they are,
we cannot disregard for a moment the Soviet re-
liance on force as a main means to get what it
wants. Fortunately there have been several fac-
tors which have exerted a restraining influence
on Eussia's aggressive tendencies. One was the
apparent belief that the mere existence of great
strength can exert pressure enough so that the
victim may give way without war, as in the case
of Czechoslovakia. The second is related to the
Soviet thory that capitalism bears the seeds of its
own destruction. They think that time is on their
side. I think that time is on ours.
Reasons for Conciliatory Moves
From their point of view, if they were convinced
that a major move would be confronted by de-
termined opposition, it's reasonable to assume they
would switch to a more conciliatory line. On the
other hand, of course, as you have seen, that doesn't
mean that a small war which possibly doesn't in-
volve the risk of global conflict may not, from
the Soviet point of view, be entirely logical and
extremely profitable. That's one of the reasons
wliy we're fighting in Korea and one of the reasons
wjiy our allies are fighting in Indochina and
Malaya.
In recent weeks we've witnessed what appears
to be a reversal of the Soviet line. Naturally
there has been great speculation as to the reasons
for this change. I have given you one. Another
is that the new Soviet directorate recognizes the
necessity of time for consolidating its position. It
may be that the Kiemlin realizes that it is over-
extended and requires a breathing spell. The
men in the Politburo are thoroughly aware of
the facts of history and they know that several
times in the past Russia has swallowed more than
she could digest and has had to disgorge in a
welter of bloodshed and confusion. And it can-
not be said that the satellite states are yet digested.
But, as I have said, it .seems more probable that
the new regime is reacting to the effectiveness of
Western methods in the face of danger; in other
words, that there is a realization that they will
be confronted by determined opposition and if a
new policy is really developing we cannot of course
afford to lose siglit of the fact that it may be de-
signed to split our developing coalition and
weaken our capability for providing determined
opposition.
We certainly won't reject the fact that the
Kremlin may be willing to negotiate East- West
differences in at least temporary good faith. As
President Eisenhower said :
We're waiting for deed.s — we care nothing for mere
rhetoric. We care only for sincerity of peaceful purpose
attested by acts.
I wonder if you are aware of the real importance
of the President's speech in Washington on April
16? "^ Not only at home here, but throughout the
world? It brought about what is really a dra-
matic change in the political climate almost every-
where. Within hours of its delivery we began to
receive cables from all parts of the world reflecting
the approbation of chiefs of state and diplomatic
chanceries. In Western Euroi^e it was gi'eeted as
marking the beginning of a new initiative — in the
Near and Middle East it has lieen warmly wel-
comed— in the Far East and particularly in Japan
it has been widely praised.
We don't know exactly how it has affected the
people who live behind the Iron Curtain. We do
know that it was taken very seriously in many
places. In the satellite countries where it was
heard over the Voice of America, it was received
with great emotion — in some cases, by tears.
As a whole, then, at this moment, the peoples
of the world seem to me to be more united in a
desire for the settlement of differences and diffi-
cidties than they have been for a long time indeed.
But this climate will not endure indefinitely. So
we watch and wait for signs that the Soviet Union
will respond in good faith, and while waiting for
deeds not words, we must indeed follow a policy
which might be described as the "open hand and
the closed fist."' The open hand of course is al-
ways extended as a sincere gesture for peace — the
fist must be clenched in readiness because we're
dealing with a regime which we know is still
wedded in an archaic concept of power. The
choice rests with the leaders of the Soviet Union.
It's up to them to choose which hand.
Now during this 3-day convocation of yours,
you have heard a great many wise words and much
" BtJLLETiN of Apr. 27, 1953, p. .599.
May 11, 1953
677
about the full and thoughtful life on a college
campus where the ideas and policies of the grow-
ing generation which will control this country dur-
ing the years to come are being molded. Perhaps
what I have just said may be a rather drab climax,
but you people of New Hampshire have a reputa-
tion for facing facts and I have given some of them
quite simply to you as I see them.
One of these facts is that the world has so
slirunk in terms of life and space that we are in
a way living under conditions such as the countries
of Central Europe lived under for a great many
centuries. That is, the oceans which protected our
eastern and western coasts are no longer formid-
able or impassable obstacles. In terms of time
and space they can be passed now in a matter of
hours and thus they are like the geographic fron-
tiers of the countries of Central Europe — a river,
or a mountain range — which might be crossed in
a day or in a matter of hours. Those nations for
centuries faced across those frontiers a potential
enemy, as today we face a jx)tential enemy across
ours, and we may live under that state of tension
for a long time to come.
If you on this campus live up to the traditions of
your school and of your State and of your ances-
tors, there is no reason why, if we have to do it, we
should not face such a condition with calm confi-
dence in our country and in its future and I have
complete confidence that you will.
U.S. To Assist Victims
of Viet MinFi Aggression
Statement hy Secretary Dulles
Press release 238 dated May 2
Ever since the invasion of Laos began, we have
been following developments there with the
closest attention and grave concern. Here is an-
other case of ruthless and unprovoked attack upon
a country peacefully ruled by a duly constituted
government recognized by 35 other nations.
When the Communist talk of a Laotian "libera-
tion army" and of "Vietnamese volunteers," they
are using the classic Communist phrases which
were invented to cloak aggression and which now
identify aggression.
We have encouraging reports that the people of
Laos are rallying around their King and ai-e co-
operating with the forces of the French Union in
the defense of their capital. Their efforts are an
integral jDart of the struggle of the entire free
world against enslavement and are recognized as
such here.
We are maintaining close contact with the Gov-
ernments of Laos and of France regarding the
special requirements of the situation. We have
already taken steps to expedite the delivery of
critically needed military items to the forces de-
fending Laos.
We are especially concerned at the plight of the
Laotian people who have been driven from their
homes by the invaders. The Msa Mission in Laos
is arranging to be of help to the Laotian Govern-
ment in the furnishing of the funds and supplies
needed to care for these victims of Viet Minh
aggression.
Soviet Reaction to
President's Speech
On April 25 Pravda devoted its front page to a
reprint of the Presidenfs April 16 address on
world peace (Bulletin of April 27, 1953, p. 599)
and to an editorial stating that the Soviet Union
was ready to enter into ^^iti^inesslilce'''' discussions
tvith the West to end outstanding controversies.
James Hagerty, the Presidents -press secretary,
on April 25 made the following statement on the
Soviet reaction to the Presidenfs speech:
white House pre.ss release dated April 25
I have talked with the President about the
Pravda editorial. Its milder tone is a welcome
change from the usual vituperation against the
United States and the free woi'ld. It is also sig-
nificant that the worldwide interest in the Presi-
dent's peace speech caused the Soviet leaders to
reprint it in full for the Russian people.
Of course, the Pravda editorial cannot be con-
sidered a substitute for an official action by the
Soviet leaders.
Maybe this editorial is a first step toward some-
thing concrete. If so, the free world will continue
to wait for the definite steps that must be made if
the Soviet leaders are sincerely interested in a co-
ojDerative solution to world problems.
If the Soviet leaders take such steps they will
find tlie United States and the other free nations,
as always, ready to work unceasingly for peace.
678
Department of State Bulletin
The Foreign Service as an Arm of U. S. Policy
hy Clare Boothe Luce
Ambassador to Italy ^
Tlie Foreign Service is the overseas arm of our
President and Seci'etary of State. Our Govern-
ment, in the carryina; out of its foreign policy, can
be no stronjier tlian the strenjith of that arm.
As you know, to do the tremendous job of keep-
ing Amei'iciins and American interests safe at
home and abroad, there are now about 10,000
Americans in the Foreign Service — from ambassa-
dors and ministers to clerks and stenoorraphers.
At the present time there are slightly less than
1,500 Foreign Service officers, all commissioned
by the President, like Army, Navy, Air Force, and
Marine Corps officers. Like their Service col-
leagues, these Foreign Service officers look to a
career dedicated in the same way to the service of
their country.
Too often, when people think of the work of the
Amei'ican Foreign Service, they think of assign-
ments to big, glamorous Embassies such as Paris,
Rome, London, or Rio. They forget that our
country has about 300 diplomatic and consular
posts in 75 countries throughout the world. Most
of these posts are small and many extremely un-
pleasant. Tihwa, for example, which was closed
when the Communists seized Northern China, was
1.500 miles from the nearest contact with civiliza-
tion. There was only one bathtub in the entire
city.
Or take Jidda, in Arabia, where the year-round
temperature is as hot or hotter than our hottest
day here in New York, where there are frequent
sandstonns, where there are no organized public
facilities for sports or other entertainment, where
all drinking water must lie boiled, and where such
things as telephone service and public transporta-
tion services are virtually nonexistent. Or again,
take Accra on the West Coast of Africa, where
nearly all food must be imported, where sewage
is carried beside the streets in open ditches, where
the average humidity at davni is 93 percent, and
' Excerpts from an address made before the America
Italy Society at New York on Apr. 8.
where it is often necessary to wear mosquito boots
whenever one leavas the house for a visit to friends.
Finally, let's look at one of our consulates at a
remote outpost in South America. In this town
the temperature is from 80 to 90 degrees all year
round. No water, milk, or fresh vegetables may
be consumed without boiling. There are no suit-
able hospital or first aid facilities, and it is often
impossible to find a doctor of any kind. Two-
thirds of the population have no sewers or run-
ning water, and nearly 90 j)ercent of the popula-
tion are infected by some form of internal parasite.
Malaria, syphilis, yaws, junta, and tetanus are
prevalent. These are only a few examples of the
many posts where thousands of men and women
of the Foreign Service surrender the privileges
and comforts of American life in order to help
maintain that way of life for the rest of us.
Not the least of the hardshij^s suffered by Amer-
ican Foreign Service personnel is that of being
compelled to become, to a great extent, strangers
to their own country. It is not pleasant to serve
one's country by accepting exile from it. But the
love of America remains. It should be remem-
bered that the song "Home, Sweet Home" was not
written by a man sitting safely at his fireside, but
by an American Foreign Service officer stationed
in Tunis.
Undercover Work in World War II
There are many dramatic pages in the history of
the Foreign Service. Consider the part played
by about a dozen officers in helping to pave the
way for the American landings in North Africa
in 1942. These Foreign Service officers not only
provided a vast amount of military information
about fortifications and other defense ai'range-
ments in North Africa but also worked quietly to
organize anti-Nazi resistance groups among the
French. Discovery of some of their activities
would have meant imprisoiunent or death, and
they were in peril day and night. However, their
undercover operations were performed so effec-
tively that German agents were almost completely
May 71, 7953
679
fooled. Captured Nazi files later revealed that
some of the most effective American Foreign Serv-
ice officers had been lifrhtly dismissed by the Nazis
as "draftdodgcrs" and "playboys."'
It would be impossible to review all the excitinjr
and dangerous adventures which befell these For-
eign Service officers, but a few may be illustrative.
There was one night when one oflicer smuggled
into a hotel, in full sight of Nazi officers, a radio
beacon wrapped in a gunny sack for use in guid-
ing American transports carrying parachutists.
There was the evening, shortly before the North
African landings, when two American Foreign
Service officers pretended to conduct a drunken
card game with a French friend while Gen. Mark
Clark, who had landed secretly from an Allied
submarine, hid in the cellar and while the house
was being raided by Vichy French police. Then,
there was the officer who was seized and held in-
communicado for 5 days after the Allied landings
but who escaped and made his way through Ger-
man lines to Algiers, where he was able to furnish
Allied Military Headquarters much valuable in-
formation.
The Foreign Service officers in North Africa
had advance information as to the time of the in-
vasion but could not leave their offices and hotels
without attracting attention. Therefore, they de-
liberately exposed themselves to bombing, artillery
fire, and machinegun fire in order to avoid any
tipoff to the enemy.
It is difficult to estimate the number of American
lives saved by the work done by these Foreign
Service officers in "softening" North Africa for
the invasion. For example, resistance groups
with whom thase officers worked virtually para-
lyzed Algiei-s during the fii-st 6 hours of the Allied
Jandings. Another prize example was the com-
mander 'of a defending French regiment who
issued only three rounds of ammunition to his men
and ordered them to surrender when the anmiuni-
tion was exhausted. All told, French resistance
to the Allied invasion was greatly reduced by the
courage and ingenuity shown by these Foreign
Service officers during the long months of
preparation.
The skills and capabilities of American Foreign
Service officers are nowhere more widely recog-
nized than among our senior military commanders.
Top commanders such as General Eisenhower,
General Ridgway, General Clark, Admiral
McCormick, Admiral Carney, etc., have repeatedly
sought the services of experienced American diplo-
mats for their personal staffs. Recognizing the
need for such services, the Department of State
has assigned some of its best Foreign Service offi-
cers to these jobs. Their advice and assistance
has proved itself of value on many occasions and
has helped to assure the closest coordination of our
diplomatic policy with our military strategy.
During these last minutes in Washington I've
had the very illuminating and thrilling experience
of encountering, for the first time, a number of the
members of this Foreign Service on duty in Wash-
ington. ... I have been gi'eatly impressed by
the experienced, intelligent, and dedicated civil
servants with whom I have been brought into
touch as a result of my new job.
I am convinced that our Foreign Sei-vice should
be staffed with Americans who, in terms of char-
acter and intelligence, are typical of the best of
the various sections of the United States and who
are highly qualified specialists, professionallj'
trained in all aspects of relations between nations.
I am convinced that this is the kind of staff we
have if the Foreign Service people I have met in
the Department are typical examples of the
Foreign Service.
I think, my friends, it is high time the Ameri-
can people began to realize that they have been,
may I say frankly, very unappreciative, very
grudging in their recognition and applause of this
tremendous corps of loyal and dedicated men.
Why? Well, somehow the false idea has got
about that our Foreign Service men are political
jobholders; that they, let me put it bluntly, ought
to be ):ioliticians. and as politicos, they ought to be
fired for following the orders and directives given
to them by previous presidents and secretaries.
Now it is true that when an administration's
foreign and domestic policies no longer reflect the
will of the people, the people change their ad-
ministration in their national election. But let
us also remember, by and large what we intend to
change is the policy and the policymakers. The
great body of our administration civil servants
remain. If they did not government itself would
collapse, because the new administration would
not have the political troops with which to govern.
Again, in the army, in war or in peace, when a
general is replaced we do not demand the de-
mobilization of his troops. Even in the event he
were court-martialed for losing a battle, we cer-
tainly would not expect the general who took his
place to shoot all his junior officers. Nevertheless,
many people talk today as though a change of the
Secretary and Under Secretaries — and the policy-
makers— should be followed by a wholesale change
of our Foreign Service officers.
Well, let us imagine that all our Foreign Service
officers overseas were ordered to pack their bags
and come home within a few weeks after the elec-
tion of a new President, simply because they had
done what their oath of office requires of them —
obeyed the directives and orders of the previous
Secretary and his President. Can you possibly
imagine the effect such a procedure would have on
America's interests abroad and on our diplomatic
relations? It would be catastrophic.
I hope I am not being too subtle, my friends.
I am just trying to say that because there have
been in the State Department and the Foreign
Service a fraction of men who have been unworthy
of our trust is no reason for us to withhold from
680
Department of Slate Bulletin
the loyal and dedicated many in onr Foreign Serv-
ice the great confidence and the jDraise the vast
majority of them so richly deserve.
And now in closing, I address myself to the
real ambassadors, who are you the people. Sound
diplomacy, it has been said, is simply Christian
charity and prudence operating in international
affairs.
But we live in a world — at least on our side of
the Iron Curtain— where neither presidents, nor
secretaries, nor cabinet members, nor generals, nor
ambassadors can accomplish much without the
vigorous support of the people and informed
public opinion. . . .
Role of Private Organizations
in Technical Assistance Programs
Press release 204 dated April 20
Secretary Dulles, at his press conference on
April 20, made the following reply to questions
conceriiing whether his testimony lief ore the House
Appropriations Suhcommittee on March 18^ in-
dicated that private organizations would he ex-
pected to conduct programs of assistance to under-
developed countries shoidd the goal of Presiderit
Eisenhower, to bring about a general reduction in
armaments, he accom^plished?
No, I would not think so. In the first place,
there has grown up a slight misapprehension as to
what I said about private organizations handling
the Point Four Program. I did say that the type
of activity which is represented by the Point Four
Progi-am is one which has in the past been to a
very considerable extent carried on by private
corporations, foundations, and the like. I felt
that it would be healthy if they felt a gi-eater re-
sponsibility in those respects and did not feel that
the U.S. Government was pre-empting the field
and that, therefore, they did not need to exert
themselves to carry on activities relating to the
development abroad of greater technical
information.
I believe that in all of these matters it is health-
ier that the activities, if feasible, should be con-
ducted by private organizations rather than by
government. Of course, under present condi-
tions it cannot be totally conducted by private
operations, and if there was an operation of the
magnitude which is contemplated by the Presi-
dent in his address, that would obviously go far
beyond the capability of any private
organizations.
' "Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee
on Appropriation.?, House of Representatives, 83d Cong.,
1st sess.. Department of State," p. .5.
" President Eisenhower outlined his views on disarma-
ment in his address before the American Society of News-
paper Editors on Apr. 16. For test of the address, see
Bulletin of Apr. 27, 195.3, p. 599.
Export-Import Bank Credits
to Spain, Japan
The Export-Import Bank announced on April
13 that it has authorized the establishment of
a short-term credit of $12 million to assist in
financing Spain's imports of U.S. raw cotton and
spinnable waste. The credit is to be extended to
the following Spanish commercial banks with the
guarantee of the Bank of Spain :
Banco Hispano Americano
Banco Exterior de Espana
Banco Espanol de Credito
Banco de Vizcaya
Banco Central
Banco de Bilbao
Cotton purchased under contracts entered into
subsequent to April 9, 1953, and shipped subse-
quent to the date of the contract will be eligible
for financing under the line of credit. At cur-
rent market prices approximately 55,000 bales of
cotton can be financed by the credit. Financing
will be done through letters of credit under which
18-month drafts bearing an interest rate of 31/2
percent per annum will be drawn on the Bank of
Spain as agent for the Spanish commercial banks.
The credit will be available through September 30,
1953.
Final details with respect to the operation of the
credit are yet to be negotiated and a further an-
nouncement will be made when arrangements have
been completed.
The Export-Import Bank on April 14 an-
nounced that it has authorized a short-term credit
of $40 million to assist in financing Japan's im-
ports of U.S. raw cotton from the 1952 crop. The
credit will be in favor of the Bank of Japan and
it will operate through U.S. and Japanese com-
mercial banks and cotton marketing channels
which customarily finance and handle cotton trade
between the United States and Japan. At current
market prices, approximately 200,000 bales of
cotton can be financed by this credit.
The credit will bear interest at 3i/^ percent per
annum and will be repayable within 15 months.
Final details with respect to the operation of
the credit are yet to be negotiated and a further
announcement will be made when arrangements
have been completed. At that time, all inquiries
relating to details of its operation should be ad-
dressed by the American cotton shipper to his
bank or banks in the United States, or to his
agents or customers in Japan.
The Bank pointed out that facilitation of the
cotton trade, which is the purpose of the credit,
is one of the most important factors in U.S.-
Japanese economic relations. In recent years
Japan has been the largest export market for
U.S. cotton, and hence is of great significance
May J J, J953
681
to our cotton economy, the prosperity of wliich
is highly dependent on exports. On the other
hand, the Japanese cotton-textile industry is of
central and basic importance to the economy of
that country. Japan is dependent upon foreign
trade for maintenance of its economy and living
standards. The Japanese textile industry con-
tributes about half the value of all Japanese ex-
ports but it must import all its requirements of
raw cotton.
Guaranty Issued for Private
Investment in Haiti
Harold E. Stassen, Director for Mutual Secu-
rity, on April 15 announced the signing of the
first U.S. Government investment-guaranty agree-
ment with an American Republic.
The agreement witli the Kepublic of Haiti
makes jiossible Mutual Security Agency (Msa)
guaranties protecting new American investors in
that country against currency inconvertibility and
loss by expropriation. The agreement was con-
cluded in an exchange of notes between John M.
Cabot, Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-
American Affairs, and Jacques Leger, Haitian
Ambassador to the United States.
"Private investment in a friendly country can
be a major economic benefit to that country and
an important step in President Eisenhower's pro-
gram of gaining peace and progress with pros-
perity for tlie free world," Mr. Stassen said. "I
am delighted that the Msa investment-guaranty
program can now encourage United States firms
and individuals to invest capital in another coun-
try of tlie Western Hemisphere." *
MsA has authority to extend guaranties to U.S.
investors in any of the 57 mutual-security-pro-
gram countries after the conclusion of guaranty
agreements between tlie U.S. Government and the
country involved. The jjrogram originally was
limited to AVestern European countries participat-
ing in the Marshall plan and their dependent
territories.
Pointing out that Haiti is the 16th nation to
enter into such an agreement, Stassen said that he
hoped the other American Republics would follow
the lead of the Caribbean country. Invitations to
discuss the program have been extended to other
countries in the Western Hemisphere, Mr. Stassen
said.
"The investment of United States capital can
help to promote industrial diversification, provide
new employment, and stimulate other industries
which may produce raw materials or other prod-
ucts used by the newly created enterprise," Mr.
Stassen said. "These investments often provide
more consumer goods at lower cost, effect a saving
in foreign exchange and make possible new earn-
ings for the country through increasing its export
potential," he added.
A currency convertibility guaranty would pro-
vide that, if the investor should be unable to con-
vert local currency receipts from the investment
into dollars through regular banking channels,
the U. S. Government would provide the dollar
exchange.
A guaranty against loss by expropriation would
provide for reimbursement of the investor b.v the
U.S. Government for loss of investment property
due to expropriatory action. n
Haiti has taken other steps during the past few n
years to encourage new industries. For instance,
legislation has been passed exempting from import
duties machinery, equipment, and raw materials
necessary for new industries. A similar exemp-
tion has been extended recently to raw materials
necessary for the production of handicrafts to be
exportetl.
Another imjiortant step encouraging new in-
vestment in Haiti was a reduction of the national
income tax by 50 percent during the first year of
an enterprise and 20 percent during the next four.
A recent partial listing by the Government of
Haiti showed 2o industries for which raw ma-
terials are available in Haiti, including leather
and shoes, glass, salt, tropical-fruit ])rocessing,
dairy products, paper, fish, cotton textiles, rubber
products, metals, transport, soap, chemicals, lime-
stone, grain, cliocolate, fiber products, vegetable
oils, talc, lumber, and beverages.
The agreement between the United States and
Haiti defines the treatment to be accorded by the
Government of Haiti to currency or claims which
the U.S. Government might acquire if any Msa
guaranties should be invoked by an investor in
Haiti.
If a convertibility guaranty should be invoked
and the U.S. Government thus acquired local cur-
rency, Haiti would recognize the transfer of own-
ership of the currency, under the intergovernment
agreement. Such currency would then be avail-
able for administrative expenses of U.S. Govei'n-
ment representatives in Haiti.
Under other terms of the agreement, any claims
to ownershi]) of property acquired by the U.S.
Government by paying off an investor's expropri-
ation loss would also be recognized. Such claims
would be negotiated on the diplomatic level rather
than through the local courts. If no settlement
were reached through diplomatic channels, the
next stej) under the agreement would be arbitra-
tion of the claims by a person selected by mutual
agreement, or by an arbitrator selected by the
president of the International Court of Justice.
682
Departmenf of Sfafe Bulletin
The World Economic Situation
Statement hy James J. Wadsworth
U.S. Representative in the V.N. Economic and Social Council ^
0.S./D.N. press release dated April 16
To begin with I want to express my pleasure
at being able to Join in this discussion of the world
econoinic situation. Many of you have partici-
pated before. For me, this is the first time.
I need not emphasize the importance of this
annual debate. This Council is the only world-
wide forum on economic matters where the views
of the world, on the problems of the world, can
be thoroughly aii'ed.
The studies of world economic conditions sub-
mitted to us each year in connection with this de-
bate are among the less spectacular but most con-
structive achievements of the United Nations.
The three regional reports of the Economic Com-
mission for Latin America, the Economic Commis-
sion for Asia and the Far East, and the Economic
Commission for Europe,- combined with the an-
nual World Econoinic Report and its supplements
on Africa and the Middle East, provide unique
sources of information on economic developments
in various parts of the world.
The most comprehensive of these studies is, of
cour.se, the World Econoinic Report.^ It is also
the most difficult to prepare. The more it aims
at universality of coverage, the more it runs into
the great differences in the availability of data
from country to country. In the absence of ade-
quate officialdata for such countries as Communist
China, there is great temptation to use unverified
data obtained from questionable sources.
I am not suggesting that the authors of the
World Econoinic Report should simply omit any
reference to countries whose governments consist-
ently refuse to let their own people, or the, world,
know about the true economic conditions in their
territories. I do suggest, however, that the report
' Made in the Eeonomi<? and Social Council on Apr. 16.
' For a review of the Ece report, see Bttlletin of Apr.
13, 195.3, p. 534. ^ ^^ ^^ ^^
'Preliminary World Economic Report for 1951-54, U.N.
doc. E/2353.
May n, 7953
should make it clear, much clearer than is the case
at present, that they are obliged to operate with
altogether inadequate data and that any con-
clusions drawn from them can at, best be only
tentative.
Notwithstanding these shortcomings, I consider
the report, taken as a whole, a well-written, illumi-
nating survey. It offers an excellent basis for a
discussion of world econoinic conditions.
Economic Effects of Armament Programs
It is now nearly 3 years since the outbreak of
hostilities in Korea imposed upon us the cruel
necessity of a sharp acceleration of our defense
efforts. During that period defense programs
have been a major force in shaping trends in the
free world's economies. I propose later to con-
sider these trends in relation to my own country.
For the moment, however, I should like to confine
myself, drawing largely on the World Econoinic
Report, to a brief review of the main course of the
economy of the free world under the impact of
rearmament needs. The report gives virtually no
consideration to tlie impact of armament produc-
tion in the Soviet Union and the so-called people's
democracies. Accordingly, it does not permit of
a similar review of the effect of their armament
programs on their economies. It is a well known
fact, however, that the levels of production cited
in the report for these countries include continu-
ous and heavy armament expenditures maintained
at the expense of the standards of living of their
people.
For nearly a year and a half the armament ef-
fort which came with the Korean war engendered
an econoinic upswing. The demand for many
basic materials soarecL Fears of impending short-
ages in consumer goods led to scare-buying.
Pi-ices, particularly of primary products, rose
sharply. Inflationary pressures were intensified.
Governments endeavored, with varying degrees of
success, to restrain these pressures. Taxes were
683
increased and credit ti<rlitened. In some instances
more direct measures were taken, such as i)rice
controls, allocations, and limitations upon raw
material end uses. Meanwhile, there was a shaqi
upsur<;e in production, accompanied by a rapid
accumulation of inventories.
By tlie closino; months of 1951 the economic pat-
tern was different. Inflation was under control.
Anticipatory and speculative buying virtually
ended. As the abnormal commodity demands de-
clined, the prices of primary commodities receded.
Inventory accumulations slowed down. Indus-
trial production for a time ceased to ex])and but
during the last third of 19.52 again turned upward.
The result, as the World Economic Report indi-
cates, was that 1952 was a year of relative eco-
nomic stability, with a satisfactory normal growth
in world industrial production. Tlie increase in
1952 over the 1951 level was about 2 percent, in
contrast to the abnormal rise in 1951 of close to
14 percent. The fact that such a great increase
was followed by a year which was on the whole
one of relative stability and further growth in
world production is ground for satisfaction.
The defense effort has imposed heavy burdens
on the free world. It has entailed great increases
in public expenditure with considerable additions
to the tax load. It has absorbed, and continues to
absorb, a large volume of resources. Generally
speaking, however, the free world has shouldered
these burdens with less difficulty than was antici-
pated. Extraordinary resilience and powers of
expansion have been demonstrated in the econ-
omies of those countries carrying the major bur-
den of the rearmament effort. As a result of these
qualities the arms needed for defense have been
forthcoming. At the same time, the supply of
goods available for civilian consumption has been
increased, and large amounts of equipment es-
sential for economic development have been made
available for export.
Since 1937, industrial production has risen by
75 percent. By contrast, the growth of food out-
put by only 10 percent is disturbing. Wlien
viewed against the 15 percent inci-ease in world
population it means that we are still losing ground
in the fight against hunger.
The lag in food production is one of the crucial
economic and social problems of our time. Vast
numbers of people are still inadequately fed. A)i
expansion of world food supplies is a vital neces-
sity. It must be a basic element in all plans for
raising standards of living in the imderdeveloped
parts of the world.
Economic Developments in the U.S.
I should like to turn now to developments in
my own country since the beginning of the Korean
trouble.
Economic events in the United States have
paralleled to a high degree those described for the
world as a whole by the Secretary-General.
There was in this country, too, a post-Korean
wave-like motion of inventories and prices, with
an upward trend of both industrial and agiicul-
tural (juti)ut.
The output of our farms, factories, mines, and
service industries continued to increase in 1952,
although not at the high over-all rates as in 1951.
Moreover, the past 6 months have shown a greater
rate of growth than the first 9 months of 1952, the
period covered by the Secretary-General's report.
For 1952 as a whole, the gross national product
was close to $350 billion. In the fourth quarter
of that year it exceeded an annual rate of $360
billion. In real terms. 1952 gi'oss output was
almost 21,^ percent above 1951 and almost 25 per-
cent above 1946.
This expansion in output was accompanied by
an expansion in employment. Unemployment
fell in 1952 to only 2.7 percent of the total civilian
labor force.
Agricultural production in 1052 was the largest
in my country's history. It permitted us to ex-
port to the rest of the world 564 million bushels of
wheat and immense quantities of other foodstuffs
vital to the surWval of millions of people abroad.
Since farming is something I happen to know
a little about from pei-sonal experience. I should
like to take this occasion to say a word about tlic
American farmer. The extensive program of our
Federal and State Governments to develop effi-
cient land-use techniques, to extend the use of
fertilizers and other soil chemicals, to improve
the quality of seeds and livestock, to control pests
and plant diseases, and in general to make scien-
tific practices known to farmers has, of course,
been a most important factor in increasing our
farm output. But it takes more than education
and know-how to keep the farm economy expand-
ing. I am confident that we could not have
achieved these ]u-oduction records had not our
farmers had the initiative and the iiigenuity to
make full use of these scientific developments and
improved technologA-.
The year 1952 was a period of balanced growth
in contrast to the more uneven expansion of the
previous year. An upturn occurred in a wide
variety of soft goods industries which had experi-
enced a decline in 1951 — apparel, leather, and
especially textiles. This expansion has continued
into 1953. Production of consumer durables —
from automobiles to television .sets — followed a
similar couree. Total retail sales in January and
February of 1953 were 9 percent above the corre-
sponding months of 1952. In the civilian econ-
omy this general expansion extcutled also into
consumer services, capital goods, industrial capac-
ity, public works, and the construction of houses.
As output increased, the inflationary pressures
of the previous 2 years abated in the ITnited States
as they did elsewhere. Prices in primary markets
declined, while prices at retail leveled off. Wages
684
Department of State Bulletin
have been rising and, by and large, real incomes
of tlie American worker have increased.
Emergency Controls Eliminated
The abundance of goods made possible the
elimination, in the past 6 months, of most of the
emergency economic controls previously imposed.
It is testimony to the great underlying potential
for expanding production that the need for con-
trols created by the Korean war was so short-
lived. Three years after Korea, our economy is
once more free from controls and is producing
more civilian and defense goods combined than
ever before.
Wliile domestic activity in the United States in-
creased during 1952, our exports of merchandise,
exclusive of military-aid shipments, showed a de-
cline. Nevertheless we continued to increase our
shipments of capital goods to all parts of the
world. Our exports of electrical and industrial
machinery amounted to $2.2 billion, an increase
of 15 percent over the previous year. All of the
underdeveloped areas of the free world shared
in this increase. Our machinery shipments to the
Far East were 33 percent higher than in 1951.
At the same time, the value, though not the vol-
mne, of merchandise imports fell slightly from
the alltime peak of 1951. Taking into account all
current items — remittances, tourist expenditures,
shipping and other ser^aces, as well as merchan-
dise— the export surplus fell from $3.2 billion in
1951 to $1.8 billion in 1952. This represented, of
course, a reduction of the dollar deficit of the rest
of the world and to that extent an advance toward
a better balance-of-payments position. The re-
duced deficit was more than made up by the out-
flow of private capital and United States gi\ants
and loans. As a result, the rest of the world in-
creased its gold and dollar holdings during 1952
by $1.2 billion.
Let me turn now to a point which may be both-
ering many of you — the fact that world industrial
production in 1952 did not continue to increase
as fast as in 1951. Some may interpret this as
a cause for concern. An analysis will show I
think, that concern is not warranted.
From 1946 to 1948 there was an increase of 25
percent in world production. This phenomenal
increase was largely a result of the reactivation
of idle capital and labor as part of the process of
recovery from war. In the face of destruction,
dislocation, and rampant inflation which the war
brought, the recovery was extraordinary. De-
mobilized soldiers, refugees, damaged factories,
dislocated businesses, long-unused avenues of
trade — all these were reassembled and put back to
work with a speed which was notliing less than
sfiectacular. Then, in 1950-51, many countries
were forced to turn their efforts to the production
of war materials. Total world output again
spurted upward.
Once this process was well along, however, it
was hardly reasonable to look for a continued
increase in production of such dramatic propor-
tions. A rate of between 2 and 5 percent a year
for the world as a whole, looked at in historical
pei-spective, is in fact a rate which the world can
view with satisfaction in normal times.
As far as the U.S. economy is concerned, every
indication leads me to believe that investment will
continue to expand in 1953, giving strength to the
U.S. economy and more than counterbalancing
any letup in defense expenditures. In each of the
past 2 years plant and equipment expenclitures by
business firms have approximated $26 billion, much
of which was devoted to civilian production. The
total plant and equipment now planned for the
year 1953 as a whole should result in equally high
investment.
Beyond these private investments lies an area
of potential public constraction whose dimensions
at this point are not fully known. We need many
more schools, and state and local governments
are actively planning for them. We appear to be
on the verge of a new era in highway constiiiction
brought on by an extraordinary gi'owth in auto-
mobile ownership since the end of World War II.
If there is concern lest these expansive forces be
dissipated, I would agree with Secretary of Com-
merce Sinclair Weeks who recently called atten-
tion to the fact that :
The American system toflay ha.s many floors underneath
to check an old-fashioned slump — high savings, social se-
curity, pensions, emergency laws and other props . . .
The new administration would not hesitate to use such
strong measures as might be required in an emergency.
Factors in Economic Progress
Developments in relation to production, em-
ployment, trade, and prices, with which I have so
far been mainly concerned, are the concrete meas-
ures of economic progress. I should like now to
turn from facts and figures to consider briefly
some of the factors on which that progress mainly
depends.
The possession of abundant natural resources
is obviously a major advantage to any area. I
need not dwell on such matters as this. What I
wish to emphasize is the great importance also of
an economic and political environment which en-
courages its people to put forward their best ef-
forts to improve their economic situation.
The economic development of the United States
has been achieved under what we call the system
of free enterprise. This is a system which we
believe encourages individual initiative, leaves
men free to try out new ways of doing things, and
l^romotes the most efficient and productive com-
bination of labor and management. The main-
tenance of this system has, I am convinced, been
Aioy J I, 1953
685
a dyiiiUTiic force in promoting our economic
welfare.
I recognize that this free enterprise system is
pursued also in varying degrees by many other
nations. I do not say that it would necessarily
fit all countries as well as it does the United States.
But one thing I do assert with some confidence.
That is. that healthy incentives to individual ef-
fort are of vital importance for economic progress.
Accordingly one of the most important things
a government can do to promote economic well-
being is to develop and maintain policies which
contribute to this individual dynamic incentive.
First and foremost among such policies is the
maintenance of internal financial stability. All of
you know the effects of uncontrolled inflation. It
hampers the domestic production of goods re-
quired for economic development. The easy in-
crease in money incomes weakens incentives to
sustained work; the rise in prices discourages sav-
ings; new investment tends to take the form of
speculative ventures rather than real capital for-
mation. The balance-of -payments position de-
teriorates, making it more difficult to import capi-
tal goods needed to improve productivity. Sound
tax policies, credit policies, trade policies, are
among the checki'eins on those evils.
Land i-eform is another area of government pol-
icy where much can be done to establish conditions
favorable to production. Give the farmer a real
stake in his work and his future and he will exer-
cise his best ingenuity to improve his land and to
increase his outinit. But the job of instituting
such policies is primarily the responsibility of the
underdeveloped countries themselves, as is stated
so well in the World Economic Report.
Economic growth can also be stimulated through
government policies aimed at encouraging private
investment, both domestic and foreign. Domes-
tically, this means stimulating savings, mobilizing
capital, and inducing it to enter lines of produc-
tion which will contribute most to development.
Since domestic sources of capital are typically in-
sufficient in imderdeveloped countries to support
an adequate level of investment, vigorous efforts
must also be nuxde to establish an environment
congenial to the international flow of private capi-
tal. In the last analysis, only tlie local govern-
ments can establish a climate in which the foreign
investor feels welcome and is convinced that he
will get an even break.
The most fundamental problem still facing the
woild is the creation of conditions which will
permit a steady, worldwide improvement in
standards of living. Basic to such inq^rovement
is increased production. President Eisenhower
expressed the issue this way in his message to
Congress last week : ••
The building of a productive and strong economic system
williin the free world, one in wliich each country may
better sustain itself through its own efforts, will require
action by other governments, as well as by the United
States, over a wide range of economic activities. These J
must include adoption of sound internal policies, crea- J
tion of conditions fostering international investment, ^
assistance to underdeveloped areas, progress toward
freed<mi of international payments and convertibility of
currencies, and trade arrangements aimed at the widest
possible multilateral trade.
This means that the approach of the U.S. Gov-
ermnent to these problems will be the cooperative
approach — working hand in hand with those coun-
tries who wish to join in the common endeavor.
The President has expressed our determination
that these efforts must succeed. In the same mes-
sage from which I just read, he stated our deep
realization that the contribution of the United
States to the solution of the free world's economic t
problems "is so large as to be crucially important
to its success," and that its success "is crucially
important to the United States."
Documents on Korean
Armistice Negotiations
Summary of Liaison Meeting of April 19
1. Meeting of Senior Liaison Groups convened at 1100
hours. Substance of record follows :
2. Unc : "I have a statement to make. The position of
the United Nations Command with respect to resuming
plenary sessions of the Korean Armistice negotiations
was stated to you in General Harrison's letter to General
Nam II, dated lli April, 195.3.' I reiterate the position of
the United Nations Conuuand, that it will resume plenary
sessions in the expectation that the detailed arrangements
for the implementation of the new proposal of your side
will be along the reasonable and practical lines set forth
in General Harrison's letter. Based on the foregoing, I
am authorized to announce to you that the United Nations
Command Delegation will be prepared to meet with your
delegation at 11()<) on 23 April, liJ53, for the purpose of
seeking an overall settlement of the question of prisoners
of war along constructive and reasonable lines."
3. Vommunixts: a. "I am instructed by the Senior Dele-
gate of our side to make the following statement before
the Liaison Group meeting enters into discussion on the
date for the resumption of plenary sessions. We have
.studied the letter of April 16 from the Senior Delegate
of your side and consider it necessary to point out that,
as the Senior Delegate of our side has stated in his letter
of April !t " to the Senior Delegate of your side, the new
proposal of our side for settling the entire question of
prisoners of war is a highly constructive proposal. In
order to eliminate the differences between the two sides
on the (luestion of repatriation of prisoners of war and
to bring about an armistice in Korea for which the whole
world has been longing, our side has made an obvious
concession as to the steps, time, and procedure of the
repatriation of prisoners of war. Our side proposes that
the rejiatriation of prisoners of war be carried out in
two steps; that is, both i)arties to the negotiations should
undertake to repatriate immediately after the cessation
of hostilities all those prisoners of war in their custody
who insist upon repatriation, and to hand over the re-
maining prisoners of war to a neutral State so as to insure
a just solution to the (juestion of tlieir repatriation.
6. "The high constructiveness of this proposal has al-
* BiTixETiN of Apr. 27, 1953, p. 634.
686
' Bulletin of Apr. 27, 19.53, p. 608.
= Ibid., Apr. 20, 1953, p. 515.
Department of Sfafe Bulletin
really been i-eeognized by the whole world. As to the
concrete measures for iniplementiut; this proposal, it is
very obvious that the meeting of negotiations between the
delegates of both sides.
c. "The agreements of both sides on various other major
problems with regard to an armistice in Korea were all
reached in this way. As a matter of fact in negotiations
with both sides on an equal footing, only consultation
and di.scussion at the conference are the proper way of
settling questions. The Korean People's Army and the
Chinese People's Volunteers consider that the concrete
suggestions of either side should all be put forth at the
meetings of negotiations between the delegates of both
sides.
d. "The progress of the negotiations depends on the
effort of both sides. The task which lies before both sides
before the resumption of the meetings of negotiations
should not be to visualize a recess after the resumption
of the plenary sessions, but rather should be to speedily
discuss and decide upon the date of reopening the plenary
sessions in order to resume the negotiations and realize
an armistice in Korea by common efforts.
e. "With regard to the time and date for the resumption
of the plenary sessions of the delegations to the armistice
negotiations, our delegation is prepared to hold a meeting
with your delegation at 1100 hours on 2.5 April."
4. U-\c : "We agree that our delegation will meet with
your delegation on 25 April, 1953 at 1100 hours."
5. ConiitiKiiists : a. "Now both sides have come to a com-
mon view regarding the date for resuming the plenary
sessions of the delegations of both sides.
h. "I propose that the meetings of the Liaison Groups
of both sides recess tilt either side considers it is neces-
sary to hold a meeting to discuss the question of repatriat-
ing sick and in.iured prisoners of war."
0. Unc : "We agree with your proijosal to adjourn the
Liaison Groups meeting until either .side requests a
meeting."
7. Meeting adjourned at 1120 hours.
Summaries of Plenary Talks ^
APRIL 26 SESSION
The first plenary session of the re-opening of the Armi-
stice negotiations at Panmunjom convened today at 2 p. m.
This was the first plenary meeting since the recess called
by Lt. Gen. William K. Harrison, Jr., Chief Unc delegate,
on October S, 1952. General Harrison headed the Unc
delegation and the Communist delegation was headed by
General Nam U.
General Nam II presented a sis-point proposal as the
basis on which the Communists felt the Armistice negotia-
tions should be conducted.
[Following is the text of the Communist proposal :
"First, within 2 months after the armistice agreement
becomes effective, both sides shall, without offering any
hindrance, repatriate and hand over in groups all these
prisiiuers of war who insist upon i-epatriation to the side
to which the prisoner of war belongs in accordance with
the related provisions of paragraph 51, article 111, of the
armistice agreement and in conformity witli the final
name lists exchanged and checked by both sides.
"I>!ec(iiul, within the time limit of 1 month after the
completidM of the direct repatriation of all those prisoners
of war who insist upon repatriation, tlie detaining side
shall be responsible for sending to a neutral state, agreed
upon through consultation of both sides, the remaining
prisoners of war who are not directly repatriated and then
release them from its military control. Such prisimers
of war shall be received and taken into custody by the
authorities of the neutral state concerned in an area desig-
" Released to the press at Munsan.
May 11, 1953
nated by such authorities. The authorities of the neutral
state concerned shall have the authority to exercise their
legitimate functions and responsibilities for the control of
the prisoners of war under their temporary jurisdiction.
"Third, within C months after the date of arrival of such
prisoners of war in the neutral state, the nations to which
they belong shall have the freedom and facilities to send
personnel to that neutral state to explain to all the prison-
ers of war depending on these nations so as to eliminate
their apprehensions and to inform them of all matters re-
lated to their return to their homelands, particularly of
their full right to return home to lead a peaceful life.
"Fourth, within 1 month after the arrival of the prison-
ers of war in the neutral state, and after the explanations
made by the nations to which they belong, the speedy
return to their f,-itherlands of all those prisoners of war
who request repatriation shall be facilitated by the au-
thorities of the neutral state concerned, and there should
be no obstruction. The administrative details of the
repatriation of such prisoners of war shall be settled
through consultation between the authorities of the neutral
state concerned and the authorities of the nations to
which the prisoners of war belong,
"Fifth, if, at the expiration of the time limit of (5 months
stipulated in paragraphs 3 and 4 of the present proposal,
there are still prisoners of war in the custody of the neutral
state, their disposition shall be submitted, for .settlement
through consultation, to the political conference provided
in paragraph 00, article IV of the armistice agreement.
"Sixth, all the expenditures of the prisoners of war dur-
ing their stay in the neutral state, including their travel-
ling expenses in returning to their fatherlands, shall be
b<irne by the nations to which they belong."]
Following the presentation of the Communist proposal.
General Harrison pointed out that certain arrangements
were outlined in his letter to the Communists of April 16.
These were :
1. The neutral state of a nation such as Switzerland,
traditionally recognized as appropriate in matters of this
kind.
2. That in the Interest of practicality, prisoners of war
who are not directly repatriated be released in custody in
Korea of the neutral state.
3. That after a reasonable time, such as 60 days, during
which opportunity has been afforded by the neutral state
to parties concerned for determining the attitudes of the
individuals in its custody, the neutral state will make
arrangements for jieaceable disposition of those remain-
ing in its custody.
General Harrison then pointed out that the Unc does
not consider that the iihysical removal of prisoners to
points outside of Korea is justified in any sense. He
added that such a move would afford no material ad-
vantage and would entail undesirable delays and many
practical difficulties, such as time consumed in transporta-
tion, housing and administrative accommodations. This,
the General said, would delay the release of prisoners
by months, and is a very undesirable solution. He em-
phasized that the neutral state could exercise adequate
custody at suitable locations in Korea, and that 6 months
was an "utterly exorbitant" time and that prisoners
should not be held in custody for that period. "It is our
firm opinion," the General said, "that 60 days will he
ample for this purixise."
General Harrison summed up for the Unc by stating
that the Communists failed to accord acceptable recogni-
tion to the arrangements outlined in the letter of April
16. He then proposed a recess until 11 a. m., tomorrow
but General Nam U requested a short recess until 4 p. m.,
which was agreed to by General Harrison.
Following the recess. General Nam II said that the time
limit of 6 months was "both necessary and reasonable"
and Switzerland was unsuitable as the neutral state.
General Harrison, before recessing, again pointed out
that there should be no objections on the part of the Com-
687
itmiiists to f>\vitzerliind as thp neutral state. Switzerland
lias for many years been recognized as neutral among
the nations of the world and it fultills all the requirements
of a neutral nation.
General Harri.son, in his final statement, said, "Tou
have .said nothing which would indicate that your pro-
posal is (me that we can consider as constituting a reason-
ahle and constructive basis for negotiating an armistice."
APRIL 27 SESSION
The second plenary session of the reopened Armistice
talks between the Unc and the Communists went into ses-
sion at 11 a. m. today at Panmunjom.
Lt. Gen. William K. Harrison, .Ir., .Senior Unc Delegate,
told the Communists that their proposals submitted yes-
terday Would force a prisoner to choose between return
to the Communists or face detention without a foresee-
able end.
The Unc Chief Delegate oix>ned the session by pointing
out that their six point proposal "does not form the basis
for an acceptable solution to the prisoner of war ques-
tion." The General added, "it is obvious that your side
failed to consider seriously our letter of 16 April in which
we outlined the nature of a solution that is reasonable and
constructive and one which would lead to a prompt reso-
lution of the problem of prisoners of war."
The Communists were told by General Harris<m that
their argument regarding Switzerland as not being suit-
able as a neutral nation is groundless and a strange one
indeed. He added that the Communists" proposal to
detain prisoners of war up to 0 months after an armistice
is signed, and then even longer while a political confer-
ence settles their disposition is neither reasonable nor
constructive. "It is unrea.souable and obstructive," the
General said.
The General again told General Nam II, senior Com-
munist Delegate that the Communists liave proposed noth-
ing that can he considered as a reasonable or constructive
basis for an armistice agreement.
The Communists asked for an adjournment at 11 : .j2
a. m. until 11 a. ni. tomorrow. The Unc agreed to the
request.
APRIL 28 SESSION
Lt. Gen. William K. Harrison. Jr., Uno Senior Delegate,
today informed the Communists that it was the hope of
the Unc that both sides would be able to agree on a rea-
sonable and honorable armistice which would protect
the human rights of the prisoners of war. He went on to
say that if the Communists desired an armistice on this
basis, they had failed thus far to give any indication of
such an objective.
The Unc Chief Delegate stressed that, "We do not in-
tend to become involved in protracted and useless argu-
ments," and that "from your [the Communists'] experience
in previous negotiations with us, you should be well aware
that we mean what we say."
On the Conununists' rejection of Switzerland as the
neutral state. General Harrison said, "You have cast doubt
on your own intentions to bring about a speedy and honor-
able truce."
When the Communists were asked if they were prepared
to suggest the name of a neutral state, the Communists
replied that they had "noted the question" and then imme-
diately proposed a recess until 11 a.m. tomorrow.
APRIL 29 SESSION
An unnamed Asiatic country was proposed today by the
Communists as a substitute for the Unc choice of Switzer-
land as the neutral nation to take custody of prisoners of
war who do not wish to be repatriated.
The proposal was made to Lt. Gen. William K. Harrison,
.Jr., Senior Delegate for the Unc, by General Nam II during
the fourth session of the reopened plenary talks at Pan-
munjom.
General Harrison, in his opening statement today, again
stressed the .selection of Switzerland as the neutral nation
in handling pii.soners of war and pointed out that "no other
nation has comparable exjjerience in this field." He added,
"The argument that it is disqualified to serve in this ca-
pacity by the fact that it is a member of the neutral na-
tions' supervisory commission is quite groundless.
General Nam II, on the subject of time required for "ex-
planations" to prisoners who do not wish to be repatriated,
said the "specific length of time could be a subject of
discussion."
General Harrison pointed out that the transportation of
many thousands of prisoners overseas to a neutral nation
would, for the great majority of them, constitute deporta-
tion and expatriation. "Our side," (ieneral Harrison said,
"cannot apply force to transixirt prisoners to a neutral
countiT any more than we can apply force to repatriate
them to your side."
The Communists proposed a recess at 12 : 04 p. m. until
11 : 00 a. m. tomorrow, which was agreed to by the Unc.
APRIL 30 SESSION
Lt. Gen. William K. Harrison, Jr., Senior Unc Delegate,
told the Communists today at the fifth meeting of the re-
opened armistice discussions at Panmunjom that until
the Communists come to an understanding on a neutral
nation, "we see no advantage in discussing seriously the
other elements of your proposal."
General Harrison further stated, "Not knowing the
name of the country of your selection, we, of course, are
not able to consider the matter of its neutrality. We do
think it worth while, however, to point out that an Asian
country is necessaril.v located very close to countries
d(miinated by Communists and might therefore he sub-
jected to Communist military, economic, or political in-
fluence."
fin the question of prisoner repatriation, the Senior
Delegate of the Unc reminded the Communists that only
12,000 of the 65,000 personnel captured during the first
year of hostilities have been listed as POW's in December
19.51 and that a majority of the missing had been incor-
porated illegally into the People's Army.
This practice violates the Geneva Convention which re-
quires that POW's be protected from the effects of mili-
tary operations and that they not be employed in labor
contributing directly to military operations. The General
said :
"It would seem appropriate that these Koreans whom
we are still holding as prisoners and who want to live in
South Korea .should be released without further delay
to enter into civilian life of their fellow Koreans rather
than be retained indefinitely as they might under your
proposal. It has always seemed strange to us that the
representatives of Communist China should insist that
native Koreans who refuse to return to North Korea and
seek to live in South Korea should be forced to return to
The United States in the United Nations
"The United States in the United Nations," which
has been a regular feature of the Bulletin, is being
discontinued with this issue because of space limita-
tions. The Bulletin will continue to print texts
of major U.S. statements made at U.N. meetings,
texts of important U.N. resolutions and other docu-
ments. Current United Nations Documents : A Se-
lected Bibliography, and material relating to the
U.N. Command operations in Korea.
688
Department of State Bulletin
North Korea. The ohviously huiuane thing wouhl be to
release the Korean prisoners who are now in onr hands.
Such release would also greatly simplify the whole prob-
lem of repatriation and the work of the custodial state.
•■In view of the advantages to all concerned, a proposal
by your side at this time to release in South Korea all
Korean prisoners who have refused to return to Comuiu-
nist Korea would greatly facilitate agreement on an armis-
tice and would be received with acclaim by all decent and
humane people throughout the entire world."
The meeting adjourned until 11 a. m. tomorrow
morning.
Ambassador Murphy To Assist
in Armistice Negotiations
Press release 221 dated April 28
The Department of State announced on April
28 that Ambassador Robert D. Murphy is termi-
nating his duties as Ambassador to Japan on April
29, but his departure from Japan has been tem-
porarily postponed to permit him to continue in
Tokyo to assist Cincunc [Commander in Chief of
the U.N. Command, Gen. Mark W. Clark] in his
conduct of tlie armistice negotiations. President
Eisenhower has accorded Mr. Murphy the per-
sonal rank of Ambassador in connection with his
temporary assignment.
Ambassador Murphy's duties in this connection
do not imply any change in the military character
of the armistice negotiations nor in General
Clark's responsibilities with regard thereto.
As soon as conditions permit, Mr. Murphy will
return to the United States to take up his new post
as Assistant Secretary of State for U.N. Affairs.
Termination of Sulphur Committee
The Sulphur Committee of the International
Materials Conference (Imo) announced on April
13 that its members have agreed to the dissolution
of the Committee on April 30, 1953. This an-
nouncement follows the Committee's recent deci-
sion to discontinue international allocation of
crude sulfur as from March 1. and reflects the con-
tinuing improvement in the supj^ly and demand
position of sulfur in the free world.
The Sulphur Committee, which was the second
of the commoditv groups to be established within
the framework of the Ijmc, met for the first time on
March 1, 1951. The Committee's recommenda-
tions for the first international allocations of
crude sulfur were accepted by its member govern-
ments for the third quarter of 1951 and allocations
were continued on a quarterly or half-yearly basis
until March 1, 1953.
Tlie following countries were represented on the
Committee: Australia, Belgium (representin<r
Benelux), Brazil, Canada, France, the Federal
Republic of Germany, India, Italy, Japan.
Mexico, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, Switzer-
land, the Union of South Africa, the United King-
dom, and the United States.
Aloy 71, 7953
Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography ^
Economic and Social Council
Report of the International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development. E/2360/Add.l, Mar. 12, 1953. 22 pp.
mimeo.
Inter-Governmental Organizations. Relations With In-
ter-Governmental Organizations. Report by the bec-
retary-General. E/2366, Feb. 17, 19.53. 21 pp. mimeo.
International Action for Conservation and Utilization of
Non-Agricultural Resources. Report by tlie Secre-
tary-General on activities under Council resolution
345 (XII). E/2367, Feb. 23, 1953. 8 pp. mimeo.
Inter-Agency Agreements and Agreements Between
Agencies and Other Inter-Governmental Organiza-
tions. Letter dated 16 February 1953 from the Di-
rector-General of Who to the Secretary-General.
E/2369, Feb. 24, 1953. 4 pp. mimeo.
Allegations Regarding Infringements of Trade Union
Rights Received Under Council Resolution 277 (X).
Observations of the Permanent Representative of
Greece to the United Nations on the communication
from the Federation of Greek Maritime Unions, Car-
diff, England (Document E/2333/Add.21). E/2371,
Feb. 27, 1953. 5 pp. mimeo.
United Nations Narcotics Laboratory. Note by the Sec-
retary-General. E/2372, Feb. 27, 1953. 9 pp. mimeo.
Technical Assistance for Economic Development Provided
Under General Assembly Resolution 200 (III). Note
by the Secretary-General. B/2375, Feb. 27, 1953.
8 pp. mimeo.
Inter-Governmental Organizations. Means for Further-
in"- the Completion of the International One-MiUionth
Map of the World. Report by the Secretary-General.
E/2376, Mar. 5, 1953. 36 pp. mimeo.
Plight of Survivors of Nazi Concentration Camps. Foiirtli
Progress Report by the Secretary-General. ti/2o<8.
Mar. 10, 1953. 6 pp. mimeo.
Economic Development of Under-Developed Countries:
Integrated Economic Development. Working paper
bv the Secretary-General (Council resolution 416 F
(XIV) ). E/23S4, Mar. 25, 1953. 30 pp. mimeo.
Notes on the Draft Annual Report of Ec.w'e to Eoosoc.
Statement submitted by Icftu Delegation in connec-
tion with the Annual Report of the Commission to
the Economic and Social Council. E/CN.ll/NGU/b,
Feb. 12, 1953. 4 pp. mimeo.
United Nations Opium Conference. Illicit Traffic m
Opium. Note by the Secretary-General. B/CONF.
14/9, Mar. 19, 1953. 19 pp. mimeo.
Additional Note to the Reports of the Committees [Eco-
nomic Commission for Europe] by the Executive Sec-
retary. B/ECE/15:3-H, Rev. 1, Feb. 12, 1953. 28
pp. mimeo.
Report of the International Children's Centre on the Work
of Its Services for the Year 1952. E/ICEF/216,
Jan. 30, 1953. 190 pp. mimeo.
• Printed materials may be secured in the United States
from the International Documents Service, C-olumbia
University Press, 2960 Broadway, New York 2r, N. 1.
Other materials (mimeographed or processed documents)
may be consulted at cerUiin designated libraries m the
United States. , ,. ^ ^ r^ta
The United Nations Secretariat has established an Olh-
clal Records series for the General A.ssembly. the Security
Council the Economic and Social Council, the Trustee.ship
Council, and the Atomic Energy Commission, which in-
cludes summaries of proceedings, resolutions, and reports
of the various commissions and committees. Information
on securing subscriptions to the series may be obtained
from the International Documents Service.
689
Reports of U.N. Command Operations in Korea ^
FIFTY-SEVENTH REPORT:
FOR THE PERIOD NOVEMBER 1-15, 1952
U.N. doc. 8/2970
Dated March 31. 1953
[Excerpts]
I herewith submit report number 57 of the United
Nations Command Operations in Korea for the period
1-15 November 1952, inclusive. United Nations Com-
mand communiques numbers 1420-1437 provide detailed
accounts of these operations.
The Armistice negotiations continued in recess.
In earl.v November two significant incidents occurred
which provided additional factual evidence that intel-
ligence activities within pro-Communist Prisoner of War
camixs were continuing with strong efforts being made
to maintain contact with outside agencies. In the pre-
dawn hours of 5 November, two North Korean Communist
Prisoners of War were apprehended while attempting to
escape from United Nations Prisoner of War Camp Num-
ber One, Koje-Do. Carefully sewed into the clothing of
one prisoner were six petitions addressed to North Korean
and Chinese officials ; a hand-drawn map of Korea ; a
map of Koje-Do indicating troop disposition of United
Nations Command securit.v forces, as seen from their
enclosure; a partial list of military units on Koje-I>o;
a diary of a Communist party member ; two homemade
flags, and a crude compass. The petitions followed
same type of Communist propaganda line which appeared
on flags and banners prior to decentralization of Pri.soner
of War population, which occurred at Koje-Do in June
1952. Fantastic accusations and threats against United
Nations Command were followed by appeals for help and
promises of continued harassing measures.
During an interrogation of a Prisoner of War at Koje-Do
who had escaped 17 October and was recaptured 19
November, the prisoner admitted he had delivered a
package containing coded documents and petitions of
type similar to that mentioned above to a pre-determined
individual at the Pusan railroad station. He was able
to identify his contact by a peculiar manner of dress and
three code word.s.
Transmitted to the Security Council bv the U.S rep-
resentative to the U.N. on Mar. 30. Text of the .TOth
report appeai-s in the Bulletin of i:>ec. 15, 1952, p 958"
the 51st and 52d reports, Dec, 29, 19,52. p. 1034 ; the 53d
report, .Jan. 26, 1953, p. 155; the 54th report, Feb. 9,
1953, p. 224 ; the .55th report, Feb. Iti, 1953, p. 27G ; and the
56th report. Mar. 2, 19.53, p. 348.
These efforts were obviously part of the overall net-
work which had been covertly l)Uilt up by Communist
agencies in North Korea to utilize captured personnel
in the United Nations Command's custody as a part
of their military objectives. A study prepared by the
United Nations Command and due for pulilic release in
January discusses the background of this subversive
movement and clearly establishes the control which Com-
munist negotiators exercised over a series of riots and
incidents of violence which have occurred in the United
Nations C(m]mand camps during the past year. Many
of these incidents have been of a nature or on a scale
requiring suppression by force with resultant deaths and
injuries. The Communists have used every opportunity
to propagandize such outlireaks. The connection between
incidents and tlieir propaganda exploitation is by no
means accidental. While details of this phase of war
which the Communists wage in United Nations Com-
mand camps will shortly be known, the conclusions, ar-
rived at after exhaustive research, are of particular
interest.
From the Koje-Do outbreak came the confirmation
that the Communist high command, undeterred by pro-
vi.sions of the Geneva Convention or any other humane
considerations, would use every means, including murder,
to maintain its hold on those of its personnel captured
by the other side and to expend them in whatever actions
would hurt or weaken the enemy. A Communist Pris-
oner of War therefore, had to be regarded by the Com-
munist not as a passive human being in need of care and
protection until he could be returned to his home but as
still an active soldier determined to fight on in whatever
way his leaders dictated.
This warfare through prisoners did not require that
they possess arms in enough strength to overwhelm their
guards and enter into large scale military operations.
They were to break out if they could and join the nearest
irregulars, but they were told this in an attempt to fire
their imaginations, rather than in expectation of accom-
]ilishment. ililitary olijectives would lie served no less,
the Conununist high command thought, if they created
incidents which would make it necessary for their guards
to u.se force against Prisoners of War. resulting in deaths
and injuries which could be represented to peoples in
both Communist and free countries as convincing evi-
dence of the "brutality" and "inhumanity" of the United
Nations Command and especially of the United States.
The loss of Communist lives — as many hundreds or even
690
Deparfment of State Bulletin
thousands of them as might be necessary — was a small
price to pay for gaining propaganda material to accom-
plish two purposes; first, to turn free world opinion
against the United States and thereby to weaken U.S.
leadership in the resistance to Communism; and. second.
to unify pul)lic opinion in Communist lands against the
United Nations cause.
Over the years, the Communists had become very fa-
miliar with the effect on public opinion of reports,
whether true or false, of Inhumane treatment of human
beings. Though by no means moved, except to be even
more secretive about it, by disclosures of their own wide-
spread and flagrant disregard for the dignity of the
human individual and sanctity of his life, they had seen
time and again the horrified reaction of even many of
their own friends in non-Communist countries. The
leveling of similar charges against opponents became a
standard practice in their own propaganda. When they
had nothing concrete on which to base such propaganda,
they manufactured something, such as the germ-warfare
hoax against the United Nations Command in Korea.
The mission required of the Communist prisoners on
Koje-Do was to provide a better propaganda base of
this kind and such importance was attached to it that
no efforts were spared to build up a fantastically elaborate
organization in the Prisoner of War compounds.
Enlightened by this knowledge, the United Nations
Command moved swiftly to block Ck)mmunist warfare
through the Koje-Do prisoners. Prisoners who were
confirmed Communists, as indicated by their readiness to
return to Communist territory, were disisersed into
smaller and more easily handled groups on Koje-Do and
nearby islands. Compounds were built for an average
of 500 to 6(X) men. A much stricter regime was instituted.
Compound inspections by camp authorities were more
frequent, including thorough searches for contraband.
Security forces were strengthened. In some places, to
reduce the opportunity for clandestine activities, a cur-
few was enforced from 1900 to 0.")00 hours. Intelligence
systems were expanded to gain fuller information as to
what was going on in the compounds and especially to
identify subversive leaders.
To make it more difficult for the Communist prisoners
to receive and send messages from and to the high com-
mand in North Korea a native village and isolated
civilian homes which formerly sheltered agents, were
moved out of the camp area on Koje-Do. Steps were
taken to prevent the carrying of oral instructions by
agents disgui.sed as soldiers who surrendered at the
front. Use of Prisoner of War hospitals as the internal
communications center for transmission of messages be-
tween compounds and enclosures was broken up, and the
establishment of a substitute center was made next to
impossible.
Despite these measures and others permissible under
the Geneva Convention, it was apparent that Communist
Prisoner of War leaders were still organized, and were
capable of continuing their warfare against the United
Nations Command. The timing of outbreaks to syn-
chronize with developments in the armistice negotiations
or elsewhere would be handicapped by the loss of com-
munications, but the leaders among the prisoners were
May II, 1953
well enough acquainted with the purposes and methods
of the party and the army command to know without
further instructions, that incidents at any time could be
exploited. Constant and close surveillance might deprive
prisoners of the advantage of surprise, but there can be
no guarantee that control measures now in force will
prevent the fanatical Communist leaders from throwing
away the lives of those they dominate.
Throughout the remainder of the Prisoner of War
Command scattered incidents occurred in pro-Communist
camps similar to those which have been experienced
during the past several months. There were no such
incidents in the anti-Communist camps.
Except for a few hundred individuals still hospitalized
and undergoing medical treatment at the United Nations
Command Hoi5pital, Pusan, all of the 11,000 civilian
internees included in Operation Thanksgiving were re-
leased from custody, and were being resettled in the
civilian economy of the Republic of Korea.
Through the medium of radio and leaflets, detailed in-
formation on developments in the United Nations General
Assembly was made available to peoples Uving under
Communist tyranny in North Korea. In these radio
broadcasts and leaflets the United Nations endeavor to
achieve an armistice in Korea and lasting peace through-
out the world was kept in the foreground. United Nations
Command proposals at Panmunjom and United Nations
Command readiness to discuss constructive Communist
proposals were reiterated in daily informational output.
Meanwhile, the Communist leaders have attempted to
instill in the peoples under their control the belief that
the recess in negotiations constitutes a final break-off.
Rear Admiral B. Hall Hanlon, United States Navy, on
10 November was announced as Assistant Chief of Staff,
J-5 (Civil Affairs), United Nations Command, effective
with the establishment of the .Toint Staff. Admiral
Hanlon has served in Korea as the Deputy Commander for
Civil Affairs, Korean Communications Zone, and as the
Commander in Chief's United Nations Command rep-
resentative on the Combined Economic Board in Korea.
Admiral Hanlon will continue as the Commander in Chief's
United Nations Command representative on the Combined
Economic Board in addition to his function as Assistant
Chief of Staff, J-5 for Civil Affairs.
Under the terms of the Economic Coordination Agree-
ment of May 24, 19.52, the United States Government
on 7 November paid .$17,987,671.43 to the Republic of
Korea. This amount represented a $4,000,000 monthly
payment on account for won expended for bonaflde mil-
itary uses, June through September inclusive, together
with payment for won sold to troops during period May
throu.gh August inclusive. To date three such payments
have been made to the Republic of Korea, totaling
$65,638,209.07.
Preliminary results of the crop survey conducted to
estimate the Republic of Korea rice crop for the current
food year indicate that approximately thirteen million
suk of brown rice will be produced (1 suk=5.12 bushels).
This figure is reported by the United Nations Command
members of the crop survey team; Republic of Korea
members have not as yet released their estimates. Dur-
691
ing tht period 11)4044 the auiiual average rice production
was ia,718,51G sulj, and during the period 1946-50 the an-
nual average was 14,145,444 suk. By comparison with
these figures for previous years, the estimate for tliis
year's crop shows that the Republic of Korea rice produc-
tion will be approximately normal.
The lirst class of Itepublic of Korea merchant seamen
will arrive on 17 November at Yoliosuka, Japan, for mer-
chant marine training to be conducted by the United Na-
tions Command. The students will be housed and
subsisted on a cargo barge converted at a cost of $48,000
for the purpose. The program provides for training of
480 Republic of Korea seamen during the next twelve
months. Classes will consist of forty students and will
be of thirty days duration.
FIFTY-EIGHTH REPORT:
FOR THE PERIOD NOVEMBER 16^30, 1952
U.N. doc. S/2971
Dated March 31. 1953
[Excerpts]
I herewith sul)mit report number 58 of the United
Nations Command Operations in Korea for the period
16-30 November 19.52, inclusive. T'nited Nations Com-
mand communiques numbers 1438-1449 provide detailed
aocount.s of these operations.
Armistice negotiations continued in recess. On the
20th of November 1952 the Senior United Nations Com-
mand delegate again requested the Communists to permit
captured personnel in their custody to receive individual
parcels through the mail exchange which is now in opera-
tion. The letter which the Communists have Ignored is
quoted :
On 6 October 1952 I addressed a letter to you requesting
that your side i>ermit our captured personnel in yuur
custody to receive individual parcels through the mail
exchange which is now in operation. The United Nations
Command further offered the same facilities for the
captured personnel of your side whom we hold in custody.
In an effort to simplify the administrative handling
by your side and to expedite delivery of these parcels, I
further offered for your consideration an easy and work-
able plan which would not impose any exceptional burden
on your logistic capabilities. Although our proposal was
fully bilateral and based solely on the humanitarian mo-
tive of bringing some measure of comfort to the captured
personnel of both sides, you have to (late failed even to
acknowledge receipt of my communication.
As I have previously pointed out, the approach of
winter and the hardships imposed by cold weather make
it particularly desirable to take all possible steps at this
time to enable the captured personnel of l)oth sides to
receive relief parcels. Further, the nearness of the holi-
day and New Year seasons, which many of the captured
personnel of both sides customarily observe as a period
of special spiritual and familiar siunificance. makes it
especially appropriate that these deliveries should be
undertaken with mininuun delay. Since it is clearly the
right of prisoners of « ar under the Geneva Convention to
receive individual parcels. It is inconceivable that vou
should continue to deny the prisoners of both sides "the
simple and harmless benefits of the exchange of parcels
which I again propose.
I reiterate tliat the United Nations Command is pre-
pared to implement our part of this proposal without
delay. Again I express my sincere hope for vour early
and favorable reply.
692
There were no other developments in the armistice nego-
tiations during the jieriod.
In tile few scattered incidents which occurred in pro-
Communist Prisoner of War camps no particular trend
could be discerned other than that of pure harassment.
At Koje-do, on 25 November, three prisoners of war of
one inclosure assaulted without provocation an unarmed
United States aid man at the Inclosure aid station and
then fled to their compound. Orders which were issued
immediately by camp authorities for the three prisoners
responsible to report to the inclosure command post were
refused and two platoons of trained Republic of Korea
Army Infantry entered the compound and removed the i
three offenders. During the forcible segregation of these i
individuals, twenty-nine prisoners were slightly injured.
About fifteen minutes after this first incident a similar i
one occurred in another Inclosure when three prisoners i
of a group of thirt.v-five who were on a work detail as-
saulted, again without provocation, a United States work
supervisor. After the work detail returned to their in-
closure a United States Infantry platoon entered the in-
closure service yard and disijersed the work detail which
was then displaying an obviously defiant attitude. The
three prisoners of war who had committed the assault
were removed.
The camp authorities at Koje-do reixjrted that incidents
of this type would probably continue for a period of
several days as part of carefuUy planned violence. In-
formation, as yet incomplete, had been uncovered which
indicated that prisoner groups had been ordered by sub-
versive elements to create incidents while International
Committee of the Red Cross delegates were at Koje-do
on a routine inspection and visit.
Repeated radio and leaflet warnings were employed to
Inform North Korea civilians of impending United Na-
tions Command air attacks on military targets and to
urge them to evacuate their families to safety. The ef-
fects of the campaign are considerable in spite of Com-
munist efforts to prevent these humanitarian warnings
from reaching the people.
United Nations devotion to peace in a world threat-
ened by Communist aggression was reiterated. Maximum
dissemination was given to Information concerning United
Nations functions and development, stressing the identi-
fication of the United Nations with peace and human
rights. Reports Indicate that the people of North Korea
receive only a distorted picture of the United Nations
through the enemy's controlled propaganda channels.
The estimated dollar value of civil assistance to Korea
for the period 1 July 19.50 to 31 October 1952, totals
$577,926,319. Approximately 96 per cent of this amount
has been contril)uted by the United States, including
$32S,13(>,0S8 for supplies and equipment and an esti-
mated $225,000,000 in services. United Nations members
and other free nations contributed $11,628,831, United
States voluntary agencies $10,797,874 and United Nations
voluntary agencies $2,3a3.52G. A total of thirty-four
countries, four United Nations voluntary agencies and
twenty-six United States voluntary agencies are now par-
ticipating in the Korean Aid Program. As contributing
countries, Thailand led with an estimated dollar value
Department of State Bulletin
of $4,36S,(M)() ill lice. The Philippines were second with
$1,875,408 in rice, and Nationalist Cliina third with
$617,loO ill relief supplies. The American Relief for
Korea, Inc., gave the larf:est non-goveninieutal coutri-
liUtion, totaling $3,871,145. The War Relief Service of
the National Catholic Welfare Conference was second
with $3,(il.'3,4!)2.
At the 10 November meeting of the Combined Economic
Board, a joint proposal was made for the free allocation
of veterinary drugs and supplies to establish and main-
tain 200 veterinar.v clinics in Korea for six months.
These clinics will lie established at the National Veteri-
nar.v Institute, two Veterinar.v Colleges, one High School,
several livestock Breeding Stations, and in each major
cit.v area throughout tlie Republic of Korea, to treat
animal disease and con.serve livestock. It is estimated
that in six months' time the clinics will be able to begin
paying an increasing percentage of the cost of supplies.
A Seminar-workshop program currently is being held
in Pusan for 180 educators from all Republic of Korea
provinces. Conducted by members of the American Edu-
cation Mission, the seminars cover five major areas of
education, including teaching and learning; fundamental
philosophy of education; administration, and child de-
velopment and guidance. The six members of the
American Education Mission, who were recruited for the
Unitarian Services Committee, will spend nine months in
Korea on a technical assistance program.
An appropriation of $1,84.5,000 has been made by United
Nations Korea Reconstruction Agency for the orphan's
program. Projects to be financed by this appropriation
have been prepared by the .Joint United Nations Civil
Assistance Command Korea-United Nations Korean Re-
construction Agency-Republic of Korea Child Welfare
Committee, which was established on 6 October for the
purpose of studying, analyzing and coordinating child
welfare plans and activities. Three projects have been
proposed, which include the establishment of a child
welfare center and a rational model and training institu-
tion in each province ; extension and improvement of the
best existing educational institutions, and the establish-
ment of three vocational training institutions.
FIFTY-NINTH REPORT:
FOR THE PERIOD DECEMBER 1 15, 1952
U.N. doc. S/2972
Dated March 31, 1953
[Excerpts]
I herewith submit report number 59 of the United Na-
tions Command Operations in Korea for the periixl 1-15
December 1952, inclusive. United Nations Command
communiques numbers 1450-1464 provide detailed ac-
counts of these operations.
There were no meetings of the Armistice Delegations as
the negotiations continued in recess. Developments in
the United Nations General Assembly were followed
closely as possibly leading to the resumption of the nego-
tiations. The rejection of the Indian resolution by the
Chinese <'ommunist and North Korean authorities made it
appear tliat the Communists will continue to insist on an
Armistice on Iheir own terms, and that they will con-
tinue to demand the repatriation of all prisoners of war.
The numlier of inciilents in the pro-communist ijrisoner
of war camps which occurred during the prece<ling .several
weeks continued to increase. On 0 Decenilier 19.o2, the
prisoner of war command rciMirted indications that plans
were being formulated for a mass outbreak within the
United Nations Command prisoner of war and internee
camps. Coded documents had been intercepted in sev-
eral of the compounds. The code was broken by tlie
authorities and the documents disclosed plans for mass
break. The code appeared to be common throughout the
main camp and the lu-ancli camp areas, indicating that
the plan was centrally directed. The date and the time
that these plans were to be operative was not known.
An investigation was initiated at once. All camp com-
manders were acquainted with the situation and were
directed to take every precaution to negate any attempt
by the internees to put such plans into effect. Eight days
after the first reports became available, the plot matured
into violence. At noon on December 14, reports came to
the commander of the camp that internees in two of the
camp conqKiunds were massing. It was evident that im-
mediate action was necessary to prevent the rioters from
lireaking out of their compounds and inciting their fel-
lows in the six other compounds to attempt similar action.
The compouxid commander, with a small detachment of
United States and Republic of Korea guards, had to act
at once to prevent many hundreds of internees from break-
ing out of their compounds and inviting pitched battles.
The necessity for using force to repress inspired and
centrally directed outbursts of fanatical violence by pris-
oners is, at times, unavoidable. That such unavoidable
use of force should result in casualties is no evidence that
force was not required. The communist authorities have
no regard for human life. This is evidenced by their fre-
quent exploitation of their own prisoners of war by inspir-
ing them to a state of fanatical disregard of their own
lives. The prisoner of war disturbances caused by the
Communists are directed towards embarrassing the United
Nations Command and aimed at reaping propaganda bene-
fits, particularly if the United Nations Command can be
forced into a situation where force must be used to control
the prisoners of war. On the military siile, the prisoner
of war disturbances are designed to divert United Nations
Command Forces from front-line duty.
lu all of the camps housing anti-Communist prisoners
of war there were no incidents during this periotl, and
interior administration and gradual improvement of
facilities continued at a satisfactory rate.
Developments in the United Nations General Assembly
relating to the Indian proposal for resolving the pris-
oner repatriation issue were reported extensively in in-
formational media directed to enemy troojis and to North
Korean civilians. In connection with the Indian proposal.
United Nations Command efforts to achieve peace in
Korea and United Nations Command determination to
adhere to the humanitariaxi principle of non-forcible
repatriation were reiterated.
May J?, J953
693
Demilitarization of Jammu and Kashmir
FIFTH REPORT BY THE U. N. REPRESENTATIVE FOR INDIA AND PAKISTAN
On March 27 Frank P. Graham, U. N. represent-
ative for India and Pakistan, transmitted to the
Secretary-General his fifth report to the Security
Council (U. N. doc. S/2967)/ In the report,
Mr. Graham reviewed the suggestions made by
him in his efforts to assist the two Governments to
reach an agreement on the demilitarization of
Jannnu and Kashmir, including the latest explora-
tory suggestions made at Geneva.
Pait I of the report I'eviews suggestions regard-
ing proposal 7 of the 12 proposals for an agree-
ment on demilitarization; Part II (not printed
here) points out the values of inducting the Plebi-
scite Administrator into office at an early fixed
time; Part III (not printed here) refers to assur-
ances regarding the August 18, 1948, and January
5, 1949 resolutions; Part IV (a portion of whicli is
printed here) summarizes the negotiations since
the meeting of the Security Council on December
23, 1952; Part V emphasizes the importance to the
people of the State, the two nations, and the world
of an agreement on the Kashmir dispute. Five
annexes (not printed here) are attached to the
report.
U.N. doc. S 2967
Dated March 27, 1953 [Excerpts]
an effort to discover whether there were circumstances
under which one or the other of these positions could be-
come the basis of an agreement, the United Nations Repre-
sentative made certain suggestions to the two Governments
as a basis for their negotiation.
The first proposals were made on 7 September 1951.'
Proposal seven read as follows :
"7. Agree that the demilitarization shall be carried out
in such a way that at the end of the period referred to in
paragraph 6 above the situation will be : i
A. Oil the Pahistan side of the cease-fire line: "
(i) the tribesmen and Pakistan nationals not normally
resident therein who had entered the State for the purpose
of fighting will have been withdrawn ; p
(ii) The TaUistau troops will have been withdrawn |i
from the State, and j
(iii) large-scale disbandment and disarmament of the
Azad Kashmir forces will have taken place.
B. On the Indian side of the cease-fire line:
(i) the bulk of the Indian forces in the State will have
been withdrawn ;
(ii) further withdrawals or reductions, as the case may
be, of the Indian and State Armed forces remaining in the
State after the completion of the operation referred to in
B (i) above will have been carried out ;
so that at the end of the period referred to in paragraph
6 above there will remain on the present Pakistan side of
the cease-fire line a force of Civil Armed Forces,
and on the Indian side of the cease-fire line a force of
Number and Character of Forces
A. The Suggestions on Proposal Seven Regarding The
Nuinher and, Character of Forces
Early in his consultations with the two Governments on
the sub-continent in .luly and August 19.51, the United
Nations Representative found ( 1 ) that the (iovernraent of
India maintained that there should remain in the terri-
tory to be evacuated by the Pakistan army a civil force;
and (2) that the Government of Pakistan maintained
that after withdrawals and reductions there should, in
general, be a military balance on the respective sides. In
' For excerpts from the 1st report, see Bulletin of Nov.
.5, in.-.l, p. 788 ; from the I'd, ihid.. Jan. 14, 10.'52, p. .52 ; from
the Md. ihid., May 5, 19.52, p. 712; and from the 4th, ibid.,
Oct. 2I>, T.C.2, p. G2G.
In resixinse to this proposal, the Prime Minister of
India, on 11 September 1951, stated inter alia:
". . . the Government of India will retain on their side
of the cease-fire line in Jammu and Kashmir, One Line of
Comnninication Area Headquarters and One Infantry
Division (normal) but of four brigades of four battalions
each," at the end of the period agreed upon in terms of
paragraphs G and '.) of tlie proposals, provided that the
operations described in paragraph 7.A (i) (ii| and (iii)
of the proposals have been completed by the end of that
period. Thus much more than the "bulk of Indian forces
in the State" will have been withdrawn and I wish to
emphasize that the forces left behind will be wholly
inadequate to resist any large-scale aggression. Effec-
tive measures to prevent such aggression will, it is pre-
sumed, be taken by Pakistan."
■Ibid.. Nov. .-), 19.51. p. 740.
' Interpreted by India to be in the order of 28,000 men.
694
Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin
The Prime Minister of India in the same letter further
stated :
"\s regards the Civil Armed Forces to be maintained
on the Pakistan side of the cease-fire line at the end of
the period agreed upon in terms of paragraph 6 and
•paragraph 9, the Government of India would agree to a
force^of 4,000. organized, equipped and composed as recom-
mended to UNCir in C of the memorandum transmi^tted
to Dr Lozano under cover of letter No. 24S-PASG/49
dated 13 April 1949, by their Secretary-General in the
Jliaistry of External Affairs.'"
The Prime Minister of Pakistan on 12 September 1951
stated, inter alia, that his Government
consider that a force of not more than four in-
fantry battalions (with the necessary administrative
units)" should remain on each side of the cease-fire line
at the end of the demilitarization programme envisaged
in paragraph 7. These figures are based on a careful con-
sideration of all relevant factors such as, area, terrain,
size and distribution of population on the two sides of
' the cease-flre line.
' "The Pakistan Government are, however, of the view
I that so long as the forces on each side of the cease-fire
line are of the order indicated above, some slight difference
in the strength or description of the two forces should not
: stand in the way of an agreement being reached."
I In his statement to the Security Council on 17 January
I 1952, the United Nations Representative summarized the
positions of the two Governments as follows :
". . . it should be noted that, as a result of three in-
formal exploratorv discussions at military level, India
agreed to withdraw an additional 7,000 of its armed
forces This would bring the Indian and State armed
forces down to 21,000, exclusive of the State Militia of
6 000 which it seems would be a proportion of perhaps
over 7.0 per cent of the Indian and State armed forces
present in the State at the time of the cease-fire on
1 January 1949.
"The Representative of Pakistan indicated that any pro-
portionate reduction, however heavy, would be matched
on the Pakistan-Azad Kashmir side of the cease-fire line
as an inter-dependent part of a continuous process m the
proposed programme of demilitarization.
"The official replies of India and Pakistan to the basic
questions asked bv the United Nations Representative
made formal the wide differences between the two Gov-
ernments on the most basic questions.
"With the additional reduction of 7,000 armed forces,
India held the position that at the end of the period of
demilitarization there should be on the Indian side of the
fine 21,000 Indian and State armed forces, exclusive of
the State Mihtia of 6,000, and there should be on the other
side of the line a civil armed force of 2,000 and an unarmed
civil force of 2,000. half of whom were to be followers of
Azad Kashmir and half of whom were not to be followers
of Azad Kashmir, as specified above.
"Pakistan maintained that at the end of the period of
demilitarization there should be approximately 4,000
armed forces on each side of the cease-fire line, but for
the sake of an agreement would accept a slight disparity
in favour of India.
"The wide difference in the number of armed forces
proposed by tlie two Governments to be left on each side
of the cease-fire line at the end of the period of demilitari-
zation made it clear that no agreement could be reached
on Proposal 7 at this time."
In his Second Report the United Nations Representative
suggested for the consideration of the parties that pro-
' This memorandum states that half of this force should
be armed and half unarmed ; half should be followers of
Azad Kashmir and half not followers of Azad Kashmir.
' In the order of 4,000 men.
May 7], 1953
Iiosal seven should be revi.sed to provide that at the end of
the demilitarization period : '
". . . there will remain on each side of the cease-fire
line the lowest possible number of armed forces based in
proportion on the number of armed forces existing on each
side of the cease-fire line on 1 January 1949".
Following this proposal a wide difference in the posi-
tions of the two Governments on proposal seven still
persisted regarding the number and character of forces
to be left at the end of tlie period of demilitarization.
In view of the continuing differences between tlie two
Governments, the United Nations Representative believed
it might be useful if he made suggestions on numbers for
the consideration of the parties in their negotiations.
In July 1052 the United Nations Representative sug-
gested for the consideration of the two Governments that
they attempt to agree on figures within the brackets of
3,000 to 6,000 armed forces on the territory to be evacuated
by the Pakistan Army, and Indian army forces of 12,000
to 18,000 on tlie Indian side. These figures did not include
either the 3,500 Gilgit and Northern Scouts in the evac-
uated territory or the 6,000 State Militia on the Indian
side.
In the Geneva Conference in September 1952 the United
Nations Representative suggested the definite figures of
6,000 and 18.000 for the respective sides, exclusive of the
Scouts and the State Militia. This suggestion was fol-
lowed by the suggestion that criteria be established by
which definite figures might be agreed upon at a military
conference to be held after the signing of a truce agree-
ment.
No agreement having been reached between the two
Governments at the Geneva Conference or during the
meetings of the Security Council held in October, Novem-
ber and December 1952, the United Nations Representa-
tive, in the Conference held in Geneva in February 1953,
referred to in Part IV below, suggested that the Govern-
ments consider for discussion the proposal mentioned
therein.
While during the negotiations on paragraph seven there
has been some narrowing of the gap between the positions
of the two Governments on the question of the number
and character of the forces to remain on each side of the
cease-fire line at the end of the period of demilitarization,
a substantial difference in position still remains.
B. The United Nations Representative, as a Mediator, has
made a Series of Siigf/estions in an Attempt to Determine
whether a Basis can be found for an Agreement hetween
the two Governments on the Character and Numher of
Forces
The United Nations Representative makes no preferen-
tial brief for the lower figures of 3,000 to 12,000 or the
higher figures of 6,000 to 21,000. As a mediator whose
responsibility has been to keep striving for an agreement
he has hoped that a basis for the negotiation of an agree-
ment might be found. He hoped, for example, that the
figures 6,000 and 18,000 with the accompanying provisions
would be found adequate for fulfilling the respective
functions : in the evacuated territory, of preserving law
and order and the cease-fire line from violations ; and on
the Indian side of the line, of preserving law and order
and the cease-fire line from violations, including meeting
the needs in relation to defence.
In the belief that there will be no deliberate and re-
sponsible violation of the cease-fire line from either side,
it is nevertheless important that there be alertness on
both sides of the line against the possibility of attempted
violation by any possible irresponsible elements.
It appears obvious that India under the two resolutions
has some larger responsibilities on her side of the cease-
fire line than the local authorities have in the evacuated
territory on the other side of the cease-fire line.
' Bulletin of Jan. 14. 1952, p. 54.
695
Withmit reeoKnition of tlip Azad Kashmir Government
and without prejudice to the sovereignty of the SfUe it
also appears obvious, by the nature of the ceasp-lire line
and the temporary exercise of the necessary and useful
functions of the local authorities, that (wi"th the with-
drawal of the tribesmen and of the Pakistani nationals
not normally resident therein who entered the State for
the purpose of fighting, and with the withdrawal of the
Pakistan army and authority and the large scale disarm-
ing and disbanding of the Azad Kashmir forces) there
should be in the evacuated territory effective local au-
thorities and effective armed forces. In the -\zad
Kashmir territory these armed forces would be organized
out of the reraa,nder of the Azad Kashmir forces without
armour or aitUlery, and thereafter would be commanded
by local officers under the local authorities, under the
surveillance of the United Nations
Proposal seven takes on much added significance because
of the Plebiscite Administrator into office at a "finite
time as provided in proposal ten of the twelve proposals
Conference in Geneva from 4 to 19 February 1953'
The Conference in Geneva may be divided into two dif-
ferent stages as follows :
'\'q/?"'"^^T'^*'''"* °^ ^^^^-P '-esolutio^is of 13 August
19J,8 and 5 January 1949
FeIrnnrfio-'^''''*T^ °^ ^^^ Conference took place on 4
rVnri ; i ^''^ =«(! was Confined to discussion of the proce-
dure to be followed. The United Nations Representative
made a statement in which he stated, inter alia
tio'n n^'i'hi'^ like to propose that we start with the examina-
tion of the resolution of 13 August 1948, Part bv Part In
ha^ 'drJJv r"'' '^^T"""'' t" ^^^t extent the resolution
has aheady been implemented, and define, as completely
as possible, the obstacles which have until now Zpeded
the implementation of those parts which have not yet beln
carried into effect. I hope that with regard to each of
such obs acles it will be possible for the Governments
concerned to indicate the conditions under wh'ch he
obstacles might be removed."
It was agreed that,
of P.^rt r'^'rpor'fi "" rV'^' ^^'^'f ^""^ ^^« consideration
TiMr.™/, !!'"'*'■*''''' '^''''"> "f the resolution of the
Uncip of 13 August 194S, followed by Part II (Truce
Agreement) of that resolution, and
(6) the discussion of Part II would be initiated with
consideration of paragraph A, sub-paragraphs 1 and -^
and paragraph B, sul^paragraphs 1 and 2, and then Tf
mrr.rTnh T'" r^''^"" "" ''"'"" P°'°t^' examination of
woull^at-piacf "''''"■''^"■'^^' '' =""' ^' -^-P-'agraph 3,
The representative., of India and Pakistan, assuming that
Pait I (Cease-fire Order) of the Uncip's 13 August 1948
P?;t"r'\';f l>,r '-I'lemented, began discus^on of
rart n Attei the two representatives had exijressed
»ieir ponits of view, it was agreed that the discussion
won ,1 be confined at least in the initial stages to the
miplementation of Part II (Truce Agreemeift) of the
Uncip resolution of 13 August 1948. The discussion was
confined to paragraph A, sub-paragraphs 1 and 2 and
paragraph B, sub-paragraphs 1 and 2, which read as
' Sir Gir.ia Shankar Ba.ipai headed the Indian delegation
P,k?.^r'*V ^'^ ,Z.«f»"'''h Khan, Foreign Minister of
1 .ikistan, headed his country's delegation.
696
(Uncip's Resolution of 13 August 1948)
"Part II
"Truce agreement
■ ■ ■ A.
■•1. As the presence of troops of Pakistan in the terri-'
tory of the State of .Tammu and Kashmir constitutes a
material change in the situation since it was represented
by the Government of Pakistan before the Security Coun-
cil, the Government of Pakistan agrees to withdraw its'
troops from that State.
"2. The Government of Pakistan will use its best en-
deavour to secure the withdrawal from the State of'
.lammu and Kashmir of tribesmen and Pakistani nationals'
not normally resident therein who have entered the Statp'
for the purpose of fighting." ... '
B. j
"1. When the Commission shall have notified the Gov-'
ernment of India that the tribesmen and Pakistani na-
tionals referred to in part II, A, 2 hereof have withdrawn
thereby terminating the situation which was represented
by the Government of India to the Security Council a.s
having occasioned the presence of Indian forces in the!
State of .Tammu and Kashmir, and further, that the Paki-'
stani forces are being withdrawn from the State of .Tammu
and Kashmir, the Government of India agrees to begin ,
to withdraw the bulk of its forces from that State in
stages to be agreed up<in with the Commission
"2. Peniling the acceptance of the conditions for a final
settlement of the situation in the State of Jammu and
Kashmir, the Indian Government will maintain within
the lines existing at the moment of the cease-fire the
minimum strength of its forces which in agreement with
the Commission are considered necessary to assist the '
local authorities in the observance of law and order The :
Commission will have observers stationed where it deems I
neces.sary." i
The positions of India and Pakistan in regard to the !
imrilenientation of this part of the resolution were sum-
marized by the two representatives as follows :
India I
"As regards the implementation of B. 1 and '> of Part II I
of the Resolution of the 13th August, 1948, India's p<isition
IS that the Azad Kashmir forces cannot be differentiated I
from the Pakistan Army of which thev are, for all prac-
tical purjiosps, an integral part, and t'hat their numbers,
equipment and efiicieney constitute a threat to the secu-
rity of the State. The implementation, therefore bv '
Pakistan of A. 1 and 2 of Part II of the resolution will I
not materially diminish this threat which is aggravated I
by the ease with which, owing to the proximity of Paki-
stan s military cantonments, these forces could be quickly '
reinforced by the Pakistan army. So long as agreem,'nt
regarding the complete disbanding and disarming of the ;
Azad Kashmir forces is not reached, a truce agreement
cannot create 'the conditions for a final settlement of '
the situation in the State of Jammu and Kashmir.' India
IS, therefore, unable to accept any reduction of its present
forces except as part of an overall arrangement which
includes not only the withdrawal of Pakistan troops, '<
tribesmen and Pakistan nationals not normally resident '
in the State who have entered for the purpose of fighting
but also agreement on the measures to be adopted for the
complete dLslianding and disarming of the Azad Kashmir
forces.
Pakistan
"It will be seen that under the Resolution the with-
drawal of Pakistan troops is contingent upon the with-
drawal of the 'bulk' of the Indian Army (Clau.se B (1)).
The Uncip had explaine<] that 's.vnclironization of the
withdrawal of the armed forces of the two Governments
will be arranged between the respective High Commands
and the Commission.' (Vide paragraph 10 of Appendix I
Department of State Bulletin
to the Commission's letter dated 27th August 1948 to
the Foreign Minister of Pakistan).
•■It was reafHrmed by the Pakistan Delegation on 5
February 1953 that once a satisfactory truce agreement
bised on the above principles was arrived at, the Govern-
ment of Pakistan would proceed to fulflU all the obliga-
tions that devolved on it.
••The problem thus resolved itself into one of securing
India's agreement to withdraw the 'bulk' of Its forces
from the State of Jammu and Kashmir as provided for
in Part II of the 13th August 19-18 resolution."
The results of the meetings and conversations with the
representatives separately on this approach led the United
Nations Representative to the conclusion that agreement
was not possible at that time between the two <'Overn-
meuts on a truce agreement based solely on Part II of
the 13 August 1948 resolution and it appeared to him that
the .same difficulties that existed as early as 1949 were
still the main obstacles in the way of carrying out the
commitments embodied in Part II. ^ , v.
The United Nations Representative did not teei he
could continue this approach as the figures of troops
proposed by the Government of India for the withdrawal
of the bulk of their Army were not such as he could
sponsor with Pakistan ; nor were the figures suggested by
Pakistan negotiable with India. _
It was clear to the United Nations Representative, that
thi-^ approach would not lead to any fruitful result and,
in accordance with the terms of reference agreed upon
between the two Governments for the Conference, fur-
ther consideration of the twelve proposals ensued.
(2) Further consideration of the 12 pi-oposals
As the United Nations Representative has pointed out
and as it was borne out in the last discussions in the Se-
curitv Council, the main problem under the programme
of demilitarization was tlie question dealt with under
paragraph 7 of his 12 propo.sals, that is to say, the number
and character of forces to remain on each side of the
cease-fire line at the end of a period of demilitarization.
The United Nations Representative, having met sepa-
rately with the representatives of India and Pakistan
to discuss with each their positions on this important
matter, presented on 14 February 19.53 to the two repre-
sentatives for discussion, proposals which contained,
inter alia, in paragraph 7 specific figures for the forces
on each side of the cease-fire line at the end of the period
of demilitarization. The revised text of paragraph 7 read
as follows :
"Agree that the demilitarization shall be carried out in
such a way that at the end of the period referred to in
paragraph 6 above the situation will be :
A. On the Pakistan side of the cease-fire line:
(i) the tribesmen and Pakistan nationals not normally
resident therein who had entered the State for the pur-
pose of fighting will have been withdrawn ;
(ii) the Pakistan troops will have been withdrawn
from the State ;
(iii) large-scale disbanding and disarming of the Azad
Kashmir forces will have taken place; so that at the end
of the period of demilitarization there shall remain an
armed force of 6,000. This force will have been separated
from the administrative and operational command of the
Pakistan High Command in accordance with para-
graph 9. It will have no armour or artillery.
B. On the Indian side of the cease-fire line:
(i) the bulk of the Indian forces in the State will have
been withdrawn ;
(ii) further withdrawals or reductions, as the case may
be, of the Indian and State armed forces remaining in the
State after the completion of the operation referred to m
B (i) above will have been carried out : so that at the end
of the i)eriod of demilitarization there shall be an Indian
May II, 1953
army force of 21,000 including State armed forces. This
force will be without armour or artillery."
The positions of the representatives of India and
Pakistan on these proposals were set forth in their com-
munications of 17 February 1953 and, in substance, stated
the following :
India
(1) The Government of India had no comments on
paragraphs 1 to 6, (S and the provisional clause.
(2) As regards paragrai)h 7 tlie Government of India
had no comments on A (i) and (ii) and B (i) and (ii).
On the question of ,\zad Kashmir forces referred to in
paragraph A (iii) the Government of India was imable to
agree to the retention of any militai-y forces in the
so-called Azad Kashmir territory.
(3) In the opinion of the Government of India the
function of preventing violations of the cease-fire line on
the Azad Kashmir side could be effectively performed by
a civil armed force to the formation of which they had
already agreed (2,000 armed, 2,000 unarmed). However,
in order to meet the United Nations Representative's point
regarding the neces.sity of an adequate force to prevent
infringement of the cease-fire line from the Azad Kashmir
side, the Government of India was willing to agree to
some increase in the numbers of the propo.sed Civil Armed
force and also to the equipment of the armed section of
this force with such weapons as may be considered suit-
able to assure the satisfactory discharge of this function.
(4) As regarded paragraph 9, the Government of India
pointed out :
(i) that the so-called Azad Kashmir Government should
not be allowed to function in this area either collectively
or individually through its ministers.
(ii) that all officials appointed by the Pakistan Govern-
ment should cease to function.
(iii) that no connexion should be maintained between
the local authority and the Pakistan Government.
(iv) that the administration should be conducted under
the surveillance of the United Nations Representative by
local officials who could be relied upon to discharge their
duties effectively and impartially with strict regard to
the needs and conditions of a fair and impartial plebiscite.
(.5) As regarded paragraph 10, the Government of India
reaffirmed the views stated in paragraph 2 of the memo-
randum annexed as Appendix V to the fourth report of
the United Nations Representative, that was:
"The Government of India's view is that the Plebiscite
Administrator could proi>erly function only after (i) the
process of demilitarization is completed and the United
Nations Representative is satisfied that peaceful condi-
tions have been restored and (ii) the local authorities are
recognized and are functioning on the Pakistan side of
the cease-fire line under the surveillance of the United
Nations Representative. In the interests of agreement,
however, the Government of India would be prepared to
agree to his induction on the last day of the period of
demilitarization provided that it was completed according
to plan and was exhaustive so that the Plebiscite Adminis-
trator would, as regarded the forces remaining in the
State after demilitarization was fully implemented, be
concerned only with their disposition."
(6) In regard to paragraph 11 the Government of
India made clear that it always had understood the term
■'disposal" in paragraph 4 (a) of the Uncip resolution of
5 January 1949 to mean "disposition" and not reduction
or withdrawal.
Pakistan
(1) Paragraph 7 of the proposals contravened the Se-
curity Council's resolution of 23 December 19.52.
(2) In the debate that preceded the adoption by the
Security Council of its resolution of 23 December 1952
697
the members of the Council were at pains to affirm and
explain that the bracket of tigures of troops proiK.sed in
the Anglo-US draft resolution on Kashmir had been ar-
rived at after taking into account the military needs of
both the Indian occupied areas of the State "and \zad
Kashmir. No reasons had been advanced by the United
Nations Kepresentative to justify any change. Tlie figures
of troops for tlie Indian side of the cease-fire line have
been arbitrarily raised, without any justification, to 21,000.
The Pakistan delegation was convinced that if 21000
Indian and State Armed forces were allowed to reiiiain
on the Indian side of the cease-fire line as against only
(.,000 Azad Kashmir forces, the security of the Azad Kash-
mir area would be put in serious jeopardy.
C-i) The figures now suggested by the United Nations
Representative would destroy the safeguard contained in
paragraph (8) of the twelve proposals (and alreadv ac-
cepted by both sides) that "the demilitarization .shall be
earned out in such a way as to Involve no threat to the
cease-fire agi-eement either during or after the period"
of demilitarization.
(4) The figures now proposed have avowedly no other
object than to meet India's wishes with regard to the
number of forces to be retained on its side of the cease-fire
line. This fails to take into account the corresponding
needs of .security on the Azad Ka.shmir side of the cease-
fire line. This process of continuous yielding ground in
face of Indian intransigeance amounts" in effect to an en-
dorsement and abetment of the Indian attitude It was a
clear indication to India that its sustained attitude of in-
transigeance would ultimately procure the formulation
of a Truce Agreement on its own terms.
After thorough consideration of these communications
and further conversations with the representatives of
India and Paki.stan, the United Nations Representative
felt that there was no ground left at that stage on which
to continue the Conference and therefore, in agreement
with the two representatives, he decided to conclude it
The Value of an Agreement
A. Values to the People of the State
The people of the State of Jamniu and Kashmir have
waited over four years for the fulfilment of the promise
of a plebiscite under the two agreed Uncip resolutions
The people in the East and the West look for an example
from the top of the subcontinent in Jammu and Kashmir
that an agreement for a plebiscite will soon be fulfilled
for and by the people of this most ancient, beautiful and
historic .state. Renewed physical and spiritual energies
would be released by an agreed settlement of this dispute
The meaning of this new freedom would shine across
the earth from the top-most roof of the world, brightenin--
the lives of the people in the hills and valleys, fields and
forests, the homes and schools, mosques and temples the
shops and workplaces, beckoning near and far to all'neo
pie struggling to be free.
B. Values to the People of the Two Nations
An agreement would have many positive values to India
and Pakistan:
(1) The two Governments, without prejudice to their
conceptions and claims, would by the reconciliation of
their long maintained differences over Kashmir take a
decisive and co-operative step forward, rather than con-
tinuing to the point of possible catastrophe, a disagree-
ment oyer the ways for the carrying out of these four-
year-old agreements which provide for the determination
by the people of Jammu and Kashmir of their relation
to India and Pakistan.
(2) The dispute over Kashmir would be settled bv a
constructive peace and not by force of arms or the attri-
tion of years, with their attendant international bitterness
and their running sores drawing off the higher interests
and energies of two peoples. loLeresis
698
(3) Settlement of the Ka.shmir dispute might contriljutei
to the settlement of the disputes over evacuee property i
and waterways, with all the meaning of these steps to
the morale, and the productive programmes of these his '
tone peoples, most ancient on the earth, yet youngest in
the hopes and dreams of their new liberation, and most'
resolute in the faith and courage of their dedicated I
leadership. '
C. Values to the People of the World
The universal yearning of the people for peace is today
confronted with the high potentials of the world for war
The peoples of the sub-continent have an unprecedented
opportunity for lu-oviding the leadership, setting the ex-
ample and mayhap turning the direction of human affairs
away from the tendencies to self-destruction, to the ways
of self-determination, peace and co-operation The .settie-
^?L'a,l^ Kashmir di.spute, with its implications for the
400,000,000 people of the sub-continent, might set in motion
the beginnings of a counter chain reaction of peace nro-
duction and hope. The warmth of human brotherhood
may yet melt away the hard divisions between the peoples
in their hopes for freedom and peace in the world
Instead of the United Nations Representative continuing
to report differences to the Security Council, may the
leadership of over 400,000,000 people, with the good will
and assistance of the United Nations, join in negotiating
and reporting an agreement on Kashmir and therebv
light a torch along the diflicult path of the people's pil-
gnmage toward peace.
Out of the East, the cradle of civilizations and the home
of great spmtual faiths, would come again the example
to the nations and the call to all peoples for demilitariza-
tion, self-determination, and co-operation in great pro-
grammes fo^- education, health, production, ancl peace on
National Security Interests
In St. Lawrence Seaway
White House press release dated April 24
President Eisenhower on April 2i sent the fol-
lowmg letters to Senator Alexander Wiley, Chair-
nmn. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, and
Ihomas C. Buchanan, Chairman, Federal Pover
Commission:
Dear Senator Wiley :
At my request, the National Security Council
has considered the national security interests in the
Samt^ La\yrence-Great Lakes Seaway Project.
l\\% Council has advised me :
1. Early initiation and completion of tlie Saint
Lawrence-Great Lakes Seaway is in the interest
or national security.
2. The TTnited States should promptly take
whatever action may be appropriate to clear the
way for commencement of the project, whether by
Canada alone, or, now or as niav be later devel-
oped, by Canada and the United States jointly.
3. It IS desirable that the ITnited States partici-
pate in the construction of the Seaway; the extent
of and limitations upon such participation to be
the subject of separate determination by authority
otlier than the Council.
The Council's findings and recommendations
Deporfmenf of S/o/e Bulletin
iliave my approval ; and I propose now to discuss
iwith the Cabinet tlie extent of and limitations
'upon United States participation in the project.
I I am forwarding a copy of this letter to the
I Chairman of the Federal Power Commission for
J his information and such action as he may deem
appropriate.
Dear Mr. Buchanan :
Enclosed for your information and such action
I as you may deem appropriate is a copy of a letter
iwh'ich I have sent today to Senator Alexander
I Wiley, Chairman, Committee on Foreigcl^ Rela-
itions. United States Senate. The letter contains
I a statement of the views and recommendations ot
ithe National Security Council on the Saint Law-
' rence-Great Lakes Seaway Project.
Current Legislation on Foreign Policy
Chancellor Konrad Adenauer. Hearing Before the Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate, 83d Cong.,
1st 'iess informal meeting of the Committee with
Chancelior Konrad Adenauer of the Federal KepubUc
of Germany. April 9, 19.53. 8 pp. ^ ., ,
Foreign Poliev Address of the President of the United
States delivered before the American Society ot
Newspaper Editors, April 16, 1953. S. Doc. 39, 83d
Cong.. 1st sess. 6 pp.
Agreements Relating to the Status of the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization, Armed Forces, and Military
Headquarters. Hearings Before the Committee on
Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate, S3d Cong., 1st sess.,
on Status of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization,
Armed Forces, and Military Headquarters. April 7
and 8, 1953. 117 pp.
Eighth Report Concerning the Yugoslav Emergency Relief
Assistance Program. Letter From Secretary of State
Tran.smitting tlie Eighth Report Concerning the Yugo-
slav Emergency Relief Assistance Program, covering
the period September 16, 19.52, through December 15,
1952, pursuant to Section 6 of Public Law 897, 81st
Cong (The Yugoslav Emergency Relief Assistance
Act of 19.50). H. Doc. 128, 83d Cong., 1st sess. 2 pp.
THE DEPARTMENT
Resignation
Reed Harris as Deputy Administrator of International
Information Administration, effective April 24, 19.53.
Curtailment of IIA Staff
Press release 209 dated Apjil 22
Robert L. Johnson, Administrator of the International
Information Administration (Iia), said on April --
that approximately 830 people both here and abroad
will be dropped from the payroll of the overseas informa-
tion and educational exchange program, and around 100
unfilled positions will be abolished. Mr. Johnson said he
was taking this action to comply with the economy direc-
tive issued bv the Bureau of the Budget.
Of the total number of Iia employees to receive termi-
May ^^, 1953
nation notices, approximately 60 hold positions in Wash-
ington, 399 are working in the Voice of America and
supporting .'.•ervices in New York, and the others, which
include local nationals, are employed by press, motion
pictures, Usis Libraries, and the exchange-of-persons
program located in Europe, the Near East, the Far East,
and Latin America.
Because of this economy move, the Iia Administrator
said, the Voice of America will reduce the number of
broadcasts to the free world by eliminating the following
language broadcasts: French, Portuguese, Spanish to
Latin America, Hebrew, JIalayan, and Thai. In addition,
the English broadcast service will be reduced from a
worldwide total of 5 hours and 45 minutes daily to 30
minutes a day.
Broadcasts to the Iron Curtain countries will be main-
tained and relay facilities now nearing completion over-
seas will strengthen the signal in certain critical areas.
The number of language broadcasts' originating from
the Munich Program Center, which now include Russian,
Polish, Lithuanian, Estonian, Bulgarian, and Hungarian,
will be increased.
In Latin America as well as Portugal, France, and
Israel, local broadcasting stations will continue to re-
ceive some VoA features and commentaries by means of
discs, tapes, and scripts.
Since program services to the free world will be reduced,
the bimonthly world program schedule, with a million and
a half circulation, which has been puMished in English
and 10 other languages, will be discontinued.
This move, according to Mr. Johnson, is a contraction to
establish the essentials of a revitalized, flexible, and hard-
hitting program designed to achieve maximum effec-
tiveness.
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: Apr. 27-IVIay 2, 1953
Releases may be obtained from the Office of the
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department
of State, Washington 25, D. C.
Press releases issued prior to Apr. 27 which appear
in this issue of the Bttlletin are Nos. 204 of Apr. 20,
209 of Apr. 22, and 213 of Apr. 25.
Date Subject
4/27 Smith : Chamber of Commerce
4/27 CoUigan : U.S. and the foreign student
4/27 Taft: Irish-American relations
4/27 U.S. properties in China
4/27 Signatories of wheat agreement
4/27 Reed Mission to Pakistan
4/28 Dulles: Japanese treaty anniversary
4/28 Murphy : Assignment to Uxc
4/2S Further wheat agreement signatories
4/29 New Foreign Relations volume
4/29 Tax negotiations with Australia
4/29 Dulles : Results of Nato meeting
5/1 Administrative Council (Itu)
.5/1 Dulles : Polish constitution
5/1 Vice Admiral Wright visits Jordan
5/1 Dulles : Trip to Near East
5/1 Return of German art libraries
5/1 Cotton Advisory Committee
5/1 Hutchinson : IPS administrator
5/4 Dulles : Extension of trade agreements
5/4 Leddy : Senate investigations comm.
5/4 Letter of credence : Rumania
5/4 Letter of credence: Egypt
5/4 Letter of credence : Lebanon
5/2 Dulles : Statement on Laos
No.
t214
*215
*216
t217
t218
t219
t220
221
t222
t223
t224
225
t226
t227
*228
*229
tasb
t231
*2.32
t233
t234
t235
t236
t237
238
*Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bitlletin.
699
May 11, 1953
Index
Vol. XXVIII, No. 724
American Principles
Foreign Service as an arm of U.S. policy (Luce) . 679
Practicalities of power (Smith) 675
American Republics
HAITI: Guaranty Issued for private Invest-
ment 682
Asia
JAMMU and KASHMIR: Demilitarization of
(Graham) 694
JAPAN:
Ambassador Murphy to assist In armistice
negotiations 689
Export-Import Banlc credit to help finance
imports of U.S. raw cotton 681
KOREA :
Documents on armistice negotiations .... 686
Reports of U.N. Command operations (57th,
58th. and 59th, excerpts) 690
LAOS: U.S. to assist victims of Viet Minh ag-
gression 678
Canada
National security Interests in St. Lawrence Sea-
way 698
Communism
Practicalities of power (Smith) 675
Congress
Current legislation on foreign policy 699
National security Interests In St. Lawrence Sea-
way 698
Europe
ITALY: The Foreign Service as an arm of U.S.
policy (Luce) 679
SPAIN: Credit to Spanish banks for Import of
U.S. cotton 681
U.S.S.R. : Soviet reaction to President's speech . 678
Finance
Export-Import Bank credits to Spain and Japan . 681
World economic situation (Wadsworth) . . . 683
Foreign Service
The Foreign Service as an arm of U.S. policy
(Luce) 679
Industry
The world economic situation (Wadsworth) . . 683
International Information
Curtailment of Iia staff 699
International Meetings
Termination of Sulphur Committee 689
Mutual Security
Guaranty Issued for private Investment in Haiti . 682
Results of North Atlantic Council's 11th meet-
ing, text of communique, President's
message, text of resolution 671
North Atlantic Treaty Organization
Results of North Atlantic Council's llth meet-
ing, text of communique. President's
message, text of resolution 671
Presidential Documents
National security interests in St. Lawrence Sea-
way 698
Prisoners of War
Documents on Korean armistice negotiations . 686
State, Department of
Ambassador Murphy to assist In armistice ne-
gotiations 689
Curtailment of Iia staff 699
Resignation (Harris) 699
Strategic Materials
Termination of Sulphur Committee 689
Technical Cooperation and Development
Role of private organizations in technical as-
sistance programs 681
United Nations
Current U.N. documents: a selected bibliog-
raphy 689
Demilitarization of Jammu and Kashmir
(Graham) 694
Documents on Korean armistice negotiations . 686
Reports of U.N. Command operations in Korea
(57th, 58th, and 59th, excerpts) .... 690
World economic situation (Wadsworth) . . . 683
Name Index
Dulles, Secretary 671, 678, 681
Elsenhower, President 673, 678, 698
Graham, Frank P 694
Hagerty, James 678
Harris, Reed . 699
Johnson, Robert L 699
Luce, Clare Boothe 679
Murphy, Robert D 689
Smith, Walter Bedell 675
Stassen, Harold E 682
Wadsworth. James J 683
V. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1953
tJAe/ ^efia/i^wieni/ /(w tnaie^
. XXVIII, No. 725
May 18, 1953
A NEW LOOK AT OUR FOREIGN POLICY • by
Under Secretary Smith 703
EUROPE STRIVES FOR UNITY • by Henry B.Cox . . 710
REGISTERING PUBLIC OPINION • by H. Schuyler
Foster 712
THE WORKING PARTY OF THE INTERNATIONAL
TIN STUDY GROUP • Article by Clarence W. Nichob . 724
For index see back cover
Boston Public Liirary
Superintendent of Documents
JUN 1-1953
%/Ae ~!l)eh€t/yl^€^ ^^ t/ta^ Y^ W X ± \J L 1 JL ±
Vol. XXVIII. No. 725 • Publication 5057
May 18, 1953
For sale by the Superintendent of DocunieiUs
U.S. Government Printing Ollice
Washington 25, I) C.
Price.
62 issues, domestic $7.50, foreign $10.';5
Single copy, 20 cents
The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 1952).
Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrichted and items contained herein iri.y
be reprinted. Citation of the Departmk.vt
OF State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BVLLETIIS,
a tceekly publication compiled and
edited in the Division of Publications,
Office of Public Affairs, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the trork of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy issued by the White House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on imrioiis phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.
Publications of the Department, as
well as Iciiislatire material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
A New Look at Our Foreign Policy
hy Under Secretary Smith ^
The administration in Washington realizes that
our international policies must reflect the attitudes
and interests of the American people themselves,
and if they are to be successful, must have public
support. If they are to have this support, it is
essential that the American people be currently
advised on policy developments. This is one rea-
son why we attach so much importance to the
work of your World Affairs Council and to gather-
ings like this in wliich our fox'eign policies are
discussed. You are key representatives from
various groups in this great community. You will
carry back to many others the substance of the
discussions here. Similarly, those of us who are
your spokesmen and servants can carry back with
us a firsthand impression of your thinking about
our policies and about what they should be. By
thus working together we can better serve the
interests of our nation.
You are fortunate to have Mr. Sevareid - with
you this morning and to have the benefit of his
experienced analysis of the international picture.
You are fortunate also to have the benefit of Sena-
tor Duff's^ broad and mature judgment; he not
only looks at State Department policies from the
standpoint of the national good and the welfare
of the people, but also he can interpi-et those pol-
icies especially well for the people of his own
State.
In the short time available this morning, I can
touch only on a few of the major aspects of our
foreign policy, but I will attempt to give you at
least the outline of the new administration's look
at some of our international problems.
Before doing so I want to emphasize the strong
support which our Government gives to the United
Nations. I can best state our goal for the United
Nations in the words of President Eisenhower.
He said, "We shall strive to make it not merely an
eloquent symbol but an effective force."
' Address made before the World Affairs Council at
Philadelphia on May 8 (press release 249).
^ Erie Sevareid, radio commentator.
' Senator James H. Duff of Pennsylvania.
We are actively working toward that goal. I
believe that the closing weeks of the General As-
sembly session which ended just a few days ago
demonstrate some of that effectiveness.
It is within the framework of the United Na-
tions that we are working with other free nations
in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(Nato). The North Atlantic Treaty Organiza-
tion is a regional arrangement to protect its mem-
bers from the threat of aggression.
Member nations of Nato represent an important
area in our overall foreign policy. They consti-
tute the strongest segment in the fighting power
of the free world. Not only in a military sense
but also economically and industrially they con-
tribute great strength.
Aside from their role in self-defense, some Nato
nations are playing active and vital roles in the
defense of other free areas of the world. Consider
the heavy burden that France is carrying in Indo-
china and what Britain is doing in Malaya.
We can Justly call Nato a successful alliance.
President Eisenhower was one of the guiding
spirits in building this organization. It has ac-
complished much in a comparatively short time.
It has produced a sizable degree of fighting
strength, and its united efforts have notably in-
creased the morale of the peoples of Europe.
A New Approach to the NATO Alliance
All of you here are familiar with the broad con-
cepts stated by the President at his press confer-
ence last week [April 30]. He brought the mili-
tary and economic factors into focus with a view
to creating "a situation of maximum military
strength within economic capacities."
In constructing the free world's defenses, we
must break neither our own back nor the backs of
our allies by overloading ourselves to reach a peak
goal by a given date. It is much wiser to build
steadily at a pace our respective economies can
bear over a period of years. The Nato nations
Moy 18, T953
703
at their recent meeting agreed in principle to a
looff-rangw pro<i;ran) of increasing strength.''
It is imperative that we keep defense efforts of
the free world balanced pi'operly with economic
capabilities. Without economic vitality, military
defense becomes impossible.
At the same time, I want to make it very clear
that this new approach is not a leveling off of the
defense progi-am but a continued buildup on a
longer, steadier, and less costly but more efficient
basis. Actually, it represents more security for
less money. Enqjliasis will be placed on quality
rather than on quantity in Nato forces. One first-
class, battleworthy division, you can readily un-
derstand, is better than two or three with low
battle efficiency. We are less interested in numbers
than in true combat effectiveness.
Along with the improved quality of existing
divisions will come the addition of new divisions
both this year and next. This is not a backward
movement. It is an adjustment of defense plans
to economic capabilities. We estimate, in fact,
that there probably will be an increase of about
30 percent in the military strength of the Nato
countries in 1953.
The free European nations have undertaken to
develop a greater unity and strength through the
establishment of a European Defense Community
(Edc). Tliis plan, which they initiated them-
selves, would give Western Germany a place in
the defense of Germany and Western Europe. It
was designed to combine the military forces of six
countries into an effective organization. German
forces would serve not as a separate German na-
tional army, but as an integrated component of
the armed strength of the European Defense
Community.
The European Governments concerned are
aware of the importance of Edc to their own de-
fenses. But until the President sent Secretary
Dulles and Governor Stassen to Europe recently
the project was lagging. Interest has now been
revived and at the recent Nato Council meeting
the members unanimously called for prompt ac-
tion. We are, of course, anxious for an effective
response to this call.
The problem is up to the European parliaments.
Cabinets favor Edc and are pushing for it in good
faith. But the parliamentary or rather the politi-
cal difficulties are great. Acceptance of the treaty
means giving up control of national armies to
Edc — giving up a degree of national sovereignty.
We can appreciate the difficulty if we ask our-
selves whether tlie United States would be willing
to give up a major part of the control of its armed
forces.
There are historic differences between the peo-
ples of this vast area. If you will remember the
difficulties of the American Colonies after the Rev-
' For information relative to this meeting, see Buixetin
of May 11, 1953, p. 673.
704
olutionary War, in getting agreement on our
present Constitution, you will have some idea of
the problems in Europe where nations have a much
more diverse background and infinitely greater
prejudices to overcome.
There are also a number of very complex legal
and budgetary problems which arise with the crea-
tion of an integi-ated defense force. These are
purely practical and have nothing to do with
national traditions or prejudices. However, the
need for Edc is so great that all those concerned
with the security of Europe hope for favorable
parliamentary action at the earliest possible date.
In the meantime, there is continual effort by the
European nations to work out their defense prob-
lems. At the recent Nato Council session agi-ee-
ment was reached on a 3-year program for develop-
ing networks of facilities in the different countries,
which will be needed by the added Nato forces.
This agreement involves such important installa-
tions as airfields and supply depots, pipelines, and
radio communication. It will increase efficiency
and make the combined foi'ces more effective.
Nato stands today as one of the most important
barriers to Communist expansion and one of the
most important instruments for world peace. The
Mutual Security Program, which has just been
presented to Congi'ess, demonstrates America's
continued interest in maintaining and strengthen-
ing the North Atlantic alliance.
The need for strengthening its defenses was
forcibly brought home to the free world by the
Communist aggression in Korea. It then became
very clear, if proof were needed, that the Com-
munists would resort to armed force in their drive
toward world domination.
New Emphasis on the Far Eastern Area
President Eisenhower has placed new emphasis
on the whole Far Eastern area. Prior to his in-
auguration, he visted Korea to become familiar
with the situation there at first hand. He has
continued to focus attention on that area in his
efforts to bring about peace in the world.
In Korea we have been striving to obtain an
honorable armistice which could stop the fighting,
permit repairing the ravages of war, and allow
discussion of a peaceful settlement.
I am sure you all appreciate that this issue con-
cerning prisoners of war is not simply a techni-
cality, but a dramatic focus of the essential differ-
ence between the Communists and free-world
philosophies on the rights of the individual man,
whoever he may be, and his relationship to the
State. Communist rulers view the human being
as a mere chattel in which the Communist State
has a complete property right that must be recog-
nized. This is a principle to which the free world
cannot and will not admit.
Department of State Bulletin
In his recent address on the chances for peace ^
the President referred to "an honorable armistice
in Korea" as the first great step toward peace. In
further discussing peace in the Far East he said
very pointedly :
It should mean, no less importantly, an end to the di-
rect and indirect attacks upon the security of Indochina
and Jlalaya. For any armistice in Korea that merely
released aggressive armies to attack elsewhere would be
a fraud.
We seek, throughout Asia as throughout the world, a
peace that Is true and total.
To me, and I think to you, this means quite
clearly what it says, that a truce in Korea which
simply gave the aggressors freedom of maneuver
would be a delusion and a sham truce. That is
why we are especially concerned now with the
Communist attack on Laos, in Indochina. It
seems to me that Korea and Indochina can be re-
garded as the flanks of our defense against Com-
mimist expansion in Asia. We are in close contact
with the Governments of Laos and of France and
are determined to do all in our means imder pres-
ent circumstances to help them meet the situation.
We consider aggression not a national or a racial
problem, but a global problem. Under the United
Nations we join our efforts with other countries
to prevent aggression, as we have done in Korea.
Our interest in the independence of free coun-
tries naturally includes Japan. The progress that
Japan has made in its first year since the peace
treaty went into effect is impressive. We are espe-
cially interested in the future of the Japanese
economy and in its role in the economic develop-
ment of the Far East, because, as I said before,
economic stability is an essential prerequisite to
self-defense.
It is unnecessary for me to enlarge on the rea-
sons why the center of the world's problems lies
in the Soviet Union, or to remind you of the ra-
pidity with which the Kremlin has expanded its
control, by overt or covert means, into all parts
of the globe.
Since the death of Stalin the new leadership in
the Kremlin has shown some indication of a change
in tone toward the free world. This may be due to
their belief that the Union of Soviet Socialist Re-
publics has overextended itself and needs time to
consolidate its expansion. It may be that they
need time to tighten their own grasp on their
absolute dictatorship. Almost certainly they are
reacting to the position of strength which we are
creating in the Nato area.
Possibly some of this reaction is in good faith.
But the countries represented at the recent Nato
Council meeting were united in the conviction
that the Soviet peace offensive has not yet produced
anything to cause us to relax our efforts toward
strengthening our defenses. On the contrary, a
fresh aggression is taking place in Southeast Asia.
° Ihid., Apr. 27, 1953, p. 599.
May 18, 1953
Three weeks ago President Eisenhower put the
issue of peace directly to the new Soviet leader-
ship. He expressed the readiness of the United
States to play its part. He asked the new leaders
to show their peaceful intentions by deeds, to bring
their influence to bear for genuine peace in Asia,
for the free choice by nations of their own forms
of government, for action on disarmament
proposals.
The President's speech made such an impact on
world opinion that the Soviet leaders took the
unprecedented step of publishing his address in
Pravda. True, they spread across the front page
a labored exposition of the familiar Moscow line
and relegated the speech to an inside page. But
their defensive editorial lacked the usual acid tone.
The reply made no concrete suggestions as to
how to solve the issues set forth by President
Eisenhower. On the other hand, it did not resort
to the usual vituperative name-calling. To see
whether it actually means anything in the direc-
tion of peace we must keep our eyes on develop-
ments where events are taking place ; the negotia-
tions at Panmunjom, the Communist attacks in
Indochina, and the disarmament discussions in
the United Nations. We must base our judgment
on actions toward the peaceful settlement of out-
standing issues.
The key to the intentions of the Soviets lies in
their deecls. Will they sign an Austrian treaty?
Will they release the thousands of war prisoners
they have held since the fighting stopped in World
War II ? Will they seek an honest settlement of
other issues ?
We can rely on deeds alone. In no event can we
afford to lower our guard or to negotiate from a
weakened position. The Soviet leaders respect
power, and they recognize no moral inhibitions in
international relations.
Near Eastern and Latin American Problems
Secretary Dulles leaves tomorrow on a trip
which will take him to a number of countries of
the Near East and South Asia. This is the first
time that a Secretary of State has visited this area
during his term of office.
Interest in the area he will visit is especially
keen because 9 of the 12 countries involved have
achieved their independence in the last generation.
These new nations are struggling with internal and
external problems. We want to see them maintain
their independence. We are seeking through tech-
nical assistance and mutual-security aid to help
them better the living standards of their people
and to strengthen their economies and national
defenses.
We hope to pattern our future policies on what
we learn on the ground from the countries them-
selves. We want to make a full re-examination
and reappraisal and shape our actions in accord
with the needs of these free nations. Mr. Dulles
705
is making his visit with no preconceived plan or
progi'am for the area. His object is to learn their
problems from the people themselves.
We are also giving close attention to our rela-
tions with our neiglibors in the Western Hemi-
sphere. Our Mr. Cabot, Assistant Secretary of
State for Inter-American Affairs, has just re-
turned from Latin America, and in June Milton
Eisenhower, the President's brother, will visit a
number of the great Republics to the south.
Tlie President is anxious, and here I quote his
words,
that the Government of the United States take careful
stock of the economic and social conditions now prevailing
throughout our continent and of all the efforts being
pressed to bring a better life to all our peoples. Such
an assessment can properly be made only through direct
jjersonal understanding of the facts."
Upon his return Mr. Eisenhower will report to
the President and Secretary Dulles on ways to
strengthen the bonds among the Republics of the
Western Hemisphere.
'Ibid., Apr. 20, 1953, p. 564.
The nations of Latin America and the United
States have long worked cooperatively together
to achieve common purposes. We hope to work
togetlier in still greater strength in the days which
lie ahead.
This development of facts at firsthand by rep-
resentatives of our Government is important to
our future policies. At least equally important
is ihe serious effort to develop and understand the
spiritual and moral values involved. Spiritual
strength is basic to our whole way of life.
Our own spiritual strength is so deep and so
basic that we sometimes fail to remember it is
there ; yet it is our fundamental beliefs that have
led us to a great role of leadership among nations.
We hold that leadership at a time when power-
ful and, I must say, evil forces seek to dominate
the earth. We work with other free nations to
restrain and drive back those forces. In this task
the maintenance of our spiritual strength is vitaL
Without it we would be lost — with it, we can face
the future with calm and confidence.
Areas for Deeds, Not Words
Remarks hy Secretary Dulles '
Press release 247 dated May 7
You no doubt expect me to say a few words
about the international situation. Our nation's
position was put forward on April 16 by President
Eisenhower. That speech had a profound in-
fluence throughout the entire world. It was so
newsworthy that it was printed in full in the lead-
ing newspapers of Moscow. Any speech that can
thus put Soviet censorship to rout is, by that act
alone, a speech of historic import.
The President ])ut it squarely up to the Soviet
leaders to show whether they were willing to put
peaceful deeds behind their peaceful words. As
progress in these matters strengthens world trust,
then there could come a reduction of the arma-
ments which everywhere are burdening the people.
The President specified certain areas for deeds.
He first specified Korea. The Communist lead-
ers used words that indicated that they were pre-
pared to make possible an honorable armistice.
Words are still being exchanged. But the U.N.
Command is not prepared indefinitely to continue
bandying words about matters which have already
been talked about for nearly 2 years.
' Made before the New York State Republican dinner at
New York on May 7.
We earnestly desire and seek an honorable peace
in Korea. But we shall not allow our enemies
there to use peace talk as a stratagem for gaining
military advantages in their war of aggression.
The President then specified Indochina. Since
he spoke, tliere has occurred a new aggression. The
peaceful state of Laos has been invaded by Com-
munist forces from Vietnam, many of whom had
first been trained and equipped in Communist
China. These armed aggressors now also threaten
peaceful Thailand (Siam). Thailand is one of
the nations which, showing its faith in collective
security, has gallantly and substantially contrib-
uted to the U.N. effort in Korea. By performing
this act for others, it has won the right to help
from others.
The third area mentioned bj' the President was
Austria. It is a shocking thing that this small
nation, the first victim of Hitlerite aggression,
should now for so long have been denied unity and
independence. Red armies in the Soviet Zone ab-
sorb the economic wealth as would a horde of lo-
custs. For nearly 7 years now the Western
Powers have been negotiating with the Soviet
Union for an Austrian treaty of liberation. Time
after time it has seemed that such a treaty was on
the point of consummation. Each time the
706
Department of State Bulletin
Soviet Government has drawn back. So Austria
remains an area wliere the Soviet leaders, if they
wish, can produce deeds that will be meaningful.
Let no one underestimate our desire for peace
and our willingness to contribute to an easing of
the present tension. "We are not afraid of peace.
On the contrary, this administration is dedicated
to seek i^eace and pursue it. President Eisen-
hower understands, better than most, the horrors
of war and he has demonstrated, as have few, the
capacity to turn war into victory and to build on
the foundation of victory a defensive posture cal-
culated to assure peace.
It is the purpose of President Eisenhower and
those who serve him to develop policies so firm,
so just, so appealing to all humanity that the
Soviet leaders will elect to live with these policies
rather than futilely to combat them.
That is our great purpose. We must, however,
be constantly vigilant lest we fall into a trap. Tlie
longing of our people for peace is so intense that
there is danger of accepting illusion for reality.
This danger is the greater because Soviet Com-
munists have constantly taught and practiced the
art of deception, of making concessions merely in
order to lure others into a false sense of security,
which makes them the easier victims of ultimate
aggression.
You can be confident that your Republican ad-
ministration has goals which correspond to the
lofty idealism of the American people. In pur-
suit of these goals, we shall not become weary or
grow faint, and also we shall pursue these goals in
ways which are circumspect and which place trust
in others only after it has demonstrably been
earned.
Guided by these principles, our administration,
under our great President, will justify the leader-
ship which last November was demanded of it.
Secretary's Visit to Near East
and SoutKi Asia
Background Information
Press release 250 dated May 8
Secretary Dulles plans to leave by plane from
Washington on May 9. Accompanying him on
the trip will be Harold E. Stassen, Director for
Mutual Security; Henry A. Byroade, Assistant
Secretary for Near Eastern, South Asian, and
African Affairs ; Douglas MacArthur, 2d, Coun-
selor of the Department of State ; Robert E. Matte-
son, Assistant Director of the Mutual Security
Agency for Research, Statistics, and Reports;
Roderic L. O'Connor, Special Assistant to the
Secretary; Fred L. Hadsel, Special Assistant to
Mr. Byroade ; and Col. Stephen J. Meade, military
aide and consultant. Mrs. Dulles and Mrs. Stassen
will go with the party as far as Cairo. They will
tlien (ravel independently in the Near East, re-
joining the Secretary's group for the return flight
across the Atlantic.
The Secretary will fly by a special Air Force
Constellation as far as Cairo and Tel Aviv, by car
and C-47 in the Levant, and by Constellation again
for the rest of the trip.
The party will arrive at Cairo on May 11. On
May 13 they will fly to Tel Aviv; on May 14 they
will drive by automobile to Jerusalem en route to
Anunan, wliere they will spend the night; on May
15 they will fly to Damascus; on May 16 they will
drive over the mountains to Beirut ; on May 17 they
will fly to Baghdad; on May 18 they will fly to
Riyadh, the capital of Saudi Arabia. On the
afternoon of May 19 they will stop briefly at the
oil center of Dhahran on the Persian Gulf, and
that night will fly to New Delhi. After 2 days
there, they will go by plane to Karachi for the
22d and 23d. The night of the 24th will be spent
in the plane en route to Istanbul where they will
spend the 25th, flying to Ankara the 26th. May
27 they will be in' Athens and May 28 in Tripoli,
Libya, returning to Washington the afternoon of
May 29.
The Secretary and Mr. Stassen regret that short-
ness of time and the extent of the area make neces-
sary such relatively short stays in many important
countries and even have required the omission of
some states from the itinerary.
As has been brought out before, the purpose of
the trip is for the Secretary and Mr. Stassen to
gain firsthand impressions, to listen to the views
of the leaders in the area, and to develop even
closer relations with the countries which they will
visit.
In many cases the Secretary and Mr. Stassen
will be guests of the Governments and in all cases
they will confer with the heads of state prime
ministers, foreign ministers, and other leading
economic and financial figures.
Departure Statement '
Press release 252 dated May 9
Mr. Stassen and I are very glad to have this op-
portunity to visit many states of the Near East
and South Asia. On this, the first visit to the area
by an American Secretary of State while in office,
we plan to stop in Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Syria,
Lebanon, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, India, Pakistan,
Turkey, Greece, and Libya. We are making the
trip at the request of President Eisenhower on
wliose behalf we shall express the friendship of
the American people for the Governments and
peoples of the countries we visit, and to whom we
shall report observations and findings.
The period since World War I, and particularly
the last 10 years, has seen a tremendous change in
this part of the world. Of the 12 states which we
shall be visiting, all but 3 have obtained their in-
^ Made at the Washington National Airport.
Moy J8, J953
707
dependence in the last generation. Great progress
is being made in such fields as government, edu-
cation, economic development, and expansion of
local culture. But many problems remain to be
solved, which are all the more pressing because of
the strategic location of these lands. Whereas
many of the problems are internal, others affect
all of the states of the area, and still others affect
the freedom and security of the entire free world.
As I have already said, I shall not bring with
me specific plans or programs, nor do I intend to
ask the Governments I visit for any decisions. I
shall listen intently to what I am told and consider
the problems brought to my attention with the
utmost interest and sympathy. I am pleased at
the thought that this trip will give me a chance to
renew old friendships, and, I am sure, make many
new and lasting ones. In addition, the trip will
be an opportunity to dispel such misunderstand-
ings of the American position as may exist, and
develop still closer relations between the United
States and the countries I visit on my itinerary.
Under these circumstances, both Mr. Stassen
and I are looking forward to the trip with keen
anticipation.
Developments in Laos,
Thailand, and Korea
Press Conference Statement hy Secretary Dulles
Press release 253 dated May 9
In view of the recent, rapid sequence of events
in the Far East, I believe it would be appropriate
to summarize for you our actions concerning de-
velopments in Laos and Thailand.
Communist Viet Minh forces began their move-
ment toward the Royal Capital City of Luang
Prabang in Laos on April 12.
Following an appeal from the Government of
Laos on April 13 to the free world to condemn
the aggression, the United States issued a state-
ment of support and sympathy .^
The urgent need for cargo aircraft to aid French
and Lao forces in meeting this aggression was dis-
cussed by me with French officials during our stay
in Paris for the recent Nato meeting.
Within 24 hours it was agreed at the highest
level that such aircraft, if available, should be
dispatched to Indochina. Within another 24 hours
the aircraft were located with the Far East Com-
mand. Within another 24 hours civilian opera-
tors were located to fly the planes, because the
French did not have crews accustomed to handle
these planes and we did not desire that our mili-
tary personnel should fly into the combat zone.
The plan was actually put into operation within
a few hours after our return from Paris, and the
' Bulletin of May 4, 1953, p. 641.
aircraft arrived at Hanoi on May 5 and were made
operational immediately.
Three days prior to the arrival of the aircraft
in Hanoi', we announced on May 2 ^ that we were
maintaining close contact with the Governments
of Laos and of France regarding the special re-
quirements of the situation and that the Mutual
Security Administration Mission in Laos had
made arrangements to help ease the refugee prob-
lem by making available certain funds and sup-
plies.
The Ambassador from Thailand, Pote Sarasin,
canie to my office at 3 : 30 p.m. on Tuesday of
this week. May ,5, to discuss the problems con-
fronting his country as a result of the Viet Minh
invasion of Laos.^
The Ambassador expressed his country's urgent
need for small arms ammunition and for various
military items urgently required by the Thai Navy,
Army, and Air Force, which requests had simul-
taneously been made through the U.S. Military
Assistance Advisory Group and our Embassy at
Bangkok. Within 24 hours of the Ambassador's
request certain amounts of such ammunition were
in the air on their way to Bangkok from the
Pacific area, and action was taken to expedite
delivery of the other military items.
These two instances illustrate a capacity for
decision and performance and of cooperative team-
work between the Departments of State and De-
fense, which should, I believe, be gratifying to
the American people. Also, they should be im-
pressive to others, whether they be friends or
aggressors.
FoUoiinng his press conference, the Secretary
repeated his remarks concerning Laos and Thai-
land for the ienefit of radio, newsreel, and tele-
vision services. In addition to these remarks, he
made the following statement {press release SS4-
dated May 9) concerning the Korean truce nego-
tiations:
As I have said many times, we want peace in
Korea if it is a peace with honor. Whether or
not the armistice terms will mean that kind of a
peace is still under discussion between the repre-
sentatives of the two sides in Korea, under guid-
ance, of course, as far as we are concerned, from
Washington. The Communists made proposals
day before yesterday^ which we are carefully
studyinjj. It is obvious that they will require
elucidation and perhaps modification before they
will be acceptable to us as compatible with peace
with honor, but that is a matter which we are going
into and which will be developed in further dis-
cussions which will be taking place in Korea over
the coming days.
' Ihid., May 11, 1953, p. 678.
'For information ccnoerning the Ambassador's visit,
see p. 709.
*P. 727.
708
Department of State Bulletin
"Free Lao Movement" Leader
Press release 242 dated May 5
The Government of Laos on May If. delivered a
jonnal note to the United States which contains
errtain information pertaining to the -present sit-
uation in Laos. Following is a condensed tran.s-
J<ition of the note:
The absence of Laotians among the invading
troops can be verified by any impartial observer.
With reference to the so-called government
"free Lao State or Lao Fatherland*' under Prince
Souphanouvong, the following should be noted:
(1) Souphanouvong, who has not lived in Laos
for 20 years, joined Lao Issara or the free Lao
movement, in 1946.
(2) He was expelled from the movement on
May 16, 1949, because of his Communist tendencies
and total subservience to the Viet Minh, and spe-
cifically for agreeing to the penetration of Lao
territory by armed bands from across the frontier.
(3) The Lao Issara movement, which was
created in October 1946, was formally dissolved
in October 1949, after signature of the Franco-
Lao accords, with all members rallying to the
Royal Government. Of seven members of the
present Royal Government, four, including the
Prime Minister, were members of the Lao Issara
movement.
(4) Since his expulsion from Lao Issara, Soup-
hanouvong has been the personal vassal of the
Viet Minh, who sent him to Communist China to
receive indoctrination for the role destined for
him.
(5) Souphanouvong, therefore, cannot claim
association with the "Free Laos." Nor can he
claim any popular mandate, tacit or explicit, to
represent the aspirations of the Lao people, to
whom he is unknown.
Thailand Takes Measures
To Maintain Security
Press release 245 dated May 6
The Thai Ambassador described to Secretary
Dulles on May 5 the implications for his Govern-
ment and the Thai Nation of the dangerous situa-
tion created in neighboring Laos by aggressive
Viet Minli Communist forces and outlined various
measures of a military and police nature which his
Government is taking to maintain the security of
Thailand's borders.
He indicated that the present level of prepared-
ness was due in part to existing training pro-
grams and military assistance carried out by the
U.S. Military Assistance Advisory Group in
Thailand under existing agreements and in part
due to the battle experience of Thai troops fight-
ing with the U.N. forces in Korea. He further
stated that his Government had listed specific mil-
itary items which were urgently needed and which
had already been programed under current mili-
tary aid plans and asked that, if possible, im-
mediate delivery be made.
The Ambassador was assured that the Secretary
was aware of the threat to Thailand which the
Ambassador had outlined, that he was fully sym-
pathetic with the Thai Government's desire to
receive urgently needed military items, and that
prompt consideration would be given to providing
the necessary items in the light of availabilities
and U.S. world commitments. He added that he
had been most favorably impressed at reports he
had received of the many evidences of the deter-
mination of the Thai Government and people to
withstand Communist aggression.
Letters of Credence
Egypt
The newly appointed Ambassador of Egypt,
Ahmed Hussein, presented his credentials to the
President on May 4, 1953. For the text of the
Ambassador's remarks and for the text of the
President's reply, see Department of State press
release 236 of May 4.
Leianon
The newly appointed Ambassador of Lebanon,
Cliarles Malik, presented his credentials to the
President on May 4, 1953. For the text of the
Ambassador's remarks and for the text of the
President's reply, see Department of State press
release 237 of May 4.
Rumania
The newly appointed Ambassador of Rumania,
Marin Florea lonescu, presented his credentials
to the President on May 4, 1953. For the text of
the Ambassador's remarks and for the text of the
President's reply, see Department of State press
release 235 of May 4.
May 18, J953
709
Europe Strives for Unity
iy Henry B. Cox
Deputy Public Affairs Adviser, Bureau of European Affairs '■
The field of international relations has not had a
dull winter. Since I visited with many of you in
Philadelphia last December, the world has experi-
enced important changes of leadership in two of
its most powerful nations. One such change
would have been enough to keep any student of
international affairs on his toes, but history was
not content with one. Today the foreign-policy
observer must scan the news from Washington and
Moscow with equal vigor and discernment if he
seeks to anticipate the trend of world events.
Those who were watching news from Washing-
ton in January — most of the diplomatic world was
doing little else — received an early insight into the
temper of the new administration. Ten days after
the inauguration of President Eisenhower, the
new Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles, and
the new chief of Mutual Security, Harold E.
Stassen, flew to Europe on a special mission which
gave a clear indication of the tremendous impor-
tance which this Government attaches to Euro-
pean unity. The urgency of that trip to Europe
revealed the feeling that the drive for European
unity was seriously lagging.
It was just a year ago this month that France,
Italy, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the
Benelu.x (Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxem-
bourg) signed a treaty creating the European
Defense Community, commonly referred to as the
Edc. When Secretary Dulles and Mr. Stassen
took office the Edc treaty had been ratified by none
of the parliaments of the participating countries.
In both France and Germany there were serious
psychological and political obstacles in the way
of parliamentary action. Consideration of the
Edc treaty by the Italian parliament was being
held up by the prolonged debate on a new Italian
electoral law. The Benelux countries, for their
^Address made before an interscholastic high-school
group from the Philadelphia area, under .sponsorship of
the Philadelphia World Affairs Council, at Philadelphia
on May 5.
710
part, were awaiting the lead of their colleagues.
The Dulles-Stassen mission represented another
effort on the part of the United States to give
needed impetus and support to the growing Euro-
pean unity movement. Coming as it did at one
of the most crucial stages in that development, it
served to bolster the resolve of Europe's states-
men to press forward to their ancient goal of a
European community.
Europe is one of the most critical areas with
which we have to deal in the conduct of foreign
relations. It is important to us for many reasons.
Culturally it is the cradle of our civilization.
Then, too, the European members of the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization with a total popula-
tion of roughly 200,000,000 represents the greatest
reservoir of skilled manpower in the world. In
the major indices of industrial production — coal,
crude steel, and electric power — its output sub-
stantially exceeds that of the Soviet bloc. It is not
difficult to imagine what a dramatic change would
occur in the balance of power in the cold war
struggle should the manpower resources and indus-
trial capacity of Western Europe become avail-
able to the Soviet Union.
Following World War II and even before it,
U.S. leaders recognized that continued disunity
in Europe would constitute one of the greatest
hazards to the security of the free world. Speak-
ing before the Senate Foreign Relations Commit-
tee in 1947, Mr. Dulles urged that in granting |
Marshall plan aid to Europe, "the basic idea should !
be not the rebuilding of the pre-war Europe but j
the building of a new Europe, which, more unified,
[would] be a better Europe." This idea was ac-
cepted and has been the underlying principle of
our entire economic and military assistance
program.
The concept of a united Europe is an old one
dating back to the early history of that continent.
Throughout the 19th century, European alliances
and conflicts clearly demonstrated the inability j
Department of State Bulletin
of any European nation to stand alone. Indi-
viduai national security went out with the advent
of the industrial revolution. At various times
Europe was partially but only temporarily inte-
grated through conquest. But political integra-
tion within a democratic framework was never
achieved.
Plans to unify Europe prior to World War I
were completely fruitless, since they did not take
into account the political and economic prerequi-
sites for an effective union and were often devices
designed to benefit one nation. Moreover, in many
instances they were put forward by individuals
whose influence on their governments was insig-
nificant. In addition to these factors it is prob-
able that the Europeans were simply not ready
for such a radical development.
The economic and social problems resulting
from the First World War caused rnany enlight-
ened European leaders to give serious thought
again to the question of European unity. The pri-
mary motivation was the desire to avert further
wars and to promote economic well-being. But
again the dream was not realized. Sufficient im-
petus was lacking to preserve a League of Nations,
much less to create a European political commu-
nity.
But the historic trend persisted. Milestones
came faster in the wake of the economic, social,
and political chaos created by World War II.
Even while the war was still in progress and its
ultimate outcome in doubt, Europe's statesmen re-
vived the unity concept as the only satisfactory
and enduring solution to Europe's many problems.
In 1944 the Governments-in-exile of Belgium, the
Netherlands, and Luxembourg signed a treaty pro-
viding for collective defense and cooperation in
the economic, social, and cultural fields. Thus
began the so-called European movement, sup-
ported by such leaders as Spaak, Churchill, Sforza,
and Bidault.
The Benelux Union became a reality in 1947
and the first steps were taken to remove the cus-
toms barriers between the three countries. The
following year British Foreign Minister Ei'nest
Bevin, in a major foreign policy address to the
House of Commons, called for a consolidation of
Western Europe. This initiative resulted in the
formation of the so-called Western Union when
France, the United Kingdom, and the Benelux
countries signed the Brussels Pact in March 1948.
The pact called for closer collaboration of the
five members in economic, social, and cultural
matters and for collective self-defense.
Through the Marshall plan the United States
made its gi-eatest contribution to European reha-
bilitation and indirectly gave an important assist
to European integration in the economic field.
One month following the signing of the Brussels
Pact the countries participating in the Marshall
plan formed the Organization for European Eco-
nomic Cooperation (Oeec), which has actively
promoted recovery and economic cooperation since
its inception.
As cooperation among the European nations in-
creased there was popular and parliamentary pres-
sure for the creation of an organization which
would represent not only the governments, but
also the peoples and parliaments of member coun-
tries. In May 1949 the Council of Europe came
into being in response to this need.
Meanwhile, faced with the growing threat of
Soviet aggression the nations of Western Europe,
together with the United States and Canada,
joined in the establishment of an organization
designed primarily to further their collective se-
curity. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization,
more commonly known as Nato, was formed in
November 1949.
In May 1950 European unity in the economic
sphere made another significant advance when
French Foreign Minister Robert Schuman made a
bold proposal for the pooling of the coal and steel
resources of France and Germany under a supra-
national authority. Schuman invited other coun-
tries to join and "in April 1951 France, Italy, the
Federal Republic of Germany, Belgium, the
Netherlands, and Luxembourg signed a treaty es-
tablishing the so-called European Coal and Steel
Community. Today the Community is a going
concern. Its executive branch and assembly are
already in operation and it has established a single
market for coal and steel embracing its six mem-
ber nations.
In the meantime, in spite of its slow start, the
Council of Europe has made considerable progress.
Not just "a government in search of a job," as a
European leader once characterized it, it has pro-
vided Europe with a comprehensive blueprint for
political union which must now be passed upon
by the parliaments of member nations. Within
the Council a working group has recently com-
pleted a draft European constitution calling for a
federal legislature of two houses, a federal execu-
tive, and a federal court.
As you can see, tremendous progress has been
made toward the goal of a united Europe. But
European unity may suffer a serious setback if
the six Schuman plan countries cannot successfully
clear what is currently their most difficult hurdle —
the ratification of the European Defense Com-
munity or Edc treaty. Conceived by former
French Premier Rene Pleven, the Edc was de-
signed to fill the recognized need for a (jerman
military contribution to the defense of Western
Europe in a form most acceptable to all parties
concerned.
Since the signature of the Edc treaty in May
1952 only one nation has started the ratification
process. In West Germany the lower house of
Parliament, the Bundestag, has given its approval
to ratification. The upper house or Bundesrat has
just voted to postpone action pending a ruling of
the Constitutional Court on the constitutionality
May 18, J 953
711
of Geriiiiiii ])articipation in the Edc. Opposition
to the tri'aty in Gernmny stems primarily from the
major opposition l)arty, the Social Democrats, but
also includes some extreme rightist elements. The
Social Democrats have maintained that the Edc in
its present form does not provide for German
participation on the basis of complete equality.
Moreover, they do not consider the European de-
fense force envisaged by the treaty as an effective
means of defending Western Europe against pos-
sible Soviet aggression.
In Paris, ratification has been hindered bj' an
understandable reluctance on the part of some
Frenchmen to see Germany rearm at a time when
French military resources are being seriously
drained by the war in Indochina. Under present
circumstances some French circles feel that Ger-
man domination of the Edc, which they desire to
prevent, would only be a matter of time. Add to
these major political and psychological obstacles
Europe's traditional nationalist feelings of pride
in national armies and reluctance to accept the
control of a supranational authority, and you have
a fair idea of the problem of Edc ratification.
Wliile clearly recognizing the obstacles to be
overcome before ratification can be achieved, it is
our h<)])e and that of Europe's statesmen that
eventually logic will win out over traditional emo-
tional factors and that relatively less important
national interests may yield to more compelling
international realities. We remain convinced that
the Edc is the soundest possible approach to Euro-
pean defense, and we will continue to give it our
maximum support.
It has always seemed to us that Edc was essen-
tial to the concept of European unity. As long as
Soviet strategic goals appear unchanged, Europe
cannot hope for unified security without unifie<l
strength. In the final analysis, however, Euro-
pean unity, whether it be economic, political, or
military is something which can be made a reality
only by the Europeans themselves.
Registering Public Opinion
liy n. Schuyler Foster
Chief, Division of Public Studies ^
The Department of State carries on a systematic
effort to keep itself informed about public opin-
ion, so that policy decisions can be taken with full
consideration of the views of the American people.
The Department's officers realize the vital con-
nection between public opinion and U.S. foreign
policy. They know that, as Secretary George Cat-
lett Marshall put it, "no policy — foreign or do-
mestic— can succeed without public support."
Under our democratic government, sustained
and intelligent support of foreign policy must
come from public understanding, from the views
about foreign policy held by each individual.
Citizens' views are especially important today,
since much of the execution of this foreign policy
requires active citizen participation. As Secre-
tary of State John Foster Dulles has said in a
recent radio-TV address to the American people:
Foreign policy isn't just something that's conducted by
secretaries of state and by ambassadors in different parts
' Address made at the Department of State on Apr. 22
before a group of Rhode Island high school students visit-
ing Washinntnn under the sponsorship of the World Af-
fairs Council of Rhode Island.
712
of the world ; every one of you has got a part in making
a successful foreign policy for the United States. "
You don't need to be 21 years old to participate
in U.S. foreign policy. As a taxpayer, even on
lipstick or movies, you are contributing a share
of the large sums needed to carry out our foreign
policy. Those young Americans now serving in
the armed forces are called upon to make a much
greater contribution for the success of our foreign
policy, whether they are serving in the United
States or in Korea. These are contributions which
Americans were not normally called upon to make
prior to World War II. In earlier years, Con-
gress did not appropriate billions of dollars for
a mutual security program; yet the American
public of today has agreed to tax itself heavily
to carry out this vital part of our foreign policy.
Each person in the country contributes to Amer-
ican public opinion, whether by favoring our for-
eign policies, by opposing them, or by ignoring
them. Even when a person has no opinion, that
fact has an impact on the total opinion picture.
All one has to do to realize the cumulative result
' Bulletin of Feb. 9, p. 216.
Department of Sfafe Bulletin
of individual opinions is to suppose that every-
body else shared your opinion, or lack of one.
The systematic analysis of opinion carried out
within the Department of State makes it possible
for every officer considering a foreign-policy prob-
lem to be familiar with public opinion on that
problem. American opinion is not, of course, the
only factor entering into policy decisions. Many
other considerations are involved in deciding what
action would best promote world peace and the
welfare of the American nation. Sometimes ex-
pert judgment is required on such technical ques-
tions as : How much aid from the United States
do European countries need this year to carry out
the joint defense program without harming their
economies? How much aid can the United States
afford to send without harming its own economy?
Or, how far could increased trade with European
countries reduce their need for United States aid ?
Or, again, how feasible is it to set up a comprehen-
sive defense organization for the Pacific area?
How far are other countries willing to go in join-
ing a defense organization ? Along with the ex-
pert judgments on such knotty questions, the
Department of State policy officer receives analy-
ses of what the American public is thinking about
such questions.
Every day, top officers of the Department get
a summary of opinion developments of the last
24 hours on all major aspects of our foreign policy.
In addition, policy officers receive from time to
time detailed analyses covering, for instance, cur-
rent opinion about the Far East or Germany. Or
perhaps a longer-range study of public attitudes
over the last year or two toward the United
Nations. Opinion studies are frequently requested
by Department officers who want an analysis
geared directly to the specific problem which
confronts them. i • • i
Just how does the Department go about this ]ob
of registering public opinion? How can your
opinion be registered without any consultation
with you ? It is clearly impossible to collect each
month the opinions of millions of Americans on
the leading foreign affairs topics of that month,
but it is possible to construct a reasonably accurate
picture of American public opinion on the basis
of opinion expressions which are more readily
accessible.
Sources of Opinions Studied
The Department's analyses of opinion are
broadly based upon all available types of publicly
expressed opinion. These include, first of all, the
materials available from the daily press. News-
paper editorials ; "columns" by individual writers,
some of which appear in papers across the
country ; and news stories which report the views
of outstanding leaders of opinion, whether Con-
gressmen, other political leaders, spokesmen of the
major national organizations, or other newsworthy
figures. These press materials are available
May 18, 1953
promptly and reflect a number of different points
of view. So do the broadcasts of the radio com-
mentators.
A little later the weekly magazines are available,
and radio discussion programs. Then there are
the formal resolutions of major groups, such as
business, labor, or agricultural associations, church
groups, patriotic organizations, women's clubs.
A wide variety of organizations show an active
interest in international problems and take public
stands on our foreign policy.
The nationwide polling organizations, those of
Gallup and Roper and some of our universities,
often include foreign-affairs topics in their sam-
plings of public opinion. Individual citizens
write to the Secretary of State or to the \\1iite
House, giving direct expression to their views on
foreign affairs. Moreover, Department officers
often' report on those questions and attitudes
which they have found to be most prominent at
meetings they have attended in various parts of
the country. All of these varied types of opinion
expression are carefully watched, from day to
day and week to week, by those who are respon-
sible for registering public opinion on foreign
affairs.
On many questions all of these opinion indica-
tors point in the same direction ; showing, for ex-
ample, the overwhelming support for continued
U.S. participation in the United Nations. In-
deed, on the Ijroad question of America's role, ever
since Pearl Harbor public opinion has strongly
and consistently favored an "active part" in world
affairs for the United States with only a minority
desiring us to "stay out" of world affairs as much
as we can. This "positive attitude is evident in
the press and radio comment, in the results of
public opinion polls, in the declarations by na-
tional organizations, and by the great majority
of other leaders and spokesmen.
Moreover, belief in an active role in world
affairs is dominant in all geographical sections of
the country. Public opinion polls show virtually
the same support for this attitude in the Midwest
as in the East, in the North as in the South. It
is also true that the "stay out" attitude is evenly
held by a minority of Americans throughout the
nation, and in both of our major political parties.
As students, however, you will be interested in
knowing that the amount of education a person
has does make a difference in foreign-policy out-
look. Generally speaking, the more education a
person has, the more likely he is to favor a positive
role for America.
Divergent Views Analyzed
On some issues, support for the main idea is
clear but there is sharp difference of opinion as
to the degree to which or the way in which the
principle should be carried out at a particular
time. For instance, there is strong support for a
large-scale program of aid to our allies; but there
713
is difference of opinion about the exact amount and
character of that aid and about the desirability of
makin<f tlie aid conditional on specific acts. In
such cases, tlie registration of public opinion re-
quires a description of just how opinion is divided :
which groups witliin the population take which
sides and for what reasons, which schools of
thought are gaining and which declining.
Tliis method of registering public opinion does
far more justice to the richness and diversity of
American thought than would a simple conclusion,
such as : The public says yes, or the public says no.
Special mention must be made, in any discussion
of how the D^'partment registers public opinion,
of the opportunities open to organizations and
their spokesmen. Periodically, those organiza-
tions which have educational programs on foreign
affairs are invited to send representatives to meet-
ings with Department of State officers in Wash-
ington. Some of these conferences are compre-
hensive in their coverage and include talks by the
Secretary and other top officials of the Depart-
ment; others deal with particular problems which
are of special interest to some of the organizations
at a particular time. All of these meetings, to
which the organizations send their spokesmen and
pay their own expenses, offer an opportunity for
the group representatives to present their views,
their opinions, to responsible policy officers of the
Department. A diversity of views is often evident
on these occasions, since these organizations repre-
sent many different aspects of American life.
Between such meetings, too, organization
spokesmen send statements of their views to the
Department; or they may secure interviews in
order to lay their opinions directly before officers
dealing with the problem in question. In con-
nection with article 71 of the U.N. Charter, which
relates to the U.N.'s Economic and Social Council,
the Department of State specifically undertakes
"consultation with non-governmental organiza-
tions which are concerned with matters within
[the Council's] competence."
From this summary description of the numer-
ous and representative sources from which the
Department collects American opinion, it is clear
that the Department ascribes importance to what
the public is thinking. The sample of news-
papers, magazines, and radio commentators is
designed to include every outlook, every shade of
thought on these major foreign-policy questions.
Public opinion, as registered through these vari-
ous channels, is considered by desk officers con-
fronted with day-to-day problems and by top offi-
cials who must make major decisions. Public
opinion is often an important factor in preparing
the Department's recommendations to the Presi-
dent for his final action on foreign-policy ques-
tions.
The job of the American citizen in the second
half of the 20th century is very challenging, per-
haps more difficult than ever before. There are
not only foreign-policy problems but domestic
problems which must be faced on the national,
state, and local levels. It's a big job ; but the mag-
nitude of the citizen's job does not diminish the
importance of his role in foreign affairs. It was
never more important than today.
Soviet Proposal for 5-Power Peace Pact
In response to questions concerning Soviet For-
eign Minister V. M. Molotov's proposal for a five-
power peace pact contained in a message to the
Congress of the Peoples in Defense of Peace,
Michael J. McDermott^ Special Assistant for
Press Relations, made the following statement on
April 28:
The Department would regret if the discus-
sion of outstanding issues now disturbing the
peace of the world were to degenerate into a mere
propaganda battle. Mr. Molotov has seen fit to
address his proposal for a five-power pact, which,
incidentally, has been a standard Stalinist-
Communist proposal for many years, to an un-
official body which has served for a long time as
a front for the international Communist move-
ment.
The Department still awaits official action on
the part of the Soviet Union to promote the cause
of peace, not mere words. In any event, a pact
of this sort appears to be unnecessary in view
of the Charter of the United Nations, which is a
peace instrument binding on all nations.
International Wheat Agreement
Signed at Washington
Negotiations which had begun at the end of
January culminated in the signing at Washington
on April 13 of a new International Wheat Agree-
ment.^ Signature was made by 17 countries.
The new agreement is the result of the Inter-
national Wheat Council's decision to recommend
to member governments that the present Wheat
Agreement, which is due to expire on July 31
of this year, be extended for a further 3-year
period. This 3-year period will encompass a new
price range of $2.05 maximum and $1.55 minimum
as a replacement for the present range of $1.80
maximum and $1.20 minimum. (The new maxi-
mum price of $2.05 was found unacceptable by the
United Kingdom delegate, who informed the
Council that while his Government desired a re-
newal of the agreement, it was not prepared to
accept a maximum price above $2.)
During the course of negotiations the Council
also agreed to recommend to governments a num-
' Copies of the renewed agreement may be obtained by
writing to tlie Division of International Conferences, De-
partment of State.
714
Department of State Bulletin
ber of textual amendments to be incorporated in
the new agreement. These were introduced largely
on the basis of tlie experience gained in the opera-
tion of the Wheat Agreement since 1949 and are
intended to clarify certain parts of the agreement
and to improve its operation. None of these rec-
ommended changes, liowever, alters the basic prin-
ciples on which the agreement was ongnially
established.
A provision of the new agreement will permit
the Council, under certain conditions, to select an
expert advisory panel to give the Council an
advisory opinion before taking a decision on any
dispute arising on the application or interpreta-
tion of the agreement. The present position mider
which the Council is the final arbiter on all
disputes is unaffected.
The following tables set forth the gviaranteed
imports and exports of wheat and their distribu-
tion, bv countries which have been recommended
to governments by the International "Wlieat Coun-
cilj'^and will apply under the renewed International
Wlieat Agreement.
The Department of State on April 27 an-
nounced (press release 218) that the agreement
had been signed on behalf of 39 countries up to
and including April 24, 1953.
Those signatories include the 4 exporting coun-
tries now members of the International Wlieat
Council, namely, Australia, Canada, France, and
the United States of America, and 35 of the im-
porting countries now members of the Council,
namely, Austria, Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, Cey-
lon, Costa Rica, Cuba, Denmark, the Dominican
Republic, Ecuador, Egypt, the Federal Republic
of Germany, Greece, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras,
India, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Japan, Lebanon,
Guaranteed Sales
Crop year August 1
t"o July 31
1953-
54
1954-
55
1955-
56
Equivalent
in bushels
for each
crop year
thousands of metric
tons
Australia '
Canada
France
United States of
America
2,041
6,804
10
7,353
2,041
6,804
10
7,353
2,041
6,804
10
7,353
75, 000, 000
250, 000, 000
367, 437
270, 174, 615
Total ....
16, 208
16, 208
16, 208 595, 542, 052
1 In the event of the provisions of article X being invoked by Australia
bv r?asSn of a short crSp, it will be ^eeogTii^ed that certam markets by
virtue of their geographical position, are traditionally depoident upon
Australia for the supply uf their requirements o wheat gram and wheat
flour. The necessity of meeting these requirements will be on"^. f 'f.f '.''^
tors to be taken into account by the Council m determmmg the ability of
Australia to deliver its guaranteed sales under this agreement m any crop
Liberia, Mexico, the Netherlands, Nicaragua, Nor-
way, Panama, the Philippines, Portugal, Saudi
Arabia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, and the
Union of South Africa.
The Department further announced on April 28
(press release 222) that the agreement had been
signed by El Salvador, Iceland, Indonesia, New
Zealand," Peru, and Venezuela on April 27, which
was the final date for signature.
Forty-five of the forty-six countries, members
of the International Wheat Council, have now
signed the agreement. The United Kingdom did
not become a signatory.
Guaranteed Purchases
Crop year August 1
to July 31
Austria
Belgium
Bolivia
Brazil
Ceylon
Costa Rica
Cuba
Denmark
Dominican Republic .
Ecuador
Egypt
El Salvador
Germany
Greece
Guatemala
Haiti
Honduras
Iceland
India
Indonesia
Ireland
Israel
Italy
Japan
Lebanon
Liberia
Mexico
Netherlands ....
New Zealand . . .
Nicaragua
Norway
Panama
Peru
Philippines ....
Portugal
Saudi Arabia. . . .
Spain
Sweden
Switzerland ....
Union of South Africa
United Kingdom . .
Venezuela
1953-
54
1954-
55
195.5-
56
thousands of metric
tons
Total (42 coun-
tries) ...
250
615
95
360
255
35
202
50
26
35
400
20
1,500
350
25
45
15
11
1,500
142
275
215
850
1,000
75
2
415
675
160
10
230
20
185
236
175
60
145
25
215
320
4,819
170
16, 208
250
615
95
360
255
35
202
50
26
35
400
20
1,500
350
25
45
15
11
1,500
142
275
215
850
1,000
75
2
415
675
160
10
230
20
185
236
175
60
145
25
215
320
4,819
170
Equivalent
in bushels
for each
crop year
250
615
95
360
255
35
202
50
26
35
400
20
1,500
350
25
45
15
11
1,500
142
275
215
850
1,000
75
2
415
675
160
10
230
20
185
236
175
60
145
25
215
320
4,819
170
16, 208 16, 208
9, 185, 927
22, 597, 382
3, 490, 652
13, 227, 736
9, 369, 646
1, 286, 030
7, 422, 229
1, 837, 185
955, 336
1, 286, 030
14, 697, 484
734, 874
55, 115, 565
12, 860, 299
918, 593
1, 653, 467
551, 156
404, 181
55, 115, 565
5, 217, 607
10, 104, 520
7, 899, 898
31,232, 154
36, 743, 710
2, 755, 778
73, 487
15, 248, 640
24, 802, 004
5, 878, 994
367, 437
8, 451, 053
734, 874
6, 797, 586
8, 671, 515
6, 430, 149
2, 204, 623
5, 327, 838
918, 593
7, 899, 898
11, 757,987
177, 067, 939
6, 246, 431
595, 542, 052
May 18, 1953
715
World Trade Week, 1953
PROCLAAIATION '
Whk;E-\.s it is the policy of tliis Government to fibster
mutual understanding and friendship amoni; nations ; and
Wheiusas world trade, freely conducted by private en-
terprise, increases material well-being and develops
friendly intercourse amon^ free peoples ; and
Whereas international trade among the nations of the
free world adds to the economic strength upon which their
common defense is based ; and
Whereas increased international exchange of goods,
services, and capital promotes better economic utilization
of the world's resources and higher standards of living;
and
Whereas expanded world trade advances the ideal of
unity among all mankind and strengthens the foundation
for lasting peace and prosperity :
Now, Therefore, I, Dwight D. Eisenhower, President of
the United States of America, do hereby proclaim the week
beginning May 17, 1953, as World Trade Week ; and I re-
quest the appropriate officials of the Federal Government
and of the several States, Territories, possessions, and
municipalities of the Vnited States to cooperate in tlie
observance of that week.
I also urge business, labor, agricultural, educational,
and civic groups, as well as the people of the United States
generally, to observe World Trade Week with gatherings,
discussions, exhibits, ceremonies, and other appropriate
activities.
In Witness Whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and
caused the Seal of the United States of America to be
affixed.
Done at the City of Washington this twenty-third day
of April in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred
[seal] and fifty-three, and of the Independence of the
United States of America the one hundred and
seventy-seventh.
By the President :
Walter B. Smith,
Acting Secretary of State
Maintaining Mutually Advantageous Trade With Latin America
by Edward G. Cede
Director of the Office of Regional American Affairs ^
Public attention in the United States in the
foreign relations field has for some time naturally
been concentrated largely on developments in
Korea and in the war torn areas surrounding the
Soviet Union. I am glad to have the opportunity,
however, to call your attention to the continued
significance to the United States of our neighbors
south of the Rio Grande.
The United States and the countries of Latin
America are closely bound together by ties of
geography, history, and economics. We share
common ideals. Our interests and those of the
Latin American countries are such that we have
customarily found ourselves holding essentially
the same views on important political issues.
Our commercial interdependence with the Latin
American countries is very close. From the stand-
point of military defense they are a great asset to
us and we to them.
Geogi-aphically, except for Canada, Latin
America is our closest neighbor. It has a popula-
tion that is slightly larger than our own. It con-
tains regions of great strategic importance from
• No. 3012, 18 Fed. Reg. 2469.
' Excerpts from an address made before the Export-
Import Club at Richmond, Va., on Apr. 22 (press release
202 dated Apr. 20).
the viewpoint of U.S. and Western Hemisphere
defense.
Our direct private investments in the area are
large, amounting to approximately 5 billion dol-
lars. In fact, if investments in Canada are ex-
cluded, United States direct private investments
in Latin America exceed those in all the other
countries of the world combined.
Our trade with the area is also very large. In
1952 Latin America exported to the United States
about 3.4 billion dollars worth of goods or ap-
proximately 32 percent of total U.S. imports fi'om
all sources. In addition to basic foodstuffs such
as coffee and sugar, we imported from Latin Amer-
ica many of the raw materials which we must have
either to live comfortably in peace or to fight ef-
fectively in war. Included in this group of im-
ports are many strategic and critical materials.
Indeed, Latin America is the major single source
of some 20 materials on the U.S. stockpile list.
Latin America is also an important market for
U.S. exports and is heavily dependent on the sup-
plies which it receives from the United States.
Latin America's imports from the United States
in 1952 amounted to approximately 3.5 billion dol-
lars or about half of its imports from all sources.
Tlie security and well-being of the United States
require a close and cooperative relationship with
Latin America. Geogi-aphic proximity alone
716
Deparlmenf of Sfafe Bulletin
would necessitate such a relationship, if only to
secure the southern approaches to the United
States and our communications between the At-
lantic and Pacific Oceans. Geographic proximity
also enhances the value to the United States, par-
ticularly in time of war, of the wide variety and
laro-e volume of strategic and other raw materials
upon which our industries are becoming increas-
ingly dependent.
The Latin American countries also have a vital
stake in the maintenance of close and cooperative
relations with the United States. Their security
as well as ours is involved in the maintenance of a
strong Western Hemisphere. Their dependence
upon" their trade with us is especially great.
Among the important consumer goods which Latin
America purchased in the United States m 1952
were 227 million dollars of wheat and flour, 82
million dollars of other grains and preparations,
72 million dollars of fruits and vegetables, 25 mil-
lion dollars of tobacco and manufactures, 217
million dollars of textile manufactures, and 431
million dollars of automobiles, parts, and acces-
sories. Among capital goods and industrial raw
materials which they purchased from us during
the same year were 220 million dollars of iron and
steel mill products, 308 million dollars of chemi-
cals and related products, and 727 million dollars
of electrical and industrial machinery.
The Question Asked by Our Neighbors
These are dull figures, but they translate into
such basic things as the sulfur needed to keep
Cuba's rayon plants in operation, steel towers to
carry transmission lines from newly developed
hydroelectric plants in Brazil, and equipment for
expanding Chile's steel mill capacity. In the
period of stringency following the Korean crisis
the United States kept these essential commodi-
ties moving out to satisfy civilian requirements in
Latin America on the same priority schedule that
it used for civilian requirements here in this coun-
try. We were a reliable supplier. Whether we
will prove an equally reliable purchaser now that
the pendulum is swinging in the opposite direction
is a big question for the future and one which our
neighbors are asking with some apprehension.
How much they can continue to buy here depends,
in a very direct way, on how much they can sell
here, for under present conditions there is no layer
of accumulated capital for these countries to draw
upon.
Latin American exports to the United States
represent much more than the flow of a given
amount of goods. They represent employment
for a large segment of their population. They
represent the means of obtaining the goods which
they need to improve their health and comfort.
More importantly, perhaps, they supply the dollar
exchange for the purchase of the capital equip-
ment and for the servicing of the dollar indebted-
May 18, 1953
ness and equity investment which are required for
their economic development.
The need for such development is evident.
Latin America has the natural resources both to
build home industry and agriculture and to expand
foreign trade. However, while conditions vary
widely from country to country, average per
capita income in Latin America as a whole is about
one-eighth of the per capita income in the United
States. How urgent it is, from the viewpoint of
future inter-American cooperation, that the
United States facilitate the further development
of their resources becomes more evident from day
to day. The people of Latin America are today
deeply conscious of the disparity between the liv-
ing standards of all but the more wealthy among
them and the living standards of the average citi-
zen in countries like ours. They believe that this
disparity can and should be overcome. They are
resolved to improve upon life as they have known
and lived it in the past. A foundation for general
economic development in Latin America, is, in
fact, being established. The governments, and
private citizens as well, are investing greater funds
than ever before in agriculture, power, and indus-
trial facilities. The governments are increasing
their budgets for education, health and social
security, public works, and agricultural develop-
ment. Progress is slow, however, in terms of need
for it.
We in this country, in appraising the situation,
must realize that La'tin America is actually in the
midst of a social revolution. We must understand
that our Latin American neighbors are deeply
conscious of the need for social reform to correct
age-old abuses. In many areas of activity there
is little that we can or should do, for the Latin
American countries must work out their own
destinies. We should be fully aware, however,
that old institutions and old concepts— including
the concept of cooperation with the United
States — are being critically examined everywhere.
We must, to the extent that we are able, help our
Latin American neighbors understand that our
attitude is one of cooperation but not of inter-
ference in their problems and must endeavor to
remove the basis for any justifiable complaint they
may have against us. We, of course, have the
right to expect them to show a corresponding com-
prehension of the problems facing us and to take
similar action regarding our grievances.
It is my opinion that nothing in our relations
with the Latin American countries will be of
greater importance in the immediate future than
the trade policy which we adopt. No subject is
receiving more critical inquiry on their part at
the present time. They are asking such questions
as these :
Are the prices they receive for the products they
sell to the United States fair?
Are the prices which they pay for the products
they buy from us reasonable ?
717
Does the United States recognize any respon-
sibility for lielping to afford a continuing marlvct
for their products after they have expanded their
l)roduction in order to meet our temporary war
l)roduction needs?
Does the United States expect them to remain
producers of foodstuffs and raw materials only,
and not to diversify their economies ?
I understand, of course, that some of these ques-
tions fail to give sufficient recognition to the in-
terests which the Latin American countries have
had in the worldwide struggles that have raged
throughout the life of this generation; that they
show insufficient understanding of the fact that
those struggles were the struggles of the Latin
American countries as well as ours and that the
rights and interests which we have fought to pro-
tect are not only our own rights and interests
but those of free men everywhere. I believe that
it is essential that we also understand, however,
that a large part of the people in Latin America
are so much concerned with the day-to-day prob-
lem of procuring the means of subsistence that
they have not realized, and do not now realize,
that they have any real stake in the outcome of
those struggles. It is also necessary that we under-
stand, especially in view of the social changes
that are now occurring in Latin America, that it
is highly important that not only government
officials but the people of Latin America know
and understand just what the attitude of the
United States is toward Latin America's problems.
The U.N. Resolution on Terms of Trade
I can illustrate the importance which our Latin
American neighbors attach to their trade with us
and some of the current problems involved in that
trade, I believe, by indicating the role which the
Latin American Republics played in the adoption
by the General Assembly of the United Nations
late last fall of a resolution dealing with the
terms of trade.^ By "terms of trade," I mean
the ratio between the prices of the goods a coun-
try sells and the prices of the goods it buys.
When a fixed quantity of a country's exports will
exchange for more of the goods the country must
import, the terms of trade are moving in its favor ;
if the quantity of goods it receives for its imports
declines, the terms of trade are becoming less
favorable. This resolution recommended that
governments which adopt measures affecting the
prices of raw materials entering into international
trade should consider the effect of such measures
on the terms of trade of underdeveloped countries
in order to insure that the prices of these pri-
mary commodities are kept in an adequate, just,
and equitable relation to the prices of capital
goods and other manufactured articles. The in-
tent of the resolution, as explained by its pro-
ponents, was to facilitate the establishment of fair
wage levels in the less developed countries and to
permit a more rapid growth of domestic savings.
The United States was not opposed to the con-
cept of fair and equitable prices. We believed,
however, that the relationship between the prices
of raw materials and the prices of manufactured
goods, especially during recent years, has been
favorable to the producers of the former. We also
were of the opinion that there is no effective waj^,
internationally, of maintaining any fixed relation-
ship between the prices of large numbers of com-
modities and that there is no criterion other than
the free play of market forces by which to deter-
mine what is a just price.
The resolution was, nevertheless, adopted by an
overwhelming vote. It had been introduced by
a representative of one of the Latin American
countries. Nineteen Latin American delegations
joined with the delegations of 16 other countries
to give a total vote of 35 for the resolution. Fif-
teen countries, including the United States, op-
posed it. The resolution was carried by more than
a two-thirds majority, and there is no doubt in my
mind that it had the approval of the overwhelm-
ing majority of the Latin American people who
had given any consideration to it.
LTndoubtedly one of the principal forces moti-
vating the supporters of the resolution was the
fear that the favorable price relationship tliat has
existed during the last several years might not
continue. Raw material prices have generally
fluctuated much more widely in the past than have
the prices of industrial goods. Furthermore, as
you know, there has been a tendency for tlie prices
of many foodstuffs and raw materials to move
downward in recent months and there is, I am sure,
apprehension on the part of producers of these
products in other countries just as there is among
producers of such products in the United States.
You will appreciate the fact that at a time when
the Latin American countries fear that they may
face a period of declining prices for their exports,
when they desire so much to improve their mate-
rial lot, and when they recognize that one of the
principal means of realizing this objective is
through the maintenance of a high volume of mu-
tually advantageous trade with us, our trade rela-
tions with them are of very great importance.
Whatever we do to reduce their exports to us will
not only reduce our exports to them, in virtually
the same pro)ioi-tion, but will be reflected in their
political orientation and in the ability of the free
world to defend itself.
President Eisenhower in his recent statement
to Congress concerning renewal of the Trade
Aijreements Act * placed our trade policy in the
context of our total foreign policy. What he said
in that connection is entirely applicable to our
relations with Latin America and may be taken
' U.N. doc. A/resolution 86.
718
' Bulletin of Apr. 27, 1953. p. 634.
Department of Sfafe Bulletin
as a summary of what I have been trying to say
to you this evening. In that statement President
Eisenhower said:
Our trade policy is only one part, although a vital part,
of a larger problem. This problem embraces the need to
develop "through cooperative action among the free nations
a strong and self-supporting economic system capable of
providing both the military strength to deter aggression
and the rising productivity that can improve living
standards. . ^ ^ ■ t,,-
No feature of American policy is more important in this
respect than the course which we set in our economic
relations with other nations. The long term economic
stability of the whole free world and the overriding ques-
tion of world peace will be heavily influenced by the
wisdom of our decisions. As for the United States itself,
its security is fully as dependent upon the economic health
and stability of the other free nations as upon their
adequate military strength.
After calling attention to the complexity of this
problem and to the fact that building a productive
and strong economic system within the free world
will require action by other governments, as well
as the United States, over a wide range of eco-
nomic activities, President Eisenhower contmued :
In working toward these goals, our own trade policy
as well as that of other countries should contribute to
the highest possible level of trade on a basis that is profit-
able and equitable for all. The world must achieve an
exiJanding trade, balanced at high levels, which will permit
each nation to make its full contribution to the progress
of the free world's economy and to share fully the benefits
of this progress.
OEEC Group, U.S. Officials
Discuss Economic Problems
Summary of Discussions
Major economic problems of mutual concern to
the United States and Western Europe were dis-
cussed during a week of conferences, which opened
on April 10, between a delegation of the Organi-
zation for European Economic Cooperation
(Oeec) and U.S. Government officials.
The conferences opened with a meeting at the
Department of State of the Oeec group. Under
Secretary of State Walter Bedell Smith, Secre-
tary of the Treasury George M. Humphrey, and
Director for Mutual Security Harold E. Stassen.
The European delegation was headed by Sir
Hugh Ellis-Rees, chairman of the Council of the
Oeec and chief of the U.K. delegation to Oeec.
Other members of the delegation were Ambassador
Attilio Cattani, chairman of the Oeec executive
committee and head of the Italian delegation to
Oeec; Baron Snoy, chairman of the Oeec steering
board for trade and secretary general of the Bel-
gian ministrv of economic affairs ; and Hans Karl
von Mangoldt, chairman, European Payments
Union managing board, and member of the Ger-
man delegation to Oeec. Robert Marjolin, Oeec
secretary ^general, also participated in the talks.
May 18, 7953
The Oeec is composed of 17 European countries
including virtually all of the nations of free
Europe. The United States and Canada are as-
sociated in the organization and participate in its
work. The Oeec was created in 1948 in recog-
nition of the fact that American assistance to
Europe under the Marsliall plan could be effective
only with maximum self-help and mutual coopera-
tion among the European nations themselves.
Since 1948 tlie Oeec has provided machinery
through which the member countries have worked
together to reduce trade barriers, increase pro-
duction, stabilize finances, balance their accounts
with one another and with the outside world, and
solve other economic problems.
Text of Joint Communique
1. Representatives of the United States and the
Organization for European Economic Cooperation
(Oeec) have today (April 16) concluded a week
of intensive exploratory discussions on the com-
mon economic and financial problems of the North
Atlantic area. The discussions were concerned
primarily with the problems raised last December
in the Fourth Report of the Oeec and in last
month's US-UK talks, and in the Oeec Ministerial
Council Meeting. As foreseen in the communique
issued following the US-UK talks in March,i the
United Kingdom suggestions were discussed with
the Organization in the course of the March 23-24
Oeec Ministerial Council Meeting. The present
talks provided an opportunity for further con-
sultations between representatives of the Oeec and
the United States.
2. The discussions were informal in character,
directed to obtain a fi-ank exchange of views on a
wide range of economic problems of common in-
terest. The Oeec delegates reviewed develop-
ments leading up to the Organization's Fourth
Report, issued last December under the title,
Europe — The Way Ahead. In this connection,
they pi-esented an analysis of European economic
problems and prospects. They also explained cer-
tain suggestions for meeting those problems which
would involve measui-es to be taken by European
countries and by the United States.
3. The Oeec Delegation exchanged views with
senior officials of the United States administration,
including the Secretaries of State, Treasury and
Commerce, and the Director for Mutual Security.
During the course of the meetings, U.S. officials
and the visiting delegation discussed European
economic policies of common concern, and United
States economic policies which have a significant
impact on Europe. The exchange led to a better
understanding of the economic problems common
to the United States and Europe.
4. The discussions revealed complete under-
^ Bulletin of Mar. 16, 19.")3, p. 395.
719
standing and agreement on the vital necessity for
pui*suing sound economic policies. Kepresenta-
tives foi- both sides stated it to be their objective
to seek (/) stable and growing economies which
would permit rising living standards, necessary
investments and adequate collective or individual
defense efforts, (w) sound internal economic
policies directed at maintaining financial stability,
and {Hi) freer and expanded world trade and an
improved system of international payments.
There was general agreement that these purposes
would be furthered by continuing efforts and close
cooperation on both sides of the Atlantic.
5. In presenting their analysis, the Oeec dele-
gates stated that, despite the great progress made
during the past five years, they regarded the pres-
ent economic situation in Europe as far from satis-
factory, and they stressed the urgency of the need
for action. The Oeec views were along the fol-
lowing lines :
(a) The task facing Europe was to continue
the cooperative efforts which had already pro-
duced important results. Although the total
volume of European exports to the rest of the
world was today about two-thirds higher than
pre-war levels, dollar earning from exports had to
be increased. To that end, and in order to meet
other vital needs, especially in the field of defense,
it was necessary to increase European production
and productivity and make European exports more
competitive. Further efforts should be made to
reduce trade restrictions, among the European
countries themselves and with the rest of the
world ;
(b) The United States could play a role in re-
storing conditions for expansion of world trade
and payments by measures in the fields of com-
mercial policy, foreign investment and raw ma-
terials. U.S. policies with regard to tariffs,
shipping and customs procedures were of consider-
able importance to Oeec countries, which require
dollars to buy agricultural products, raw mate-
rials and manufactured goods in the United States.
The Euroix-an countries had great interest in
increasing exports to the United States, so as to
reduce the imbalance between them and the United
States. U.S. investment abroad could assist in
making possible a freer international trade and
payments system. As regards raw materials, it
would be useful if ways could be found to moderate
the widespread disturbances caused by violent
fluctuations in their prices. Problems relating to
freer movement of persons were also mentioned.
6. Points raised by United States representa-
tives involved an exploration of various individual
or concerted measures by which European coun-
tries might improve the competitiveness of their
exports in third areas, as well as in the United
States market, with a view to improving both their
immediate balance of payments situations and
720
til
le I
their consequent opportunities for obtaining th(
real economic benefits of freer trade and paymen
on a broader basis. With respect to possible
measures to be taken by the United States, the
representatives of the United States pointed out
that reviews of U.S. foreign economic policy were
being undertaken. In this connection, attention
was drawn to the appointment of Mr. Lewis
Douglas, and members of Mr. Douglas' staff par-
ticipated in the discussions.
7. The representatives of the Government of the
United States also related their support of these
objectives to tlie continuing interest of the United
States in further progress toward European inte-
gration, through such arrangements and institu-
tions as the European Defense Community, the
European Political Community, the Coal and Steel
Community, and the Organization for European
Economic Cooperation.
U.S. Terminates Further Vesting
of German Property
White House Announcement of April 17 >
The White House on April 17 announced the
termination of the progi-am for vesting German-
owned properties located in the United States.
This action constitutes a further step in the
orderly conclusion of a wartime measure in-
augurated by the U.S. Government shortly after
the outbreak of World War II.
Attorney General Brownell stated that after
April 17, 1953, the Department of Justice will not
issue any orders vesting new or additional German
properties. Secretary of State Dulles stated that
the decision taken represents one of a series of
progressive steps looking toward the develop-
ment of normal relations between the United States
and the Federal Republic of Germany.
Under the provisions of the Trading with the
Enemy Act, enemy-owned properties in the United
States at the outbreak of World War II were
immediately immobilized and later vested. Im-
mobilization prevented the enemy from using
these assets to further its war effort, and by vest-
ing these assets the U.S. Government obtained
reparation for the payment-of-war claims.
Text of Statement by Chancellor Adenauer'
[Translation]
The termination of the confiscation of German
prewar assets announced on April 17 by the White
House signifies a further important step on the
path to a complete normalization of German-
American economic relations. The American |
' Released to the pres.s at Augusta, Ga.
2 Made at Boston on Apr. 17.
Department of State Bulletin
Government has thus generously and speedily
complied with a wish which the Federal Chan-
cellor liad presented during his conferences in
Washington.^ _ , • , .• r^
In accordance with American legislation, tjer-
man assets in the United States were frozen at
the outbreak of the war, and later were tor the
most part confiscated in favor of the American
Government. Such confiscation of German pre-
war assets continued until very recently. Today's
statement terminates the era of confiscations
which constituted a burden on German- American
postwar relations. A new important stage has
been entered.
The Federal Government welcomes tins state-
ment by wliich the American Govermnent demon-
strates again that it is working in an exemplary
manner to restore normal economic relations in
the interest of all the countries of the free world.
The Federal Government is convinced that this
step by the leading economic nation of the world
will have favorable repercussions on the treat-
ment of German prewar assets in other countries,
too.
Anniversary of Polish Constitution
Statement ly Secretary DuUes
Press release 227 dated May 1
Today [May 3] is the 162d anniversary of the
adoption of the Polish Third of May Constitution,
a step of worldwide significance on the road
toward modern, Western democracy. In the days
of its independence the Polish Nation celebrated
this anniversary freely and with patriotic de-
votion as the national holiday. In their present
unhappy bondage the Polish people commemorate
the occasion no less solemnly, although those m
Poland, as we all know, may do so only in their
hearts and thoughts. .
The Polish Nation is rightly proud of its
splendid history which illustrates, as does all his-
tory, that no tyranny can suppress permanently
the freedom of a nation which truly desires free-
dom. Freedom— the freedom of nations as well
as freedom of the individual— is at the heart of
American policy. It is the same principle which
the Poles inscribed on their banners— "for our
freedom and for yours."
On this occasion I send to the Polish people an
expression of the warm, friendly sympathy of the
American people and of their Government. We
salute true Poles wherever they may be. We join
with them in the hope and faith that the Polish de-
sire for freedom and independence will find the
fullest realization.
"For information relating to the Chancellor's visit to
Washington, see Botj-etin of Apr. 20, p. 568.
May 18, 1953
Anniversary Message on Japanese
Peace Treaty
Press release 220 dated April 28
Secretary Dulles has sent the following message
to the Jafanese people on the occasion of the first
anniversary of the .laparvese peace treaty :
I am happy, indeed, to send my greetings to
the people of Japan on the first anniversary ot
the Treaty of Peace. A year ago, Japan became
a sovereign and independent nation and a mem-
ber of the international society. I know that the
Japanese people are proud of their independence
and sovereignty and will guard them carefully.
Wliile the restoration of Japan's independence
under the peace treaty is indispensable for Japan s
future, Japan's active interest and participation
in a growing number of international organiza-
tions is an impressive fulfillment of one of the
objectives underlying the Treaty of Peace. I hope
that Japan can become a full member ot the United
Nations, as such a large majority of its members
have already favored. t a
During the past year, our two peoples have faced
many complex and difficult problems together.
We each have come to a greater understanding of
the other's problems. I am sure that this under-
standing will continue to increase as time goes
by This anniversary is an occasion for the Jap-
anese and American people to reaffirm their de-
termination to work together with other friendly
peoples for peace and security.
Notification Regarding Prewar
Agreements With Japan
Press release 211 dated April 24
The Department of State announced on April
U that on Apnl 22, 1963, the Japanese Goverru-
ment was given official notification, m accordance
with the terms of the Treaty of Peace with Japan
signed at San Francisco September 8, 1951, re-
garding the prewar bilateral treaties and other
mternational agreements with Japan which the
U.S. Government desires to keep in force or revive.
The 7Wtlficafion, which was handed by U.S. Am-
bassador John M. Allison to the Japanese Min-
ister for Foreign Affairs, is as follows:
I have the honor to refer to the Treaty of Peace
with Japan, signed at San Francisco September 8,
1951, which came into force, in accordance with
the provisions of article 23 thereof, on April 28,
1952 upon the deposit of instruments of ratifica-
tion by Japan, the United States of America, Aus-
tralia, Canada, France, New Zealand, Pakistan
and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland. Article 7(a) of the Treaty of
Peace reads as follows :
721
Each of the Allied Powers, within one year after the
present Treaty ha.s come into force between it and Japan
will notify Japan which of its prewar bilateral treaties or
conventions with Ja])an it wishes to continue in force or
revive, and any treaties or conventions so notified shall
continue in force or be revived subject only to such amend-
ments as may li« neces.sary to ensure conformity with the
present Treaty. The treaties and convention.s so notified
shall be considered as having been continued in force or
revived three months after the date of notification and
shall be reRistered with the Secretariat of the United
Nations. All such treaties and conventions as to which
Japan is not so notified shall be regarded as abrogated.
I have the honor, by direction of the Govern-
ment of the United States of America and on its
behalf, to notify the Japanese Government, in ac-
cordance with tlie provisions of the Treaty of
Peace quoted above, that the Government of the
United States of America desires to keep in force
or revive the followino; prewar bilateral treaties
and other international agreements with Japan:
Extradition
1. Treaty relating to the extradition of criminals
Signed at Tokyo April 29, 1886. Entered into force
November 26, 1886.
2. Supplementary convention relating to the extradition
of criminals. Signed at Tokyo May 17, 1906. Entered
into force October 5, 1906.
Narcotic Drugs
3. Arrangement for the direct exchance of certain in-
formation regarding the traffic in narcotic drugs Ef-
fected by exchange of notes at Tokyo February 16 and July
D, i.t_'8. Entered into force Jlily 6. 1928.
4. Arrangement for the exchange of information relat-
ing to the seizure of illicit narcotic drugs and to persons
engaged in the illicit traffic. Effected by exchange of
notes at Tokyo April 23 and September 6,"l929.
Postal
5. Convention for the exchange of money orders
lior t;''' Washingon April 1,8, and at Tokyo May 23,
15)85. Jintered into force October 1, 1885.
6. Additional convention to the convention for the
exchange of money orders. Signed at Tokyo May 2.5 and
f ?c<;i'''''"S^''° '^"°'^ 22, 1888. Entered into force October
J., looo.
7. Additional articles to the convention for the exchange
of raone.y orders. Signed at Tokyo April .5 and at Wash-
ington May 4, 1889. Entered into force June 24, 1889
8. Additional convention for the exchange of postal
money orders. Signed at Tokyo Miy 7 and at Washington
June 1, 1904. Entered into force July 1, 1904
«if; ^I'^T'rl P°''' ^"''^^™*'"^' ^"^^ detailed regulations.
10?^'',?^^"'?? •^"°<" !• ^^^^ •■'"<' at Washington June 20,
19..8. Entered into force July 1, 1938.
Propertij—Lenseholds
10. Arrangement relating to perpetual leaseholds. Ef-
fected by exchange of notes at Tokyo March 25, 1937
iintered into force March 25, 1937.
Smuggling — Liquor
11. Convention for the prevention of the smuggling of
uitoxicating liquors. Signed at Washington Mav 31, 1928
iintered into force January 16, 1930.
Ta.ration
12 Arrangement relating to reciprocal exemption from
i,?ff "V".? Z '"come from the operation of merchant vessels
l-lfected by exchange of notes at Washington March 31
and .une 8, 1926. Entered into force June 8, 1926-
operative retroactively from July 18, 1924.
The treaties and other international agreements
listed above shall be considered as having been
722
continued in force or revived 3 months after the
date of this note, i. e., July 22, 1953.
It is understood, of course, that either of the
two Governments may propose revisions in any
of the treaties or other agreements mentioned in
the above list.
Further, it shall be understood that any of the
provisions in the treaties and other agreements
listed in this notification which may be found in
particular circumstances to be not "in conformity
with the Treaty of Peace shall be considered to
have been deleted so far as the application of the
Treaty of Peace is involved, but shall be regarded
as being in full force and effect with respect to
matters not covered by the latter treaty.
In compliance with" article 7 (a) of the Treaty
of Peace, quoted above, the U.S. Government will
register with the Secretariat of the United Nations
the treaties and other agreements which are by this
notification kept in force or revived.
Accept [etc.]
U.S. Properties on Chinese Mainland
Press release 217 dated April 27
The Department has noted an apparent mis-
understanding contained in a syndicated article
written by Robert S. Allen, which was published
in the New York Post on April 16. The effect
of the misunderstanding is to do an injustice to
the Chinese Nationalist Government.
Possibly on the basis of the recent hearings
before a subcommittee of the Committee on Ap-
propriations of the House of Representatives, the
erroneous inference was drawn that the Chinese
Nationalist Government unjustifiably endeavored
to collect $2,600,000 from the U.S. Government
for properties on the mainland of China sold to
the U.S. Government, but allegedly not delivered
as a result of the withdrawal of the Chinese Na-
tionalist Government to Formosa in late 1949.
A condensed description of the transaction by
Leland W. King, Jr., Director of Foreign Build-
ings Operations for the Department, made on
March 25 before the subcommittee on the Depart-
ments of State, Justice, and Commerce is found
on page 196 of the hearings. The fact is that
the properties in question were actually bought
by the Chinese Nationalist Government from pri-
vate owners, paid for in Chinese currency, and
delivered according to agreement to the U.S. Gov-
ernment in 1948 and early 1949. The properties
were occupied and used by the U.S. Government
for some time, both before and after the with-
drawal of the Chinese Nationalist Government
from the mainland. The U.S. Government ar-
ranged to pay for these properties by crediting
their cost against the Chinese indebtedness to the
United States under the surplus property disposal
agreement. The Chinese Nationalist Government
never demanded payment in cash for these prop-
erties.
Department of State Bulletin
The properties were not vacated by the U.S.
Government until its Foreign Service establish-
ments in Communist China were closed and all
Foreign Service personnel withdrawn from main-
land China early in 1950. The properties were
tlien left in the care of the British Government,
which represents American intei-ests in Commu-
nist China. Most of the properties were seized
by tlie Chinese Communists late in 1950.
The Chinese Nationalist Government at the re-
quest of the U.S. Government agreed in Septem-
ber 1952 to take back title to certain of these
properties, thus releasing for use elsewhere the
allotment earmarked by the Department of State
for the purchase of these properties. Throughout
these negotiations the cooperative action of the
Chinese Nationalist Government has been evident.
The Reed IVIission to Pakistan
Press release 219 dated April 27
The Secretary of State and the Director for
Mutual Security are sending Harry Reed of Pur-
due University to Pakistan for an on-the-spot
surve}' of the wheat situation. Pakistan has re-
quested U.S. assistance in meeting a deficit this
year estimated by Pakistan at 1.5 million tons. A.
forecasted food crisis in this drought-stricken
country is of deep concern to the United States. A
firstlumd report by Mr. Reed's 3-man survey team
will greatly assist in reaching a decision on Pak-
istan's request for aid.
Mr. Reed is dean of the College of Agriculture
and director of the Agriculture Extension Service
of Purdue University. He has devoted his life to
agriculture, working in the extension field, and
serving as a professor and as director of experi-
ment stations. His associates on the mission in-
clude Norman J. Volk, associate director of the
Agriculture Experiment Station at Purdue Uni-
versity, and Peter H. Delaney of the Office of
South Asian Affairs, Department of State. The
date of departure for Pakistan is not definitely
determined, but it is hoped that Mr. Reed will
have a report ready in May.
Under an emergency U.S. loan of $15 million
provided in September 1952,^ Pakistan has pur-
chased and shipped some 160,000 tons of Ameri-
can wheat as a part of its heavy wheat imports
arranged since the beginning of its current food
year (May 1952-April 1953). These 1952-53 im-
ports and the anticipated sharp deficit for the
19.")3-54 food year are due to severe curtailment
of wheat yields in two successive years, resulting
from drought and insufficient water for irrigation.
' Bulletin of Sept. 29, 1952, p. 490.
Current Legislation on Foreign Policy
Protocol to Treaty of Friendship, Commerce, and Consular
Rights With Finland. Message From the President
of the United States Transmittinfc Protocol, Sif-'ned at
Washington on December 4, 1952, modifying the
Treaty of Friendship, Commerce, and Consular
Rights Between the United States and Finland,
siirned at Washington on Februai-y 13, 1934. S. Exec.
C, S3d Cong., l.st sess. 4 pp.
Seventh General Assembly of the United Nations. Re-
port of Senator Alexander Wiley as a delegate to the
Seventh General Assembly of the United Nations,
October 17 to December 21, 1952, together with cer-
tain sijeeches made in the United Nations. S. Doc.
25, 83d Cong., 1st sess. 6S pp.
Importation of Foreign Agricultural Workers. Report
(To accompany H. K. 3480). H. Kept. 229, 83d
Cong., 1st sess. 5 pp.
Rubber Act of 1948. Message from the President of the
United States transmitting recommendations relative
to the Rubber Act of 1948, as amended, relating to the
Synthetic-Rubber Program. H. Doc. 123, 83d Cong.,
1st sess. 2 pp.
Submerged Lands Act. Report from the Committee on
Interior and Insular Affairs, Senate of the United
States, to accompany S. J. Res. 13. March 27, 1953.
S. Rept. 133, 83(1 Cong., 1st sess. 81 pp.
Personnel Investigations of Employees and Applicants For
Employment in the Executive Branch of the Govern-
ment for Loyalty, Suitability, and Security. A Re-
port With Conclusion.s and Recommendations Made
as a Result of the Investigation Into the Personnel
Needs and Practices of the Various Governmental
Agencies. S. Doc. 29, 83d Cong., 1st sess. 20 pp.
Agreements With the Federal Kei)ublic of Germany. Mes-
sage From the President of the United States trans-
mitting an agreement on German external debts, an
agreement regarding the settlement of the claims of
the United States for postwar economic assistance
(other than surplus property), an agreement relating
to the indebtedness of Germany for awards made by
the Mixed Claims Commission, an agreement Con-
cerning the Validation of German Dollar Bonds. S.
Execs. D, E, F, and G, S3d Cong., 1st sess. 243 pp.
Tax Treaty Negotiations
With Australia
Press release 224 dated April 29
U.S. and Australian tax officials have com-
pleted draft agreements of conventions between
the two countries. These conventions are con-
cerned with the avoidance of double taxation
with respect to taxes on income, gifts, and estates
of deceased persons. In due course, they will be
submitted to the respective Governments for con-
sideration. The discussions, which were held at
Washington fi'om April 13 to April 25, were a
continuation of those successfully initiated at
Canberra in !March of 1952.
Head of the U.S. delegation was Eldon P.
King, head of Office of International Tax Rela-
tions, Bureau of Internal Revenue. P. S. Mc-
Govern, Commissioner of Taxation of Australia,
headed the Australian delegation.
May J8, 7953
723
The Working Party of the International Tin Study Group
hy Clarence TF. Nichols
The International Tin Study Group ^ has ap-
pointed a AVorking Party to consider proposals for
intergovernmental action regarding tin. The
Working Party will report to the chairman of the
Steering Committee of the U.N. Conference on
Tin as to whether conditions exist for the resump-
tion of that conference at a suitable date.
The action appointing the Working Party was
taken by the seventh meeting of the Study Group
held at London from March 23-27, 1953. The
Working Party, which is open to all members of
the Study Group, is scheduled to meet at Brussels
on June 15, 1953.
The U.N. Conference on Tin, which met at
Geneva from October 25 to November 21, 1950, ad-
journed subject to the possibility of being recon-
vened on the initiative of its chairman. The
chairman submitted to the seventh meeting of the
Study Group a request for advice concerning the
question of reconvening the Geneva conference.
The Study Group concluded that it would not be
advisable for the conference to be reconvened until
additional preparatory work had been completed.
The Study Group considered, however, that fur-
ther informal consultation among the governments
which are principally interested in tin should be
arranged as promptly as possible. This view was
based particularly on the present statistical posi-
tion of tin on a world basis and the prospect that
strategic stockpiles will not continue to absorb a
'The International Tin Study Group was formed pur-
suant to a reconimendation of tlie International Tin Con-
ference, held at London in October 1946. The basic
purpose of the group is to maintain a continuous inter-
governmental review of the world supply and demand
situation, both present and prospective, with respect to tin
in all its forms.
Membership in the Group is open to all sovernments
which have a substantial interest in the international
trade of tin. The \Z countries which are members ac-
counted for over 00 percent of world production and about
80 percent of world consumption of tin, exclusive of the
U.S.S.R., in 1952. The member countries are Australia,
Lelffium, Bolivia, British Colonial and Dependent Terri-
tories, Canada, France, India, Indonesia, Italy the
Netherlands, Thailand, the United Kingdom, and the
United States.
724
tonnage equal to the difference between production!
and consumption of tin at the present time.
The Study Group calculated world-mine pro-
duction of tin in 1952 at 165,000 long tons. World
consumption in 1952 was estimated at 126,000 long
tons. These figures are exclusive of tin produc-
tion and consumption in China, Eastern Germany,
and the U.S.S.R.
In estimating production for 1953 and 1954, the
Study Group took account only of production from
plant and equipment already in operation, under
rehabilitation, or under commitment, and assumed
the existence in the principal producing countries
of political and social stability and other factors
permitting continuity of current operations.
As a basis for its estimates concerning future
consumption, the Study Group assumed that cur-
rent levels of industrial production will be main-
tained in all tin-consuming countries, that foreign
exchange will be available for the purchase of full
requirements of tin, and that the use of tin will
not be restricted by official limitations. On the
basis of those assumptions, the Study Group esti-
mated that the excess of production over consump-
tion in 1953 and in 1954 would be approximately
as great as it was in 1952.
Tin had ceased to present a problem of acute
shortage in the United States during 1952. Sup-
plies and requirements came into approximate bal-
ance. Private importation of tin was resumed
by the United States in the summer of 1952.
Early in 1953 the United States discontinued the
domestic allocation of tin and removed all of its
remaining limitations upon use or inventories of
tin.
The U.S. Government had indicated in a series
of statements made during 1952 and 1953 by the
Defense Production Administration, the National
Production Authority, the Munitions Board, and
U.S. representatives in the International Tin
Study Group that the strategic stockpiling pro-
gram of the United States will soon have acquired]
the full amount of tin called for by the present
goal of the stockpile.
Unless unforeseen changes occur in the produc-
Deparfment of State BuUetin\
tion or consumption of tin, it appears that a sub-
stantial readjustment might result from the com-
pletion of stockpile procurement. Such an ad-
justment could involve an extended period of in-
stability in the price of tin, with adverse effects
upon the economic and political interests of con-
suming countries as well as producing countries.
Production of tin is the principal source of em-
ployment, foreign exchange, and governmental
revenue in Bolivia. The tin industry is also
important in other producing areas, especially in
Malaya, Indonesia, Thailand, Belgian Congo, and
Nigeria. Adjustments of production in the tin
industry are characteristically slow; one difficulty
is that alternative employment is limited in the
tin-producing areas.
If commercial stocks of tin were to accumulate
to a burdensome extent, the capacity for produc-
tion might eventually contract to a level even
below the rate of continuing commercial demand.
A. period of unduly depressed prices might then
be followed by a period of shortage and excessively
high prices. This would be a repetition of an ex-
treme cycle to which tin has been subject in the
past.
The possibility that notably unstable conditions
might develop in the world tin situation was the
principal concern of the International Tin Study
Group in March 1950, when the Group requested
that the United Nations sponsor an intergovern-
mental conference on tin. This conference, which
opened at Geneva 6 months later, had available
as a basis for its discussions the draft of an
intergovernmental agreement prepared by the
Study Group. This draft agreement contemplated
an intergovernmental program through which the
tin-producing countries and the tin-consuming
countries could act together to reduce the degree
of instability which confronts the procurement
and marketing of the metal internationally. The
draft program included provisions concerning the
regulation of supplies and prices through the op-
eration of an international buffer stock and the
application of export quotas by the producing
countries.
The situation and outlook for tin at the time of
the Geneva conference were dominated by the
sharp increases in demand which were then affect-
ing practically all raw materials during the months
immediately following the invasion of Korea. The
type of inibahince which the Study Group had
principally in view as of March 1950 did not ap-
pear to be imminent at the time of the Geneva
conference. The draft agi-eement which had been
submitted by the Study Group and the various
international measures proposed during the con-
ference differed so widely in their methods of
operation that the conference concluded that a
further and separate examination by governments
of these various alternatives was needed.
The discussion during the Geneva conference
focused attention on several key problems upon
May 18, 1953
which agreement would be needed in speciflc terms
to provide a basis for intergovernmental action.
These key questions included : The circumstances
under which a limitation of exports might lx;come
effective ; the precise means by which such a limita-
tion could be applied; and the manner in which
an international buffer stock would be organized
and administered. An international commodity
agreement for tin would of course also have to
specify its objectives in terms of a price range
considered reasonable. In addition, such an agree-
ment might provide for international allocation
in time of general shortage.
The resolution of adjournment of the U.N. con-
ference instructed the chairman of the conference,
with the assistance of the executive secretary :
(a) to keep under review the further discussions and
conclusions of the International Tin Study Group,
(6) to consult, on tlie basis thereof, with the meuiliers
of the Steering Committee, with a view to deciding upon
a suitable date for a resumption of the conference,
(c) to consult the Secretary-General of the United Na-
tions upon the further provision of the services and facil-
ities of the conference; and, being satisfied that the
conditions for a resumption exist, to request the Secretary-
General to invite those governments which were invited
to the present meetings to come together again.
The Steering Committee of the U.N. Confer-
ence on Tin included the chairman of that con-
ference, Georges Peter of France, and representa-
tives of four tin-producing countries (Belgian
Congo, Bolivia, British Colonial and Dependent
Territories, and Indonesia) and four tin-consum-
ing countries (Canada, India, United Kingdom,
and United States), all of which are also repre-
sented in the International Tin Study Group.
• Mr. Nichols, author of the above article, is
a special assistant in the Office of International
Materials Policy and is U.S. representative in the
Management Committee of the International Tin
Study Group. He has been the U.S. delegate to
meetings of the International Tin Study Group
since 19Jf9 and ivas chairman of the U.S. delega-
tion to the 1950 U.N. Conference on Tin at Geneva.
Communiques Regarding Korea
to the Security Council
The Headquarters of the U. N. Command has
transmitted communiques regarding Korea to the
Security-General of the United Nations under the
followino- U. N. document numbers: S/2945,
Mar. 4; S/2945, Mar. 6; S/2946, Mar. 6; S/2950,
Mar. 9 ; S/2951/Corr. 1, Mar. 10 ; S/2952, Mar. 11 ;
S/2953, Mar. 12; S/2955, Mar. 12; S/2958, Mar.
16; S/2959, Mar. 16; S/2960, Mar. 18; S/2961,
Mar. 19; S/2962, Mar. 23; S/2964, Mar. 23;
S/2966, Mar. 26; S/2969, Mar. 31; S/2973, Mar.
31 ; S/2976, Apr. 1 ; S/2977, Apr. 2 ; S/2984, Apr. 8.
725
Documents on Korean Armistice Negotiations
Summary of May 2 Plenary Meeting
1. Delegations reconvened 1100 hours this date. Sub-
stanoe of record follows :
2. Communists: "I have a statement to make. In your
statement of yesterday you mentioned the procedure of
the current negotiations. According to the nature of the
questions, our side considers that the procedure of the
negotiations should be to decide upon first the principle
of sending to a neutral nation those prisoners of war not
directly repatriated and then the nomination of the specific
neutral nations.
"Your side has already been informed that with the
prerequisite of sending to the neutral nation those prison-
ers of war not directly repatriated, our side is prepared to
nominate an Asian neutral nation.
"Your side indicated yesterday that aside from Switzer-
land you would also consider Sweden. With regard to
this I would like to point out again that our side fully
agrees that the neutral nations constituting the neutral
nations' supervisory commission agreed upon by both sides
are all neutral nations. But the essence of the question
is that under the principle of sending to a neutral nation
those prisoners of war not directly repatriated, it is ob-
viously impractical to send them to Europe which is far,
far away. The reasons should be very clear.
"Among those neutral nations agreed upon by both sides
for constituting the neutral nations' supervisory commis-
sion there are Poland and Czechoslovakia in addition to
Switzerland and Sweden. Would your side agree to send-
ing to Switzerland, Sweden, Poland, and Czechoslovakia
those prisoners of war not directly repatriated?
"With the prerequisite of sending to a neutral nation
these prisoners of war not directly repatriated, our side
holds that both sides should consult with each other and
decide upon an Asian neutral nation.
"Your side said that an Asian neutral nation was not
suitable. Our side does not agree to such an assertion.
There are many neutral nations in Asia, such as India,
Burma, Indonesia, and Pakistan. Can you possibly say
that these neutral nations are not suitable?
"Your side has requested our side to nominate a specific
neutral nation. Our side is not unwilling to do so, but
our side considers it inappropriate to proceed with the
specific nomination before the principle of sending to a
neutral nation those prisoners of war not directly re-
patriated is decided upon.
"If our side nominates a neutral nation where those
prisoners of war not directly repatriated will be sent for
accommodation while your side refused to decide upon
the principle of sending them to a neutral nation, would
this not put the neutral nation which has been nominated
in an embarrassing position?
"Therefore, our side holds that both sides should first
decide upon the principle of sending to the neutral nations
those prisoners of war not directly repatriated. As to
your objection to sending those prisoners of war not di-
rectly repatriated to a neutral nation, your side has failed
to give any tenable reason.
726
"In the interest of the progress of the negotiations we
hold that the principle of sending to a neutral nation
those prisoners of war not directly repatriated should
immediately be decided upon.
"I would like to hear any constructive views of your
side."
3. Unc : "Your statement this morning indicates a re-
turn to your negotiating methods of our earlier sessions
which terminated in futility last October. For example,
you have just asserted that we said that we rejected an
Asian state as the neutral. That, of course, is not a true
statement. Since we said no such thing and did so in 3
languages, English, Korean, and Chinese, we cannot see
how you could make, other than deliberately, the untrue
statement we have just heard from you.
"You should know that such misstatements cannot in
any way help in the reconciliation of our different posi-
tions in these negotiations.
"I note also a second point in your statement which ap-
pears to be illogical. If I understood you accurately, it
was to the efl:ect that it might be embarrassing to the neu-
tral selected if we do not agree as a prerequisite to trans-
portation of the prisoners to the territory of that country.
We cannot understand why this should be unless you have
already a prearranged understanding to that effect with
the country you propose to nominate."
4. Communists: "Please repeat that again."
(Last paragraph above repeated.)
5. Unc : "In that case we can well understand that you,
rather than the neutral, would be embarrassed if we do
not agree to send the prisoners to that country. Further,
we cannot see why a true neutral could not perform its
functions in Korea as well as elsewhere.
"In this connection, you have stated that the essence of
the problem is that it is 'impractical to send the prisoners
to Europe which is far, far away.' With this sentiment
I can well agree. It is in fact impractical to transport the
prisoners overseas. The only practical solution is for the
neutral nation to take custody in Korea.
"Resuming these talks on the basis of your suggestion
that the prisoners who are the subject of this discussion
be turned over to a neutral power for disposition, our
side sought agreement initially on Switzerland as the cus-
todial neutral and later on Sweden. Both are prominent
neutrals.
"In its external relations Switzerland has maintained
an absolute neutrality for 150 years. It has no alliances
with other powers; has not even joined the United Na-
tions. Internally, it is unified and tranquil. Thus, its
government is not subject to pressure from without or
from within. Its government is long established and has
developed a high level of competence in its administra-
tive ofiicials. Its economic, political, and social welfare
situation has been such that it could participate in
benevolent activities in all parts of the world without
unfavorable results to its own people through the diver-
sion of effort and resources from its domestic problems.
"For these reasons, Switzerland has frequently been
requested to serve in the role of an impartial third party
in disputes between nations. It has responded to such
Deparimenf of Sfate Bulletin
requests on numerous occasions, and it has always given
\n exact performance of the duties so undertaljen. As
1 byproduct it has built up a fund of experience in
5uch matters. Perhaps the major portion of such dis-
Dutes have involved the treatment of war prisoners. As
a result, Switzerland has personnel who are better quali-
,fied to deal with this problem than could be found
■slsewhere. „ .,
••In respect to the current problem, Switzerland is geo-
graphically far removed from the area of conflict, which
further insures the objectivity of its approach to problems
that mav have been engendered by that war.
"In brief, no one could possibly name a country better
qualified to serve in the role of custodial neutral in the
current situation than Switzerland. If another country
could be named, it would be Sweden, whose qualifications
tor handling this problem differ only slightly from those of
Switzerland in that it is a member of the thiited Nations.
In all other aspects, both internal and external, Sweden
and Switzerland are equally qualified to serve in the role
of custodial neutral. Both are preeminently qualified.
Either is acceptable to our side.
"Neither would it be necessary to transport the pris-
oners to either of these countries. With you, we consider
it undesirable and the reason applies to all o\erseas
movement of the prisoners. In any such case tlie Pris-
oners would require movement to a port, loading on
ships overseas movement, unloading at the port ot the
neutral state, transportation to the actual site of cus-
tody. In essence the only difference between the move-
ment vou say is impracticable and the one you demand
is a short period of actual travel on the sea. Yet you
would make these few days a vital matter. The only
reasonable solution is to keep the prisoners m Korea
during the period of custody.
'•To facilitate progress in these negotiations, you wiu
recognize the validity of these arguments and join us in
a request to one of these two nations to serve as the
custodian of those prisoners who, while in the custody of
the detaining power, fail to avail themselves of their right
to be repatriated. j-/i„f„
"We are prepared to hear the name of your candidate
for the neutral state. If you are not yet ready to give
us that name we see no value in further discussion today.
6 Communists: "Today also your side has not shown
any effort for expediting the progress of the negotiations.
Text of Communists' Proposal for Settling Prisoner Question
Fouowino is the te<vt of the proposal presented ly the chief Communist delepate, General
Nam II, at Panmunjom on May 7;
(1) Within 2 months after the armistice
agreement becomes effective, both sides shall,
without offering any hindrance, repatriate
and hand over in groups all those prisoners of
war who insist upon repatriation to the side
to which the prisoners of war belong, in ac-
cordance with the related provisions of para-
graph 51, Article 3 of the armistice agreement
and in conformity with the final names lists
exchanged and checked by both sides.
(2) In order to facilitate the return to
their homelands of the remaining prisoners
of war who are not directly repatriated, both
sides agree that a neutral nations repatriation
commission shall be established, to be com-
posed of an equal number of representatives
appointed respectively by 5 nations, namely,
Poland, Czechoslovakia, Switzerland and
Sweden, the 4 nations provided for in para-
graph 37, Article 2 of the armistice agreement,
ami India as agreed upon by both sides.
(3) All prisoners of war of both sides, with
the exception of those prisoners of war who
shall be directly repatriated as provided for
in paragraph 1 of this proposal, shall be re-
leased from the military control and custody
of the detaining side at the original places of
detention and be handed over to the neutral
nations repatriation commission, provided for
in paragraph 2 of this proposal, which shall
receive them and take them into custody. The
neutral nations repatriation commission shall
have the authority to exercise its legitimate
functions and responsibilities for the control
ot the prisoners of war under its temporary
jurisdiction. In order to ensure the effective
execution of this authority, the member na-
tions of the neutral nations repatriation com-
mission shall each provide an equal number
of armed forces.
(4) The neutral nations repatriation com-
mission, after having received and taken into
custody those prisoners of war who are not
directly repatriated, shall immediately make
arrangements so that within the time limit of
4 mouths after the neutral nations re-
patriation commission takes over the custody,
the nations to which the prisoners of war
belong shall have freedom and facilities to
send personnel to the original places of de-
tention of these prisoners of war to explain
to all the prisoners of war depending upon
these nations so as to eliminate their ap-
prehensions and to inform them of all matters
relating to their return to their homelands,
particularly of their full right to return home
to lead a peaceful life.
(5) Within 4 months after the neutral na-
tions repatriation commission receives and
takes into custody the prisoners of war, and
after tlie explanations made by the nations
to which they belong, the speedy return to
their fatherlands of all those prisoners of war
who request repatriation shall be facilitated
by the neutral nations repatriation commis-
sion, and the detaining side shall not offer any
obstruction. The administrative details for
the repatriation of such prisoners of war shall
be settled through consultation between the
neutral nations repatriation commission and
the sides. „ ,, ,. ,- ...
(6) If, at the expiration of the time limit
of 4 months as provided in paragraph 4 and 5
of this proposal, there are still prisoners of
war in the custody of the neutral nations
repatriation commission, their disposition
shall lie submitted for settlement through
consultation to the political conference as pro-
vided in paragraph 60, Article 4 of the armis-
tice agreement.
(7) All the expenditures of the prisoner of
war during the period in the custody of the
neutral nations repatriation commission, in-
cluding their traveling expenses in returning
to their fatherlands, shall be borne by the
nations to which they belong.
(S) The terms of this proposal and the
arrangements arising therefrom shall be made
known to all prisoners of war.
May 18, 1953
727
I hope your side will make such efforts. Our side has
clearly shown its stand. I proi)o.se to recess until 1100
hours, May 4."
7. TiNc: "If agreeable to you, Admiral Daniel requests
your liaison group to remain for scheduled meeting. We
agree to rc<ess until 1100 hours, 4 May."
8. Communixt.i: "In order to hold the liaison group's
meeting, Major (Jeneral Loe Sang Jo will remain."
9. Meeting adjourned at 1205 hours.
Summary of May 4 Plenary Meeting
1. Delegations reconvened at 1100 hours this date.
Substance of record follows.
2. Unc : "I have a statement to make.
"We are obliged to tell you once again that we will not
engage in protracted and fruitless discussion during the
current negotiations.
"Since our return here 8 days ago we have heard you
submerge, under a variety of obstructive provisions, the
essentially simple and constructive principle under which
we agreed to resume these talks — that those prisoners
who refused to be repatriated be turned over to a neutral
power for disposition.
"It is obvious that the first matter to be explored,
in connection with a principle such as this, is the matter
of the custodial neutral. Consequently, our side, in a
forthright manner, proposed that Switzerland be requested
to serve in this capacity. We cited its qualifications
which cannot be equalle<l. When your side refused to
agree to Switzerland, we proposed Sweden, and we cited
its outstanding qualifications for the custodial role. By
contrast, your side has refused even to name a neutral.
You have indicated only a geographical area from which
a neutral might be selected. What can be your motive for
conducting these negotiations in this obscure manner?
"You have said that the neutral must be an Asian na-
tion. Since the essential qualifications of the country to
take custody of the prisoners are its neutrality and com-
petence, we fail to see that its geographical location is
relevant. Nevertheless you insist on that requirement,
you appear to have even further limited the field for
selection. In our meeting of Saturday, 2 May, you asked
us a question. It was, 'There are many neutral nations
in Asia, such as India, Burma, Indonesia, and Pakistan.
Can you possibly say that these neutral nations are not
suitable?'
"Unless your question was intended to serve nothing
more than purposes of propaganda, we must assume that
you consider each of the 4 countries which you named to be
both neutral and competent and, therefore, suitable. It
is possible, of course, that you may have a particular one of
them in mind for your candidate, but since you have been
either unprepared or unwilling to name it, we have had to
take the initiative in this matter in the furtherance of an
armistice. In our sincere effort to achieve an agreement
which will insure a just disposition of the prisoners, we
are prepared to meet you half way in the matter of the
neutral nation. Although we have previously nominated
Switzerland and Sweden, we are now prepared to nominate
one of the four countries which you have named. Based
on your statements, we expect that our nomination will
be quite acceptable to .vou and will result in quick agree-
ment on this issue. If so. then this will have been the
first indication since these talks began that there may be
some justification in our agreement to meet with you
again. We hope that this indication may not be nullified
by subsequent negotiations.
"We now nominate Pakistan, an Asian nation both
neutral and coniX)etent, and one of the four whose suita-
bility you obviously implied in your question to us.
Now we expect you to demonstrate your sincerity by
agreeing to have this power serve as custodial neutral."
3. ComniunistH: "I have a statement to make.
"Our side holds that those prisoners of war not directly
repatriated should be sent to a neutral nation so that
they can be completely freed from the influence of the
detaining side. With this as a prerequisite, our side has
already indicated that our side Is prepared to nominate
an Asian neutral nation.
"It must be pointed out that there is a vast difference
between the situation of sending the.se prisoners of war
to a neutral nation and that of keeping them in Korea.
Our concrete proposal for sending to a neutral nation
those prisoners of war not directly repatriated is reason-
able, practical, and concrete.
"Our proposal provides that the detaining side should be
responsible for sending those prisoners of war not directly
repatriated to a neutral nation concerned agreed upon
by both sides and release them from its military control.
The authorities of the neutral nations shall then receive
them and take them into custody in an area designated
by such authorities. Our j)roposal also provides that the
authorities of the neutral nation concerned should have
the authority to exercise their legitimate functions and
responsibilities for control of the prisoners of war under
their temporary jurisdiction.
"When the prisoners of war not directly repatriated are
sent to a neutral nation agreed upon by both sides and
released from the military control of the detaining side
to the custody of that neutral nation, then the question
of forcible retention by the detainins side when its mili-
tary control [is removed] will not arise. Therefore, our
proposal is reasonable.
"On the other hand, the authorities of the neutral
nation shall have the authority to exercise their legiti-
mate functions and resp<jnsibilities for the control of the
prisoners of war under their temporary jurisdiction. For
instance, they .shall place necessary armed forces to keep
guard on such prisoners of war. A practical question
which must be settled is thus settled. Therefore, our
proposal is practical. Your side has never given any
tenable reason for opposing the reasonable and practical
proposal of our side.
"Your side objects to sending to a neutral nation those
prisoners of war not directly repatriated and proposes to
keep such prisoners of war in their original places within
the detaining side, using the existing installations which
would be demilitarized. But If such prisoners of war
were not sent to a neutral nation, how could the military
control of the detaining side concretely be thoroughly re-
moved so as to free the prisoners of war completely from
the influence of the detaining side? And how could It
be possible at the same time to enable the neutral nation
to effectively take charge of such prisoners of war and
maintain order at the locations where they are to be
accommodated ?
"Our proposal provides that after the arrival in a
neutral nation of those prisoners of war not directly re-
patri.ited. the nations to which they belong shall send
I>ersonnel to make explanations to all the prisoners of war
depending upon them, and that the authorities of the
neutral nation concerned shall be responsible for facilitat-
ing the speedy return to their fatherland of all those pris-
oners of war who request to be repatriated home.
"The provisions of our proposal are so reasonable and
explicit that your side has failed to give any reasons for
objecting to it. The contradiction between the 2 state-
ments made by your side on this question at the plenary
session of 26 April only confirms us in this impression of
ours.
"It is the concrete proix)sal for effecting a settlement
of the entire question of the prisoners of war that our 2
sides are discussing now."
4. Unc : "You have again failed to name your candidate
for the neutral nation. After all the effort our side has
made to reach an equitable compromise on this issue, even
nominating one of the Asian states indicated by you as
suitable, the continued evasion by your side can only be
considered as inspired by motives other than those of
reaching an equitiible agreement.
"Time in these discussions is fast running out. Are
you prepared to accept Pakistan as the neutral nation?
If not, we have no other issue to discuss with you."
728
Deparfment of State Bulletin
5 Communists: "Our side holds that those prisoners of
icar not directly repatriated should be sent to a neutral
fation agreed upon by both sides. Our side has indicated
'learly many times that with this prerequisite our side
rurenared to nominate an Asian neutral nation. Our
ide ^till considers that both sides should first decide upon
he principle of sending those prisoners of war not di-
rectly repatriated to a neutral nation, then proceed with
' he nomination of a si>eciflc neutral nation.
"On this question, our side has repeatedly made clear
he position of our side. I consider it unnecessary to re-
fpriito it ■
"I hope that vour side will carefully study my state-
nent. I propose that we recess until 11 o'clock tomorrow
norning."
G. Unc: "We agree."
7. Meeting recessed at 1140 hours.
Nummary of May 5 Plenary Meeting
1. Delegations reconvened at 1100 hours this date. Sub-
stance of meeting follows.
2 Communists: "I have a statement to make.
"Our side has noted that your side has nominated
Pakistan to serve as the neutral nation. Our side has
consistently held that with the prerequisite of sending
to a neutral nation those prisoners of war not directly
repatriated, both sides decide upon an Asian neutral
nation. . . »• i,„
"Your side agreed yesterday that an Asian nation be
named to serve as the neutral nation and specifically
nominated Pakistan. This action is worth welcoming.
••I would like to know whether your side has agreed
to transport to that neutral nation the remaining prison-
ers of war not directly repatriated so as to implement
the six-point proposal put forward by our side. We hope
that your side will clarify this question."
3 Unc ' "We consider that the designation of the cus-
todian is a primary element of the principle of custodian-
ship bv a neutral power. Our side has tried diligently
to reach agreement on this matter and we have at various
times nominated three neutral states, one of which you
previously indicated would be acceptable to you. Are you
willing to solve this problem or not?
"If I have understood vour question correctly, you have
iust asked if we agree that the prisoners of war not
directlv repatriated shall be physically transported to
the territory of the neutral country where that country
will exercise its custodial functions. If this is your ques-
tion, the answer is 'no.'
"A.S to the place of custody, there can be no real prob-
lem* The neutral state must take custody, withm de-
militarized areas of Korea, of those prisoners who have
not been directly repatriated. To transport these manj
thousands of prisoners overseas is entirely unnecessary
to the purpose of the custody. It would be time consum-
ing and would needlessly delay the final solution of the
problem. Moreover, the prisoners could not be moved
prior to the resolution of their status without force, and
many would destroy themselves rather than submit to
removal from Korea. In the face of these facts and your
own recognition that transportation of the prisoners to
a distantland is impractical, your side might well spare
itself the efifort of continuing to advocate that unaccept-
able course of action." ,,■,,„„
4 Communists: "The important question which con-
fronts the delegations of both sides at present is whether
those prisoners of war not directly repatriated shall be
sent to a neutral nation or be kept in Korea to be taken
into custody there by a neutral nation. These are ^
fundamentally different situations, and they require en-
tirely different concrete arrangements.
"Our side has consistently held that those prisoners of
war not directly repatriated shall be sent to a neutml
nation and has objected to keeping them in Korea. We
consider it the most reasonable and practical measure
to send them to a neutral nation. Your side has held
May 18, 1953
that they should be taken into custody in Korea by a
neutral nation and has specifically nominated Pakistan
to take them into custody in Korea. We should like to
know what steps your side would take to remove the mili-
tary control of the detaining side so as to free the pris-
oners of war from its influence? How would your side
at the same time enable the neutral nation which your
side has nominated to effectively take charge of the pris-
oners of war whose number according to your side runs
into tens of thousands? How would your side maintain
order and tranquility in the prisoner of \v:ir ciiinps?
I hope that your side will clarify these questions?"
5. Unc: "We have noted your questions.
"We consider that such matters can be readily and
effectively solved in such manner that custody can be
exercised efficiently and with due fairness to the individual
prisoners concerned and to our 2 sides.
"We have asked for your nomination of a neutral. It
is obvious that since the details about which you have
asked can be solved without serious difficulty, it should
be no real problem to you to nominate a neutral to per-
form the custodial functions. We therefore ask you again
the name of your nominee.
"In order to reach accord quickly, we ask your side
to agree to one of our nominees if you are not prepared to
make a nomination."
6. Communists: "Our side considers that to send pris-
oners of war to a neutral nation and to keep them in
Korea to be taken into custody there by a neutral nation
are 2 fundamentally different situations which require
entirely different concrete arrangements. Since your side
has nominated Pakistan to take the prisoners of war into
its temporary custody in Korea, your side must already
have your idea of how Pakistan shall perform- its
functions.
"I cannot understand what necessity there is for your
side not to answer the simple question of our side. What
concrete steps would your side take to remove the mili-
tary control of the detaining side so as to free the pris-
oners of war from the influence of the detaining side?
How does your side propose to enable the neutral nation
which your side has nominated to effectively take charge
of such prisoners of war?
"Siieciflcally, does your side intend to invite the neutral
nation to send its armed forces to Korea for taking the
I)risoners of war into its custody? I hope that your
side will clarify these questions."
7. Unc : "Regardless of subsequent negotiations as to
the detail's of the arrangements for exercise of custody,
that custody must be exercised by a neutral nation. Unless
we reach agreement on all elements of the matter of cus-
tody and final disposition of the prisoners, there will not
be "an armistice. Therefore, there is no need to discuss
these details prior to agreement on the neutral state.
On the other hand, the qualifications of the state selected
is a primary consideration which affects all of the other
details. Your evasion of the matter of agreeing on the
neutral merelv causes suspicion as to your motives in
view of our efforts to meet you half-way. Thi.s evasion
has the effect of making us recognize more than ever
the importance of designating the custodial state before
discussing other details of arrangement.
"Unless you are prepared to accept one of our nominees
or nominate a different one, we have nothing further to
sav."
8. Communists: "Since your side has nominated Pakis-
tan to serve as a neutral nation, we consider that your
side has the obligation to make it clear just how to request
Pakistan to accomplish its functions. Our side considers
that while nominating Pakistan to serve as a neutral
nation your side cannot refuse to make it clear where
and what functions you want this country to perform.
"Just as in the past meetings, when either side puts
forward a proposal. It has the obligation to clarify it.
We consider that it is an important question of principle
to release the prisoners of war not directly repatriated
from the control of the detaining side so that they can
he freed from the influence of the detaining side and
729
also at the same time to enable the neutral nation to
effectively take charge of the prisoners of war and main-
tain oriler in the prisoner of war camps.
"We would still like to know the concrete views of your
side on the questions I have put forward."
9. Unc : "I have nothing further to say."
10. Communists: "I hope you will give an answer to my
questions tomorrow morning. I suggest that we recess
until 11 o'clock tomorrow morning."
11. Unc : "We agree."
12. Meeting recessed at 1159 hours.
Summary of May 7 Plenary Meeting
1. Delegations reconvened at 1100 hours this date.
Substance of record follows.
2. Communists: "I have an important statement to make.
"In the concrete proposal for implementation which our
side put forward on April 26, the disposition of the re-
maining prisoners of war who are not directly repatri-
ated is based upon the prerequisite of sending them to a
neutral nation. But discussion in the armistice negoti-
ations of the past 10 days has proved that your side has
been trying to obscure this prerequisite of our side by the
settlement first of the question of the nomination of the
neutral nation, thereby attempting to realize the otlier
prerequisite which your side has put forward, namely,
the prerequisite of keeping in Korea the remaining prison-
ers of war who are not directly repatriated with the neu-
tral nation coming to Korea to take them into custody.
We consider that the 2 prerequisites mentioned above
are entirely ditTerent. Under different prerequisites, there
should be different proposals for disposition. The pro-
posal of our side provides that the Korean and Chinese
prisoners of war who are not directly repatriated be sent
to a neutral nation, released from the original control of
your side, and received and taken into custody by that
neutral nation : that thereafter, through the explanations
made to them by the personnel sent to that neutral nation
by our side, they be freed from their apprehensions so that
it will be possible for them to express their will ; and that
thereafter, the authorities of the neutral nation concerned
ensure that all those prisoners of war who request repatri-
ation be repatriated to their fatherlands.
"However, the proposal of your side provides that the
remaining prisoners of war who are not directly repatri-
ated still be kept in the area controlled by the detaining
side. This would obviously make it impossible for such
prisoners of war to be completely freed from the control
of the detaining side. Moreover, the neutral nation would
meet great difficulties in the area controlled by the de-
taining side in receiving and taking into custody the
prisoners of war, who according to the assertion of your
side are in great numbers. At the same time, such a situ-
ation would not afford due freedom and facilities to the
side concerned for its explanation work. Between these
2 proposals, the proposal of our side best embodies the
principles of the Geneva Convention of 1949 and inter-
national practice, and can thus settle the question of the
repatriation of prisoners of war justly and reasonably.
"But in the discussions of the past 10 davs. vourside
has obstinately insisted upon the prerequisite" of your side
that the remaining prisoners of war not directly repatri-
ated should still be kept in Korea, and that a neutral
nation should come to Korea to receive them and take them
into custody. Such an obstinate action of your side will
again hinder the realization of an armistice in Korea be-
cause of a question of steps and procedure. As a result
the ardent desire for an armistice in Korea of the people
of both sides whose sons are fighting in Korea and of the
peace-loving people of the whole world, will again receive
a blow. In view of this fact. I now declare that we will
continue to reserve the proposal put forward bv our side
on April 26. But on condition that your side accepts the
' Bulletin of May 11, 1953, p. 6S7.
730
following new proposal which our side puts forward now
we are prepared to try to adopt the prerequisite of your
side that the remaining prisoners of war not directly re-
patriated be kept in their original places of detention and
be handed over to a neutral nation which shall arrange
for tlieir repatriation. I must point out that the proposal
put forward on April 26 by our side is more reasonable as
compared to the new one which is based upon the nre-
requisite of your side.
"The contents of our new proposal are as follows :
[For text, see p. 727.]
3. Unc : "We have noted your proposal. We suggest a
recess until 11 o'clock 9 May."
4. Communists: "We agree."
5. Meeting recessed at 1126 hours.
U.S. Delegations
to International Conferences
Fiscal Commission (ECOSOC)
The Fiscal Commission of the U.N. Economic and
Social Council (Ecosoc) is scheduled to hold its fourth
session at New York, beginning on April 27, 1953
The Department of State announced on April 24 (press
release 212) that Edward F. Bartelt, Fiscal Assistant
Secretary, Department of the Treasury, who is the U S
representative on the Fiscal Commission, will he assisted
by Dan Throop Smith, Assistant to the Secretary of the
Treasury, who will serve as principal adviser, and the
following other advisers: Eldon King, Head, Office of
International Tax Relations, Bureau of Internal Revenue
Department of the Treasury ; Frederick Livesev, Adviser'
Office of Financial Development Policy, Department of
State ; Raphael Sherfy, Legal Advisory Staff. Department
of the Treasury.
Because the economic development of many areas of the
world is dependent upon the flow of private investment
capital from highly developed to underdeveloped coun-
tries, the Commission will devote considerable attention
to problems relating to the taxation of foreign invest-
ment, of corporate profits and dividends, and of foreign
nationals, assets, and transactions.
Among other items on the agenda for the fourth session
are (1) world tax service; (2) taxation of agriculture:
(3) government finance and economic development: (4)
government financial reporting; (5) public finance in-
formation service ; and (6) problems of municipal finance.
President Suggests Study
of Immigration and Nationality Act
FoIIoioing is the text of a letter dated April 6
from the President to Senator Arthur V. Watkitis,
chainnan of the Joint Committee on Immigration
and Nationality Policy:
Dear Senator Watkins :
Tliank you for 3'oiir letter of March 20 inform-
ing rne of the plan of your subcommittee to hold
hearings on several immigration bills now pend-
ing before it. I am particularly grateful to have
your assurance that you are prepared to coop-
erate in the formulation and implementation of
an immigration program, insofar as you can con-
sistently do so.
It is only proper to point out to you that I
have received a great many complaints that the
Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 does
Department of State Bulletin
embody many serious and inequitable restrictions.
Wliile I recognize that the act contains some
provisions which represent a liberalizing influ-
ence in the field of immigration law and that a
fundamental revision of a statute cannot be ap-
proachetl without searching analysis, I suggest
that a study of the operation of many of the ad-
ministrative provisions of the Immigration and
Nationality Act of 1952 should be immediately
undertaken, with an invitation to all concerned
to testify regarding the provisions of which they
complain.
In the State of the Union Message I pointed
out that "existing legislation contains injustices." '
Among the administrative provisions of the law
which it is claimed may operate with unwar-
ranted harshness are the following:
The provisions which make inadmissible any
alien who, in the opinion of the consul, is likely
to become a public charge at any time in the
future. This places upon the consul the burden
of forecasting events which cannot be predicted
and, it is claimed, would permit abuse of discre-
tionary judgment.
The provisions which make ineligible for a
visa any alien with respect to whom the consular
officer knows or has reasonable grounds to believe
probably would, after enti-y, engage in espionage,
sabotage or "subversive" activities. It is asserted
that this provision vests in the consul the author-
ity, without restraint, to determine by his own
mental processes the probability of future pro-
scribed conduct, thus permitting a possible abuse
of discretionary judgment.
The provision which permits an immigration
official to interrogate without warrant "any alien
or person believed to be an alien as to his right
to be or to remain in the United States." It is
said that unless the word "believed" is clarified
so as specifically to require "probable cause," an
abuse of this authority could possibly subject any
citizen to improper interrogation.
4
The provisions under which, it is asserted, nat-
uralized citizens have only "second class" citizen-
ship because they, as distinguished from native-
born citizens, can be expatriated because of resi-
dence abroad for certain periods of time, without
reference to any other conduct on their part.
Xew I'estriction upon granting leave to seamen
while ships are in United States porta
' Bulletin of Feb. 9, 1953, p. 211.
6
The provision which exempts from the criminal
grounds of exclusion those aliens who have been
convicted abroad of purely political offenses fails
to define the term "political." It is asserted that
it is therefore difficult for administrative officers
to determine whether the "criminal" offenses for
which individuals have been convicted are indeed
of a criminal, as distinguished from a political,
nature.
7
The provisions permitting aliens who were and
are believers in nazism and fascism to enter the
United States unless it can be affirmatively shown
that they advocated the establishment of those
ideologies in the United States.
8
Deportation provisions that permit an alien to
be deported at any time after entry, irrespective
of how long ago he was involved, after entry, is
an activity or affiliation designated as "subver-
sive." Such alien is now subject to deportation
even if his prior affiliation was terminated many
years ago and he has since conducted himself as
a model American.
9
The provision which authorizes the Attorney
General to suspend deportation of certain de-
portable aliens if "exceptional and extremely ini-
usual hardship" is demonsti-ated. It is asserted,
however, that these restrictive terms are not
explained in the law, thus leaving the interpreta-
tion of the phrase open to administrative deter-
mination, subject to Congressional approval or
"veto." It is argued that the law sliould more
clearly state the standards upon which this dis-
cretionary relief may be granted by the Attorney
General.
10
The provisions which permit the continuation
of up to a 50 percent mortgage extending far into
the future on the quotas of many countries.
Under these provisions it is charged that Estonia
has its quotas partially mortgaged until the year
2146; 2014 for Greece; Poland, the year 2000, and
Turkey, 1964.
It would seem desirable for the Committee on
the Judiciary to investigate these complaints and
the other critical comments which have developed
as a result of the operation of the Immigration and
Naturalization Law of 1952 with a view to achiev-
ing legislation which would be fair and just to
all. I shall appreciate it if you will present these
comments to the members of the committee and
to the chairman of the Senate Committee on the
Judiciary.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower.
May 18, 1953
731
May 11, 1953
Ind
ex
Vol. XXVIII, No. 725
Agriculture
International wheat agreement signed at
Washington 714
American Principles
A new look at our foreign policy (Smith) . . . 703
Areas for deeds, not words (Dulles) 706
Registering public opinion (Foster) 712
American Republics
Maintaining mutually advantageous trade with
Latin American (Cale) 716
Asia
CHINA: U.S. properties on Chinese mainland . . 722
Developments in Laos, Thailand, and Korea
(Dulles) 708
JAPAN:
Anniversary message on Japanese peace
treaty 721
Notlflcation regarding prewar agreements with
Japan 721
KOREA:
Communiques regarding Korea to the Security
Council 725
Documents on Korean armistice negotiations . 726
Text of Communists' proposal for settling pris-
oner question 727
LAOS: "Free Lao Movement" leader 709
PAKISTAN: The Reed Mission 723
THAILAND: Takes measures to maintain se-
curity 709
Australia
Tax treaty negotiations - 723
Claims and Property
U.S. properties on Chinese mainland 722
U.S. terminates further vesting of German
property 720
Communism
Areas for deeds, not words (Dulles) 706
Developments in Laos, Thailand, and Korea
(Dulles) 708
Congress
Current legislation on foreign policy .... 723
President suggests study of Immigration and
Nationality Act 730
World Trade Week, 1953 (Presidential proclama-
tion) 716
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: May 4-9, 1953
RelHa.ses may be obtained from the Office of tbe
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department
of State, Washington 23, D. C.
Press releases issuefi prior to May 4 which api)ear
in this issue of the Bitlletis are Nos. 202 of Apr. 20,
211 of Apr. 24, 212 of Apr. 24, 217 of Apr. 27, 218
of Apr. 27. 210 of Apr. 27, 220 of Apr. 28, 222 of Apr.
2S. 224 of Apr. 29. and 227 of May 1.
No. Date Subject
2:i."> .T/4 Rumania : Letter of credence
2:i6 5/4 Egypt : Letter of credence
237 5/4 Lebanon : Letter of credence
t2.39 5/4 Linder : Resignation
t240 5/4 German documents. 1918^5
t241 5/5 Dulles: Msp program
242 5/5 Present situation in Laos
t24.S 5/5 World Health Assembly
*244 5/5 Death of Tliurinan Barnard
245 r,/6 Threat to Thai security
t246 5/6 Committee on iierformance (IcAO)
247 !5/7 Dulles : International situation
*24S .5/7 Death of Edward Torbert
249 5/8 Smith : A new look at U.S. foreign policy
2.50 5/8 Dulles : I icparture for Near East
1251 5/8 Rubber study group
252 .5/9 Secretary's trip
2."i;! 5/9 Dulles: Laos. Thailand developments
254 .5/9 Dulles : Laos, Thailand, Korean truce
t255 .5/9 Greek problems discussed
*Not printed,
tlleld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
Europe
E^irope strives for unity (Cox) 710
GERMANY: U.S. terminates further vesting of
German property 720
OEEC group, U.S. officials discuss economic
problems, text of conmaunique 719
POLAND: Anniversary of Polish constitution
(Dulles) m
RUMANIA; Letter of credence 709
U.S.S.R. : Soviet proposal for five-power peace
pact 714
Immigration and Naturalization
President suggests study of Immigration and
Nationality Act 730
International Meetings
International wheat agreement signed at Wash-
ington 714
The working party of the International Tin
Study Group (Nichols) 724
U.S. DELEGATIONS: Fiscal Commission
(Ecosoc) 730
Mutual Aid and Defense
Thailand takes measures to maintain security . 709
Mutual Security
A new look at our foreign policy (Smith) . . . 703
Europe strives for unity (Cox) 710
OEEC group, U.S. officials discuss economic
problems, text of communique 719
The Reed Mission to Pakistan 723
Near and Middle East
Letters of credence (Egypt, Lebanon) .... 709
Secretary's visit to Near East and South Asia . . 707
Presidential Documents
President suggests study of Immigration and
Nationality Act 730
PROCLAMATIONS: World Trade Week, 1953 . . 716
Prisoners of War
Documents on Korean armistice negotiations . . 726
Text of Communists' proposal for settling pris-
oner question 727
State, Department of
Registering public opinion (Foster) 712
Soviet proposal for five-power peace pact . . . 714
Strategic Materials
The working party of the International Tin
Study Group (Nichols) 724
Taxation
Tax treaty negotiations with Australia .... 723
Trade
Maintaining mutually advantageous trade with
Latin America (Cale) 716
Treaty Information
Anniversary mesage on Japanese peace treaty . . 721
International Wheat Agreement signed at Wash-
ington 714
Notification regarding prewar agreements with
Japan 721
Tax treaty negotiations with Australia .... 723
United Nations
Communiques regarding Korea to the Security
Council 725
Documents on Korean armistice negotiations . . 726
Fiscal Commission (Ecosoc) 730
Name Index
Adenauer. Chancellor 720
Bartelt, Edward F 730
Cale. Edward G 716
Cox. Henry B 710
Dulles. Secretary 706.707,708,709,721
Eisenhower, President 716, 720, 731
Foster. H. Schuyler 712
Hussein. Ahmed 709
lonescu. Marin Plorea 709
Malik. Charles 709
McDermott. Michael J 714
Nichols. Clarence W 724
Reed. Harry 723
Smith. Under Secretary 703
Souphanouvong, Prince 709
Stassen, Harold E 707
U. S. COVERNMENT PR1NTIN6 OFFICE; 1953
J/ie^ ^eha/y£one7i(/ aw CHa{£^
d. XXVIII, No. 726
May 25, 1953
MUTUAL SECURITY PROGRAM FOR 1954 PRE-
SENTED TO CONGRESS:
Message of the President to the Congress .... 735
Statement by Secretary DuUes 736
Statement by Harold E. Stassen 740
GERMAN LIBRARIES IN ITALY RESTORED TO
FORMER OWNERSHIP 749
SUPPORT FOR EXTENSION OF TRADE AGREE-
MENTS ACT • Statements by Secretary Dulles and
Harold E. Stassen 743
For index see back cover
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
JUN18 1953
'■*T«» O*
*.sv.-.-,y*. bulletin
Vol. XXVIII, No. 726 • Publication 5060
May 25, 1953
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
D.S. Government Printing Office
Washington 26, D.O.
Peicb:
(2 issues, domestic $7.50, foreign $10.26
Single copy, 20 cents
The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 1962).
Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and Items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Department
OF State Bulletin as the source wUl be
appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication compiled and
edited in the Division of Publications,
Office of Public Affairs, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government icith information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy issued by the White House and
tlie Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.
Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of internatiotuil relations, are listed
currently.
Mutual Security Program for 1954 Presented to Congress
MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT
TO THE CONGRESS!
I recommend to the Congress the passage of
legislation extending the Mutual Security Pi-o-
gram in order to enable the United States to carry
out its responsibilities of leadership in building
up the security of the free world and the prospects
for peace both for ourselves and our allies.
The basic purpose of this program is simply the
long-term security of the United States living in
the shadow of the Soviet threat.
The program being submitted to you includes
approximately $5,250 million for military weap-
ons and support directly to the defense efforts of
our friends and allies. It also includes approxi-
mately $550 million for technical, economic, and
developmental purposes designed to promote more
effective use of the resources of the free nations
and thus to further the freedom and security of
all of us. This total rejJresents a reduction of
about $1.8 billion from the previous administra-
tion's 1954 budget.
The devotion of so large a portion of this re-
quest to military purposes is a measure of the peril
in which free nations continue to live. The blunt,
sober truth is that we cannot afford to relax our
defenses until we have seen clear, unmistakable
evidence of genuinely peaceful purpose on the
part of the Soviet Union. As I strived to make
clear to all peoples in my recent appeal for real
peace and trust among nations,^ we continue earn-
estly to hope for such evidence, so that the world
may turn its energies and resources to serving the
needs, rather than the fears, of mankind.
Until Soviet good faith is proven by deeds, the
free nations must rely on their own strength for
the preservation of peace. To fail to continue
vigorously to strengthen our military forces
would be to risk wasting all our efforts for the
past five years in defense of our liberties.
Since the initiation of our major bipartisan
foreign aid program in 1947, the accomplishments
' H. doc. 140 ; transmitted May 5.
' Bulletin of Apr. 27, 1953, p. 599.
of the free world have been very great. In Greece,
the onrush of communist imperialism has been
halted and forced to recede. Out of the ruins left
by that aggression, a proud, self-reliant nation has
re-established itself. Threatened economic and
political collapse in Western Europe was averted
through the intensive efforts of the great peoples
of that continent aided by American resources.
Revitalized economies in Europe today are pro-
ducing more than ever before and are in a far bet-
ter position to defend themselves from external
or internal aggression. In the Near East and Far
East, American aid is helping many new nations
on their way to a better life for their citizens.
And the free nations everywhere — realistically
facing the threat of Soviet aggression — have in
addition sought to create, with American assist-
ance, the military strength essential to guard their
security.
The Mutual Security Program for 1954 has been
developed by the new administration after the
most careful study and deliberation. All ele-
ments of the program have been reviewed in great
detail, all proposals subjected to thorough
scrutiny.
From this study I have come to certain clear
conclusions.
First: The United States and our partners
throughout the world must stand ready, for many
years if necessary, to build and maintain adequate
defenses.
Second: To accomplish this objective we must
avoid so rapid a military buildup that we seriously
dislocate our economies. Military strength is most
effective — indeed it can be maintained — only if it
rests on a solid economic base.
Third: We must help the free nations to help
themselves in eradicating conditions which cor-
rode and destroy the will for freedom and de-
mocracy from within.
Fourth: It is necessary to do more in the Far
East. We are proposing to make substantial ad-
ditional resources available to assist the French
May 25, 7953
735
and the Associated States in their military efforts
to defeat the Communist Viet Minli aggression.
Fifth: Since it is impossible to forecast pre-
cisely the year and moment when the point of
maximum military danger may occur, the only
prudent course calls for a steady military buildup,
with our partners throughout the world, sustained
and planned so as to use our joint capabilities
with maximum efficiency and minimum strain.
We must and shall keep steadfastly on the
course we have set. We must — so long as the
present peril lasts — keep constantly growing in a
military strength which we can support indefi-
nitely. These basic principles were agreed upon
and applied in the successful meeting of the North
Atlantic Treaty Council just concluded in Paris.^
While the amounts requested for technical, eco-
nomic and developmental purposes are small as
compared with the military support, these pro-
grams are nonetheless of the most vital impor-
tance. They will be applied chiefly in South and
Southeast Asia, the Middle East, Latin America,
and Africa. Through these programs, the United
States is proving its interest in helping the peoples
of these areas to work toward better and more
hopeful conditions of life, to strengthen the foun-
dations of opportunity and freedom. To guard
against the external military threat is not enough :
we must also move against those conditions ex-
ploited by subversive forces from within.
I present this whole program to you with con-
fidence and conviction. It has been carefully de-
veloped by the responsible members of this ad-
ministration in order to achieve — at least possible
cost — the maximum results in terms of our secu-
rity and the security of our friends and allies. In
my judgment, it represents a careful determina-
tion of our essential needs in pursuing the policy
of collective security in a world not yet freed of
the threat of totalitarian conquest.
Unequivocally I can state that this amount of
money judiciously spent abroad will add much
more to our Nation's ultimate security in the
world than would an even greater amount spent
merely to increase the size of our own military
forces in being.
Were the United States to fail to carry out
these purposes, the free world could become dis-
united at a moment of great peril when peace and
war hang precariously in balance.
This is the way best to defend successfully our-
selves and the cause of freedom.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
The WinTE House,
May 6, 1953.
"Ibid., May 11, lO.'SS, p. 673.
STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES*
Press release 241 dated May 5
I am pleased to have this opportunity to ap-
pear before the Senate Foreign Relations Com-
mittee and the House Foreign Affairs Committee
in support of President Eisenhower's Mutual
Security Progi-am for fiscal year 1954. Mr.
Stassen, Mr. Wilson, and Mr. Humphrey will join
in describing this progi'am. Therefore, my dis-
cussion will deal primarily with the foreign-
policy aspects of the program.
A main objective of the program is to get the
most security for the least cost. The way to do
that is to cooperate with others. The mutual
program will produce more real security for the
people of the United States than we could get by
spending the same amount of money on a purely
national program.
I want to make it clear at the beginning that this
program has nothing to do with charity. It is
based on solid considerations of self-interest. It
is, in fact, an inseparable part of our own national
security program.
Let me describe briefly some of the basic prin-
ciples which underlie the program as a whole.
First, our country is confronted by a very grave
threat. There is not yet any evidence that this
threat has diminished or will diminish within
the foreseeable future. We stand ready to seize
every honorable and practical opportunity for
a peaceful settlement of international differences.
But, as President Eisenhower said in his recent
message to the North Atlantic Council, "until the
conditions for genuine peace have been firmly
established it would be foolhardy for us to delude
ourselves about the dangers confronting us." ^
We have no aggressive purpose ourselves. But
we want to increase the likelihood that any aggres-
sive intent of others will be curbed by the knowl-
edge that the cost of aggression will be greater
than any possible gain. That is not yet the case
everywhere. But where it is the case there is
more security.
Second, we recognize that the safety of the
United States cannot be assured by the strength
of the United States alone, indispensable as that
is. When any nation falls victim to Soviet ag-
gression, whether internal or external, the Soviet
Union becomes stronger and U. S. safety is less-
ened. It is as simple as A, B, C. Aside from
the tragedy to the people conquered, Soviet
domination means that these people and their
resources will be harnessed to the Soviet war
machine and may be turned against us. If
Soviet communism is permitted to gobble up other
parts of the world one by one, the day will come
' Made before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
and the House Foreign Affairs Committee on May 5.
• Bulletin of May 11, 1953, p. 673.
736
Department of State Bulletin
when the Soviet world will be so powerful that
no coi'ner of the world will be safe. On the other
hand, if the free nations retain their freedom and
develop their strength and unity, they can con-
tinue to make a vital, positive contribution to
peace and security. Their soldiers will continue
to stand beside our own, and their factories will
continue to work with our own, in deterring and
resisting aggression.
Third, other free nations will only continue to
develop their strength and unity effectively if
the U.S. is pi'epared to provide positive leader-
ship. We cannot, of course, assume exclusive re-
sponsibility for the security of the whole world,
and there are areas where those directly concerned
should exercise greater responsibility. But un-
less the strongest nation in the free world takes
an initiative, others can scarcely be expected to
do so.
Fourth, this program of mutual security has
been planned on a global basis. We cannot safely
see only one area and be blind to others. All
parts of the world are interdependent.
Fifth, our mutual-security planning must be
and is long range. We cannot affoi'd to exhaust
ourselves by spasmodic programs designed to
meet ever-recurring emergencies. We cannot
operate on a day-to-day, hand-to-mouth basis.
Instead, we must think in terms of the policies and
programs that we can afford to live with for what
may be a long period of years.
Sixth, this program is based on the principle
that we and our allies alike must maintain an
essential balance between our economic health and
our military effort. The American economy is
the very heart of the strength of the free world,
but our resources are not unlimited and we dare
not endanger our fundamental economic stability.
The same is true of our allies. If economic sta-
bility goes down the drain, everything goes down
the drain.
Seventh, this program is designed to get maxi-
mum value for all the money spent. The burden
of this program is too great for us to finance
"boondoggles." This program represents pru-
dent investments in concrete projects which bene-
fit the United States as well as other nations.
Finally, this program is aimed at retaining the
initiative for peace which was seized in President
Eisenhower's great address of April 16. We do
not dance to any Russian tune; we take the lead
in the search for peace. There are some indica-
tions that the Soviet leaders have already begun
to react to the growing strength of the free world.
It is imperative that we continue to increase this
strength and thereby increase the chances for the
success of our policies.
The principles I have stated relate to the
Mutual Security Program as a whole. I would
now like to discuss briefly the program proposed
for various parts of the world.
Importance of NATO Area
A large part of the total amount is being re-
q^uested for the European area. Most of this as-
sistance is for purposes of military defense within
the framework of the North Atlantic Treaty Or-
ganization. Let us consider why this area is so
important.
As I mentioned in my recent report to the
American people on Nato," the United States and
its N.^TO allies now have a three-to-one lead over
the Soviet bloc in the production of steel. If
Russia takes all of Europe, the ratio would be
about 50-50. Today, the Nato countries as a whole
have a five-to-two lead over the Soviet bloc in the
production of coal. If Russia took all of Europe,
the Soviet empire would have a three-to-two ad-
vantage in this vital fuel. It is clear that Ameri-
can security would be gravely imperiled by a
Soviet conquest of Europe.
Now let's look at the other side of the coin.
While our European allies remain free and strong
they can make a substantial positive contribution
to the defense of the free world, including the
United States. Since the beginning of Nato, we
have delivered to our European allies over $10
billion in economic and military aid combined.
But during this same period, they have spent about
$30 billion from their own budgets for defense
purposes. The principle is the same which we
apply at home to get protection against fire. We
all contribute to the fire department and get better
protection more cheaply than any one could get
by himself.
Today there are approximately 75 Nato divi-
sions in existence across the Atlantic, plus sizable
air and naval forces. It is true that many of these
troops need more training and equipment before
they can be fully effective. However, let us not
underestimate their value. The Nato forces al-
ready represent a significant deterrent to Soviet
aggi'ession and a real contribution to the protec-
tion of all Nato peoples, including the people of
the United States. If these forces did not exist,
we would need a much lai-ger security establish-
ment in the United States with an immense in-
crease in cost, and hundreds of thousands more
Americans in uniform.
As you know, the Nato Council met a few days
ago in Paris. All agreed that it was vital not only
to maintain Nato's strength, but to build it up.
We faced a problem, however, because the Nato
members have about reached the limit of their
present ability to improve quality and at the same
time to maintain the past rate of buildup in size of
Nato forces. The situation obviously demanded
a shift of emphasis. Rather than continuing to
'Ihid., p. 671.
May 25, 7953
737
exhaust our resources in a precipitate military
buildup, we have agreed to undertake a more
gradual and more steady buildup which is con-
sistent with U.S. and European economic capabili-
ties. Greater emphasis will at this time be placed
on the improved quality of Nato forces rather
than upon immediate quantitative increases.
I do not want anj'one to receive the impression
that Nato is cutting back its program. Our plans
call for Nato to move forward realistically toward
a greater defense capacity. The program upon
which we agreed for the calendar year 1953 pro-
vides for a moderate increase in the size of Nato
forces as well as a very substantial improvement
of their quality. If these plans are carried out,
it is the judgment of our military experts that the
Nato forces in Europe, by the end of this year,
will be nearly 30 percent stronger than they are
now.
Another major problem in Europe today is the
attainment of European unity, and particularly
the integration of Germany into the free Euro-
pean community. Without a German military
contribution, there will be a most serious gap in
the Nato defense system.
The plan which Europeans have devised for
integrating their defense efforts and achieving a
German contribution, as you know, is to create a
common army under a European Defense Commu-
nity (Edc). The French Premier, Rene Mayer,
Italian Prime Minister de Gasperi, German Chan-
cellor Adenauer, and the leaders of the Benelux
countries are all solidly behind Edc. They have
told me that they see no good alternative. They
are doing their best to secure its approval by their
respective national parliaments. It is inevitable
that legislative bodies should want to give careful
consideration to any step as far-reaching as Edc.
But the reasons for Edc are so compelling that we
must hope these parliaments will not long delay
its establishment. I believe our own plans can be
based on the present assumption that the nations
of continental Europe will continue to do their
share of the job of creating adequate defenses, and
will be able to overcome the political obstacles
that now stand in the w.ay of a unified effort.
Turning from Europe to the opposite side of the
world, the Far East, we find severe Soviet mili-
tary pressures combined with extreme economic
difficulties. The problems of this area are closely
linked with those of Europe and are of great
consequence to American security.
Communist Threat to Far East
Communist aggression in Indochina represents
one of the most serious present threats to the free
world. The present aggression against Laos is
an extremely disturbing development. The pri-
mary responsibility for conduct of military opera-
tions rests upon France and the Associated States.
Their manpower must do the fighting and they
are bearing a large part of the costs of the militarj
elTort. But they are clearly incapable of bearing
the entire cost. Our mutual-security program
provides $400 million and some military end items
for the purpose of helping the French and Indo-
Chinese peoples reduce this Communist pressun
to manageable proportions. There may be some
modest increase in aid of new and more vigorous
plans.
We must materially strengthen the effectiveness
of Chinese forces on Formosa. Defense measures
in Formosa are closely dependent on economic
stability, and it is also important that we assist
directly in improving economic conditions. H
Formosa can be made militarily strong and eco-
nomically healthy, it may exercise a powerful
attraction upon the enslaved people of Asia.
Japan is one of the prime targets of CommunisI
expansion in the Far East. Under the Security
Treaty with Japan, it is expected that Japan wifi
increasingly assume responsibility, within its eco-
nomic capabilities, for its own defense against di-
rect or indirect aggression. This Mutual Security
Program provides funds for weapons for Japa-
nese internal security and home defense.
We are also requesting moderate funds whicli
can be used for Thailand, the Philippines, and
Indonesia, each of which faces grave problems o?
Communist origin.
Let us now look at the Near East and South
Asia. The Near East is one of the main cross-
roads of the world and has great strategic im-
portance. It has a large and growing population
and important resources. This area is subject to
Soviet pressures, attempting to take advantage
of political unrest and economic distress. West-
ern, and even American, prestige in this area has
been deteriorating steadily, and the situation re-
quires urgent and decisive remedial measures.
Some of us are leaving Saturday to visit this aresu
to get a firsthand impression of the problem.
Our program for this area provides for a con-
tinuance of technical-assistance projects at ap-
proximately current rates, maintenance of pro-
grams of relief and rehabilitation of refugees,
and a limited program of economic aid for capital
development. We also seek authority to under-
take limited military-aid programs to the coun-
tries of the Near East, which will contribute to
their internal security and will assist in promot-
ing plans for peace between Israel and the Arab
Nations, and in establishing a regional defense
organization. Wiile the total assistance sought
for this area is not great, it can be vitally
important.
In South Asia, which includes both India and
Pakistan, we find a population as large as that
of China. This population is still free from Com-
munist control. However, present economic con-
ditions in this area provide a happy hunting
ground for the Communists.
738
Deparfment of State Bulletin
It is vitally important in South Asia to move
toward a solution of the twin problems of food
and health. Both India and Pakistan have well
thought out plans for economic development and
have shown great initiative in going forward with
these plans despite very limited resources. I be-
lieve that we are justified in some continuance of
aid, though at a rate below what had been pre-
viously planned.
The programs of special economic aid planned
for these areas are small in terms of total need,
but can be of immense value, especially if they
can be continued for several years.
Increase in Aid to Latin America
Moving finally to Latin America, I want to state
my belief that the United States in the past has
too often failed to give proper attention to our
good friends with whom we have had beneficial
political and economic relations for so many
years, and who have assumed with us collective
responsibility for the defense of this hemisphere.
At present American private investment provides
large amounts of capital which contribute to the
improvement of economic conditions and living
standards in Latin America, and we believe that
private enterprise should continue to take the lead
wherever it can. However, there are certain im-
portant needs which cannot be met by private
capital. In view of the importance of this area,
the program being presented to you proposes a
moderate increase in our assistance to Latin Amer-
ica. This aid takes the form of technical assist-
ance designed to improve living standards
through divei'sification and increased produc-
tivity. It also includes limited military assist-
ance to help the Latin American countries to
place their military forces in a better state of
readiness, so as to be able to cooperate more effec-
tively in the defense of this hemisphere.
Tlie total requested is $1,772,000,000 less than
was requested by the so-called "Truman" budget
for the fiscal year 1954. The reduction is not as
great as many of us would like to see, having re-
gard to the need to balance the budget, to restabil-
ize our currency, and, eventually, to reduce taxes.
The reduction is, however, as great as, in our
judgment, can be reconciled with the essential
security of the United States.
It may be that developments, good or bad, may
make it unnecessary or imprudent actually to
spend all the sums here requested. You can be
confident that the money not needed will not be
spent. We do, however, say to you that we con-
sider it would be imprudent and dangerous not
to have available at least the sums we have re-
quested. Indeed, it may well prove to be the
case that we have not asked for enough.
In these matters, it is impossible to avoid taking
risks. I believe that if we have erred, we have
erred on the side of asking for too little rather
than for too much.
We should not disguise from ourselves the fact
that the international situation is critical. For
example, all of Southeast Asia is today in great
peril, and if Indochina should be lost, there would
be a chain reaction throughout the Far East and
South Asia. Many countries which have always
looked to the Western World and particularly the
United States as the source of greatest power,
both moral and material, are beginning to wonder
whether the center of power has not shifted from
Washington to Moscow. Even in the AVestern
World there are non-Communist elements ready
and eager to take power upon a platform of ap-
peasement of Soviet communism, or at least be-
nevolent neutrality toward Soviet communism.
At this juncture there are many forces at work
within the United States which would result in
a further abdication of leadership. There are
those who would sharply raise our tariff. There
are those who would sharply cut foreign aid. There
are those who would seek to impose upon our
friends and allies additional restrictions upon
their trade with the Communist world even in
terms of nonstrategic articles. There are those
who would sharply cut the military contributions
of the United States to Nato and other alliances.
If these things happen, then the United States
will be isolated and in the greatest danger of its
entire history.
In testifying yesterday before the Ways and
Means Committee,' I referred to the fact that the
present foreign-aid program will reduce budget-
ary and unallocated economic aid to our principal
allies. They accept this in good spirit as a neces-
sary part of a common program whereby we all
try to bring our extraordinary security commit-
ments into line with economic health. But if we
do not do all that is possible within the limits of
our economic health, then our purposes will be
misinterpreted, and they will feel that their fragile
economies are being subjected to multiple blows
^vhich are more than they can sustain.
It is the judgment of the President and his Cab-
inet and of the National Security Council, after
the most intensive investigation, that the program
here presented is, on the one hand, within the ca-
pabilities of the United States and consistent with
moving as rapidly as possible toward a balanced
budget, and, on the other hand, that anything
appreciably less woixld be dangerous to our peace
and security.
There is no "water" in this program to be
squeezed out without taking greater risks than we
believe are acceptable at the present time. I be-
lieve that tliis will be made apparent to you as
you hear the further development of the facts
through the statements to be made by Mr. Stassen,
Mr. Wilson, and Mr. Humphrey.
' See p. 743.
May 25, J 953
739
STATEMENT BY HAROLD E. STASSEN
DIRECTOR FOR MUTUAL SECURITY «
Following upon the clear and cogent policy
statement by the Secretary of State, may I at the
opening of my comments express my appreciation
to the chairmen and members of the two Commit-
tees for the invitation to meet with you. . . .
It is my responsibility and my privilige to pre-
sent for your consideration the broad outlines, the
important details, the concepts, the methods, and
the objectives of President Eisenhower's new
Mutual Security Program.
This program is a reflection of the philosophy
and the principles of the President so often anci
so eloquently expressed. Its objective is peace-
peace with justice— peace with freedom— peace
with progress. It seeks to bring about among the
free nations mutual strength, mutual confidence,
mutual understanding, and mutual progress.
Its twin consequences will be a rapid buildup of
effective defensive strength in the free world and
a steady advance in the standards of living of the
free peoples. It means increased security for the
United States.
The program will be carried out under the
direction of the President in a manner closely
integrated with the total program of the Govern-
ment, taking guidance on foreign policy from the
Secretary of State, on defense policy from the
Secretary of Defense and, through him, from the
Joint Chiefs of Staff, on financial policy from the
Secretary of the Treasury, and with respect to
budgetary practices from the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget. It will utilize, whenever
appropriate, the services and counsel of the other
departments and agencies of the Government, such
as the Departments of Commerce, Agriculture,
Interior, and Health, Education, and Welfare.
In its administration, we will faithfully reflect
the decisions of the Congress and will ever en-
deavor to serve the people of the United States.
Details of the Program
With this broad outline, may I turn to specific
important details of the proposed Mutual Security
Program.
As the President and the Secretary of State
have indicated, the total of new obligixtional au-
thority requested in the Mutual Security Program
has been reduced from the previous 1954 budget
by $1.8 billion— from $7.6 billion to $5.8 billion.
Before discussing the several components of this
total, several general statements concerning this
figure seem appropriate. In the first place, it is
the result both of an exhaustive review of our na-
tional security policies and of a detailed evalua-
' Made before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
and House Foreign Affairs Committee on May 5.
740
tion of the operation and effectiveness of past and
present mutual-security programs.
It represents the product of months of work by
the National Secui'ity Council, where each of our
security objectives was carefully studied, and its
importance weighed in relation to the fiscal con-
siderations that the Secretary of the Treasury will
discuss with you. It reflects the findings which
resulted from the careful, local studies which were
recently made by special evaluation teams, com-
prised of nearly 60 outstanding leaders of Ameri-
can industry and finance, in 12 countries now par-
ticipating in the program.^ It mirrors the expe-
rience and knowledge which were gained by the
Secretaries of State, Defense, and Treasury", and
myself during our several trips to Europe and
particularly in the course of the recent meeting
of the North Atlantic Council in Paris.
In the second place, as the President has already
indicated, we are hopeful, as a result of our present
close and careful scrutiny of the present Mutual
Security Program, of discovering certain savings
in currently appropriated funds which can be ap-
plied to reduce somewhat the presently requested
authorization for new obligational authority. The
exact amount of any real savings can only be de-
termined as we approach the close of the fiscal
year. They depend upon the extent to which any
of the specific requirements on which present pro-
grams were based have been eliminated and not
replaced by new, comparable requirements, the
extent to which reductions in the originally esti-
mated prices of military equipment have occurred,
and other similar factors.
In the third place, I should note in passing that
the foregoing aggregate figure does not include
something under $100 million in local currencies
which are already, or will become, available to the
United States in the form of counterpart or as
contributions by other governments and which are
required to carry out the program presented.
Finally, I should caution the Committees that this
is a tight program in which no provision has been
made for a number of contingent requirements
which, because they are contingent, we felt should
not be included. I refer particularly to possible
requirements for additional economic assistance
in Korea, especially if further increases are to be
made in Rok forces, and to the possible need for
aid in averting famine in Pakistan. I mention
these because I think it is important for you to
know precisely what is, and precisely what is not,
included in the request for authorization which is
now before you.
Within this $5.8 billion total, slightly over $4
billion is requested for mutual-defense material
and training.
Of this amount approximately $2.53 billion is
° For Mr. Stassen's announcement of the appointment
of these teams, -see Bulletin of Mar. 2, 1953, p. 337 ; for
a summary of the teams' reports, see Msa press release
dated May 8.
Departmenf of State Bulletin j
requested for the European area, about $1 billion
for the Far East, slightly under $475 million for
the Near East, and $20 million for Latin America.
Within the $5.8 billion, $995 million is requested
for mutual-defense financing. This portion of the
program is designed to assist certain countries
m Europe and the Far East in carrying out im-
portant defense objectives in a manner which will
prevent their own budgets from remaining in
disastrous imbalance.
Of this amount, $400 million would be utilized
for the procurement of equipment, materials, and
services which are required by, or are necessary
for the support of, forces of France which are
located in Indochina and forces of the Associated
States of Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam.
Of the total amount of $995 million for mutual-
defense financing, $100 million is intended for the
manufacture in France of artillery, ammunition,
and semiautomatic weapons which are required
by, and are to be delivered to, French forces
assigned to the North Atlantic Treaty Organiza-
tion, and another $100 million is designed for the
manufacture in the United Kingdom of military
aircraft required by United Kingdom forces for
the defense of the North Atlantic area.
The provision of these amounts in the manner
indicated, together with $100 million which is
requested to finance United States exports to the
United Kingdom of wheat, cotton, and lard would
have these effects :
Direct defense-financing assistance to the United
Kingdom would be cut in half from 1953 to 1954.
There would be a further reduction the following
year, and early termination of all such assistance
is contemplated. The resulting loss in dollars for
balance of payments would be partially cushioned
by increased earnings on jet aircraft and other
military materiel conti'acts with the United
States.
For France approximately 40 percent of the
cost of the Indochina war would be covered by
contributions in various forms from the United
States.
In both of these situations, if the average tax-
payers of the United Kingdom and of France con-
tinue, as they do today, to pay slightly more taxes
proportionately than the average taxpayer in the
United States, then each country can, with able
management, adjust to the new program reason-
ably well and effectively carry out their extensive
commitments for mutual defense and national se-
curity. I am convinced, however, that the
amounts recommended are the very minimum
which the United States should provide, and these
amounts are directly related to the essential ob-
jectives of our country as well as theirs.
Two hundred and fifty million dollars is re-
quested for Mutual Special Weapons Planning.
This does not affect atomic weapons, which are
controlled, as you know, by other legislation. It
will include only such special weapons as the
President may determine, after the study of new
weapons now under way by Shape is completed.
Doulble safeguards should be included to insure
that the security interests of the United States
are served. Specifically, it is proposed that the
President be responsible for determining, first,
the wisdom of initiating the production of speci-
fied weapons of this type, and second, for any
physical transfer of equipment or to provide
training. With such safeguards, I am convinced
that this $250 million will, in the course of the
next 4 or 5 years, prove to be the most important
$250 million in the defense portion of the Mutual
Security Act.
One of our gi'eatest assets in defense is the pro-
ductive and scientific genius of the free peoples.
The objective of Nato defense planning, as of
American defense planning, has not been one of
matching man for man a potential army of ag-
gression, but rather of making our forces as effec-
tive as possible through a combination of training
and modern weapons. The special new weapons
that are now beginning to enter production or are
nearing the completion of development must be
a part of that planning if we are to create, with a
minimum cost, the most effective defensive shield.
We are thus proposing to take at this time those
steps that are appropriate that will make possible
the sharing with our allies of the industrial and
scientific advances that can make our people more
safe from attack and our collective armed forces
more secure and effective in combat.
Smaller amounts are involved in the mutual
development and technical-progress programs,
approximately $315 million for economic aid di-
rected toward development and about $140 million
for technical cooperation. Of the $315 million,
$30 million represents a request for an authoriza-
tion, but not at this time for an appropriation,
to cover anticipated future contributions to
Unrwa (the United Nations Agency for the Re-
lief and Resettlement of Arab Refugees). These
amounts are predominantly for India and Pakis-
tan, for Southeast Asia, for the Near East, and
for Latin America and Africa. These amounts
are much less than the direct defense portions but
the programs which they cover may well prove to
be the most important of all in their ultimate
effect.
India has a well conceived plan for long-term
development now under way. Moderate assistance
for 3 years should be anticipated, but only one
year is included in the 1954 fiscal year program.
The multilateral organizations whose work ad-
vances the broad security and humanitarian ob-
jectives of the Mutual Security Program together
require a little more than $100 million. This
amount includes funds for our proposed contribu-
tions to the United Nations International Chil-
dren's Emergency Fund (Unicef), United Nations
Technical Assistance (Unta), the Organization
of the American States, the United Nations Korean
May 25, 7953
741
Reconstruction Agency (Unkra), and the Inter-
Governmental Committee for European Migra-
tion. Our support of these programs is in further-
ance of President Eisenhower's inaugural state-
ment that "respecting the United Nations as the
living sign of all people's hope for peace, we shall
strive to make it not merely an eloquent symbol
but an effective force." Because of the great
humanitarian and economic importance of these
international programs to the free world, we must
continue to assume leadership in making them
succeed.
Of these five multilateral imdei'takings, three
are integral parts of the U.N. system, one is solely
inter- American, and one is organizationally out-
side of the U.N. framework. The total effort and
accomplishments of all of these, however, have
come to be regarded by less fortunate people
everywhere as concrete evidence that the leading
free nations are willing to back expressions of
concern and interest with tangible deeds.
Vital MSP Objectives Can Be Attained
I realize that some will sincerely feel that this
proposed program cuts too deeply and too sharply
into the amount of the previously planned pro-
gram. I realize that others will sincerely feel
that even more drastic reductions should now be
made.
It is our considered conclusion after careful
study that the vital objectives of our country in
the Mutual Security Program can be attained
through this reduced amount if wisely used in
the new program.
It is also our considered conclusion that these
recommended amounts are urgently needed in the
interests of the safety and security of our country.
It is our pledge that these funds will be admin-
istered with extreme care and that throughout the
year every opportunity will be seized for further
savings when they can be made without prejudice
to our country's objectives. As I have also stated
we expect to make moderate but important savings
in the 1953 program which will be reported to
the committees later and can be credited against
the amount now requested for the new progi'am.
This new Mutual Security Program in Presi-
dent Eisenhower's administration will have these
characteristics :
1. Longer-range planning and programing with
open discussion of future requirements, subject
always to the annual decisions and reviews of
Congress.
2. Earlier attainment of strong defense capa-
bilities through more rapid deliveries of critical
items and more thorough training of forces in
being.
3. Constant insistence on the importance of eco-
nomic stability and an expanding gross national
product among the free nations as the essential
foundation for sound defense.
4. Accelerated planning for the use of new
weapons for the defense of the free nations against
threatening totalitarian thrusts.
5. Full enlistment of the cooperating defensive
strength of all nations who oppose the Soviet
Communist power.
6. Expanded use of the production capacity of
Europe through a combination of U.S. and multi-
nation orders which will permit efficient mass pro-
duction of Nato arms and the consequent estab-
lishment of a better production base in Europe.
7. Steady development of the natural resources
and the people's capabilities in the less advanced
areas of the free nations.
8. Gradual expansion of fair and profitable
trade between the free countries.
9. Broader cooperation with voluntary organi-
zations engaged in similar activities with em-
phasis on the "people-to-people" relationship.
10. Increased reliance upon private capital for
all phases of economic accomplishment.
11. Alertness and willingness to adjust to any
new conditions, in accordance with the President's
April 16 address.
In other words, we seek a rapid, sure-footed
climb with our partners to a high plateau of se-
cure preparedness, and then, shoulder to shoulder,
an advance along that plateau toward peace and
better living for ourselves and for others.
Without minimizing the difficulties and obsta-
cles we face, I do have confidence that this Mutual
Security Program can be carried through suc-
cessfully. This confidence is rooted in my deep
and abiding faith in the freedom and the inherent
dignity of men.
It is strengthened by my regard and apprecia-
tion for the superb abilities and excellent team-
work of the officials of the administration upon
whom so much of this program depends, the
Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles ; the Sec-
retary of Defense, Charles Wilson ; the Secretary
of the Treasury, George Humphrey ; and the Di-
rector of the Bureau of the Buclget, Joseph Dodge.
It is fortified by my knowledge of the high
caliber and the devotion to duty of the members
of the uniformed services of our country, the
Army, Navy, Air Force, and Marines, upon whom
so much of our work depends.
It is fed by my conviction of the truly great
qualities of the peoples, and of the leadership of
tlie other countries with whom we work in the
Mutual Security Program.
Regardless of the cynics, the defeatists, the
timid souls, and the shortsighted ones, let us move
forward with faith and determination, with real-
ism and sound ])lanning. Thus will we, in the
United States of America, be worthy of our na-
tional power and responsibility, and of our oppor-
tunity in 1953, under the leadership of President
Eisenhower.
742
Department of Slate Bulletin
Support for Extension of Trade Agreements Act
Following are texts of statements made hy Sec-
retavy Dulles and the Director for Mutual Secu-
rity, Harold E. Stassen. hefore the Ways and
Means Committee of the house of Representatives
on May 4. and May 5 respectively.
STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES
Press release 233 dated May 4
The President has recommended that the Con-
gress extend the present Reciprocal Trade Agree-
ments Act for a further period of one year.^ I
wish to speak in support of that recommendation.
The President has a simple purpose. It is to
avoid a committal, or appearance of committal, to
a changed tariff policy before that policy can be
coordinated with other new and related policies.
We want all of the parts to add up to a coherent
whole and not cancel each other out. Only thus
will they truly serve the welfare of our people.
The President proposes to use this year, or as
much of it as is required, for study which will
have the full participation of the public and the
Congress. He has recommended that for this pur-
pose a Commission be established consisting of five
members appointed by him, three by the Speaker
of the House, and three by the president of the
Senate.- Extension of the Reciprocal Trade
Agreements Act, in its present form, for an in-
terim period of one year will give the time needed
to make a fresh appraisal of what should be done.
There are a number of bills which have been
introduced and referred to this Committee which
would serve this purpose. I believe, however, that
H. R. 4294 is not in accord with our present needs.
It would not only enact special regulations on im-
ports of petroleum, lead, and zinc but it would
basically alter the operation of our present trade
program. That would be to commit ourselves to
future policy before we can be sure that such
policy is that which, added up with others, will
pi'oduce the best results.
As we begin the task of reassessing our foreign
economic policy, we are confronted with a number
' Bulletin of Apr. 27, 1953, p. 634.
^ See p. 747.
May 25, 1953
of basic facts. This nation has become the center
of the economic system of the free world. We in
this country account for 50 percent of the total
production of non-Communist countries. We are
the world's largest exporter and the world's largest
importer. We are the greatest creditor nation in
the world and the most important single source
of the free world's capital needs. We lead in the
development of new inventions and new skills.
This strength of ours is something for which
we are all devoutly thankful. In part it comes
from the good fortune which spared us the physi-
cal destruction of two world wars. In part it
comes from an abundance of natural resources.
Even more, it comes from our own efforts and
from the national policies which have guided
these efforts — policies which on the whole have,
for 164 years, served our nation well.
We shall not continue to have strength and to
enjoy national health except as we continue to
follow wise policies. Those policies will not be
wise unless they recognize the basic truth that no
nation can long survive as a citadel of self-
indulging privilege surrounded by massed human
misery and despair. The United States is today
a paradise compared to most of the world. But
it could be a fool's paradise if we thought we
could, with impunity, so act as to impede the
honest substantial efforts of others to improve
their lot.
It is enlightened self-interest for the strong to
be considerate of the weak.
This timeless truth always operates. Some-
times it operates slowly. But today it operates
quickly. There exists in the world a vast and
powerful conspiracy directed against the United
States. It seeks to prevail by bringing under its
control those peoples who feel hopeless and who
are despairing, and who thus readily lend them-
selves to a violent program of world revolution.
Already one-third of all the people of the world
have been made first the victims and then the
tools of that conspiracy. A further reduction
of the free world and an increase of the captive
world cannot but have ominous consequences for
the United States.
743
Soviet Concept of Western Economy
The leaders of Soviet communism have consist-
ently proceeded on the theory that economics was
the Achilles heel of the West. They have argued
that the industrialized West depended upon raw
materials and markets of the underdeveloped
areas, and that if these areas could be subtracted
from the economic domain of the West and brought
under Communist control, the Western nations
would not have left sufficient scope for the em-
ployment of their industrial machine. Then, it
was reasoned, the Western nations would engage
in violent competition among themselves which
would put them at loggerheads so that they would
readily fall victims, one by one, to Communist
conquest.
That thesis was announced by Stalin in 1924,
and his last political publication, that of October
1952, asserted that so much of the world had now
been alienated from the West that Britain, France,
and the United States could not make place for
the postwar commercial activities of Germany and
Japan. Stalin concluded that the Soviet leaders
could now reliably assume that Britain and France
would gradually "break from the embrace of the
United States," and that Western Germany and
Japan could be counted on to "try to smash United
States domination." Then would come what
Stalin foresaw in 1924 as the "moment" for the
"decisive blow."
Stalin reasoned that these developments were,
as he put it, "inevitable." In that he was surely
wrong. But we too would be wrong if we were
blind to the fact that the Communist thesis in-
cludes some valid elements. We could by our own
mistakes make Stalin's predictions come true.
Our jiolitical, our security, and our economic
interests mesh. The fact is that the ability of
other free countries to resist Communist aggres-
sion and their willingness to unite with us on
certain common-security policies depend largely
upon their economic well-being. That in turn
is influenced by our own economic policies, in-
cluding our tariff policy.
The present administration is attempting to
shape U.S. policies to what it believes are the
overall needs of our nation. That involves con-
sideration of our own budgetary, monetary, and
tax problems. It involves reviewing our policies
of military and economic aid to other friendly
countries. It involves reconsideration of our de-
fense program. It involves study of measures,
such as the Battle Act, designed to restrict trade
between the free nations and the captive world,
which while commercially useful to the free world
might be rnilitarily useful to the Soviet world.
It will also involve consideration of our trade and
economic problems in relation to the welfare of
other free nations — a welfare to which we cannot
be indifferent, save at our peril.
The variety and difficulty of the problems we
face emerge sharply as we consider specific areas
744
of the world. Western Europe, through its own
efforts and with our help, has made large gains
since 1946. Production of these countries has in-
creased by 40 percent and exports have risen by 60
Eercent over the prewar period. Yet the Western
iuropean countries are unable to pay for all of
the U.S. goods which they need, even though they
are severely denying themselves many of the Amer-
ican goods their citizens want. Their gold and
monetary reserves are very low in relation to
current needs and the contingencies they face.
They feel that their margin of safety is so slight
that they dare not be venturesome.
We have helped these countries fill their current
requirements for American products, including
military defense items, by extraordinary aid. But
this situation is unhealthy. It is not a basis on
which a lasting alliance of mutually self-respect-
ing nations can long continue. It can be corrected
partly by measures taken by the countries of
Western Europe themselves and partly by action
by the United States.
The countries of Western Europe can do much
for themselves by increasing their economic unity
so that they more freely exchange their goods as
between themselves. They need more and more
to back their currencies with sound budgetary
measures and productive efforts, so that their cur-
rencies will be a medium for expanding trade abovi
the low level which always prevails when cur
rencies fail to lift trade above what is virtually
a barter basis. Sound U.S. foreign policies can
do much to promote the unity and strength in
Europe which are desired and sought by the
peoples themselves.
Japan's Need for Markets i
If we turn to Japan, we find again a. nation'
which buys much more American goods than it
can pay for by sales to our country. Japan's
problems are the more acute, because she has con-
certed her policies with those of the United States,
which call for a very sharp curtailment of trade
with Communist China. Thus Japan has been
forced to turn elsewhere, and largely to the United
States, for the food and raw materials which her
population requires. But also Japan needs mar-
kets which provide the funds to pay for its imports.
In this connection, again, our foreign policies
can help by promoting the development of the
underdeveloped areas of South and Southeast
Asia, where there could be a mutually beneficial
trade with Japan. Here, again, however, the sit-
uation is complicated by Communist aggression in
Indochina, which seeks to bring the "rice bowl"
area of Southeast Asia under Communist rule.
There are underdeveloped areas of Asia and
Africa and of this American Hemisphere which
can find ways of better utilizing their own re-
sources to promote their development. Here, too,
Deparfment of State Bulletin
I
we have a part to play. By encouraging a climate
which will attract American private capital to
such areas, by extending public or private techni-
cal assistance where it will help, and by following
trade policies which take sympathetic account of
the problem of nations which depend on the pro-
duction of one or two products, we can play a part
in developing an amount of economic health and
good will.
Also, we must remember that the internal
strength of this nation depends upon wise foreign-
economic policies. Imports are occasionally dis-
turbing. But a check on exports would be equally
disturbing. Vast segments of American agricul-
ture, industry, and laoor rely on large export mar-
kets for their prosperity. Our cotton, wlieat, and
tobacco ^rowers depend largely on export, as does
the macninery industry. The entire industrial
activity of the United States is heavily dependent
uiion imported raw materials and will grow more
dependent on those materials as time goes on.
Moreover, our American taxpayers should not be
expected indefinitely to shoulder the large grants-
aid that have recently been supplied by the
in
United States to bolster foreign economies. Fin-
ally, hundreds of thousands of private Americans,
as well as the Government itself, have large in-
vestments throughout the world, and their value
is seriously affected by the amount of dollars for-
eign countries have to pay for interest and to repay
principal.
Accordingly, our own national self-interest will
be advanced by balanced measures which take into
account the varied interests of the different seg-
ments of our national life. Sporadic acts, de-
signed to help particular interests, without regard
to the whole, will not in the long run be beneficial.
I certainly would not suggest that the answer to
all our problems is to be found in a new U.S. tariff
act which would further reduce our customs duties
which in many sectors are already low. I do not
think that domestic industry and agriculture
should be sacrificed in the interest of exporters or
that local business should alone pay the price of
foreign policies designed to promote international
unity and economic health.
What I do feel strongly is that every segment
of our nation will eventually suffer if our economic
and foreign policies are a maze of contradictions.
This would happen if new tariff policies were
adopted before policies in other areas and the poli-
cies of other countries are more fully developed.
If the Congress now took measures which fore-
shadowed a sharp increase in tariff protection, that
would have very disturbing repercussions not only
upon other national policies which are being for-
mulated but also upon the policies which we hope
other governments will adopt as a contribution to
a total free world which will be more vigorous,
more healthy, more unified, and more secure.
As the President said in his letter of May 2, this
question of trade needs to be thoroughly studied
by a representative commission which will assume
its responsibilities without any prior commitments
or prejudices whatever.
"Standstill" Urged for Study Purposes
I want to say to you that as Secretary of State
I have no preconceived ideas and no policies to
which I feel committed. I have a completely open
mind. That is why I can conscientiously urge
that there be in effect a "standstill" until this prob-
lem can be studied under fresh auspices in its rela-
tion to the complex problems into which tariff
policy must be fitted. That is why I urge that
H.R. 4294 should not now be adopted. Its present
adoption would have serious international reper-
cussions injurious to the best interests and welfare
of the United States. It would be taken, through-
out the free world, to forecast U.S. trade policies
which would make it impossible for them to live
without increasing association with and depend-
ence on the Communist world.
In Paris last week, Secretary Humphrey, Secre-
tary Wilson, Mr. Stassen, and I had talks with
representatives of various foreign governments
and we forecast a coming reduction in economic
and budgetary aid from the United States.^ This
was accepted in good spirit by our friends. But
their economies are still too fragile to absorb
multiple shocks. Therefore, we strongly believe
that the United States should not take tariff-lift-
ing action at this time, before such action can be
appraised in the light of our other governmental
policies designed to permit balancing of the budget,
stabilizing our currency, and, we hope, eventually
cutting taxes, and doing all of this without jeop-
ardizing the international relationships upon
which our security largely depends.
Our nation has lived for 2 years under the pres-
ent Trade Agreements Act. We have not only
lived but lived well, and are today enjoying a
high level of productivity and employment. The
present act contains provisions which enable spe-
cial measures to be taken to protect special situa-
tions such as may exist, for example, in relation
to the lead and zinc industries. Surely it is the
course of wisdom not to depart from legislation
which has served us well until we are quite sure
that the legislation to replace it can better, or at
least equally, serve our national welfare. That
we cannot know until the entire field has been
studied by such a commission as the President
proposes. Therefore Mr. Chairman, in closing,
I again urge that no change be made in the exist-
ing Trade Agreements Act; that it be retained
unimpaired in its present form in the interim
period of study which lies ahead; and that the
commission asked for by the President be promptly
established and put to work.
' For material on the North Atlantic Council Meeting,
Apr. 22-25, see Bulletin of May 11, 1953, p. 671.
May 25, 1953
745
MR. STASSEN'S STATEMENT OF MAY 5*
I wish to thank you for this opportunity to ap-
pear before you to express the views of the Mutual
Security Administration on the question of the
extension of reciprocal trade. As you may know,
for many years — since the days of my jfovernor-
ship in Minnesota, through the War, the San Fran-
cisco conference, my trips through Europe, Asia,
and Africa, and more particularly now as Director
for IMutual Security — I have been following
closely the interrelationship of U.S. and world
economic trends and conditions. It is with knowl-
edge and conviction born of these years of study
and observation that I wish to speak forthrightly
with 3'ou on the question before your Committee.
Under President Eisenhower's inspiring leader-
ship, the United States today is bringing new hope
to the people of the free world — hojie for lasting
peace and for rising standards of living. You re-
call that on February 2 President Eisenhower in
his State of the Union message to Congress set
down certain fundamental points that form the
basis of the foreign policy of an administration
which received a powerful mandate from the peo-
ple at the polls last November. Among these pol-
icy points, and these form the context within which
this Government approaches the question of recip-
rocal trade, President Eisenhower said :
1. That no single country can stand alone
against Communist aggression, as he said, "mutual
security means effective mutual cooperation."
2. That our foreign policy recognizes the im-
portance of profitable and equitable world trade.
3. That we aim to receive from the rest of the
world in equitable exchange greater amounts of
important raw materials which we do not now pos-
sess in sufficient quantity.
4. That the study of, and extension of, the Re-
ciprocal Trade Agreements Act be carried out.
Then on April 7, President Eisenhower fol-
lowed up his State of the Union address by sending
to the Congress a special message formally recom-
mending, first, that the present Reciprocal Trade
Agreements Act be extended for one year and,
second, that a thorough and comprehensive re-
examination be made of the economic-foreign
policy of the United States. (He has now rec-
ommended to Congress that a Commission of 11
members be established to carry out this study.)
Finally, in his great address of April 16 to the
Newspaper Editors of America, President Eisen-
hower proclaimed that "We are prepared to re-
examine with the most concrete evidence our readi-
ness to help build a world in which all peojjles can
be productive and prosperous."
* Released to the press on May 5 by the Office of the
Director for Mutual Security.
We are today at a crossroads in our foreign-
economic policy. No aspect of American policy
is more important than the course this Congress
chooses to adopt in our economic relations with
other nations. The economic stability and, there-
fore, the political stability of the free world will
be influenced by the wisdom of your decision.
As I see it, the one guiding principle in setting
our course of action should be: Does it help the
U.S. and the free world to grow in strength and
unit}' or does it help the Soviet in its program to
divide and conquer the free world. To this end
we should have as our objectives maintaining a
high level of production and employment in a
sound, dynamic, expanding xVmerican economy
and, second, the positive strengthening and uni-
fication of our free world allies in rolling back
and defeating Communist aggression. Stalin in
his article in the Communist publication Bolshevik
released last October at the 19th Party Congress
regarded as inevitable, because he hoped and
wanted it to happen, a trade war between the na-
tions of the free world. Malenkov in his October
5 report to the 19th Party Congress was even more
explicit :
American imperialism is acting today not only as an
international exploiter and enslaver of nations but also
as a force that is disrupting the economies of the other
capitalist countries. ... It is wrecking the historically
established multilateral economic ties between the capi-
talist countries and replacing them by unilateral ties
between these countries and the United States. Boosting
their exports through the most unscrupulous dumping
while at the same time closing their home market to
foreign goods . . . the economic policy pursued by Amer-
ican imperialists is bound to aggravate the antagonisms
between the United States and other capitalist countries.
If we wish to prevent the realization of Stalin's
and Malenkov's predictions and hopes, if we wish
to thwart the Communist policy objective of divid-
ing the free world, then can there be any question
at all that we do not want to reverse the trend of
the past two decades and raise again trade barriers
to the goods and services of our friends?
In terms of our foreign-policy objectives set
down by the President and in terms of the objec-
tives of the Mutual Security Act which require me
as Administrator to "strengthen the mutual se-
curity of the Free World" and "to develop their
resources in the interest of their security and in-
dependence and the national interests of the
United States," let me cite a few facts :
Results of Reducing Exports
1. If we reduce our exports what happens ? We
hurt America and we hurt our friends abroad. In
1952 we exported roughly 10 percent of the total
movable goods (agricultural products, manufac-
tures, etc.) that we produced. Our wheat farmers
exported 48 percent of their total production in
1952, our cotton farmers 37 percent, our tobacco
farmers 25 percent. Our machine tool manufac-
turers 11 percent of their production in 1952, our
746
Department of State Bulletin
tractor nifinufacturers 23 percent of their produc-
tion. These are but a few examples of the extent
to which American farmers, hiborers, and business-
men depend on exports for their own livelihood.
With large surpluses of butter, cheese, dried milk,
and cotton in our storage warehouses, it is em-
phatically important that we must export more not
less or our American taxpayer will be paying more
in terms of price supports. If we reduce our ex-
ports we hurt our own people but we also hurt
our friends abroad and allies who are dependent
on these imports which are vital to their own econ-
omies and to the free-world defense. For ex-
ample, the United Kingdom in 1952 imported
from the United States about 10 percent of its total
imports and its total imports were about a fourth
of the U.K. total consumption. Japan, to take a
country on the other side of the world, imported
from the United States about 30 percent of its
total imports which too represented a considerable
portion of its total consumption.
2. If we try and balance payments by continuing
large-scale aid indefinitely we either increase our
taxes or our debt — perhaps both. We weaken
the basic moi'ale and initiative of our friends.
We play into the hands of the Soviet propa-
gandists.
Any industrial country such as the United States
which depends on the outside world 100 percent
for its tin, 100 percent for its mica, 100 percent
for its asbestos, 100 percent for its chrome, 99 per-
cent for its nickel, 93 percent for its cooalt, 95
percent for its manganese, 67 percent for its wool,
65 percent for its bauxite, 55 percent for its lead,
42 percent for its copper is unwise in terms of its
own self-interest to raise new trade barriers.
I submit to you that at this juncture in the devel-
opment of unity and strength among the free na-
tions the present Reciprocal Trade Agreements
Act should be extended and, as the President has
recommended, a thorough study and re-examina-
tion of the facts should be carried on to allow us
to set the best forward course.
President Recommends Commission
To Review Commercial Policy
White House press release dated May 2
The President on May 2 sent the foUotuing letter
to Vice President Nixon and Speaker of the House
Joseph W. Martin, Jr. :
In the Message which I sent to the Congress
on April seventh requesting a one-year extension
of the present Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act,^
I referred to the need for a thorough reexamina-
tion of our whole foreign economic policy.
I now recommend that a commission be esfab-
' Bulletin of Apr. 27, 1953, p. 634.
May 25, 7953
lished to make this review. The review should
provide tlie basis for action during the next session
of the Congress.
It is my belief that the proposed commission
sliould be made up of members of the Congress
appointed by the Vice President and the Speaker
of the House, and members appointed by myself
from outside the Congress. It should be repre-
sentative of both major parties. This is appropri-
ate since commercial policy is an integral part
of our total foreign policy for which broacl national
support is vital.
This commission naturally should work within
the framework of our foreign policy and our global
defense plans. Close liaison should be maintained
with the group set up under the auspices of the
State Department to follow up the economic and
financial talks held earlier this spring between the
United States and various European countries.
The commission should study all existing legis-
lation and tlie regulations and administrative pro-
cedures stemming from it which bear directly on
our foreign economic relations. This review
should seek to determine how these laws can be
modified or improved so as to achieve the highest
possible levels of international trade without sub-
jecting parts of our economy to sudden or serious
strains.
An inquiry of this nature is imperative. The
economic policy of this nation exercises such a
profound influence on the entire free world that
we must consider carefully each step we take.
Changes in foreign economic policy — even those
which at first have relatively slight consequences
within this country — may either strengthen our
allies or plunge them into a downward spiral of
trade and payment restrictions, lower production,
and declining living standards.
Our foreign economic policy also has important
implications here at home. Declining imports will
necessarily mean falling exports, resulting in a
serious loss of markets for our agriculture and
other industries. Expanded imports may require
some adjustments in our country. We must make
sure that changes in foreign economic policy con-
sonant with our position as the world's greatest
creditor nation do not benefit particular groups
at the expense of the national welfare, but we
must also make sure that such changes do not place
unequal burdens on particular groups.
As I indicated in my previous Message, the
achievement of a strong and self-supporting eco-
nomic system in the free world, capable of pro-
viding adequate defense against aggression and of
achieving rising standards of living, must be a
cooperative effort. Through increasing two-way
international trade and stimulating in every prac-
tical way the flow of private investment abroad
we can strengthen the free world, including our-
selves, in natural and healthy ways. By so doing,
we can lessen and ultimately eliminate the heavy
burden of foreign aid which we now bear. Both
747
we and our friends abroad earnestly desire to see
regular trade and investment replace grant
assistance.
In launching a broad-gauge study into the ques-
tion of what our foreign economic policy should
be, I think we can prepare the way for a fuller
utilization of the economic strength of the free
world in the cause of peace and prosperity.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
World Trade Week
Statement hy Secretary Dulles
Press release 267 dated May 15
The special significance of World Trade Week
at this critical time in international affairs is
emphasized by President Eisenhower in pro-
claiming the national observance of this week.^
He stated: ". . . international ti-ade among
the nations of the free world adds to the economic
strength upon which their common defense is
based."
Our defenses are involved. As the free world
seeks to build its defensive strength it is essential
that we establish a solid economic foundation.
Without such a foundation our cooperative polit-
ical and military structure is built on quicksand.
International trade plays a key role in this
program.
The Soviet leaders, past and present, are aware
of the close relationship between our trade policy
and the West's defense effort. They have con-
sistently proceeded on the theory that economics
is the free world's Achilles heel. Stalin and his
successors have predicted an inevitable trade con-
flict between the nations of the free world which
will bring in its wake the certain disintegration
of free world unity and the ultimate world
triumph of communism. More than that, the
Soviet Union is working constantly to encourage
such a split in the free world.
The free world must prove these predictions
wrong. But we cannot do so if we are blind to
the fact that the Communist thesis includes some
valid elements. We could by our own mistakes
make the Soviet predictions come true.
We must recognize that our political, security,
and economic interests cannot be divorced. As
a matter of fact, the ability of the free nations
to resist Communist aggression and their willing-
ness to cooperate with us on common-security
policies depends upon their economic well-being.
That is, in turn, influenced by what our economic
policies, including our tariff policy, will be.
President Eisenhower has recommended the
establishment of a bipartisan commission to de-
velop recommendations for a foreign-economic
' Bulletin of May 18, 1953, p. 716.
policy adequate to the needs of these critical
times. Public discussion during this World Trade
Week and understanding of the issues involved
will help this Government meet the responsibili-
ties in the free world which fate has thrust
upon us.
Proposed High-Level Conference
With the Soviets
Following is the text of a statement made on
May 13 hy Michael J. McDermott, Special As-
sistant for Press Relations, regarding a high-level
conference with the Soviets, which Sir Winston
Churchill proposed in the House of Commons on
May 11 :
Prime Minister Churchill's statement concern-
ing a high-level conference with the Soviets is a
further manifestation of his own high purpose
and of the fervent desire of all the peoples of the
free world to achieve a just and lasting peace.
Such a peace is a goal toward which we and our
free world Allies are devoting our constant effort
so that we may help all peoples toward better
standards of living. Eecently President Eisen-
hower stressed his willingness to do all within his
power to ameliorate existing international ten-
sions and to meet the other side halfway when
and if there is concrete evidence that such a meet-
ing would produce positive results. The Presi-
dent indicated in his speech of April 16 ^ those
places in Asia and Europe toward which we
should look for such evidence. Indeed, at the
present time, negotiations at Panmunjom and
pending negotiations with respect to Austria af-
ford opportunity for the Soviets to demonstrate
the sincerity of their avowals about the peaceful
settlement of major international issues. Such a
demonstration would help to pave the way toward
a high-level conference.^
' Bulletin of Apr. 27, 1953, p. 599.
" At his press conference on May 14 the President said
in answer to a question about Sir Winston's proposal that
the State Department had released a statement with his
approval. All these things, he said, were manifestations
of the free world's great longing for some kind of peace-
ful composition of our difficulties in the world. The ques-
tion was when the heads of state, who were very busy
men, could meet and discuss these things with some
promise of progress.
He personally was ready to do anything, the President
continued ; the only thing he believed the dignity and self-
respect of the United States demanded was that we had
some reasonable indication that progress could be made.
He did not insist that complete progress be achieved or
that any great blueprint for the peace of the world come
out of such a conference ; just that something that could
be called progress be made.
He had no objection to Sir Winston's proposal, he con-
cluded, but he would like, before he committed this Gov-
ernment to participate, something that would be evidence
of good faith all around.
748
Departmenf of State Bulletin
German Libraries in Italy Restored to Former Ownership
Following is the text of a Department announce-
ment {press release £30 dated May 1, annotated
by Ardelia R. Hall, Arts and Monuments Adviser,
Division of Overseas Information Centers), to-
gether with the text of an agreement signed at
Rome on April 30.
DEPARTMENT ANNOUNCEMENT OF MAY 1
Clare Boothe Luce, on behalf of the U.S.
Government, and the Ambassadors of the
British and French Governments, the Italian Pre-
mier and the Ambassador of the German Federal
Kepublic on April 30, 1953 signed an agreement
at Rome transferring four German mstitutes m
Italy and their libraries, collections, and property
to the Federal Republic of Germany for restoration
to former legal ownership and administration.
A cultural accord was signed at Rome on Feb-
ruary 27, 1953, by Konrad Adenauer, Chancellor
of Germany, and Alcide de Gasperi, the Italian
Premier, in accordance with the prior decision o±
the United States, the United Kingdom, and
France to restore the institutes to the Federal
Republic. The signing of the five-power agree-
ment marks the conclusion of the negotiations.
The libraries since their return to Italy have
been under the joint control of the United States,
the United Kingdom, and France. They were
stored during the war in the salt mines of Austria
and in a monastery in Germany. They were re-
turned in 1946 from the American Occupied Zones
by Gen. E. E. Hume and Gen. Lucius D. Clay
and placed under the control of the Alhed Com-
mission for Italy.
The restitution of the institutes is in conformity
with established Allied policies of respect for
German cultural institutions, observed throughout
the American, British, and French Zones of Ger-
many. The reopening of museums, libraries, and
universities was among the earliest acts of the
Allied Control Council in Berlin. The American
policy specifically stated that its objectives were
to protect and preserve German-owned cultural
materials and works of art and the contents of
museums, libraries, and archives, and to complete
May 25, 7953
the transfer of administration to the responsible
German agencies.^
The history of the four institutes in Italy under
the direction of learned societies in Germany
has been fully published. They include the
German Archaeological Institute of Rome,^ the
German Historical Institute,' the Hertziana Li-
brary,^ and the German Institute of the History
of Art of Florence.^ They were established in
1829, 1881, 1911, and 1897 respectively, for the
advancement of research in Italy in the fields of
'Office of Military Government for Germany (U.S.),
Military Government Regulations, Title 18: Monuments
Fine Arts and Archives (Change No. 1, 12 February 1947.
Berlin) par. 18-111 and l.S-113: Germany 19^7-19-^9—
The Story in Documents, Department of State pubUca-
tlon 3550. p. 619.
= The German Archaeological Institute, Rome Branch
(Deutsches Archaologische Institut, Riimische Zweigan-
stalt) was administered by the German Archaeological
Institute, with headquarters in Berlin. The foundat.on
of the Institute and its early history are set fortb jn
the following references: Bullettino degli Annali dell
Institnto di corrispondenxa archeologica per lanno 18W
(Salvineci, Rome, 1829), pp. iii-viii, "Manifesto di asso-
ciazione " and pp. 66-70 ; Annali delV Instxtuto di corrv-
sZZenzaarcZlooica/yol. 1 (1829); Gerhart Roclen-
waldt Archdologisches Institut des Deiitschen Retches
1S29-1929 (Walter de Gruyter, Berlin, 1929).
'The German Historical Institute (Deutsches His-
torisches Institut) was founded under the °ame of J^!
German Historical Station of the Royal Academj of
Sciences following the opening of the Papal secret
archives! The early history of the Institute is given in
the following volume: Walter Fviedensburg, Das Konjg-
llch Preussische Historische Instmt "J R""* "^^«^
dreizehn erstcn Jahren seines Bestehens 188^-1901 (Xer-
lag der Kcinigl. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Berlin,
•The Hertziana Library (Bibliotheca Hertziana) was
bequeathed to and administered by the Kaiser Wi helm
Gesellschaft fiir Kunstwissenschaft, now the Max-Planck
Gesellschaft. An account of the Hertziana Library and
of the Palace Zuccari and its frescoes is found in tne
following references: Jean Paul Richter, La coUecitone
Hertz e gli affreschi di Giulio Romano nei Palazzo Zucc^ri.
Con una prefazione di Robert Mond. (Romische For-
sZZn der BiUiotheca Hertziana V 1928. Privately
printed. Leipzig) : Werner Korte, Der Palazzo Zuccari m
Rom Sein Freskenschmuck vnd seine Geschichte (Verlag
Heinrich Keller, Leipzig, 1935), also contains a bibhog-
raphv on the Bibliotheca Hertziana, pp. SS, 89.
'The German Institute of the History of Art in Florence
(Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florenz) was founded and
749
classical archeology, Italian painting, and Papal
history. They were permanently located in Rome
and Florence, cities which are vast repositories of
the cultural heritage of Western Europe. They
were ably administered for over a half a century
in the service of generations of scholars. As such
they come under the protective articles of inter-
national law in The Hague conventions of 1899
and 1907,'' which proclaim the inviolability of all
institutions dedicated to religion, charity, educa-
tion, and the arts and sciences. The American
position, that "the libraries are regarded by this
Government as cultural property to be excluded
from German external assets and to be returned
to their rightful owners," was published in 1951.'
The magnificent libraries of these institutes,
among the finest specialized libraries in the world,
are their chief scholarly asset. Valued in the mil-
lions of dollars, they have been increased over the
years by many private donors. The international
group of scholare and patrons which founded the
Arcliaeological Institute in 1829 generously sup-
ported it. Among the founders was the distin-
guished French archaeologist, Quatremere de
Quincy, and the Institute exemplifies his famous
analogy of "the universal republic of arts and
sciences," as a spiritual republic in which peoples
of all countries are members and share its lofty
concerns.* The Institute grew with the acquisition
of the von Bunsen collection in 1838, the Parthey
Library, and the library of Baron Platner in 1878,
and in recent years was deeded the estate of one
of its directors. The Historical Institute began its
library with a collection from the Royal Library
of Berlin. The Florence Institute was developed
by the members of an international society of
friends of the Institute.
The Hertziana Library is a unique memorial to
international good will. It was created by Hen-
rietta Hertz and her British friends, Mr. and Mrs.
Ludwig Mond, with her library and that of Mrs.
Mond as a nucleus. Mr. Mond was a distinguished
scientist and philanthropist. The Mond family
and Miss Hertz are famous for their patronage of
the arts, and they will always be remembered for
administered by the Society for the Maintenance of the
Institute of Art History in Florence (Der Verein zur
Erhaltung des Kunstliistorischen Institutes in Florenz).
Tlie history of the Florence Institute is given in the fol-
lowing pamphlet and annual reports: Ktinsthistorisches
Institut in Florenz 1897-1925 (pamphlet published on the
80th birthday of Wilhelm Bode) ; JahreshcricMe, Verein
zur Erhaltung des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in
Florence.
'Convention (II) with respect to the laics and customs
of tear on land, signed at The Hague, July 29, 1899, annex
to the convention, article 56 (U.S. Treaty Series No. 403) ;
Convention (IV) respecting the laws and customs of tear
on land, signed at The Hague, Oct. 18, 1907, annex to the
convention, article 56 (U.S. Treaty Series No. 539).
' Bulletin of Aug. 27, 1951, p. 345.
' Charles De Visscher, "International Protection of
Works of Art and Historic Monuments," Documents and
State Papers, .Tune 1949, p, 824; reprinted as Department
of State publication 3590.
their farsighted beneficence in the foundation of
the Bibliotheca Hertziana, for their enrichment of
tlie museums of London and Rome, and for their
generosity to the academies of the United King-
dom " and Germany.
Miss Hertz acquired a 16th century palace on
the Piazza Trinita de' Monti from Mr. Mond and
bequeathed it to the Kaiser Wilhelm Gesellschaft
(now the Max-Planck Gesellschaft). In her un-
published will. Miss Hertz has clearly and beau-
tifully expressed her intent that "the Palazzo
Zuccari and its annexes, true to their tradition,
may for all time serve the cultivation of art and
science. With this in mind there has been estab-
lished in the lower rooms, painted by Frederico
Zuccaro (1542-1609) himself, a library of the his-
tory of art which is to be located there perma-
nently under the name of the Bibliotheca
Hertziana . . ." so as "to establish in Rome a
permanent seat of art rich in accomplishments."
With the same objective. Miss Hertz also be-
queathed her collection of paintings to the Italian
State, "as a token of my affection for the country
that I hold in such esteem as the seat of art in the
past and, I hope, also in the years to come."
It is to honor the generous spirit of such bene-
factors who have dedicated their gifts to the public
good that the four nations, Italy, France, the
United Kingdom, and the United States, have re-
stored the institutes and all their resources to the
German learned societies in order that they may
maintain the trust, which they have received from
past generations, unaltered and undiminished.
TEXT OF AGREEMENT
Whereas the Governments of the French Republic, the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland,
and the United States of America, have in accordance with
the right to dispose of German assets in Italy conferred
upon them by article 77, paragraph 5, of the Treaty of
Peace with Italy, decided to release from custody to the
former German owners certain libraries and collections in
Italy, namely
(a) The Hertziana Library, Rome ;
(6) The German Archeologlcal Institute Library,
Rome;
(c) The Library of the German Institute of Art His-
tory, Florence ;
(d) The Library of the German Historical Institute,
Rome (hereinafter referred to as "the Libraries"),
as well as certain properties, namely
(e) The Villino Amelung, Rome;
(/) The Palazzo Zuccari, Rome (hereinafter referred
to as "the Properties").
AND Whereas the Governments of the French Republic,
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ire-
land, and the United States of America have agreed in
the case of the Libraries and the Properties to release the
Government of the Italian Republic (hereinafter referred
to as "the Italian Government") from their obligation
under Paragraph 3 of the Memorandum of Understanding
regarding German assets in Italy signed in Washington ou
14th August 1947.
The Governments of the French Republic, the United
"Proceedings of the British Academy, 191S-1914, pp.
10, 11.
750
Department of State Bulletin
Kingdom of Great Britain and Nortliern Ireland, the
United States of America, tlie Italian Republic and the
Federal Republic of Germany have agreed as follows :
The Libraries and the Properties will be released from
custody to their former owners, or to their successors in
right, title or interest ; or, in the event of there being any
doubt or dispute in respect to any such right, title or
interest, to the custody of the Government of the Federal
Republic of Germany for eventual release to their lawful
owners. All of such disposition shall be subject to the
following terms :
(a) The Libraries shall remain in Italy.
(6) The Libraries shall be maintained by the owners
as international centres of scholarship and research open
to all nationals, and shall be administered in such a man-
ner as to serve impartially and without discrimination
the interests of scholars of all nations.
(c) The Government of the Federal Republic of Ger-
many waive on their own behalf and on behalf of the
former owners or their successors all claims whatsoever
against the Governments of the French Republic, the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland,
the United States of America, the Italian Republic and
all the agents and representatives of the said Govern-
ments in respect of the aforesaid Libraries and Properties,
from the time of their removal from the control of the
owners until their release as provided in this Article.
II
The Italian Government, in consideration of the guar-
antees exchanged between themselves and the Government
of the Federal Republic of Germany in the Exchange of
Letters signed in Rome on 27th February 19.53 and of
their desire to emphasize the universal cultural interest
of the Libraries, are prepared to assist in finding suitable
premises for housing the Libraries of the German Arche-
ological Institute and of the German Historical Institute,
and to grant to the Libraries, within the limits of the law,
the same facilities which they enjoyed in the past.
Ill
This Agreement shall enter into force upon 1st May
1953. In witness whereof the undersigned, being duly
authorised thereto by their respective governments, have
signed the present agreement.
Done at Rome in quintuplicate this 30th day of April
1953.
For the Government of the French Republic
Jacques Fouques Duparc
For the Oovenunent of the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Northern Ireland
Victor Mallet
For the Oovemment of the United States of America
Clare Boothe Luce
For the Oovemment of the Italian Republic
De Gasperi
For the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany
Clemens Von Brent and
Unification of Austrian
Exchange System
An initial par value for the Austrian schilling,
at 26 schillings per U.S. dollar, has been estab-
lished by agreement between the Government of
Austria and the International Monetary Fund,
the Fund announced on April 30.
The Austrian Government has informed the
Fund that it is discontinuing all multiple currency
practices and intends to pursue fiscal and credit
policies designed to maintain the effectiveness
of the par value. The new measures represent the
latest in a series of steps, taken in consultation
with the Fund, to achieve domestic monetary
stability and make possible the unification of
Atjstria's exchange rates.
The par value for Austria is as follows, effective
May 4, 1953 :
0.0341796 grams of fine gold per schilling;
910.000 schillings per trov ounce of fine gold ;
26.0000 schillings per U.S. dollar;
3.84615 U.S. cents per schilling.
New Meeting of Austrian
Treaty Deputies
Press release 256 dated May 11
The President, in his speech to the American
Society of Newspaper Editoi's on April 16,' called
upon the Soviets to prove the sincerity of their
peaceful words by performing those deeds which
are now unquestionably within their power and
which would materially enhance the prospects for
peace. The President and Secretary Dulles have
both pointed out that the Austrian question is one
of several the resolution of which would demon-
strate the good faith and peaceful intentions of
the Soviets.
The United States, in concert with the United
Kingdom and France, has had the question of an
Austrian settlement under constant consideration
since 1946 with a view to re-establishing the free-
dom and independence of Austria as promised in
the Moscow Declaration of 1943, to which the
United States, Great Britain, France, and the
Soviet Union are committed. -
By the end of 1952 a total of 258 meetings of the
deputies of these four powers had been held with-
out producing final agreement on a treaty. On
December 20, 1952, the U.N. General Assembly re-
quested the four powers to do everything possible
to arrive at a speedy settlement of the Austrian
question. Two meetings of the Austrian treaty
deputies were then held in London in February
1953, but no substantial progress was made.
The Secretary General of the treaty deputies
has now called for a meeting to be held at London
on May 27. The U.S. deputy, Walter C. Dowling,
will be present at the meeting under instructions
to do everything in his power to conclude an equi-
table Austrian settlement.
' Bulletin of Apr. 27, 1953, p. 599.
- For a chronology of events relating to the Austrian
treaty question, see ibid., Aug. 11, 1952, p. 222.
May 25, 1953
751
Visit of Indian Vice President
Press release 263 dated May 14
Upon the invitation of this Government, S.
Kadhakrishnan, Vice President of India, will come
to Washington on May 20.
Mr. Kadhakrishnan will stay at Blair-Lee
Hpuse. During his visit the Vice President will
call on the President and visit Mount Vernon and
the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier at Arlington.
On May 21 a dinner will be given in his honor
by the Acting Secretary of State. On May 22 the
Vice President of the United States will give a
luncheon in his honor at the Capitol, and on the
same day the Ambassador of India will give a
reception at the Embassy. Mr. Radhakrishnan
will leave by train for Canada on May 24.
Laos Constitution Day
Press release 25T dated May 11
Secretary Dulles transmitted the following mes-
sage to the Prime Minister of Laos, Souvanna-
Phouma, on the occasion of Laos Constitution
Bay, May 11 {May 10, U. S. thne) :
On occasion Laos Constitution Day, I am glad to
express sympathy and admiration with which the
United States Government and people have fol-
lowed the valiant resistance of Laos to Communist
aggression. This aggression was a particularly
shocking act against a free constitutional govern-
ment which has shown that it enjoys full support
of its citizens in time of grave crisis. Your armed
forces and those from other parts of the French
Union are giving to the Free World a heartening
demonstration of a brave and resourceful fight
against aggression ; a fight which I am confident
will be successful.
Greek Problems Discussed
Press release 255 dated May 9
Spyros Markezinis, Minister of Coordination of
the Government of Greece, held discussions this
week with the President, the Secretary of State,
the Secretary of the Treasury, and the Director
for Mutual Security concerning Greek defense and
economic conditions.
The Government of the United States is fully
aware of the severe difficulties which have con-
tinuously confronted the Greek people during the
postwar years in suppressing armed Communist
subversions, achieving the physical rehabilitation
of Greece, and securing the internal stability of
the country. It stresses once again its admira-
tion for the progress achieved by the efforts and
sacrifices of the Greek people and its wholehearted
and continuing interest in the future of Greece.
This Government views with deep satisfaction
the state of readiness of the Greek Armed Forces
and tlie progress made by Greece with her friendly
neighbors for defense against aggression. It rec-
ognizes that tlie considerable strides of Greece
toward economic stability, attained by the vigor-
ous action of the Greek Government, provide a
sound basis for future economic development and
I'epresent a most encouraging achievement.
The Government of the United States welcomes
the intention of the Greek Government to develop
a long-term investment program. We hope that
such a program will command support in Greece
and abroad from those who would normally
finance such a progi'am. The U.S. Government
insofar as it is concerned expects to continue, sub-
ject to congressional authorization, economic and
military assistance to Greece, and the executive
branch has asked Congress for mutual-security
funds for this purpose for the next fiscal year.
Such funds as well as funds previously appropri-
ated for the current fiscal year will, we expect, help
in the implementation of the long-term program
referred to.
U. S., Canada Discuss
Mutual Problems
Text of Joint Communique
White House press release dated May 8
The President of the United States, the Secre-
tary of State, and other members of the Cabinet
have held discussions during the last two days
with the Canadian Prime Minister, Mr. Louis S.
St. Laurent, and the Secretary of State for Ex-
ternal Affairs, Mr. L. B. Pearson. The meeting
continued a long standing practice of visits ex-
changed across the border between Prime Min-
isters of Canada and Presidents of the United
States. The conversations consisted of a full and
frank exchange of views on the world situation
in general and on United States-Canadian rela-
tions in particular. They were conducted in that
spirit of friendship and cooperation which has
long been characteristic of official discussions be-
tween the two Governments and they revealed a
far-reaching identity of objectives.
In a survey of the world situation today, the
President and the Prime Minister gave particular
emphasis to recent developments in the U.S.S.R.
and the Soviet orbit and their effects upon the
free nations of the world. It was agreed that
while every effort should be made to bring about
a relaxation of current tensions, the free nations
could not afford to diminish their efforts toward
the achievement of united strength and ability to
meet aggression. Acts, not words, would be proof
of Communist intentions. Though recent devel-
opments in Korea where Canadian and United
States troops are fighting side by side have seemed
752
Department of State Bvlhtin
more hopeful, nevertheless, in Laos a new act of
ago-ression has been committed which might have
serious consequences for Thailand and the whole
of Southeast Asia. These developments in South-
. east Asia must cast doubt on Communist
I intentions.
In the discussions on the European area, em-
phasis was placed on the necessity of maintaining
the momentum of vigorous support for Nato.
The achievements of the recent Nato Ministerial
meeting were noted with satisfaction. It was
ao-reed that both countries must continue to do
their full share to further Nato objectives.
Views were exchanged concerning progress
made toward the expansion of world trade. It was
recalled that trade between the United States and
Canada is greater than that between any other two
countries. The Prime Minister stressed the great
importance attached by Canada to the liberation
and expansion of world trade and expressed the
hope that the United States would play a role of
leadership in this field. The President stated
that, as an interim step, the Administration has
recommended to the Congress the one-year re-
newal of the Reciprocal Trade Act and intends to
submit to the Congress shortly its proposals re-
garding Customs Simplification. The President
also pointed out that he has recommended to the
Congress the establishment of a Commission to
study all aspects of United States economic for-
eign policy so that future policies will be compre-
hensive, constructive and consistent.
The Prime Minister emphasized the importance
to Canada of an early start on the St. Lawrence
project and the especial urgency to Canada of the
power development. The President assured the
Prime Minister that the United States is fully
aware of Canada's urgent need for St. Lawrence
power. He said that he favored the development
of the United States share of St. Lawrence power
under the authority of New York State and that
he hoped for an early favorable decision by the
Federal Power Commission in this matter. The
President in this connection referred to the deci-
sion of the Cabinet on this subject announced to-
day.^ The Prime Minister said that the Canadian
Government was still prepared to discuss United
States participation in the international section,
provided that arrangements for power construc-
tion are completed and provided the whole seaway
would not be delayed. He stressed again Canada's
readiness to proceed at once with the work under
the Canadian St. Lawrence legislation of 1951.
Recognizing the importance to the free world
of the adequate defense of the North American
continent, the President and the Prime Minister
emphasized the desirability and effectiveness o±
cooperation on the basis of the Ogdensburg Decla-
ration of 1910, which established the Permanent
Joint Board on Defense between Canada and the
' Infra.
May 25, 1953
United States. Post-war arrangements for con-
tinental defense have continued in this framework.
It was recognized by the Prime Minister and the
President that joint defense facilities erected in
Canada under these arrangements strengthen the
defense and the security of both Canada and the
United States. The President assured the Prime
Minister that the United States, for its part, in
such joint actions will continue scrupulously to
respect Canadian sovereignty.
The Prime Minister and the President reafbrmed
the importance of continuing the wholehearted co-
operation between the two countries m the field
of continental defense, and in the wider field of
international action designed to preserve and
strengthen peace.
Special Committee's Report
on St. Lawrence Seaway Project
White House press release dated May 8
The Cabinet on May 8 unanimously approved
a report by a special Cabinet Committee, appointed
by the President to study the St. LawrenccvGreat
Lakes Seaway project. The Committee consisted
of representatives of the Departments of State,
Defense, Commerce, and the Interior. ^ , . ,
The Committee proposed, and the Cabinet
agreed, that participation by the United Stages
in the seaway project is highly desirable, provided
such participation is limited to the international
section of the St. Lawrence between Lake H-rie
and Montreal. . -^.v j-t.
The recommendation is consistent with the
administration's policy of considering each ma]or
construction project on its merits and m terms
of whether it should be a Federal, local, or private
project or a combination of any two or all.
The recommendations of the Committee, as ap-
proved by the Cabinet, follow :
1. The" interests of the United States, taken as
a whole, make desirable participation in the St.
Lawrence-Great Lakes Seaway project, limited to
the international section of the St. Lawrence be-
tween Lake Erie and Montreal.
2. Participation by the United States should,
however, be expressly conditioned on : (a) Satis-
f actorv assurance that the underlying power proj-
ect will go ahead, pursuant to appropriate author-
ization; (i) satisfactory assurance that Canada
will go ahead with its part of the navigation proj-
ect, in cooperation with the United States; and
(c) predication of the project on a self -liquidating
basis. The Committee is of the opinion that these
conditions are reasonable and consistent with na-
tional policy.
3. Participation by the United States now m
the construction and"operation of a St. Lawrence
River Seaway would increase its defense advan-
753
tages to this country, and would in time of emer-
gency assure it of full benefits of joint participa-
tion.
4. Participation by the United States now in
the project would strengthen our strategic position
at all times respecting use of the seaway for trans-
portation of basic materials.
5. Construction of the international rapids sec-
tion canals on the U. S. side would be more econom-
ical than construction on the Canadian side and
would result in lower tolls, and, because of its de-
sign, the American project would constitute in
certain aspects a superior navigation facility.
6. The Committee is of the opinion that the St.
Lawrence Seaway, Lake Erie to Montreal, so con-
structed and operated, would be self-liquidating
over a projected period of 50 years.
7. The Committee feels that the early initiation
and completion of the St. Lawrence-Great Lakes
Seaway project in accordance with the recommen-
dations contained in this report is in the national
interest.
Visit of Jean Monnet
Press release 259 dated May 12
Jean Monnet, Chairman of the High Authoritv
of the European Coal and Steel Community, will
pay a visit to the United States during the early
part of June at the invitation of the U.S. Govern-
ment. He will spend several days in Washino-ton
where he will call on President Eisenhower lind
other high officials to discuss the affairs of the
European Coal and Steel Community and other
matters relating to European unity.
Mr. Monnet will also visit New York where he
will receive an honorary degree from Columbia
University on June 2.
Since the establishment of the Coal and Steel
Community on July 25, 1952, Mr. Monnet has
visited the six countries which are members of this
Community— France, Germany, Italy, Belgium,
Luxembourg, and the Netherlands. He has also
visited certain countries which are closely associ-
ated with the Community, including the United
Kingdom and Sweden. During his visit to the
United States, Mr. Monnet will be accompanied by
a small group of other members of the Hio-h
Authority. "^
Mr. Monnet is regarded as one of the outstand-
ing leaders of the movement toward unity in
Europe. He has had a distinguished career in
business and public service dating back to World
War I.
From 1919 to 1923 he served as fii-st Assistant
Secretary General of the League of Nations, after
which he devoted himself primarily to business
afiairs until World War II. During the war he
carried out a number of important assignments
first as a member of the French Purchasing Mis-
sion in Washington, later as a member of the
British Purchasing Commission, and still later as
chairman of the Anglo-American War Production
Board. In 1944 he became head of the French
Economic Mission in Washington and negotiated
the lend-lease agreement with the U.S. Govern-
ment. He was a member of the French delegation
to the Unrra conference in Montreal in 1944, and
to the U.N. conference in San Francisco in 1945.
Mr. Monnet continued to serve the French Govern-
ment in various capacities in the years following
the war and attained international recognition as
a leading proponent of the "unified market" in
Western Europe. Together with his fellow-
countryman, Mr. Schuman, he was one of the driv- i
mg spirits in the development of the European
Coal and Steel Community and was appointed
Chairman of the High Authority of the Coal and
Steel Community when it came into existence in
July 1952. "Wliile directing Europe's first great
experiment in a merger of sovereignty, Jean Mon-
net has continued to urge further steps toward the
more complete political, economic, and military
unification of Europe.'
Brazilian Loan Agreement
The credit of $300,000,000 authorized by the
Export-Import Bank on February 21 = to assist
Brazil in liquidating its past due U.S. dollar ac-
counts was formalized on April 30 with the sign-
ing of the loan agreement at the offices of the
Export-Import Bank.
Glen E. Edgerton, Chairman of the Board of
Directors, signed for the Export-Import Bank
with Mario Leopoldo Pereira da Camara, Finan-
cial Counselor of the Brazilian Embassv, signing
for the Banco do Brasil. Walther More'ira Salles,
Ambassador of Brazil, and Ernani do Amaral
Peixoto, Governor of the State of Rio de Janeiro,
witnessed the signing.
The credit will be administered by the Banco
do Brasil. All exporters entitled to payment
should seek repayment through usual commercial
channels from the Banco do Brasil and not
through the Export-Import Bank.
' For an article ou Mr. Monnet, see Field Reporter, Jan-
uary-February 1953, Department of State publication
4874, p. 27.
"Bulletin of Jlar. 23, 1953, p. 442.
754
Department of State Bulletin
Repatriation of Korean Prisoners of War
BASIC U. S. POSITION ON
PRISONER QUESTION RESTATED
Press release 269 dated May 15
There have been many questions, and some mis-
understanding, about the present status ot the
armistice negotiations at Panmunjom. it is ap-
propriate, therefore, to restate our basic position
and to make clear where we stand.
The Government of the United States, like the
Governments of the other U.N. members partici-
pating in Korea, has always wanted peace in
Korea. We did not start the war m Korea, but
we have always been ready to end it on an honor-
able basis. For almost 2 years we have patiently
and persistently sought to bring an end to the
war Our efforts to bring peace to Korea were
ignored by the Communists for the first year of
the fio-hting. Wlien armistice negotiations finally
be'^an in July 1951, the U.N. Command made
every effort to reach an honorable armistice. We
have negotiated in good faith and with great
patience. We are continuing to negotiate in that
tiie negotiations have been deadlocked for
more than a year on the question of prisoners of
war Members of the free world have afhrmed
that there can be no force used to compel the un-
willing prisoners to return to the Communists.
That is the fundamental issue between us and the
Communists and the one on which we stand.
Some weeks ago the Communists for the first
time gave some basis for hoping that they may
be prepared to meet the moral judgment of the
nations of the world on the prisoner question.
After several false starts they finally came for-
ward with a proposal which, with necessary mod-
ifications and clarifications, could form a basis
for an honorable agreement.^ On May 13 the
U.N. Command accepted many points of this
latest Communist proposal as a basis for negotia-
tion and proposed some modifications to make the
plan workable. These suggestions are designed
to make the plan for taking custody of the pris-
oners of war who resist repatriation practicable
and fair, to protect the prisoners in question, while
at the same time satisfying the Communists and
the peoples of the world that the decision of these
' Bulletin of May 18, 1953, p. 727.
May 25, 7 953
persons to go home or not to go home is entirely
their own. The U.N. Command has sought to re-
duce the scope of the problem to give maximum
protection to all the prisoners, as well as to make
the task of the custodial commission manageable.
On one point there can be no question. The
principle that force shall not be used to compel
resisting prisoners to go home excludes every form
of coercion. We cannot, consistently with that
principle, create a situation where such persons
are offered no alternative to repatriation other
than indefinite captivity or custody. The prin-
ciples for which we have been striving for many
months and which have been approved by the
United Nations require that the prisoner question
should be finally settled, that persons who wish
to go home should be allowed to do so and that
those who do not shall be released withm a rea-
sonable time after the end of hostilities. _
The prisoner-of-war question is no technicality
but a fundamental point of fi-ee world philosophy
on the integrity and rights of the individual.
Free men cannot and will not agree to regard
human beings as mere chattels to be held and
used as such. The U.N. Command will continue
to explore every possibility for an honorable and
reasonable solution in Korea but it will not sur-
render a fundamental humanitarian principle
vital to the whole free world.
NEW U.N. PROPOSAL FOR
SETTLING PRISONER QUESTION
Following is the text of a -proposal submitted
on May 13 hy the U.N. Command to the Commu-
nist negotiators in Korea.
1 Within 2 months after the Armistice Agreement
becomes effective, both sides will, '^Ithout offering any
hindrance, repatriate and hand over m groups all those
Prisoners 'of War in its custody who insist on repatna^
tion to the side to which they belonged at the time of
capture Repatriation shall be accomplished m ac^cord-
ance with the related provisions of Article III of the
Draft Armistice Agreement. In order to expedite the
processing of such personnel, each side shall, prior to tlie
signing of the Armistice Agreement, exchange the total
numbers, bv nationalities of personnel to be repatriated
direct Each group delivered to the other side shall
be accompanied by rosters, prepared by nationali y to
include name, ranli (if any) and internment or miUtary
Serial Number.
755
2. A. On the date the armistice becomes effective, all
Prisoners of War of Korean nationality who, while in
the custody of the detaining powers, have elected not to
avail themselves of their right to be repatriated, shall
be released to civilian status. Those who may subse-
quently desire to return to the area under the military
control of the side to which they formerly belonged shall
be permitted and assisted to do so under the provisions
of Article 59 of the Draft Armistice Agreement.
B. Terms of reference for Prisoners of War Custodial
Commission.
I. General.
1. In order to insure that all Prisoners of War have the
opportunity to exercise their right to be repatriated fol-
lowing an armistice, Sweden, Switzerland, Poland, Czecho-
slovakia, and India shall each be requested by both sides
to appoint a member to a Prisoner of War Custodial
Commission which shall be established to take custody in
Korea of those Prisoners of War who, while in the custody
of the detaining powers, have elected not to avail them-
selves of their right to be repatriated, and who are not
released to civilian status on the date the armistice be-
comes effective. The Prisoner of War Custodial Com-
mission shall establish its headquarters within the de-
militarized zone in the vicinity of Panmunjom. Subordi-
nate bodies of the same composition as the Prisoner of
War Custodial Commission shall be stationed at those
locations at which the Custodial Commission assumes
custody of Prisoners of War.
2. The Armed Forces and any other operating personnel
required to assist the Custodial Commission in carrying
out Its functions and responsibilities shall be provided
exclusively by India, whose representative shall also be
Chairman and Executive Agent of the Custodial Com-
mission. Representatives from each of the other 4 powers
shall be allowed staff assistants in equal number not to
exceed 10 each. The arms of all personnel provided for
in this paragraph shaU be limited to Military Police tvne
small arms. "
3. No force or threat of force shall be used against the
Prisoners of War specified in paragraph 1 above to prevent
or effect their repatriation, and no violence to their persons
or affront to their dignity or self-respect shall be per-
mitted in any manner for any purpose whatsoever (but
see paragraph 7 below). This duty is enjoined on and
entrusted to the Prisoner of War Custodial Commission
and each of its representatives. Both sides shall have
representatives with appropriate representatives of the
Prisoner of War Custodial Commission to determine that
any personnel who request return to the other side have
not been coerced into making this decision. Prisoners
of War shall at all times be treated humanely in accord-
ance with the specific provisions of the Geneva Conven-
tion, and with the general spirit of that convention.
II. Custody of Prisoners of War.
4 All Prisoners of War who do not avail themselves
Of the right of repatriation following the effective date of
the Armistice Agreement, or who are not released to
civilian status on that date, shall be released from the
military control and from the custody of the detaining
side as soon as practicable, and, in all cases, within
60 days subsequent to the effective date of the Armistice
Agreement to the Custodial Commission at locations in
Korea to be designated by the detaining side.
5. The locations specified in the preceding paragraph
shall be demilitarized by the withdrawal of the military
forces of the detaining side to a distance of at least 2
kilometers from the perimeter of the Prisoners of War
installation at the time the Custodial Commission assumes
control thereof.
6. Notwithstanding the provisions of paragraph 5 above
the Indian representative is entitled to call upon the
detaining side in the area under whose military con-
trol Prisoners of War installations are physically located,
to provide such administrative and security forces as
may be needed to augment the forces provided by India.
756
Forces so provided shall be under the operational con-
trol of the Senior Officer of the Indian Security Forces
7. Notwithstanding the provisions of paragraph 3
above, nothing in this agreement shall be construed as
derogating from the authority of the Custodial Commig.
sion to exercise its legitimate functions and responsiblli-
ties for the control of the prisoners under this temporary
jurisdiction. |
III. Verification.
8. Each side shall be afforded an opportunity to verify
or ascertain the attitude towards repatriation of its
captured personnel while they are in the custody of the
Custodial Commission. To this end, its representatives
shall be afforded access to its captured personnel to explain
to them their rights, and inform them on any matters
relating to their return to their homelands, under the
following provisions :
A. The number of such verifying representatives shall
not exceed 1 per thousand Prisoners of War held In
custody by the Custodial Commission, but the minimum
shall not be less than 5 ;
B. The hours during which the verifying representa-
tives shall have access to the prisoners shall be as deter-
mined by the Custodial Commission, and generally in
accord with Article 53 of the Geneva Convention relative
to the treatment of Prisoners of War;
C. All verifications and interviews shall be conducted
In the presence of a representative of each member nation
of the Custodial Commission ;
D. Additional provisions governing verifications shall
be prescribed by the Custodial Commission, and will be
designed to employ the principles outlined in paragraph
3 above.
9. Prisoners of War in its custody shall have freedom
and facilities to make representations and communica-
tions to the Custodial Commission and to representatives
and agencies of the Custodial Commission and to inform
them of their desires on any matter concerning them-
selves, in accordance with arrangements made for the
purpose by the Custodial Commission.
IV. Disposition of Prisoners of War.
10. Any Prisoner of War who, while in the custody of
the Custodial Commission, decides to avail himself of
the right of repatriation, shall so certify to a body con-
sisting of a representative of each member nation "of the
Custodial Commission. Upon execution of such certifi-
cate, he shall, while still in the custody of the Custodial
Commission, be delivered forthwith to the Prisoner of
War exchange point at Panmunjom for repatriation under
the procedure prescribed in the Armistice Agreement.
11. Sixty days after transfer of custody of the Prisoners
of War to the Custodial Commission is completed. Prison-
ers of War who have not availed themselves of the right
to be repatriated shall be released to civilian status, the
Custodial Commission ceasing its function and being
dissolved.
V. Red Cross Visitation.
12. Essential Red Cross service for Prisoners of War
in custody of the Custodial Commission shall be provided
by India in accordance with regulations issued by the
Custodial Commission.
VI. Press Coverage.
13. The Custodial Commission shall insure freedom of
the press by :
A. Providing for observance of the entire operation in
South Korea by representatives of the press accredited
to the United Nations Command.
B. Providing for observance of the entire operation in
North Korea by representatives of the press accredited
to the Korean People's Army or the Chinese People's
Volunteers.
VII. Logistical Support for Prisoners of War.
14. Each side shall provide logistical support for the
Prisoners of War in the area under its military control,
delivering required support to the Custodial Commission
at an agi-eod delivery point in the vicinity of each Prisoner
of War installation.
Department of State Bulletin
I 15. The cost of repatriating Prisoners of War from the
!xchange point at Panmunjom shall be borne by the side
)n which s;ul1 prisoners depend in accordance with Article
118 vt the Geneva Convention.
16. The Custodial Commission is entitled to call upon
he detaining side to provide specified unarmed personnel
."or the operation of facilities or the provision of services
'.vithin the Prisoner of War installations within the area
jnder its military control.
17. The Custodial Commission shall provide medical
support for the Prisoners of War as may be practicable.
The detaining side shall provide medical support as prac-
tical)le upon the request of the Custodial Commission and
specifically for those cases requiring extensive treatment
?r hospitalization. The Custodial Commission shall main-
tain custody of Prisoners of War during such hospitaliza-
tion. The detaining side shall facilitate such custody.
Cpon completion of treatment, Prisoners of War shall be
returned to a Prisoner of War installation as specified in
paragraph 4 above.
18. The Custodial Commission is entitled to obtain from
both sides such legitimate assistance as it may require in
carrying out its duties and tasks.
VIII. Logistical Support for the Custodial Commission.
19. Each side shall be responsible for providing logis-
tical support for the personnel of the Custodial Commis-
sion stationed in the area under its military control, and
both sides shall contribute on an equal basis to such sup-
port within the demilitarized zone. The precise arrange-
ments shall be subject to determination between the Cus-
todial Commission and the detaining side in each case.
20. Each of the detaining sides shall be responsible for
protecting the verifying representatives from the other
side while in transit over lines of communication within
its area, as set forth in paragraph 23 for the Prisoners of
War Custodial Commission, to a place of residence and
while in residence in the vicinity of but not within each
Prisoners of War installation. The Custodial Commis-
sion shall be responsible for the security of such repre-
sentatives within the actual limits of Prisoners of War
installations.
21. Each of the detaining sides shall provide transporta-
tion, housing, communication, and other agreed logistical
support to the verifying representatives of the other side
while they are ill the area under its military control.
Such services shall be provided on a reimbursable bases.
IX. Publication.
22. The terms of this agreement shall be made known to
all Prisoners of War who, while in the custody of the de-
taining power, have failed to avail themselves of their
right of repatriation.
X. Movement.
23. The movement of the Custodial Commission, its
personnel, and repatriated Prisoners of War shall be
over lines of communication as determined by the com-
mand (s) of the opposing side and the Custodial Commis-
sion. A map showing these lines of communication shall
be furnished the command of the opposing side and the
Custodial Commission. Movement of such personnel, ex-
cept in the demilitarized areas established in paragraph
5 above, around locations as designated in paragraph 4
above, shall be under the control of, and escorted by, per-
sonnel of the side in whose area the travel is being
undertaken.
XI. Procedural Matters.
24. The interpretation of this agreement shall rest with
the Custodial Commission. The Custodial Commission,
and/or any subordinate bodies to which functions are
delegated or assigned by the Custodial Commission, shall
operate on the basis of unanimity, except with respect
to procedural matters; on procedural matters decision
shall be by majority vote.
25. The Custodial Commission shall make reports to
the opposing commanders once each week concerning the
status of Prisoners of War in its custody and any other
important matters relating to its functions and
responsibilities.
May 25, 1953
26. When this agreement has been acceded to by both
sides and by the 5 powers named herein, it shall become
effective upon the date the armistice becomes effective.
CORRESPONDENCE WITH
SENATOR KNOWLAND
Following is the text of a letter addressed to
Secretary Dulles by Senator William F. KrMW-
land of California and of the reply from Thruston
B. Morton., Assistant Secretary for Congressional
Relations : ^
April 6, 1953.
Dear Mr. Secretary : Enclosed is some informa-
tion = relative to the prisoner-of-war situation
which was forwarded to me by Mr. Christopher
Emmet. I believe that he also sent the same ma-
terial to you, but knowing how busy you are I am
not sure whether you have had a chance to examine
the same or not. I believe that it is extremely im-
portant in light of the discussions which are now
going on and may be contemplated in the future.
I have recently received some figures that dis-
turbed me and for which there appears to be no
satisfactory explanation at the present. On May
9, 1952, the following situation prevailed among
the prisoners-of-war in Korea relative to their de-
sire to be returned to Communist hands or their
determination to resist being returned to Com-
munist hands. Frankly, I have never been satis-
fied that we had made the fullest use of the
opportunity of exploiting the adverse effect upon
the Communist world of this situation. I am
satisfied from reports reaching me that the ques-
tions were all loaded against the person who had
the desire to remain outside of the Iron Curtain
and in favor of his returning. It was only those
who felt so strongly that they said they would re-
sist return by force that were included in the "no"
column. The figures are as follows :
1952, May 9:
Chinese
North Koreans
South Korean Com-
munists
Total-
1953, Feb. 3 (no breakdown
by nationality):
Chinese
North Koreans
South Korean Com-
munists
Total-
No
(would
not
return)
15, 600
42, 100
12, 200
69, 900
39, 726
Yes
(would
return)
5, 100
53, 900
3,800
62, 800
83, 000
Total
20, 700
96, 000
16, 000
132, 700
21, 106
101, 620
122, 726-
• Reprinted from C(mg. Rec. of May 1, 1953, p. 4427.
' Not printed here.
757
Just what does this mean? Have we permitted
f urtlier Communist propaganda urging the return
of unwilling prisoners of war or has the moral ef-
fect of words spreading in the prisoner-of-war
camps that while the Communists can return to
their homeland, the best that the prisoners who
want no part of the Iron Curtain again can look
forward to is more or less permanent retention by
so-called neutrals who at almost any time may
finally agree to surrender them to the tender mer-
cies of the Communists?
With best personal regards, I remain
Sincerely yours,
William F. Knowland.
April 22, 1953.
Mr Dear Senator Knowland : I have received
your letter of April 6, 1953, acknowledged by tele-
phone on April 10, concerning prisoners of war
held by the U.N. command in Korea, and enclosing
a study about the Indian cease-fire plan, which I
am returning. Thank you for your courtesy in
making this material available to the Department.
The officers concerned with Korean affairs have
made a careful study of your letter and have given
me the following information : During the course
of the hostilities in Korea, the U.N. command, as
required by the Geneva Convention, notified the in-
ternational committee of the Red Cross of the
names of some 175,000 captured personnel and the
ICRO transmitted this information to the Com-
munists. On December 18, 1951, when the U.N.
command and the Communists were first dis-
cussing the Pow exchange at Panmunjom, the
U.N. command gave to the Communists a list of
approximately 132,500 Pow's, consisting of ap-
proximately 21,000 Chinese and more than 111,000
Koreans.
The difference between the figure of 175,000
given to the Icrc and the 132,500 subsequently
fiven to the Communists is accounted for by the
act that the U.N. command had reclassified as
civilian internees almost 38,000 persons of South
Korean origin who had been swept into U.N. com-
pounds during the rapid northward advance of
U.N. forces in the fall of 1950; there were also
approximately 5,000 duplicated names. Of the
nearly 38,000 civilian internees, approximately
28,000 expressed the desire to remain in South
Korea and were subsequently released. The re-
maining 9,500 indicated their desire to return to
North Korea and continue to be in the custody of
the U.N. command for ultimate repatriation to
Communist areas.
Included in the list of 132,500 were apjjroxi-
mately 16,000 former residents of South Korea
who were still classified as Pow's. Of these, some
11,000 expressed the desire to remain in South
Korea and were later reclassified and released by
the U.N. command. The remaining 5,000 ex-
pressed the desire to return to North Korea and
continue to remain in the custody of the U.N. com-
mand for ultimate repatriation to Communist
areas.
Of the other 116,500 Pow's not included in the
foregoing category, approximatel}' 34,000 North
Koreans and 14,000 Chinese indicated tliat they
would resist repatriation; more than 62,000 North
Koreans and more than 6,500 Chinese were found
to be available for repatriation to Communist
areas.
Following is a breakdown of persons who are
presently remaining in the custody of the U.N.
command :
Approximate
ClasHfication number
Available for repatriation :
Korean POW's 68,000
Korean civilian internees 9, 500
Chinese 6, 500
Total S4, 000
Persons resisting repatriation :
Koreans .34, 000
Chinese 14, 500
Total 48, 500
There has been no significant change in figures
of persons desiring to return to Communist areas
in the period from late June 1952, when the screen-
ing was completed, to the present time. It should
be noted that on May 9, 1952, the date on which
your first tabulation is based, the screening had
not as yet been completed and the release of per-
sons in the civilian internee and South Korean
Pow categories had not yet taken place.
The Department is, of course, aware of the ef-
fect on prisoners of war inherent in a possible
solution which would only provide the alternatives
of return to Communist persecution, or more or
less indefinite detention by "neutrals." You may
be sure that if the armistice negotiations are re-
sumed at Panmunjom, General Clark will have
this problem very much in mind.
Sincerely yours,
Thruston B. Morton
Assistant Secretary
(For the Secretary of State).
758
Department of State Bulletin
Conference on U.S.-Ecuadoran Fishery Relations
A conference on -fishery relations hettveen the
Governments of the United States and Ecuador
was held at Quito, Ecuador, from March 25 to
April U, 1953. Following are the declarations,
agreements, resolutions, and recommendations
approved hy the conference:
The Conference on United States-Ecuadoran
Fishery RehUions, with reference to Agenda
Point U
Records : That it has received information from
and views of the Delegations on the questions
which have arisen as a result of the seizures of
the United States fishing vessels Notre Dame,
Sun Pacific, Equator, and Venus.
II
The Conference on United States-Ecuadoran
Fishery Relations, with reference to Agenda
Point 2,^
Agrees: That the principal causes of the difficul-
ties which have characterized United States-
Ecuadoran fishery relations include :
1. The difference in views of the Govern-
ments of the United States and Ecuador with
respect to the principles of international law
applicable to the extent of territorial waters
and the measurement thereof.^
2. The difference in views of the Governments
of the United States and Ecuador with respect
to the principles of international law applicable
to innocent passage of fishing vessels.
3. The withdrawal of the privilege of ob-
taining licenses valid for fishing in Ecuadoran
territorial waters on the continental coast.
' "Questions which have arisen as a result of the seiz-
ures of fishing vessels of the United States of America."
- "Examination in toto of tlie acts which caused the diffi-
culties which have characterized United States-Ecua-
doran fishery relations."
^ For an article on U.S. policy on fisheries and terri-
torial waters by William C. Herrington, who was chair-
man of the U.S. delegation to this conference, see Bulle-
tin of June 30, 1952, p. 1021.
May 25, 7953
4. The withdrawal of the privilege of obtam-
ing licenses by radio to fish in Ecuadoran waters.
5. The current United States Government
system of issuing clearances bearing the desti-
nation "high seas" and the use of these clear-
ances and of "via la pesca" by United States
fishing vessels.
Ill
The Conference on United States-Ecuadoran
Fishery Relations, with reference to Agenda
Points,^
Considering : That the Conference in analyzing
the causes of difficulties in the fishery relations
between the United States and Ecuador, m con-
nection with the seizures of the fishing vessels
Notre Dame, Sun Pacific, Equator and Venus,
studied the points of view of the two countries
with respect to territorial waters and innocent
passage ;
That the Conference heard the statements of
the United States and Ecuadoran Delegations
with respect to the legislation and jurispru-
dence of their respective countries relating to
territorial waters and innocent passage;
That the Conference noted the substantial dif-
ferences in the positions of the two countries;
and
That the powers of the Delegations do not ex-
tend so far as reconciling these differences or
recommending measures in the international
field which would affect world interests ;
Agrees: That it is not within its competence to
resolve differences in legal dispositions and juri-
dical concepts of the United States and Ecua-
dor regarding territorial waters and innocent
passage, the principles of which in any event
are not susceptible of bilateral determination
since these principles are matters for determi-
nation only by the general agreement of mari-
time States.
* '-AVays and means of bringing about greater coopera-
tion in fishery matters of mutual interest and to the bene-
fit of the two countries."
759
IV
The Conference on United States-Ecuadoran
Fishery Relations, with reference to Agenda
Point 3,
Resolv-es : To take note tliat natural and juridical
persons and other organizations of foreign na-
tionality which conduct fishery operations on
land or sea areas under Ecuadoran jurisdiction,
are required, in their relations with Ecuador, to
subject themselves to Ecuadoran fishing laws,
decrees, and regulations.
The Conference on United States-Ecuadoran
Fishery Relations, with reference to Agenda
Point 3,
Recommends :
1) That as an interim measure and as soon as
may be convenient the validity of fishing licenses
issued to United States vessels by the Government
of Ecuador be extended to include the territorial
waters of her continental coast.
2) That as an interim measure and as soon as
m(a)y be convenient fishing licenses be gi-anted
by radio by Ecuador, subject to adequate controls.
3) That the United States Government review
as soon as may be convenient its current law and
practice with respect to
a) Clearances for United States fishing vessels
with destination "the high seas", includmg "via
la pesca", and "touch and trade", and
b) Professional qualifications of officers and
condition of navigability, supplies, and so forth,
of fishing vessels with such destination, in order
to determine what modifications may be needed
to obviate or minimize problems in the terri-
torial waters of Ecuador.
4) That, being convinced that there are other
measures to be considered which will promote the
solution of problems and development of activi-
ties beneficial to both the United States and Ecua-
dor, a second conference on fishery relations be
held as soon as practicable, preferably by the end
of May, 1953 in the United States, to deal with the
following agenda:
a) The advantages and disadvantages to be
achieved by making permanent the measures
recommended under 1) and 2) above, relating to
licenses to fish including Ecuadoran continental
waters, and to the issuance by radio of licenses
to fish, to determine what modifications might
be needed.
b) Consideration of possible changes in law
and practice in the United States concerning the
issuance of clearances to United States fishing
vessels bearing destination "the high seas", "via
la pesca", and "touch and trade".
(?) The granting to fishing vessels holding
fishing permits for Ecuadoran territorial waters
the same port privileges granted to merchant
vessels.
d) The granting to fishing vessels not holding
such fishing permits, of port privileges under
circumstances of necessity, and a point by point
clarification of the privileges and responsibil-
ities of vessels permitted such entry.
e) The {wssibility of the Governments or pri-
vate interests of the United States or Ecuador
establishing a fueling station in Ecuadoran ter-
ritory on the Island of San Cristobal of the
Colon Archipelago, or on whatever other island
is more suitable, to take care of fueling require-
ments of the merchant and fishing fleets of the
United States and Ecuador in accordance with
existing regulations.
/) The development of measures for effective
interchange of information concerning fishery
laws, decrees, and regulations of the two coun-
tries affecting foreign fishing vessels.
g) Consideration of the objectives and re-
search program of the Inter- American Tropical
Tuna Commission and the advantages which
might accrue to Ecuador through adherence to
the Inter-American Tropical Tuna Convention.
h) Consideration of other problems and ac-
tivities, the inclusion of which shall be agreed
upon by the Governments of both countries.
5) That the Governments of the United States
and Ecuador study the possibility of periodic
meetings for the analysis of their fishery problems
and for the consideration of recommendations de- j
rived therefrom. |
5) That the Governments of the United States
and Ecuador investigate means to embody in a
fishery convention the results achieved at this Con-
ference together with other ways and means of
bringing aoout greater cooperation in fishery mat-
ters of mutual interest and benefit to the two
counti'ies.
!
The Conference on United States-Ecuadoran
Fishery Relations
Resolmcs : To express its profound thanks to His
Excellency Dr. Jose Maria Velasco Ibarra, Pres- ;
ident of the Republic of Ecuador, for the pro- |
pitious and hospitable atmosphere which he
provided for the Conference and which led to
the successful outcome of its deliberations.
VII
The Conference on United States-Ecuadoran
Fishery Relations
Resolves : To extend to their Excellencies, Minis-
ter of Economy Mr. Jaime Nebot Velasco, Min-
ister of Foreign Affairs Dr. Teodoro Alvarado
Caraicoa, Minister of Defense Dr. Carlos Julio
Arosemena Monroy and Minister of the Treas-
760
Department of State Bulletin
urv Dr. Wilson Vela, and to His Excellency,
Paul C. Daniels, Ambassador of the United
States of America to Ecuador, its sincere thanks
for their wise counsel and generous cooperation
in meeting all material requirements for the
full success of the Conference.
In Witness Whereof the respective Delegates
sim this Final Act this Pan American Day, April
fourteenth, nineteen hundred and fifty three, in
duplicate in the English and Spanish languages,
both texts being equally authentic, depositing one
set in the two languages in the Ministry of I^or-
eign Affairs of Ecuador and the other set in the
two languages in the Department of State of the
United States of America.
For the United States For the Republic of
of America: Ecuador:
William C. Herring- Kene Espindola
ton coronel
octavio donoso
Warren Francis Velasco
LooNEY Gustavo Salgado
^ _, Alberto Barriga
Thomas J. Maleadt Ledesma
•p-A^^rnTr Part MttTON Montalvo
Harold J?. CART Marco Varea Donoso
Donald P. LoKER Cesar Raza
U.S. Delegations
to International Conferences
U.N. Opium Conference
The Department of State announced on May 11
(press release 258) that Harry J. Anslinger, Com-
missioner of Narcotics, Department of the Treas-
ury, and U.S. representative on the U.N. Com-
mission on Narcotic Drugs, has been designated
U.S. delegate to a U.N. International Opium Con-
ference which is to open at New York on May 11.
Alfred L. Tennyson, Bureau of Narcotics, De-
partment of the Treasury, has been designated
alternate U.S. representative; and George A.
Morlock, Office of U.N. Economic and Social Af-
fairs, Department of State, has been designated
adviser.
The purpose of the conference will be to com-
plete the drafting of and to adopt a protocol for
the limitation of the production of opium.
Invitations to the forthcoming conference were
issued in March 1953 to all States members of the
United Nations, as well as to those nonmember
States which are parties to one or more of the
existing international narcotic treaties.
international Dairy Congress
The Department of State announced on May 14 (press
release 264) that the U.S. delegation to the 13th Inter-
national Dairy Congress, to be held at The Hague, Nether-
lands, June 22-26, 1953, wiU include :
May 25, 1953
Chairman
Ralph E. Hodgson, Assistant Chief, Bureau of Dairy In-
dustry, Agricultural Research AdmimstraUon,
Department of Agriculture
Delegates
Benjamin F. Castle, Executive Director, Milk Industry
Foundation , ^ ^ „^ i, „„
Charles W. England, Director of Research, C. Y. Stephens
Dairy Industries, Washington, D.C.
B. S. Graham, Executive Secretary, Central Oklahoma
Milk Producers Association
T. Kline Hamilton, Past President, Milk Industry Foun-
dation, Columbus, Ohio
Milton Hult, President, National Dairy CouncU
Otto F. Hunziker, La Grange, 111.
Eugene L. Jack, Division of Dairy Industry, University of
California „ ^ ,
James C. Norgaard, General Manager, Farmers Union
Co-operative Creamery Company, Superior, Nebr.
Lester S. Olsen, President, Olsen Publishing Company,
Milwaukee, Wis. .
Arthur C. Ragsdale, Chairman, Department of Dairy
Husbandry, CoUege of Agriculture, University of
Missouri
Frank E. Rice, Executive Secretary, Evaporated Milk
Association, Chicago, 111. . .
Harry C. Trelogan, Dairy Economist, Assistant Adminis-
trator for Marketing, Agricultural Research Ad-
ministration, Department of Agriculture
George M. Trout, Professor of Dairy Husbandry, Michigan
StfitG CollGge
Herman D. Weihe, Bureau of Dairy Industry, Agricultural
Research Administration, Department of Agriculture
Secretary
Robert A. Brand, Second Secretary of Embassy, American
Embassy, The Hague
The scientific program of the forthcoming Congress
consists of subjects on which there can be a profitable
exchange of information by members of the dairy indus-
tries of the United States and of European countries.
The meetinas of one section of the Congress, concerned
with "milk as" a raw material," will study such topics as
the influence of feeding upon the quality of milk, the
production of bacteriologieally good milk, the avoidance
of deterioration in the quality of milk during transporta-
tion, and procedures for grading milk.
A section concerned with the "processing and utilization
of milk" will deal with topics relating to the concentra-
tion (evaporation, freezing, drying) of milk, the ripening
of cheese, changes in the quality of butter during storage,
and the use of milk in the form of other products, includ-
ing yogurt, ice cream, and chocolate milk.
Other sections of the Congress will deal with special-
ized topics of concern to the dairy industry in respect to
"equipment and buildings," "fundamental research," and
"economics."
Rubber Study Group
The Department of State announced on May 8 (press
release 2.51) that the U.S. delegation to the tenth meeting
of the Rubber Study Group, scheduled to open at Copen-
hagen on May 11 will be as follows :
Delegate
Willis C. Armstrong, Deputy Director, Office of Inter-
national Materials Policy, Department of State
Alternate Delegate
George H. Alexander, Chief, Rubber, Fibers and Hides
Branch, Agricultural Products Staff, Department of
State
761
Congressional Adviser
Paul Shafer, House of Representatives
Oovernment Advisers
John R. Blandford, Counsel of the Armed Services Com-
mittee, House of Representatives
George K. Casto, Chief, Rubber Division, General Services
Administration
Edelen Fogarty, Assistant Attach^, American Embassy,
Copenhagen
Everett G. Holt, Assistant Chief, Rubber Division, Na-
tional Production Authority, Department of Commerce
Morton Yohalem, Special Deputy, Rubber Facilities Dis-
posal, Reconstruction Finance Corporation
Industry Advisers
John L. Collyer, President, B. F. Goodrich Company
Harvey S. Firestone, Jr., Chairman, Firestone Tire and
Rubber Company
Frederick T. Koyle, Partner, Carl M. Loeb, Rhoades and
Company
William F. O'Neil, President, General Tire and Rubber
Company
David A. Paterson, Chairman, H. A. Astlett and Company
Thomas Robins, Jr., President, Hewitt-Robins, Inc.
George M. Tisdale, Vice President, U.S. Rubber Company
Gilbert K. Trimble, Executive Vice President, Midwest
Rubber Reclaiming Company
A. L. Viles, President, Rubber Manufacturers Association
Robert S. Wilson, Vice President, Goodyear Tire and
Rubber Company
R. D. Young, President, Rubber Trade Association of
New York, Inc.
Following exploratory talks concerning rubber which
were held at London in August 1944 by representatives
of the Governments of the Netherlands, the United King-
dom, and the United States, the Rubber Study Group was
organized to serve as an advisory body for the study of
the world rubber position, of measures designed to ex-
pand the world consumption of rubber, and of means of
dealing with any problems which might arise concerning
international trade in rubber.
The Study Group will review a report from its Statis-
tical Committee on the production and consumption of
rubber throughout the world and will receive and discuss
statements by the participating delegations concerning
developments within their respective countries having an
effect on the production and consumption of rubber. In
addition, the Study Group will receive a report from a
working party which was established by the Group at
its ninth meeting (Ottawa, May .5-0, lO-'C) "to consider
whether measures designed to prevent burdensome sur-
pluses or serious shortages of rubber are necessary and
practicable."
Standing Committee on Performance (ICAO>
The Department of State announced on May 6 (press
release 246) that the U.S. delegation to a meeting of the
International Civil Aviation Organization's Standing Com-
mittee on Performance which opened on Jlay 6 at Paris
France, will include :
U.S. Member
Raymond B. Maloy, Civil Aeronautics Administration,
Washington, D. C.
Alternate U.S. Member
Hugh B. Freeman, Civil Aeronautics Board, Department
of Commerce
762
Advisers
P. Stanley Nowlan, Jr., United Airlines, San Francisco
Calif.
John A. Carran, Civil Aeronautics Administration, Wash-
ington, D.C.
W. E. koneczny. Civil Aeronautics Board, Department of
Cormjiercp
World Health Assembly (WHO)
The Department of State announced on Mav 5 (press
release 243) that the U.S. delegation to the Sixth World
Health Assembly which convened at Geneva on May 5
includes the following:
Chairman (Chief Delegate)
Leonard A. Scheele, M. D., Surgeon General, Public Health
Service, Department of Health, Education and Wel-
fare
Delegates
Leonard W. Larson, M. D., Member, Board of Trustees,,
American Medical Association, Bismarck, N. Dak.
Franklin D. Murphy, M. D., Chancellor, University <rf
Kansas, Lawrence, Kans.
Alternate Delegates
Frederick J. Brady, M. D., Division of International
Health, Public Health Service, Department of Health,
Education and Welfare
H. van Zile Hyde, M. D., Chief, Division of International
Health, Public Health Service, Department of Health,
Education and Welfare
Howard B. Calderwood, OflRce of United Nations Economic
and Social Affairs, Department of State
Congressional Advisers
Homer D. Angell, House of Representatives
Wayne L. Hays, House of Representatives
Advisers
Carol C. Laise, Division of International Administration,
Department of State
Carl N. Neupert, M. D., State Health Officer, Wisconsin
State Board of Health, Madison, Wis.
Ruth Sleeper, Director, School of Nursing and Nursing
Services, Massachusetts General Hospital, Boston,
Mass.
Robert T. Stormont, Secretary, Council on Pharmacy
and Chemistry, American Medical Association, 535
North Dearborn St., Chicago, 111.
Knud Stowman, International Health Representative, Di-
vision of International Health, Public Health Service,
Department of Health, Education and Welfare
Thomas F. Whayne, Colonel, (M. C), U.S.A., Chief of
Preventative Medicine, Department of the Army
Secretary of Delegation
Henry F. Nichol, Conference Attach^, Resident U.S. Dele-
gation for International Organization Affairs at Gen-
eva, Geneva, Switzerland
Administrative Officer
Mason A. LaSelle, Assistant Conference Attache, Resident
U.S. Delegation for International Organization Af-
fairs at Geneva, Geneva, Switzerland
Besides reviewing the work and program of the Who
the participants in the Sixth World Health Assembly will
deal with such questions as the coordination of the activi- |
ties of the AViio with those of the TTnited Nations and *
other specialized agencies, the rights and obligations of
associate members, the frequency of sessions of the As-
Department of State Bulletin
[
emlily the decentralization of the work of the organiza-
ion through the assignment of greater responsibilities to
egional committees, and the budget of the Who for 1954.
■he delegates to the Assembly will also have an oppor-
unitv to participate in technical discussions on the con-
rol of tuberculosis, syphilis, and typhoid, and on the
afferent methods of applying health techniques.
';otton Advisory Committee
The Department of State announced on May 1 (press
■elease 231) that the International Cotton Advisory Com-
nittee will hold its Twelfth Plenary Meeting at Washing-
on, D.C., beginning on May 4, 1953.
The U.S. Government will be represented at that meet-
ng by the following delegation :
lelegate
:iomeo K. Short, Director of the Foreign Agricultural
Service, Department of Agriculture
issociate DeJegate
3. D. White, Deputy Director, Food and Agriculture Divi-
sion, Mutual Security Agency
VI' mate Delegates
?. Marion Rhodes, Director, Cotton Branch, Produc-
tion and Marketing Administration, Department of
Agriculture
iVillard O. Brown, Chief, Agricultural Products Staff,
Office of International Materials Policy, Department
of State
iivisers
irthur W. Palmer, Head, Cotton Division, Foreign Agri-
cultural Service, Department of Agriculture
Oscar Zaglits, Head, Foreign Agricultural Trade and
Policies Division, Foreign Agricultural Service, De-
partment of Agriculture
Rene Lutz, Deputy Assistant Director for Foreign Re-
quirements and Claimancy, Office of International
Trade, Department of Commerce
Bead P. Dunn, .Tr., Foreign Trade Director, National Cot-
ton Council, Washington, D.C.
I Adviser and Secretary
Enlalia L. Wall, International Economist, Agricultural
Products Staff, Office of International Materials
Policy, Department of State
It is expected that the Committee will be chiefly con-
cerned at its forthcoming meeting with reports by the
participating delegations on the cotton situation in their
respective countries and its program of work and budget.
Administrative Council (ITU)
The Department of State announced on May 1 (press
release 226) that Francis Colt de Wolf, Chief, Telecom-
munications Policy Staff, Department of State, and U.S.
representative on the Administrative Council of the Inter-
national Telecommunication Union (Itu) will attend the
session of the Council which is to open at Gleneva May 2,
1953.
Mr. de Wolf will be assisted at the forthcoming Council
session by the following advisers: Helen G. Kelly, Tele-
communications Policy Staff, Department of State, and
Wayne Mason, Telecommunications Attach^ of the Amer-
ican Legation at Bern, who is resident at Geneva.
The United States was re-elected to membership in the
Administrative Council, the governing body of the Itu,
at the Plenlpotenciary Conference of the Ittj which was
held at Buenos Aires October 3-December 22, 1952. The
other countries elected to membership at that conference
are, as follows : Argentina, Brazil, Canada, China, Czecho-
slovakia, Egypt, France, India, Italy, Mexico, Pakistan,
Spain, Switzerland, Turkey, Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics, United Kingdom, and Yugoslavia.
Resolutions adopted at the Buenos Aires conference
had the effect of increasing the powers and responsibili-
ties of the Administrative Council. It was directed,
among other things, to reclassify the personnel of the per-
manent organs of the Itu and to determine the salaries
of officials in accordance with a scale adopted by the con-
ference; to study questions relating to revision of the
existing pension system; and to arrive at a decision re-
garding the provision of larger headquarters premises
for the Union. At a special organizational meeting at
Buenos Aires of the newly elected Council, it was also
agreed that one of the most important matters to be dealt
with by the Council at its 1953 spring session would be
the election of a new Secretary General of the Itu.
THE FOREIGN SERVICE
William H. Draper, Jr., Resigns
as U.S. Special Representative
On May 11, 1053, President Eisenhower accepted the
resignation of William H. Draper, Jr., as U.S. special rep-
resentative in Europe, effective June 30. For text of
Mr. Draper's letter of resignation and the President's
reply, see White House press release of May 11.
Confirmation
The Senate on May 13 confirmed Horace A. Hildreth as
Ambassador to Pakistan.
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: May 11-16, 1953
Releases may be obtained from the Office of the
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department
of State, Washington 25, D. C.
Press releases issued prior to May 11 which appear
in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 226 of May
1, 230 of May 1, 231 of May 1, 233 of May 4, 241 of
May 5, 243 of May 5, 246 of Jlay 6, 251 of May 8, and
255 of May 9.
No. Date Subject
256 5/11 Austrian question
257 5/11 Dulles : Laos Constitution Day
U.N. Opium Conference
Visit of Jean Monnet
Cabot : Technical cooperation
Australian tax conventions
Film projects for Iia
Visit of Indian Vice President
International Dairy Congress
Remedial Works for Niagara Falls
(Germany) : Edc, contractual conven-
tions ratified
Dulles : World trade week
Dulles : Armed Forces Day
U.S. position on prisoner question
*Not printed.
t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin.
258
5/11
259
5/12
t260
5/14
t261
5/14
t262
5/13
263
5/14
264
5/14
1265
5/15
t266
5/15
267
5/15
*268
5/16
269
5/15
May 25, 1953
763
May 25, 1953
Ind
ex
• Vol. XXVIII, No. 726
Correction
Bulletin of May IS, 1953 (No. 725)— Date
in upper left-hand corner of back cover, "May
11, 1U53," should be corrected to read, "May
18, 1953."
Aviation
Standing Committee on Performance (IcAO) 762
American Republics
BRAZIL: Loan agreement 754
ECUADOR: Conference on U.S.-Ecuadoran fish-
ery relations 759
Asia
INDIA: Visit of Indian vice president .... 752
KOREA:
Basic U.S. position on prisoner question re-
stated 755
Correspondence with Sen. Knowland on pris-
oners of war 757
New U.N. proposal for settling prisoner ques-
tion 755
LAOS: Constitution Day 752
PAKISTAN; Confirmation of Hlldreth .... 763
Canada
Special committee's report on St. Lawrence sea-
way project 753
U.S., Canada discuss mutual problems (text of
Joint communique) 752
Congress
Correspondence with Sen. Knowland on prison-
ers of war 757
Mutual Security Program for 1954 presented to
Congress (Eisenhower, Dulles, Stassen) . 735
President recommends commission to review
commercial policy 747
Support tor extension of trade agreements act
(DuUes, Stassen) 743
Europe
AUSTRIA:
New meeting of Austrian treaty deputies . . 751
Unification of Austrian exchange system . . 751
FRANCE: Visit of Jean Monnet 754
GERMANY: Libraries in Italy restored to former
ownership (text of agreement) 749
GREECE: Problems discussed 752
U.S.S.R.: Proposed high-level conference with
the Soviets (McDermott) 748
Finance
Brazilian loan agreement 754
Unification of Austrian exchange system . . . 751
Fisheries
Conference on U.S.-Ecuadoran fishery relations . 759
Foreign Service
Confirmation of Hlldreth 763
Resignation of Draper 763
Industry
International Dairy Congress 761
International Meetings
Proposed high-level conference with the Soviets
(McDermott) 748
UjS. DELEGATIONS:
Administrative Council (Itu) 763
Cotton Advisory Committee 763
International Dairy Congress 761
Rubber Study Group 761
Standing Committee on Performance (Icao) . 762
U.N. Opium Conference 761
World Health Assembly (Who) 762
Mutual Security
Mutual Security Program for 1954 presented to
Congress (Elsenhower, Dialles, Stassen) . 735
Presidential Documents
President recommends commission to review
commercial policy 747
Prisoners of War
Basic U.S. position on prisoner question re-
stated 755
Correspondence with Sen. Knowland on prison-
ers of war 757
New U.N. proposal for settling prisoner question . 755
State, Department of
Laos Constitution Day 762
Trade
President recommends commission to review
commercial policy 747
Support for extension of trade agreements act
(Dulles, Stassen) 743
World trade week (Dulles) 74B
Transportation
Special committee's report on St. Lawrence sea-
way project 753
U.S., Canada discuss mutual problems (text of
Joint communique) 752
Treaty Information
Conference on U.S.-Ecuadoran fishery relations . 769
German libraries in Italy restored to former
ownership (text of agreement) 749
New meeting of Austrian treaty deputies . . . 751
United Nations
Administrative Council (Ittj) 763
Basic U.S. position on prisoner question re-
stated 755
Correspondence with Sen. Knowland on pris-
oner of war 757
New U.N. proposal for settling prisoner ques-
tions 755
U.N. Opium Conference 761
World Health Assembly (Who) 762
Name Index
Anslinger, Harry J 761
Armstrong, Willis C 761
de Wolf, Francis Colt 763
Draper, William H., Jr 763
Dulles, Secretary 736, 743. 748
Eisenhower, President 735, 747
Hall, Ardelia R 749
Hlldreth, Horace A 763
Hodgson, Ralph E 761
Knowland, William F 757
Maloy. Raymond B 762
McDermott, Michael J 748
Monnet, Jean 754
Morton, Thruston B 758
Radhakrishnan, S 752
Scheele, Leonard A 762
Short, Romeo E 763
Stassen, Harold E 740, 746
U. S. GOVEUHMENT PRINirHC office: I9S3
i/ve/ ^efia^tmen^ ^ c/taie^
• XXVIII, No. 727
June I, 1953
THE COSTS OF SURVIVAL IN A DANGEROUS
WORLD • by Assistant Secretary Morton 769
U.S. OBJECTIVES IN WESTERN EUROPE • by Ridg.
uxty B. Knight
773
THE VALUE OF TECHNICAL COOPERATION IN
LATIN AMERICA • by Assistant Secretary Cabot . . 780
THE CONTINUING NEED FOR VIGILANCE AGAINST
SOVIET AGGRESSION • by James B. Conant . . 767
For index see back cover
Eoston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
JUN18 1953
^.^„^yy« bulletin
Vol. XXVIir, No. 727 • Publication 5067
June 1, 1953
For sal^by the Superintendent of Documents
U.S. Government Printing OCBce
Washington 25, D.C.
Pbice:
C2 issues, domestic $7.eO, foreign $10.25
Single copy, 20 cents
Tbe printing of this publication baa
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 1952).
riote: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of tbe Department
OF State Bclletin as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication compiled and
edited in the Division of Publications,
Office of Public Affairs, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government tcith information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy issued by the White House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
interruitional affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral interruitioruil interest.
Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
The Continuing Need for Vigilance Against Soviet Aggression
hy James B. Conant
U. S. High Commissioner for Germany '
I appreciate very much this invitation to speak
to the Foreign Press Association here in Bonn.
I had hoped to get together with you and your
German colleagues before this in a press confer-
ence and to report on my trip to the United States,
when I had the privilege of being there at the time
of Chancellor Adenauer's visit. But on my re-
turn to Germany I found myself with a scheduled
series of ti-avels which have kept me away from
Bonn for most of the last 10 days.
Now, assuredly, it is much too late for me to
make such a report, or to tell you about the re-
sponse which the Chancellor received in the
United States, except to underline the enthusiastic
reception he was accorded wherever he went. I
was particularly pleased, of course, that he saw
fit to come to Harvard University. And I was
greatly impressed and gratified at the spontaneous
ovations he received from the students whenever
he came out of the various buildings he was visit-
ing. I am familiar enough with the student body
at Cambridge to know that they represented real
entliusiasm for the Chancellor and for the Ger-
man Republic he represents. This and similar
experiences point up the fact that Dr. Adenauer's
visit was a significant contribution to the further-
ance of lasting friendship between the German
and American people.
"WTiile I was in the United States, President
Eisenhower made his historic appeal for world
peace. May I remind you that it is nearly a
month since he said : ^
. . . Recent statements and gpstures of Soviet leaders give
some evidence that they may recognize this critical
moment. We welcome every honest act of peace. We
care nothing for mere rhetoric. We care only for sin-
cerity of peaceful purpose attested by deeds. The oppor-
tunities for such deeds are many. The performance of
a great number of them waits upon no complex protocol
Address made before the Foreign Press Association
at Bonn. Germany, on May 7.
' Bulletin of Apr. 27, 1953, p. 601.
but upon the simple will to do them. Even a few such
clear and specific acts, such as the Soviet Union's signa-
ture upon an Austrian treaty or its release of thou.sands
of prisoners still held from World War II, would be im-
pressive signs of sincere intent. They would carry a
power of persuasion not to be matched by any amount of
oratory. . . .
What have the Soviets done in the meantime
to show their willingness to join in a genuine
effort to eliminate the tensions which wrack the
world and which have created the atmosphere of
nervous foreboding in which we live today? A
few naive people may have grasped at the straw
offered by the recent editorial in Pravda, or even
considered it a great concession that Pravda
printed the full text of President Eisenhower's
speech. I think we are all agreed that any open-
ing of the Iron Curtain that shuts off the Soviet
people from the news of the outside world — how-
ever small the crack may be — is a good thing. But
such an act of grace by Soviet censors cannot be
considered a serious reply to the President's pro-
posals for world peace. It is deeds and not merely
words that the world requires if we are to begin
to witness the rebirth of trust among nations
which President Eisenhower has called for.
Continued Abuses in Soviet Zone
As far as Europe is concerned, no basic change
has occurred in the past weeks as far as I can
see — no basic change to alter the familiar pattern
of Soviet action. You correspondents know better
than anyone else the deeds by which we can judge
the new Soviet leadership. Certainly here in
Germany the gap between words and deeds is
obvious to all of us. "We find no indication in the
Soviet Zone of any relaxation of the pressures to
which 18 million Germans are being constantly
subjected.
Let me remind you of a few facts that are surely
pertinent :
June J, 7953
767
1. The Communist Government of the Soviet
Zone in recent weeks has stepped up its campaign
of attack and persecution of the church. Church
liaison officers with the Government have been
whisked away by the security police. Dozens of
church officials, ministers, and priests have been
arrested and some sentenced in show trials to long
terms of imprisonment for alleged sabotage of
democratic institutions. Church youth organiza-
tions have been dissolved or their members ex-
pelled from the scliools of the Soviet Zone.
In order to restrict the activities of the church
in public life, time-honored payments of church
taxes required for pastors' salaries and church
expenses have been reduced or withheld by the
Government, theological training has been re-
stricted, and church publications interfered with.
A horde of police spies have been assigned to at-
tend church services and report on "deviations"
from the official Communist ideology. And in
some places youthful Communist rowdies have
even been given the task of breaking up religious
services.
Protest against these measures by responsible
church bodies and German religious leaders remain
unanswered or are attacked as lies and malicious
propaganda. Things have gone so far that the
Protestant synod of Germany, including the Prot-
estant bishops of the Soviet Zone, felt constrained
to send a letter of protest to General Chuikov in
which they appealed to the General to stop the
antichurch measures of Soviet Zone authorities.
And only a few days ago Bishop Dibelius, in a
courageous attempt to prevent further Communist
attacks against the Protestant youth organization
of the Soviet Zone, filed suit against the official
publication of the Communist controlled Fdj.
This Kirchenkainpf taking place in the Soviet
Zone hardly needs further comment. At the very
least, it is "inhuman," as the recent general synod
of the United Evangelical-Lutheran Church
described it. But this effort to reduce the church
in the Soviet Zone to a ghetto-like existence is not
an encouraging sign to those looking for evidence
of Communist acts of conciliation.
2. The "Sovietization" of agriculture and in-
dustry in the East Zone is continuing — is even be-
ing accelerated. Farms are being collectivized on
a grand scale, private enterprise is being elimi-
nated in large sectors of Soviet Zone economy,
ration cards are being withdrawn from categories
of workers and white-collar employees which
do not fit in with the Government's plans for
collectivization of the economy. Unless these
measures are soon reversed, all this may well mean
slow death for millions of Germans. Even now,
according to a report prepared by the Bundestag
Committee for All-German Affairs, 13 million in-
habitants of the Soviet Zone are living on a
starvation diet.
768
3. The terror and persecution which have driven
thousands of Germans to leave their homes in the
Soviet Zone and to seek refuge in the West con-
tinues unabated. The flow of these unfortunate
people into Berlin has only slightly diminished in
recent weeks, and the pattern of their stories re-
mains the same — moral and material pressures ap-
plied with all the brutality and efBciency of a
monolithic police state.
4. The picture remains unchanged in all other
significant areas of life in the Soviet Zone.
Schools, universities, theaters — all aspects of cul-
tural life feel the blighting hand of the censor
and the political commissar. German youth are
being beguiled or dragooned into the Soviet Zone
armed forces, which now have adopted a Soviet-
style uniform, and have been enlarged to include
air units as well as land and sea forces. The seal-
inio: off of the zonal border continues. In the scar
of plowed land which the Soviets have torn up
across Germany to mark their zonal border, the
final stretches of barbed wire are now being
planted.
The picture, then, has not changed. Does this
continued "Sovietization" of Eastern Germany
mean that the recent Soviet overtures are not gen-
uine ? Does it mean that the directives from Mos-
cow have not yet seeped down through the rigid
Soviet Zone bureaucracy? Or does it mean that
the Communists are simply consolidating their
position in the Soviet Zone? I do not pretend to
know. But I do know that we would be very fool-
ish indeed if we allowed rumors or speculations
about Soviet intentions to bring about a relaxation
of our vigilance in the defense of the free world
against military aggression. Let me repeat, Presi-
dent Eisenhower has said : "We welcome every act
of peace," but as you all know, American rearma-
ment, Nato, and the plans for the Edc are the re-
sult of disappointments in the past. They are the
fruits of the bitter experience of the last 8 years.
In this connection it seems to me that Secretary
Dulles' report to the American people on the Nato
Council meeting ' needs to be considered carefully
by all concerned with the European situation.
Speaking of the necessity for the prompt creation
of the European Defense Community, he said:
"There is no other good solution of the problem of
establishing adequate strength and peace in Eu-
rope," and, speaking of the need for the creation
of a German force, he remarked, you will recall,
"I do not believe that Americans, or British, or
French want to anticipate fighting to defend Ger-
many while the Germans look on as spectators." I
venture the opinion that the Germans themselves
will not long remain content to have their country
defended by the presence of American, British,
and French troops.
' Ihid., May 11, 1953, p. 671.
Depaiiment of State Bulletin
The Ultimate Goals
Coming as I have to Germany so recently, and
having had a chance to talk with so many leaders
of different political parties as well as leaders of
industry, labor, and of your profession, I have
been impressed by the unanimity of feeling here
in the Bundesrepublik in regard to the ultimate
goals. I take it that almost without exception
thoughtful Germans would agree that Germany
should, as quickly as possible, make its contribu-
tion to the common defense of Europe; that Ger-
many should have a closer association with the
other nations of Europe; and that the goal must
be the reunification of Germany under conditions
of peace and freedom.
The differences of opinion arise when it comes
to discussing methods of reaching these important
goals. About these differences of opinion within
the Bundesrepublik, I do not propose to speak
here this afternoon. The Germans must settle the
debate themselves. I can only suggest a parallel.
If a sea has broken through a dike and flooded
great areas of fruitful land, isolating countrymen
froni one another, and if new storms threaten fur-
ther disasters, it is reasonable to suppose that those
beyond the reach of the flood would want to get
ahead as rapidly as possible in building a new dike.
But if the people concerned continued to debate as
to how the dike should be constructed — or even if
it should be built at all — and how the flooded area
should be reclaimed, then the danger of a new
catastrophe, of total destruction, would be very
great indeed. In such a situation, surely no one
can deny that the important thing is to get on with
the job and get it done. Whether there be any
merit in the parallel I have drawn, time alone will
tell.
Now one final word. President Eisenhower, in
his appeal for world peace to which I have re-
ferred, spoke of the "serious and specific issues be-
tween the free world and the Soviet Union." He
went on to say, "None of these issues, great or
small, is insoluble — given only tlie will to respect
the rights of all nations. Again we say: The
United States is ready to assume its just
part. . . . With all who will work in good faith
toward such a peace, we are ready, with renewed
resolve, to strive to redeem the near-lost hopes of
our day."
This is the policy of our country.
The Costs of Survival in a Dangerous World
hy Thruston B. Morton
Assistant Secretary for Congressional Relations'^
As we in Washington see it, there are two basic
developments which, taken together, have made
this the sort of world it is.
The first development might best be termed the
rise of Soviet power and of that power's insistence
on expansion at the free nations' expense. We are
not threatened by a tlieory or a conspiracy alone —
we are also menaced by a material force which to
date has dedicated itself to global domination and
to destruction of our way of life.
This force must be understood and clearly un-
derstood.
What is the nature of the Communist menace?
It is a total menace. It seeks domination
through the use of every conceivable weapon; it
operates in global terms with global objectives.
' Excerpts from an address made before the New
Hampshire Taxpayers' Association, at Concord, N.H., on
May 20 (press release 273 dated May 19).
It uses every conceivable weapon — propaganda,
subversion, economic pressure, outright aggres-
sion; further, it uses these weapons singly or in
various combinations. The postwar years are
replete with examples of this dangerous Commu-
nist flexibility. Let me cite just a few.
There was the drive to subvert the legitimate
Greek Government in 1946—47. Greek strength,
supported by American aid and technical advice,
drove the Communists into retreat.
There was the economic pressure of the blockade
applied to Berlin in an effort to drive the West
out. Free world strength, brought to bear by the
fabulous airlift, forced the jaws of that blockade
open and kept the free world in west Berlin.
And there was the callous, unprovoked, naked
aggression in Korea — an aggression that was
halted and driven back by the strength of U.N.
forces. For the first time in modern history, col-
lective security has operated effectively on the
battlefield.
June 7, 7953
769
We have yet to achieve peace in Korea — that is
true. The American mother or father, the wife
or the sister with a loved one in Korea will find
little comfort in the fact that a<^gression has been
checked there as lonj^ as the battle continues.
I am well aware of this. But the Communists
have been forced to negotiate for a truce. We are
negotiating, and we are doing everything possible
to achieve a peace with honor. There is hope.
Now, it is true that the pattern of Communist
imperialism of the past half-dozen years has taken
on some new wrinkles. But — as I want to stress
a little later — it would be folly to take these new
wrinkles for a change in the pattern.
The global impact of a Communist conspiracy,
whose heart lies in Soviet power, remains the first
of two basic developments which condition the
nature of the unstable world we live in.
What is the second ?
You might call it the technological miracle
which has turned a large world into a small one.
You might call it the scientific age.
A shot fired at another Concord not far from
here some 175 years ago was said to have been
heard around the world. Today, a shot fired any-
where sets phones to jangling, pulses to pounding,
and nerves on edge everywhere. And it does so in
a good deal less time.
An election in Italy or Indonesia is carefully
analyzed the day after it is held by experts in
Washington, London, Paris, and Moscow. Today,
a jet bomber can fly halfway around the globe in
less than 24 hours.
Today, "it's a small world" is something more
than a casual greeting. There is no such thing as
an isolated nation. Isolationism is as out-of-date
as last year's Paris gowns — even more so.
In a small world beset by the Soviet menace, we
Americans have had no choice but to look at our
situation realistically. We have had to recognize
that our national security is dependent upon our
assuming certain global responsibilities which
your fathers and mine would not have thought
of assuming.
Edmund Burke, British statesman and orator,
once said — and I quote : ""WHien bad men combine,
the good must associate, else they will fall, one by
one."
That statement, made almost 2 centuries ago, is
as valid today as it ever was.
America cannot stand alone in this kind of
world. The security of our nation and of all free
nations depends upon our ability to maintain and
strengthen our united defenses.
It depends upon our willingness and our ability
to meet the Conmiunist menace anywhere and
everywhere. It depends upon our willingness to
assume and wear the mantle of free world leader-
ship with dignity, firmness, and tact.
We Americans have not sought the role of lead-
ership. In fact, we have never sought it. Look
back at our history. What do you see?
I
You see a nation primarily concerned with its
internal development. You see a lusty youth com-
ing of age. You see many peoples of diverse back-
grounds and national origins creating a great
country in which freedom and liberty are more
than mere words.
For a brief period in the closing years of the 19th
century, the cry of "manifest destiny" rang
through the land. Some Americans felt that their
new proud nation was entitled to flex its political
and commercial muscles abroad. But the America
of the current century gave short shrift to this
attitude.
No, we Americans have not sought world leader-
ship. But today we have had it imposed upon us
by circumstances for the most part beyond our
control.
We have no alternative but to meet the tests that
leadership implies. These tests are both moral
and material. They demand both physical power
and adherence to principle.
Right to Differ Inherent in Democratic Unity
Let me say a word about principle.
Insofar as our leadership is concerned, we are
wise not to forget that it is based upon democratic
thought and democratic practice.
We have the right to ask that our friends in
Europe and elsewhere carry their share of the
mutual defense burden — and we have done so.
We do not have the right to dictate to them — and .
we should not seek to do so even if we could. I
The free peoples are working together in com-
mon cause because they realize that unity is the
only sound road to security and peace. They are
bound together by common principle, common
purpose, and common need — not by force imposed
from Washington.
Eecently, there has been a good deal in the press
about differences of opinion as between some of
our European allies and ourselves. I am not
going to comment on these alleged differences in
any detail.
I would only )ioint out that the right of Ameri-
cans to hold different opinions is bedrock to our
society. Should we seek to deny to other peoples
the very right we ourselves cherish?
The right to differ is one of the crucial strengths
not only of our own democracy, but of democratic
unity in a difficult world. It is one of many im-
portant things that distinguishes us from the to-
talitarian tyranny which threatens us.
The fact that the free nations may differ on spe-
cific policies is much less important than the fact
that they continue to agree on basic principle and
to work together toward a common objective.
So much for the moral principle involved in
American leadership. What about material
strength ?
I have spoken of the Communist menace as a
global one. This means that our foreign policies
770
Department of State Bulletin
have had to be thought out in world terms. It
also means that we require the material strength
to support such policies.
I The Soviets have made it clear that they under-
stand only one language— that of power. We and
our free world friends have had to speak that lan-
guage. And we've had to speak it on a global
basis. . . 1 i 1 Tx
The conflict in Korea is not an isolated one. it
is related to what is happening in Malaya and in
Indochina. Furthermore, what is happening m
Asia is related to the situation in Europe.
It is all part of the same worldwide Communist
pattern for conquest.
In considering that pattern, it is well to recog-
nize that Communist words are related to Com-
munist deeds, even if the words and deeds do not
square with each other.
The Communists continually talk of "peace.
At the same time, they carry on aggression m
Korea and in Southeast Asia, and apply pressure
to Western Europe.
Wliat lies behind this seeming contradiction?
Shortly before his death, Stalin wrote an article
for a leading Soviet publication. That article
may well have been Stalin's last political will and
testament. In it, the Soviet dictator stated that
the free nations were bound to split. Communist
victory, he said, would be assured when this
occurred.
Stalin was not only reiterating a basic Marxist
prediction. He was also setting down a line which
Communists everywhere were expected to follow.
And they indeed appear to be following it.
By talking "peace" while they practice aggres-
sion, the Communists hope to confuse and to divide
the free world. Their current propaganda offen-
sive is clearly directed at exploiting any differ-
ences that might exist between ourselves and our
allies. It is further designed to play upon the
deep-rooted hopes and fears of a humanity which
earnestly desires a tnie peace.
In carrying through the obligations of leader-
ship, we Americans would do well to bear in mind
the deadly and devious aims of Soviet propaganda
as well as of the various other methods the Com-
munists employ to achieve their objectives.
We can hope for the best, but we must be pre-
pared for the worst.
President Eisenhower put it very well when he
said ^ — and I quote :
] Until Soviet good faith is proven by deeds, the free
I nations must rely on their own strength for the preserva-
' tion of peace. To fail to continue vigorously to strengthen
our military forces would be to risk wasting all our
efforts for the past live years in defense of our liberties.
These problems are obviously complex ones.
They can be met only through a well-rounded,
positive foreign policy. They are being met by
just such a policy.
' Bulletin of May 25, 19.53, p. 735.
June I, 1953
The Premise for Today's Foreign Policy
American foreign policy today is not a hit-and-
miss operation. Nor is it designed to bow out of
the picture at the end of a given calendar year.
American foreign policy today is based on the
assumption that the Communist challenge will be
with us for many years, regardless of any imme-
diate relaxation of international tensions that may
develop. The costs of that policy have been calcu-
lated with an eye to spending the minimum con-
sistent with our long-run security.
The gradual buildup of Nato forces in Europe,
the development of strong measures to cope with
the Communist military threat in Southeast Asia,
the encouragement of a unified Western European
economy, the search for a moderate trade policy
which will give other nations a reasonable cnance
to sell in the American market— all of these things
are part of a positive foreign policy.
What is this positive policy costing us? What
does it mean to you — the taxpayers— in dollars
and cents?
Wliat is the new team in Washington doing to
minimize the costs of national survival?
In answering these vital questions, it is well for
us to understand that Washington bureaucrats
do not necessarily differ from other taxpayers
when it comes to spending the tax dollar.
The new team in Washington is not interested
in squeezing or misleading the taxpayer. In fact,
the Eisenhower administration sees taxes pretty
much as you in Concord see them. We are tax-
payers too. And we are concerned with reducing
the average man's tax burden to the lowest prac-
ticable level. But— as the President has pointed
out time and again— it is not sound policy to re-
duce taxes before making reasonable progress to-
ward balancing the budget.
The new administration has already taken a
number of important steps toward a balanced
budget. But the balancing cannot be done over-
night.
Now, I make no pretense of being a nscal ex-
pert. But I do believe that your Government has
begun to move toward creation of a sounder dol-
lar and a sounder credit structure.
As for specific economies, I might point out
tries© \
The foreign-aid budget^ — and that includes both
our military defense and economic expenditures
abroad— was submitted to Congress only after 1.8
billion dollars was trimmed from the estimates
made by the preceding administration; several
major Government departments have submitted
budgets which are well below last year's ceilings;
the national defense budget, the biggest single
item of Federal expenditure, has been trimmed
by some 5 billion dollars.
These are important economies, and undoubt-
771
edly others are being made and will be made.
But I think we need to be thoroughly realistic
about this matter of Government economy. The
cost of national security is high. It is going to
continue to be high for some time to come. The
cost of running the Federal Government as a
whole is high, and the demands of national se-
curity are not the only reasons for this.
Facing the Fiscal Facts
Congressmen would receive fewer letters of
complaint and people generally would be some-
what less impatient for a drastic tax cut if more
of us stopped to consider the fiscal facts.
What are the facts?
In the first place, inflation does not play favor-
ites. Your Government is required to pay just
as much for the things it needs as are you or your
next-door neighbor.
Things have changed in the last decade or so.
Prices have skyrocketed. For example, a chair
costing the Government 9 dollars in 1940 today
costs 32 dollars. File cabinets have gone from
$24.75 to $61 in the same period. Desks which
went for $27.75 in 1940 now cost more than three
times as much.
Government employees — and they have to eat
just like other people — have had their wages
raised considerably, even as have those who are
privately employed.
The great majority of Americans are living
better today than ever before, but we have had to
pay for it.
Another factor in the governmental situation,
which those who are impatient for drastic tax
action might well keep in mind, has to do with
the Government's complexity.
A generation ago the executive branch of the
Government was composed of the White House,
the Cabinet departments, and a handful of spe-
cialized agencies. When Franklin Roosevelt came
to power, there were only about 500,000 Federal
employees. The Government's responsibilities
were considerably fewer and it played a consider-
ably lesser role in the economic sphere.
Today, the number of executive agencies has
more than quadrupled. There are five times as
many Government employees, and the Govern-
ment's obligations, both at home and abroad, would
have staggered the imagination of even the most
radical of thinkers back in 1930.
There are several important conclusions that can
be drawn from observing this Government of ours
in operation and from an understanding of its
responsibilities. These conclusions, I might say,
are my own.
The first is that you just cannot take a complex
organization of two and a half million people and
slice off a quarter or a half.
To use the meat-ax approach on the Federal
budget — as some people advocate — might well
imperil our existence. With government func-
tions being as complex and interrelated as they
are, there is always the danger of cutting through
a bone when aiming at a piece of fat.
No, the meat-ax approach is definitely not rec-
ommended. The scalpel would be more to the
point. We must probe for waste carefully. And
the administration has been doing just that.
A second important conclusion is that the new
administration in Washington is not in position
to turn back the clock. No man — no matter how
clever — can recapture time. And I strongly
doubt that it would be wise to do so if it were
possible.
The administration has dedicated itself to cer-
tain specific objectives. It is seeking to maintain
economic stability and a reasonable level of de-
fense within the framework of a genuinely demo-
cratic economy. It is striving to protect and
strengthen private enterprise.
The President has made it clear that Govern-
ment activity in the economic sphere will be kept
to that minimum consistent with the public
interest.
This— it seems to me — does not imply a return
to the situation which existed in 1920 or even in
1940. The Government's relationships with the
domestic economy are highly complex and our ob-
ligations abroad are neither short-term nor minor.
For these and other reasons, we are compelled
to gear any economic steps we take to the needs of
1953 — not those of a generation or even a decade
ago.
A third conclusion that I believe we must draw
is that democratic government cannot function in
a straitjacket. Nor does it.
Ours is not a monolithic state like the Soviet
Union. Here, governmental decisions are the
product of the interplay of many different forces
and many different influences. Such is the essence
of democracy.
There are those who seem to think that the
President can issue an order and get any desired
result. It is true that Mr. Eisenhower can issue
instructions to the executive branch of which he is
the head. But — as many chief executives have
learned through sad experience — he can neither
coerce the Congress nor stampede the Supreme
Court.
The President does have power — much power. :
But he has been given that power by the American
people, who have trusted him to use it wisely.
Wisdom demands that the President lead more
by persuasion and reason than by directive. And
that is exactly what the President is doing. i
The final point I would make here is that the
President cannot be expected to solve every prob-
lem we face in a matter of hours, days, or even
months. Further, there are basic problems that
cannot be solved on short notice even if he were
to have the powers of a dictator, and I know that
772
Department of Slate Bulletin
you will agree that we have no use for a dictator in
this country. „ , ,
I also know that one of the best ways to assure
our strength and our security as a democratic na-
tion is to recognize that democracy imposes re-
sponsibilities, even as it guarantees rights and
privileges.
Democracy cannot be taken for granted— par-
ticularly in this day and age. It must be worked
at. T . ■
Every individual American and every American
group with a specific interest is, I believe, obligated
to accept the fact that there is such a thing as the
national interest and the general welfare.
Every such group or individual must also appre-
ciate that his particular objective is subordinate
to the national interest. In short, the national
well-being demands compromise from each of
us— a certain willingness to sacrifice our maxi-
mum demands for something more moderate.
In this willingness and ability to sacrifice special
interests to the general welfare lies one of the
major keys to the American democracy's staying
power.
I'm not a betting man. But if I had to bet I
would stake everything I had on the common
sense of the average American and on the future
of America.
U.S. Objectives in Western Europe
hy Ridgway B. Knight
Dejmty Director, Office of Western European Affairs ^
I believe it is unnecessary, with a group such
as this, to describe in any great detail the vital
importance of Western Europe to American se-
curity. The hard, cold facts of modern life prove
that we can no longer think of American defense
solely in terms of our own manpower, our own
weapons, our own natural resources, and our own
factories and farms. Instead, we must appraise
our security situation in terms of the combined
strength of the United States and its allies. We
must think not only of how much we would lose
if the nations of Western Europe should fall under
Soviet domination but also how much they would
gain tliereby. We must think of how much we
gain if these nations remain on our side and de-
velop their strength. Finally, we must think of
the significant contributions which certain of
these nations are making to the security of other
parts of the free world, in Korea, Malaya, and
Indochina.
I cannot, in this short period of time, catalog
all the problems we face in Western Eui'ope. It
is better, I believe, to try to visualize our main ob-
jectives in Europe and to try to consider the major
developments which affect us at the present time.
Our main objective in 1953, as it has been ever
since the war, remains the development and con-
solidation of U.S. security in the face of the most
' Address made before the World Affairs Forum of the
Foreign Policy Association of Pittsburgh, Pa., on May 7.
June ?, 1953
direct and the most dangerous threat which has
ever been directly leveled at our country. There
is no evidence whatever that this threat has less-
ened, despite the much talked of "Soviet peace
oifensive.
The history of the Soviet dictatorship and more
particularly its action since the end of the war
constitute positive facts which speak for them-
selves.
In fact, the last Communist ofiicial pronounce-
ment which has the force of dogma specifically in-
dicates that one major aim of Soviet policy is to
dissolve Western unity. Stalin's pronouncement
on the eve of the 19th Congress of the Soviet Com-
munist Party last October re-emphasized "the need
to promote conflict and exploitable weaknesses in
the non-Communist world."
On the other side of the ledger we have as facts
only a very limited exchange of wounded prisoners
of war and some visas granted to a few distin-
guished American travelers. Otherwise this
much publicized "peace offensive," which Secre-
tary Dulles has aptly described as a "peace de-
fensive," has ironically enough received its impetus
from such minor causes as a few smiles on the faces
of Soviet diplomats and a welcome to these same
American visitors in Moscow — a welcome which in
every other country in the world would be consid-
ered as merely normal.
Considering this situation it is essential to strive
for a j udicious balance. On the one hand we must
773
obviously refrain from being so frozen in our
mental attitudes that we would not be willing to
avail ourselves of changed conditions in Moscow
which may result from the death of Stalin. On
the other hand we must realize that the probability
of a basic change in attitude of the Soviet olig-
archy is slim indeed and that we must diligently
preserve those policies of calm and strength until
we have received positive proof that the leopard
has changed his spots. By lowering our guard we
could well fall into a trap set for us.
In the meanwhile, however, we should seek to
avail ourselves of any opportunity offered to us
by the other side with a view to redressing little by
little the still unfavorable balance. In each case
we should do it for a specific objective, and we
should carefully refrain from accepting any one
of these single objectives as a final t«st of a change
in Soviet policy as a whole. This can only come
from overall i^erformance along the lines set down
by the President.
It remains that the basic problem which faces
not only our country but also our Nato partners is
how to develop and maintain a position of real
strength over an unpredictable number of years.
We have no evidence that the threat to our security
will diminish on any predictable date, nor do we
have evidence that would permit us to assume
an attack on any particular date. In this situation,
as Secretary Dulles recently said, it would be a
mistake "to exhaust ourselves by spasmodic pro-
grams designed to meet ever-recurring emer-
gencies."
It is obvious that one of the most important
problems connected with a long-term security pro-
gram is the economic problem. This is true for
two reasons. In the first place, military strength
alone is not sufficient for our security, because the
Communists have proved their ability to take
over countries which are weak economically and
spiritually without the use of military force.
There can be no stable society without the prospect
of an acceptable standard of living for the people
who must defend that society. In the second place,
it is equally clear that military strength itself
cannot be developed or maintained without a
sound economic base. It is therefore our purpose
to keep our military efforts in balance with U.S.
and European economic capabilities.
If we are to increase our mutual strength in the
face of present economic and political limitations,
there are two things we must do. First, we must
try to obtain more real defense from the present
resources devoted to defense. Second, we must
seek to utilize other resources not yet tapped.
Our ability to achieve a better use of present
resources requires constant striving within Nato
to eliminate unnecessary duplication and waste.
It requires us to press forward with the principle
of balanced collective forces adopted by Nato in
May 1951. Under this principle, we seek to attain
balance among the various elements of the military
774
forces of the Nato countries as a whole rather than
balance within individual national forces. Finally,
it is evident that the achievement of greater unity
among the nations of continental Europe will, in
the long run, greatly facilitate the effective use of
available resources.
Collective Security Needs France and Germany
In seeking to tap new reservoirs of strength,
one prospect stands out at this time above all
others. I refer, of course, to Germany. The
manpower, industrial plant, and technical skill of
Western Germany can add substantially to the
total strength available for the defense of the
Atlantic community, and it is exceedingly im-
portant to us that this strength be utilized.
Both our desire to encourage European unity
and our interest in a German military contribu-
tion focus, at the present time, on the European
Defense Community. This is a plan, designed by
European statesmen, to permit Germany to con-
tribute military forces to Western defense, not as
independent national forces but as part of a com-
bined European army. Thus, Edc would not only
make possible a German military contribution but
would also represent an important step toward
closer continental unity, which should have sub-
stantial political and economic benefits as well as
political and military advantages.
American policy has firmly supported this Eu-
ropean plan. In fact, the U.S. Government ha
sometimes been criticized on the grounds that i^
has set forth no alternative policy in the even^
Edc should fail of ratification. However, the
point of the matter is very simple. Theoretical^
alternatives to Edc exist. Practical alternatives,
given the political facts of life facing us today,
have not yet come to light.
As we are in search of a net addition of strength,
the German contribution is required over and
above the existing elements of strength in the free
world. Were it only possible to obtain Germany's
contribution at the expense of defections in other
quarters, our interests would not be served. To
])nt it bluntly, our collective security requires the
full participation of both France and Germany —
not of Germany or France.
As matters now stand the only political frame-
work within which the French people may accept
the military collaboration of their enemy of yes-
terday is the Edc.
As long as this remains a political fact, it is
quite sterile to talk of alternatives.
Fate of EDC Largely Dependent on France
As we all know, the fate of the Edc is in suspense
at this time. The final outcome will depend
largely upon the eventual decision reached by the
French parliament. I will not seek to express
a judgment as to whether French hesitations are
justified or not. Passing judgment on others is
Department of Stale Bulletin
seldom profitable. In the field of foreign rela-
tions it usually complicates rather than helps a
solution.
In my opinion, and I would like to make it quite
clear that I am only expressing a personal view,
the process which the French people have gone
through is a simple one. In connection with the
Edc, the French people weiit through a first phase
wliich can be called intellectual and logical. As
a German contribution appeared to be necessary,
and was being insisted upon by the United States,
the European army seemed to be the safest frame-
work therefor, limiting the potential future threat
of a dynamic Germany which exists. However, to
view the situation as it was, it should also be rec-
ognized that during this first phase the European
army seemed so distant that the general public
hardly gave it serious thought.
The second phase can be termed affective and
sentimental. Reason had no part therein. The
thousand and one traditional and historical fears
and suspicions about Germany commanded and
determined this reaction when the Edc evolved
from a dream into a real possibility. This reac-
tion was not confined to extreme nationalists. It
stennned from the heart of the vast majority of
French people who instinctively revolted against
the thought of any kind of union with the tradi-
tional enemy of yesterday, and against the thought
of tlie disappearance of the French Army of
which tlie most outspoken antimilitaristic French-
man remains proud deep down in his own heart.
Illogical as it may seem, this state of mind is
very human and very common. Haven't all of
us, when faced with personal situations in which
our reason has told us to do one thing, done quite
the contrary ? This sentimental reaction was un-
avoidable and was foreseen by many.
Our hope, and I believe it is a sound one, is that
this second and sentimental phase will gradually
give way to a third phase in which reason and
logic will again come to the surface and gain the
day. In the last 2 months French leaders from
the Prime Minister down have spoken to the
French people more frankly than ever before.
They have shown why there is no alternative for
France and that there is no turning back in this
great forward movement, which in addition to
harnessing the strength of a vital Germany to the
common cause should usher in an entirely new
historical period of material, spiritual, and intel-
lectual development in a gradually uniting
Europe.
We have read much in the newspapers about
pi'otocols to the Edc treaty and other conditions
stipulated by the French Government for ratifica-
tion of the treaty. Wliile politically important
because of the ever complex parliamentary situa-
tion in the French National Assembly, these con-
ditions in my opinion represent the manifestations
of the underlying state of mind of France as a
whole, rather than absolute requirements in them-
selves. Given an instinctive refusal to move for-
ward, new conditions could be expected ever to
crop up so as to justify logically the sentimental
unwillingness to move ahead. However, given a
modification in this underlying state of mind,
these specific conditions can and will be met. The
mere fact that a month ago the protocols to the
treaty were agreed, while until shortly before then
they seemed insurmountable obstacles, is one of
the best indications of improvement.
As you know, while there are a number of issues
which have a bearing on French ratification, the
Saar is the major one. Here again, given the
desire on both sides to proceed, an acceptable solu-
tion to both will be found, notwithstanding the
fact that in many ways the Saar issue provides a
synthesis of the ditferences in many fields which
have pitted France against the forces of a national
(xermany since Frederick the Great was King of
Prussia.
Quite aside from substance, one of the most
urgent considerations at this moment is speed.
Barely 4 months remain before the national elec-
tions in Germany when Adenauer, a truly great
European statesman, and his coalition Govern-
ment will face the voters. In all likelihood his
chances at the polls will, as in every democracy, be
conditioned by his record. If the Edc has not been
ratified by September and if, therefore, the con-
tractual relationship with Germany has not come
into force, and Germany remains under the statute
of occupation, the opposition will see to it that the
tremendous improvement in everyday life of the
average German which has occurred under Chan-
cellor Adenauer's tenure will be minimized. The
dc facto status achieved by the Bonn government
will tend to be forgotten and the charge will be
made that Adenauer has not been able adequately
to promote and defend the interests of Germany.
As a result, it is well within the realm of possibility
that the German Government might be taken over
by elements which now oppose ])lans for a Euro-
pean Defense Community. Whether these ele-
ments would eventually modify their attitudes is
uncertain, but one thing seems quite certain.
There would not only be further delay in obtain-
ing a German defense contribution, but there
would also be a severe loss of momentum in the
movement toward European unity. In fact, it is
possible that the European idea would have lost
so much ground that it would be unattainable in
this generation.
Let us now return to France.
Present French Situation
"RHiile France's reactions are largely sentimental
and historical, they are also materially conditioned
by her present situation. At this point it might
be useful briefly to review her basic position.
France's essential trouble is that she is over-ex-
tended populationwise, economically, and finan-
June 7, J 953
775
cially. Perhaps the greatest problem at this time
is related to her budget, of which the three main
components are her Nato effort in Europe, the In-
dochina war, and, lastly, reconstruction and de-
velopment. The latter, while largely forgotten in
1953, remains a very heavy one.
In seeking to face this three-fold task during
the past few years, France has been running a
budget deficit which has exceeded 20 percent of
the total in 1951 and 1952 and is accruing in 1953
at a rate of approximately 30 percent.
As in every country there are three ways of bal-
ancing a budget: by increasing taxes, by deficit
financing, or by cutting expenditures.
If we look at the first possibility, that of in-
creasing taxes, one is usually met by the argument
that if only the French paid their taxes their
budget would be balanced. What is thus over-
looked is that tax evasion is an ancient custom in
France and that the State takes this into con-
sideration when establishing tax rates. As a re-
sult, certain tax rates are abnormally high. Even
with considerable tax evasion, the French people
actually pay — in taxes collected — at least as great
if not a higher percentage of their national in-
come than the percentage paid by American tax-
payers to Federal, State, and local governments
combined. In other words, with an average in-
come of about one-third the average American
income, the French taxpayer must turn a larger
proportion of his income over to the tax collector
than the average American does.
If we look at the second possibility, deficit
financing, we find little reason for hope, as ever
since 1914 the French people have had a virtually
continuous inflation experience, with the result
that the franc today is worth about one-half of
one percent of what it was worth before the First
World War. With this kind of personal knowl-
edge of what extreme inflation can mean, the
average Frenchman is most reluctant to invest in
any kind of bond, be it a state obligation or a
private one. Therefore, before the French will be
willing to invest in government bonds a good
many years of financial and currency stability
will be required before sufficient confidence can
be established.
In view of what we have said about the first
two possibilities, it is obvious that as time passes
the pressure on the French Government to resort
to the third method, namely reducing expendi-
tures, is becoming heavier and heavier. As
France's main hope of eventually being able to
support herself resides in expanding her basic
economy through completion of her reconstruc-
tion and development program, the pressure is
therefore increasingly concentrated on the reduc-
tion of her military expenditures. Here the choice
is between reducing in Indochina or in Europe.
As the average Frenchman places the security
of the mother country first, all these pressures are
gradually being concentrated on the Indochina
part of the budget, and in this connection I might
briefly mention that, notwithstanding the very
large amount of aid which we gave to France last
year, this did not amount to half of her total
budgetary outlays for the Indochina war.
I mentioned earlier that France was also over-
extended demographically and will only mention
one example. At the present time about 30 per-
cent of her officers are in Indochina or on rotation
to and from there, as are 40 percent of her career
noncommissioned officers.
As a result of what I have outlined above, an
inferiority complex definitely exists in France
with respect to Germany. Germany, in addition
to being the hard-working dynamic and demo-
graphically powerful country that she is, has no
extra European commitments. Consequently in
regard to ratification of the European Defense
Community the French fear that with France's
energies divided between Europe and the Far
East, Germany will inevitably rise to the domi-
nating position in the Edc.
Italy and National Elections
In a summary, however brief, dealing with
Western Europe, it is impossible to overlook the
Italian national elections. These are the first to
be held in a country with a large Communist party
since the death of Stalin and since the stepped-up
divisive efforts of the new Soviet Government.
The problem is not whether the Italian Com-
munist Party and the Nenni Socialists will obtain
a majority. That fortunately can be excluded.
The problem is different. The Italian parlia-
ment has adopted a law giving 65 percent of the
seats to the party or to the several parties linked
together — that is presenting a joint common
ticket — obtaining 50.1 percent of the total votes
cast.
So that the Italian democracy can continue to
function in an orderly fashion, the four parties
of the center coalition — Christian Democrats,
Republicans, Liberals, and Independent Social-
ists— must achieve the fateful percentage of 50.1.
The danger is that they may not for the follow-
ing reasons :
1. The Communist Party, and especially the
Nenni Socialists, which pretend to be independent,
may well increase their voting strength.
2. The Msi, or Neo-Fascists, may gain some-
what.
3. But more dangerous than the above, many
Italians with sentimental attachment to the House
of Savoy who voted Christian Democratic in a
reflex of self-preservation in 1948, when Italy
seemed to be on the verge of going Communist,
may give in to their sentimental impulse and vote
Monarchist now that the Communist danger
seems to be receding.
776
Deparlment of State Bvlletin
What will happen if the center list does not
obtain 50.1 percent of the total?
At best a situation in which government coali-
tions will have to depend on the alliance of parties
which are basically antagonistic. Governments
would be short-lived, of the French variety, but
more brittle and ineffective as the additional in-
crement needed to make up a majority will be
even more foreign and more basically opposed than
is the case in France. Thus a weakened Italy
would be a basic source of weakness for the entire
Mediterranean flank of the Western alliance.
Indeed much has been said recently about the in-
creasing cooperation between Greece, Turkey, and
Yugoslavia. Little, however, has been said about
Italy, which backs up this line. If the worst ever
came to the worst and war should break out, Italy
would be not only the base for logistic support of
a large part of the Balkan area, but would also
be the base for air support. Just as Germany
could not hold back a Communist attack without
the backstopping support of France and other
Western European nations, the defense of South-
eastern Europe would be virtually impossible
without maximum Italian cooperation and
strength.
... I will be brief in my conclusion. Let me
stress that this conclusion is also quite personal.
Danger Inherent in Present Situation
I am concerned about the coincidental and
cumulative effects of certain developments at this
particular moment. I refer to the fact that at
the very time when the impact of the notorious
Soviet "peace offensive" is beginning to be felt on
the Continent, the British Government has an-
nounced its new budget with tax decreases, and
we are publicly stressing the stretched-out char-
acter of our own defense effort.
Now the U.K. budget is based on a fine plan:
one which by offering more initiative to the aver-
age Britisher should quickly result in a larger
economic base to be taxed and, therefore, produce
a larger tax yield.
Likewise in our case it is essential, in view of
the nature of the threat which we face, that we so
adjust our affairs that our house will be in good
order, in an order acceptable to the great majority
of the American people, to enable us to maintain
our effort over perhaps many years.
However the fact remains that these simultane-
ous developments could quite erroneously be inter-
preted on the Continent of Europe as proof posi-
tive that the United States and the United
Kingdom, regardless of their public pronounce-
ments to the contrary, consider that the Soviet
threat has appreciably lessened. This could set
in motion a train of events which could well dis-
arm the Continent spiritually as well as materially.
I believe Secretary Dulles stated this problem
exceedingly well when he presented the Mutual
Security Program to the Congress and urged that
the Congress make no reductions in foreign aid
beyond those already made by the administration.*
He pointed out that our allies have accepted our
reduction in foreign aid in good spirit, as a neces-
sary part of a common program whereby we will
all try to bring our security commitments into
line with economic health. But he went on to
say this :
If we do not do all that is possible within the limits
of our economic health, then our purposes will be misin-
terpreted and our allies will feel that their fragile econ-
omies are being subjected to multiple blows which are
more than they can sustain.
He added that a further reduction in our com-
mitments might involve risks greater than are
acceptable at the present time.
Please do not think that I consider war unavoid-
able. I do not now and never have.
But I do consider that our security is based on
a strength of the free world adequate to make
the other side think twice before committing an
act of aggression which might be a casus belli.
Therefore I am convinced that we must seek
to maintain that most difficult balance and equi-
librium between defense and well-being — in a
sense we should strive to give concurrent priorities
to these naturally contradictory facts. We must
preserve solvency and standards of living in the
free world which will protect that which we are
determined to defend. Also we must accept the
heavy burden to maintain the military strength
needed to protect from aggression this free way
of life of ours which we enjoy today and which is
the birthright of our children.
MSA Allotment to Netherlands
for Productivity Agreement
The Netherlands has become the third European
country to launch a stepped-up producti\ ity drive
under the terms of the "free-enterprise" amend-
ments to the Mutual Security Act, the Mutual
Security Agency (Msa) announced on May 7 in
making the first allotment of funds under its new
agreement with the Dutch.
It is planned that the present allotment of
$1,500,000 is to be followed before July 1 by
another $1,500,000 allotment of defense-support
funds, which will be used to provide commodities
needed by the Netherlands in its defense buildup.
The Dutch Government is depositing an equiv-
alent amount of guilders in a special counterpart
fund to finance the new drive.
Similar agreements have been concluded by Msa
with the United Kingdom and the Federal Re-
public of Germany under terms of the "free-
enterprise" legislation, and others are being nego-
' Bulletin of May 25, 1953, p. 736.
June 7, 1953
777
tiated. These amendments to the Mutual Security
Act direct Msa to negotiate productivity agi-ee-
ments for the purpose of "stimulating free enter-
prise and the expansion of the economies of those
countries."
To enable Msa to carry on these programs, Con-
gress stipulated that $100,000,000 of Msa funds
should be used to develop an equivalent amount of
European currencies to finance a European-wide
productivity program.
Negotiations for the Dutch program, which will
expand and strengthen the effort already being
made under the Msa technical-assistance program
to increase productivity, have been under way
since July 1952. When the Dutch announced last
January that they would not require Msa defense-
support assistance during the 1953 fiscal year,^ they
indicated their continued interest in participating
in technical-assistance programs, and it was agreed
that the productivity program would not be
affected as a result of the action.
The D\itch progi-am proposes to seek immediate
increases in productivity in the metal, building
trade, and clothing industries and the introduction
of new techniques of distributing consumer goods.
Guilder grants are to be made to the metal in-
dustry, including foundries, to remedy low pro-
ductivity in small firms. This assistance is de-
signed to enable these firms to qualify for sub-
contracts from larger companies and permit an
increase in the production capacity of the industry.
The metal industry figures largely in the defense-
production program of the Netherlands.
An expanded building program to replace war-
destroyed factory facilities and housing for
workers is also important to the Dutch economy
and defense effort. Grants to the building trade
will be specifically designed to help it incorporate
new techniques in its activities and speed the
country's construction program.
Previous studies that have been made under the
MsA technical-assistance program have pointed
to substantial gains that can be made in meeting
consumer demand for clothing provided stand-
ardization of current output can be achieved. To
accomplish this, substantial grants are planned
for the clothing industry.
To assist in the effective distribution and sale
of the expanded production, grants will be utilized
in improving retail marketing practices.
In addition to the grant program, productivity
funds will also be used as loans to medium and
small firms in these three vital areas to assist them
in modernization of plant design and equipment
layout.
Paralleling this program, which has been de-
veloped jointly by ]\Isa and appropriate ministries
of the Netherlands Government, is a similar pro-
ductivity program of the Dutch themselves. This
will be carried on entirely by Dutch resources and
\vill seek similar aims through the intensive use
' Bulletin of Feb. 9, 1953, p. 217.
of technical-assistance projects, including tech-
nical-information programs, and a Dutch loan
fund to be used for the benefit of small and medium
private industries. Both programs have been de-
veloped with the full participation and concur-
rence of Dutch private industries, labor, and con-
sumers groups.
Suspension of MSA Aid to Iceland
The Mutual Security Agency announced on
May 16 that at the proposal of the Icelandic Gov-
ernment, American defense support aid to Iceland
is being suspended. A similar announcement is
being made in Keykjavik by Icelandic Minister of
Commerce Bjorn Olafsson.
This suspension of aid follows a final allotment
to Iceland of $3,250,000, which will be used to help
Iceland settle its intra-European payments posi-
tion through the operations of the European Pay-
ments Union (Epu). The final allotment, made
May 13, makes a total of $5,450,000 in defense sup-
port funds for that country in the 1953 fiscal year
and a total of a little more than $37,000,000 in
defense support and economic aid for Iceland since
the initiation of the Marshall plan, Msa's prede-
cessor, in April 1948.
In proposing that Msa defense support aid be
suspended, Icelandic Government officials pointed
out that the American aid in the past 2 years has
been entirely related in one form or another to the
carrying out of three projects basic to the Icelandic
economy. These are construction of two hydro-
electric plants and one fertilizer plant. All three
are scheduled to be completed this summer.
MsA said that the suspension of defense support
aid does not affect Iceland's participation in the
Msa productivity and technical assistance pro-
gram. It also does not affect Iceland's membership
in Nato, the Organization for European Economic
Cooperation (Oeec), and the Council of Europe.
Since Iceland has no military establishment, it
has not received any direct military aid under the
Mutual Security Program. It is, however, the
site of a U. S. air base.
Three-Power Meeting To Be Held
I
Statement by the President
White House press release dated May 21
The Governments of the United States, Great
Britain, and France have been in consultation
with the view of holding an informal high-level
meeting. We have agreed that such a meeting
is desirable at a date convenient to all of us. A
primary purpose will be further to develop com-
mon viewpoints with these friends on the many
problems that must be solved cooperatively so
that the cause of world peace may be advanced.
I
778
Department of State Bulletin
An Expression of Friendship
for tiie People of India
Remarks by Secretary Dulles ^
Press release 282 dated May 22
I greatly appreciate the courtesy of the Govern-
ment of India in giving me this opportunity to
speak directly to those people of India who are
listening to this broadcast. I speak to you as the
Cabinet Minister who, under President Eisen-
hower, is responsible for foreign policy. It has
fallen to my lot to be the first Secretary of State
of the United States ever to come to India during
the 160 years of our national existence. That is
something of which I am proud.
The President has asked me to come here with
Mr. Stassen, Director of our Mutual Security
Agency, in order to carry his greetings to you, to
express the friendship and interest which we feel
for the people of India, and to learn from you.
Our conference with Prime Minister Nehru, with
your planning commission, and with other officials,
and our visits to some of your national monuments,
all help us to better undei-stand the spirit of India.
This knowledge will in turn help the United States
to make a better foreign policy. . . .
The United States feels that it carries a very
heavy burden and responsibility in world affairs.
We did not seek that responsibility and indeed
many Americans regi'et we have it. But since we
do have it, we want to act wisely. That means we
should sit down with our friends and discuss com-
mon problems and interests so that we may know
at firsthand the views of other countries with
whom we share the common objective of assuring
peace and striving constantly for improvement in
the welfare of all mankind.
Our own Declaration of Independence declared
that we owe decent respect for the opinion of man-
kind. We have sought and will continue to seek
opinions of other nations, and we will take these
opinions into account in making our own policies.
May I remind you that when the U.N. Assembly
was discussing Korea last year, the United States
voted for the Indian resolution although this re-
quired us to change our own original position. It
was other countries, not the United States, which
rejected that resolution and thereby created a new
situation.
We are eager for peace. It is true that the
United States has fought three times in this cen-
tury. We fought in World War I, we fought in
World War II, and we are fighting today in Korea
alongside South Korean and other U.N. forces.
But we can hardly be accused of starting either
the First World War or the Second World War,
for both these wars began over 2 years before we
came in. When we did come in, we were almost
' Made over the All-India Radio at New Delhi on May 22.
wholly unarmed and it took another year for us
to be ready to fight effectively. We came into
those wars only because it seemed that if we did
not, militaristic dictators would crush free peoples.
We fight in Korea in response to a June 25, 1950
decision by the IT.N. Security Council — a decision
in which India joined. That decision was based
upon a report by the U.N. Commission in Korea,
of which India was a member, to the effect that
there was military aggression against the Republic
of Korea which might endanger the maintenance
of international peace and security.
After the end of the Second World War, the
United States quickly disarmed itself. After the
Korean aggression we rearmed, but although we
are fortunate to be endowed with great material
strength our military establishment today by no
means is the largest in the world. I can say to you
that the American people are passionately devoted
in seeking a just peace.
Some think that we are materialists. It is true
that our people produce a high standard of living
and that it is talked about all through the world.
But the Americans are basically idealists. We
are not ashamed of our material well-being, but
we admire and respect things of the spirit. We
are constantly seeking to enrich our culture by
drawing on the culture of others. That is natural,
perhaps, because we ourselves are a nation of immi-
grants made up of many races, colors, and creeds.
We read literature of other countries, enjoy their
art, and listen to their music. Our people travel
throughout the world and enjoy works of beauty
which other peoples have created. Many millions
of Americans have visited your wonderful Taj
Mahal and those who cannot get here at least are
familiar with it through photographs.
Finally, I would like to remind you that those
who founded our Nation nearly two centuries ago
did it in the hope that a United States would by
its conduct and example promote freedom every-
where. President Lincoln who liberated slaves
declared that our Declaration of Independence
meant liberty not only for the people in our coun-
try but "hope for the world and for all future
time." "It gave promise," he said, "that in due
course weights should be lifted from the shoulders
of all men." That, in a few words, has been and
is the ideal of the American people.
President Eisenhower expressed the same ideal
a few weeks ago. He made a moving appeal to all
peoples of the world urging concrete steps to re-
store peace and justice in the world and to relieve
mankind from the terrible burden of armament.
He pledged that if there were deeds to restore in-
ternational trust, that the United States would join
with others to help all peoples of the world to live
a better life. That appeal has received tremen-
dous response throughout the world. That is
because it was based on principles close to the
hearts of all free men. . . .
June 1. 1953
779
The Value of Technical Cooperation In Latin America
by John M. Cabot
Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs '
There is today before Congress a series of bills
designed to grant increased protection for Ameri-
can producers of oil, lead, zinc, fish, and other
products which Latin America exports to us. No
one wants to see legitimate American industries
prejudiced and workmen thrown out of work.
From a narrow viewpoint we must remember that
the question is not whether we can or cannot pre-
vent depression in the oil, lead, zinc, and fishing
industries. Clearly we can. The question is how
can we cause the least possible unemployment and
injury to our production as a whole. To save the
employment of tens by special favors, at the ex-
pense of throwing hundreds out of work — to pro-
tect millions of invested capital at the expense of
tens of millions — is not wisdom. It is the road to
universal misery — closed factories, breadlines,
despair the world over. Let us not choose that
road.
Let us not indeed be so selfish as to think of the
effects of exaggerated protection from the domes-
tic viewpoint only. Our Latin friends produce
many items which we buy from them in enormous
quantities — coffee, sugar, copper, tin, lead, zinc,
oil, bananas, wool, hides, etc. Their very subsis-
tence depends on their exports of those commodi-
ties. If we do not buy what they are accustomed
to produce, they will certainly have to give up
much of what they now have. Not only will our
normal exports to them be choked off, we shall sub-
stitute for them liberal exports of resentment and
despair. That is not the road to cooperation,
friendship, pan-Americanism. Even those who
care nothing for the unfriendliness they will create
in our sister Republics by choking off imports
from those countries might do well to think of the
help that would thereby be given to communism
in neighboring lands. How unctuously the Com-
munists would roll over their tongues this further
' Excerpts from an address made before the Board of
Directors of the National Foreign Trade Council, Inc.,
at New York on May 15 (press release 260 dated May 14).
evidence of the inevitable contradictions of capi-
talism; and how easily the Latin American
worker, who has lost his job when Uncle Sam
slammed shut the door of international commerce,
would accept this slick argument. Most of us will
want, however, to think of good relations with our
sister Republics as well as our national security.
There will be times when we shall liave to pro-
tect domestic industries against unfair competi-
tion. We have recently been compelled, for
example, to our great regret to levy a counter-
vailing duty on Uruguayan wool tops. Recogniz-
ing the resentment that such decisions will
inevitably cause, I nevertheless hope that our
friends will appreciate that we did only what
our law with good reason required.
On the other hand, I think it is vital for us in
the United States to realize that we should not
interfere with legitimate imports from other
countries which have built up their trade over the
years, merely because conditions in the domestic
industry are not quite as good as they have been.
In particular, I trust we are not prepared to repu-
diate binding trade agreements concluded under
the authority of a law passed by Congress in order
to curtail oil, lead, and zinc exports from our
sister Republics. Surely that is not the proper
course to follow.
Our economic well-being, the rising standards
of living in our sister Republics which will con-
tribute to that well-being, the supply of materials
vital to us in an emergency, and above all that
continental solidarity which contributes so vitally
to our national security, all depend upon the de-
velopment of normal trade with our sister Re- ,
publics. Let us not permit any individual interest 1
to rise above our clear national interests.
To this may I add a word for our Latin friends.
Our economic measures are not always wise and
farseeing, nor are all of our fellow citizens angels
with golden harps and wings. I earnestly hope,
nevertheless, that our friends to the south will
not blame us for the results of their own economic
780
Department of State Bulletin
mistakes. There has been too strong a tendency
among them to try to raise living standards by
an assortment of panaceas, such as currency and
credit inflation, heavy export taxes, multiple ex-
change rates, subsidies, nationalizations, controls,
, etc. Basically speaking, there is only one way that
the living standard can be raised and that is to
produce more. It is impossible to divide among
consumers what is not produced. It is indeed im-
portant that what is produced should be divided
lairly. but it has to be produced first. Prosperity
depends not upon high prices, which choke off
demand, but rather upon a high volume of produc-
tion in proportion to the human labor involved.
Production can be increased in many ways — in
agriculture, for example, by better seed, plowing,
fertilizers, techniques in general. But in this
modern world the greatest aid to increased pro-
duction is increased capital. The worker in the
United States is intelligent and hardworking, but
so are many others in this world ; the reason that
our worker enjoys the highest living standards
in the world is quite simply because he has vastly
the greatest store of capital tools to help him
produce. That is why he produces more and has
more.
Need for Foreign Capital
I earnestly hope that our sister Republics will
transform their great natural resources, as we
have, into the capital equipment whicli will mean
for them progressively higher standards of living.
We look forward with them to the day when their
domestic capital can cover domestic needs. B'.it
as we did, they will need foreign capital to co-
operate in their development. In this connection,
it is vital to remember that we did not permit
foreign capital to plunder our national resources
but we also treated foreign capital fairly. We did
not kill the goose that laid the golden eggs.
It is rather discouraging to receive letters read-
ing like this :
Certain foreign capital acts as a retarding force in these
countries. It has established such heartless and absolute
monopolies that it has replaced the son of the country in
every activity — agricultural, commercial, industrial. It
has oppressed him, denying him the means of satisfying
his necessities, and using its influence to have the State
do the same. It intervenes in the internal politics of the
country. It secures unwarranted concessions and tax
exemptions, bribes officials, etc.
These things are said of companies which have
poured millions of capital into the jungle and the
desert and made them into great producers of
wealth; that pay their workers higher wages and
provide better housing, working conditions, hus-
pitals, schools, etc., than can be found anywhere
else in the respective countries; that have made
vital contributions, without thought of reward, to
various phases of the national life; and that in
several instances have regularly furnished a rery
substantial part of the exports of the countries,
without which the economies of these countries
would be gravely affected.
We can only deplore the fact that so many
sincere people should have swallowed such false
and misguided propaganda. That the Commu-
nists are pressing it is only to be expected; that
people who love their countries should espouse
views which can only injure their countries is
difficult to understand. If foreign capital is
guilty of abuses, and there are undeniably cases
where it has been, measures can be taken to correct
them which will not ruin legitimate foreign in-
vestors and paralyze development. But today the
picture is all too often one of foreign capital which
is being unreasonably harassed. That is tough
on the foreign capital involved. It is much
tougher on the country where it is invested, for
that country is thereby injuring the well-being of
its people and its national development while the
Kremlin laughs.
American capital has a great responsibility to
demonstrate to the people of the country in which
it is invested the tangible benefits it is bringing
to them. The governments and the thinking
people in those countries have an equal responsi-
bility to their own countries to convince their
countrymen of the advantages which accrue to the
national development through fair treatment of
foreign capital.
Amid all these difficulties and perplexities, I
have nevertheless a heartening message for you.
I have just returned from visits to 11 of our sister
Republics in the Caribbean area. I went doubting
that the tide had turned in the battle against
hunger, disease, and consequent communism in
that area. I return convinced that it has. There
are some bad spots in the generally bright picture;
the battle is far from over and I must solemnly
warn you that complacency on our part might
easily be fatal. But the trend in this area is
generally in the right direction and with stead-
fastness and wisdom it will continue so.
Results of U. S. Technical Cooperation
I wish in particular that you might have been
with me to see and hear as I did what our tech-
nical cooperation is meaning to them in improved
living standards. Wlien this work was originally
started during the war by Nelson Rockefeller and
his organization, I must confess to misgivings; our
Latin friends are very sensitive and it seemed to
me that they might resent our offers of coopera-
tion in such fields as education and public health.
In self-defense be it said that from time to time
there has been enough of that to show that mis-
givings were not altogether unfounded; but they
have been swept away by the striking successes
achieved by the cooperative services we have
backed. I am not telling you what our people
told me; I am telling you what the officials of the
countries I visited said. The closer they were
June 7, 1953
781
to the work the more appreciative they tended to
be.
The usual pattern is for the two governments
to set up a cooperative service, say in health or
agriculture. At the beginning the United States
furnished the bulk of the project funds to pay the
needed American technicians, materials, and
training grants; the other government furnished
the money needed for local expenses, trainees,
facilities, etc. The purpose is for the U.S. tech-
nicians to work themselves gradually out of their
job as the other government develops know-how,
organization, trained personnel, facilities, etc.
Today on an average the other government; fur-
nishes almost % of the technical-assistance funds
and the vast bulk of the personnel. Let me say
that this is by no means a one-way street ; some of
our technicians working in the various countries
with their local colleagues have fathered develop-
ments of value to all of us. Interestingly, one of
the perpetual troubles of the cooperative projects
is the way in which their trained personnel get
swiped, particularly by other agencias of the local
government. Not that we really object to this;
on the contrary, we are glad to see the training
they have been given put to good use by the other
country.
The two fields in which our technical coopera-
tion has been particularly effective are those of
health and agriculture. In the former, great
progress has been made in eliminating yaws and
malaria, in providing pure water and in setting
up clinics and public nursing. Scarcely a house
you pass in Central America does not have the
Dot sign on it to show when it was last sprayed.
In these countries it is an old story for the Stars
and Stripes to fly beside the national flag as pure
water systems are inaugurated in town after town
and the women find that they no longer have to
carry jugs of contaminated water for long dis-
tances. Today the people know that their gov-
ernments are doing something for them and they
know that Uncle Sam is helping.
The story in the agricultural field is much the
same. The agricultural services have introduced
better seed, plowing, terracing, erosion control
(vital in Central America), and irrigation, better
fertilizers, better methods generally. At first I
listened to these stories skeptically ; they were all
very fine, but were these services really getting
to the small farmer, were they being reflected in
the national economy? My skepticism was un-
warranted. In El Salvador, for example, the old
native rice has been largely supplanted by a new
rice developed by the cooperative service which
gives an enormously increased yield. In a coun-
try as crowded as El Salvador this is vital. In
Costa Rica instead of importing corn, sugar,
beans, and rice as they used to they now export
them— rice to Japan, they proudly told me.
Some of you will doubtless think, well, that is
all very lovely but it must cost us a pretty penny
and what do we get out of it ?
The total cost to us of all our technical coopera-
tion with 19 American Republics, which includes
650 training grants, will amount this fiscal year
to $22,300,000. If we must regard this from a
dollars and cents point of view, I understand that
it has been a good investment simply from the
increased sales of i\jnerican tractors, farm ma-
chinery, fertilizers, medicines, sanitary supplies,
etc., it has stimulated, quite apart from any in-
direct commercial effects.
But personally I deplore any such argument.
It was not the reason we undertook the program
and it is to my mind but a minor part of the case
for continuing it. The major advantages of the
program from our viewpoint are not material.
This is pan-Americanism in action. This is a
demonstration that we do care for their well-being,
that we do value their friendship, that we want
them to rise in splendor in the constellation of
nations. It shows the ignorant peon that Com-
munist propaganda is clap-trap and that democ-
racy is the path of progress for the great masses
of humanity.
At this point let me reiterate my introductory
warning : a splendid start has been made in wiping
out miseries and raising living standards through
our technical cooperation, but it is only a start.
An enormous task still lies before us. As we turn
over some services to other governments, there
are important new fields which can and must be
opened. I am not pleading for large increases in
appropriations ; the very men working in the field
say that a large sudden increase in available fimds
would be disastrous, because the success of their
operations has depended on their being small and
compact. To my mind the important thing is to
give our technical-cooperation program continu-
ity. If we want the friendship of our sister Re-
publics, we must loyally cooperate with them in
their development on a continuing basis.
And another point. We are often criticized for
recognizing governments that have come to power
by violence and remain in power by oppression.
I shall not at this time refute these arguments at
length ; suffice it to say that democracy cannot be
imposed by force, but must be built painfully from
the ground up; that we have solemnly pledged
ourselves not to intervene in the internal affairs
of any other American Republic; and that we
have found that interventions of one sort and an-
other, however well intentioned, have never pro-
duced democracy.
I think that if there is anything we can do to
help democratic forces in our sister Republics,
our technical cooperation is it. By combating il-
literacy, by improving health, by giving even the
poorest something more than the bare means of
subsistence, by interesting everyone in civic af-
fairs, by awakening ])ride in national progress,
I profoundly believe that it is laying solidly a few
7C2
Department of State Bulletin
foundation blocks upon which a sound structure
of democracy can in due course be built. And we,
IS eldest sister in the American family of nations,
will rejoice if our cooperation helps our sister
Republics to attain the brilliant destiny which
'must surely be theirs.
Monetary Fund Announcements
j The International Monetary Fund announced
'on May 11 the establishment of the initial par
value for the Japanese Yen at 360 Yen per U.b.
dollar. . J. ij J •
The parities for the Yen in terms of gold and m
terms of the U.S. dollar of the weight and fineness
in effect on July 1, 1944, are as follows:
I
0. 00246853 grams of fine gold per Ten ;
12 600. 0 Yen per troy ounce of fine gold ;
' 36o! 000 Yen per U.S. dollar ;
0. 277778 U.S. cents per Yen.
The International Monetary Fund has concur-
red in a proposal by the Government of Bolivia to
establish a new par value for the boliviano and
simplify the Bolivian exchange system. The
Fund also announces a purchase of U.S. $2,500,000
by the Bolivian Government. , ■ , .
The new foreign-exchange measures, which be-
come effective on May 14, were proposed as part
of a program directed toward stabilization of the
Bolivian economy. The country previously had
developed a complicated restrictive systeni based
on simultaneous use of quantitative restrictions on
imports and payments, and multiple currency
practices. Through this system different treat-
ment was given to various mining and agricultural
exports. Essential food imports were maintained
at a preferential rate. . . ^
The new par value established for Bolivia s cur-
rency, previously 60 bolivianos per U.S. dollar, is
190 bolivianos per U.S. dollar. In terms of gold
and in terms of the U.S. dollar of the weight and
fineness in effect on July 1, 1944, the panties for
the boliviano are as follows :
0. 00467722 grams of fine gold per boliviano ;
6, 650. 00 bolivianos per troy ounce of fine gold ;
190. 00 bolivianos per U.S. dollar ;
0. 526316 U.S. cents per boliviano.
The exchange system will consist of an official
and a free market. The official market will be for
all trade transactions, government payments,
registered capital, and certain specified invisibles.
All present exchange taxes, multiple import and
export rates, retention quotas, compensation, and
divisas propias arrangements are eliminated. An
export tax equivalent to 35 bolivianos per dollar
will be levied on the exports of the government-
owned mining corporation. Ad valorem taxes of
50 and 100 percent will be levied on less and non-
June T, 1953
essential imports. A legal free market for all
remaining items will be established, where rates
will fluctuate.
The Fund welcomes the substantial simplifica-
tion of the exchange rate structure and approves
tlie new multiple currency practices proposed by
Bolivia. The Fund notes that quantitative re-
strictions will still be maintained on international
payments. It welcomes the efforts being made
to move toward monetary stabilization and wishes
to emphasize the importance of firm anti-inflation-
ary measures as a basis for further progress to-
wards the achievement of Bolivia's international
equilibrium. The Fund will follow developments
in the new exchange system and related matters.
Remedial Works for Niagara Fails
Pre.ss release 265 dated May 15
The International Joint Commission submitted
on May 12, 1953, to the Governments of the United
States and Canada its report and recommenda-
tions concerning remedial works to preserve and
enhance the scenic beauty of Niagara Falls and
Niagara River. The report and recommendations
were submitted in response to a reference to the
Commission by the two Governments on October
10, 1950, in accordance with article II of the treaty
with Canada concerning uses of the waters of the
Niagara River signed on February 27, 1950 (Tias
2130; lU.S.T. 694).^
Article II of this treaty provides that the Gov-
ernments agree to :
. . complete in accordance with the objectives en-
visaged in the final report submitted to the United States
and Canada on December 11, 1929, by the special Interna-
tional Niagara Board (S. Doc. 128, 71st Cong., 2d sess.)
the remedial works which are necessary to enhance the
beauty of the Falls by distributing the waters so as to
produce an unbroken crestline on the Falls.
In order to accomplish this result this article
of the treaty further provides that the Govern-
ments :
. shall request the International Joint Commission
to make recommendations as to the nature and design of
such remedial works and the allocation of the task of
construction as between the United States of America and
Canada.
Accordingly on October 10, 1950, a reference
was sent by the two Governments to the Interna-
tional Joint Commission requesting it to conduct
investigations and make a report containing:
(1) recommendations concerning the nature
and design of the works necessary to enhance the
beauty of the Falls by distributing the waters so
as to produce an unbroken crestline on the Falls
in accordance with the report of the special Inter-
national Niagara Board;
' For the Department's announcement of the signing of
the treaty, see Bixlletin of Mar. 20, 1950, p. 448.
783
(2) recommendations concerning the allocation
of the task of construction of remedial works as
between Canada and the United States, having
regard to the recommendations made under para-
graph (1);
(3) an estimate of the cost of such remedial
works.
The treaty provided also that upon approval
by tlie United States and Canada of such recom-
mendations, the construction of the remedial
works should be undertaken under the supervision
of the International Joint Commission and com-
pleted within 4 years after the date on which the
two Governments approved the Commission's rec-
ommendations. The total cost of the works is to
be divided equally between the two Governments.
Upon receipt of the reference of October 10,
1950, the International Joint Commission estab-
lished the International Niagara Falls Engineer-
ing Board which has conducted extensive studies
and has constructed models for testing plans in-
tended to carry out the objectives set forth in the
treaty. A comprehensive joint report of the re-
sults of these studies and tests was submitted to
the Commission at its semiannual meeting in
Washington beginning April 7, 1953.
After study of the Board's report the Interna-
tional Joint Commission has submitted its report
dated May 5, 1953, reviewing the results of the
investigations and making the following recom-
mendations :
1. Recommendations concerning the nature and design
of the remedial works necessary to preserve and enhance
the scenic beauty of the Niagara Falls and River.
The Commission recommends the construction of the
remedial worlds described in this report and in the Board's
report which is attached hereto and made a part hereof,
with such minor modifications as the Commission may
deem advisable at the time of construction, the worlis
to include :
(o) A Chippawa-Grass Island Pool control structure,
extending out from the Canadian shore approximately
ir>r,0 feet into the Niagara River, parallel to the existing
submerged weir and about 225 feet downstream there-
from ;
(b) An excavation in the Horseshoe Cascades lying
immediately upstream from the Canadian flank of the
Horseshoe Fails and a crest fill on that flank about 100
feet long ; and,
(r) An excavation in the Horseshoe Cascades lying im-
mediately upstream from the Goat Island flank of the
Horseshoe Falls and a crest fill on that flank about 300
feet long.
2. Recommendations concerning the allocation of the
task of construction of the remedial works as between
Canada and the United States of America.
The Commission recommends that the task of construc-
tion be divided between the two countries in such manner
that each country would construct, generally, those por-
tions of the works which lie within its national bound-
aries. On this basis, Canada would construct the Chip-
pawa-Grass Island Pool control structure and the
excavation and crest fill on the Canadian flank of the
Horseshoe Falls; and, the United States would construct
the excavation and crest fill on the Goat Island flank
of the Horseshoe Falls, including the small amount of
excavation on the Canadian side of the Boundary.
784
3. The Commission further recommends that the con-
struction of the proposed remedial works be initiated
at the earliest possible moment and be pressed to com-
pletion as rapidly as possible. It is especiallv important
that construction of the Chippawa-Grass Island Pool
control structure be commenced immediately and that
it be constructed to its ultimate length of approximately
],5.'J0 feet unless during the course of construction the
status of prospective additional power diversion should
permit consideration of a shorter structure initially. The
excavation and fill on either flank of the Horseshoe Falls
should be started as soon as possible and substantially
completed before work is begun on the excavation and
flu on the other flank in order to minimize temporary
adverse effects on the scenic spectacle during the con-
struction period.
4. The Commission also recommends that the two
Governments authorize it to establish a Control Board to
supervise the operation of the proposed control structure
to insure accomplishment of its intended purposes and to
insure that the levels of the Niagara River and Lake
Erie will not be adversely affected. These functions,
deemed properly within the purview of the Commission,
are closely related to the function of determining the
amount of water available for the purposes of the Treaty I
of February 27, 1950. Accordingly, it would seem desir-
able and in the public Interest that the representatives
of the United States and Canada to be designated pursu-
ant to Article VII of the Treaty be appointed bv the Com-
mission to serve also as members of the Control Board
which the Commission desires to establish and hold
responsible for the operation of the Chippawa-Grass
Island Pool control structure.
With respect to the estimate of the costs of such
remedial works, the Commission reported as
follows :
Cost Estimates
The construction cost of the remedial works (not
including the comparatively small amount of pre-con-
struction costs) is estimated to total $17,536,000 at July
1952 construction-cost levels.
A breakdown of this estimate is shown below:
Chippawa-Grass Island Pool Control
Structure, 1,550 feet long $14,594,000
Excavation and Fill in the Cascades on
the Canadian Flank of the Horseshoe Falls__ 1, 5S2, 000
Excavation and Fill In the Cascades on
the Goat Island Flank of the Horseshoe
Falls i_ 360, 000
Total $17, 536, OOO
Estimated Annual Cost of Operation and
Maintenance of the Remedial Works $100, 000
_ The report and recommendations will be con-
sidered by the interested agencies of the two Gov-
ernments and a decision will be reached regarding
the Commission's recommendations.
German Ratification of EDC Treaty,
Contractual Conventions
Statement ly Acting Secretary Smith
Press release 266 dated May 15
It is heartening to hear from Bonn that the
German parliament has completed ratification of
the European Defense Treaty and Contractual
Conventions. These agreements will permit the
Department of State Bulletin
Federal Republic to play an honorable and im-
portant role in the family of free nations, in-
cluding their common defense against aggres-
sion. This action by the Bundesrat also con-
stitutes one more basic step toward European inte-
gration through the establishment of a European
army.
I realize that the constitutionality of these
treaties may still be tested before the German
Constitutional Court. Nonetheless, I am con-
vinced that the action just completed in Bonn
will greatly encourage those forces and individ-
uals throughout free Europe which are devoting
themselves to increasing the strength and unity
of the free world. We hope most sincerely that
the other Parliaments of the developing six-nation
community may follow suit and approve the
treaties concerned in the near future.
Military Assistance to Ethiopia
Press release 279 dated Ma; 22
Acting Secretary Smith and the Foreign Min-
ister of Ethiopia, Ato Aklilou Abte Wold, on May
22 signed a mutual-defense assistance agreement
under the provisions of which the Government of
the United States will provide military equipment
and training assistance to the Ethiopian Armed
Forces. The agreement follows a determination
made recently by the President that Ethiopia is
eligible for grant aid according to the provisions
of the Mutual Security Act of 1951, as amended.
In reaching this determination the President took
into consideration Ethiopia's strategic location
within the general Near East area and the impor-
tance of Ethiopia's defensive strength to security
in that area and to U.S. security. The federation
of Eritrea with Ethiopia last September has given
Ethiopia a shoreline on the Red Sea which empha-
sizes its strategic identification with the Near
East area.
This agreement is similar to other agreements
concluded with countries already receiving U.S.
military aid and provides generally for the terms
and conditions under which such aid will be made
available. The agreement contains the customary
provision for a U.S. Military Assistance Advisory
Group, which will be sent to Ethiopia to observe
the use made of the aid and perform such other
functions, including training, as are required in
the assistance program. This program is de-
signed to facilitate, to the extent permitted by its
manpower, resources, facilities, and general eco-
nomic condition, the full contribution by Ethiopia
to the development of its own defensive strength
and the defensive strength of the free world.
Ethiopia's resolve to play its part in the collec-
tive defense of the free world has been clearly
demonstrated by its contribution of combat forces
to the U.N. Command in Korea, and the outstand-
ing fighting record of those troops has provided
an impressive measure of Ethiopia's military ca-
pacity, provided it has modern military equipment.
Release off William N. Oatis
From Czechoslovak Prison
At a 7iews conference on May 16 Lincoln White,
Deputy Special Assistant for Press Relations,
made the following statement on the release of
William N. Oatis, Associated Press correspondent
in Prague, after 2 years of imprisonment in
Czechoslovakia.
Following continuous representations to the
Czechoslovak Government since the imprisonment
of William Oatis on April 23, 1951, Ambassador
George Wadsworth saw Prime Minister Viliam
Siroky and Foreign Minister Vaclav David at 6
p. m. at Prague on May 15. The Ambassador was
informed by the Prime Minister that in accord-
ance with the Czechoslovak Constitution, the
President of Czechoslovakia, Antonin Zapotocky,
was pardoning William Oatis on the basis of a
petition received from Mrs. Oatis in November
1952. Arrangements for his release and depar-
ture from Czechoslovakia were made at this meet-
ing. The release of William Oatis removes one
of the obstacles which have so far stood in the way
of any improvement in the relations between the
United States and Czechoslovakia.
The Department, of course, is greatly pleased
by the release of Mr. Oatis from an incarceration
which this Government felt from the outset was
a gross injustice.^
' For an account ,of the Oatis trial, including (1) a con-
densed version of the indictment; (2) text of Czecho-
slovak espionage laws; and (3) excerpts from the pro-
ceedings, based on notes made by the American Embassy
observers, see Bulletin of Aug. 20, 1951, p. 283. Also
available as Department of State publication 43.57. For
Department statements concerning this case, see Bul-
letin of July 16, 19.il, p. 92 ; Sept. 10, 1951, p. 416 ; Sept.
24, 1951, p. 489 ; and Oct. 20, 1952, p. 625.
June J, 7953
785
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS AND CONFERENCES
Calendar of Meetings '
Adjourned During May 1953
Inter-American Council of Jurists: 2d Meeting Buenos Aires Apr. 20-May 9
Fourth Commonwealth Conference on Development of Design & In- London Apr. 20-May 9
spection of Military Clothing and General Stores.
U.N. (United Nations):
Ad Hoc Committee on Forced Labor: 4th Session Geneva Apr. 23-May 22
Fiscal Commission: 4th Session New York Apr. 27-May 8
High Commissioner's Advisory Committee on Refugees: 3d Session . Geneva .\pr. i7-May 2
Social Commission: 9th Session New York May 4-20
Ad Hoc Commission on Prisoners of War: 4th Session New York May 11-29
South Pacific Commission: 11th Session Noumea Apr. 25-May 1
Fad (Food and .'\griculture Organization) :
Poplar Congress: 5th International and Poplar Commission: 7th Munster-Munich . . . Apr. 29-May 8
Session.
International Cotton Advisory Committee: 12th Plenary Meeting . . Washington May 4-5
Upu (Universal Postal Union) : Meeting of Executive & Liaison Com- Bern May 4-15
mittee.
Who (World Health Organization) : 6th A.ssembly Geneva May 5-22
Ic.\o (International Civil .\viation Organization) : Standing Committee Paris May 6-30*
on Aircraft Performance: 4th Session.
Ilo (International Labor Organization): Permanent Agricultural Geneva May 6-16
Committee: 4th Session.
Caribbean Commis,sion: 16th Meeting Paramaribo May 11-16
International Symposium on Neurosecretion Naples May 11-23
International Rubber Study Group: 10th Meeting Copenhagen May 11-15
International Cotton Standards Conference Washington May 13-15
International Commission for the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries: 3d New Haven May 25-30
Meeting.
International Seed Testing Association: 10th Congress Dublin May 25-30 '
In Session as of May 31, 1953
International Materials Conference Washington Feb. 26 1951-
Oeec (Organization for European Economic Cooperation): Conference Paris Mar. 18-
on European Inland Transport.
Itit (International Telecommunication Union):
Administrative Council: 8th Session Geneva May 2- •
International Telegraph Consultative Committee: 8th Plenary As- Arnheim May 26-
sembly.
U. N. (United Nations): International Conference to Adopt a Protocol New York May li-
on Limitation of the Production of Opium.
Fao (Food and Agriculture Organization) : Latin American Seminar on Sao Paulo May 25-
Land Problems.
Who (World Health Organization): Executive Board: 12th Session . . Geneva May 26-
Ilo (International Labor Organization): Governing Body: 122d Session . Geneva May 26-
Cpm (Council of Foreign Ministers) : Deputies for Austria London May 27-
Unesco (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organiza- Compi&gne May 30-
tion): International Center for Workers Education.
Horticultural Congress and Exposition Hamburg May-
Scheduled June 1-August 31, 1953
U. N. (United Nations):
International Law Commission: 5th Session Geneva June 1-
3d Regional Meeting of European Statisticians Geneva June 15-
Trusteeship Council: 12th Session New York June 16-
Economic and Social Council: 16th Session Geneva June 30-
Committee on Non-Governmental Organizations Geneva June-
International Sugar Conference London July 13-
Technical Assistance Committee, Working Party Geneva July 15-
Ad Hoc Committee on Factors New York July 21-
Committee on International Criminal Jurisdiction New York July 27-
EcAFE Subcommittee on Iron and Steel Bangkok Aug. 31-
' Prepared in the Division of International Conferences, Department of State, May 22, 1953. Asterisks indicate
tentative dates.
786 Department of Stale BuUetin
Meeting of Directing Council of the American International Institute for
the Protection of Childhood.
Fao (Food and Agriculture Organization) :
Committee on Commodity Problems: 21st Session
17th Session of the Council
Ilo (International Labor Organization):
Annual Conference: 36th Session . . _• • ■ • • • ■
Meeting of Experts on Systems of Payment by Results in the Construc-
tion Industry. /c ,. t> ■/: <-.
Ad Hoc Committee on Quarantme Regulations (South Pacific Commis-
Unesco (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organiza-
tion):
Executive Board: 34th Session . . . . ... . ... -. .. . • • •
International Conference on the Role and Place of Music in Educa-
tion.
Second Extraordinary Session
Eighth Pan American Railway Congress
IcAO (International Civil Aviation Organization) :
Assemblv: 7th Session
North Atlantic Ocean Weather Stations ._...._.
Eighth International Dairy Congress and International Dairy Exposi-
tion-
International Whaling Commission: 5th Annual Meeting . . . ...
International Commission for Criminal Investigation: 22d General As-
semblv.
20th International Aeronautical Exposition
Icsu (International Council of Scientific Unions):
Committee on the International Geophysical Year 1957-58 ....
Executive Board: 5th Meeting
Joint Commission on High Altitude Research Stations . . . . . .
luPAP (International Union of Pure and Applied Physics) : Commission
on Cosmic Rays.
16th International Conference on Public Education
International Wheat Council: 12th Session
Second International Congress on Rheology
13th International Congress of Pure and Applied Chemistry . . . . .
17th Conference of the International Union of Pure and Applied
Chemistry.
Wmo (World Meteorological Organization) :
Regional Association for South America .......
1st Session of the Regional Association for North and Central America .
Commission for Aerology: 1st Session _. . . . . • -
Commission for Instruments and Methods of Observation: 1st Session.
Ninth General Assembly of the Inter- American Commission of Women .
Fourth International Astronautical Congress
15th International Veterinary Congress
14th International Exhibition of Cinematographic Art
Eighth International Congress on Home Economics
Silent Games (Deaf Mutes'), 7th International , ' .■ "
Third International Conference on Soil Mechanics and Foundation
Engineering.
12th Congress of the International Association of Limnology
Ninth International Congress of Genetics
Eighth International Congress on Rheumatic Diseases .......
Fifth International Congress on Tropical Medicine and Malaria . . . .
International Association for Hydraulic Research ....._...••
Fourth International Congress of the International Association on
Quaternary Research.
Montevideo June 2-
Rome .
Rome .
Geneva .
Geneva .
June 3-
June 15-
June 4-
July 21-
Noum^a June 8-
Paris . .
Brussels
Paris
Washington & Atlantic
City.
Brighton (England) . .
Brighton
The Hague
London .
Oslo . .
Paris .
Brussels
Strasbourg ....
Denver
Bagnferes-de-Bigorre
Geneva . .
London . .
Oxford .
Stockholm
Stockholm
Rio de Janeiro
Toronto . . .
Toronto . . .
Toronto . . .
Asunci6n . .
Ziirich ....
Stockholm . .
Venice . . •
Edinburgh . .
Brussels . . .
Ziirich. . . .
Cambridge & Windemere .
Bellagio
Geneva
Istanbul
Minneapolis
Rome & Pisa
June 8-
June 29-
July
1-
June 12-
June
16-
July 8-
June 22-
June 22-
June
24-
June
26-
June 30-
Julv
6-
Aug.
22-
July
5-
July
6-
July
16-
July
26-
July
29-
July
29-
July-
Aug.
3-
Aug.
10-
Aug.
10-
Aug.
-
Aug.
3-
Aug.
9-
Aug.
11-
Aug.
12-
Aug.
15-
Aug.
16-
Aug.
20-
Aug.
24-
Aug.
'24-
Aug.
28-
Aug.
30-
Aug.
30-
Eighth Pan American
Railway Congress
by William T. Farley
A noteworthy event in the broadening relation-
ship among xVmerican Republics in the industrial
and technical field will occur in the United States
this June when the Eighth Pan American Rail-
way Congress will be held at Washington, D.C.,
and Atlantic City, N.J. It will be the first meet-
ing the Pan American Railway Congress Associ-
ation has held in this country. Previous con-
June I, J953
gresses have been held at Buenos Aires, Rio de
Janeiro, Santiago, Bogota, Montevideo, Habana,
and Mexico City. .
The objectives of the Association, which was
established as a permanent international organi-
zation in 1910, include the improvement of rail-
road facilities and services in the American Re-
publics, reduction of frontier barriers, standardi-
zation of equipment, interchange of technical data,
and coordination of transport. All 21 American
Republics are members of the Association, the
headquarters of which is at Buenos Aires; many
railroads, institutions, and private individuals
787
take part in the activities of the organization.
U.S. participation was authorized by legislative
enactment in 1948 (Public Law 794, 80th Cong.).
It is expected that the Eighth Congress, which
is being sponsored by the Government of the
United States and the U.S. National Commission
in the Pan American Railway Congress Associa-
tion (Parca) in collaboration with the Permanent
Commission of Parca, will reflect and emphasize
the heightened interest of all the countries of the
Americas in applying the most advanced scientific
and technical developments to the improvement
of transportation by rail.
While members of the Congi-ess are in Atlantic
City, the Railway Supply Manufacturers' Asso-
ciation will sponsor an exhibit consisting of more
than 20 million dollars' worth of railroad supplies
and equipment, the largest show of its kind ever
held. Participants in the Congress will be in-
vited to visit these exhibits in Convention Hall
and on nearby railroad tracks and see the latest
developments that have contributed to the great
advances U.S. railroads have made in recent years
in the efficiency, economy, safety, and depend-
ability of their operations.
Such improvements include the "push-button"
yard, which provides remote control of switches
and car speeds for smoother and faster classifica-
tion of trains in yards; the use of radio, radar,
television, and other electronic marvels; central-
ized traffic control, interlocking automatic block
signals and other traffic-expediting systems, and
new and improved types of motive power, includ-
ing the diesel-electric, gas and steam turbine-
electric, and the Ignitron, which converts alter-
nating current to direct through the use of recti-
fier tubes.
Technical papers to be presented at the Congress
are expected to cover such facilities and equipment
as the foregoing, as well as new operating
methods, all designed to increase railroad effi-
ciency in all areas of the Western Hemisphere.
Arrangements for the Congress are being made
by an Organizing Committee established in March
1952. This committee, headed by James G. Lyne,
president of the Simmons-Biardman Publishing
Corporation and editor of Railway Age, consists
of members of the U.S. National Commission in
the Parca; the presidents of a number of U.S.
railroads; officials of several U.S. companies pro-
ducing railroad equipment and supplies, and gov-
ernment officials concerned with improvement of
international transportation facilities.
The Congress will open at Washington on June
12 with the presentation of credentials and regis-
tration of the participants. Present estimates are
that attendance from the Latin American Re-
publics will exceed 150 delegates and members and
that the enrollment from the United States will
be about 200.
The Washington portion of the Congress will
begin June 13 and end June 20. This period will
consist primarily of meetings of technical sections
and plenary sessions for the presentation and dis-
cussion of papers on problems of railway construc-
tion, rolling stock, operation, administration and
public policy. A total of 147 subjects have been
suggested for possible treatment, in line with
which an estimated 200 papers will be presented.
In accordance with past practice, honorary diplo-
mas and monetary prizes will be awarded for the
best papers.
In addition to the meetings of technical sections
and plenary sessions, roundtable discussions will
be held on two subjects of current interest: How
the U.S. technical-cooperation program can aid
the development of Latin American railroads and
international traffic problems.
On June 21, the participants will be taken by
special train to Atlantic City. There they will
attend the annual meetings of several divisions of
the Association of American Railroads. A presen-
tation of awards will be made at the closing ses-
sion on June 25.
Detailed information on the Congress may be
obtained from Loyd J. Kiernan, Executive Secre-
tary, Organizing Committee, Eighth Pan Ameri-
can Railway Congress, Division of International
Conferences, Department of State, Washington
25, D.C.
*Mr. Faricy is chairman of the U.S. National
Commission in the Pan American Railway Oonr
gress Association.
U. N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography^
Economic and Social Council
Proposed Unicef Contribution to the International Chil- '
dren's Centre, Paris, For Operations During the Tliree
Year Period 1954-56. E/ICEF/220, Mar. 10, 1953.
14 pp. mimeo.
General Progress Report of the Executive Director
[Unicef]. E/ICEF/221, Mar. 15, 1953. 75 pp.
mimeo.
Unicef Aid to Asia : Statement to Unicef Executive
Board 104th Meeting, 19 March 1953 by S. RI. Keeny,
Director, Asia Regional Office. E/ICEF/222, Mar.
21, 1953. 9 pp. mimeo.
Unicef Aid to Latin America : Statement to the Unicef
Executive Board. 104th Meeting, 19 March 1953 by
Robert Davee, Director, Unicef Regional Office for
Latin America. E/ICEF/223, Mar. 20, 1953. 7 pp.
mimeo.
' Printed materials may he secured in the United States
from the International Documents Service. Columbia Uni-
versity Press, 2960 Broadway, New York 27, N. Y. Other
materials (mimeographed or processed documents) may
be consulted at certain designated libraries in the United
States.
The United Nations Secretariat has established an Offi-
cial Records series for the General Assembly, the Security
Council, the Economic and Social Council, the Trusteeship
Council, and the Atomic Energy Commission which in-
cludes summaries of proceedings, resolutions, and reports
of the various commissions and committees. Information
on securing subscriptions to the series may be obtained
from the International Documents Service.
788
Department of State Bulletin
Provisional Agenda for the Fifteenth Session of the Eco-
nomic and Social Council. Accession of Italy to the
Convention on the Declaration of Death of Missing
Persons. Memorandum by the Secretary-General.
E/2350/Add. 5, Mar. 27, 1953. 3 pp. mimeo.
Consideration of the Provisional Agenda for the Sixteenth
Session of the Council. Note by the Secretary-Gen-
eral. E/2352/Rev. 1, Apr. 21, 1953. 7 pp. mimeo.
World Economic Situation ; Aspects of Economic Develop-
ment in Africa. Report by the Secretary-General.
E/2377, Mar. 20, 1953. 171 pp. mimeo.
Restrictive Business Practices. Analysis of Govern-
mental Measures Relating to Restrictive Business
Practices. E/2379, E/AC.37/2, Mar. 30, 1953. 122
pp. mimeo; E/2379/Add.l, E/AC.37/2/ Add.l, Apr. 2,
1953. 48 pp. mimeo.
i Report of the Ad Hoc Committee on Restrictive Business
Practices to the Economic and Social Council.
E/2380, E/AC.37/3, Mar. 30, 1953. 60 pp. mimeo.
Report of the Transport and Communications Commission
(Sixth Session). Draft Protocol on a Uniform Sys-
tem of Road Sifnis and Signals. Note by the Secre-
tary-General. E/2387, Mar. 31, 1953. 4 pp. mimeo;
Report of the Economic Committee. E/2402, Apr.
14, 1953. 10 pp. mimeo.
Report of the Population Commission (Seventh Session).
Report of the Social Committee. E/2392, Apr. 9, 1953.
4 pp. mimeo.
Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance. Report
of the Technical Assistance Committee. E/2.394, Apr.
13, 1953. 8 pp. mimeo; (Local Costs To Be Borne
by Governments), E/2395, Apr. 13, 1953. 20 pp.
mimeo.
Admission of Representatives of Non-Governmental Or-
ganizations Enjoying Consultative Status. Memo-
randum by the Legal Department. E/2397, Apr. 10,
1953. 4 pp. mimeo.
Consideration of the Provisional Agenda for the Six-
teenth Session of the Council. Report requested
under Council resolution 426 B (XIV) on "Measures
designed to reconcile the attainment and maintenance
of full employment with the avoidance of the harmful
effects of inflation." Note by the Secretary-General.
E/2404, Apr. 16, 1953. 6 pp. mimeo.
Commission on Narcotic Drugs. Agenda. Note by the
Secretary-General. E/CN.7/248/Add.l/Rev.2, Mar.
30, 1953. 4 pp. mimeo.
DwiCEP Aid to Africa. Statement to Unicef Executive
Board, 104th Meeting, 19 March 1953 by Dr. Charles
A. Egger, Director, Unicef Regional Office for Africa,
Eastern Mediterranean Area & Europe. E/ICEF/224,
Mar. 24, 1953. 7 pp. mimeo.
Dnicef Aid to the Eastern Mediterranean Area : State-
ment to the Unicef Executive Board on 20 March
1953 by Charles Egger. E/ICEF/225, Mar. 25, 1953.
11 pp. mimeo.
Provisional List of Representatives to the Fifteenth Ses-
sion of the Economic and Social Council. E/INF/55,
Mar. 30, 1953. 30 pp. mimeo.
General Assembly
Report of the Secretary-General on Personnel Policy.
Note by the Secretary-General. A/2376, Mar. 27,
1953. 3 pp. mimeo.
Complaint of Non-Compliance of States Still Detaining
Members of the Greek Armed Forces With the Pro-
visions of Resolution 382 A (V), Adopted by the Gen-
eral Assembly on 1 December 1950, Recommending
"The Repatriation of All Those Among Them Who
Express the Wish To Be Repatriated." Report of
the President. A/2388, Apr. 21, 1953. 4 pp. mimeo.
Question of Impartial Investigation of Charges of Use
by United Nations Forces of Bacteriological Warfare.
Note dated 27 March 1953 from the representative of
the United States transmitting statements by certain
members of the United States armed forces. A/C.
1/L.37, Mar. 27, 1953. 15 pp. mimeo.
Peace Observation Commission. Balkans Sub-Commis-
sion. Fifth Periodic Report of the United Nations
Military Observers in Greece. Letter dated 8 April
1953 from the Principal Military Observer submit-
ting report covering the period from 6 January 1953-
5 April 1953. A/CN.7/SC.1/41, Apr. 14, 1953. 25
pp. mimeo.
Trusteeship Council
United Nations Visiting Mission to Trust Territories in
West Africa, 1952. Report on Togoland Under United
Kingdom Administration. T/1040, Mar. 16, 1953.
102 pp. mimeo ; Report on the Cameroons Under
United Kingdom Administration. T/1042, Mar. 16,
1953. 91 pp. mimeo ; Report on the Cameroons Under
French Administration. T/1043, Mar. 16, 1953. 93
pp. mimeo.
THE DEPARTMENT
Department To Sponsor Conference
on U.S. Foreign Policy
Press release 281 dated May 22
Representatives of approximately 200 national
organizations have been invited by Secretary
Dulles to attend a conference on U.S. foreign
policy at the Department on June 4 and 5, 1953.
The meetings will be informal in character and
are designed to give leaders of national nongov-
ernmental organizations an opportunity to ex-
change views with top officials of the Department.
The conference program includes informal
statements by Secretary Dulles; Carl W. McCar-
dle, Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs; Liv-
ingston Merchant, Assistant Secretary for Euro-
pean Affairs; Walter S. Robertson, Assistant
Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs ; Henry A. By-
roade, Assistant Secretary for Near Eastern, South
Asian, and African Affairs; Robert L. Johnson,
Administrator, International Information Admin-
istration ; Stanley Andrews, Administrator, Tech-
nical Cooperation Administration; John M.
Cabot, Assistant Secretary for Inter-American
Affairs; Harold E. Stassen, Director for Mutual
Security; and Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge,
Jr., U.S. Representative to the United Nations.
Joseph B. Phillips, Deputy Assistant Secretary
for Public Affairs, will deliver the closing address
June 5. Names of other speakers representing
major areas of the Department will be announced
later.
Other Department officials will participate in a
series of panel discussions with organization rep-
resentatives on the morning of June 5.
A luncheon meeting will be held in the National
Press Club ballroom on June 4, at which time the
June I, 1953
789
speaker will be Senator Alexander Wiley, Chair-
man of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
Those attending the conference represent or-
ganizations and associations from various sections
of the country which have a continuing interest
in international affairs. Among the gi'oups
which have designated representatives for the
meeting are farm, labor, business, women's, re-
ligious, veterans', men's service and educational
and professional organizations.
Resignation
Harold F. Linder as Assistant Secretary for Economic
Affairs, effective May 15, 1953.
Designations
John C. Dreier, U.S. representative on the Council of
the Orgranization of American States, has been designated
as coordinator of preparations for the Tenth Inter-Ameri-
can Conference, which is scheduled to take place at
Caracas in March 1954. In this capacity he will be
directly responsible to the Assistant Secretary for Inter-
American Affairs.
The acting U.S. representative on the Inter-American
Economic and Social Council, Julian C. Greenup, will
serve as deputy coordinator, with responsibility for coordi-
nating the preparations in the economic field.
Richard S. Wheeler, Associate Chief of the Division of
International Conferences, will serve as deputy coordina-
tor, with responsibility for coordinating the organizational
and administrative aspects of this Government's partici-
pation in the Conference.
The coordinator and the deputy coordinators will serve
in this capacity in addition to their regular duties.
Information Relating to the IIA
Press Reports Denied
In reference to press reports concerning his resifniation,
Robert L. Johnson, Administrator of the International
Information Administration, said on May 19 (press re-
lease 274) that the stories concerning his resignation are
completely erroneous, and added that he has high hopes
•of shaping the overseas information program into an
effective weapon to win the cold war.
Mr. Johnson said there is no basis for the press reports
that he is disgusted over the extent to which operations
of the Voice of America's radio programs were being
cut back. The Administrator pointed out that he took
the initiative and directed a series of cutbacks to comply
•with the Bureau of the Budget's economy directive, of
which he approves. He added ;
"The actions I have taken within the last 6 weeks will
reduce costs and increase the efBciency of our operation.
The moves I have made are a contraction to establish
the essentials of a revitalized, flexible, and hard-hitting
program designed to achieve maximum effectiveness."
He added that he is considering other consolidation
moves which will reduce operating costs without jeopard-
izing the effectiveness of the program.
Closing of New Yorl< IPS Office
Robert L. Johnson, Administrator of the International
Information Administration, announced on May 18 (press
release 272) the closing of the New York Office of the
International Press Service, effective June 30, as a means
■of reducing operating expenses.
790
The International Press Service is one of five media
.services, and operates the press, publications, and photo-
graphic programs of the State Department's International
Information Administration. In addition to photo and
news coverage, the 15 persons working in the New York
Office of IPS, 2:50 West 57th Street, provide photo and
article research and procurement and printing coordina-
tion, as well as assistance to foreign journalists in the
United States.
As a result of this move, Mr. Johnson said, the domestic
functions of the International Press Service will be cen-
tralized in Washington. The Administrator added that
New York coverage of important events such as U.N.
meetings will not be eliminated. Such assignments, as re-
quired, will be accomplished by Washington personnel.
Administrative Operations Consolidated
Robert L. Johnson, Administrator of the International
Information Administration, announced on May 18 (press
release 270) that the functions of the New York Admin-
istrative Office (Nad) of the Iia will be combined with
the Office of Comptroller of the International Broadcast-
ing Service as a means of lowering costs and improving
efficiency.
Frank L. Seymour who since November 1952 has been
chief of the New York Administrative Office handling
auditing, procurement, contracting, warehousing, and
general services for all of Iia in New Y'ork, will take over
on May 18 as acting comptroller of the International
Broadcasting Service and will direct the consolidation of
these two administrative operations. The position of
comptroller of the International Broadcasting Service
had previously been held by Robert J. Francis, who is at
present serving as acting director of the Voice of
America.
Denial of Press Statement on Film Directors
J
m
It*
The Department of State on May 13 (jiress release 262)l|
denied statements appearing in that day's press that an;
film directors had been chosen by the Dejiartment to work
on film projects for the International Information Ad-
ministration (Iia). There is no foundation to press state-
ments that 28 Hollywood directors had been drafted into
service to guide the making of a series of 2-, 3-, and 4-reel
films on behalf of Iia.
Robert L. Johnson, Administrator, International Infor-
mation Administration, in referring to the misstatements
appearing in the press, called attention to the fact that
last month he had announced that Cecil B. DeMille had
consented to serve as chief consultant on matters relating
to IiA Motion Picture Service.' With the assistance of
Mr. DeMille, it is expected that the active cooperation
of the entire motion-picture industry will be enlisted in
behalf of the State Department's program.
Nomination of Michael J. McDermott
Press release 278 dated May 21
The President on May 21 sent to the Senate the
nomination of Michael J. McDermott of Massa-
chusetts to be Ambassador to El Salvador.
Mr. McDermott will bring to his new assignment
a rich experience of 36 years in international
affairs. He has served continuously as chief press
officer of the Department of State since 1927, has
served on various policy committees within the
Department of State and has attended virtually
every major international conference in which the
' Bulletin of Apr. 27, 1953, p. 635. j
Department of State Bulletin
i
Jnited States has participated since entering the
Department in 1920.
His service in the best interests of his country
las made "Mike" McDermott known to and re-
|;pected by correspondent and diplomat alike
''hroughout the world. In recognition of this
liervice Mr. McDermott was awarded the Superior
Service Award bv the Department of State in
|i950.
': In 1917 Mr. McDermott came to Washmgton to
[he Office of the Provost Marshal General, where
'le assisted in the preparations for the conduct of
he first draft. He was then assigned to the "Wliite
House in September 1917. He joined the Army in
December 1917, and was commissioned a warrant
officer by the Secretary of "War. He was then
mmediately assigned to overseas duty as confi-
lential clerk to Gen. Tasker Bliss in the American
Section of the Supreme War Council at Versailles
md on the American Commission to Negotiate
Peace. He served under General Bliss until May
1920 when he was honorably discharged.
Mr. McDermott then accompanied Elihu Root
M The Hague. Mr. Root was then a member of
:he Commission of Jurists to formulate the project
for an International Court of Justice. He re-
gained with Mr. Root until August 1920 when
16 came to the Department of State at "Washington.
Mr. McDermott's first assignment in the De-
partment of State was that of special assistant.
in June 1923 he was assigned as private secretary
CO Under Secretary of State "William Phillips.
In 1923 Mr. McDermott was loaned by Secretary
Charles Evans Hughes to the "Wliite House to ac-
company President "Warren G. Harding on his
trip to Alaska as a combination secretary and press
officer. It fell to his lot to announce the tragic
news of the President's death August 2, 1923, at
the Palace Hotel in San Francisco. ...
In April 1924 Mr. McDermott became Assistant
Chief of the Division of Current Information.
Three years later he became Chief of the Division.
In Januaxy 1944 he became special assistant to
the Secretary of State for Press Relations and has
served in that capacity under six Secretaries of
State.
"While serving with Mr. Root and during his
early days in the Department, Mr. McDermott
was attracted to law. He attended night school
at the National University, receiving his LL.B. in
1926 and his LL.M. and M.P.L. in 1927.
Mr. McDermott has been a member of the De-
partment of State Publications Committee since
1929. He was the representative of Secretaries
Hull and Stettinius on the Committee on "War
Information Policies from 1942 to 1946. He was
' a member of the Committee on Political Planning
in 1942 and 1943. During 1944 he also served as
member on the Department of State Policy Com-
mittee and the Committee on Postwar Programs.
Mr. McDermott has been assigned to eight Latin
June 1, 1953
American conferences : as special assistant on the
U.S. delegation to the 6th International Confer-
ence of American States at Habana in 1928; as
press officer for the American delegations to the
8th International Conference of the American
States at Lima, in 1938 ; at the Second Meeting of
the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the American
Republics at Habana in 1940; at the Inter- Ameri-
can Conference on Problems of "War and Peace at
Mexico City in 1945 ; at the Rio conference in 1947 ;
and at the Bogota conference in 1948. He also
served as press relations officer at the Conference
of American States on Conciliation and Arbitra-
tion in Washington in 1928-29, and public rela-
tions director for the 8th American Scientific
Conference at Washington in 1940.
Mr. McDermott participated in the early efforts
to avert World War II, serving on the Mission for
Signature of a Pact for the Renunciation of War
at Paris in 1928, and as press officer for the Ameri-
can delegation at the London Naval Conference
of 1930.
During World War II he also served m inter-
national efforts to lay a foundation for lasting
peace once the horrors of that war were ended.
He served as chief press relations officer at the
three major conferences looking to that end : the
U N. Conference on Food and Agriculture at Hot
Springs, Va., in 1943 ; at the U.N. Monetary and
Financial Conference at Bretton Woods, N. H., in
1944 ; and at the U.N. Conference on International
Organization which wrote the Charter of the
Uiiited Nations at San Francisco in 1945. He also
served as press officer for the U.S. group at the
Dumbarton Oaks Conversations on International
Organization held in Washington in 1944. . . .
He served as press officer for the U.S. delegation to
tJie First Session of the General Assembly at
London in 1946.
Mr McDermott accompanied Secretary of State
Cordell Hull to Moscow in 1943 at a conference
which pledged the restoration of Austrian inde-
pendence. He also witnessed the early hopes for
and later disillusionment of the Council of For-
eign Ministers, acting as press officer for the U.S.
delegations to the Paris (1946), New York (1946),
Moscow (1947), London (1947), and Paris (1949)
Council of Foreign Ministers Meetings. He also
served as press officer for the U.S. delegation to
the Paris Peace Conference of 1946 which wrote
the treaties of peace with Finland, Hungary,
Rumania, Bulgaria, and Italy.
Mr. McDermott saw the dream of the North At-
lantic community grow to reality and has partici-
pated in most of its subsequent meetings. He
acted as chief press relations officer for the sign-
ing of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization at
Washington in 1949. He has served as press officer
for the U.S. delegations to the New York (1950),
Rome (1951), and Paris (1952) meetings of the
Council of Nato.
791
THE FOREIGN SERVICE
Consular Offices
The consulate at Bergen, Norway, is being closed on
May 31. The BerRen consular district will be absorbed
into the Oslo district.
The consulate at Adelaide, South Australia, is being
closed to the public as of May 30 and will officially close
on June 15, 1953. The Adelaide consular district is being
incorporated into the Melbourne district.
Frederick L. Anderson Resigns
as U.S. Deputy Special Representative
On May 22, 1953, President Eisenhower accepted the
resignation of Frederick L. Anderson as U.S. deputy
special representative in Europe, effective September 1.
For text of Mr. Anderson's letter of resignation and the
President's reply, see White House press release of May 22.
PUBLICATIONS
1935 Documents on U.S. Policy
in Near East, Africa Released
Press release 223 dated April 29
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1935,
Volume /, General; The Near East and Africa, re-
leased on May 9 by the Department of State, pre-
sents extensive documentation on the diplomacy
of a year marked by deteriorating international
relations and futile efforts to check the drift to-
ward World War II. The record explains the
increasing threat of a rapidly rearming Nazi Ger-
many, Fascist Italy's aggression against Ethiopia,
and the confusion and lack of cooperation among
other European povpers. Meantime, the United
States sought to avoid involvement in European
or Near East problems, adopted new principles of
strict neutrality designed to keep the United States
out of any war, and endeavored, by use of its moral
influence, to preserve peace and uphold interna-
tional obligations. Unfortunately, the dictator-
ships were not sufficiently responsive to moral
influence.
The records of the Conference for the Reduc-
tion and Limitation of Armaments and the Lon-
don Naval Conference reveal frustration and fu-
tility. Reasons for this appear in the reports on
these conferences and in analyses by American
diplomatic missions of political events in Europe.
Encouraged by her victory in regaining the Saar,
Nazi Germany repudiated the restrictive provi-
sions of the Treaty of Versailles and began openly
to rearm. Reports from American missions make
792
clear the seriousness with which the danger was
viewed in diplomatic circles and also indicate the
lack of any effective policies to meet the situation.
The desire of the United States to remain aloof
from involvement in war is well set forth in a
reply to a dispatch of March 28, 1935, from Am-
bassador Robert P. Skinner at Ankara (pp. 209-
211), describing the danger of war and urging
that the President appeal to all European powers
to renounce for 25 years any possible claim to
additional territories. Under Secretary of State
William Pliillips wrote on May 9, 1935 (pp. 272-
273), that this Government had consistently re-
fused to take part in the controversy between the
"■status quo States" and the "revisionist States,"
that sponsoring such a proposal would give rise to
a claim that the United States had impliedly prom-
ised assistance in case of its violation. Further,
it was doubted that the revisionist States would
adhere to a 25-year guarantee and it was felt that
therefore the proposal would be doomed to failure
and might aggravate still further the situation. '
A somewhat more positive policy was followed
with respect to the Far East. At a White House
conference on November 19, 1935, regarding naval
discussions (pp. 144-149), President Roosevelt
approved a Department of State draft formula on
political cooperation with Great Britain. It de-
clared that any agreement on cooperation was out
of the question, but that the delegation to the
London Naval Conference might "emphasize the
inevitable and growing community of interests of
the British Empire and the United States through-
out the world, and particularly the Far East," and
that the LTnited States and the British Empire
were "likely, in their own interests and in the
interests of the community of nations, to follow,
m general a parallel, though independent policy,
notably in the Far East." (p. 146.)
Documents on the activities of the Nye Commit- I
tee mvestigating the munitions industry and on
the rejection by the Senate of a resolution for the
adherence by the United States to the Permanent
Court of International Justice help explain the
caution of the administration in its international
relations.
A good deal of interest centers on the Ethiopian-
Italian conflict— the efforts bv the League of Na-
tions and by France and the United Kingdom to
bring about a peaceful settlement; the invasion; i
and efforts to end hostilities; and American ac- '
tions in the interest of peace and for the protection
of American life and property.
As in regard to European problems, the United
States pursued an independent policy. It did not
take part in League of Nations efforts, but made
separate appeals for a peaceful settlement. When
the invasion came the U.S. Government took no
part directly in the application of sanctions
against Italy, though it adopted neutrality meas-
ures which redounded to the benefit of Ethiopia.
Other sections on the Near East and Africa in-
Department of State Bulletin
,volve relations with Afghanistan, Egypt, Iran,
Liberia, Morocco, and Turkey. Some concern was
expressed regarding Soviet ambitions as to the
Straits. Turkey desired modiKcation of agree-
ments in order to make possible better defense.
Volume II of the Foreign Relations series for
'l935, dealing with the British Commonwealth and
Europe hasljeen published.' The remaining two
! volumes for the year. Volume III, The Far East,
land Volume IV, The American Republics, will be
published at an early date.
' This volume was compiled in the Division of
^Historical Policy Kesearch. Statements in the
preface give the rules under which Foreign Rela-
! tiom is compiled and a list of the staff which com-
piled the 1935 volumes. Copies (xcv, 1,074 pp.)
'may be purchased from the Superintendent of
Documents, Government Printing Office, Wash-
■ ington 25, D. C, for $4.25 each.
Documents on German
Foreign Policy
Press release 240 dated May 4
The contemporary tragedy of the smaller states
of Eastern Europe which began with their subjec-
tion to Nazi domination, is the main theme of the
volume of captured German diplomatic documents
released on May 16 by the Department of State.
The new volume, the fifth in the series of Docu-
ments on German Foreign Policy 1918-19^6,
Series D (1937-45), Vol. V, being published coop-
eratively by the American, British, and French
I Governments, bears the subtitle: Poland, the
t Balhans, Latin America, the Smaller Powers, and
I gives an account of the growing Nazi political and
economic pressure on these states from 1937 until
, March 1939.
I The largest single group of documents in the
I volume deals with Polish-German relations and
I with the futile attempt of the Poles to play a lone
I hand between Germany on the one side and Kussia
I on the other.
Although Hitler pretended for a long time to
honor the Polish-German Non-Aggression Pact
, of 1934, and even signed a new declaration on
I mutual respect for the rights of minorities in
, November 1937, these attitudes were revealed to
! have been designed to lull the Poles while he pur-
I sued German designs upon Austria and Czecho-
slovakia.
I Within a few weeks after the surrender of
I Czechoslovakia at Munich on September 29, 1938,
I the Poles were presented with the German de
mands for the return of Danzig and the Polish
Corridor. The full record on the continuing
German demands is now published for the fii'St
time.
• Bulletin of July 28, 1952, p. 162.
June I, 1953
There are also revealing documents on the full
control of the Free City of Danzig exercised from
Berlin despite the city's nominal independence
and the presence of the League of Nations Com-
missioner there.
A somewhat parallel situation is uncovered in
the Memel Territory, held by Lithuania under the
Versailles treaty, and the documents now published
show the way in which pressure was brought to
bear on the Lithuanians in March 1939 to compel
them to cede the territory back to Germany.
In Hungary, Rumania, Bulgaria, and Yugo-
slavia it was the weakness of their economies and
their dependence on favorable trade agreements
which the Germans, with their politically directed
and totalitarian economy, exploited to bring these
states into the German orbit. The threat which
the active German minorities controlled from
Berlin constituted to the internal security of these
states was also effectively employed.
In the Scandinavian states and in the smaller
states of Western Europe the principal concern
of German policy is shown to have oeen to cut
these states away from their ties to the League
of Nations collective-security system, and to in-
sure that in the event of war they would stand in
isolated neutrality.
At the other end of Europe the Germans were
engaged in an attempt to revive their relations
with Turkey, which had been their ally in World
War I. They pressed for a revision in their favor
of the Montreux Convention which governed the
status of the Dardanelles and made every effort
to promote economic relations. The hardheaded
Turkish diplomacy, while recognizing the value
of German trade, followed a cautious course polit-
ically and irritated German Foreign Minister
Eibbentrop by its concern not to antagonize either
Russia or the Western Powers.
At the same time the Germans were busy with
efforts to undermine the British position in the
Near East where they sought to combine diplo-
matic intrigue with trade in arms. In this area
the problem of Jewish Palestine brought a serious
split within the German Government between the
Nazi Party fanatics who wished to oppose at all
costs the growth of a Jewish state and those who
saw economic advantages in encouraging Jewish
emigration there.
In this period the Germans established closer
contacts with Arab nationalism, and the Grand
Mufti entered into Germany's political calcula-
tions.
The extent of German interests in the Middle
East is also illustrated by negotiations with Ibn
Saud resulting in the establishment of a German
mission in Saudi Arabia.
The repeated and futile efforts of the Western
Powers to get Germany to cooperate in interna-
tional plans to assist refugees, promoted espe-
cially by President Roosevelt and the American-
led Rublee conrmittee, are also detailed.
793
Documents are published on the operations of
German policy in Latin America where the some-
what crude attempts to make use of the local Ger-
man communities led to sharp conflicts with sev-
eral governments. A striking episode is that cen-
tering on the alleged Nazi complicity in the re-
volt against the Vargas Government in May 1938,
and the Brazilian decision that the German Am-
bassador, Karl Ritter, must leave the country.
The Nazis once enjoyed a reputation for being
masters of psychological and political warfare,
and the captured documents provide a unique op-
portunity for the examination of the inner ma-
chinery of a system profoundly antagonistic to
our own and operating all over the world.
The research on this volume has been directed
by the following editors-in-chief : For the United
States, Bernadotte E. Schmitt; for the United
Kingdom, Margaret Lambert; for France, Mau-
rice Baumont. Copies may be purchased from the
Superintendent of Documents, Government Print-
ing Office, Washington 25, D.C., for $3.25.
Recent Releases
Double Taxation, Taxes on Income. Treaties and Other
International Acts Series 2596. Pub. 4898. 30 pp. 10^.
Convention between the United States and Finland —
Signed at Washington Mar. 3, 1952.
Letter From a Woman of East Germany. European and
British Commonwealth Series 40. Pub. 4918. 4 pp. 5(t.
This letter tells what our efforts to penetrate the
Iron Curtain by radio have come to mean to hundreds
of thousands living under Soviet domination.
Naval Mission to Peru, Renewing Agreement of July 31,
1940, as Extended. Treaties and Other International Acts
Series 2504. Pub. 4772. 2 pp. 50.
Exchange of notes between the United States and
Peru — Signed at Washington Jan. 18 and Mar. 24,
1952.
Economic Assistance, Relief and Resettlement of Refu-
gees, Extension of Projects. Treaties and Other Interna-
tional Acts Series 2497. Pub. 4774. 3 pp. 5<t.
Exchange of notes between the United States and
Israel— Signed at Tel Aviv Feb. 27, 1952.
Mutual Defense Assistance, Transfer of United States
Naval Vessels to Argentina. Treaties and Other Interna-
tional Acts Series 2442. Pub. 4784. 4 pp. 5^.
Exchange of notes between the United States and
Argentina — Signed at Washington Jan. 4 and 8, 1951.
Mutual Defense Assistance, Transfer of United States
Naval Vessels to Brazil. Treaties and Other Interna-
national Acts Series 2443. Pub. 4785. 3 pp. 5^.
Exchange of notes between the United States and
Brazil — Signed at Washington Jan. 4, 1951.
Mutual Defense Assistance, Transfer of United States
Naval Vessels to Chile. Treaties and Other Interna-
tional Acts Series 2444. Pub. 4786. 4 pp. 50.
Exchange of notes between the United States and
Chile — Signed at Washington Jan. 4, 1951.
794
1
United States Educational Commission in the Federa
Republic of Germany. Treaties and Other Internationa
Acts Series 2553. Pub. 4809. 21 pp. 100.
Agreement between the United States and the Fed
eral Republic of Germany — Signed at Bonn July 18
1952.
United States Educational Foundation in the Union ol
South Africa. Treaties and Other International Act'
Series 2554. Pub. 4810. 12 pp. 100.
Agreement between the United States and the Unior
of South Africa — Signed at Cape Town Mar. 26, 1952
United States Educational Foundation in Finland. Trea
ties and Other International Acts Series 2555. Pub 4811
13 pp. 100.
Agreement between the United States and Finland-
Signed at Helsinki July 2, 1952.
Air Transport Services— Kimpo Airport. Treaties anc
Other International Acts Series 2432. Pub. 4827 2t
pp. 100.
Agreement between the United States and Korea-
Signed at Seoul Jan. 14, 1950 and letter signed at
Seoul Apr. 3, 1950.
Radio Communications Between Amateur Stations on Be-
half of Third Parties. Treaties and Other International
Acts Series 2433. Pub. 4828. 3 pp. 50.
Exchange of notes between the United States and
Ecuador— Signed at Quito Mar. 16 and 17, 1950.
Point 4 Profiles. Economic Cooperation Series 38. Pub
4859. 38pp. 150.
This booklet tells the stories of four who came to the
United States from Iran, Ecuador, India, and Chile
in search of knowledge and skill, and of some Amer-
icans who worked closely with them both here and
abroad.
Point 4 and Liberia, Partners in Progress. Economic
Cooperation Series 40. Pub. 4899. 12pp. Limited dis-
tribution.
This booklet presents a picture of the program for
and the progress in technical cooperation with Li-
beria.
United States Efforts Toward Disarmament. Interna-
tional Organization and Conference Series III, 89 Pub
4902. 42pp. 200.
Report to the President by the Deputy U. S. Repre-
sentative on the United Nations Disarmament Com-
mission dated January 12, 1953.
Military Assistance to Latin America. A background
summar.v. Inter-American Series 44. Pub. 4917. 8pp.,
map. 50.
This pamphlet provides the answers to many ques-
tions relating to cooperative military assistance ar-
rangements in the Western Hemisphere.
International Information Administration. International
Information and Cultural Series 32. Pub. 4939. 32pp.,
charts. 250.
The "psychological activities" of the U.S. Govern-
ment in the Cold War, covering the period ending
June 30, 1952, are covered in this pamphlet.
Mutual Defense Assistance. Treaties and Other Inter-
national Acts Series 2496. Pub. 4732. 13pp. 100.
Exchange of notes between the United States and
Colombia— Signed at Bogota Apr. 17, 1952.
Departmenf of Slafe Bulletin
Sconomic and Technical Cooperation. Treaties and Other
tnteruational Acts Series 249S. Tub. 4830. Spp. 10<f.
Agreement between the United States and the Philip-
pines— Signed at Manila Apr. 27, 1951.
Public Roads Program in the Philippines, Amending
.'\greement of Feb. 14, 1947. Treaties and Other luterna-
ional Acts Series 2499. Pub. 4831. Spp. 50.
Exchange of notes between the United States and
j the Philippines — Signed at Manila Dec. 16 and 21,
I 1949, and July 6 and 17, 1951.
Technical Cooperation, Jordan Program. Treaties and
Dther International Acts Series 250u. Pub. 4765. 20i]p.
lOt'.
Agreement between the United States and .Jordan —
Signed at Amman Feb. 12, 1952.
Technical Cooperation, Agricultural Program. Treaties
ind Other International Acts Series 2513. Pub. 4723.
jpp. 5(t.
Exchange of notes between the United States and the
Dominican Republic— Signed at Ciudad TrujiUo Jan.
I 7 and 22, 1952.
Technical Cooperation, Cooperative Program of Agricul-
ture and Livestocit, Additional Financial Contributions.
Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2514. Pub.
1737. 4pp. 54-
Exchange of notes between the United States and
Chile— Signed at Santiago Jan. 30 and Feb. 5, 1952.
Education, Cooperative Program in Peru, Additional
Financial Contributions. Treaties and Other Interna-
tional Acts Series 2515. Pub. 4738. 4pp. 5^.
Exchange of notes between the United States and
Peru — Signed at Lima Jan. 17 and Feb. 15, 1952.
Economic Cooperation, Guaranties Under Public Law 472,
SOth Congress, as Amended. Treaties and Other Inter-
national Acts Series 2516. Pub. 4748. 4pp. 5(}.
Exchange of notes between the United States and
Austria — Signed at Washington Feb. 14 and 16. 1952.
Aviation, Military Air Transit Rights. Treaties and
Other International Acts Series 2518. Pub. 4750. 6pp.
Exchange of notes between the United States and
Costa Rica — Signed at San Jos6 Feb. 19 and 25, 1952.
Health and Sanitation, Cooperative Program in Hon-
duras, Additional Financial Contributions. Treaties and
Other International Acts Series 2519. Pub. 4752. 4pp. 5<}.
Exchange of notes between the United States and
Honduras — Signed at Tegucigalpa Jan. 9 and Feb. 14,
1952.
Radio Communications Between Amateur Stations on Be-
half of Third Parties. Treaties and Other International
Acts Series 2520. Pub. 4755. 4pp. 5^.
Exchange of notes between the United States and
Cuba— Dated at Habana Sept. 17, 1951 and Feb. 27,
1952.
Fur Seals, Research Programs in the North Pacific Ocean.
Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2521. Pub.
4758. 9 pp. 100.
Exchange of notes between the United States,
Canada, and Japan — Signed at Toljyo Jan. 31 and Feb.
S, 1952, and at Ottawa Feb. 7 and Mar. 1, 1952.
Health and Sanitation, Cooperative Program in Vene-
Jone J, 7953
zuela, Amending Agreement of Mar. 6 and 15, 1951. Trea-
ties and Other International Acts Series 2522. Pub.
4761. 3pp. 5(*
Exchange of notes between the United States and
Venezuela— Signed at Caracas Feb. 14 and Mar. 0,
1952.
Technical Cooperation. Treaties and Other International
Acts Series 2524. Pub. 4768. 9pp. 100.
Agreement between the United States and Libya —
Signed at Tripoli Jan. 21, 1952.
Regulation of Production and Marketing of Sugar, Proto-
col Prolonging the International Agreement of May 6,
1937. Treaties ami Other International Acts Series 2525.
Pub. 4724. 6pp. 5«(.
Agreement between tlie United States and Other
Governments — Signed at London Aug. 31, 1950.
Technical Cooperation. Treaties and Other International
Acts Series 2527. Pub. 4713. 12pp. 100.
Agreement between the United States and El Salva-
dor— Signed at San Salvador Apr. 4, 1952.
Passport Visas. Treaties and Other International Acts
Series 252S. Pub. 4734. 5pp. 5«(.
Exchange of notes between the United States and
Monaco — Signed at Monaco and Nice Mar. 31, 1952.
Participation of Netherlands Forces in United Nations
Operations in Korea. Treaties and Other International
Acts Series 2534. Pub. 4776. Spp. 50.
Agreement between the United States and the Nether-
lands— Signed at Washington May 15, 1952.
Participation of South African Forces in United Nations
Operations in Korea. Treaties and Other International
Acts Series 2535. Pub. 4777. 3pp. 5^.
Agreement between the United States and the Union
of South Africa — Signed at Washington June 24, 1952.
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: May 18-22, 1953
Releases may be obtained from the Office of the
Special Assistant for Pre.«s Relations, Department
of State, Washington 25, D.C.
Press releases issued prior to May 18 which ap-
pear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 223 of
Apr. 29, 239 of May 4, 240 of May 4, 260 of May 14,
262 of May 13, 265 of May 15, and 266 of May 15.
Subject
IiA functions combined
Foreign Relations volume
N.Y. office of iPS closed
Morton : Accounting to taxpayers
Johnson : Press reports
Merchant : St. Lawrence Seaway
Smith : Palestine refugee program
Smith: Admission of migrants
McDermott : Ambassador to El Sal-
vador
Military assistance to Ethiopia
Johnson : Faith of free men
Conference on foreign policy
Dulles: All-India radio broadcast
*Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
No.
Date
270
5/18
t271
5/18
272
.5/18
273
5/19
274
5/19
t275
5/20
t276
5/20
*277
5/21
278
5/21
279
5/22
t2S0
5/22
281
5/22
282
5/22
795
June 1, 1953
Index
Vol. XXVIII, No. 727
Africa
ETHIOPIA: Military assistance to 785
American Principles
An expression of friendship for the people of
India (Dulles) 779
Costs of survival In a dangerous world
(Morton) 769
U.S. objectives In Western Europe (Knight) . . 773
Value of technical cooperation In Latin America
(Cabot) 780
American Republics
BOLIVIA: Monetary Fund announcements . . 783
Eighth Pan American Railway Congress . . . 787
EL SALVADOR: Nomination of Michael J. Mc-
Dermott 790
Value of technical cooperation In Latin America
(Cabot) 780
Asia
INDIA: An expression of friendship for the
people of India (Dulles) 779
JAPAN: Monetary F\ind announcements . . . 783
Australia
Consular office at Adelaide 792
Canada
Remedial works for Niagara Falls 783
Communism
The continuing need for vigilance against Soviet
aggression (Conant) 767
Europe
CZECHOSLOVAKIA: Release of William N. Oatls
from prison 785
GERMANY :
Continuing need for vigilance against Soviet
aggression (Conant) 767
Documents on German foreign policy . . . 793
Ratiflcation of Edc treaty, contractual con-
ventions 784
NETHERLANDS: MSA allotment for productiv-
ity agreement 777
NORWAY: Consular office at Bergen .... 792
Three-Power meeting to be held 778
European Defense Community
German ratiflcation of Edc treaty, contractual
conventions 784
U.S. objectives In Western Europe (Knight) . . 773
Finance
Monetary Fund announcements 783
Foreign Service
Consular offices 792
Frederick L. Anderson resigns as U.S. deputy
special representative 792
Nomination of Michael J. McDermott .... 790
Iceland
Suspension of Msa aid 778
International Information
Release of WlUlam N. Oatls from. Czechoslovak
prison 785
International Information Administration
Information relating to the Iia 790
International Meetings
Calendar of Meetings 786
Designations of Dreler. Greenup, and Wheeler 790
Three-Power meeting to be held 778
Mutual Security
MsA allotment to Netherlands for productivity
agreement 777
Suspension of Ms* aid to Iceland 778
U.S. objectives in Western Europe (Knight) . . 773
Presidential Documents
Three-Power meeting to be held 778
Publications
1935 documents on U.S. policy In Near East,
Africa released 792
Documents on German foreign policy .... 793
Recent releases 794
State, Department of
Department to sponsor conference on U.S. for-
eign policy 789
Designations of Dreler, Greenup, and Wheeler . 790
Information relating to the lu 790
Nomination of Michael J. McDermott .... 790
Resignation (Under) 790
Taxation
The costs of survival In a dangerous world
(Morton) 769
Technical Cooperation and Development
The value of technical cooperation In Latin
America (Cabot) 780
Transportation
Eighth Pan American Railway Congress . . . 787
Treaty Information
German ratiflcation of Edc treaty, contractual
conventions 784
Remedial works for Niagara Falls 783
United Nations
Current U.N. bibliography : selected documents . 788
Name Index
Anderson, Frederick L 792
Cabot, John M 780
Conant, James B 767
Dreler, John C 790
Dulles, Secretary 779
Eisenhower, President 778
Farley, William T 787
Greenup, Julian C 790
Johnson, Robert L 790
Knight, Rldgway B 773
Linder, Harold F 790
McDermott, Michael J 790
Morton, Thruston B 769
Oatis, William N 785
Smith, Walter Bedell 784
Wheeler, Richard S 790
White, Lincoln 785
D. S. •OVERNHEMT ntHITIHC OFFICE, l»>9
tJAe/ zlleha/yl^enl/ /(w Cna(e^
J. XXVIII, No. 728
Ju,.? 8, 1953
REVIEW OF THE AUSTRIAN TREATY QUESTION . 805
REQUEST FOR EXTENSION OF PALESTINE REF-
UGEE PROGRAM • Statement by Acting Secretary
Smith 822
SUPPORT FOR U. S. PARTICIPATION IN ST.
LAWRENCE SEAWAY • Statement by Assistant Secre-
tary Merchant 824
LAUNCHING THE EUROPEAN COAL AND STEEL
COMMUNITY • Article by Raymond Vernon .... 799
For index see back cover
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
JUN 2 1 1953
M
'le
^,.^,yr.. bulletin
Vol. XXVIII. No. 728 • Publication 5072
June 8, 1953
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
U.S. Government Printing Office
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OF State Bulletin as the source will be
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The Department of State BULLETH\,
a weekly publication compiled and
edited in the Division of Publications,
Office of Public Affairs, provides the
public and interested agencies of
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developments in the field of foreign
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Launching the European Coal and Steel Community
hy Raymond Vernon
Americans are prone to draw a parallel between
the problems of merging the nations of Western
Europe into a federation and the problems which
the 13 American States faced in forming a Federal
Government. Among Europeans, this analogy
never fails to evoke automatic dissent. Apart
from pointing out how heterogeneous Western
Europe is in culture, language, and outlook,
Europeans argue that the difficulties of merging
a collection of mature, industrialized states into
a common entity in the 20th century are far more
complex than were those of merging the under-
developed agricultm-al-mercantile economies in
America nearly two centuries ago.
The issue now is being put to the test — not a
full-scale test, perhaps, but one which should pro-
vide glinxmerings, at least, of the problems with
which a full-scale federation would have to deal.
For the ratification of the Treaty Constitut-
ing the European Coal and Steel Community,
the nations of France, Italy, Germany, Belgium,
the Netherlands, and Luxembourg stand com-
mitted to try to merge their coal and steel indus-
tries into a common market. The implications
of this commitment need some elaboration.
We begin with six sovereign nations. Each has
its own tariff system under which goods coming
into the country are taxed. Each regulates the
amount of goods which comes in and flows out
of the country, using a variety of devices for the
purpose. Some subsidize certain gi-oups of indus-
tries and certain types of consimiers in accordance
with their own conception of national equity and
national interest. Each has its own currency and
each regulates the uses that its nationals can make
of the currencies of other countries. Each taxes
its enterprises and their sales in accordance with
its own national system. Each has a state-owned
or state-regulated transport system, carefully de-
veloped in response to the political pressures and
economic requirements of its own national econ-
omy. Each has its own social-security systems
and its own limitations on the movement of for-
eign labor into the country.
Wliat must emerge after a 5-year period of
transition and adjustment is an economy for coal,
steel, iron ore, and scrap which operates without
national distinctions. Products moving within
the common market are not to be subject to tariffs.
Products are to be priced without regard to the
nationality of the buyer and without other forms
of discrimination. Nationals of one country buy-
ing these products in another need have no wor-
ries about obtaining the necessary currencies.
When the products are shipped on a railroad or
barge line, the fact that they are destined for an-
other country in the common market is to have
no effect upon the freight rate which the carrier
charges. When the products are scarce and some
system of allocation is called for, the available
supplies are to be shared among countries in the
common market without regard to nationality.
Skilled coal or steel workers are to move freely
across the national boundaries of the six countries.
The Approach to the Problem
The gap to be spanned in moving from the pre-
treaty situation of six national markets to the even-
tual system of one common market is sobering
in its magnitude. First of all, there are the differ-
ences in national practices and national laws to
be eradicated. Controls exist in some countries
but not in others. Competition exists in some
areas but not in others. Habits of work, condi-
tions of investment, availability of materials all
vary greatly in the six countries.
But perhaps the more important problem is one
which would have existed even if conditions in
the national markets of each of the six countries
had been the same. This is the possibility that
the elimination of national barriers — tariffs, quan-
titative restrictions, labor restrictions, and the
like — might confront protected national industries
with such new competitive conditions that great
shifts would have to take place in the location and
activities of the affected industries.
Faced with these difficulties, the planners of
the Community had to decide whether to take a
June 8, 1953
799
great step into the unknown — to establish such
uniform rules for the common market as circum-
stances seemed to require, to abolish all national
barriers and discriminations, and then to let the
chips fall, without making any efforts to smooth
the transition. This approach would have
avoided the possibility that devices initially ap-
plied to deal with transitional difficulties — com-
promises with the common market concept — might
become a permanent part of the common market.
"Rien est plus permanent,'" say the wise cynics,
"que la provisoire."
There was a great deal to be said, however,
against such a leap into the dark. Suppose, as
some technicians dourly predicted, this simple
course led to a great upheaval in the coal and steel
markets of the six countries. Suppose that here
and there prices were to rise sharply, or to drop
suddenly; suppose scarcities were to develop or
unemployment were to result. However salutary,
or indeed essential, these shocks might be to the
ultimate creation of a common market, their im-
mediate effect might be to create an extreme dis-
taste for the common market concept among the
nationals of the six countries. This, in turn, could
adversely affect the larger projects of six-country
integration still in various stages of creation, such
as the European Defense Community, the Euro-
pean Political Community, and the Dutch project
for a full customs union. A choice had to be
made between these two sets of considerations.
The choice was foreshadowed by the provisions
of the treaty itself, and, particularly, of the re-
lated Convention Containing the Transitional Pro-
visions. "The purpose of the present Convention,"
according to section 1 of the convention, "is to set
forth the measures necessary for the creation of
the common market and the progressive adapta-
tion of production to the new conditions in which
it will take place. . . ." [Italics supplied.] Sec-
tion 24 of the convention is mucli more pointed.
It states with regard to coal production:
It is recognized that precautionary mechanisms are
necessary durinfc the transition period to avoid sudden
and harmful shifts in production. These precautionary
mechanisms should take into account the situations
existing at the time the common market is created.
Furthermore, if it should appear that harmful and
abrupt price increases might occur in one or more regions,
precautions should be taken to avoid such effects.
Section 29 contains equally cautionary observa-
tions as regards steel.
In keeping with this approach, the convention
allows for the use of various devices and the main-
tenance of various situations, during part or all
of an initial transitional period of 5 years, which
would represent aberrations from the common
market. The approach is that of feeling one's way
gingerly down a long, dark corridor, while im-
pelled to reach its end within a given period of
time. It may be useful to see specifically how this
approach has been applied.
Coal and Steel Community: First
Important Step Toward United Europe
By the setting up and actual working of this new
institution a first important step toward the crea-
tion of a United Europe has materialized. There, in
the framework of democratic institutions of a Ind-
eral character with a Parliamentary Assembly and a
Court of Justice, Belgians, Dutchmen, Frenchmen,
Germans, Italians and Luxembourgers are as Eu-
ropeans, not as citizens of their respective countries,
taking decisions which are directly applicable in the
territories of these six nations. In the field of coal
and steel the barriers, which have so long divided
Europe, have been removed, so that those basic
materials enjoy a single market of 1.55 million con-
sumers like that of the United States.
At the request of the six Governments, members
of the Parliamentary Assembly of the coal and steel
community have worked out the project of a consti-
tution which will create a European Parliament
elected by the people and an Executive responsible
to it. This is the political authority under which
the European Army would also be placed.
President Eisenhower, while in Europe, watched
with keen interest the efforts to work out the first
steps toward European federation. His experience
there convinces him that the uniting of Europe is an
historic necessity for the peace and prosperity of
Europeans and of the world.
The United States is following these vitally im-
portant undertakings, of which the coal and steel
community is actually proving the practicability,
with great interest.
— Statement issued on June S hy the White
House during a visit to Washington hy Jean
Monnet and Franz Etzel, President and Vice Presi-
dent, respectively, of the High Authority of the
European Coal and Steel Community, and Dirk
Spierenburg, one of its members.
The Common Coal Market
On February 10, 1953, exactly on schedule,
tariffs and quantitative limitations on the move-
ment of coal among the six countries were re-
moved. As a corollary, coal ceased to figure on
that date as an item in the carefully balanced bi-
lateral trade agreements which ordinarily condi-
tion the movement of goods between the countries
in the Community; previously, coal had figured
as a major lever in such bargains and as a major
element in political maneuvering among the six
countries.
As foreseen in the convention, a few exceptions
to the general pattern of the common market were
permitted. Belgium, for example, was allowed to
retain the quantitative restrictions necessary to
prevent the more efficient mines in other countries
from reducing Belgium's output too rapidly. In
addition, a transitional system was set up under
"which the more efficient mines of Germany and the
Netherlands are taxed in order to subsidize the less
efficient mines of Belgium and Italy. Production
in the former two countries is now taxed at the
rate of 1.1 percent of its gross value in order to
raise half of the 33 million dollars annually which
800
Deparfment of State Bulletin
the High Authority estimates is needed to ease
the shock for Belgian and Italian mines; the other
half of the subsidy, in accordance with the conven-
tion's provisions, will be supplied by the Belgian
and Italian Governments.
This is only one of several transitional pain-
easing systems of subsidy which have been au-
thorized. The French Government has been
allowed for the time being to continue an internal
system of levies and subsidies which had pre-
viously existed among the various coal basins
througliout France. The general purpose of these
levies and subsidies is to keep in business for the
present some of the basins of France which other-
wise might have been shut down by the competi-
tion of the more efficient basins in other parts of
France. This system is to be supplemented for
the time being, as it has in the past, by a system
of subsidies on coking coal and coke brought into
France from other parts of the common market,
in order to bring the price of these supplies down
to the French price.
The drift of the High Authority's thinking in
authorizing the limited continuation of some of
these subsidies is illustrated by its letter to the
French Government, on the continuation of sub-
sidies on imported coking coal. France imports
most of her coking coal from Germany ; at the time
of the establishment of the common market, its
sale was being subsidized by about $4 a ton. In 3
or 4 years, the High Authority pointed out to the
French Government, the price of coking coal in
France is bound to be appreciably lower than it is
today. This will occur, according to the High
Authority, because of (1) an eventual lowering
of German national transport rates for coal, which
is to take place in the next 2 years, and (2) grad-
ual expansion in the use of coal from the Lorraine
and Saar areas which is in process. In these
circumstances, the High Authority thought it ad-
visable to avoid the sharp rise in French prices
of coking coal which would follow on discontinua-
tion of the import subsidy, if the rise is eventually
to be followed by a decline of even greater magni-
tude. Accordingly, the import subsidy is con-
tinued under certain specified limitations.
Still another type of subsidy appears in the
interim mechanisms of the common market.
These are the subsidies maintained by various na-
tional governments in favor of one group or
another of coal consumers. The German system
illustrates this sort of arrangement, and the High
Authority's response thereto is typical of its re-
action to such arrangements.
One of the rules of the single market, it will
be recalled, is that any seller of coal must charge
the same price of all buyers within the common
market, whatever the nationality of the buyers.
For Germany this meant the end of a system of
"double-pricing," that is, charging German buy-
ers one price and buyers of other nationalities a
higher price for coal in periods of shortage.
These double prices were eliminated largely by
increasing prices to German buyers, thereby put-
ting them on a par with prices to French and
other buyers in the common market. However,
this decision, standing by itself, would have meant
price rises for many German consumers which
"for economic and social reasons" the German
Government felt ought not to be borne by all
classes of consumers alike. Accordingly, the Ger-
man Government proposed that some coal users,
including shippers, deep-sea fishernien, house-
holders, and gas and electric power stations, should
be exempted from the price rise for the time being;
the loss in revenue resulting from the exemption
would be borne by the German mines.
The High Authority accepted this system for
domestic consumers and deep-sea fishermen, but
not for other consumers. And the High Author-
ity imposed one major reservation : These reduced
prices must be made available by the German
mines to consumers in these privileged classes in
any part of the common market, whatever their
nationality might be.
Tied in closely with the question whether to
maintain subsidies for various producer and con-
sumer groups was the question whether to continue
to set price ceilings on sales of coal. The High
Authority was faced with the fact that ceilings
were in eifect in all the member states but could
not be sure whether such ceilings were actually
preventing substantial rises in prices or whether
they were only a means by which sellers were able
to avoid competition in the fixing of prices. In
any event, the prevailing philosophy of the con-
vention was controlling, and the High Authority
decided that price ceilings on coal must continue
for the time being.
The High Authority, in determining its new
price ceilings, acted on the theory that the new
ceilings should serve as a transition between the
national price ceilings which heretofore had ex-
isted and a system of prices in the common market
which made sense in terms of the common-market
concept. At the same time, the High Authority
was also anxious to avoid too explicit a system of
price fixing, that is to say, a system so detailed as
to specify the price for each of the many types
and grades of coal and coke produced in the com-
mon market. Accordingly, the prices enumerated
for many of the basins are stated in terms of aver-
age prices for major classes of coal such as anthra-
cite, coke, briquettes, and so forth; prices for
specific types are enumerated only with respect to
categories for which there is believed to be a real
shortage, such as coking fines.
Taken as a whole, the system which the High
Authority has set up for the sale of coal in the
common market does not permit unregulated com-
petition to operate, nor does it allow the principle
of nondiscriminatory treatment to have full sway.
June 8, 1953
801
Yet it represents movement, substantial move-
ment, away from the regime of national markets
which preceded it. Discrimination based on na-
tionality is gone, for all practical purposes, both
in coal sales and in coal haulage. The subsidiza-
tion of relatively inefficient producers is still wide-
ly prevalent, though perhaps a little less so than
before February 10. The subsidization of privi-
leged classes of consumers continues to be perva-
sive, although again the total subsidization is
probably less than it was before.
But there has been movement in the direction
which most observers would agree is needed to
increase the efficiency and productivity of the
coal industry of the six countries. Tlie critical
question is not so much what the state of the com-
mon market is today but the speed and direction
in which the common market is moving. The
direction, at least, is reasonably clear; the speed
has yet to be determined.
The Common Steel Market
The approach of the European Coal and Steel
Community toward the common steel market is
rather different in some important respects from
its approach with respect to the coal market. Coal
is a mineral; it is mined where it is found. The
locus of steel production, on the other hand, de-
pends much more on manmade decisions. As a
result, the Community's approach to the organiza-
tion of the steel market has been a great deal
closer to the concept of a simple, competitive en-
terprise system and has not reflected the same
tendencies toward the regulatory administration
of a natural resource as have been manifested with
respect to the coal market.
The common steel market came into being on
May 1, 1953, 3 weeks later than the earliest date
on which the market could have opened under
the terms of the convention. On that date, tar-
iffs, quantitative restrictions, and discriminatory
pricing with respect to steel were abolished within
the single market. As in the case of coal, steel
ceased to figure in bilateral trade bargains be-
tween any of the six countries.
The Community permitted two aberrations from
the concept of the common market, however, both
of which had been recognized in the convention.
The first of these arises from the fact that the six
countries do not impose exactly the same tariffs on
steel imported from countries outside the common
market. The Benelux steel tariffs, by and large,
are very much lower than those of France, and
French steel tariffs are somewhat lower than those
of Germany and Italy. As a result, until the proc-
ess of "harmonization" of these tariffs has been
completed, there is a risk that persons in the com-
mon market who want to buy British steel, for
example, would import the steel through the Bel-
gian customs even though the eventual destination
of the steel might be Germany or Italy.
To deal with this problem, the Benelux countries
will apply the Benelux rate only to a limited
amount of steel imports, representing the total
which Benelux could have been expected to im-
port in satisfaction of its domestic demand; the
excess over that amount will be subject to higher
duty, representing the French tariff rate appli-
cable to the same product.
The second aberration has to do with the steel
industry of Italy. This is a relatively small in-
dustry, handicapped by high costs of raw materi-
als and modest size. This industry is to have the
benefit of a gi-adual, rather than an abrupt, im-
mersion in the cold waters of competition. The
tariffs now protecting that industry are to be
eliminated by stages over the 5-year period, in-
stead of all at once.
Apart from these special provisions, the High
Authority possesses during the transitional period
some rather extraordinary powers by which it
could intervene in the functioning of the common
market through the application of internal re-
strictions. So far, at any rate, there is no indica-
tion that the High Authority proposes to do so.
Perhaps the most difficult problem which arose
in connection with the opening of the steel market
is one which illustrates a fundamental difficulty
governing all the operations of the European Coal
and Steel Community — the difficulty of attempt-
ing partially to integrate the economies of a group
of modern states while trying to maintain six
distinct national economies in the unintegrated
area.
The problem stems from the fact that firms in
the common market are required to charge non-
discriminatory prices to buyers in the common
market, irrespective of the buyers' nationality.
Wliile simple in concept, the application of the
principle presents knotty problems, particularly
because of the impact of national tax systems.
Take the case of a German firm selling to a French
buyer: Should the German firm quote a ]irice
which includes German sales taxes, even though
such taxes are refunded by the German Govern-
ment on export sales ?
After much soul-searching, the answer which
the High Authority provided was "no." The
reasoning behind this conclusion was that a buyer
located in France, in choosing as between a French
and a German seller, ought to be choosing between
sellers who were carrying the same sales tax bur-
den; the German seller in the French market,
therefore, ought to be subject to the French sales
tax, not the German sales tax.
But this conclusion, self-evident as it may seem,
was not an easy one to reach. The fact is that the
Germans have a fairly low sales tax, whereas the
French have a much larger sales tax. The French,
on the other hand, have a fairly low tax on cor-
porate profits, whereas the Germans have rela-
tively high taxes on the profits and property of
802
Department of State Bulletin [
corporations. French firms selling in Germany,
therefore, bear only the low corporate taxes of
France and the low sales taxes of Germany, while
German firms in the French market bear high cor-
porate sales taxes and high French sales taxes.
' The High Authority's decision therefore presented
obvious problems of equity, as the High Authority
itself explicitly recognized ; yet it seemed to be
the only answer compatible with nondiscrimina-
tory noimational pricing.
Here we have in concrete form an illustration
of the pervasive difficulties of projects of partial
integration. Problems of this sort will never
realfy be answered satisfactorily, nor will any
answer really be a final solution, as long as national
governments are free by fiscal and other means
substantially to influence the operations of enter-
prises in the common market.
Each product in the common market has pre-
sented some unique problem for the High Au-
thority and has tested its philosophy and ap-
proach in one way or another. In the case of
iron ore, the High Authority felt that the slight
disturbance that might result from the institution
of the coumion market was worth risking. Ac-
cordingly, the free market for iron ore went into
eflect without any transitional arrangements to
ease the shock, and without any limitation upon
the movement of iron ore within the common mar-
ket. One of the more obvious effects of this
arrangement was the elimination of the discrim-
inatory pricing for iron ore which had favored
French steel firms over foreign firms. The High
Authority's official report on this step observes
that "the effect of the rise in prices to French
clients has only been a limited one, because of
the cordial relations existing between the mines
and the consumers in general," presmnably a dip-
lomatic way of acknowledging the existence of
some corporate ties between the French steel plants
and the sources of their ore.
The market for steel scrap also presented some
difficult decisions for the High Authority. Steel
scrap, unlike coal, steel, and iron ore, is a business
with a great many more sellers than buyers. In
some of the national markets comprising the Com-
munity, notably those of Germany and Italy, scrap
dealers had joined together in cartel-like organi-
zations, the function of which was to fix the price
and amount of scrap coming on the market. As
tlie date of the opening of the common market
approached, the French considered setting up an
organization of this sort to parallel the existing
organizations in Germany and Italy. They ap-
parently abandoned this idea, however, when the
High Authority decided that the German and
Italian organizations were inconsistent with the
treaty and must be dissolved.
Having dissolved these cartel-like organiza-
tions— a step with few precedents on the Euro-
pean scene — the High Authority then authorized
the operation until the end of the current year
June 8, 7953
of a new scrap organization covering all six coun-
tries. This organization, which is conceived of
as a transitional arrangement, is to confine its
actual operations to the import of steel scrap and
is not to be involved in scrap transactions origi-
nating within the common market. The general
theory is that the operation of this organization,
aided by an equalization fund, will prevent the
price of the imported scrap, which is the highest-
priced scrap used in the common market, from
setting the price for all scrap in the common
market.
Whether this will prove to be the case remains
to be seen. But the more important test which
this experiment represents is whether it is possible
for an organization to confine itself to the essen-
tially benign function for which the organization
was conceived without eventually engaging also
in the fixing of prices, the allocation of supply,
the suppression of new participants in the scrap
business, and other undesirable practices. This
is a problem of which the High Authority is
clearly acutely conscious.
Future Prospects
Although the common market has hardly begun
to function, it is not too early to draw a few tenta-
tive conclusions regarding the market and its in-
stitutions. First of all, the European Coal and
Steel Community seems to be acting as its creators
conceived it should act, not as a captive creature of
six national governments behaving in accordance
with the negotiated settlements of the six, but
rather as a distinct government operating under
the constitution which created it — responsive to
the governments of the six member countries but
distinguishable from them. A shift in this at-
titude'on the part of the Community could alter
basically the nature of its decisions. More im-
portant, such a shift could reduce the attractive
force of the Community as a nucleus of further
European integration.
Second, it is apparent that the kind of market
that is coming into being under the Community's
aegis is a peculiarly European institution, reflect-
ing ideas and habits of administration somewhat
different from our own. So fai-, it represents a
mixture of competition, state intervention in favor
of certain groups, state acceptance of the responsi-
bility of easing transitional shocks, and participa-
tion by nongovernmental groups in the apparatus
of administration.
Finally, there are signs of real movement in
the organization of the common market away from
some of the restricting practices and habits which
dominated national markets toward a freer and
more vigorous regime. For example, the strength
of the cartels within the common market can be
assumed to be much lower, for the present, than
the strength they possessed when operating in six
national markets, and there are adequate powers
803
within the Community to keep such cartels weak,
if the Community determines to exercise such pow-
ers. Moreover, so far as one can judge, the regu-
lations imposed by the Community on the common
market seem on the whole to be less pervasive than
the national regulations they replaced, leaving
more room for the play of market forces. But
perhaps the most important result of all has been
the elimination of coal and steel as weapons of
economic diplomacy which the six national gov-
ernments used to extract concessions and strike
bargains that did little to advance the general
welfare of Western Europe. On the whole, these
first few months of performance have justified the
expectations of the founders of the Community.
*Mr. Vernon^ author of the above article, is
Acting Director of the Office of Economic De-
fense and Trade Policy.
Related Materials
Regional Organizations: Europe and the North
Atlantic Area, Department of State publica-
tion 4944, April 19.53. Contains a brief account
of the development and functions of eight Euro-
pean regional organizations including the Coal
and Steel Community, a chart showing their
interrelationship, and a bibliography.
'The Schuman Plan Constituting a European Coal and
Steel Community. Draft treaty and draft con-
vention containing the transitional provisions.
Department of State publication 4173. 1951.
An analysis of the Schuman Plan. Department of
State publication 4176. 1951.
Understanding the Schuman Plan. Department of
State publication 4281. 1951. A background
summary.
Raymond Vernon, "The Schuman Plan: Sovereign
Powers of the European Coal and Steel Com-
munity," The American Journal of Interna-
tional Law, April 1953, p. 183. The legal sig-
nificance of the Schuman Plan.
Secretary Dulles, Mr. Stassen
Return from Near Eastern Visit
Statement by the Secretary
White House press release dated May 29
Three weeks ago, Mr. Stassen and I and our as-
sociates left Washington to visit a part of the
world with which we seek new ties of friendship.
It is an important part of the world. It gave us
our religion and it contains the holy places. The
Near East is the junction of three continents —
Europe, Asia, and Africa. South Asia and the
Near East together contain one-half of the people
of the world not already under Communist
domination.
These people we visited have been our friends.
804
Most of them were long under the political domi-
nation of other powers. As colonial peoples they
looked up to the United States with respect and
admiration. We had gained freedom and strength
for ourselves and we sought those qualities foi
others.
Now, the peoples we visited have won political
freedom. Seven of them have become independ-
ent nations within 10 years. But they do not yet
have strength and well-being. They are preoc-
cupied by quarrels and fears which deny them
tranquillity and endanger their national existence
They want and need the friendly inspiration and
guidance we once provided. But they feel that
in our maturity, we have grown materialistic af
the expense of idealism and justice, and that oiu
friendship has grown cold.
The Suez Base dispute between Egypt and Brit-
ain, the uneasy armistice and economic warfare be-
tween Israel and the Arab States, the problem ol
Arab refugees, the India-Pakistan dispute ovei
Kashmir, the prevalence of poverty, are typical ol
conditions which create fear, bitterness, and weak-
ness. Only communism can profit from these
conditions. It strives frantically to do so at oui
expense. Wherever we went, the Communistj
sought io disrupt our mission and prevent it fron:
achieving its intended purposes. Everywhere
they failed. Hostile demonstrations were kept at
a distance, and were well-controlled. The aspect
of the people was cordial and welcoming. The
leaders were abundantly hospitable, and the.-^
talked with us as with those who could be trusted.
We return with refreshed ties with our valiant
allies, Greece and Turkey, and with information
as to other areas and their problems which can be
of great importance to the United States. We of '
the State Department will be better qualified to
advise President Eisenhower in relation to foreign
policy, and Mr. Stassen, Director of Mutual
Security, will be better able to help that program -
implement our foreign policy. I
Above all, we laid a new foundation for friend-
ship. That is because we gave new hope that the
United States, while standing firmly against any
breach in the ranks of the Western Powers, and
without in anywise undermining the State of Is-
rael, is determined to find a way toward a broader
unity. Tliis would be to the advantage of all con-
cerned. We could then, in desired ways, help the
nations of the Near East and South Asia to live
together in amity and peace and allay their initial
pains. Thus, they may move on to a healthy
national life which will accept the responsibilities,
and add to the strength, of the free-world com-
munity. J
Mr. Stassen and I have at once made a prelimi- '
nary report to the President and we shall report
more fully to him and the Congress with reference
to our conclusions, particularly those which may
affect our foreign policy. Then I shall have more
to say to the American people.
Department of State Bulletin
Review of the Austrian Treaty Question
By a vote of 48 to 0 the Seventh Session of the
General Assembly of the United Nations on De-
cember 20, 1952, adopted a resolution urging the
early conclusion of a treaty for Austria.^ The five
states of the Soviet bloc did not participate, and
Pakistan and Afghanistan abstained.
The resolution, sponsored by Brazil, Lebanon,
Mexico, and the Netherlands, had the full support
of the United States. Earlier, Benjamin V.
Cohen, alternate delegate for the United States,
speakin" before the Political and Security Com-
mittee, declared : ^
The United States welcomes the resolution . . . call-
ing upon the governments concerned to reach agreement
on an Austrian treaty to terminate the occupation of
Austria and to restore to Austria its rights to sovereign
statehood.
Back of the action taken by the General As-
sembly lies the story of a major postwar tragedy.
It is a story of broken pledges on one hand and
frustrated hopes on the other. It is an illustra-
tion of the methods employed by the Soviet Union
in exploiting other peoples and other nations, re-
gardless of pledges solemnly given and repeatedly
reaffirmed.
Here, in capsule, is an illuminating picture of
Soviet techniques in handling nations and peoples
who refuse to knuckle under. The Austrian
treaty negotiations are a case study for the free
world. They can be a lesson for those who still
trust the Soviet word. There could be no clearer
picture of the difficulties of dealing with the men
of the Kremlin.
Since 1945 Austria has been occupied by troops
of the four major Allied Powers of World War
II— the United States, the United Kingdom,
France, and the Soviet Union. The Three West-
ern Powers are, and have been, eager to withdraw
their troops and restore Austrian independence.
They went into Austria only to liberate that coun-
try and its people from the Nazis. There was no
thought of a prolonged stay.
Emtok's Note. This study is also available as De-
partment of State publication 5012.
' BiTXETiN of Jan. 12, 1953, p. 68.
'Ibid., p. 67.
June 8, 1953
The Moscow Pledge
In the Moscow Declaration of November 1, 1943,
the Four Powers pledged themselves to regard,
and so treat, Austria as a liberated, not an enemy,
country :
The Declaration stated :
The Governments of the United Kingdom, the Soviet
Union and the United States of America are agreed that
Austria, the first free country to fall a victim to Hitlerite
aggression, shall be liberated from German domination.
They regard the annexation imposed upon Austria by
Germa'ny on March 15th, 1938, as null and void. They
consider themselves as in no way bound by any changes
effected in Austria since that date. They declare that
they wish to see reestablished a free and independent
Austria, and thereby to open the way for the Austrian
people themselves, as well as those neighboring states
which will be faced with similar problems, to find that
political and economic security which is the only basis
for lasting peace.
Austria is reminded, however, that she has a responsi-
bility which she cannot evade for participation in the war
on the side of Hitlerite Germany, and that in the final
settlement account will inevitably be taken of her own
contribution to her liberation.
The Declaration was signed by Foreign Minister
Molotov for the Soviet Union, Secretary of State
Hull for the United States, and Foreign Secretary
Eden for the United Kingdom. Two weeks later
the French Committee for National Liberation
signed for France.
There can be no doubt that the Soviets fully
understood that the Declaration was a pledge and
a commitment. In a proclamation to the citizens
of Vienna, March 1945, the late Marshal Tol-
bukhin, commanding the Eussian forces in
Austria, said:
The Red Army has set foot on the soil of Austria not
to conquer Austrian territory. Its aim is exclusively the
defeat of the enemy German-Fascist troops and the libera-
tion of Austria.
The Red Army backs the Moscow Declaration of the
Allied Powers on the independence of Austria.
The Moscow Declaration is a pledge unre-
deemed, but it is still binding, morally and legally,
on those who made it. To the Western Powers,
who wish to redeem it, it must be the basis of what-
ever treaty is finally concluded with Austria.
Less would be a betrayal of faith.
805
Even prior to the Moscow Declaration, the Al-
lied position on Austria had been clearly stated.
British Prime Minister Churchill, for example,
said on November 9, 1940 :
Great Britain defends the cause of all nations for whom
she has drawn the sword, namely, Austria, Czechoslo-
vakia, Poland, Norway, Holland, Belgium, France, and
Greece. Great Britain will fight until final victory and
with it liberation for all these countries is achieved.
When the United States entered the war, Presi-
dent Roosevelt, December 9, 1941, named the coun-
tries which had been invaded by the Axis Powers
and wliich must be liberated. Austria was
included.
Again on February 18, 1942, Mr. Churchill said :
With the victory of the Allies, liberated Austria will
again talie up her place of honor.
Declaration on Liberated Europe
Austria was not specifically discussed at the
Three Power conference at Yalta in February
1945, but Austria, as a victim of Nazi agg:ression,
was among the countries affected by the Declara-
tion on Liberated Europe, approved at Yalta.
Marshal Stalin, Prime Slinister Churchill, and
President Roosevelt were all three present and
assented.
This Declaration pledged the Three Powers to
"assist the people in any European liberated state
or former Axis satellite state in Europe" (1) to
establish conditions of internal peace, (2) to carry
out emergency relief measures, (3) to form "in-
terim governmental authorities broadly repre-
sentative of all democratic elements in the popu-
lation and pledged to the earliest possible
establishment through free elections of govern-
ments responsive to the will of the people," and
(4) to facilitate, where necessary, the holding of
free elections.
This, again, was a promise and a pledge. At
the invitation of the Three Powers present, the
provisional French Government subsequently en-
dorsed the Declaration and joined in the pledges
given.
Later, August 1945, the Potsdam Agreement
provided that "reparations should not be exacted
fi-om Austria." According to the terms of the
agreement the reparation claims of the Allied
Powers (the Soviet Union was mentioned specifi-
cally) were to be met, in part, from "appropriate
German external assets." This provision has
caused difficulties in the negotiations on the treaty,
but its intent was, and is, perfectly clear.
Role of the Soviet Union
There has been no disagreement among the Gov-
ernments of the United States, the United King-
dom, and France as to their responsibility and
duty in meeting these pledges to Austria, specifi-
cally stated and implied.
The single stumbling block has been, and is, the
Soviet Union.
The Soviet determination to stymie an Austrian
treaty has become increasingly apparent.
In the Seventh Session of the General Assem-
bly of the United Nations they made every attempt
to bloclc consideration of the Brazilian resolution
or any action pertaining to Austria. "\Mien the
agenda for tlie Assembly was under consideration
in October 1952, the Soviets objected to the As-
sembly's giving any kind of consideration to the
Austrian treaty. They based their objections on
article 107 of the Charter of the United Nations.
Article 107, they said, placed the Austrian treaty
outside the limits of U.N. "competence." In
other words, the United Nations had no right to
consider it.
Article 107 of the U.N. Charter reads :
Nothing in the present Charter shall invalidate or pre-
clude action, in relation to any state which during th«
Second World War has been an enemy of any signatorj
to the present Charter, taken or authorized as a result ol
the war by Governments having responsibility for suci
action.
The committee on the Assembly agenda rejected
this position. It was pointed out to the Soviets
that Austria had never been considered as an
enemy state, that Austria had never declared war
against any member of the United Nations, that
no U.N. nation had ever declared war against
Austria, and that the position of Austria, both
during the war and later, had been explicitly de-
fined in the Moscow Declaration as that of a lib-
erated country. Clearly, article 107 did not per-
tain to Austria.
Later, both in the Political and Security Com-
mittee and before the Assembly itself, the Soviets,
or one of their puppets, continued to bring up
article 107 as a bar to consideration of the Aus-
trian treaty. The Polish delegate, Mr. Skrzese-
zewski, actually used the term "enemy" in speak-
ing of Austria. The Brazilian resolution, he said,
was a violation of the Charter "as article 107 made
clear, beyond any doubt, that the organization
[the United Nations] could not intervene with
regard to any action taken in relation to any state
involved in the Second World War as an enemy
of any signatory of the Charter."
Defending the right of the United Nations to
speak, delegate after delegate pointed out to the
Soviets that Austria was not an enemy country.
It was brought to their attention, fuithermore,
that the resolution in no way questioned, much less
sought to invalidate, any action in relation to Aus-
tria taken or authorized as a result of World War
II. It concerned solely the desirability of
speedily concluding a treaty for Austria.
Tlie vote of the General Assembly soundly re-
pudiated the position of the Soviets.
The delegate of Brazil, Henrique de Souza
Gomes, introducing the resolution, did not pro-
pose a review of the actions taken by the occupying
powers, nor did he suggest the substantive pro-
^
806
Department of State Bulletin
visions which should go into the treaty. As he
explained, all the resolution did was to urge the
occupying powers to agree promptly upon a
treaty which would carry out the pledges they
themselves had previously made and which they
had never publicly renounced.
Representatives of the Soviet Union and of the
Soviet-dominated States, however, refused to
agree to even the mild provisions of the resolu-
tion. In the committee, and later in the General
Assembly, they signified their disagreement by
refusing to participate in the voting. Their
strategy was not to oppose openly but to obstruct.
To the Western Powers, this strategy of obstruc-
tion on the part of the Soviets had become all too
familiar. The Soviet Union, to be sure, had never
officially renounced the Moscow Declaration. In
preventing the conclusion of a treaty for Austria,
Soviet tactics had been to quibble, to delay, to
introduce extraneous issues.
The efforts of the three Western Powers to
conclude a treaty and to bi'ing about the evacua-
tion of Austria had been continuous, persistent,
and sincere. They had been willing to compro-
mise with the Soviets on detail and had asked
only that the principle of independence for Aus-
tria be observed.
They had, themselves, submitted proposal after
proposal. They had sat patiently through lit-
erally hundreds of meetings. Between 1945 and
the time of the Seventh Session of the General As-
sembly, there had been, in fact, 33 sessions of the
Council of Foreign Ministers at which the Aus-
trian treaty had been discussed, 258 meetings of
the Austrian treaty deputies, and 85 meetings of
the Austrian Treaty Commission.
At each of these sessions the Western Powers
had met the representatives of the Soviet Union
in a spirit of conciliation. They had been un-
yielding only on the basic proposition that Aus-
tria must be free and independent, as the Moscow
Declaration had promised. They had insisted
only that Austria be restored to sovereign
statehood.
The resolution adopted at the Seventh Session
of the General Assembly had the full support of
all three of the Western Powers involved in the
Austrian question. It had, in fact, overwhelming
support in the Assembly. No less than 30 repre-
sentatives of member nations spoke in its favor.
The resolution put the moral weight of free
world opinion behind the efforts of the Western
Powers to reach an agreement with the Soviets
on the Austrian treaty. It did, and could do,
nothing more. But as Ambassador Cohen said :
We [the Western Powers] are entirely willing to meet
with representatives of the Soviet Union to discuss and
conclude such a treaty. We will meet again and again
and again. But our experience of these past 7 years
leaves little hope for arriving shortly at a satisfactory
conclusion unless soujething more is added.
Perhaps this resolution is that something more.
Eight Years of Negotiations
As a study of Soviet tactics, the details of the
negotiations on the Austrian treaty are worth
scrutiny. For convenience' sake, the story can be
divided into six fairly distinct periods.
The first, principally introductory, includes the
Moscow Declaration itself and the events pre-
ceding.
The immediate postwar period includes roughly
2 years. As far as progress toward a treaty is
concerned, it was almost a total blank.
In the third period— 1947 to the middle of
1949 — negotiations actually got under way.
The fourth period opened on a note of hope.
The Soviets appeared, briefly, to be willing to
leave Austria— but at a price. Abruptly, how-
ever, their attitude changed. A disturbing pic-
ture of their intent began to take shape. The hope
faded.
The fifth period, continuing down to the end
of 1950, is a story of open and constant Soviet ob-
struction against persistent efforts on the part of
the Western Powers to conclude a treaty. At last
the Soviets had abandoned any pretense of con-
cealing their purpose.
Finally there is a sixth period, beginning with
the spring of 1952 and continuing up to the fail-
ure of the meeting called at London by the West-
ern Powers pursuant to the General Assembly
resolution.
There will be further chapters in the Austrian
treaty story. They may be highly significant in
their bearing on the world strategy of the Soviet
Union. Their full significance, however, may be
illuminated by consideration of what already has
taken place.
During the years immediately following the
end of hostilities in World War II, the problems
in Austria, as in many European countries occu-
pied by the Nazis, concerned mainly food, shelter,
transportation, and the establishment of a stable
government. For Austria the latter was, of
course, complicated by problems arising from the
Anschluss, problems of disentangling the coun-
try's entire political and economic life from that
of Germany.
These were serious problems, and the treaty
seemed of minor importance. The Austrian peo-
ple had the promise of the Moscow Declaration.
Neither they nor the Western Powers were aware
of the real plans of the Soviets.
Pending the first Austrian election, the four
occupying Powers recognized a provisional Aus-
trian government. Through the European Ad-
visory Commission they agreed on zones of occu-
pation and set up an Allied Council through which
to work.
The avowed purpose of the occupation was,
first, to divorce Austria completely from German
control — to undo the Anschluss of 1938. It was,
second, to root out Austrian nazism and to punish
June 8, 1953
807
war criminals. Lastly, it was to aid in the restora-
tion of a free Austria in the spirit of the Moscow
Declaration.
After tlie elections of November 19^5 the Four
Powers recognized the new Government, and by
an agreement reached in 1946 they extended con-
siderably the powers of that Government. This
agreement, still in force, provided for the pro-
gressive relaxation of Four Power control. As
the freely elected Austrian Government grew in
will and strength to maintain a democratic regime,
it was to be given more and more authority in
managing the affairs of the country. The Allied
Council consisting of four High Commissioners,
one appointed by each of the occupying powers,
remained to aid and advise the new Government.
The question of a treaty, however, was not for-
gotten. In April 1946 the Council of Foreign
Ministers met at Paris. The U.S. Secretary of
State, Mr. Byrnes, proposed that the Austrian
treaty be included on the agenda. He stated that
his Government felt that a treaty for Austria, a
liberated country, should be given consideration at
least equal to that planned for Germany's former
satellites.
The British and French Foreign Ministers
agreed. The Soviet Foreign Minister, Mr. Molo-
tov, dissented. He said that tlie Soviet delega-
tion was not prepared. He pointed out that the
Council's agenda was crowded. He said that
Austria was not sufficiently denazified to be
trusted.
Pinned down to a possible date, Mr. Molotov
said:
It might be necessary to leave troops in Austria for
another year; that is, two years in all from the end of
the war.
In the middle of May it was proposed tliat the
Council recess for a month. Secretary Byrnes
took this opportunity to make another effort in
behalf of Austria. He suggested that during the
recess the deputies of the Foreign Ministers could
start preliminary work on a draft treaty.
The British and French Foreign Ministers again
agreed.
Once again Mr. Molotov objected. He told
Secretary Byrnes curtly, "Wlien we are ready, we
will inform the other delegates."
Despite this rebuff the United States went ahead
and prepared a draft treaty. So did the British.
When the Council reconvened in June, Secretary
Byrnes again urged that the Austrian treaty be
scheduled for discussion. After much hesitation
Mr. Molotov agreed but insisted that it be the
Austrian "question" rather than the Austrian
treaty and that it be the last item on the agenda.
When the Council finally reached the Austrian
"question," Secretary Byrnes said he felt that
prompt action should be taken because it was in-
conceivable to him that treaties with Italy and the
Balkan States should be concluded and nothing
done about Austria.
The Soviets, however, announced three new
conditions which, they declared, must be met be-
fore the Soviet Union would agree to consider an
Austrian treaty. These were (1) more progress in
eliminating alleged Austrian nazism, (2) the
forcible repatriation of displaced persons in
Austria, and (3) the completion of the Italian and
Balkan ti'eaties.
Obviously there could be no action on the treaty
at that time. None was taken.
Treaty Deputies Appointed
The Council of Foreign Ministers met again,
this time at New York, in the late fall of 1946.
The Italian and satellite treaties were completed.
Secretary Byrnes then proposed that special
Austrian treaty deputies be appointed. The
Soviet Union objected but finally agreed. The
deputies were named and instructed to set to work
immediately. They were to begin consideration
of the drafts, agree on as many articles as possible,
and report to the Council at its next session,
scheduled for the following March at Moscow.
The story of this first postwar year, 1946, is
important insofar as it provides background for
what was to follow. It was a curtain raiser for
the years ahead.
The activities of the Soviets in Austria during
1946 are significant.
The Potsdam Agreement asserted that repara-
tions would be permitted from "appropriate Ger-
man external assets." The United States, tlie
United Kingdom, and France interpreted this to
mean properties in Austria owned legitimately by
Germany and German nationals as of May 8, 1945.
They did not include (1) property seized after the
Anschluss through force or duress, (2) property
owned by the Austrian Government, or (3) prop-
erty in Austria owned by nationals of the U.N.
nations.
However, from the first the Soviets placed a far
different interpretation upon the term. Immedi-
ately after the liberation of Austria they began
to dismantle factories and plants in their zone
and ship the equipment to the Soviet Union. Esti-
mates for that first year on equipment taken from
Austrian metal-working, machinery, and locomo-
tive industries alone run to 63,778 pieces. The
total of the Soviet "take" probably never will be
known.
When the special treaty deputies met at Lon-
don early in 1947, new Soviet delaying tactics
emerged. Whereas the other deputies submitted
concrete outlines of all treaty articles, the Soviet
deputy offered only incomplete proposals. He
spent most of his time criticizing the proposals of
the other powers. He found little, if anything,
worth while to say for them.
808
Department of State Bulletin
Nevertheless, the deputies did manage to accom-
plish some work. They disposed of all but 20
articles, which were referred to the Moscow session
of the Council of Foreign Ministers.
The Council in Moscow
"When the Council met at Moscow in March,
with so much of the spadework done, the Western
Powers had high hopes for an early agreement.
In his book My Three Years in Moscow, Am-
bassador Walter Bedell Smith (now Under Sec-
retary of State) reported:
The Western representatives were not entirely sur-
prised over tiie difficulties they encountered in attempting
to reach an agreement on Germany but they expected
progress in formulating a treaty for Austria. Here, at
first, tilings went well and agreement was reached on
all but a few points. But these were basic and of
fundamental importance.
"German assets" overshadowed all other issues.
By this time the Soviets had seized in Austria
more than 300 enterprises, valued at roughly 700
million dollars. They demanded that the treaty
give them permanent possession.
What they wanted meant :
1. Two-thirds of Austria's entire oil pro-
duction, all of its oil reserves, and about three-
fourths of its refining capacity.
2. The extensive assets of the Danube Shipping
Company in Austria, Hungary, and the lower
reaches of the river.
3. Three hundred industrial plants, including
those in iron and metal work, machinery, electri-
cal equipment, heavy chemicals, textiles, glass,
steel construction, and optical and precision in-
struments.
4. Forty-one percent of the largest bank in Aus-
tria and complete control of four other large
Austrian banks.
5. A large proportion of the insurance com-
panies in Austria.
As a second issue the Soviet Union threw into
the pot certain claims of Yugoslavia against Aus-
tria for reparations and for the cession of a large
part of the Austrian Province of Carinthia and
small portions of Styria and Burgenland.
The Four Powers had agreed at Potsdam that
there should be no question of reparations so far
as Austria was concerned. Premier Stalin him-
self was a party to that agreement. Moreover,
the claims of Yugoslavia were based on damages
caused by Hitler's armies. Their claims to rep-
arations were against Germany, not Austria.
As for Carinthia, the Western Powers recalled
that, in 1920, there had been a plebiscite in that
area under the auspices of the League of Nations,
and the majority of the people had voted to re-
main Austrian. The rights of the Slovene mi-
nority were protected under the new Austrian
June 8, 7953
constitution. Nevertheless, the Soviets supported
both Yugoslav claims.
The Western Powers were not unaware, of
course, that Soviet championship of the Yugo-
slavs was motivated by something more than
sympathy for their cause. Ambassador Smith
wrote :
. . . from remarks made by members of the Soviet dele-
gation and finally from covert proposals made by Molotov
during the final stages of the conference, it was clear that
the Soviet Union would abandon its advocacy of Yugo-
slavia's claims at once if the Kremlin's definition of what
constituted "German assets" in Austria . . . was accepted
by the Western powers.
A few years later Ambassador Smith's inter-
pretation of the Soviet position was confirmed in
the subsequently published exchange of notes be-
tween Tito of Yugoslavia and the Kremlin. From
these notes we learn that Molotov and Vyshinsky
both told Yugoslavia shortly after the Moscow
Conference opened that there was no hope that the
Council would accept their claims. To quote from
one of these notes :
Foreign Minister Molotov declared to Yugoslav Foreign
Minister Kardelj that, despite such hopeless proposals,
the Soviet delegation would continue to keep the question
of Slovene Carinthia on the agenda but only to facilitate
a positive solution regarding German property in Austria
en behalf of the Soviet Union.
Toward the end of the Moscow session the U.S.
Secretary of State, General Marshall, proposed
that the discussion of the Austrian treaty be con-
tinued by the deputies, with a cutofi^ date set for
September. If no agreement had been reached
by that time, the Four Powers should submit all
unsettled questions to the General Assembly of
the United Nations. The British and French
agreed. The Soviets refiised.
However, a proposal was accepted by the Four
Powers to set up a special Austrian Treaty Com-
mission to consider all disputed articles.
With this slight gain the Moscow Conference
ended.
The Austrian Treaty Commission
The new Austrian Treaty Commission met at
Vienna May 12, 1947. The Commission held 85
meetings. There was, however, no agreement.
If anything, the Soviet position became more arbi-
trary. For example, the Soviet member repudi-
ated an earlier commitment to claim Austrian
property only if it had been purchased by the
Germans at a fair price. The Soviets asserted
claim to all such property, even if it had been
purchased under duress and regardless of price.
The Commission adjourned October 11.
There had been one development. In the fall
the French Government had submitted a proposal
under which certain specified "German assets" in
Austria were to be assigned to the Soviet Union.
Others were to be returned to Austria for a lump-
sum payment of 100 million dollars. In the hope
809
of breaking the deadlock, arriving at a treaty, and
ending the occupation, the United States and
Britain supported tiiis proposal.
The French proposal was introduced in the
Council of Foreign Ministers at London in No-
vember 1947. The Soviets would have none of it.
The Conference ended with no progress on a treaty.
During 1948 the question of the Austrian treaty
did not come before the Council of Foreign Min-
isters. The deputies met repeatedly, disagreed,
and adjourned.
At one time it did appear, briefly, that the
Soviets were ready to come to some kind of under-
standing. Early in 1948 they submitted their
own specific demands. Adapting the French pro-
posal to their own figures, they asked for a cash
settlement of 200 million dollars, two-thirds of all
oil production for 50 years, all the assets of the
Danube Shipping Company in eastern Austria,
and other properties. And they continued to de-
mand that Yugoslavia's claims be met.
The Soviet proposal was unacceptable to Aus-
tria and was rejected by the Western Powers.
At the suggestion of the United States the depu-
ties met at London February 9, 1949. By mid-
April it had become obvious that the Soviet dep-
uty, acting on orders from Moscow, was pursuing
deliberate delaying tactics. It was useless to con-
tinue until after the meeting of the Foreign Min-
isters scheduled for May at Paris.
At Paris the Western Powers made their posi-
tion clear. When Austria came up on the agenda,
they jointly declared:
Austria i.s a liberated country. It Is extremely difficult
to justify continued military occupation four years after
Allied troops liberated Austrian territory from Nazi domi-
nation. The Austrian people and the Austrian govern-
ment have repeatedly called upon us to fulfill our
responsibilities and to complete the task we assumed.
Surely the time is long overdue for the execution of these
commitments.
In the meanwhile there had been one develop-
ment. Relations between Yugoslavia and the
Soviet Union had cooled. The open break was yet
to come, but notes had begun to fly back and forth
between Tito and the Kremlin.
Approached now on Yugoslavia's claims, the
Soviet Foreign Minister, Mr. Molotov, made a
gesture of defending his one-time friends and then
abandoned them. Their claims would be dropped.
With that obstacle removed, the Western
Powers, with Austria's approval, made an ofl'er.
They agreed that the U.S.S.R. should receive 60
percent of Austrian oil production, shares in the
Danube Shipping Company, and a 150-million-
dollar cash settlement. It was a high price, but
putting an end to the occupation and restoring
Austrian sovereignty were thought to be worth it.
The concessions were made on the understanding
that they would be incorporated in a final treaty
to be completed by September 1, 1949. With the
Soviets apparently agreeing, the deputies were
instructed to set to work and be ready with the
treaty by that date.
Austrian hopes rose with the news of the Paris
"settlement." "Now we shall be masters in our
own house," commented the Austrian Foreign
Minister, Karl Gruber. He was given a trium-
phant reception when he returned to Vienna.
And so the deputies met July 1, 1949, at London
to finish up the business — or so the Austrians and
the Western Powers thought.
They were soon disillusioned. It was the old
question of "German assets." The Soviets had
been perfectly willing to make big concessions at
the expense of Yugoslavia, but wjien it came to
their own interests even slight compromises were
out of the question.
For e.xample, tliere was a large amount of rail-
road rolling stock which the Soviets had seized
as "war booty." At Paris the Foreign Ministers
had agreed that war booty was to be returned to
Austria. The deputies were to define the exact
meaning of the term. The Soviet deputy now l
refused to agree that these railroad items, vitally I
important to Austrian economy, came under the
heading of "war booty."
Under the Paris agreement the Soviets were to
receive 60 percent of the oil exploration lands in
Austria. In London the Soviet deputy inter-
preted this clause in such a way as to assure a
monopoly for the Soviet Union on virtually all
future Austrian oil production.
The Paris agreement would have allotted the
Soviets oil refineries in Austria with an annual
refining capacity of 420,000 tons. In London the
Soviet deputy handed the other deputies a long
list of refineries to which the Soviets laid claim i
under this provision. By manipulating produc- i
tion figures, they had enlarged the agreed Paris
total to include all major Austrian refineries.
They demanded full title to the sole pipeline I
running from the producing area to the refineries.
They insisted upon rights to Danube shipping
properties, even in excess of those formerly pos-
sessed by the Danube Shipping Company.
Thus there was no treaty ready for the Foreign
Ministers on the scheduled date, September 1, 1949.
The deputies met again in New York during the
last week in September. At that time the Foreign
Ministers of the Four Powers were at Lake Success
attending a session of the General Assembly of
the United Nations.
The first few meetings of the deputies produced
no results. An appeal was made to the Soviet
Foreign Minister, Mr. Vyshinsky, and on October
6 Mr. Vyshinsky made public a statement to the
effect that the unagreed articles presented no
problem if "German assets" could be settled to
Soviet satisfaction.
Briefly there was hope. The Soviet deputy,
however, announced that the Soviet Lfnion would
make no concessions. He concluded his statement
with an abrupt "That is all, gentlemen."
810
Department of State Bulletin
Finally, on November 11, the U.S. deputy an-
nounced'that the United States would be willing
to accept the wording of the Soviet draft on "Ger-
man assets." It was clear, however, that the
United States was not taking this position because
it agreed in principle but only because of the
wishes of Austria to be free, even at this price.
j Word went out from Lake Success that chances
■ for completion of the treaty draft by the end of
the month were very good.
The "Dried Peas Debt"
The hopes thus raised were soon dashed. The
Soviet deputy announced that he could not agree
until he knew the outcome of Soviet-Austrian ne-
gotiations on Soviet claims for compensation for
postwar relief supplies allegedly given Austria.
He said he would not continue the discussion until
this matter had been settled.
This was, of course, a completely extraneous
i issue. It had nothing to do with the treaty.
The Austrians contended that the supplies in-
volved were largely dried peas taken fi'om
Wehrmacht stores in Vienna by the Soviets at the
time of "liberation" and distributed to the hungry
population in the days immediately following.
The Austrians had made every effort to settle
the business with the Soviets, but the Soviets had
refused to set a figure. They had ignored Aus-
trian notes on the subject.
News of the introduction of the issue as a bar
to the treaty was received in Vienna with shock
] and bewilderment.
' The deputies adjourned to reconvene at London
January 9, 1950, when, presumably, the issue of
the dried peas would have been settled. The Aus-
trians resumed their efforts to close the "dried
peas debt" but were unsuccessful.
The issue was still unresolved when the deputies
met at London.
The meeting dragged on through April. With
the excuse of the "dried peas debt" wearing thin,
the Soviet deputy came up with an entirely new
issue. He charged the Austrian Government and
the Western Powers with encouraging a revival
of nazism and remilitarization in Austria. Al-
most identical charges had been examined re-
peatedly by the Allied Council in Vienna, where
the Western High Commissioners had found them
imconvincing, vague, and unsupported by the
evidence.
Not content with this, the Soviet deputy asked
the other deputies to attend a special meeting on
May 4, 1950, where he said he would have "some-
thing important" to say.
That "something important" was a denuncia-
tion of the United States and Great Britain for
their presence in Trieste.
Despite the obvious fact that the Austrian
treaty had no direct relationship with the Trieste
question, the Soviet deputy stated on May 22 that
June 8, 7953
"before signing the treaty with Austria, it is nec-
essary that the Governments of the U.S.A., Great
Britain and France should reply to the note of
the Soviet Government of April 20 on the question
of Trieste."
Austria, apparently, was to serve as a hostage
to force compliance on the part of the Western
Powers on this entirely irrelevant issue. If this
linking of two unrelated matters prevented the
conclusion of a treaty, the Soviet exploitation of
Austria could continue.
In terms of progress toward a treaty, the year
1951 was practically a blank. At a meeting at
Paris the Western cleputies made a strenuous ef-
fort to agree upon a meeting of the Council of
Foreign Ministers and to have the Austrian ques-
tion included on the agenda but failed.
In September U.S. Secretary of State Acheson,
Foreign Minister Schuman of France, and For-
eign Secretary Morrison of the United Kingdom
met in Washington. They discussed the Austrian
treaty and on September 14 issued a tripartite
declaration, which, in part, stated :
. . . there is no justification for any further delay in the
conclusion of a treaty for the re-establishment of a free
and independent Austria. This has been a constant aim
since the conclusion of hostilities. They [the three
Western Powers] will not desist in their efforts to bring
the Soviet Government to the same view and to that end
they have decided to make a new and resolute effort in
the meetings of the Austrian Treaty Deputies to fulfill
the long over-due pledge to the Austrian people.
Speaking before the Sixth Session of the Gen-
eral Assembly of the United Nations in Paris,
November 1.3, 1951, Secretary Acheson called upon
the Soviet Union for action. He said :
For more than five years now the United Kingdom,
France, the Soviet Union, and the United States have
been discussing the conclusion of a treaty for Austria.
The four powers have promised the Austrian people in-
dependence. The Austrians have long ago fulfilled all the
conditions for the restoration of their complete sov-
ereignty. But the country is still under occupation . . .
the Soviet leaders can speak the word which will fulfill
their promise to Austria.
A new meeting of the deputies was called for
January 29 at London.
The Soviet deputy refused to attend. No meet-
ing, therefore, could be held.
The "Short Treaty" Is Drawn
In the spring of 1952 the Western Powers took
an important step in an effort to break the dead-
lock in the negotiations.
The 1949 agreement on the basic treaty pro-
visions had included a provision that the final
treaty should be ready by September 1 of that
year. That deadline, however, had not been met.
In the meantime Austria had moved ahead.
The situation had changed. Many of the provi-
sions of the draft treaty were no longer applicable.
Others were too punitive for a country wnose de-
8T1
votion to democratic principles and whose ability
to put them into effect had been demonstrated.
Austria was no longer on trial. She had proved
herself.
Accordingly, the Western Powers set to work
to prepare a new draft. The result of their labors
was a short treaty of just eight articles.^ Of
these, seven were agreed articles from the old draft
and were, as the Western Powers saw them, all
that was needed to assure Austria her freedom and
independence.
One article was new. It read :
Each of the Allied and Associated Powers shall ... re-
linquish to Austria all property, real and personal, of
whatever description, held or claimed by them as German
Assets or war booty in Austria.
The matter of Soviet rights to compensation was
not disputed. The new article, however, took
into consideration the 7 years of exploitation of
the Austrian economy by the Soviets.
The new draft proposed to put an end to that
exploitation. It proposed to restore to Austria
not only her political independence but the where-
withal to make that independence meaningful.
The new draft was submitted to Moscow March
13, 1952. With it went notes from the Western
Powers explaining the proposal and urging the
Soviet Government to cooperate in this latest ef-
fort to fulfill the pledges of the Moscow Declara-
tion.
The U. S. note said : *
The Government of the United States considers that
failure to reach an Austrian settlement lias placed a heavy
and unnecessary burden on the Austrian people and has
contributed materially to the maintenance of the danger-
ous tensions which unhappily exist in international
relations. It is the most earnest desire of the Govern-
ment of the United States to do everything within its
power to remove these tensions. The conclusion of an
Austrian treaty would constitute an important step to-
ward the consolidation of peace.
Weeks and months slipped by without a reply
from the Soviets. The Western Powers for-
warded "reminders" to Moscow from time to
time and still received no reply.
In July the Austrian Government itself took
action. A memorandum was circulated among the
members of the United Nations calling attention
to the situation and presenting the Austrian case.'
The memorandum said, in part:
The protracted occupation of Austria, the duration of
which can now not even be estimated, affects Austrian
political and economic interests in the most serious
manner.
There was a brief survey of Austrian properties
now in the hands of the Soviets. (For text, see
Annex.)
The preference of the Austrian Government for
the short draft treaty was stated :
'Ibid., Mar. 24, 1952, p. 449.
'Ibid., p. 448.
• Ibid., Aug. 11, 1952, p. 221.
. . . negotiations cannot be resumed on the basis of the
old treaty draft which . . . contains a number of financial
and economic provisions no longer bearable . . . and
hardly ever acceptable to the Austrian Parliament . . .
Reaction among U. N. members to the Austrian
memorandum was definitely favorable. It was
hard for anyone to see why Austria should not
be restored to freedom and independence. Senti-
ment for its admission to the United Nations itself
was strong.
On August 14, 5 months almost to a day after the
short treaty draft had been forwarded to Moscow,
the Soviets replied."
The tone of the reply was not encouraging. The
Soviets demanded, first of all, the withdrawal of
the new draft. Trieste was again mentioned, and
there were references to demilitarization and de-
nazification. The Austrian memorandum was
condemned as "notorious."
Specific criticisms of the new draft, however, I
were limited to charges that the text omitted cer-
tain agreed articles in the old draft guaranteeing I
democratic rights to the Austrian people and |
granting the Austrian Government the right to
maintain its own national armed forces. The last
objection was curiously inconsistent in light of
the references to "demilitarization." Actually, of
course, Austria has no national armed forces. It
owns not a single military plane or planes of any
description. It has no guns, no tanks, no ammu-
nition, no troops.
The Western Powers lost no time in replying
to the Soviet note. They sent a note to Moscow
in which they agreed to the inclusion in the new
draft of the articles from the old draft covering
the points raised by the Soviets.''
The Soviets were reminded, however, that the 1
present Austrian Constitution and Austrian legis- I
lation actually in force provided full democratic
rights to the Austrian people. Three free elec-
tions since 1945 had been held, with a resulting
Government holding the full confidence of the
Austrian people.
Said the U.S. note :
Nonttheless, appreciating the careful consideration given
by the U.S.S.R. during the past five months to the pro-
posal of March 13, 1052, and anxious, as it has been
since the Moscow Declaration of 1943, to restore to Austria
full independence, the Government of the United States
therefore proposes that there be added to its proposal of
March 13, 1952 articles 7, 8, and 9 of the long draft as
previously agreed upon by the four powers.
These were the articles of the old draft referring
to the democratic rights of the Austrian people.
The Western Powers agreed also to the inclusion
in the new draft of the old article on armed forces
for Austria.
Of this the U.S. note said :
With reference to the Soviet Government's objections
to the proposal of March 13, 1952 in that it passes over
the right of Austria to have its own national armed forces
' Ibid., Sept. 1, 1952, p. 322.
' Ibid., Sept. 15, 1952, p. 404.
812
Department of State Bulletin
necessary for the defense of the country, the Government
of the United States considers that the right to maintain
armed forces belongs inherently to a free and independent
nation and should not have to be specifically granted to a
nation never considered to have been an enemy. The
Soviet Government, however, implies by its reference to
the long draft of the State Treaty that it wishes to place
limitations upon Austria's right to have national armed
forces for its self-defense. While seeing no necessity thus
to limit Austrian sovereign rights the United States Gov-
ernment, in order to reach early agreement and to termi-
nate the occupation, would accept, although reluctantly,
the addition of Article 17 of the long draft to its proposal
of March 13, 1952.
The specific objections of the Soviets having
been met, the Western Powers then proposed tliat
a meeting of the deputies be scheduled for Sep-
tember 29 in London to initial the new draft as
amended to meet the Soviet objections.
Said the United States :
The Government of the United States . . . believes
that the way is now clear for the conclusion of an Austrian
settlement . . .
But the meeting called for September 29 was
destined never to take place. On September 27
the Western Powers received identical notes from
the Soviet Government reiterating its demand
that the short draft be withdrawn before any fur-
ther discussion of the Austrian treaty.
The emphasis in their objections to the new
draft, however, had shifted. The block was again
"German assets."
This time the mask was off. The Soviets made
little attempt to conceal their determination not
to discuss any treaty which would require them
to disgorge their loot. They wanted that thor-
oughly understood before even consenting to meet
with the Western Powers.
There was no meeting in London on the date set.
The next development was the effort by the
Soviets to prevent the inclusion of the Austrian
question on the agenda of the General Assembly.
Then came the fight in the General Assembly to
prevent consideration, and later approval, of the
Brazilian resolution. On both points the Soviets
were unsuccessful. The resolution was adopted.
On January 12, 1953, the Western Powers, in
identical notes ^ to the Soviet Government, called
to the attention of Moscow the wishes of the U.N.
members, clearly expressed in the vote on the
Brazilian resolution.
Said the notes :
It is proposed, therefore, rather than to continue the
sterile exchange of notes . . . that a meeting of the
Austrian Treaty Deputies be held at an early date for
the purpose of concluding an Austrian Treaty.
The meeting was set for January 30, 1953, at
London.
At first it appeared unlikely that the Soviet
deputy would attend. In another note Moscow de-
manded the withdrawal of the short treaty before
any meeting was scheduled.
'liid., Jan. 26, 1953, p. 135.
The Western Powers stood firm. The meeting
was postponed a week. February 6 was the new
date.
This time the Soviet deputy, Andrei Gromyko,
put in his appearance. He came armed with his
Government's instructions to prevent the conclu-
sion of an Austrian treaty.
He declared that only after withdrawal of the
new draft could "other matters relating to the
Austrian question be discussed."
The Western Powers were conciliatory. They
stated that the meeting had been called simply
to discuss an Austrian treaty. The French dep-
uty suggested that anything could be discussed
that could lead to the desired end.
The U.S. deputy proposed, in light of the So-
viets' objections to the short draft, that it be laid
aside and work be resumed on the old long draft.
He said that he would be ready to withdraw the
abbreviated treaty if they could conclude a just
and equitable treaty on any other basis, including
the long draft, without further delay. As the
Soviet Government had expressed readiness to
conclude a treaty on the basis of the long draft,
he formally proposed that discussion begin by
going through the long draft.
Mr. Gromyko, however, again insisted that no
discussion could take place until the new draft
was withdrawn. He refused to enter into any
discussion, even after the Western deputies agreed
that the short draft would be withdrawn if a just
and equitable treaty could be concluded on any
other basis without delay.
The Western deputies repeated their willingness
to begin the discussion by a review of the long
draft. To this the Soviet deputy replied, "I have
nothing to add to my previous position."
Considering that the Western Powers had
agreed to resume business on the basis of the old
draft, Mr. Gromyko's "position" seemed highly
indefinite. Since he refused to go further into
the subject, it became more than apparent that
attempts to continue the discussion would be
futile. The meeting was suspended.
And so, in the spring of 1953, the question of
freedom and independence for Austria was still
unresolved. The attitude of the Soviet Union
leaves little hope for a satisfactory conclusion of
a treaty in the immediate future.
Austria is still occupied. In June 1947, the
United States waived payment from Atistria for
occupation costs, but Austria still foots the bill for
the upkeep of the troops of the other occupying
powers. Speaking of the total economic burden
borne by Austria, Foreign Minister Gruber has
said :
Had it not been for the generous aid of friendly nations,
and in particular the United States of America, Austria
would be an economic wreck today.
In light of the pledges of the Moscow Declara-
tion, the Austrian people resent the fact that their
country has been singled out for such treatment.
June 8, 1953
813
Occupation forces have been withdrawn from
Italy and Japan, admittedly "enemy" nations.
Treaties have been sijjned with Bulgaria, Finland,
Hungary, Italy, Japan, and Rumania.
Austria, by solemn agreement a "liberated"
country and never an enemy, now asks to be lib-
erated from her "liberators." She asks that the
pledges of the Moscow Declaration be fulfilled.
The United States backs that plea. In his con-
cluding remarks before the Political and Security
Committee, Ambassador Cohen said :
Austria seeks only justice. And it is justice long de-
layed. M.v Government believes that Austria is entitled
to its freedom and independence . . .
ANNEX
Losses I ncurred by Austria Through the Occupation '
A complete enumeration of all losses suffered by Austria
through the occupation which has now lasted for more
than seven years, and a detailed description required in
this connection of its indirect effects on Austria's economy,
which can only be fully ascertained after the withdrawal
of the troops of occupation, would go far beyond the limit
of this short information. Therefore, only a few partic-
ularly important facts and figures indicating the extent
and diversity of the losses incurred will be presented in
the following paragraphs.
1. Direct costs of occupation :
From 1945 to 1951 Austria has paid more than 6400 mil-
lion Austrian Shillings in occupation costs, A. S. 5200 mill,
of which were paid directly to the powers of occupation,
while the remaining A. S. 1200 mill, were used for the
exchange, at a rate of 1 : 1, of the military shilling notes
issued by the occupying powers in 1045. (It should be
noted here that the American occupation authorities, in
recognition of the fact that there was no reason to con-
tinue the occupation of a liberated Austria waived their
claim to occupation costs.)
To this day, direct occupation costs, converted into
Dollars at the present rate of exchange, amount to ap-
proximately .$300 mill.
If the rate of exchange of 1 : 10 in force from 1945 to
November 1949 is applied to the occupation costs paid
during this period, the sum spent on occupation costs from
1945 to this day amounts to $530 mill.
2. Indirect losses suffered by the state :
All goods shipped to the occupation powers are exempt
from any taxes, dues and customs formalities. The en-
terprises seized by Soviet Authorities (UsiA-enterprises)
do not pay the prescribed taxes ; similarly, no tax is paid
from the illegal sale of foreign tobacco products, made
possible solely by the fact of the occupation.
The losses in taxes and dues thus incurred by the Aus-
trian state up to the end of 1951 can be estimated as
follows :
million Shillings
Custom duties 1, 1'iO
Direct taxes 540
Excise taxes 123
Tobacco-tax 1, 520
Total 3, 343
' .-Vnnex 5 of memorandum presented to the Department
of State July 31, 1952, by the Austrian charge d'affaires,
announcing his Government's intention of taking to the
United Nations its plea for the conclusion of a State
treaty to end the occupation of Austria and restore its
national sovereignty.
This sum, calculated at the present rate of exchange
of A.S. 21,36 to U.S. $1 (disregarding the rate of A.S.
10 to $1 valid until 1949) corresponds to appr. $150 milL
3. Seizures and dismantlements:
Following the liberation of Austria a series of seizures,
dismantlements and removals of all kind were carried
out. The losses incurred through the dismantlement and
removal of machinery, semi-finished products, raw mate-
rials and equipment amount to appr. $500 mill.
4. Tourist traflJc in Austria :
The losses suffered by the Austrian tourist industry
through the seizure of tourist establishments thus di-
verted from their original use amount to $24,5 mill. The
sums necessary f(u- the restoration of these tourist estab-
lishments, which have suffered severest damage by such
seizure and diversion are estimated at .$29 mill.
Moreover, the exploitation by a power of occupation
of the oil deposits in Austria signifies for the -Austrian
economy a yearly loss of many millions of Dollars, as
illustrated by the following figures:
1. Production in 1951 2, 236. 000 tons
Value based on the price of crude
oil only of $17 per ton . . . appr. $38,000,000
Considering the Austrian refining
capacity of 1,300.000 tons, and
assuming an average price for
refined oil products of .$30,
the above figure is increased
to appr. $.55,000,000
Deliveries to Austrian consumers
(finished products) 813.000 tons
Remaining production, exported j
after deduction of the quantities |
used by the oil plants and the
Usi.\-enterprises 1, 180. 000 tons
(53%)
Thus, the los.ses suffered by Austria
in convertible currency in 1951
amounted to $23,000,000
On the other hand, in spite of her
own oil production, 53% of
which is being exported, Austria
had to import, in 1951, mineral
oil products of a value of ... . $4, 349. 000
2. An area of I(i0.4."i2 hectares (appr. 2T0.,30n acres) of
arable soil has been seized and removed from Austria
control.
3. One half of Austria's Danubian river fleet, includ-
ing practically all riparian installation, warehouses
etc. was also seized.
4. Nearly 000 railway engines and thousands of rail-
way coaches were removed as war booty.
5. In addition, 9 telephone exchanges, sixty thousand
switchboard connections and 30.000 telephones were
dismantled.
U.S.S.R. Declines Participation
in Austrian Treaty Meeting
Press release 291 dated May 26
On May 25 Soviet Ambassador Malik at Lon-
don addressed a letter to the Secretary General^
of the Austrian treaty deputies declining the Tat-
ter's invitatio7i for participation of the Soviet
Government in a meeting of the treaty deputies,
^uhich teas to hare been held at London beginning
on May 27. On May 26 Ambassador Malik re-
ceived a reply to his conununication in the form
814
Department of State Bulletin
?/ a joint note delivered iy treaty deputies of the
United States, the United Kingdom, and France.
Following are the texts of Amhassador Maliki's
letter and of the reply of the treaty deputies:
loviet Communication of May 25
In confirming receipt of your letter of the 11
iMay in which it is proposed to call in London on
Ithe 27 May a meeting of the deputies for the prep-
aration of a draft state treaty for Austria I con-
sider it necessary to call your attention to the
following:
First of all it should be recalled that the Council
of Deputy Foreign Ministers for the Austrian
Treaty is not in any way a permanent quadri-
partite organ and the summoning of such meet-
ings lies within the competence of tlie Council of
Foreign Ministers, the setting up of which was
decided at the Potsdam Conference of 19-45.
Starting from the year 1917, the question of an
Austrian treaty was submitted on a number of
occasions to sessions of the deputies but, in spite
of the efforts made from the Soviet side, agreement
was not reached. In the years 1947-49, appro-
priate meetings of the deputies were held, but they
did not lead to the results which they should have.
The meetings of the deputies which took place in
the year 1950 also did not lead to a solution of
the question of an Austrian treaty. Likewise in
view of the position taken up by the representa-
tives of tlie three powers, the meetings of the dep-
uties held in February 1953 did not alter the
position.
In view^ of the foregoing circumstances, there
are no grounds to suppose that the meeting of the
deputies which is now proposed would give any
more successful results than the preceding
meetings.
In connection with the foregoing, I propose
that, at the present time, it would be more expedi-
ent to consider this question through diplomatic
channels by means of an appropriate exchange
of opinions.
Treaty Deputies' Joint Note of May 26
In his letter of the 25 May to the Secretary Gen-
eral of the Deputies for the Austrian Treaty, the
Soviet Deputy alleged that a meeting of the Treaty
Deputies could be called only at the request of
the Council of Foreign Ministers, and asserted
that there were no grounds for believing that the
meeting called for the 27 May would be successful.
The Deputies of France, the United Kingdom and
the United States fail to understand the Soviet
Deputy's position. It is the assigned task of the
Deputies to draft an Austrian Treaty. All but
a few of their 260 previous meetings were called
without specific instructions from the Council of
Foreign Ministers. Moreover, at the last meeting
of the Deputies on February 9, 1953, the Soviet
Deputy agreed to an adjournment with the under-
standing that the next meeting would be called by
the United Kingdom Chairman at an early date.
The three Deputies consider unwarranted the
assumption by the Soviet Deputy that the meeting
jjroposed would not lead to the conclusion of an
Austrian Treaty. At the last meeting they made
it i^erfectly clear they were prepared to accept any
treaty in terms which would ensure Austria's
l^olitical and economic independence. They are
convinced tliat, given goodwill on the Soviet side,
it would still be possible to conclude such a treaty.
The three Deputies deeply regret the refusal of
the Soviet Deputy to meet and are reporting the
position to their respective governments.
Rumanian Diplomat Declared
Persona Non Grata
Press release 2S9 dated May 26
The Department of State on May 26 notified the
Legation of the Rumanian People's Republic that
Christache Zambeti, First Secretary of the Lega-
tion, is persona non grata for activities incompati-
ble with Mr. Zambeti's status as a diplomat ac-
credited to this Government. The Department
ordered Mr. Zambeti's immediate departure from
the United States.
The action taken was based on carefully verified
information which revealed that Mr. Zambeti on
May 20 called at the home of V. C. Georgescu, a
naturalized American citizen of Rumanian descent
residing in New York City, and attempted to sub-
vert Mr. Georgescu to collaborate politically with
the Comnumist regime of Rumania to the detri-
ment of tlie U. S. Government. The price offered
for this collaboration was to be the welfare of Mr.
Georgescu's minor sons and their possible restora-
tion to their parents. Mr. Georgescu's sons,
Costantin and Peter, ages 19 and 14 respectively,
were born in Rumania and have been refused per-
mission by the Rumanian authorities to come to
this country to rejoin their parents. Mr. Geor-
gescu rejected the proposal of Mr. Zambeti and
reported the matter to the proper authorities.
Following is the text of the Department's note
to the Legation of the Rumanian People's Republic
regarding the status of Mr. Zambeti :
The Acting Secretary of State presents his compliments
to the Minister of the Uiimanian People's Kepublic aud
invites his attention to the following:
The Government of the United States has ascertained
that Christache Zambeti, First Secret.ary of Lesation, has
engaged in activities incompatible with iiis status as an
accredited diplomatic official.
Therefore, this Government is impelled to declare Mr.
Zambeti persona non grata. The Legation is requested
to make arrangements for his immediate departure from
the United States.
June 8, ?953
815
Reiteration of Principles
of UNC Position on POW Issue
Statement hy the President
White House press release dated May 26
The attention of the free world is focused upon
the armistice negotiations at Panmunjom. There,
on May 25, the U.N. Command renewed its efforts
to bring an honorable peace to Korea and a fair
and humane settlement of the Pow issue. To speed
these negotiations the U.N. Command requested
executive, in other words confidential, sessions.
We are continuing to observe the executive nature
of those sessions.
There are, however, certain principles inherent
in the U.N. Command position which are basic and
not subject to change. No prisoners will be re-
patriated by force. No prisoners will be coerced
or intimidated in any way. And there must be a
definite limit to the periotl of their captivity. The
procedures used in handling the prisoners must
reflect these principles.
In all this, our allies are in full accord. These
principles accord also with the prevailing view
of a representative bipartisan group of Senators
and Congressmen who have been consulted.
Finally: These principles on which we stand
are the same as those which were formally ap-
proved by 54 members of the United Nations.
The Faith of Free Men
by Robert L. Johnson
Adminhtrator, International Information Ad-
ministration ^
Some time between now and sunrise tomorrow
morning, hundreds of people who are waiting —
hiding out in the forests, along the river banks,
and in the fields — will risk their lives to escape to
freedom. How many of them have come over
from the Iron Curtain? The answer is nearly 2
million persons, more than 150,000 of whom have
crossed this great divide in 1953. These are the
people the Soviet party members and their satel-
lite henchmen have instructed, indoctrinated, and
intimidated. Yet still they come.
The real story of the people behind the Iron
Curtain is told also in the recent demonstrations in
Czechoslovakia— the demonstrations which began
when the Communists tore down the statue of
Tomas Masaryk, the beloved first President of the
Czech Republic. In the city of Brno, school chil-
dren formed into a procession and marched to the
site. When the police tried to interfei-e, the
'Address made before the All-American Conference To
Combat Communism at Washington on May 23 (press re-
lease 2S0 dated May 22).
women of Brno were at the children's side, and
they were followed by the workers. Surely, as the
Voice of America pointed out in a broadcast to the
people of Czechoslovakia, those Communist police-
men must have sensed their ultimate fate.
Most of us, of course, know why these people
have revolted from communism. They seek only
what a former citizen of the Soviet Ukraine found
here in the United States. How surprised she was
to discover that here no identification papers are
required. She did not have to register at a police
station. She could live where she chose, travel
freely from place to place, with no forbidden zones. |
As she tells it : "Everything here depends on one's ;
own initiative, ability, and will to organize one's i
own life. Such is life in America."
How well this woman's expression of apprecia- ,
tion points up the difference between the free
world and the slave world. The fabric of the •
free world is a deep and abiding faith in our free- j
doms. The fabric of international communism is
fear— fear of oppression, and tyranny, and inhu- j
manity. The true source of the bonds between I
free nations, as President Eisenhower has said, is j
the fundamental faiths we share together. i
Consider, for a moment, the rich heritage passed '
on to us by our brave ancestors. They left their j
homes, renounced security, and with their families i
entered the wilderness and endured incredible
hardships. They came in quest of spiritual goals.
They embedded in the virgin soil of a new conti-
nent the principles and convictions which have
distinguished our Nation from all the empires of
totalitarianism, past and present. For theirs was
the true revolution, one dedicated to making a real-
ity of individual freedom — the finest ideal that
the mind can conceive.
What Free People Really Believe
Wliat do free people really believe? It comes
down, I think, to certain simple and yet all-
powerful convictions :
— That a man can better himself by his own
efforts and be respected for what he does, regard-
less of color, creed, or racial origin;
— That wealth is something to be created by
mutual effort, not something to be taken away
from somebody else;
— That the privilege of citizenship carries with
it personal responsibilities for the improvement
of the community;
—That the "other fellow" has his side of the
story and a right to be heard;
— That government is the servant, not the
master of the people, and it can never confiscate
property, mincls, or souls;
— Above all, free people believe that men live
for a higher purpose than their own small aims
under the laws of a power beyond that of any
man in any state.
816
Department of State Bulletin
' These convictions are intertwined in the fabric
of our faith. They give us, in fact, the brawn,
the nerve, and the mind which are our strength
in meeting with the primary task that faces the
United States and the free world today.
' Tliat task is well-known to you. It is to coun-
ter the evils let loose in the world by a system of
i government whose basic tenets are the opposite of
'our own, and whose final aim is to engorge the
world. This system is now developing every tech-
nique of propaganda and subversion, in a cam-
'paign menacing to our way of life. Since World
War II it has spread into a major effort to divide
'the free world. Its primary effort is to isolate
'the United States and to undermine confidence in
our strength, the sincerity of our stated purposes,
and our leadership.
' In short, this is the "campaign of hate," and its
proportions are staggering. The Soviet Union
and its satellites are now spending about $1.5 bil-
lion each year on direct propaganda alone. And
Red China has budgeted almost an equal amount
for propaganda. These expenditures do not in-
clude the vast sums also being spent in support
of the Communist government regimes by the
Communist parties, nor by the organizations
which are curry-combed by the followers and the
travelers to serve the ends of communism.
But they do not rely solely on direct propaganda.
They inspire riots, as in Paris, Tokyo, and Essen
in 1952. They create the threat of war in Asia
and in Eastern Germany. They infiltrate under-
ground, and they stir up conflicts between groups
and between nations.
To meet this challenge in the "war of ideas,"
the U.S. Government, through the International
Information Administration (Iia), is conducting
a program of information and educational ex-
change. The purpose is twofold : to combat com-
munism and to inspire hope and confidence in the
unity and strength of free men. Both aims are
basic.
In my opinion, we should bring about two
things. First, we must use all of our power to
remove the misconceptions about the United
States and to answer the lies the Communists tell
about us. For example, the Soviets chai'ge that
we are the aggressor in Korea. However amazing
that charge is to us, unless it is answered with the
truth, unless we bring the facts in the case to the
attention of millions of people, the charge will, to
say the least, influence their thinking and their
actions.
Second, we must inform the world by the ex-
amples of what we do and what we have done
that we are not an aggressive or an imperialistic
nation. We must tell other peoples not only of
what we do each day but of our historical actions
in fostering and granting independence to the
Philippines and to Puerto Rico; and of our non-
aggressive aims in the two great wars of the
century. Such truths as these will carry the con-
viction to other peoples that our purposes are just
what we say they are.
As I see it, the Iia has two definite assets. On
the one hand, we have a number of devoted men
and women working at the task. On the other,
we have "all the arguments" on our side.
We do not have to engage in deception or subter-
fuge ; we do not have to twist the truth. We do
not have the problem of the Soviets, who are try-
ing to make the people of Poland favor a system
under which they are paying higher and higher
prices for bread, meat, housing, and other bare
necessities while the Soviets are boasting to the
world about lower prices in the U.S.S.R. No one
in Poland needs to be an economist to realize that
his personal privations and denials, the draining
of his country, are what make the lower prices
possible in the Soviet Union.
In the last several years, the U.S. information
and exchange program has developed in a more or
less topsy fashion. It is a new arm of our Govern-
ment. It must strengthen the other means —
diplomatic, military, and economic — by which we
pursue our objectives abroad.
Effectiveness of IIA
Has this new arm of government done its job?
Is it effective now? Should the citizen continue
to pay his taxes in part to support such an
undertaking?
Most people who know something about this
program, I believe, have no hesitation in answer-
ing these questions affirmatively. They know,
moreover, that it is not the kind of program, like
making bullets or tanks or ships, where you can
apply the slide rules, the statistics, and the cost
factors, and then come up with a measured answer.
More and more people have realized that shower-
ing a thousand leaflets is worth while if only one
person picks up a copy and acts on it; that broad-
casting is worth while so long as there is one
radio receiver in operation; that the visit of one
person may have a profound effect on our rela-
tions with another country ; that a single film can
revolutionize the thinking of an entire village;
and that a book vitalized with the ideals of a
Lincoln will open the minds of all those who read
it.
This new program is effective, perhaps, only
when it reaches into the minds of other people
and presents the truth day in and day out. We
are doing just that in many ways, but the Amer-
ican people know very little or nothing at all
about it.
For example :
— When the Soviets must use almost 1,000 trans-
mitters to hold out the Voice of America (VOA)
at a cost which may exceed the entire budget of
our radio program; and when the VOA receives
four times as much audience mail as the BBC.
June 8, 1953
817
— AVlicn two priests, one in Italy and one in
tlie Pliilippines, can say, respectively:
One motion picture is worth a hundred sermons.
The thins I lil<e [aliout Iia's films] ... is that they
make people think. Thinking people make poor Com-
munists.
— When the Secretary of the Belgian American
Educational Foundation can report that of about
650 Belgians who had been to the United States
under the auspices of the foundation, 11 have since
become Ministers of State (3 have been Prime
Mini.sters), 5 have been Senators, 5 have been
members of the Chamber of Representatives. 14
have held positions in international organizations,
and nearly 300 were, or now are, faculty members
of the four Belgian universities or other institu-
tions of higher learning.
— "\Anien the distribution of press material in
several European countries, used by free trade
unionists, is credited with the failure of Com-
munist-attempted general strikes; and when the
only course of retaliation by the Communists must
take the form of bombing and burning our field
posts, as they have done in Damascus, Baghdad,
and Beirut.
— When the proposed elimination of informa-
tion centers — our libraries — in Schweinfurt, Ger-
many, and Hakodate, Japan, saw civic groups,
churches, and labor unions successfully petitioning
to retain these centers. In the Japanese city,
40,000 persons signed such a petition.
— And when, in an activity begun with one man
in 1948, nearly 800 projects have been developed
with organizations and individuals in the United
States so they could participate directly in this
overseas program.
When facts like this become known, when
the reasons for spreading the truth about our-
selves are fully understood, I am sure no sane
person w^ould ask: "Can we afford the Ii.\ pro-
gram?" He would say instead, "Can we afford
to be without it?"
But the most conclusive measure of the worth of
the program may be this : Suppose that the U.S.
Government had no overseas program of this
nature, no radio, no publications, no information
centers, no exchange of persons, no motion pic-
tures. In short, no explanation to the great
masses of people in tlie world of U.S. policy, U.S.
deeds, and what Americans stand for.
Quite obviously, few among us would favor
such a negative course in the world of today.
To do the positive job of spreading the truth,
and to do it most efficiently, we must eliminate
from the program any person who is not in com-
plete sympathy with the aims and purposes of
our Government. W^e must bring in the most
brilliant men and women available in the United
States. Every individual in the Iia, and every
new employee, must be what I would call a genuine
American.
For mark you well : This program is important.
It is an undertaking which the President and other
leaders regard as of the highest importance. For
they realize this : If our job of carrying America's
message of truth and hope to the world is well
done, there is a good chance that it will be the
weapon with which free men will finallj' overcome
the modern day challenge to freedom. It is our
best hope for enduring peace — backed by the faith
of free men.
Reed Mission Reports
on Pakistan Survey
Press release 287 dated May 25
The food survey mission to Pakistan under
Harry Reed, dean of the Agriculture Extension
Service of Purdue University, has returned and
made its report to the Department of State and
the Mutual Security Agency.
The purpose of the mission was to make an
intensive survey of Pakistan's food needs for the
coming year in the light of that country's request
for U. S. assistance in supplying a quantity of
wheat. This objective was accomplished with
the excellent cooperation of Pakistan officials both
in Karachi and the provinces.
The mission reported that Pakistan is approach-
ing a very critical period for its national economy.
The most urgent problem is the assurance of a food
supply for the next 12 months. Mr. Reed em-
phasized that the people of Pakistan are fully
aware of this problem and have taken a number
of steps toward its solution. However, if a drastic
food shortage is to be averted, the efforts of the
Pakistan people will have to be supplemented with
substantial outside assistance for the procurement
of wheat.
Mr. Reed's associates on the mission were Nor-
man J. Volk, associate director of the Agriculture
Extension Service of Purdue, and Peter H. De-
laney, Office of South Asian Affairs, Department
of State.
King and Queen of Greece
Invited To Visit U.S.
White House press release dated May 28
During his present visit to Greece, the Secre-
tary of State extended on behalf of the President
an invitation to Their Majesties the King and
Queen of the Hellenes to visit the United States in
autumn of this year.
It will be a pleasure for the Government of
the United States to welcome for the first time
to this counti-y the rulers of a nation which con-
tributed so much of its classical heritage of ideas
to the concej^ts which animated the founders of
our democracy. The United States and Greece
818
Department of Sfate Bulletin
have maintained the most cordial relations since
the emergence of Greece as a modern State more
than a century ago. The visit of Their Majes-
ties King Paul and Queen Frederika will provide
the American people an opportunity to manifest
the warm friendship they have long felt for a
gallant ally whose record against armed aggi-es-
sion both during and after World War II has been
an inspiration to all of the free world.
Signing of Tax Conventions
With Australia
Press release 261 dated May 14
On May 14, 1953, Walter Bedell Smith, Acting
StH'i-etary of State, and Sir Percy C. Spender,
Australian Ambassador, signed three conventions
(treaties) between the United States and Australia
for the avoidance of double taxation and the pre-
vention of fiscal evasion, one relating to taxes on
income, one relating to taxes on the estates of
deceased persons, and one i-elating to taxes on
gifts.
The substantive provisions of the income-tax
and estate-tax conventions follow, in general, the
pattern of such conventions which have been
entered into by the United States with numerous
other countries. The gift-tax convention with
Australia is the first convention of this kind which
the United States has concluded with any country.
It also follows the general pattern of tax conven-
tions, the objective of which is to eliminate double
taxation as far as practicable.
The three conventions with Australia are sub-
ject to ratification and will be submitted to the
President for transmission to the Senate for ad-
vice and consent to ratification. Upon the ex-
change of instruments of ratification by the United
States and Australia, each of the conventions will
enter into force according to a formula set forth
in the particular convention.
Royal Treasures Returned
to Ryukyu Islands
Press release 206 dated May 28
Treasures of the former Royal Household of
the Ryukyu Islands were returned to the Ryu-
kyuan Government on Okinawa by Maj. Gen.
David A. D. Ogden, the Deputy Governor of the
Ryukyu Islands, on "Friendship Day," May 26,
19.53, which terminated a week's celebration in the
Ryukyus of the 100th anniversary of the visit of
Commodore Perry to the Ryukyu Islands in 1853.
These treasures were recovered earl}' this month
in the United States by the Bureau of Customs,
with the assistance of an Army sergeant, W^illiam
T. Davis, who was assigned to Okinawa in 1949.
At that time he learned of the tragic loss of the
special collections and archives of the old royal
court which had been preserved in the Shuri
Castle for over 400 years. These irreplaceable
documents and royal regalia were believed to have
been destroyed in 1945 when the cities of Naha
and Shuri, the ancient capital of the islands, be-
came a battlefield. In April 1952 fewer than 100
works concerning Ryukyu history remained in
the library at Shuri.
A gilded headpiece of the Sho Royal House is
among the items being restored to Okinawa under
U.S. Govermnent policies.
The return of the Omoro Soshi, the original 22
manuscript volumes of ancient Ryukyuan poems
and chants dating from the Ming dynasty, is of
unique importance. Volume I dates back from the
eleventh year of Chia-ch'ing (1532) and the other
volumes date from the third year of Tien-chi
(1623). This rare manuscript from the Shuri
Castle is the earliest extant copy of ancient songs
of great historic and religious significance for the
Ryukyuan people. Twenty-six volumes of the an-
nals of the Royal Household and genealogical rec-
ords of the princely families dating from 1702 and
1711 and other miscellaneous works are also being
returned. A complete record on microfilm of
these rare volumes has been made by the Depart-
ment of State.
(VISA andlDanish Government
Initiate Productivity Program
The Danish Government and the Mutual Secu-
rity Agency on May 15 put into motion a broad
program to increase Danish production and pro-
ductivity during the next 2 years. Announce-
ment of the undertaking was made on May 15 at
Washington. Simultaneously, Msa allotted $1,-
500,000 in defense support funds to Denmark
under terms of a new agi-eement, and said another
$1,500,000 allotment was planned before July 1.
These dollars will be used for the procurement of
commodities needed in Denmark's defense buildup.
Danish currency generated by the dollars will be
used to finance the new productivity campaign.
Under terms of the Danish Government-MsA
agreement, Denmark is earmarking 31,720,000
kroner (equal to $4,597,102) for the productivity
progi-ams of which about two-thirds is to be gen-
erated by Msa's new $3 million allocations and the
remainder taken from Danish Government
counterpart funds previously generated by Msa
dollar aid.
Denmark is the fourth country to enter into
such an agreement with Ms^\. Tlie others are the
United Kingdom, the Federal Republic of Ger-
many, and the Netherlands. Negotiations are in
progress with other countries.
MsA is directed to work with countries partici-
pating in the Mutual Security Program to develop
intensive productivity programs under the terms
of the "free enterprise" amendments to Mutual
June 8, 1953
819
Security legislation. These amendments provide
that MsA use up to $100,000,000 this year to gen-
erate foreign currency counterpart funds for pro-
ductivity programs in Western European coun-
tries which enter into agreements with Msa "with
a view to stimulating free enterprise and the ex-
pansion of the economies of those countries."
The Danish fund will provide 10,565,000 kroner
(equal to $1,531,160) for loans and grants to pri-
vate enterprises in industry and commerce;
4,500,000 kroner (equal to $652,174) to support a
building construction program; 15,000,000 kroner
(equal to $2,173,913) to increase agricultural pro-
duction; and 1,655,000 kroner (equal to $239,855)
as Denmark's contribution to the European pro-
ductivity agency established May 1 under the Or-
ganization for European Economic Cooperation
(Oeec).
The agreement specifies that commercial enter-
prises benefiting from the program are to share
their increased profits with labor and consumers.
A key part of the program is the development of
a corps of Danish consultants who will be avail-
able to aid industry, labor, and the distributing
and building trades. Intensive training for this
personnel will be provided through studies in Den-
mark, other parts of Europe and, when necessary,
the United States.
On completion of their training, the consultants
will be obligated to make their services available
to private enterprise or the productivity program
for at least 1 year in close cooperation with the
Danish Productivity Council. The Council,
which includes representatives of labor, employ-
ers. Government, and consumers, will supervise
the entire productivity program. It was set up
in 1949 to work towarcl higher productivity in
Danish industry and agriculture.
The industrial consultants will advise manage-
ment on the application of scientific principles, and
labor consultants will advise the free trade unions
regarding their role in the productivity campaign.
Similarly, construction and distribution consult-
ants will work closely with appropriate organiza-
tions in advising retailers and contractors on spe-
cial methods to raise the level of productivity and
to market the increased production which results.
To spur building construction, five machinery
depots will be established in various parts of Den-
mark which will rent equipment and machinery,
such as cranes, hoists, scaffolds, and the like, to
contractors who are unable to afford the purchase
of such equipment. The machinery available in
these warehouses will be sufficient to permit the
construction of about 4,200 apartments yearly, or
about 20 percent of Denmark's total annual new
construction.
Another major part of the program is a 4,000,000
kroner (equal to $579,710) revolving loan fund to
be devoted to the modernization of existing food
stores on the pattern of American self-service
stores. Low-interest loans not to exceed about
30,000 kroner each (equal to about $4,350) are to
be made to small- and medium-sized stores seeking
to convert to self-service type of operation.
Also in keeping with the objectives of the Msa
legislation is a project for the protection of con-
sumers' interests in the form of developing and
strengthening the existing Danish consumers' or-
ganization. This project will permit a substan-
tial expansion of consumer research work such as
the testing of products, educational programs, and
demonstrations to housewives.
A key segment of the agricultural productivity
program will be the establishment of about 90
pilot farms which will demonstrate modern and
efficient methods of feeding cattle, pigs, and poul-
try. An extensive program also is being devel-
oped to instruct farmers in the efficient use of
machinery, largely necessitated because the num-
ber of tractors in use in Denmark has increased
from 5,000 in 1945 to nearly 40,000 today.
Another important provision of the agricultural
productivity program is the setting up of an Agri-
cultural Information and Technical Service Office,
which will correspond to the American Agricul-
tural Extension Service. This office, working
with the Productivity Center, will attempt to
spread to farmers knowledge of improved agri-
cultural techniques to increase food and fiber
production.
U.S. Delegations
to International Conferences
Telegraph Consultative Committee (ITU>
The Department of State announced on May 25 (press
release 285) that the International Telegraph Consulta-
tive Committee of the International Telecommunication
Union is to hold its Seventh Plenary Assembly at Arnhem,
Netherlands, May 26-.Iune 13, 1953.
The United States will be represented at the meeting
by the following delegation :
Chairman
Edward M. Webster, Commissioner, Federal Communica-
tions Commission
Vice Chairman
Richard T. Blaclc, Telecommunications Policy Staff, De-
partment of State
Advisers
Robert G. Kreer, Assistant Chief for Telegraph, Divi-
sion of Communications and Records, Department
of State
William P. Richmond, Jr., Attach^, American Embassy,
Paris
Marion H. Woodward, Chief, International Division,
Common Carrier Bureau, Federal Communications
Commission
The Committee has no formal agenda for its Seventh
Plenary Assembly. Its work will consist of a review of
the reports and recommendations prepared by the various
study groups on their assigned subjects ; the adoption of
recommendations ; the formulation of new questions for
820
Department of State Bulletin
study ; and the taking of decisions, as necessary, on mat-
ters connected with the administration of the Committee
until its next plenary assembly.
Both the U. S. Government and private American tele-
communication companies have a direct interest in all
recommendations and decisions of the Committee which
may affect message service. Moreover, the United States
has made numerous contributions to the worlv of the
various study groups over the past few years.
Northwest Atlantic Fisheries Commission
The Department of State announced on May 25 (press
release 2S3) that the third meeting of the International
Commission for the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries would
convene at New Haven, Conn., on that day. The U.S.
Government will be represented at the meeting by the
fcilldwing delegation:
U.S. Commissioner
Jcilin L. Kaslj, Chief, Office of Foreign Activities, Fish and
Wildlife Service, Department of the Interior
Richard Knollenberg, Chester, Conn.
I'rancis W. Sargent, Director, Division of Marine Fish-
eries, Department of Conservation, Commonwealth of
Massachusetts, Boston, Mass.
Advisers
Ilirbert W. Graham, Chief, North Atlantic Fishery In-
vestigations, Fish and Wildlife Service, Department
of the Interior
Lionel A. Walford, Chief, Branch of Fishery Biology,
Fish and Wildlife Service, Department of the Interior
Under the terms of the International Convention for
the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries, which entered into
force in July 10.50, the Commission provides tlie machinery
fur international cooperation in the scientific investiga-
tion and development of the fishery resources of the
waters off the west coast of Greenland and the east coasts
of Canada and New England.
While the Commission has no direct regulatory powers,
it may recommend to governments the regulator.v meas-
ures that it considers necessary for maintaining, at a max-
inuira level for sustained production, the stocks of fish
which support the international fisheries in the convention
area. The members of the Commission are Canada, Den-
mark, France, Iceland, Italy, Norway, Portugal, Spain, the
United Kingdom, and the United States.
It is expected that the Commission will at its current
meeting adopt a comprehensive research program which
will constitute, in effect, a master plan for the future
research activities to be undertaken in the convention area
by the member governments under the auspices of the
Commission.
Among the matters of great interest to the United States
which the Commission will have before it are recommenda-
tions having to do with the New England haddock fisheries.
THE DEPARTMENT
Appointment
Robert Richardson Bowie as Director of the Policy
Planning Staff and Department representative on the
Planning Board of the National Security Council, ef-
fective May 28.
New Series of Broadcasts to Latin America
Press release 297 dated May 28
Robert L. Johnson, Administrator of the International
Information Administration, announced on May 28 that
Associated Broadcasters, Inc., of San Francisco, has been
authorized to use for Latin American broadcasts, until
June 30, two shortwave transmitters which they are pres-
ently operating under contract with Iia. The new series
of Latin American broadcasts will begin May 28 and
continue through the month of June.
This shortwave transmitting plant at San Francisco,
now to be used for the new series of broadcasts under pri-
vate auspices, was one of those affected when Dr. Johnson
gave notice, on April 1, that Iia contracts for facilities
at five shortwave transmitting plants would not be re-
newed. At that time the Administrator said that in
view of his proposed economy cuts in the Voice of America
personnel and language broadcasts, Iia would not need
these facilities after the present contract expired on
June 30.
The daily shortwave programs launched by Wesley I.
Dumm, president of Associated Broadcasters, Inc., from
6 : 30 to 9 : 30 p. m., e. s. t., fill approximately the same
time occupied by the Voice of America's Spanish language
broadcasts which terminated May 23.
This new series of programs, broadcast without addi-
tional cost to the Government, will consist mainly of music,
sports, and news currently used on San Francisco's Sta-
tion KSFO. Associated Broadcasters, Inc., will prepare
the selected music and sports programs for shortwave
broadcast with Spanish commentary at their own expense.
Spanish-speaking announcers will replace the usual KSFO
newscasts with items of particular interest to Latin
America.
In addition. Dr. Johnson added that the International
Information Administration had contracted with Asso-
ciated Broadcasters, Inc., to produce and broadcast to
Latin America, under the supervision of the Department
of State, a series of half-hour dramatic programs in Span-
ish, designed to cultivate friendships with the people of
Latin America. The programs are to be broadcast some
time between 6 : 30 and 9 : 30 p. m., e. s. t. The dramatic
series will be paid from funds appropriated by Congress
for radio programing to Latin America and Western
Europe by private international broadcasting licensees.
THE FOREIGN SERVICE
Praise for the Foreign Service
hy Acting Secretary Smith ^
I had not intended to talk shop today, and yet
I came here wanting in some way to pay a deserved
tribute to a career service and, believe me, it is
possible for me to apply a very, very rigid stand-
ard of comparison.
I have, in almost 40 years of service as an
Army officer, believed that I required a very high
standard of performance in my subordinates, that
' Transcript of extemporaneous remarks made before
the Foreign Service Association at Washington on May
27 (press release 294).
June 8, 1953
821
I have demanded more of them and of myself than
many of my contemporaries, and indeed my sub-
ordinates have felt the same way. I want you to
know that during the time I have been associated
with the Foreigrn Service, both abroad and in the
Department here, I have, and I say this literally,
been astonished — pleased and astonished — by the
hijrh qualities of intellectual honesty, integrity,
and devotion to duty which I have seen continu-
ously displayed. I don't mean just the long hours
of thankless work, away from the observation of
a superior, simply of getting a job done, but the
real dedication to a task, to a service, to an ideal.
It exceeds — it certainly equals if it does not ex-
ceed— anything that I have ever seen before, and
I wanted to acknowledge that fact.
This service does two things for you. It de-
velops an intellectual honesty which permeates the
entire personnel. I will give you an example.
After 40 years of service in various capacities
in Government, after being responsible for our
war planning on a high level, conducting various
large-scale military operations, then attending the
course of instruction in atomic energy, becoming
Director of Central Intelligence, and occupying
other positions of more or less sensitivity, I joined
the State Department and was, of course, sub-
jected to a full field investigation.
During the course of that investigation, one
of the officers charged with conducting it wanted
to find out something about my service in Moscow.
The only man who was immediately available who
had served with me was a friend and a son of a
friend, a young officer whom I had actually fired
out of Moscow because, while I think he is a very
good man, he was misplaced and was doing a
remarkably poor job. I am afraid I didn't handle
him very well on his report. I think he has re-
covered from that. In any event, it was to him
that the Fbi went to find out about my service
and, as he told an associate that had reached me
about third hand, the first thought was, "Well,
the mills of the gods grind slowly." Then he said,
"I thought it over and I could not in honesty
think of anything very bad to say about the old
goat." Weil, there is the opportunity for levity,
but it means what it says, and he said what he be-
lieved and not possibly what he would like to have
said — a good standard for relatively junior offi-
cers in the service, one that I applaud" and one that
I admire.
Now, with regard to work and its effectiveness,
there are various standards, of course. While in
Moscow, I believe it was in company with your
distinguished President that I visited a collective
farm. On the way in, our interpreter, who was
with us, stopped to speak a few words to a very
old Russian woman who was with a sickle cutting
brush alongside the road. He said to her among
other things, "Mother, how are things on the
farm?" She said, "Ah, they are terrible. On this
farm nothing works. The tractors don't work;
the plows doni work ; the trucks don't work. The
only thing on this farm that works has just been
made a heroine of Soviet motherhood."
There have been times, along about half past
7 or 8 or 9 o'clock in the evening, when I have
thought that our mechanical processes of getting
things done and coordinated in the Department
were about like that. But usually in the morning
when I get to my desk and see the results of some
clearheaded, coordinated thinking in the field of
foreign relations and realize how wrong I myself
would have been had it not been for that level-
headed staff advice, I reconcile myself to any loose
motion that we may have in the field of technical-
staff operations. Those are easily correctable.
What cannot be supplied on short notice is the
character, the quality, the integrity, and the in-
tellectual honesty of the personnel. That we have
in full measure. For that our country has reason
to be grateful. I have reason to be grateful. I
congratulate you for it.
Confirmations
The Senate on May 28 confirmed Arthur Gardner as
Ambassador to Cuba.
The Senate on May 28 confirmed R. Douglas Stuart as
Ambassador to Canada.
The Senate on May 28 confirmed William T. Pheiffer as
Ambassador to the Dominican Republic.
The Senate on May 28 confirmed Michael J. McDermott
as Ambassador to El Salvador.
THE CONGRESS
Request for Extension of UNRWA
Program for Palestine Refugees
Statement hy Acting Secretary Smith ^
As this is a public hearing, it is necessary to
review certain matters already well known to this
Committee.
I shall not document our interest in the Near
Eastern region, which is fully understood in re-
sponsible circles within the executive and legisla-
tive branches of Goverimient.
It is my purpose to outline the nature of the
refugee jiroblem and the efforts of the U.N. Re-
lief and Works Agency (Unrwa) to rehabilitate
the unhappy Palestinians who lost their homes
and projDcrty in what is now Israel.
Our conclusions are that this is a world prob-
lem which it is proper for the United Nations to
deal with; that we should continue to support the
U.N. Relief and Works Agency in its efforts. We
' Made before the Near Eastern and African Affairs
Subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
on May 20 (press release 276).
822
Deparimeni of State Bulletin
'think that the United Nations has done a good job
under difficult conditions. We appreciate the full
support that Congress has given in the past to
this etiort. We hope that we can look to Congress
,for continuing support. Past concern for this un-
fortunate group is justified on gi-ounds of our
national interest and on grounds of common
humanity.
Difficult conditions have hindered progress,
stemming from the background of hostilities in
Palestine. Furthermore, large-scale projects re-
quire detailed planning, and there are inevitable
delays in putting major reclamation and irriga-
tion plans in hand.
This in brief is the situation :
As a result of hostilities, upwards of 750,000
Arabs, living in the British mandate of Palestine,
in 1948 left their homes and possessions. The vast
majority of these people have received no com-
pensation for their property, and many express
the desire to be repatriated.
While 100,000 or more of these people have been
able to find means of self-support in Arab com-
munities, the registry rolls of the United Nations
now list about 865,000 needy refugees, to whom
810,000 "rations"— the equivalent of 1,600 calor-
ies daily, are being distributed.
This problem is not static, as our best evidence
indicates that the refugee population is growing
at the rate of 25,000 annually, as births exceed
deaths.
Present projects for the refugee population,
which Mr. Gardiner = can describe in greater de-
tail later and which will take some years to im-
plement fully, hold out hopes for a living for only
about 400.000 souls.
The simple fact is that the agricultural, indus-
trial, and financial resources of the Arab nations
concerned cannot cope with this problem unaided.
As you know, Israel occupied territory during
the conflict considerably beyond the boundaries
allotted to it by the U.N. partition plan of 1947.
From the lands so occupied many thousands be-
came refugees.
The refugee problem is the principal unresolved
issue between Israel and the Arabs; outstanding
issues are generally listed as compensation to the
refugees, repatriation of the refugees, adjustment
of boundaries, and the status of Jerusalem and the
Holy Places. None of these issues can be separated
from the refugee problem.
Against a background of frustration and hostil-
ity, fhe U.N. Relief and Works Agency has done
two things : Maintained a program of relief — food,
shelter, medical care — and developed in the Arab
countries programs of self-support for the refu-
I gees.
I The Department of State considers that this
i U.N. agency is the correct instrument for these
' Arthur Z. Gardiner, Politico-Economic Adviser, Bu-
reau of Near Eastern, South Asian and African Affairs.
June 8, 1953
purposes. Through the establishment of such an
organization by the General Assembly, widespread
support of the program has been secured from
many nations. At the same time, the direct rela-
tionship between the agency and the principal
contributing governments, through the Agency's
Advisory Commission, has enabled us to keep in
close contact with its operations and to have a
dii'ect voice in its policies.
As for the general policies of the agency, its
standards for relief must be conditioned by the
fact that poverty prevails among nonrefugees.
There must be left incentives for those who choose
to work rather than to receive a dole. This makes
for hardship in a population which had achieved,
during the past 30 years, higher material stand-
ards than those of its former neighbors and its
present hosts. We cannot in any case right the
wrongs of the Arab refugee by relief payments,
but if the United Nations can help maintain ade-
quate levels of health and nutrition we shall have
some cause for satisfaction.
On the side of rehabilitation, we have witnessed
slow but steady progress in attitudes among the
Arab governments enabling the development of
specific plans to permit substantial numbers of the
refugees to improve their lot.
The U.N. Relief and Works Agency for Pales-
tine Refugees has conducted its operations in a
framework of humanitarian and economic con-
siderations and has attempted to avoid any direct
connection with outstanding political issues.
Within these limits, and without prejudice to final
solutions of political issues, it has negotiated
agreements to benefit the refugees by substituting
employment for relief.
In i952 the General Assembly of the United
Nations, with Arab support, voted a 3-year pro-
gram estimated to cost $250,000,000, divided as to
$50,000,000 for relief and $200,000,000 for proj-
ects.'' Funds to start this program have been
available since late in 1951.
The agency has earmarked funds for the irri-
gation of the Jordan Valley. A project is now
under close study by the U.S. engineers attached
to the Government of Jordan. Intensive irriga-
tion of the valley might provide for 200,000 people
not now living there. This is a bold and imagi-
native proposal. In Jordan, whose resources of
water and arable land are limited, it is the main
hope. Technical problems both of water utiliza-
tion and of land settlement lie ahead. More than
any other nation, Jordan has been the sufferer of
the Palestine hostilities. Jordan nevertheless rep-
resents a stabilizing influence in the Near East and
needs and welcomes outside aid.
The Egyptian Government has made a pro-
posal for aiding refugees now concentrated in
Gaza, through developments in the Sinai Penin-
' For text of resolution, see Bulletin of Feb. 11, 1952,
p. 226.
823
siila. Preliminary engineering advice is favor-
able to such a proposal, involving use of water
from the Nile.
In Syria, work is under way on land reclama-
tion carried out by refugees on lands made avail-
able by the Government. Proposals for rehabili-
tation of the urban refugees are under study.
The record of the Unrwa has until recently con-
sisted chiefly of prospects. It is now possible to
report that projects are the subject of continuing
collaboration and concrete planning between
Unrwa and governments. This marks a great step
forward. You may recall that 3 years ago when
the problem was first studied by Gordon Clapp,
on behalf of the Palestine Conciliation Commis-
sion, It was impossible for him to find responsible
Arabs willing to discuss more than a program of
work relief. We now are in the phase of economic
development from which refugees and host coun-
tries can secure permanent benefits.
It is unreasonable to expect Arab countries to
accept refugees as workers unless means are found
to improve conditions of their own citizens at the
same time. The refugees cannot be the sole bene-
ficiaries of new opportunities, nor can they hope
to elbow settled people aside. Here lies the case
for general economic development of the host
countries, which deserves to be considered on its
own merits as well as in the context of providing
opportunities for the refugees. From the con-
clusion of hostilities in Palestine until today,
little tangible progress has been made in such de-
velopment in Syria, Jordan, Lebanon, and Egypt.
The interest and plans of these countries holcf out
hope for the future, but they will need help from
the banks and from our own Government, as well
as from the Unrwa, if their plans are to mature.
It is clearly not in our national interest to ac-
cept responsibility for the welfare of the refugees,
for either a long or a short period of time." It
seems equally clear that to abandon this program
of relief and rehabilitation now would have seri-
ous repercussions on our national interests. Such
action would involve profound unsettlement in the
Near East, prejudicial to the well-being of all our
friends there. It is equally clear that the goals of
the present program cannot be achieved by its
present terminal date of June 30, 1954. It is our
view that the date for termination of the program
should be extended for a further 2 years, until
June 30, 1956 ; that we should endeavor to main-
tain the target of $200,000,000 for work projects
and, as circumstances dictate, continue relief ex-
penditures for at least a further 2 years. This will
necessitate an increase of the relief fund originally
projected at $50,000,000.
The success of other programs included in cur-
rent MsA legislation for the area will have a great
effect on the progress of this agency, as would a
settlement of other issues in the Near East.
824
Support for U.S. Participation
in St. Lawrence Seaway Project
Statement hy Livingston T. Merchant
Assistant Secretary for European Affairs ^
I am appearing before you today to support
U.S. participation in the St. Lawrence Seaway
project. As Under Secretary of Commerce Wil-
liams has testified, the Cabinet and the National
Security Council have both seriously studied the
question of U.S. participation.^ Both have come
to the conclusion that this participation is desir-
able, provided that it is limited to the interna-
tional section of the St. Lawrence River, substan-
tially as proposed in S. 589.
The decision was not made lightly. It was
based on the administration's policy of consider-
ing each major construction project on its own
merits and on the basis of the national interest.
The conclusions reached by the administration
are predicated on several conditions. First, satis-
factory assurance must be received that the under-
lying power project will go ahead. In this con-
nection I have been gratified to learn that the ex-
aminer for the Federal Power Commission has
issued his report and has recommended the issu-
ance of a license to the Power Authority of the
State of New York. Second, satisfactory assur-
ance is required that Canada will go ahead with
its part of the navigation project in cooperation
with the United States. I believe that we have
the basis for this assurance in the communique
issued after the recent meeting of the President
and the Prime Minister of Canadaj^" which I wiU
refer to later. Third, the project must be self-
liquidating.
Testimony on the third condition will be given
by other witnesses who will appear before you. I
do not intend to go into detail on the many aspects
of the legislation which you are considering. I do
want, however, to set the record straight as to just
what the present arrangements are in so far as the
international aspects are concerned.
Previous administrations consistently sup-
ported measures for the development by the
United States and Canada of the Great Lakes-St.
Lawrence basin. These measures envisaged, for
the part of the United States, development of
power and navigation jointly with Canada along
lines laid down in the 1941 agreement between the
two countries. Congressional approval of these
measures was never secured.
In the past IS months, however, the situation
changed. Under a different basis, we have reached
• Made before the Senate Foreign Relations Subcom-
mittee on S. 589, providing for the creation of the St.
Lawrence Seaway Development Corporation, on May 20
(press release 275).
' Bulletin of May 25, 1953, p. 753.
' Ibid., p. 752.
Department of State Bulletin
the point where we can see that both the naviga-
tion and the power phases of the St. Lawrence
project will go forward. The power potential
oi the International Rapids section of the St.
Lawrence is to be developed by entities of the
'United States and Canada. A deep sea water-
way into the Great Lakes is to be provided con-
,;urrently by Canada.
I Before us we have a simple question. Will the
United States join with Canada in constructing
the St. Lawrence Seaway, as proposed in S. 589,
flT will it abandon by default any control over
lihis great natural waterway so important to North
,Ajnerica's security and economic progress?
The recent developments which have led to the
present situation can briefly be summarized. In
1951, when it appeared that congressional ap-
iproval of the 1941 agreement would not be ob-
:ained, the Canadian Government suggested that,
ijnder the appropriate provisions of the Boundary
VS^aters Treaty of 1909, application be made by
,;he United States and Canada to the International
Joint Commission for approval of certain works
for the development of power in the Interna-
donal Rapids section of the St. Lawrence.'* The
Canadian Government gave assurances that,
should the power plans be approved, additional
.Torks would concurrently be provided to insure
ileepwater navigation into the Great Lakes. The
,C!anadian Government obtained Parliamentary
assent to the necessary domestic legislation for con-
iitruction of the seaway on the Canadian side of
I he St. Lawrence. It also negotiated an agreement
i.vith the Province of Ontario whereby the Ontario
Hydro-Electric Power Commission would develop
i he Canadian share of the power.
j The Department of State, working with other
nterested executive agencies, cooperated with the
Canadian Government in the preparation and the
isubmission of the applications of the two Govern-
ments for power development to the International
Joint Commission. After some months of hear-
ings, the International Joint Commission issued
its Order of Approval on October 29, 1952.^
'shortly thereafter, on November 4, 1952, the
iCanadian Government informed the United States
jthat it considered the agreement of 1941 to have
jbeen superseded by the action of the International
'Joint Commission. It was further stated that the
'Canadian Government would not therefore seek
'Parliamentary ratification of that agreement.
These developments left the situation as follows :
(1) the power would be developed by the Province
of Ontario and an entity in the United States, and
j(2) the seaway would be constructed by Canada
alone, provided no action is taken by the Congress
I * For an announcement of the meeting on Sept. 8, 1951
between President Truman and Canadian Prime Minister
Louis S. St. Laurent, when the latter indicated his Gov-
'ernment's willingness to construct the seaway as a
Canadian project, see ibid.. Oct. 8, 1951, p. 581.
'Ibid.. Dec. 29, 1952, p. 1019.
to authorize U.S. participation in the navigational
phase. Once plans for power development have
been completed, the Canadian Government has
expressed its willingness to discuss U.S. participa-
tion in the seaway.
Canadian Position Indicated
That Canadian willingness is expressed in a
memorandum given to the American Ambassador
in Ottawa on January 9, 1953, by the Canadian
Government. I would like to quote from that
memorandum since it expresses not only the Ca-
nadian Government's attitude toward possible
U.S. participation in the seaway but because it
also emphasizes the importance which Canada
attaches to power development.
While the Canadian Government Is of course prepared
to discuss, in appropriate circumstances, joint participa-
tion in the Seaway, the demand for power in the area
to be served by the International Rapids power develop-
ment is so urgent that the Canadian Government is most
reluctant to engage in any discussion which might delay
the progress of the plan now under way for the develop-
ment of power in the International Rapids' Section of the
St. Lawrence River at the earliest possible moment.
Once an entity is designated and authorized to proceed
with construction of the United States share of the power
works, if the U.S. Government wishes to put forward
a specific proposal differing from that put forward by
the Canadian Government for the construction of the
seaway in the International section which proposal would
not delay the development of power under arrangements
agreed upon in the exchange of notes of June .30th, 1952*
and approved on October 29th, 1952 by the International
Joint Commission, the Canadian Government will be pre-
pared to discuss such a proposal.
The Canadian Government would naturally expect the
discussion to be such as not to cause any serious delay
in the completion of the whole seaw-ay.
The most recent indication of the position of
the Canadian Government is to be found in the
communique issued at the conclusion of the talks
between the President and the Prime Minister of
Canada on May 8. I will not attempt to read into
the record the whole of that communique which
reveals the identity of view and the close coopera-
tion in many fields of the two Governments, but
I would like to quote that portion relating to the
St. Lawrence.
The Prime Minister emphasized the importance to
Canada of an early start on the St. Lawrence project
and the especial urgency to Canada of the power develop-
ment. The President a.ssured the Prime Minister that
the United States is fully aware of Canada's urgent need
for St. Lawrence power. He said that he favored the
development of the United States share of St. Lawrence
power under the authority of New York State and that
he hoped for an early favorable decision by the Federal
Power Commission in this matter. The President in this
connection referred to the decision of the Cabinet on this
subject announced today. The Prime Minister said that
the Canadian Government was still prepared to discuss
United States participation in the international section,
provided that arrangements for power are completed and
provided the whole seaway would not be delayed. He
' Ibid., July 14, 1952, p. 65.
June 8, 1953
825
stressed ajrain Canada's readiness to proceed at once with
the work under the Canadian St. Lawrence legislation of
1951.
These stiitements are illustrative of the Cana-
dian Government's position. They show Canada's
cooperative attitude as well as Canada's desire tx)
get on with the job.
Aspects of U.S., Canadian Relations
"We see that, provided a Federal Power Commis-
sion license is j^ranted. then power and navigation
can go forward. As satisfactory as those arrange-
ments are, I should like to emphasize that they
are not as advantageous to the United States as
would be the case if the United States were a
participant in the navigational development.
Without that participation the United States will
have no clear right to a voice in the construction,
control, operation, tolls, and amortization of this
waterway which should play so great a part in the
economic development of both our country and
Canada. According to Corps of Engineers' testi-
mony, construction of the seaway on the U.S. side
of the boundary would cost less. Since most of
the traffic using the canal will be of U.S. source
or destination, the costs of amortization will
largely be borne by U.S. shipping and shipments
for U.S. account. Construction costs and amor-
tization proposals are, therefore, matters in which
the United States sliould have a voice. Joint
U.S. -Canadian operation of the St. Lawrence
waterway should lessen the chances for friction
between the two countries. For the above-men-
tioned reasons, I believe that U.S. participation
is highly desirable in order to insure adequate pro-
tection to legitimate U.S. interests.
In this matter of St. Lawrence development,
the State Department is naturally concerned, espe-
cially with aspects affecting or potentially affect-
ing our relations with Canada. These relations
have historically been close and harmonious and
it is important that they remain so. Most Ca-
nadians, and certainly the Federal Government in
Ottawa, now regard the carrying out of St.
Lawrence development as the single most impor-
tant aspect of U.S. -Canadian relations. In this
connection, St. Lawrence power for the industrial
centers of Ontario is regarded by Canadian au-
thorities as urgent because all other major sources
of hydroelectric power available in the area to be
served by St. Lawrence power have been or are
being developed. A serious shortage of low-cost
power is already apparent in Ontario and is ex-
pected to become acute by 1957. Even if construc-
tion were to start today, power would barely be
available in time. For this reason, the Canadian
Government is most anxious that no action be
taken which would delay a start on the power
project.
Meeting Canadian power needs is in our interest.
About one-half of Canada's total manufacturing
capacity is located in the area to be served by St. |
Lawrence power. That growing industrial plant
is producing goods essential to our defense, to Can- '
ada's defense, and to the needs of the North At- .
lantic Treaty Organization. Critical materials
also come from that area. About 90 percent of the
free world's nickel, for example, comes from
Ontario.
You can readily see that the development of St.
Lawrence power is essential to Canada and will '
add to our strength. Similarly, the seaw;iy is !
viewed in Canada as a major contribution to the '
economy. !
I have indicated that any action by the United
States which would delay Canada's plans to pro-
ceed with power and navigational development
would be harmful to our relations with Canada.
It is urgent, therefore, that legislation of the na-
ture of S. 589 be enacted during this session of
the Congress, if the United States is to join in this
project of great importance to our national security
and our future economy.
PUBLICATIONS
Recent Releases
For sale hy the Superintendent of Documents, Govern-
ment Printing Offlce, Washington 25, D. C. Address re-
quests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, except
in the case of free publications, which may he obtained
from the Department of State.
Disposal of Surplus Military Equipment and Materials.
Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2537. Pub.
4789. 5pp. 50.
Exchange of notes between the United States and
Greece — Dated at Athens Dec. 21, 1951, and Jan. 7,
1952.
Relief From Taxation on Defense Expenditures. Treaties
and Other International Acts Series 2538. Pub. 4787.
7pp. 100.
Exchange of notes between the United States and
Luxembourg — Signed at Luxembourg Mar. 10 and 13,
1952.
Relief From Taxation on Defense Expenditures. Treaties
and Other International Acts Series 2546. Pub. 4803.
2pp. 50.
Exchange of notes between the United States and
Denmark — Signed at Copenhagen Apr. 7 and 9, 1952.
Education, Cooperative Program in Honduras, Additional
Financial Contributions. Treaties and Other Interna-
tional Acts Series 2549. Pub. 4806. 4pp. 5<!.
Exchange of notes between the United States and
Honduras — Signed at Tegucigalpa Jan. 9 and Apr. 7,
1952.
Relief From Taxation on Defense Expenditures. Treaties
and Other International Acts Series 2557. Pub. 4817
3pp. 50.
Exchange of notes between the United States and
Iceland — Signed at Reykjavik Mar. 5 and IS, 1952.
826
Deparfment of State Bulletin
Foreign Relations Volume
Dealing with American Republics
'Press release 271 dated May 18
I
,' Efforts for the establishment and maintenance
~)i peace in the Western Hemisphere, negotiations
for reciprocal trade agreements, and representa-
■:ions to secure proper treatment for American
(Dusiness interests are the chief subjects of diplo-
uacy dealt with in Foreign Relation,^ of the
Wnited States, 1935, Volume IV, The American
Repuhlics, released on May 23 by the Department
:)f State.
The long-continued Chaco War between Bolivia
iind Paraguay overshadowed other problems in
nter- American relations in 1935. Hostilities
vers finally brought to an end on June 12 by an
irmistice agreement secured through the media-
lion of a group of neutrals consisting of the
i[Jnited States, Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Peru, and
jruguaj'. The armistice was followed by a peace
■onference in which the belligerents joined with
he mediators.
The correspondence now published shows that
me of the difficulties was to secure a proper ar-
•angement for the exchange of prisoners of war.
X is of interest to note that a draft peace plan
)resented included a provision for "Return of
)risoners of war on signature of treaty of peace
•xcept those who make written application to re-
nain." (p. 152.) The year ended with no final
igreements having been reached. (Repatria-
ion of prisoners was carried out in 1936 through
I neutral country, Argentina, where the prisoners
vere given the opportunity either to return to the
•ountry by which they had been captured, or con-
'inue the journey to their own country.)
Other peace efforts recorded in this volume in-
clude the final ending of the dispute between Co-
iombia and Peru over Leticia and the reestablish-
nent of diplomatic relations between Costa Rica
^md Guatemala.
In the field of commercial relations, the year was
narked by the signing of reciprocal trade agree-
nents by the United States with Brazil, Colombia,
iHaiti, and Honduras. Negotiations for these
Igreements are here published together with pre-
liminary discussions or negotiations for similar
'Igreements with eight other countries. Exchange
ifestrictions adversely affecting American business
svere also the subject of diplomacy with several
countries.
Relations with Mexico receive considerable at-
ention in this volume. Questions at issue chiefly
concerned agrarian and oil interests of American
l^jitizens. The religious situation in Mexico also
was a source of concern, but the Government of
the United States regarded it as a domestic issue
'in which it should not intervene.
Political unrest continued in Nicaragua and the
habit of various factions looking to the United
States for support had not disappeared. The
American Minister, however, met such advances
with the definite statement that "intervention is a
thing of the past." (pp. 843, 873.) The Minister
was authorized to express the earnest hope of the
Government of the United States that nothing
would occur to disturb the peace of Nicaragua,
(p. 874.)
There is little indication in the documents here
printed that the threat of coming world war re-
ceived much attention in the relations of the
United States with its neighbors of the Western
Hemisphere, but it is recorded that the Brazilian
Government received from its Ambassador in
Tokyo "a rather alarming picture of Japanese
preparation for eventual hostilities with the
United States." In such an emergency the United
States was assured of "whole-hearted Brazilian
support and cooperation." (p. 387.)
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1935,
Volume IV, The American Repuhlics (Ixxxix,
988 pp.) was compiled in the Division of Histori-
cal Policy Research by Victor J. Farrar and
Henry P. Beers, under the direction of E. R.
Perkins, editor of Foreign Relations. Copies may
be purchased from the Superintendent of Docu-
ments, Government Printing Office, Washington
25, D.C., for $4.00 each.
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: May 25^29, 1953
Releases may be obtained from the OflBce of the
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department
of State, Washington 25, D. C.
Press releases issued prior to May 25 which ap-
pear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 261 of
May 14, 271 of May 18, 275 of May 20, 276 of May
20, 280 of May 22, 283 of May 25, 285 of May 25,
;5, and 289 of May 26.
Subject
Atlantic fisheries commission
Exchange of persons
Telegraph consultative committee
Exchange of persons
Reed Mission returns
Smith : Admission of escapees
Zambeti, persona non grata
Air transport pact with Cuba
Notes on Austrian treaty
F.S. Point 4 graduates
Exchange program
Smith : Praise for Foreign Service
Bowie : Director of Policy Planning
Treasures returned tn Rynkyus
Broadcasts to Latin America
Harriman : German bond board
•Not printed.
tHeld for a latter issue of the Bulletin.
287 of
May ;
No.
Date
283
5/25
*284
5/25
285
5/25
*286
5/25
287
5/25
t28S
5/26
289
5/26
t290
5/26
291
5/26
•292
5/27
•293
5/27
294
5/27
t295
5/28
296
5/28
297
5/28
t298
5/29
June B, 1953
827
June 8, 1953
Ind
ex
Vol. XXVIII, No. 728
Agriculture
Reed mission reports on Pakistan sxirvey . . . 818
American Principles
The faith of free men (Johnson) 816
American Republics
Foreign Relations volume dealing with .... 827
New series of broadcasts to Latin America . . 821
Asia
KOREA: Reiteration of principles of Unc posi-
tion on Pow Issue (Elsenhower) .... 816
PAKISTAN : Reed mission reports on survey . . 818
Australia
Signing of tax conventions with Axistralla . . 819
Canada
Support for U.S. participation in St. Lawrence
Seaway project (Merchant) 824
Congress
Request for extension of Unrwa program for
Palestine refugees (Smith) 822
Support for U.S. participation in St. Lawrence
Seaway project (Merchant) 824
Europe
AUSTRIA:
Review of the Austrian treaty question . . . 805
U.S.S.R. declines participation in treaty meet-
ing {exchange of notes) 814
DENMARK: MsA and Danish Government initi-
ate productivity program 819
Launching the European coal and steel com-
munity (Vernon) 799
RUMANIA : Diplomat declared persona non grata
(text of U.S. note) 815
Fisheries
Northwest Atlantic Fisheries Commission . . 821
Foreign Service
Confirmations (Gardner, McDermott, Pheiffer,
Stuart) 822
Praise for the Foreign Service (Smith) ... 821
International Information Administration
The faith of free men (Johnson) 816
New series of broadcasts to Latin America . . 821
International Meetings
U.S. DELEGATIONS:
Northwest Atlantic Fisheries Commission . . 821
Telegraph Consultative Committee (Itu) . . 820
Mutual Security
MsA and Danish Government Initiate produc-
tivity program 819
Reed mission reports on Pakistan survey . . . 818
Near and Middle East
GREECE: King and Queen of Greece invited to
visit U.S 818
Request for extension of Unrwa program for
Palestine refugees (Smith) 822
Secretary Dulles, Mr. Stassen return from Near
Eastern visit (Dulles) 804
Prisoners of War
Reiteration of principles of Unc position on
Pow issue (Elsenhower) 816
Publications
Foreign Relations voltune dealing with American
Republics 827
Recent releases 826
Refugees and Displaced Persons
Request for extension of Unrwa program for
Palestine refugees (Smith) 822
Ryukyu Islands
Royal treasures returned to Ryukjru Islands . . 819
State, Department of
Appointment (Bowie) 821
Rumanian diplomat declared persona non grata
(text of U.S. note) 815
Strategic Materials
Launching the European coal and steel com-
munity (Vernon) 799
Taxation
Signing of tax conventions with Australia . . 819
Telecommunications
Telegraph Consultative Committee (Ixu) . . . 820
Transportation
Support for U.S. participation In St. Lawrence
Seaway project (Merchant) 824
Treaty Information
Review of the Austrian treaty question . . . 805
Signing of tax conventions with Australia . . 819
U.S.S.R. declines participation in Austrian
treaty meeting (exchange of notes) . . . 814
United Nations
Reiteration of principles of Unc position on
Pow issue (Eisenhower) 816
Request for extension of Unrwa program for
Palestine refugees (Smith) 822
Name Index
Bowie, Robert R 821
Dulles. Secretary 804
Eisenhower, President 816
Frederika, Queen 818
Gardner, Arthur 822
Georgescu, V. C 815
Johnson, Robert L 816,821
Kask, John L 821
Knollenberg, Richard 821
McDermott. Michael J 822
Merchant, Livingston T 824
Paul, King 818
PheilTer, William T 822
Reed, Harry 818
Sargent, Francis W 821
Smith, Under Secretary 821,822
Stassen. Harold E 804
Stuart. R. Douglas 822
Vernon, Raymond 799
Webster, Edward M 820
Zambetl, Chrlstache 815
■1
Jne/ zl)eha^t^^en{/ ^^ t/taie^
XXVIII, No. 729
June 15, 1953
ViENT oj^
*"Ate3 O*
REPORT ON THE NEAR EAST • AMress by Secretary
Dulles 831
REORGANIZATION [OF FOREIGN AID AND INFOR-
MATION PROGRAMS 849
PRESIDENT'S PROPOSAL FOR ADMISSION OF
EUROPEAN MIGRANTS • Statement by Acting
Secretary Smith 857
A NEW HUMAN RIGHTS ACTION PROGRAM:
Statement by Mrs. Oswald B. Lord 842
Texts of U.S. Draft Resolutions 847
For index see back cover
,«KT o^
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
JUL 14 1953
ij/ie
Qje/ia^i^e^ ^/ ^lale 11)111161111
Vol. XXVIII, No. 729»Publication 5090
June 15, 1953
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
D.S. Qovernraent Printing Office
Wasliington 26, D.O.
Price:
(2 issues, domestic {7.60, foreign $10.26
Single copy, 20 cents
The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 1952).
Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrighted and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Depaetuknt
OF State Bulletin as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State ItVLLETlN,
a weekly piihlication compiled and
edited in the Division of Publications,
Office €>f Public Affairs, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The liVLLETlIS includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy issued by the White House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which the United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
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Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of international relations, are listed
currently.
Report on the Near East
Address hy Secretary Dulles ^
About 3 weeks ago, the Director for Mutual
Security, Mr. Harold Stassen, and I and our asso-
ciates set out, at President Eisenhower's request,
on a trip to 12 countries which lie in between the
Mediterranean in Europe and China in Asia. I
shall give you our country-by -country impressions
and then our general conclusions.
First, let me say that everywhere we were well
received. This was encouragmg, for several of the
countries feel that the United States policies have,
in recent years, been harmful and even antagonis-
tic to them. The Communists have vigorously ex-
ploited this feeling. They staged some hostile
demonstrations. But these were inconsequential.
The governments received us with warm hospital-
ity, and as we drove through the streets, the people
usually greeted us with friendly smiles and ap-
plause. The political leaders talked intimately
with us, and we gained new friendships and new
understanding which will stand us in good stead
for the future. Also in each capital I spoke to
all of the United States Foreign Service personnel.
They are a fine body of men and women of whom
we can be proud.
It is high time that the United States Govern-
ment paid more attention to the Near East and
South Asia, which, until our trip, no United States
Secretary of State has ever visited. Our postwar
attention has been primarily given to Western Eu-
rope. That area was and is very important, but
not all-important.
It came as a surprising shock when the 450 mil-
lion Chinese people, whom we had counted as
friends, fell under Communist domination. There
could be equally dangerous developments in the
Near East and South Asia. The situation calls for
urgent concern.
The area we visited contains about one-fourth
' Delivered to tie Nation over radio and television net-
works on June 1 and released to the press (no. 299) on the
same date. Also printed as Department of State publica-
tion 5088.
of the world's population. It represents about one-
half of the people of the world who are still free
of Communist domination.
The Near East possesses great strategic impor-
tance as the bridge between Europe, Asia, and
Africa. The present masters of the Kremlin, fol-
lowing the lead of past military conquerors, covet
this position. In 1940 Soviet leaders specified, in
secret negotiations with the Nazis, that Soviet "ter-
ritorial aspirations center ... in the direction of
the Indian Ocean and . . . the Persian Gulf."
This area contains important resources vital to
our welfare — oil, manganese, chrome, mica, and
other minerals. About 60 percent of the proven oil
reserves of the world are in the Near East.
Most important of all, the Near East is the
source of three great religions — the Jewish, the
Christian, and the Moslem — which have for cen-
turies exerted an immense influence throughout
the world. Surely we cannot ignore the fate of
the peoples who have first perceived and then
passed on to us the great spiritual truths from
which our own society derives its inner strength.
Egypt and the Suez Base
Our first stop was in Egypt. There we had 3
days in which to get acquainted with General
Naguib, who heads the Government. He is a pop-
ular hero, and I could readily see why. He and
his associates are determined to provide Egypt
with a vigorous government which will truly
serve the people. Also, they seek to end the sta-
tioning of British troops and exercise of British
authority at the Suez base.
Before we arrived in Egypt, a very tense situa-
tion had developed between the British and the
Egyptian Governments. Conversations looking to
an orderly withdrawal of British troops had been
suspended, and there was danger that hostilities
would break out.
We discussed the situation with General Naguib.
The heart of the trouble is not so much the pres-
Ji/ne 75, 1953
831
ence of British troops, for both sides agreed that
they should be withdrawn, but the subsequent au-
thority over and management of this gigantic base,
its airstrips, and its depots of supplies. Experi-
enced administrative and technical personnel is
needed to keep the base in operating efficiency and
the provision of this personnel causes difficulty.
The matter has an importance which goes beyond
Egypt, for the base serves all Near Eastern and
indeed Western security.
I am convinced that there is nothing irreconcil-
able between this international concern and Egyp-
tian sovereignty. We asked, with some success,
that there be further time to find a peaceful solu-
tion. The United States is prepared to assist in
any desired way.
Egypt stands at the threshold of what can be a
great new future. If this Suez problem can be
satisfactorily solved, I am confident that Egypt
can find the means to develop its land and lift
up its people and add a new bright chapter to a
glorious past.
e
Israel, Jerusalem, and Refugees
Next we went to Israel. We were impressed by
the vision and supporting energy with which the
leople are building their new nation. Inspired
y a great faith, they are now doing an impressive
work of creation. They face hard internal prob-
lems, which I believe they can solve. Further-
more, the Prime Minister, Ben Gurion, and other
Israeli officials asserted convincingly their desire
to live at peace with their Arab neighbors.
Jerusalem is divided into armed camps split
between Israel and the Arab nation of Jordan.
The atmosphere is heavy with hate. As I gazed on
the Mount of Olives, I felt anew that Jerusalem
is, above all, the holy place of the Christian, Mos-
lem, and Jewish faiths. This has been repeatedly
emphasized by the United Nations. This does not
necessarily exclude some political status in Jeru-
salem for Israel and Jordan. But the world
religious community has claims in Jerusalem
which take precedence over the political claims of
any particular nation.
Closely huddled around Israel are most of the
over 800,000 Arab refugees, who fled from Pales-
tine as the Israeli took over. They mostly exist in
makeshift camps, with few facilities either for
health, work, or recreation. Within these camps
the inmates rot away, spiritually and physically.
Even the Grim Reaper offers no solution, for as
the older die, infants are born to inherit their
parents' bitter fate.
Some of these refugees could be settled in the
area presently controlled by Israel. Most, how-
ever, could more readily be integrated into the lives
of the neighboring Arab countries. This, however,
awaits on irrigation projects, which will permit
more soil to be cultivated.
832
Throughout the area the cry is for water for
irrigation. United Nations contributions and
other funds are available to help refugees, and Mr.
Stassen and I came back with the impression that
they can well be spent in large part on a coordi-
nated use of the rivers which run through the
Arab countries and Israel.
Jordan
Irrigation needs became most vivid as we
motored from Jerusalem to Amman, the capital
of Jordan. The road goes through the Dead Sea
area, a scene of desolation with no sign of life other
than the tens of thousands of refugees who survive
precariously on the parched land largely by aid of T
United Nations doles. Later on, as we flew north,
we observed the waters of the Yarmak River,
which could perhaps be diverted so as to return
some of this vast desert valley into fertile land.
At Amman we dined with the charming and able *'•
new King Husein and his Government. They are '
preoccupied with the problem of refugees and of ''
relations with Israel. The inflow of refugees has ^^•
almost doubled the population, and the long armis- "
tice line with Israel gives rise to frequent and
dangerous shooting episodes.
Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, and Saudi Arabia
From Jordan we went to Syria. There we were
impressed by General Shishakli. He is eager to
develop the resources of his country, which are
substantial. Thus, the living standards of the
Syrian people could be raised. This would, in
turn, enable them to receive more refugees into a
land which relatively is sparsely populated.
From Damascus, the capital of Syria, we
motored to Beirut, the capital of Lebanon. The
road took us over a mountain range, with refresh-
ing snow in sharp contrast to the heat of the desert
plains. I
You will recall that Beirut is the home of the
American University, which has educated many of I
the Arab leaders of today. President Chamoun
of Lebanon talked to us of his high hopes for his
country and pointed to the role it might play,
representing uniquely a meeting of East and West
Leaving Lebanon for Iraq, we flew over the
Tigris and Euphrates Valleys. This was the site
of the Garden of Eden. Under its new ruler,
King Faisal — who visited the United States last
summer — the Government of Iraq is beginning to
develop these valleys and restore their former
productivity. The revenues from the oil produc-
tion are being largely directed to this and other
construction purj^oses. Iraq can be, and desires
to be, the granary for much of this part of the
world.
In Saudi Arabia we were received by King Ibn
Saud, one of the great Near Eastern figures of
this century, conspicuous in his dignity and single-
ness of purpose. He is a good friend of the United
Department of Stale Bulletin
States, as he has shown by deeds. Our policy will
be to reciprocate this friendship. In Saudi Arabia
Americans and Arabs are working together in
good fellowship in the vast oil fields of the coun-
try. It is a good relationship.
India and Pakistan
We left the Arab area to go first to India and
• then to Pakistan. These two nations, although
! independent for less than 6 years, already play an
liniluential part in world affairs.
' In India I met again with Mr. Nehru, one of
1 the great leaders of our time. "VVe had long con-
versations together in the intimacy of his home.
His calm demeanor and lofty idealism impressed
me. We reviewed together the international prob-
lems which concern both our countries, including
the problem of a Korean armistice and the threat
• to Southeast Asia. We did not always agree, but
we did clear up some misunderstandings and, I
felt, gained respect for the integrity of our re-
spective purposes. India is now supporting the
armistice position of the United Nations Com-
mand in Korea.
Jlr. Stassen and I also obtained a clearer view
of the Government of India's 5-year program to
improve the welfare of the Indian people.
India is the world's largest self-governing na-
tion. It has about 2,000 miles of common bound-
ary with Communist China. There is occurring
between these two countries a competition as to
whether ways of freedom or police-state methods
can achieve better social progress. This competi-
tion affects directly 800 million people in these 2
countries. In the long run, the outcome will af-
fect all of humanity, including ourselves. Our
interest fully justifies continuing, on a modest
scale, some technical assistance and external re-
sources to permit India to go on with its 5-year
plan.
Pakistan is the largest of the Moslem nations
and occupies a high position in the Moslem
world. The strong spiritual faith and martial
spirit of the people make them a dependable bul-
wark against communism.
The new Prime Minister, Mohammed Ali, whom
we recently knew as Ambassador to Washington,
energetically leads the new Government. We met
with a feeling of warm friendship on the part of
the people of Pakistan toward the United States.
A grave and immediate problem is the shortage
of wheat. Without large imports, widespread
famine conditions will ensue. Last year we helped
India in a similar emergency. I believe that
prompt United States wheat assistance to Paki-
stan is essential.
It is not possible to think about United States
aid without also thinking that these countries can-
not afford to waste their efforts in quarreling with
each other and diverting their strength for pos-
sible use against each other.
That thought applies to the dispute between
India and Pakistan about Kashmir. It is my im-
pression from my conversations with the Prime
Ministers of India and Pakistan that this contro-
versy can be settled. Surely it needs to be settled.
We tried, tactfully but firmly, to make clear that
the United States, as a friend of both countries,
hopes for an accord which would make more fruit-
ful such economic aid as we render.
Iran
It was not practical to include Iran in our
schedule. However, we arranged that our Ambas-
sador to Iran should meet us in Pakistan. Iran
is now preoccupied with its oil disjjute with Great
Britain. But still the people and the Government
do not want this quarrel to expose them to Com-
munist subversion. They have not forgotten the
Soviet occupation of 1941-1946.
The United States will avoid any unwanted in-
terference in the oil dispute. But we can usefully
continue technical aid and assistance to this agri-
cultural nation of Iran and in that way perhaps
help prevent an economic collapse which would
play into the hands of predatory forces.
Turkey, Greece, and Libya
After Pakistan, we went to Turkey and Greece.
These two countries have clearly demonstrated
their intent to stand steadfast against Communist
aggression and subversion. Despite their heavy
commitments to Nato, both countries have con-
tributed valiantly to the United Nations efforts in
Korea.
We, in turn, plan to continue to help Greece and
Turkey to grow stronger. They are valiant in
spirit and hold a strategic position in Europe and
Asia which enables them to help us. While in
Greece I dined with the King and Queen and
passed on to this charming couple President
Eisenhower's invitation that they visit us this fall.
Our last stop before returning to the United
States was Libya, the newest member of the family
of nations. This country is located at a key spot on
the North African coast on the Mediterranean. It
has recently become an independent nation by
action of the United Nations. Libya is cooperat-
ing with the United States and the United King-
dom in strengthening its own defenses and those
of the Mediterranean area.
Let me turn now to conclusions.
1. Colonialism. Most of the peoples of the Near
East and South Asia are deeply concerned about
political independence for themselves and others.
They are suspicious of the colonial powers. The
United States too is suspect because, it is reasoned,
our Nato alliance with France and Britain re-
quires us to try to preserve or restore the old
colonial interests of our allies.
I am convinced that United States policy has
June 75, 1953
833
become unnecessarily ambiguous in this matter.
The leaders of the countries I visited fully recog-
nize that it would be a disaster if there were any
break between the United States and Great Britain
and France. They don't want this to happen.
However, without breaking from the framework
of Western unity, we can pursue our traditional
dedication to political liberty. In reality, the
Western powers can gain, rather than lose, from an
orderly development of self-government.
I emphasize, however, the word "orderly." Let
none forget that the Kremlin uses extreme nation-
alism to bait the trap by which it seeks to capture
the dependent peoples.
2. Living Standards. The peoples of the Near
East and Asia demand better standards of living,
and the day is past when their aspirations can be
ignored. The task is one primarily for the gov-
ernments and the peoples themselves. In some
cases they can use their available resources, such
as oil revenues, to better advantage. Tliere are,
however, ways in which the United States can use-
fully help, not with masses of money but by con-
tributing advanced technical knowledge about
transport, communication, fertilization, and use
of water for irrigation. Mr. Stassen and I feel
that money wisely spent for this area under the
mutual security program will give the American
people a good return in terms of better under-
standing and cooperation.
3. Arab Good Will. The United States should
seek to allay the deep resentment against it that
has resulted from the creation of Israel. In the
past we had good relations with the Arab peoples.
American educational institutions had built up a
feeling of good will, and also American business-
men had won a good reputation in this area. There
was mutual confidence to mutual advantage.
Today the Arab peoples are afraid that the
United States will back the new State of Israel in
aggressive expansion. They are more fearful of
Zionism than of communism, and they fear lest the
United States become the backer of expansionist
Zionism.
'Full text of the Declaration is as follows:
"The GoTernments of the United Kingdom, France, and
the United States, having had occasion during the recent
Foreisn Ministers meeting in London to review certain
questions affecting the peace and stability of the Arab
states and of Israel, and particularly that of the supply
of arms and war material to these states, have resolved
to make the following statements :
1. The three Governments recognize that the Arab
states and Israel all need to maintain a certain level of
armed forces for the purposes of assuring their internal
security and their legitimate self-defense and to permit
them to play their part In the defense of the area as a
whole. All applications for arms or war material for
these countries will be considered in the light of these
primiples. In this connection the three Governments
vrish to recall and reaffirm the terms of the statements
made by their representatives on the Security Council on
August 4, 1949, in which they declared their opposition to
the development of an arms race between the Arab states
and Israel.
834
On the other hand, the Israeli fear that ulti-
mately the Arabs may try to push them into the
sea.
In an effort to calm these contradictory fears the
United States joined with Britain and France in
a Declaration of May 25, 1950, which stated that
"the three Governments, should they find that any
of these states (of the Near East) was preparing
to violate frontiers or armistice lines, would, con-
sistently with their obligations as members of the
United Nations, immediately take action, both
within and outside the United Nations, to prevent
such violation." - That Declaration when made
did not reassure the Arabs. It must be made clear
that the present U.S. administration stands fully
behind that Declaration. We cannot afford to be
distrusted by millions who could be sturdy friends
of freedom. They must not further swell the ranks
of Communist dictators.
The leaders in Israel themselves agreed with us
that United States policies should be impartial so
as to win not only the respect and regard of the
Israeli but also of the Arab peoples. We shall
seek such policies.
4. Peace Between Israel and the Arab Nations.
There is need for peace in the Near East. Today
there is an uneasy military armistice between
Israel and the Arab States, while economic war-
fare is being conducted by the Arab States, in
retaliation for alleged Israeli encroachments.
The area is enfeebled by fear and by wasteful
measures which are inspired by fear and hate. j
Israel should become part of the Near East com- '
munity and cease to look upon itself, or be looked
upon by others, as alien to this community. This
is possible. To achieve it will require concessions
on the part of both sides. But the gains to both
will far outweigh the concessions required to win
those gains.
The parties concerned have the primary respon-
sibility of bringing peace to the area. But the
United States will not hesitate by every appro-
priate means to use its influence to promote a step-
by-step reduction of tension in the area and the
conclusion of ultimate peace.
2. The three Governments declare that assurances have
been received from all the states in question, to which
they permit arms to be supplied from their countries, that
the purchasing state does not intend to undertake any
act of aggression against any other state. Similar assur-
ances will be requested from any other state in the area
to which they permit arms to be supplied in the future.
3. The three Governments take this opportunity of de-
claring their deep interest in and their desire to promote
the establishment and maintenance of peace and stability
in the area and their unalterable opposition to the use of
force or threat of force between any of the states in that
area. The three Governments, should they find that any
of these states was preparing to violate frontiers or
armistice lines, would, consistently with their obligations
as members of the United Nations, immediately take ac-
tion, both within and outside the United Nations, to pre-
vent such violation."
The above Declaration was first printed in the BDij:.EaiH
of June 5, 1950, p. 8S6.
Department of State Bulletin
5. Middle East Defense Organization. A Mid-
dle East Defense Organization is a future rather
than an immediate possibility. Many of the Arab
League countries are so engrossed with their
quarrels with Israel or with Great Britain or
France that they pay little heed to the menace of
Soviet communism. However, there is more con-
cern where the Soviet Union is near. In general,
the northern tier of nations shows awareness of the
danger.
There is a vague desire to have a collective
security system. But no such system can be im-
posed from without. It should be designed and
grow from within out of a sense of common destiny
and common danger.
Wliile awaiting the formal creation of a security
association, the United States can usefully help
strengthen the interrelated defense of those coun-
tries which want strength, not as against each
other or the West, but to resist the common threat
to all free peoples.
6. Friendly Understanding. In conclusion, let
me recall that the primary purpose of our trip was
to show friendliness and to develop understand-
ing. These peoples we visited are proud peoples
who have a great tradition and, I believe, a great
future. We in the United States are better off if
we respect and honor them, and learn the thoughts
and aspirations which move them. It profits
nothing merely to be critical of others.
President Eisenhower's administration plans to
make friendship — not faultfinding — the basis of
its foreign policy. President Eisenhower brought
with him from Europe an unprecedented measure
of understanding and personal friendships. Be-
fore he was inaugurated, he went to Korea. Twice
since inauguration, Mr. Stassen and I have been to
Europe. Now we have been to the Near East and
South Asia. Later this month, the President's
brother, Dr. Milton Eisenhower, and Assistant
Secretary of State Cabot will go to South America.
Thus your Government is establishing the
worldwide relationships and gathering the infor-
mation which will enable us better to serve you, the
American people.
President's Letter to Syngman Rhee on Proposed Korean Armistice
Following is the text of a letter dated June 6
from the President to Syngman Rhee, President
of the Rejnihlic of Korea:
Dear Me. President :
I received on June 2 the cabled text of your
communication dated May 30.^ I have given it
the careful and sympathetic consideration it
deserves.
The Kepublic of Korea has engaged all of its
resources, human and material, in a struggle which
will go down in history as one of the epic struggles
of all time. You have dedicated your all without
reservation to the principle that human liberty and
national liberty must survive against Communist
aggression, which tramples upon human dignity
and which replaces national sovereignty with a
humiliating satellite status. The principles for
which your nation has fought and for which so
many of your youth have died are principles
' Not printed here.
June 75, J953
which defend free men and free nations every-
where.
The United States has stood with you, and with
you we have fought for those principles, as part
of the United Nations Command. The blood of
your youth and our youth has been poured out on
the altar of common sacrifice. Thereby we have
demonstrated not only our dedication to the cause
of human freedom and political liberty, but also
our dedication to an equally important principle
which is that there cannot be independence with-
out interdependence, and there cannot be human
liberty except as men recognize that they are bound
together by ties of common destiny.
The moment has now come when we must decide
whether to carry on by warfare a struggle for the
unification of Korea or whether to pursue this
goal by political and other methods.
The enemy has proposed an armistice which
involves a clear abandonment of the fruits of
aggression. The amiistice would leave the
Republic of Korea in undisputed possession of
835
substantially tlie territory which the Eepublic
administered yirior to the aggression, indeed this
territory will be somewhat enlarged.
The proposed armistice, true to the principle
of political asylum, assures that the thousands of
Xorth Koreans and Communist Chinese prisoners
in our hands, who have seen libei'tv and who wish
to share it, will have the opportunity to do so and
will not be forcibly sent back into Communist
areas. The principle of political asylum is one
which we could not honorably surrender even
though we thereby put an earlier end to our own
human and material losses. We have suffered
together many thousands of casualties in support
of this principle.
It is my profound conviction that under these
circumstances acceptance of the armistice is re-
quired of the United Nations and the Republic
of Korea. We would not be justified in prolonging
the war with all the misery that it involves in the
hope of achieving, by force, the unification of
Korea.
The unification of Korea is an end to which
the United States is committed, not once but many
times, through its World War II declarations and
through its acceptance of the principles enunci-
ated in reference to Korea by the United Nations.
Korea is unhappily not the only country which
remains divided after World War II. We re-
main determined to play our part in achieving
the political union of all countries so divided.
But we do not intend to employ war as an instru-
ment to accomplish the world-wide political set-
tlements to which we are dedicated and which we
believe to be just. It was indeed a crime that
those who attacked from the North invoked vio-
lence to unite Korea under their rule. Not only
as your official friend but as a personal friend I
urge that your country not embark upon a similar
course.
There are three major points I would like to
make to you :
1. The United States will not renounce its ef-
forts by all peaceful means to effect the unification
of Korea. Also as a member of the United Na-
tions we shall seek to assure that the United Na-
tions continues steadfast in its determination in
this respect. In the political conference which
will follow an armistice that will be our central
objective. The United States intends to consult
with your Government both before and during
such a conference and expects the full participa-
tion of your Government in that conference.
2. You speak of a mutual defense pact. I am
prepared promptly after the conclusion and ac-
ceptance of an armistice to negotiate with you
a mutual defense treaty along the lines of the
treaties heretofore made between the United States
and the Republic of the Philippines, and the
United States and Australia and New Zealand.
You may recall that both of these treaties speak
of "the development of a more comprehensive sys-
tem of regional security in the Pacific area." A
security pact between the United States and the
Republic of Korea would be a further step in that
direction. It would cover the territory now or
hereafter brought peacefully under the adminis-
tration of the ROK. Of course you realize that
under our constitutional system, any such treaty
would be made only with the advice and consent
of the Senate. However, the action which the
United States has heretofore taken, and the great
investment of blood and treasure which has
already been made for the independence of Korea
are certainly clear indications of American temper i
and intentions not to tolerate a repetition of un- j;
provoked aggression.
3. The United States Government, subject to
requisite Congressional appropriations, will be
prepared to continue economic aid to the Republic
of Korea which will permit in peace a restoration
of its devastated land. Homes must be rebuilt.
Industries must be reestablished. Agriculture
must be made vigorously productive.
The preamble of the Constitution of the United
States states the goals of our people, which I be-
lieve are equally the goals of the brave people of
Korea, namely "to form a more perfect union, es-
tablish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, pro-
vide for the common defense, promote the general
welfare, and secure the blessings of licerty.'"
Manifestly, not all of these conditions now prevail ,
in Korea. Moi'eover, in existing circumstances
they cannot be achieved either by prolongation
of the present conflict or by reckless adventure
with a new one. Only by peaceful means can
these things be achieved.
With the conclusion of an armistice the United
States is prepared to join with the Republic of
Korea to seek for Korea these ends. We believe
that in Korea there should be a more perfect
union and, as I say, we shall seek to achieve that
union by all peaceful methods. We believe that
there should be domestic tranquillity and that can
come from the end of fighting. There should be
provision for the defense of Korea. That will
come from the mutual security treaty which we
are prepared to make. The general welfare
should be advanced and that will come from your
own peacetime efforts and from economic assist-
ance to your war-torn land. Finally, a peaceful
settlement will afford the best opportunity to
bring to your people the blessings of liberty.
I assure you, Mr. President, that so far as the
United States is concerned, it is our desire to go
forward in fellowship with the Republic of Korea.
Even the thought of a separation at this critical
hour would be a tragedy. We must remain
united.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower.
836
Department of Stale Bulletin
New Escapee Program in Austria
'ty Llewellyn E. Thompson
'Ambassador to Austria ^
. The concept of the fundamental dignity of the
individual is basic in our Western culture — it is
indeed one of the firm foundations upon which
our society rests. When governments, usurping
and maintaining power in defiance of the will of
the people they rule, infringe upon or deny the
basic human rights of the individual, we find the
victims seeking in increasing numbers to escape
from conditions they can no longer abide.
In the free world, where political opposition to
government is accepted and expected, the political
refugee is granted shelter and asylum as a matter
of course.
But more than asylum is needed— we must give
adequate and sympathetic support, moral and
physical, to those who have come to us as refugees.
And that is the purpose and goal of the program
being initiated here today.
This center constitutes a shelter and a way sta-
tion on the road to a new life. Under this roof,
men and women and even children, who just a
short time ago knew the terror of a godless system
and the constant fear of political arrest, are pre-
paring to enter a new life of dignity and peaceful
endeavor. In this place they can pursue their
religious faiths, continue their education, and pre-
pare themselves for useful occupations of their
own choice.
We are not alone in this work. Responding to
the initiative of the U.S. Government, the Gov-
ernment of Austria has been very active in estab-
lishing this reception center. It has staffed the
camp with experienced personnel and provided the
basic food, fuel, and equipment. Let me add that
this is but a small portion of the generous contri-
bution which the Austrian people have made to-
ward easing the burdens of refugees. It gives me
great pleasure to commend the sympathetic and
efficient manner in which this problem has been
met and the spirit of cooperation which has been
so consistently translated into fruitful deeds.
We recognize that Austria is burdened with the
problem of providing asylum for thousands of
other refugees, including those of German ethnic
origin. The establishment and financing by the
American Government of a special program will
relieve this problem by supporting the resettle-
ment and re-establishment of escapees overseas.
In the few short weeks that this center has been
occupied, over .50 escapees have traveled from Wels
to countries in the Western Hemisphere. Pro-
grams are under way to improve the health,
morale, and technical knowledge of those who re-
' Remarks made on May 26 at the opening at "Wels,
Austria, of a new reception center jointly established by
the Governments of the United States and Austria for
escapees from Soviet-dominated countries.
June 15, ?953
main to be settled elsewhere so that they may soon
follow to new homes of their own choosing abroad.
The introduction and implementation of these
programs are only possible through the skillful
participation on the part of the voluntary
agencies.
Here then, in these modest surroundings, it can
truly be said a new life begins.
The presence here today of so many of the per-
sons engaged in this humanitarian effort is proof
to escapees that they are not a forgotten people.
It is proof that the victims of tyranny are the
abiding concern of all who respect human liberty
anywhere.
U.S. Representative on Board
for Validation of German Bonds
The Department of State announced on May 29
(press release 298) the appointment of Douglas
William Hartman to be the U.S. representative
on the Board for the Validation of German Dollar
Bonds. The German Government has selected
Walter Reusch as the German representative on
the Board. The chairman, who will be a U.S. citi-
zen, has not yet been selected.
The Validation Board was created by an agree-
ment between the United States and the Federal
Republic of Germany signed February 27, 1953,^
which established the procedures to be followed
in the United States for validating German dollar
bonds. The Board will sit in New York City and
is expected to begin its operations, involving ap-
proximately one million bonds of an estimated
value of $700 million, in the near future. At the
present time it is engaged in making necessary
administrative arrangements preparatory to en-
tering upon the discharge of its duties.
Pending the commencement of validation, bond-
holders are being urged to hold their securities
until the Board issues appropriate public an-
nouncements in newspapers and periodicals of
general circulation, infoi-ming bondholders of the
steps to be taken to have their bonds validated.
The Validation Board will carry out an opera-
tion believed to be unique in the field of inter-
national finance. Under the procedure provided
for in the agreement of February 27, 1953, the
Board is authorized to validate German dollar
bonds which were outside Germany on January 1,
1945. This twofold criterion of time and place is
the sole test which the Board will apply in deter-
mining whether the bonds submitted to it shall be
validated. This does not mean that this is the
only way U.S. bondholders can obtain validation.
Holders of lawfully acquired securities who can-
not establish that tliey were outside Germany on
the required date may apply for validation under
the procedures established in the Federal Republic
of Germany.
Bulletin of Mar. 9, 1953, p. 376.
837
The objectives of the program are to render in-
valid an estimated $350 million of German dollar
bonds retired for cancellation by the German Gov-
ernment and seized by the Soviet armed forces
when they captnred Berlin at the end of World
War II, and to validate the remainder of such
bonds. The valid securities will thus be able to be
restored to the U.S. markets and the holders will
become eligible for the benefits provided under the
German debt settlement. The Board will coordi-
nate its activities closely with the depositaries,
trustees and paying agents, the stock exchanges,
the Securities and Exchange Commission in this
country, and with the issuers and the German
validation agencies in the Federal Republic.
The Board will take its decisions by joint action
if the U.S. and German members are in agreement.
Where they are not in agreement the chairman will
decide, and his decision will constitute the decision
of the Board. The Board is already at work plan-
ning the preliminary phases of the validation pro-
gram. During this initial stage the Board will
be occupied with such tasks as the staffing of its
office, the selection of depositaries for the safe-
keeping and processing of bonds, the preparation
of registration forms for bondholders to fill out
in applying for validation, the distribution of
these forms to banks throughout the United States,
and the issuance of public announcements which,
in addition to appearing in newspapers and peri-
odicals of general circulation, will also be dis-
tributed to all banks, brokers, and securities deal-
ers, advising bondholders of the procedure they
should follow in applying for validation. The
Board is making every effort to complete these and
similar administrative details as soon as possible
so that the commencement of the validation pro-
gram may be announced at an early date.
U.S. Claimants to German
Assets in Switzerland
Press release 303 dated June 3
The Department of State has been informed
through the American Legation at Bern that
claimants under Article 7 of the Swiss-German
Agreement, which became effective ISIarch 20, 1953,
must file their claims by June 29, 1953, unless they
have been notified otherwise personally by the
Swiss Compensation Office.'
Article 7 of the Swiss-German Agi'eement pro-
vides that the Swiss Compensation Office, an
agency of the Swiss Government, is required to
"despatch requests in an appropriate manner to
all owners of property in Switzerland asking them
to apply, personally or through agents, within two
months from publication of such requests for the
' For previous information, see Buixetin of Sept. 8,
1952, pp. 364 and 363 ; ibid May 4, 1953, p. 654.
unblocking of their property according to Article
5."
Under Article 5 of the Swiss-German Agi-ee-
ment protection is atiorded to persons having in-
terests in German assets in Switzerland, in general,
as follows :
1. Persons having assets of a total value of less
than 10,000 Swiss francs.
2. Persons who on February 16, 1945, were dual
U.S.-German nationals, provided that the United
States supports their claim.
3. Persons deprived of life, or substantially of
liberty, or of full citizenship rights under Xazi
discriminatory laws.
4. Persons who can prove by certain certified
statements that their property in Switzerland was
returned to them pursuant to the laws in Germany
on restitution.
5. Non-German persons having a 25 percent or
more interest in firms organized under German
law, which firms have assets in Switzerland.
6. Non-German beneficiaries of a family foun-
dation.
MSA Productivity Allotment to Italy
The allotment of $22 million to Italy to make
possible an expansion of the drive to increase pro-
ductivity and production in Italian industry and
agriculture was announced on May 26 by the
Mutual Security Agency in Washington and
Rome.
Major provisions of the new program, developed
by MsA and the Italian Government, provide for
the establishment of a revolving fund for loans
to small- and medium-size industrial and dis-
tributive firms cooperating in the productivity
program, and a special fund to stimulate con-
struction of workers' homes by housing coopera-
tives organized by free-trade unions. The work-
ers' housing program is intended to provide dem-
onstration projects of modern quality construction
at the lowest possible unit-cost.
The new aid-grant also will make possible
broadened activities of the Italian national pro-
ductivity connnittee, continued support for the
technical-assistance program, establishment of a
research and education fund to assist productivity
projects in these fields, and necessary funds for
Italian participation in the European Productiv-
ity Agency established May 1 by the Organization
for European Economic Cooperation (Oeec).
To finance these segments of the expanded pro-
ductivity program, the Italian Government is set-
ting aside the equivalent of $22 million in lire
counterpart funds.
Italy is the fifth Western European country to
conclude a special productivity agreement with
MsA as provided for by amendments to the
Agency's legislation. Others are the United
Kingdom, Western Germany, the Netherlands,
and Denmark.
838
Department of State Bulletin
Air Transport Agreement With Cuba
Iross release 290 dated May 26
The Department of State on May 26 aiinovnced
the signing at Habana, Cuba, by Dr. Miguel Angel
(/< hi ( 'ampa, Minister of State, Dr. Pablo Carrera
J ii.\tl::, Minister of Communication.^ and 7'ransport
of the Cuban Government, and U.S. Ambassador
Willard L. Beaulac of a bilateral air-transport
agreement between the United States and the Re-
public of Cuba. This agreement is substantially
the same as that negotiated by the United States
u-ith more than JiO other countries.
The text of the agreement follows:
Air Transport Agreement Between the Govern-
ment OF the Unitio) States of America and the
(toveenment of the Republic of Cuba
The Goveniment of the United States of America and
the Government of the Republic of Cuba
Desiring to conclude an Agreement for the purpose of
pnimoting direct air communications between tlieir re-
spective territories,
Have accordingly appointed authorized representatives
for this purpose, who agreed as follows :
Article 1
For the purposes of the present Agreement, and its
Annex, except where the text provides otherwise :
(a) The term "aeronautical authorities" shall mean in
the case of the United States of America, the Civil Aero-
nautics Board and any person or agency authorized to
perform the functions exercised at the present time by
the Civil Aeronautics Board, and, in the case of the Re-
public of Cuba, the Junta de Aeronautica Civil and any
person or agency authorized to perform the functions
exercised at present by the said Organization.
(6) The term "designated airlines" shall mean those
airlines that the aeronautical authorities of one of the
contracting parties have communicated in writing to the
i aeronautical authorities of the other contracting party
that they are the airlines that it has designated in con-
formity with Article 3 of the present Agreement for the
routes specified in such designation.
(c) The term "territory" shall have the meaning given
to it by Article 2 of the Convention on International Civil
Aviation, signed at Chicago on December 7, 1944.
(d) The definitions contained in paragraphs a, 6, and
A of Article 96 of the Convention on International Civil
Aviation signed at Chicago on December 7, 1944 shall be
applied to the present Agreement.
Article 2
Each contracting party grants to the other contracting
party the rights specified in the Annex hereto necessary
for establishing the international civil air routes and
services therein described, whether such services be in-
augurated immediately or at a later date at the option of
the contracting party to whom the rights are granted.
Article 3
Each of the air services so described may be placed in
operation as soon as the contracting party to whom the
rights have been granted by Article 2 to designate an air-
line or airlines for the route concerned has authorized an
airline for such route, and the contracting party granting
the rights shall, subject to Article 7 hereof, be bound to
give the appropriate operating permission to the airline
or airlines concerned ; provided that the airlines so desig-
nated may be required to qualify before tlie competent
aeronautical authorities of the contracting party granting
the rights under the laws and regulations normally applied
b.v lliese authorities before being permitted to engage in
the operations contemplated by this agreement; and pro-
vided tliat in areas of hostilities or of military occupation,
or in areas affected thereby such operations shall be sub-
ject to the approval of the competent military authorities.
Article 4
In order to prevent discriminatory practices and to
assure equality of treatment, both contracting parties
agree that :
(a) Each of the contracting parties may impose or per-
mit to be imposed just and reasonable charges for the use
of public airports and other facilities under its control.
I'^ach of the contracting parties agrees, however, tliat
the.se charges shall not be higher than would be paid for
the use of such airports and facilities by its national air-
craft engaged in similar international services.
(6) Fuel, lubricating oils and spare parts introduced
into the territory of one contracting party by the other
contracting party or its nationals, and intended solely for
use by aircraft of the airline of such contracting party
shall, witli respect to the imposition of customs duties,
inspection fees or other national duties oi- cliarges by
the contracting party whose territory is entered, be ac-
corded the same treatment as that applying to national
airlines and to airlines of the most-favored-nation.
(c) The fuel, lubricating oils, spare parts, regular
equipment and aircraft stores retained on board civil
aircraft of the airlines of one contracting party authorized
to operate the routes and services described in the Annex
shall, upon arriving in or leaving the territory of the other
contracting party, be exempt from customs, inspection fees
or similar duties or cliarges, even though such supplies be
used or consumed by such aircraft on flights in that
territory.
Article 5
Certificates of airworthiness, certificates of competency
and licenses issued or rendered valid by one contracting
party, and still in force, shall be recognized as valid by the
otlier contracting party for the purpose of operating the
mutes and services described in the Annex, provided that
the requirements under which such certificates or licenses
were issued or rendered valid are equal to or above the
minimum standards which may be established pursuant
to the Convention on International Civil Aviation. Each
contracting party reserves the right, however, to refuse
to recognize, for the purpose of flight above its own terri-
tory, certificates of competency and licenses granted to its
own nationals by another State.
Article 6
(a) The laws and regulations of one contracting party
relating to the admission to or departure from its terri-
tory of aircraft engaged in international air navigation,
or to the operations and navigation of such aircraft while
within its territory, shall be applied to the aircr.'ift of
the airlines designated by the other contracting party,
and shall be complied with by such aircraft upon entering
or departing from or while within the territory of the
first party.
(6| The laws and regulations of one contracting party
as to the admission to or departure from its territory
of passengers, crew, or cargo of aircraft, such as regula-
tions relating to entry, clearance, immigration, pass-
ports, customs, and quarantine shall be complied with by
or on belialf of sucli passengers, crew or cargo of the other
contracting party upon entrance into or departute from,
or while within the territory of the first party.
Article 7
Notwithstanding the provisions of Article 10 hereof,
each contracting party reserves the right to withhold or
revoke, after thirty (30) days prior notice to the other
contracting party, the exercise of the riglits specified in
June 15, 1953
839
the Annex to this Agreement by an airline designated by
the other contracting i)arty in the event that it is not
satisfied that substantial ownership and effective control
of such airlines are vested in nationals of the other con-
tracting party, or in ease of failure by such airline, or the
Government desisnating such airlines, to comply with the
laws and regulations referred to in Article G hereof, or
otherwise to perform its obligations hereunder, or to
fulfill the conditions under which the rights are granted
in accordance with this Agreement and its Annex. In
the event of action by one contracting party under this
Article, the riglit of the other contracting party to request
consultation pursuant to Article 11 shall not he prejudiced.
Article 8
This Agreement and all contracts connected therewith
shall be registered with the International Civil Aviation
Organization.
Article 9
Existing rights and privileges relating to air transport
services which may have been granted previously by
either of the contracting parties to an airline of the
other contracting party shall continue in force accord-
ing to their terms.
Article 10
Either of the contracting parties may at any time
notify the other of its intention to terminate the present
Agreement. Such a notice shall be sent simultaneously
to the International Civil Aviation Organization. In
the event such communication is made this Agreement
shall terminate one year after the date of receipt of the
notice to terminate, unless by agreement between the
contracting parties the communication under reference is
withdrawn before the expiration of that time. If the
other contracting party fails to acknowledge receipt, no-
tice shall be deemed as having been received 14 days after
its receipt by the International Civil Aviation Organi-
zation.
Abticle 11
In the event either of the contracting parties considers
it desirable to modify the routes or conditions set forth
in the Agreement and attached Annex, it may request
consultation between the competent authorities of both
contracting parties, such consultation to begin within a
period of sixty days from the date of the request. When
these authorities mutually agree on new or revised con-
ditions affecting the Annex, their recommendations on
the matter will come into effect after they have been
confirmed by an exchange of diplomatic notes.
Aeticle 12
If a general multilateral air transport Convention ac-
cepted by both contracting parties enters into force, the
present Agreement shall be amended so as to conform
with the provisions of such Convention.
Abticle 13
Except as otherwise provided in this Agreement or its
Annex, any dispute between the contracting parties rela-
tive to the Interpretation or application of this Agreement
or its Annex, which cannot be settled through consulta-
tion, shall be submitted for an advisory report to a tri-
bunal of three arbitrators, one to be named by each
contracting party, and the third to he agreed upon by the
two arbitrators so chosen, provided that such third arbi-
trator ^hall not be a national of either contracting party.
Each of the contracting parties shall designate an arbi-
trator within two months of the date of delivery by
either party to the other party of a diplomatic note re-
questing arbitration of a dispute ; and the third arbitrator
shall be agreed upon within one month after such period
of two months.
If either of the contracting parties fails to designate
its own arbitrator within two mouths, or if the third
840
arbitrator is not agreed upon within the time limit indi-
cated, either party may request the President of the Inter-
national Civil Aviation Organization to make the neces-
sary appointment or appointments by choosing the arbi-
trator or arbitrators.
The contracting parties will use their best efforts under
the powers available to them to put into effect the opinion
expressed in any such advisory report. A moiety of the
expenses of the arbitral tribunal shall be borne by each
party.
Article 14
Changes made by either contracting party in the routes
described in the schedules attached except those which
change the points sei-ved by these airlines in the territory
of the other contracting party shall not be considered as
modifications of the Annex. The aeronautical authorities
of either contracting party may therefore proceed uni-
laterally to make such changes, provided, however, that
notice of any change is given without delay to the aero-
nautical authorities of the other contracting party.
If such other aeronautical authorities find that, having
regard to the principles set forth in Section VII of the
Annex to the present Agreement, interests of their airline
or airlines are prejudiced by the carriage by the airline
or airlines of the first contracting party of traflSc between
the territory of the second contracting party and the new
point in the territory of the third country, the authorities
of the two contracting parties shaU consult with a view
to arriving at a satisfactory agreement.
Article 15
This Agreement, including the provisions of the Annex
thereto, shall come into force on the day on which notice
of its ratification by the Government of the Republic of
Cuba is given to the Government of the United States of
America.
In witness wHBatEOF, the undersigned, being duly au-
thorized by their respective Governments, have signed
the present agreement.
Done at the city of Habana in duplicate, in the English
and Spanish texts, both equally authentic, this twenty-
sixth day of May 1953.
For the Government of the United States of America:
WrLLABD L. Beaulao
For the Government of the Republic of Cuba :
Miguel Angel de la Campa
Pablo Carkeea Justiz
ANNEX
Section I
The Government of the Republic of Cuba grants to the
Government of the United States of America the right to
conduct air transport services by one or more airlines of
United States nationality designated by the latter country
on the routes, specified in Schedule One attached, which
transit or serve commercially the territory of the Republic
of Cuba.
Section II
The Government of the United States of America grants
to the Government of the Republic of Cuba the right to
conduct air transport services by one or more airlines
of Cuban nationality designated by the latter country
on the routes, specified in Schedule Two attached, which
transit or serve commercially the territory of the United
States of America.
Section III
One or more airlines designated by each of the con-
tracting parties under the conditions provided in this
Agreement will enjoy, in the territory of the other con-
tracting party, rights of transit and of stops for non-trafflc
purposes, as well as the right of commercial entry and
departure for international traflJc in passengers, cargo
and mail at the points enumerated on each of the routes
specified in the Schedules attached.
S
Department of State Bulletin
Section IV
The air transport facilities available hereunder to the
traveling public shall bear a close relationship to the
requirements of the public for such transport.
Section V
There shall he a fair and equal opportunity for the air-
lines of the contracting parties to operate on any route
between their respective territories (as defined in the
A^reement) covered by this Agreement and Annex.
Section VI
In the operation by the airlines of either contracting
ixirty of the trunk services described In the present Annex,
tlio interest of the airlines of the other contracting party
slKiU be taken into consideration so as not to affect unduly
till' services which the latter provides on all or part of the
same routes.
Section VII
It is the understanding of both contracting parties that
services provided by a designated airline under the pres-
rnt Agreement and Annex shall retain as their primary
nlijiHtive the provision of capacity adequate to the traflSc
ili'iiiands between the country of which such airline is a
ii;itii>nal and the country of ultimate destination of the
irifiic. The right to embark or disembark on such serv-
iris international traffic destined for and coming from
third countries at a point or points on the routes specified
in the present Annex shall be applied in accordance with
the general principles of orderly development to which
linth contracting parties subscribe and shall be subject to
the general principle that capacity should be related :
id) to traffic requirements between the country of ori-
gin and the countries of destination;
ill) to the requirements of through airline operation;
and
( c) to the traffic requirements of the area through
which the airline passes after taking account of
local and regional services.
Section VIII
It is the intention of both contracting parties that there
should be regular and frequent consultation between their
respective aeronautical authorities (as defined in the
Au'ieement) and that there should thereby be close col-
lal'iiration in the observance of the principles and the im-
plementation of the provisions outlined in the present
Agreement and Annex.
Section IX
(n) The determination of rates in accordance with the
following paragraphs shall be made at reasonable levels,
due regard being paid to all relevant factors, such as cost
of operation, reasonable profit, and the rates charged by
any other airlines, as well as the characteristics of each
service.
(6) The rates to be charged by the airlines of either
contracting party between points in the territory of the
United States and points in Cuban territory referred to in
the attached Schedules shall, consistent with the provi-
sions of the present Agreement and its Annex, be subject
to the approval of the aeronautical authorities of the con-
tracting parties, who shall act in accordance with their
obligations under the present Annex, within the limits of
their legal powers.
(e) Any rate proposed by the airline or airlines of
either contracting party shall be filed with the aeronauti-
cal authorities of both contracting parties at least thirty
(30) days before the proposed date of introduction; pro-
vided that this period of thirty (30) days may be reduced
in particular cases if so agreed by the aeronautical au-
thorities of both contracting parties.
(d) The Civil Aeronautics Board of the United States
having approved the traffic conference machinery of the
International Air Transport Association (hereinafter
called Iata), for a period of three years beginning Jane
30, 1952, any rate agreements concluded through this ma-
chinery during this period and involving United States
airlines will be subject to approval of the Board. Rate
agreements concluded through this machinery may also
be required to be subject to the approval of the aeronauti-
cal authorities of the Government of Cuba pursuant to
the principles enunciated in paragraph (6) above.
(f) The contracting parties agree that the procedure
described in pargraphs (/), ig) and (ft) of the Section
shall apply.
1. If, during the period of the Civil Aeronautics Board's
approval of the Iata traffic conference machinery, either
any specific rate agreement is not approved within a rea-
sonable time by either contracting party, or a conference
of Iata is unable to agree on a rate, or
2. At any time no Iata machinery is applicable, or
3. If either contracting party at any time withdraws or
fails to renew its approval of that part of the Iata traflSc
conference machinery relevant to this Section.
(f) In the event that power is conferred by law upon
the aeronautical authorities of the United States to
fix fair and economic rates for the transport of persons
and property by air on international services and to sus-
pend proposed rates in a manner comparable to that in
which the Civil Aeronautics Board at present is empow-
ered to act with respect to such rates for the transport of
persons and property by air within the United States, each
of the contracting parties shall thereafter exercise its au-
thority in such manner as to prevent any rate or rates
proposed by one of its airlines for services from the terri-
tory of one contracting party to a point or points in the
territory of the other contracting party from becoming
effective, if in the judgment of the aeronautical authori-
ties of the contracting party whose airline or airlines is or
are proposing such rate, that rate is unfair or uneconomic.
If one of the contracting parties on receipt of the notifica-
tion referred to in paragraph (c) above is dissatisfied
with the rate proposed by the airline or airlines of the
other contracting party, it shall so notify the other con-
tracting party prior to the expiry of the first fifteen of the
thirty (30) days referred to, and the contracting parties
shall endeavor to reach agreement on the appropriate
rate.
In the event that such agreement is reached, each con-
tracting party will exercise its best efforts to put such
rate into effect as regards its airline or airlines.
If agreement has not been reached at the end of the
thirty (30) day period referred to in paragraph (c) above,
the proposed rate may, unless the aeronautical authori-
ties of the country of the air carrier concerned see fit to
suspend its application, go into effect provisionally pend-
ing the settlement of any dispute in accordance with the
procedure outlined in paragraph (ft) below.
(g) Prior to the time when such power may be con-
ferred by law upon the aeronautical authorities of the
United States, if one of the contracting parties is dis-
satisfied with any rate proposed by the airline or airlines
of either contracting party for services from the terri-
tory of one contracting party to a point or points in the
territory of the other contracting party, it shall so notify
the other prior to the expiry of the first fifteen (15) of
the thirty (30) day period referred to in paragraph (c)
above, and the contracting parties shall endeavor to reach
agreement on the appropriate rate.
In the event that such agreement is reached, each
contracting party will use its best efforts to cause such
agreed rate to be put into effect by its airline or airlines.
It is recognized that if no such agreement can be reached
prior to the expiry of such thirty (30) days, the con-
tracting party raising the objection to the rate may take
such steps as it may consider necessary to prevent the
inauguration or continuation of the service in question
at the rate complained of.
(ft) When in any case under paragraphs (/) and (g)
above the aeronautical authorities of the two contracting
parties cannot agree within a I'easonable time upon the ap-
Jwne J 5, J 953
841
propriate rate after consultation initiated by the com-
plaint of one contracting party concerning tiie proposed
rate or an existing rate of the airline or airlines of the
other contracting party, upon the request of either, both
contracting parties shall submit the question to the In-
ternational Civil Aviation Organization for an advisory
report, and each party will use its best efforts under the
powers available to it to put into effect the opinion ex-
pressed in such report.
List of Scheduled LiDidint/s
1. An airline or airlines designated by the Government
of the United States shall be entitled to operate air serv-
ices on each of the air routes specified via intermediate
points, in both directions, and to make scheduled landings
in Cuba at the points specified in this paragraph :
1. From Miami, Florida, to Camaguey, Cuba, and
beyond.
2. From Miami, Florida, to Habana, Cuba, and beyond.
3. From New York and/or Washington, D.C., to
Habana, Cuba, and beyond.
4. From Tampa, Florida/St. Petersburg, Florida, to
Habana, Cuba, and beyond.
5. From Houston, Texas, and/or New Orleans,
Louisiana, to Habana, Cuba, and beyond.
2. An airline or airlines designated by the Government
of the Republic of Cuba shall be entitled to operate air
services on each of the air routes specified via intermediate
points, in both directions, and to make scheduled landings
in the United States at the points specified in this
paragraph :
1. From Habana, Cuba, to Miami, Florida.
2. From Varadero, Cuba, to Miami, Florida.
.3. From Habana, Cuba, to New York.
4. From Habana, Cuba, to Key West, Florida.
.'3. From Habana, Cuba, to West Palm Beach, Florida.
6. From Habana, Cuba, to St. Petersburg, Florida.
.3. Points on any of the specified routes may at the
option of the designated airline be omitted on any or all
flights.
A New Human Rights Action Program
A new U.S. policy stand on human rights was
first outlined on April 3 hy Secretary Dulles in a
letter addressed to Mrs. Oswald B. Lord. U.S.
representative on the U.N. Commission on Human
Rights. On April 7, the date on tohich the U.N.
Commission convened at Geneva, President Eisen-
hower noted, in a message sent to members of the
Commission, that the United States wished to take
a new approach toward the creation of an effec-
tive worldwide human-rights policy. In a state-
ment made on April 8, Mrs. Lord formally
presented the U.S. position to the Commission.
{For texts of the above messages and statement, see
Bulletin of Apr. 20, 1953, pp. 579-582.)
Following is the text of a further statement by
Mrs. Lord, 7nade before the Commission on May
19, which discusses three U.S. draft 7'esolutions for
the development of a new humxin-rights action
program.
MRS. LORD'S STATEMENT OF MAY 19
At the second meeting of this session of the
Commission I indicated that at a hiter stage of this
session I wonkl put forward proposals which my
Government feels are best suited to furthering the
Commission's task of promoting human rights. I
want to tell you today, at the outset, that these
proposals are the product of earnest and careful
consideration, and they have been framed in the
sincere belief that their adoption will make more
significant and meaningful the work of the United
Nations in the field of human rights. They stand
upon the charter and upon the Universal Declara-
tion of Human Rights; upon that foundation we
hope to build a program which will continuously
advance the cause of human rights — slowly per-
haps but nevertheless effectively. My countrj^ has
since its inception been dedicated to the advance-
ment of humaii rights, and we continue, in ac-
cordance with our tradition, to supi)ort their
advancement throughout the world. We recog-
nize the fundamental and intrinsic importance of
human rights; we have learned through bitter
experience that systematic and deliberate denials
of human rights have a direct relationship to the
preservation of world peace. Peace and security [
cannot be assured in a world in which peoples who
are denied their individual rights are pressed to
resort to measures of violence against their op-
pressors. And the governments which violate the
fundamental human rights of those whom they
control cannot be expected to respect the rights of
other members of the international community.
I recall, as I am sure all of my colleagues here
do, the hope for a better, peaceful world which in-
spired the efforts of those who, at San Francisco,
drafted the Charter of the U.N. Organization.
ily Government realized then, as it realizes now.
842
Department of State Bulletin
tlie necessity of a world organization which would
(li'ul with fundamental, long-range problems in
addition to those problems immediately related
to tlie settling of disputes as they arise among
, nations. It was the intention of my Government
1 then, as it continues to be, that the peoples of the
world, wearied by war and fear of war, must be
assisted by the world organization in their long
struggle to achieve a better life wherein the in-
dividual person and the rights which he possessed
would secure full recognition everywhere. It was
f(ir these reasons that express provision was made
in tlie charter, in articles 55 and 56, for a state-
ment of the obligation of all members with re-
spect to human rights, and in article 68, for the
establishment of a commission for the promotion
of human rights. And it should be the constant
purpose of the members of this Commission, I be-
lieve, to seek those ways which will be most ef-
fective in bringing about the attainment of the
charter goal of increased respect for and ob-
servance of human rights and fundamental free-
doms for all without distinction as to race, sex,
language, or religion.
In the Cliarter of the United Nations there are
nil words more inspiring than those of the Pre-
amble which express the determination of the peo-
ples of the United Nations "to reaffirm faith in
fundamental human rights, in the dignity and
worth of the human ]3erson, in the equal rights of
men and women and of nations large and small."
These words reflect the age-old desire of men to be
free, to tliink and worship as they please, and to
speak and write as they choose. These words re-
flect man's desire to escape from the tyranny of
other men, to live witliout fear of the secret police,
witliout fear of the unjust trial — without fear of
tlie arbitrary death sentence or the concentration
camp. These words are but the latest rendering
of tlie historic yearnings that have made men
work, and fight, and die that they and their fellow
iiiiMi might know freedom and justice.
Much has been done since the San Francisco con-
ference 8 years ago to translate these words of the
Preamble and the later provisions of the charter
into action. The General Assembly, the Eco-
nomic and Social Council, and the Commission on
Human Rights have all sought to define general
principles, to establish criteria of conduct, and to
expose wholesale violations of the rights of man.
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights is
rlie greatest single achievement of the United Na-
tions in the promotion of human freedom. Presi-
<lcnt Eisenhower said in the message to the Com-
mission which I read at the beginning of this
session :
For the people of tlie United States, as well as for people
everywhere, the U.N. Universal Declaration of Human
Rights is a signitieant beacon in the stead.v inarch toward
achieving human rights and fundamental freedoms for all.
It is the earnest hope of the U.S. Government
June 75, 1953
that the Commission on Human Rights will con-
tinue to move steadily forward toward finding
ways to give practical expression to the goals and
standards set forth in the Universal Declaration.
For the past several years, the Commission has
been preoccupied in the drafting of covenants on
Human Rights. This arduous effort to translate
the moral precepts of the Universal Declaration
into the legal pre-scripts of the covenants is Hear-
ing conii3letion, thanks to the devotion and per-
severance of the members of this Commission.
Henceforth the Commission will be freer than in
the past to devise other methods for insuring the
enjoyment of human rights and human freedoms.
I do not for one moment wish to question the
Commission's preoccupation with the responsibil-
ity of drafting the covenants or to belittle in any
way the work that has been accomplished in this
field. I merely wish to point out that, of all the
functional and regional commissions established
by the Economic and Social Coimcil, this Com-
mission is tlie only one that has been limited al-
most entirely to the drafting of international
instruments. The time has come, I believe, for
this Commission, now that the completion of the
covenants is in sight, to turn its attention, like the
Social Commission and other Commissions, to the
practical problems of helping all governments
and peoples to move ahead in the advancement of
their well-being.
The task of devising new methods in the field
of human rights is not an easy one. There are
many possible methods, some of which might be
practicable and some of which might prove to be
fruitless. It is with a view to helping the Com-
mission to develop some new action programs that
the U.S. delegation is introducing today these
three draft resolutions concerning the future work
of the Commission.
A New Approach
Before explaining each of the three draft reso-
lutions, I should like to make a few general ob-
servations about the nature of the new action
program proposed by the U.S. delegation.
First, I must admit that these three proposals
are not entirely new in concept. The Commission
has had similar items on its agenda, but it has
never had time to consider tliem thoroughly. The
former Secretary-General, in his Twenty- Year
Program, proj^osed many similar ideas; but, again,
the Commission lacked the time to explore them.
Both governments and nongovernmental organi-
zations have from time to time suggested plans
for action in the field of human rights. The major
purpose of the U.S. proposal is to assemble the
most practical of all these many ideas and plans,
together with several new procedural devices, into
a single unified program — a program that offers
the best hope of early results.
843
Second, these draft resolutions are merely an
outline of an action program — skeletons on which
flesh and blood are still to be added. There are
still many technical problems yet to be clarified.
It is our hope that the Commission at this session
will bring these skeleton outlines to life.
Third, this action program — an action program
in three parts — is, quite frankly, experimental in
character. This program would take the Commis-
sion into new fields of activity and would present
it with new problems, and perhaps even with new
difficulties. For this reason our delegation has
tried to limit this experiment to a few simple and
relatively modest proposals that show real promise
of success.
Fourth, these three proposals do not by any
means exhaust the possibilities for action by the
Commission. There may well be many other pro-
grams which could be used to supplement the
initial proposals submitted by our delegations.
Fifth, the initiation of this action program
would help return the Commission to the broad
and constructive work for which it was originally
intended. Because the Commission has been pre-
occupied with the drafting of the covenants, many
of the activities with which it could otherwise
have been concerned — such as freedom of infor-
mation, forced labor, slavery, and prisoners of
war — have had to be performed by other, ad hoc
bodies.
The three proposals which are before the Com-
mission are thus a distillation of ideas and pro-
posals from many different sources. They are an
outline of a new approach to human rights. They
are an experiment in new ways to secure and safe-
guard liberty, and a mere beginning in a new and
broad field of activity. In preparing these three
draft resolutions, the U.S. delegation has consulted
privately with other delegations, with the Secre-
tariat, with several of the specialized agencies,
and with the nongovernmental organizations.
These preliminary conversations have been most
helpful in clarifying and amplifying the general
proposals which I outlined briefly in my opening
statement at this session. The draft resolutions
before you incorporate many of the comments and
suggestions we have received, but they do not in-
clude many of the minor details that may be re-
quired as the program develops. I invite whatever
further suggestions you may have.
Preparation of Annual Reports
The first of the draft resolutions (doc. E/CN'.4/
L.266) proposes a new program for annual re-
ports on developments in the field of human rights.
It is the view of our delegation that, if the Com-
mission is to undertake any important activities
in addition to the drafting of the covenants, it
must have adequate information on which to base
its consideration of the problems of human rights.
Much of that information is now available in one
form or another, especially in tlie Yearbook on
Human Rights. What is now required is an an-
nual review of the major developments, the prin-
cipal achievements, and the general progress
which is being made toward attaining the goals
set forth in tlie Universal Declaration of Human
Rights. What is needed is an examination by
each member government of its own shortcomings
and, more important, its progress toward remedy-
ing them. Periodic self-examination is good for
an individual; it is equally good for a govern-
ment. The annual reports which we are pro-
posing would be an experiment in national self-
examination.
Some representatives have pointed out to our
delegation that this request for yet another report
might place an excessive burden upon govern-
ments that are already overburdened with pre-
paring reports to the United Nations and the
specialized agencies. But what we envisage is
not another long detailed report containing masses
of statistics that would tax the resources of our
governments and the patience of our civil servants.
No, what we envisage is a relatively brief sum-
mary of developments and accomplishments, high-
lighting those events of the year that warrant the
attention of the Commission. The Commission
would be interested, I believe, in information con-
cerning the enactment of a new bill of rights, the
repeal of a repressive law, the elimination of some
form of discrimination, or the development of
new measures or agencies for protecting the civil
rights of the citizen. A short but precise sum-
mary of developments of this kind would be pref-
erable to two or three hundred pages of statistics
and footnotes. Such a report could summarize
or refer to more detailed reports on special sub-
jects that had been transmitted to other organs of
the United Nations or to the specialized agencies.
The report would give primary attention to the
specific aspect of human rights selected for study
in accordance with the second proposal I shall
place before you.
Our draft resolution proposes that each mem-
ber government establish a national advisory com-
mittee, composed of experienced and competent
persons, to assist the Government in the prepara-
tion of the annual report. The purpose of this
provision is to enable a government to supple-
ment the data and to check the judgment of its
own officials with the independent data and judg-
ment of responsible private citizens. Tliese citi-
zens might be representatives of, or be in close
touch with, national nongovernmental organiza-
tions.
So far as the United States is concerned, we
would envisage a small advisory committee, per-
haps of 8 or 10 outstanding citizens, who would
be appointed by the Secretary of State. This ad-
visory committee would assist the Department of
State and other Departments and Agencies of our
Government in the preparation and review of the
844
Department of State Bulletin
i report. Tlie Secretary of State would be respon-
sible for tbe final text of the annual report, but
he would have had the benefit of the advice of a
number of experienced and responsible American
citizens.
'I The use hj our Government of advisory com-
mittees of this nature has been highly successful
in many different fields of activity. In our pre-
liminary conversations, our delegation has received
one or two suggestions that this technique may
perhaps not be suitable to other governments and
might not be productive of good results. This is
one of the many points on which I solicit the com-
ments of other Commission members.
The objective of this first proposal is not to
create a system of reporting merely for the sake
of reporting or for the sake of filing the reports
away in some inaccessible file cabinet. The objec-
itive is to enable the Commission each year to
I review the state of observance of human rights
in the world. Each year the Economic and Social
Council reviews the economic state of the world ;
each year the Social Commission reviews the social
state of the world. Our proposal would enable
this Commission to make an annual review of
human rights with special emphasis on some spe-
cific aspects of human rights, as we propose in our
second draft resolution.
Specific Studies Proposed
The second draft resolution before the Commis-
sion today (doc. E/CN.4/L.268) proposes that the
Commission initiate a series of studies of specific
aspects of human rights on a worldwide basis,
i We consider that it would not be sufficient for the
Commission merely to undertake each year a gen-
eral debate on the whole field of human rights,
, valuable and novel though this would be. We
I consider that each year the Commission ought, in
addition, to pay special attention to one specific
subject and endeavor to discover just how well the
world is observing and respecting that particular
right.
The particular right which the Commission
might study next year is of less importance to
our delegation than the establishment of the pro-
gram itself. The Commission might decide to
take up each article of the Universal Declaration,
one after another, and thus embark upon a 25-
year plan. It might be more useful, in our
opinion, for the Commission to begin, on an ex-
perimental basis, with some specific civil or politi-
cal right that is fairly widely observed and is not
involved in political controversy. The studies
should not include topics which already are under
consideration by some other organ of the United
Nations or by one of the specialized agencies. For
example, as its first subject, the Commission might
select freedom of conscience and religion, the
right to a fair trial, or freedom from arbitrary
arrest and detention, or some other civil and polit-
ical right which has not been, or is not being, con-
sidered elsewhere. These are merely suggestions,
and other representatives may wish to suggest
other subjects.
It is our thought that the Commission would re-
quire special assistance to do this kind of job well.
In my opening statement, I had suggested that
the Commission might appoint a rapporteur for
this purpose. This was based on the long ex-
perience of the League of Nations and the more
recent experiment of the Economic and Social
Council in appointing a rapporteur to study the
subject of freedom of information. After further
consideration, and after consultation with other
representatives of governments and organizations,
our delegation concluded that it might be prefer-
able to describe the person who would conduct
this study in a somewhat different way and to
provide for the appointment by the Secretary-
General of an expert adviser for each study
selected by the Commission. This expert adviser
would be a person of high moral standing and of
recognized competence in the particular subject
selected — a person whose professional ability and
whose objectivity would be beyond question.
These are necessarily high qualifications but I
feel confident that in every region of the world
there are persons — scholars, jurists, statesmen —
who could prepare a report such as we envisage on
some particular subject and later assist the Com-
mission in its consideration of the report.
The U.S. delegation proposes that the expert
adviser on each subject should have access to
a wide variety of information. This informa-
tion would include information transmitted to the
United Nations by member states, information
published by the specialized agencies, information
made available by nongovernmental organiza-
tions, and all other information in the possession
of the Secretary-General, including communica-
tions received by the United Nations concerning
human rights.
The U.S. delegation recognizes that it is making
a novel and significant proposal in suggesting that
the expert adviser should have access to communi-
cations received by the United Nations. Our
delegation suggeststhat the expert adviser should
use these communications only as part of the mass
of raw material which will be available for his
study. Using the techniques of the scholar, he
would appraise the communications received on a
particular subject against all the other informa-
tion at his disposal. He would not, of course,
undertake to review any particular case or report
on it to the Commission. He would take account
of only the communications of a responsible char-
acter, disregarding those which were obviously of
purely propaganda nature, or which were written
to serve some unique personal interest of its author.
It is our thought that the expert adviser, after
studying all this wide variety of material, start-
ing with the vast collection already available in
June 75, 1953
845
the Yearbook on Human Rights and working his
way through official reports and private com-
numications, would present the Commission with
a digest of his findings. This would be a personal
report made on his own responsibility, as a spe-
cialist, for which neither the United Nations nor
any member government would have official re-
sponsibility. The Commission would then discuss
the report and perhaps formulate some general
conclusions upon it.
In our view, neither the expert adviser nor the
Commission would try to find fault with indi-
vidual countries nor try to condemn individual
countries for their shortcomings. We hope that
the discussion of the reports will not degenerate
into mutual recriminations. Their purpose,
rather, will be — through the influence of publicity
and public opinion — to stimulate and induce im-
provement by each country. The emphasis should
be on progress and on measures needed to advance
progress, not on errors of omission and commis-
sion.
Establishment of Advisory Services
The third draft resolution (doc. E/CN.4/L.267/
Rev. 1) proposes advisory services in the field of
human rights. This draft resolution requires less
explanation on my part, because it proposes the
kind of technical assistance and advisory services
that are already familiar to all the members of
this Commission. In our view, the regular tech-
nical-assistance program of the United Nations
in the field of public administration and the
social-welfare advisoi-y services should be used as
models for this new and closely related program
of advisory services in the field of human rights.
This program would build upon those already
suggested by the General Assembly in the field
of freedom of information, by our Sub-Commis-
sion in the field of discrimination, and more re-
cently by the Commission on the Status of Women.
Advisory ser\aces can take several forms. A
country needing help can ask for the services of an
expert or team of experts for a specific job. The
job might be to draft laws to assure a free press,
or to protect the interests of minority groups. Or
the job rnight be to outline ways to bring newly
enfranchised women to take a more active part in
national and community affairs.
Some countries will need help in training young
]>eople seeking careers in the human-rights field.
If the professional training is not available in
their own country, the United Nations can help
provide for study abroad through scholarships
and fellowships.
Still another useful advisory service is the inter-
national seminar. Under U.N. auspices, experts
of a region can be brought together to exchange
ideas, report on progress, and help each other in
dealing with common problems.
The U.S. Government considers that respect for
and observance of human rights can best be ad-
vanced through the processes of discussion, per-
suasion, education, and exchange of information.
The progi-ess already made by the United Nations
and the specialized agencies \n the use of techni-
cal assistance and advisory services in promoting
economic and social development gives vitality
to these international organizations and hope to
millions of persons throughout the world. Our
proposal would merely extend these techniques to
the whole field of human rights. It would merely
apply these proven techniques to a wider variety
of subjects.
These activities could not and should not be car-
ried on solely by the United Nations. They should
be supplemented by similar activities by non-
governmental agencies. For this reason, our
draft resolution concludes by urging international
and national nongovernmental organizations, uni- '
versities, philanthropic organizations, and other
private groups to supplement this U.N. program
with similar programs designed to further the
exchange of information and assistance in the field i
of human rights. J
There is one problem, common to all three of
our draft resolutions, that deserves careful con-
sideration by the Commission — that is, the rela-
tion of these three proposals and, indeed, of any
similar programs initiated by the Conmiission,
to the work already being undertaken by other
organs of the United Nations and by the special-
ized agencies. It is essential, of course, that there
be a minimum of duplication of effort by these
various bodies. Our delegation has tried to avoid
any such duplication. It may well be, however,
that we have not yet been entirely successful in this 'i
regard and we should welcome "the suggestions of
other representatives, the Secretariat, and the spe-
cialized agencies on this important and difficult j
jDoint. \
Mr. Chairman, I should like to conclude with
the general observation that these draft resolutions
are submitted by our delegation as the basis for ii
a constructive program for the future of this Com-
mission. These draft resolutions are necessarily
tentative and incomplete in scope. They are de-
signed to serve as a basis of discussion and as an
outline of what, in our judgment, the Commission
should do in the future to advance the cause of
liberty to which its members are devoted. Our |
delegation now places these draft resolutions be-
fore the Commission for its consideration. I
welcome the observations of other representatives,
of the Secretariat, of the specialize4 agencies, and
of the nongovernmental organizations^ and I shall
gladly attempt to revise these draft resolutions to
accommodate the views or suggestions here ex-
pressed, so far as this can be done consistent with
the underlying purposes of these resolutions.
These proposals have been drawn up in recogni-
tion of the values to which the Secretary of State,
John Foster Dulles, referred in the letter which
846
Department of State Bulletin
!ie wrote to me before I left the United States to
ittend this session of the Commission : "The vahie
)f briiig-inp the facts to the light of day, . . .
he value of common discussion of problems in the
, nternational forum of the Commission on Human
'Rights, and . . . the value of each country
Irawing on the experience of other countries for
inspiration and practical guidance in solving its
3wn problems."' It is our profound hope that
these draft resolutions will help to enable the
Commission — and the world — to move forward
toward the goals laid down in the charter and in
the Universal Declaration of Human Eights. We
believe that this three-point program can be ef-
fective in advancing human rights in our time.
TEXTS OF U. S. DRAFT RESOLUTIONS!
Draft Resolution on Annual Reports
C.N. doc. E/CN.4/L.266
Dated May 7, 1933
The Commission on Human Rights
Recommends that the Economic and Social Council re-
quest the General Assembly to adopt the following
resolution :
'The General Assembly
Considering that by Articles 55 and 56 of the Charter
the Members of the United Nations have pledged to take
joint and separate action to promote universal respect for,
and observance of, human rights and fundamental free-
doms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language
or relirfon ;
Considering that the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights sets forth the goals toward which all Members of
the United Nations should strive in the promotion of
human rights and that the Declaration has inspired
governments and peoples in the writing of their constitu-
tions and laws ;
Desiring to advance as rapidly as possible respect for,
and observance of, human rights and fundamental free-
doms and to stimulate Member Governments to press
forwar<l toward attaining the goals set forth in the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights ;
Desiring to obtain from each Member of the United
Nations information about developments and achievements
in the field of human rights in its country and measures
taken to safeguard human liberty ; and
Bearing in 7nind the special responsibilities of other or-
gans of the United Nations and of the Specialized Agencies
in the promotion of human right.?,
1. Reeommends that each Member transmit each year to
the Secretary-General a report on developments and
achievementsin the tield of human rights in its country for
consideration by the Commission on Human Rights, such
report
(a) to summarize, or make reference to, any relevant
portions of reports already submitted to another organ
of the United Nations or to a Specialized Agency ; and
(6) to give primary attention to the specific aspect of
human rights currently selected for study by the Com-
mission in accordance with Resolution ;
2. Recomtnends that each Member establish a national
; advisory committee, composed of experienced and compe-
^ These resolutions have lieen forwarded by the U.N.
Commission on Human Rights to the Economic and Social
Council for circulation to U.N. member governments and
specialized a.cencies. This group has been requested to
make comment on the resolutions by Oct. 1, 1953.
tent persons, to assist its Government in the preparation
of its annual report ;
3. Requests the Secretary-General to prepare a brief
summary and analysis of the annual reports upon a topical
basis :
4. Recommends that the Economic and Social Council
request the Commission on Human Rights to consider
these annual reports and the Secretary-General's summary
and analysis at the same time that it considers the studies
submitted by the Expert Adviser appointed in accordance
with Resolution — , and to transmit to the Economic and
Social Council such comments and conclusions thereon as
it deems appropriate ; and
5. Recommends that the Economic and Social Council
make suitable arrangements with the Specialized Agen-
cies to co-operate in carrying out this resolution and to
avoid duplication of effort."
Draft Resolution on Specific Aspects <
of Human Rights
U.N. doc. E/CN.4/L.268
Dated May T, 1953
The Commission on Human Bights
Desiring to strengthen the work of the United Nations
for wider observance of, and respect for, human rights
and fundamental freedoms on a world-wide basis ;
Desiring to give special attention in future sessions to
studies of specific aspects of human rights ; and
Desiring to obtain for its consideration, a summary and
analysis of the information available from Member States,
tlie .Specialized Agencies, Non-Government Organizations,
and other sources on specific aspects of human rights ;
Bearing in mind the special responsiliilities of the Spe-
cialized Agencies as regards certain human rights ;
1. Decides to initiate a series of studies of specific as-
pects of human rights on a world-wide basis ;
2. Decides that at each session the Commission shall
select a specific subject or specific sub.iects for study, pro-
vided that no subject shall be selected which is under
consideration by another organ of the United Nations or
by the Specialized Agencies.
3. Requests the Secretary-General to appoint as an Ex-
pert Adviser, for each subject selected by the Commission
for study, a person of high moral standing and of recog-
nized competence in the particular subject, who shall
(o) prepare the study in his own name and under his
own responsibility, with such assistance from the Secre-
tariat as he may require, and
(h) assist the Commission in its consideration of the
study ;
4. Authorises the Expert Advisers, in the preparation
of their studies, to have access to the following sources of
information :
(a) information transmitted to the United Nations by
Member States ;
( & ) information published by the Specialized Agencies ;
(c) information made available by Non-Governmental
Organizations having consultative status with the Eco-
nomic and Social Council ; and
(d) all other information in the possession of the Sec-
retary-General, including communications received by the
United Nations concerning human rights, subject to para-
graphs (a) and (b) of Resolution 75 (V) of the Economic
and Social Council, as amended, concerning the identity
of communications ; and
5. Recommends that the Economic and Social Council
(a) make suitable arrangements with the Specialized
Agencies to cooperate in carrying out tliis resolution and
to avoid duplication of effort ; and
June 75, 1953
847
( 6 ) adopt the following draft resolution :
"The Economic and Social Council
1. ApprovcH the decisions of the Commission on Human
Rights concerning the initiation of studies of specific as-
pects of human rights ; and
2. Amends Resolution 75 (V), as amended, to authorize
the Expert Advisers to have access to the communica-
tions in the possession of the Secretary-General for the
purpose of taking them into account in preparing these
studies."
Draft Resolution on Advisory Services
U.N. doc. E/CN,4/L.267/Eev. 1
Dated May 7, 1953
The Commission on Human Rights
Considering that by Articles 5.5 and 56 of the United
Nations Charter the Members of the United Nations have
pledged themselves to promote universal respect for, and
observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms
for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or
religion ;
Recognizing that advisory services, by the international
interchange of technical knowledge through international
co-operation among countries, represents an effective
means for the promotion of the human rights objectives
of the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declara-
tion of Human Rights ;
Taking note of Resolution 633 (VII) of the General
Assembly which requests the Secretary-General to elab-
orate a programme of action for the development of
domestic information in under-developed countries ;
Taking note of the proposals on technical assistance
made by the Sub-Commission on the Prevention of Dis-
crimination and the Protection of Minorities (E/CN.4/670,
Annex I, Resolution K) and the Commission on the Status
of Women (E/CN.6/L.106/Rev.l) ; and
Taking account of the arrangements previously estab-
lished by the General Assembly concerning the regular
technical assistance programme and the advisory services
of the United Nations (Resolutions 200 (III), 305 (IV),
and 418 (V) ) ;
Considering that the Specialized Agencies, within their
competence and by virtue of their regular programmes
and their special programmes of technical assistance, are
already rendering important services to their Members
with a view to ensuring the effective observance of human
rights;
Recommends that the Economic and Social Council re-
quest the General Assembly to adopt the following
resolutions :
"The General Assembly
A. Authorizes the Secretary-General :
1. Subject to the directions of the Economic and Social
Council, to make provision for the following services, with
the co-operation of the Specialized Agencies where appro-
priate and without duplication of their existing services,
and in consultation with non-governmental organizations
having consultative status, the subjects listed in para-
graph E below :
(o) To appoint experts to provide advisory services at
the request of Governments which show the need for
them ;
(&) To enable suitably qualified persons to observe, and
familiarize themselves with, the experience and prac-
tice of other countries ;
(c) To enable suitably qualified persons who cannot re-
ceive professional training in their country to receive
appropriate training in foreign countries having the
necessary facilities for such training; and
848
(d) To plan and conduct seminars; and
2. To include in his budgetary estimates of the United
Nations the sums necessary for carrying out an effective
operational programme based on the provision of the
above services ;
B. Requests the Secretary-General to undertake the
performance of the services as provided in A.l above In
agreement with the Governments concerned, on the basis
of requests received from Governments and in accordance
with the following policies:
1. Tlie kind of service to be rendered to each cuuntry
under A.l (a) shall be acceptable to the Government
concerned and shall be determined in consultation with
that Government ;
2. The selection of the persons under A.l (b) and (c)
shall be made by the Secretary-General on the basis o(
proposals received from Governments, which shall indi-
cate their preferences with regard to host countries
and shall be acceptable to the host countries; and
3. The amount of services and the conditions under
which they are to be rendered shall be decided by the
Secretary-General with due regard to the greater needs
of the under-developed areas and in conformity with the
principle that each requesting Government shall be ex-
pected to assume responsibility, as far as possible for
all or a considerable part of the expenses connected with
the services furnished to it, either by making a contribu-
tion in cash, or in the form of services for the purposes of
the programme being carried out ;
C. Requests the Secretary-General to report regularly
to the Commission on Human Rights and as appropriate
to the Commission on the Status of Women on the
measures which he takes in compliance with the terms of
this re.solution, and to request these Commissions to for-
mulate recommendations from time to time concerning the
continued action required to carry on these advisory
services ;
D. Recommends that the Specialized Agencies continue
to develop their technical assistance services with a
view to aiding Members to assure the effective observance
of human rights ;
E. Selects the following as subjects to which the above
advisory services would be applicable :
(a) Improvement of administrative and judicial nro-
cedures :
(6) Establishment and improvement of techniques of
mass information media, including such facilities as news
agencies ;
(c) Prerequisites for increased participation in gov-
ernment, including voting and public otBce;
(d) Increased participation in national and community
CIVIC affairs, especially for women recently granted the
vote;
(e) Abolishing slavery and institutions and practices
akin thereto ;
(/) Legislative and other measures for the prevention
of discrimination and the protection of minorities; and
(g) Establishment of non-governmental and govern-
mental bodies for the protection of civil rights ;
F. Invites the Specialized Agencies to communicate to
the Economic and Social Council, for transmission to the
Commission on Human Rights, any observations which
they might find appropriate on the above services and on
any new measures of assistance which they may deem
necessary with a view to assisting Members in ensuring
the effective observance of human rights ; and
G. Urges international and national non-governmental
organizations, universities, philanthropic foundations, and
other private groups to supplement this United Nations
programme with similar programmes designed to further
research and studies, the exchange of information, and
assistance in the field of human rights."
Department of State Bulletin
leorganization of Foreign Aid and Information Programs
I The President 011 June 1 suhmitted to the Con-
gress plans for the reorganization of various
'•oreian-aid function and agencies and of foreign-
nformation functions. Under the Reorganization
\ct of 19^9, these plans will go into effect auto-
\mtically after 60 days, unless the Congress mean-
\oUle takes action to reject them. The Congress
hould put the plaris into effect earlier by passing a
\'esolution of approval. , . , ^
, On June 1 the President also issued an txecu-
dve order providing for the immediate transfer
'.0 the Director for Mutual Security of the Tech-
iiical Cooperation Administration and certain
other functions relating to foreign aid. ^
' Following are the texts of the Presidents mes-
\nge stating his reasons for proposing the_ two
^reorganization plans, the messages transniittmg
the plans, the Executive order providing for the
transfer of the Technical Cooperation Admmis-
\tration, and a letter from the President to depart-
^.ment and agency heads.
MESSAGE TO THE CONGRESS'
I The history of recent decades has brought a pro-
found and irrevocable change in the role of our
I Nation in world affairs. We have assumed a po-
' sition of leadership among the free nations of the
, world in our united quest of a just and lasting
peace. No national ambition, no selfish desire,
: but the sheer force of circumstance— the compel-
' Ung need of freedom's cause— has brought us to
I this position and this responsibility.
To meet this responsibility, our Nation today is
I dedicated to international action m concert with
I other nations— through the United Nations arid
in regional arrangements with other nations tor
collective security, for economic and social co-
I operation, designed to foster a community ot
I world law. We have come to know that national
I security entails mutual security with other free
[ nations. And we have come to know that their
' freedom, in turn, depends heavily upon our
{ strength and the wisdom with which we use it.
To meet the challenge of this responsibility ef-
fectively—to convert earnest intent into construc-
' ' H. doc. 156.
June ?5, 1953
tive fact— we must achieve the most efficient and
cohesive possible organization for the conduct ot
our foreign affairs. Slackness, confusion, blurred
authority and clouded responsibility— any ot these
can defeat the noblest purposes of any foreign
^°Our" organization for the conduct of foreign af-
fairs has been built upon a patchwork of statutes
which needs careful restudy as a basis tor new
legislation. The development of new legislation
will take time. By early next year we will be pre-
pared, with appropriate consultation with the
Congress, to recommend such legislation, in the
meantime we must improve the present arrange-
ments within the framework of existing legis-
lation. „ , ,.
To date, the organization of the executive
branch for foreign affairs has been deficient m two
maior respects. First: there has been no clear
assignment of central responsibility for foreign
policy below the President. Second: a number
of progi'ams which implement our foreign policy
have been scattered within the executive branch
rather than being grouped together for the most
efficient and economical administration.
We must correct these deficiencies. The meas-
ures proposed are directed toward that ob]ective.
The consideration of new legislation will open up
further reorganization possibilities.
First We are taking the necessary steps to
confirm the historic responsibility of the Depart-
ment of State as the agency responsible under the
President for the development and control ot tor-
ei<^n policy and all relations with foreign govern-
ments. Not only must the Department of State
be given clear authority to provide guidance on
our foreign policies to all other agencies ot the
Federal Government; it is equally important that
each Chief of Diplomatic Mission in each foreign
country provide effective coordination of , and f or-
ei<'n policy direction with respect to, all United
Stilt es Government activities in the country.
Second. We must bring together in a single
organization foreign assistance and related eco-
nomic operations now dispersed among several
ao-encies of the executive branch.
''Third. We must provide a new, separate or-
ganization for the international information pro-
849
grams now adniiiiistei-ed l>y the Department of
State and the Mutual Security Agency.
To acliieve the organization I have outlined re-
quires a series of related actions. Accordingly, I
am transmitting to the Congress today, by the re-
quired statutory message in each instance, Reor-
ganization Plans Nos. 7 and 8 of 1953, under the
Reorganization Act of 1949, as amended. Those
plans take many of the necessary steps. I am
making otlier changes by executive order. I am,
in addition, setting forth in a letter addressed to
department and agency heads, the arrangements
which will govern relationships among executive
branch otiicials in the conduct of our international
responsibilities.
Reorganization Plan No. 7 has as its major pur-
pose the realignment of our foreign assistance and
related economic operations. It establishes a new
Foreign Operations Administration and abolishes
the present Mutual Security Agency and certain
offices. It centers in the head of the new Admin-
istration the functions vested in the Mutual Se-
curity Agency and the Director for Mutual Se-
curity, including the Director's functioiLs uncler
the Mutual Defense Assistance Control Act.
To centralize further the foreign assistance and
related economic responsibilities in the head of the
new Foreign Operations Administration, I am
taking certain administrative actions. These in-
clude the transfer from the Secretary of State to
the Director of the Foreign Operations Admin-
istration four resj^onsibilities: the administration
of the Act for International Development ; assist-
ance to private foreign relief organizations; pro-
grams for aiding persons who have escaped from
Connnunist areas; and operating functions with
respect to United States participation in the
United Nations Technical Assistance Program,
the United Nations International Children's
Emergency Fund, the United Nations Korean Re-
construction Agency, and the Intergovernmental
Committee for European Migration. These ad-
ministrative actions also inclucle the delegation by
the President to the Director of the Foreign
Operations Administration of appropriate respon-
sibilities respecting the Palestine refugee program.
The new Foreign Operations Administration
will have as its direct responsibility two major
related assistance programs which previously have
been separately administered. Both the Techni-
cal Cooperation Administration in the Depart-
ment of State and the INIutual Security Agency
have administered technical assistance programs.
At the very least, this has meant some duplication
in the performance of certain common functions,
including the recruitment of technicians and the
formulation of general policies. It has made dif-
ficult the achievement of a balanced progi-aming
of technical assistance on a world-wide basis.
The transfer of the Technical Cooperation Ad-
ministration is not intended to modify the charac-
ter of the United States technical cooperatioi
Department off State Announcement '
SUBJECT: President's Reorganization Actions
1. Oeneral:
1.1 The President on June 1 announced reorgan-
ization plans for foreign aid and information
operations as a part of tlie Administration's pro-
gram for improving tlie conduct of our foreign rela-
tions. Executive Order 1U4.>S of June 1, 1953,
transfers to the Director for Mutual Security
responsibility for the direction and supervision of
the Technical Cooperation Administration. Also
delegated to the Director for Mutual Security are
certain of the responsibilities for several multi-
lateral programs in which the United States partici-
pates, including: the United Xations and Organiza-
tion of American States teclmical assistance pro-
grams, the United Nations International Children's
Emergency Fund, the United Nations Korean Re-
construction Agency, and the Intergovernmental
Conmiittee for European Migrants. Also trans-
ferred to the Director for Mutual Security are the
program to assist Iron Curtain country escapees
and the activities of the Voluntary Foreign Aid
Staff.
1.2 Under Reorganization Plan No. 7 submitted
June 1 to the Congress, the functions of tlie Office
of the Director for Mutual Security, the Teclmical
Cooperation Administration, and the Mutual Se-
curity Agency, will be consolidated in a new Foreign
Operations Administration. The Institute of Inter-
American Affairs, together with its functions, will
also be transferred to the Foreign Operations Ad-
ministration under tids plan. All functions vested
in the Secretary of State by the United Nations
Palestine Refugee Aid Act of 19.50 will be trans-
ferred to the President.
1.3 Under Reorganization Plan No. S submitted
June 1 to the Congress, foreign information opera-
tions would be consolidated in a new agency. The
Department will retain responsibility for controlling
a program under which official statements of the
United States position on major issues, specifically
identified as such, will be disseminated on a world-
wide basis. The educational exchange of persons
programs will also be retained in the Department.
1.5 These plans have been developed by the
President on the basis of intensive study by com-
mittees advising him and with full participation by
the departments and agencies concerned. One of
the main results is to relieve the Secretary of State
of supervising operating programs, freeing his time
to concentrate on the important problems of foreign
policy. The reorganization will relieve the Depart-
ment of State of many duties extraneous to the
main foreign policy problems. The administrative
burdens falling upon the Secretary under the pres-
ent arrangement where he is ultimately held respon-
sible for personnel, budget, regulations, and security
of operating programs, such as the information
program, cannot help but divert him and his princi-
pal assistants from concentrating on the primary
role of the Department.
' Excerpts from Department Circular No. 30 dated
June 4. Portions not printed consist of a quotation
from the President's message stating the purposes
of the reorganization and details relating to the
transfer of personnel.
850
Departmenf of S/ofe Bullefin
pioiiram as a long-ranjje effort to cooperate with
tlie govermnents and peoples of other countries
in tlevelopin<i their erononiies and raising tlieir
standards of living. The technical cooperation
program will be carried out solely in furtherance
of the purposes of the Act for International De-
velopment. The transfer of the functions vested
in the President by the Act for International De-
velopment includes the programs under that act
administered by the Institute of Inter-American
Affairs.
The new Director of the Foreign Operations
Administration will have the same responsibilities
as his predecessor for continuous supervision, gen-
eral direction and coordination of all foreign
assistance programs, including the military as-
sistance responsibilities vested in the Secretary
of Defense.
Reorganization Plan No. 7 of 1953 provides for
abolishing the offices of Special Representative
in Europe and Deputy Special Representative in
Europe, as authorized by section 50-4 of the Mu-
tual Security Act of 1951, as amended. I am
establishing a new United States mission to the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization and Euro-
pean regional organizations. The chief of the
mission will report to and receive instructions
from the Secretary of State. The mission will
include representatives of the Secretary of De-
fense, the Secretary of the Treasury and the Di-
rector of the Foreign Operations Administration.
Reorganization Plan Xo. 8 establishes a new
agency- — the United States InfoiTnation Agency- —
for the conduct of our information programs.
These include, with certain limited exceptions,
four programs: the information activities now
administered by the International Information
Administration of the Department of State; the
information programs financed in connection with
government in occupied areas; the information
program of the Mutual Security Agency ; and the
Technical Cooperation Administration informa-
tion program. The first three of these programs
would be shifted by Reorganization Plan No. 8,
while the last would be reassigned by executive
order.
Various arrangements have been provided in
the past for the coordination of these programs,
but the placing of them in a single agency seems
the one sound way to provide real unity and
greater efficiency. This action, moreover, brings
under single management all the funds to be ex-
pended on these foreign information activities.
These information activities must, of course, be
subject to special g-uidance and control in view of
their direct relation to the conduct of foreign
affairs and national security policy. Therefore,
Reorganization Plan No. 8 specifies that the Secre-
tary of State shall provide to the Director of the
new agency on a current basis full guidance con-
cerning the foreign policy of the United States.
The plan also specifies, and I have amplified this
in my letter to the department and agency heads,
that the Secretary of State shall control the con-
tent of a jirogram setting forth official United
States' positions for use abroad. The program
will be clearly identified as such by an exclusive
descriptive label. I have likewise instructed that
the new United States Information Agency shall
report to the President through the National
Security Council or as the President may other-
wise direct.
In administering the information program in
the Department of State, the Secretary of State
has relied on various general statutes authorizing
and controlling administrative matters. To in-
sure that adequate authority may be vested in the
new Director, Reorganization Plan No. 8 provides
that he may, in carrying out his functions, exercise
such administrative authorities of the Secretary of
State and of certain other officers as the President
may specify.
This is necessary because the legislation dealing
with the information programs does not contain
administrative provisions. For example : the Di-
rector of the new United States Information
Agency will need personnel authority. I, there-
fore, plan to authorize an independent personnel
system for this agency's foreign operations under
authority of the last subsection of section 2 of Plan
No. 8. This system will be based on the provisions
of the Foreign Service Act of 1946. It will give
authority to the Director to appoint personnel and
take such other personnel actions as are necessary,
thereby relieving the Secretary of State of respon-
sibility with respect to personnel actions. Such
personnel would receive compensation, allowances,
and other benefits applicable to Foreign Service
Reserve, Staff, and alien personnel. It is not
planned to extend to the new agency any authority
with respect to the appointment of Foreign Service
Officers.
Wliile these ai-rangements will enable the new
agency to function with reasonable effectiveness
from the outset, I do not consider them perma-
nently suitable. There is need for a critical analy-
sis of the various systems of employment and
compensation for United States Government over-
seas civilian personnel. I am directing that this
entire matter be studied with a view toward rec-
onnnending appropriate legislation.
While divesting the Department of State of the
foreign information programs, the reorganization
plan does not transfer the responsibility of that
Department for the educational exchange pro-
grams authorized by various acts of the Congi'ess.
Close coordination of our information and educa-
tional exchange programs will, of course, be ef-
fected by the Secretary of State and the Director
of the United States Information Agency.
The Constitution of the United States places the
duty upon the President for the conduct of our
foreign affairs. Reorganization Plans Nos. 7 and
8 and the related Presidential actions are designed
June 15, 1953
851
to protect and strengthen the role of the Secretary
of State as tlie principal officer, under the Presi-
dent, in the field of foreign afl'airs. In the last
analysis, however, the ability of the Secretary of
State to discharge his responsibilities depends
upon the backing accorded to him by the Presi-
dent, including consultation with the Secretary
on the appointment and maintenance in office of
the directors created by these reorganization plans.
I shall continue to exercise my powers of appoint-
ment so that these offices are occupied only by men
who support and enjoy the full confidence of the
Secretary of State.
I urge the Congress to give its full support to
these reorganizations.
DWIOHT D. ElSENHOWEE
TirE White House,
June 1, 1953.
MESSAGE TO THE CONGRESS TRANSMITTING
FOREIGN AID REORGANIZATION PLAN'
I transmit herewith Reorganization Plan No. 7
of 1953, prepai'ed in accordance with the Reor-
ganization Act of 1949, as amended, and providing
for the reorganization of various foreign aid func-
tions and agencies. My reasons for proposing the
plan are stated in another message transmitted to
the Congress today.
After investigation, I have found and hereby
declare that each reorganization included in Re-
organization Plan No. 7 of 1953 is necessary to
accomplish one or more of the purposes set forth
in section 2 (a) of the Reorganization Act of 1949,
as amended. I have also found and hereby de-
clare that it is necessary to include in the accom-
panying reorganization plan, by reason of reor-
ganizations made thereby, jsrovisions for the ap-
pointment and compensation of officers specified
in section 1 of the plan. The rates of compensa-
tion fixed for these officers are, respectively, those
which I have found to prevail in respect of com-
parable officers in the executive branch of the
Government.
The statutory authority for the exercise of the
functions abolished by section 8 (a) (5) of the
reorganization plan is section 413 (a) of the Act
for International Development, as amended. The
vesting of the functions of planning, implement-
ing, and managing the programs authorized by
that Act, as amended, in an officer other than the
President is incongruous with the pattern of the
Act as a whole, whereby other functions are vested
in the President, with power of delegation. In
the interest of having the most flexible arrange-
ments for the administration of the Act, the func-
tions in question could be either abolished or trans-
ferred to the President. I have concluded that
they overlap the authority of the President under
the Act generally, are thus dispensable, and should
be abolished.
• H. doe. 157.
I expect that the improved organizational ar-
rangement provided for in Reorganization Plan
No. 7 of 1953 will lead to substantial economies
and significantly improved effectiveness of admin-
istration. It is not practicable, however, to item-
ize at this time the reductions in expenditures
which will probably be brought about by the tak-
ing effect of the reorganizations included in the
reorganization plan.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
The White House,
June 1, 1953.
RE0RGANI2iA.TI0N PLAN NO. 7 OF 1953
Prepared by the President and transmitted to the Sen-
ate and the House of Representatives in Congress as-
sembled, June 1, 1953, pursuant to the provisions of the
Reorganization Act of 1949, approved June 20, 1949, as
amended.
FOREIGN OPERATIONS ADMINISTRATION
Section 1. Establishment of Foreign Operations Admin-
istration.— (a) There is hereby established a new agency
which shall be known as the Foreign Operations Admin-
istration, hereinafter referred to as the "Administration".
(6) There shall be at the head of the Administration
a Director of the Foreign Operations Administration,
hereinafter referred to as the "Director." The Director
shall be appointed by the President by and with the advice
and consent of the Senate and shall receive compensa-
tion at the rate of $22,500 a year. The Secretary of State
shall advise with the President concerning the appoint-
ment and tenure of the Director.
(c) There shall be in the Administration a Deputy
Director of the Foreign Operations Administration, who
shall be appointed by the President by and vcith the ad-
vice and consent of the Senate, and who shall receive com-
pensation at the rate of $17,500 a year. The Deputy
Director shall perform such functions as the Director shall
from time to time designate, and shall act as Director
during the absence or disability of the Director or In
the event of a vacancy in the office of Director.
(d) There are hereby established in the Administration
six new offices with such title or titles as the Director shall
from time to time determine. Appointment thereto shall
be by the President, by and with the advice and consent
of the Senate. The compensation for each of two of the
said offices shall be at the rate of $16,000 a year and the
compensation for each of the other four offices shall be
at the rate of $15,000 a year. The persons appointed to
the said new offices shall perform such functions as the
Director shall from time to time designate, and are author-
ized to act as Director, as the Director may designate,
during the absence or disability of the Director and the
Deputy Director or in the event of vacancies in the offices
of Director and Deputy Director.
Sec. 2. Transfer of functions to the Director. — There
are hereby transferred to the Director :
(a) All functions vested by the Mutual Security Act
of 1951, as amended, or by any other statute in the Direc-
tor for Mutual Security provided for in section 501 of
that Act, or in the Mutual Security Agency created by
that Act, or in any official or office of that Agency, in-
cluding the functions of the Director for Mutual Security
as a memljer of the National Security Council.
(&) All functions vested by the Mutual Defense Assist-
ance Control Act of 1951 in the Administrator created by
that Act.
(c) The function vested by section 6 of the Tugoslar
Emergencv Relief Assistance Act of 1950 in the Secretary
of State.
Sec. 3. Institute of Inter-American Affairs. — The Insti-
tute of Inter-American Affairs, together with its functions.
852
Department of State Bulletin
is hereby transferred to the Administration. All fuuc-
tious vested by the Institute of Inter-American Affairs
Act in the Secretary of State are hereby transferred to
the Director. Functions with respect to serving as em-
ployees of the said Institute or as members of the board
of directors thereof, including eligibility, as the case may
lie to be detailed as such employees or to serve as such
members, are hereby transferred from the officials and
employees of the Department of State to the officials and
! employees of the Administration. The Institute shall be
administered subject to the direction and control of the
Director
Sec. 4. National Advisory Council— The Director shall
be a member of the National Advisory Council on Inter-
national Monetary and Financial Problems (22 U. S. C.
" Sec' 5. Performance of functions transferred to the
Director.— The Director may from time to time make such
provisions as he shall deem appropriate authorizing the
piTformance by anv other officer, or by any employee or
oii^anizational entity, of the Administration, of any func-
tion of the Director, except the function of being a mem-
ber of the National Security Council and the function of
being a member of the National Advisory Council on In-
ternational Monetary and Financial Problems.
Sec. 6. Transfer of functions to the President. — ^AII
functions vested in the Secretary of State by the United
Nations Palestine Refugee Aid Act of 1950 are hereby
transferred to the President.
Sec. 1. Incidental transfers.— {a) Personnel, property,
records, and unexpended balances of appropriations, allo-
cutions, and other funds, employed, used, held, available,
or to be made available in connection with functions trans-
ferred or vested by this reorganization plan shall be trans-
ferred, at such time or times as the Director of the Bureau
of the Budget shall direct, as follows :
(1) So much of those relating to functions transferred
to or vested in the Director or the Administration as the
Director of the Bureau of the Budget shall determine
shall be transferred to the Administration.
(2) Those of the Institute of Inter-American Affairs
shall be transferred along with the Institute.
(3) So much of those relating to the functions trans-
ferred by section 6 hereof as the Director of the Bureau of
the Budget shall determine shall be transferred to the
au'ency or agencies of the Government to which the Presi-
dent delegates the said functions.
(b) Such further measures and dispositions as the Di-
rector of the Bureau of the Budget shall deem to be neces-
sary in order to effectuate the transfers provided for in
suli'section (a) of this section shall be carried out in
such manner as he shall direct and by such agencies as
he shall designate.
Sec. 8. Abolitions.— {a) There are hereby abolished:
(1) The offices of Director for Mutual Security and
Deputy Director for Mutual Security, provided for in sec-
tions *501 and 504, respectively, of the Mutual Security
Act of 19.".1, as amended (including the organization in
the Executive Office of the President known as the Office
of the Director for Mutual Security).
(2) The Mutual Security Agency.
(3) The title of Administrator provided for in the Mu-
tual Defense Assistance Control Act.
(4) The four positions provided for in section 406 (e)
of the Mutual Defense Assistance Act of 1949, as amended.
(5) The offices of Administrator and Deputy Adminis-
trator for Technical Cooperation, provided for in section
413 (a) of the Act for International Development, as
amended, together with the functions vested in the Ad-
ministrator by the said section 413 (a), as amended.
(6) The offices of the Special Representative in Europe
and Deputv Special Representative in Europe, provided
for in section 504 (a) of the Mutual Security Act of 1951,
as amended. The abolition of the said offices of Repre-
sentative and Deputy Representative shall become eflec-
June 15, J 953
tive on September 1. 1953 (unless a later date is required
by the provisions of section 6 (a) of the Reorganization
Act of 1949, as amended).
(6) The Director shall wind up any outstanding af-
fairs of the aforesaid abolished agencies and offices not
otherwise provided for in this reorganization plan.
Sec. 9. Interim provisions.— The President may author-
ize the persons who, immediately prior to the effective
date of this reorganization plan, hold offices or occupy
positions abolished by section 8 hereof to hold offices and
occupy positions under section 1 hereof until the latter
offices" and positions are filled pursuant to the provisions
of the said section 1 or by recess appointment, as the case
may be, but in no event for any period extending more
than 60 days after the said effective date, as follows:
(o) The Director and Deputy Director for Mutual Se-
curity as the Director and Deputy Director of the Foreign
Operations Administration, respectively.
(6) The Administrator for Technical Cooperation and
the person occupying the senior position provided for in
section 406 (e) of the Mutual Defense Assistance Act of
1949, as amended, to serve in the two senior positions
created by section 1 (d) hereof. „ ^ . , ^
(c) The Deputy Administrator for Technical Coopera-
tion and the persons occupying the three positions pro-
vided for in section 406 (e) of the Mutual Defense Assist-
ance Act of 1949, as amended, to serve in the four positions
created bv section 1(d) hereof which have compensation
at the rate of $15,000 a year.
MESSAGE TO THE CONGRESS TRANSMITTING
PLAN FOR U.S. INFORMATION AGENCY^
I transmit herewith Keorganization Plan No.
8 of 1953, prepared in accordance with the Ke-
organization Act of 1949, as amended, and pro-
viding for the reorganization of foreign informa-
tion fnnctions. ]\fy reasons for proposing this
plan are stated in another message transmitted
to the Congress today.
After investigation, I have found and hereby de-
clare that each reorganization included in Ke-
organization Plan No. 8 of 1953 is necessary to
accomplish one or more of the purposes set forth
in section 2 (a) of the Reorganization Act of 1949,
as amended. I have also found and hereby de-
clare that it is necessary to include in the accom-
panying reorganization plan, by reason of reor-
ganizations made thereby, provisions for the
appointment and compensation of officers specified
in section 1 of the plan. The rates of compensa-
tion fixed for these officers are, respectively, those
which I have found to prevail in respect of com-
parable officers in the executive branch of the
Government.
I expect that the improved organizational ar-
ranc^ement provided for in Reorganization Plan
No.^8 of 1953 will lead to substantial economies
and significantly improved effectiveness of admin-
istration. It is not practicable, however, to
itemize at this time the reductions in expenditures
which will probably be brought about by the tak-
ino- effect of the reorganizations included in the
reorganization plan.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
The White House,
Jmie 1, 1953.
' H. doc. 158.
853
REOKGANIZATION PLAN NO. 8 OF 1953
Prepared by the President and transmitted to the Senate
and the House of Representatives in Congress assembled,
June 1, 1!J.")3, pursuant to the provisions of the Reorgani-
zation Act of 1949, approved June liO, 1949, as amended.
UNITED STATES INFORMATION AGENCY
Section 1. Eatahlishment of aiiency. — (a) There is
hereby established a new agency which shall be known
as the United States Information Agency, hereinafter
referred to as the Agency.
( li ) There shall be at the head of the Agency a Director
of the United States Information Agency, hereinafter re-
ferred to as the Director. The Director shall be appointed
by the President by and with the advice and consent of
the Senate and shall receive compensation at the rate of
$17,ij00 a year. The Secretary of State shall advise with
the President concerning the appointment and tenure of
the Director.
(c) There shall be in the Agency a Deputy Director of
the United States Information Agency, who shall lie ap-
pointed by the President by and with the advice and con-
sent of the Senate, and who shall receive compensation
at the rate of $16,000 a .year. The Deputy Director shall
perform such functions as the Director shall from time
to time designate, and shall act as Director during the
absence or disability of the Director or in the event of
a vacancy in the office of the Director.
(d) There are hereby established in the Agency so
many new offices, not in excess of fifteen existing at any
one time, and with such title or titles, as the Director shall
from time to time determine. Appointment thereto shall
be under the classified civil service and the compensation
thereof shall be fixed from time to time pursuant to the
classification laws, as now or hereafter amended, except
that the compensation may be fixed without regard to
the numerical limitations on positions set forth in section
50.5 of the Classification Act of 1949, as amended (5 U. g.
C. 1105).
Sec. 2. Transfer of functions. — (a) Subject to subsec-
tion (c) of this section, there are hereby transferred to
the Director, (1) the functions vested in the Secretary
of State by Title V of the United States Information and
Educational Exchange Act of 1948, as amended, and so
much of functions with respect to the Interchange of books
and periodicals and aid to libraries and community cen-
ters under sections 202 and 203 of the said Act as' is an
integral part of information programs under that Act,
together with so much of the functions vested in the
Secretary of State by other provisions of the said Act
as is incidental to or is necessary for the performance of
the functions under Title V and sections 202 and 203
transferred by this section, and (2) functions of the Secre-
tary of State with respect to Information programs re-
lating to Germany and Austria.
(b) Exclusive of so much thereof as is an integral
part of economic or technical assistance programs, with-
out regard to any inconsistent provision of Reorganization
Plan No. 7 of 19,53, and subject to subsection (c) of this
section, functions with respect to foreign information
programs vestetl by the Mutual Security Act of 1951. as
amended, in the Director for Mutual Security provided
for in section .501 of the said Act are hereby transferred
to the Director.
<(■) (1) The Secretary of State shall direct the policy
and control the content of a program, for use abroad, oil
official United States positions, including interpretations
of current events, identified as official positions by an
exclusive descriptive label.
(2) The Secretary of State shall continue to provide to
the Director on a current basis full guidance concerning
the foreign policy of the United States.
(3) Nothing herein shall affect the functions of the
Secretary of State with respect to conducting negotiations
with other governments.
(d) To the extent the President deems it necessary in
854
order to carry out the functions transferred by the fore-
going provisions of this section, he may authorize the
Director to exercise, in relation to the respective functions
so transferred, any authority or part thereof available by
law, including appropriation acts, to the Secretary of
State, the I>irector for Mutual Security, or the Director
of the Foreign Operations Administration, in respect of ^
the said transferred functions.
Sec. 3. Performance of transferred functions. — (o) The
Director may from time to time make such provisions as
he shall deem appropriate authorizing the performance
of any function of the Director by .-my other officer, or by
any employee or organizational entity, of the Agency.
(6) Representatives of the United States carrying out
the functions transferred by section 2 hereof in each for-
eign country shall be subject to such procedures as the
President may prescribe to assure coordination among
such representatives in each country under the leadership
of the Chief of the United States Diplomatic Mission.
Sec. 4. In<-idental transfers. — {a) So much of the per-
sonnel, property, records, and unexpended balances of ap-
propriations, allocations, and other funds, employed, used,
held, available, or to be made available in connection with
the functions transferred or vested by this reorganization
plan as the Director of the Bureau of the Budget shall
determine shall be transferred to the Agency at such time
or times as he shall direct.
(6) Such further measures and dispositions as the Di-
rector of the Bureau of the Budget shall deem to be neces-
sary in order to effectuate the transfers provided for in
subsection (a) of this section shall be carried out in sueli
manner as he shall direct and by such agencies as he shall
designate.
Sec. 5. Interim provisions. — Pending the initial appoint-
ment imder section 1 of this reorganization jilan of thi
Director and Deputy Director, respectively, therein piM
vided for. their functions shall be performed temporarily
but not for a period in excess of 60 days, by such officer-
of the Department of State or the Mutual Security Agenc.\
as the President shall designate.
EXECUTIVE ORDER 10458*
Pbovidinq for the Administration of Cfrtain Foreion>
Aid Programs and Rta^AxEn Activitif.s
By virtue of the authority vested in me by the Mutual
Security Act of 1951, as amended, the Act for Interna-
tional Development, as amended, and sections 301 to 303,
inclusive, of title 3 of the United States Code, and a»
President of the United States, it is hereby ordered as
follows :
Section 1. International development, (a) The func-
tions conferred upon the Secretary of State by Executive
Order No. 10159 of September S, 1950,° 15 F. K. 6103, are
hereby transferred to the Director for Mutual Security;
and, accordingly, the said Executive order is amended
by striking therefrom, wherever they api>ear, the wordS'
"Secretary of State" and inserting in lieu thereof, in each
instance, the words "Director for Mutual Security."
(6) Tlie Technical Cooperation Administration isi
hereby transferred from the Department of State to the
jurisdiction of the Director for Mutual Security and shall
be administered under his direction and suix>rvision.
Sec. 2. Pfirticipation in certain international orgnnizn-
tions. There are hereby delegated to the Director for
Mutual Security the functions conferred upcm the Presi-
dent by section 534 of the Mutual Security Act of 1951, as
amended, section 12 of the Mutual Security Act of 19.52,
and section 3(>3 of the Mutual Security Act of 1951, as
amended, with respect to the Intergovernmental Com-
mittee for European Migration (as the succes.sor of the
Provisional Intergovernmental Committee for the Move-
' 18 Fed. Reg. 31.59.
' Bulletin of Sept. 25, 1950, p. 499.
Department of State Bullelinl
ment of Migrants from Eiuope), the United Nations In-
ternational Children's Emergency Fund, and the United
Nations Korean Reconstriic-tiou Agency, respectively.
Sec. 3. Ocean p-cUjht chnrges on relief siiiiplics. etc.
The Mutual Security Agency is herehy designated as the
,' agency <if the Government which shall hereafter exercise
' the authority to pay ocean freight charges on shipments
of relief supplies and packages under section 117 (c) of
the Economic Cooperation Act of 1948, as amended, and
section 535 of the Mutual Security Act of 1951, as amended.
Sec. 4. Functions of Hecretarii of Slate and Department
of State, {a) Nothing in this" order shall be deemed to
modify the functions of the Secretary of State with re-
spect to conducting negotiations with other governments.
(6) The Secretary of State and the Director for Mutual
Security shall establish and maintain arrangements which
will insure that the functions of the said Director under
this order shall be carried out in conformity with the
established foreign policy of the United States.
(c) The Secretary of State shall be responsible for
making the United States contributions, under subsections
(a) and (b) of section 404 of the Act for International
Development, to the United Nations for technical co-
operation programs carried on by it and its related or-
ganizations, and to the Organization of American States,
its related organizations, and other international organi-
zations for technical cooperation programs carried on by
them, and for making United States contributions to the
international organizations referred to in section 2 hereof.
Tlic Secretary of State shall also be responsiljle for for-
mulating and presenting, with the assistance of the Di-
rector for Mutual Security, the policy of the United States
with respect to the assistance programs of the inter-
national organizations referred to in this subsection and
in section 2 hereof and for representing the United States
in those organizations. Sections 1(a) and 2 hereof shall
be subject to this subsection.
( (I ) The Director for Mutual Security shall allocate to
the Department of State funds which have been or may
be appropriated or otherwise made available for contribu-
tions of the United States to the international organiza-
tions referred to in section 2 hereof or to those receiving
contributions under subsections (a) and (b) of section
404 of the Act for International Development.
See. 5. Miscellaneous provisions, (a) Subsection (a)
of section 2 and sections 3 and 4 of Executive Order No.
10300 of November 1, 1951,° as amended by Executive
Order No. 10368 of June 30, 1952, are hereby revoked.
(6) There shall be transferred to the jurisdiction of
the Director for Mutual Security, consonant with law, so
much as the Director of the Bureau of the Budget shall
determine of the personnel, property, records, and un-
expended balances of appropriations, allocations, and
other funds, employed, held, used, available, or to be made
available in connection with the functions transferred,
delegated, or assigned to the Director for Mutual Security
or the Mutual Security Agency by this order. Such fur-
ther measures and dispositions as the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget shall deem to be necessary in order
to effectuate the transfers provided for in this section
shall be carried out in such manner as he shall direct
and by such agencies as he shall designate.
(c) To the extent that any provision of any prior Execu-
tive order is inconsistent with the provisions of this order,
the latter shall control and such prior provision is
amended accordingly.
(<?) All orders, regulations, rulings, certificates, di-
rectives, agreements, contracts, delegations, determina-
tions, and other actions of any officer or agency of the
Government relating to any function affected by this
order shall remain in effect except as they are inconsistent
herewith or are hereafter amended or revoked under
proper authority.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
The White House
June 1, 1953
' Ibid., Nov. 19, 1951, p. 826.
LETTER TO HEADS OF DEPARTMENTS
AND AGENCIES
White House press release dated June 1
JUxNE 1, 1953
To : The Heads of All Executive Departments
The Director for Mutual Security
I have today transmitted two reorganization
plans to the Congress and taken other actions by
Executive order providing for a significant reor-
ganization of the executive branch for the conduct
of foreign affairs. This letter further defines re-
lationships which will govern executive branch
officials in the conduct of our international respon-
sibilities.
The over-all foreign affairs reorganization
which I desire to achieve is designed to emphasize
the primary position of the Secretary of State
within the executive branch in matters of foreign
policy. I personally wish to emphasize that I
shall regard the Secretary of State as the Cabinet
officer responsible for advising and assisting me in
the formulation and control of foreign policy. It
will be my practice to employ the Secretary of
State as my channel of authority within the execu-
tive branch on foreign policy. Other officials of
the executive branch will work with and through
the Secretary of State on matters of foreign policy.
I shall also look to the Secretary of Defense as the
Cabinet officer responsible, within the framework
of foreign policy, for advising and assisting me
in the formulation and control of military jjolicy.
Similarly, the Secretary of the Treasury, within
the framework of foreign policy, shall continue to
be the Cabinet officer responsible for advising and
assisting me in the formulation and control of
monetary and financial policy.
The Secretary of State, the Secretary of De-
fense, and the Secretary of the Treasury, as appro-
priate, shall review plans and policies relative to
military and economic assistance programs, for-
eign information programs, and legislative pro-
posals of the Foreign Operations Administration
and the United States Information Agency, to as-
sure that in their conception and execution, such
plans, policies and proposals are consistent with
and further the attainment of foreign policy, mil-
itary policy and financial and monetary policy ob-
jectives. The Director of the Foreign Operations
Administration and the Director of the United
States Information Agency will assure the con-
currence or participation of the appropriate Secre-
tary before taking up with me any policy matters
of concern to that Secretary.
The heads of these new agencies should furnish
information to the Secretaries of State, Defense,
and Treasury in such manner and form as may be
agreed between the head of the agency and the
Secretary concerned to insure that the program of
the agencies and the implementation of such pro-
grams conform with foreign policy, military pol-
Jone 75, 1953
855
icy, and financial and monetary policy objectives.
To the maximum feasible extent consistent with
efficiency and economy, the internal organization
of the new agencies should be designed to permit
ready coordination with subordinate levels of the
Department of State. This would suggest paral-
lel areas of responsibility for constituent units of
the State Department and of the two new oper-
ating agencies wherever feasible. The two oper-
ating agencies should also enter into appropriate
arrangements to insure the necessary coordination
with each other. Overseas regional staffs should
ordinarily be established for the operating agen-
cies only where there is a regional organization or
multilateral activity of sufficient importance to
warrant the establishment of a diplomatic mission.
The Chief of the United States diplomatic mission
in each foreign country must provide effective co-
ordination of, and foreign policy direction with
respect to, all United States Government activities
in the country. To the maximum practicable ex-
tent, there should be integrated supervision of per-
sonnel performing related economic or informa-
tion activities in each foreign country. Appoint-
ments of all chief representatives abroad of the
two new agencies, and of the chiefs of military as-
sistance advisory groups abroad, should be cleared
with the Secretary of State.
Tlie Director of tlie Foreign Operations Ad-
ministration should take full advantage of the
advice and assistance available in other agencies.
He should coordinate his operations with related
operations in other agencies. At the same time,
I expect the Director of the Foreign Operations
Administration to maintain full control and direc-
tion over all foreign economic and technical as-
sistance programs rather than turn this respon-
sibility over to other agencies. We must have an
integrated direction of technical assistance and
other foreign assistance activities.
Since I am assigning to the Mutual Security
Agency responsibility for paying ocean freight on
voluntary relief shipments, I wish to make a corre-
sponding change respecting the Advisory Com-
mittee on Voluntary Foreign Aid. This Commit-
tee, which was created pursuant to the President's
letter to the Secretary of State, dated May 14,
1946, operates under the guidance of the Depart-
ment of State, and coordinates public and private
programs for foreign relief. The Committee
sliould hereafter operate under the guidance of
the Director for Mutual Security or the Director
of the Foreign Operations Administration, as the
case may be, and the State Department staff' now
assisting the Committee should be transferred to
the Mutual Security Agency and thereafter to the
Foreign Operations Administration.
The reorganization plan which creates th(
United States Information Agency also assign;
exclusive responsibility to the Secretary of State
for the control of the content of a program de-
signed to assure accurate statements of United
States official positions on important issues ana
current developments. It is my desire that this
program be so administered as to keep these offi-
cial United States positions before the govern-
ments and peoples of other countries. No mate-
rial which is not a statement of official United
States views, regardless of its nature, or origin
or the medium used for its dissemination, should
be identified, by the exclusive label which is
jDrovided.
The United States Information Agency will be
the normal outlet for this program, but the Secre-
tary of State may use other channels for dissemi-
nating this program abroad when in his judgment
the use of such channels is required. The Directoi
of the United States Information Agency shoulc
give full cooperation in providing the services and
facilities necessary for the preparation, transla
tion, transmission, and distribution of materials
for this program.
The Director of the United States Informatior
Agency shall report to and receive instructions
from me through the National Security Counci'
or as I may otherwise direct. I am directing thai
the necessary changes be made in existing arrange-
ments for Government-wide coordination of for-
eign information activities to enable the Directoi
of the United States Information Agency to serve
as Chairman of the Psychological Operations
Coordinating Committee.
The Secretary of State has an obligation to de-
velop means of providing foreign policy guidance
fully and promptly. The Foreign Operations Ad-
ministration and the United States Information
Agency must seek such guidance and establish
appropriate means of assuring that its programs
at all times conform to such foreign policy
guidance.
The instructions in this letter supplement the
actions which I have taken by Executive order
and the reorganization plans. They will in turn
be supplemented as necessary by other orders and
by interagency arrangements. I am confident that
the members of the executive branch, under the
clear assignments of responsibility which I have
provided, will continue to work together even more
effectively as a team. Such teamwoi-k is essential
to our success in the conduct of foreign affairs
and to the achievement thereby of a greater meas-
ure of peace, well-being, and freedom throughout
the world.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower . a
856
Department of State Bulletin
i
President's Proposal for Admission of European Migrants
Statement hy Acting Secretary Smith ^
In his letter of April 22, 1953 ^ to the President
of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of
Representatives, President Eisenhower pointed to
the tragic developments which left countless
thousands of homeless refugees in Europe, and
: referred to the steady flow of persons escaping
from Communist oppression to seek asylum in the
free world. The President also pointed to the
problem of population pressures as a source of ur-
gent concern in several friendly countries in Eu-
rope. As a contribution to the solution of these
problems, the President urged earliest considera-
tion for his recommendations for emergency im-
' migration legislation.
After careful study, the Department of State be-
lieves that the bill introduced by you, Mr. Chair-
man,=' and 17 of your colleagues (S. 1917) will go
a long way toward meeting the needs outlined by
the President.
The Department of State is interested in the
proposed legislation primarily because of its for-
eign-policy implications. The humanitarian as-
pects of the program are obvious. Its effect upon
our relations with our European allies will be most
favorable. It will assist in relieving situations
which, under certain circumstances, would ad-
versely affect the national security of the United
States by undermining the economic and political
stability of our allies.
We are faced with a number of serious prob-
lems having an important impact on the political,
economic, and social life of friendly countries in
Europe. Some of these problems are a direct out-
growth of World War II ; others trace their origin
'Made on May 26 (press release 288) before the Sub-
committee on Immigration and Naturalization of the Sen-
ate Committee on the Judiciary on the President's pro-
posal for the admission of 240,000 escapees, expellees, and
persons from overpopulated areas in Europe. Acting Sec-
retary Smith testified on May 21 before the Subcommittee
on Immigration and Naturalization of the House Commit-
tee on the same proposal (press release 277; not printed).
' Bulletin of May 4, 1953, p. 639.
' Sen. Arthur V. Watkins.
to totalitarianism. They are problems of popu-
lation pressures and of escape from persecution,
and they are creating situations in certain Euro-
pean areas which constitute a grave threat to im-
portant objectives of American foreign policy.
During and after World War II the pressures
from basic overpopulation increased tremen-
dously. This is attributable in part to the virtual
cessation of migration during the war years. Mil-
lions of people became refugees; other millions,
because they were Germans, were expelled from
their homes in Eastern Europe. There has also
been a steady stream of persons fleeing to freedom
from Communist terror in Eastern Europe.
Most of the nations of the free world have made
a consiclerable effort to alleviate this situation.
Through our own Displaced Persons Act of 1948,
this Government admitted some 350,000 refugees
from Germany, Austria, and Italy. Through the
Intergovernmental Committee for European Mi-
gration, the United States and 21 other govern-
ments, including Australia, Canada, Israel, 12
AVestern European, and 6 Latin American coun-
tries, have worked conscientiously to help in the
solution of this problem. This Committee, with
U.S. assistance and leadership, hopes to move
120,000 from Europe in 1953 and 140,000 in 1954.
Various countries have participated substan-
tially in receiving migrants from Europe. It is
estimated that some 350,000 migrants are moving
annually to overseas countries. Since 1945, Can-
ada has admitted approximately 775,000 immi-
grants from Europe; Australia 720,000; Latin
American countries approximately 125,000 an-
nually. It is hoped that under U.S. leadership
other nations will further increase their level of
immigration from Europe.
The problem to which S. 1917 is addressed is one
of great concern both to this Government and to
cur North Atlantic Treaty allies. It is impera-
tive to reduce the population backlog created dur-
ing the war and postwar years and recently ag-
gravated by the flow of escapees from countries
June 75, J 953
857
under Communist control. Serious economic and
social problems have been created in areas of over-
population and where refugees and escapees have
concentrated. And not the least serious is that
these problems become a factor in the gi-owth of
communism. The result is a drain on the econ-
omies of our Western European partners. De-
spite outside assistance, they have had to bear the
principal burden themselves. West Germany and
other countries have absorbed a large proportion
of the backlog into their own economies, but they
cannot handle this problem alone. Only through
adequate emigration opportunities can the popu-
lation pressures be reduced to manageable pro-
portions.
S. 1917 seeks to contribute to a solution of two
problems. One relates to overpopulation; the
other to refugees — German expellees and escapees
from communism. I believe it important to em-
phasize that S. 1917 seeks to meet these problems
witliin tlie framework of the Immigration and
Nationality Act of 1952. The security provisions
of the Immigration and Nationality Act will be
fully complied with. The screening of candidates
for admission will be fully as rigorous as that
provided under normal immigration. To protect
the American labor market from undue over-
crowding, S. 1917 contains provisions going be-
yond those set foi-th in the Immigi'ation and
Nationality Act. The Labor and Agi'iculture De-
partments will describe the process by which mi-
grants under this program will have been assured
of suitable employment prior to the issuance of a
visa and will testify on the impact of the program
on the domestic economy.
S. 1917 is a temporary measure which does not
alter or amend the Immigration and Nationality
Act. It is designed to meet an emergency situa-
tion through the issuance of 240,000 special-quota
visas over a 2-year period.
I agi'ee completely with you, INIr. Chairman,
when you said at the time you introduced S. 1917,
"All the necessary protections with respect to se-
curity are provided for in this bill. In no manner
do the requirements differ from those of the Inter-
nal Security Act or the security provisions of the
Immigration and Nationality Act." You pointed
to another basic fact, which I should like to em-
phasize, when you said, "The selection of immi-
grants ... is to be carried out exclusively by
officials of the U.S. Government. Without ex-
ception, all determinations of eligibility and ad-
missibility will be made by officials of this
Government."
Provision for Special-Quota Visas
The program proposed by the bill would enable
us, over a 2-year period, to admit 110,000 escapees
and expellees now crowded into the Western Zones
of Berlin, West Germany, and Austria. S. 1917
defines an "escapee" as anyone who has left the
Soviet Union or other Communist, Communist- '
dominated, or Communist-occupied area of Eu-
rope, and has refused to return to these areas. |
Persecution or fear of persecution on account of |
race, religion, or political opinions is the estab- i
lished yardstick. An "expellee" is any person of
German ethnic origin, expelled from Eastern Eu- ,
rope, who is now residing in Berlin, Western Ger-
many, or Austria. Both in the case of the escapee \
and in the case of the expellee, only those who are i
not firmly resettled are eligible. i
Well over 8,000,000 people — expellees and es- |
capees from communism — have already been
absorbed by the Federal Kepublic of Germany. |
Lai-ge numbers cannot be absorbed, and the prob- |
lem has been aggravated by a steady influx of \
those fleeing west from the oppressive heel of to- |
talitarianism. Similarly a flow of East Euro- i
pean escapees has added to the problem in Austria. ]
It is toward these problems that the admission i
of 110,000 escapees and expellees now in West i
Berlin, Western Germany, and Austria is directed.
S. 1917 provides for the admission of another i
15,000 escapees from communism now in the Euro-
pean territories of our Nato partners, including
Turkey, and in Trieste. Here again, we would
be offering hope to those who have left their
homes and braved the teiTors of Communist fron-
tiers in a perilous quest for freedom.
The gi'eat contributions which these escapees
have made here and in other Western nations are
well known to this Committee.
The remaining special-quota numbers are made
available to qualified persons from the territories
of our Nato partners, Italy, the Netherlands, and
Greece.
Italy's struggle to meet her overpopulation
problem is well known. The President's letter of
April 22 was received enthusiastically by the
Foreign Ministers at the April meeting of the
North Atlantic Council, offering as it did hope
that help might be in sight for our common allies.
All members of the North Atlantic Council have
been deeply concerned with this problem, and var-
ious plans for increasing mobility of labor in
Europe are being explored.
In Italy, the population problem is not a per:
manent and insoluble one. It results largely from
the policy of the Mussolini regime of discouraging
normal emigration; the high birthrate of the
1930's; the cessation of emigration during the
war; and the influx of approximately one-half
million people from the former Italian colonies
and from Istria and Venezia Giulia. In the post-
war period Italy's birthrate has been below that
of most other West European countries. The
current birthrate is 17.6 per 1,000 population, com-
pared, for example, with 19.4 for France and 24.6
for the United States. The Italian problem is
primarily one of handling the accumulated back-
log which that country, despite its consistent ef-
forts, cannot manage by itself.
858
Department of State Bulletin
)ther Countries Help
Over a period of time we have urged otlier
friendly countries to help in this situation. From
1946 to 1951 approximately 750,000 Italians have
,jeen received by these countries. Approximately
'jne-half million have gone overseas, while the
remainder have been resettled in other European
countries. The adoption of S. 1917 would pro-
vide further encouragement for others to increase
their etlorts. Our direct contribution under this
program would be to admit 75,000 Italians from
Italy and Trieste over a 2-year period.
The bill luider discussion would also provide for
the admittance, during the next 2 years, of 20.000
from the Netherlands. The desirable level of
emigration from that country would be about
60,000 annually. Indonesian independence closed
a traditional outlet for Dutch migration. Many
Dutch families, settled in that area for genera-
tions, were repatriated to the Netherlands, a coun-
try badly devastated by the war and already se-
riously overcrowded. Last winter's flood disaster
dramatized the pressing overpopulation problem.
Last year about 50,000 emigrated, primarily to
Canada and to Australia. The openings provided
in the United States for 20,000 immigi-ants from
the Netherlands in the next 2 years would not only
be regarded as a most friendly gesture but would
do nuich to strengthen the economy of one of our
I staunchest allies.
I Greek effoi-ts to contribute eifectively to our
Western defense against communism and to main-
I tain decent living standards could be defeated by
I the crushing weight of surplus population. Eacla
I year Greece has six times as many new workers
entering the labor market as Belgium and Sweden,
i which have populations of comparable size. Lack
I of resources and of arable land, war devastation,
I and Communist guerrilla activity, have gravely
I heightened the population problem. Emigration
to Canada and Australia is beginning to help.
The admission into the LTnited States of an addi-
tional 20,000 Greeks would considerably ease the
burden on the local economy and strengthen the
bonds between this country and Greece which
stands so courageously on. the easternmost flank
of our defenses.
Mr. Chairman, I thoroughly agree with the
statement you made when you introduced S. 1917.
You said, "the bill now being introduced is a good,
honest piece of proposed legislation, carefully
drawn to protect the United States, and it is drawn
in such a way as to make clear what it is intended
to be."
In summary, may I say again that the problems
dealt with in the President's letter and in the
proposed legislation are most critical. They con-
cern friendly countries confronted by acute popu-
lation pressures and burdened with an increasing
influx of escapees from communism. These
countries have made magnificent efforts to absorb
as many people as possible. The United States
and other countries of the free world have supple-
mented these efforts by taking steps to assist in
alleviating the problems. The program provided
by S. 1917 would be our most effective contribu-
tion. Moreover, our example in adopting this
legislation would encourage other countries to
increase their efforts and enlarge their progi-ams.
Altogether we would be strengthening the inter-
nal soundness of our Nato allies and our friends
in Europe as we continue in our common efforts
to create effective defenses against threats of ex-
ternal military aggression. And, finally, gentle-
men, the adoption of this legislation would offer
hope of a life in freedom to many who risked
their lives to flee from Communist tyranny in
search of liberty.
THE DEPARTMENT
Confirmation
The Senate on June 4 confirmed Samuel C. Waugh as
Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs.
THE FOREIGN SERVICE
Consular Offices
Tlie consulates at Hamilton, Ontario, and Victoria,
British Columbia, are being closed to tlie public as of
Ma.v 29. Hamilton will officially close by June 30, while
Victoria will be officially closed by June 12, 1953.
The consular functions of Victoria are being transferred
to the consulate general at Vancouver. Those of Hamil-
ton are to be divided between the consulate at Niagara
Falls and the consulate general at Toronto as foUows :
Niagara Falls — Applications for visas from residents of
Hamilton and the area between Hamilton and Niagara
I'^alls.
Toronto — All consular functions, except visa work origi-
nating in and near Hamilton, as stated above.
Chiefs of Mission To Remain
at Their Posts
The President announced on June 1 that the following
chiefs of mission are to remain at their posts :
Angus Ward, Ambassador to Afghanistan
Paul C. Daniels, Ambassador to Ecuador
Edward B. Lawson, Minister to Iceland
Monnett B. Davis, Ambassador to Israel
Joseph Flack, Ambassador to Poland
June 15, J 953
859
June 15, 1953
Index
Vol. XXVIII, No. 729
American Republics
CUBA: Air transport agreement (text of agree-
ment) 839
Asia
KOREA : President's letter to Syngman Bhee on
proposed arm^lstlce 836
Aviation
Air transport agreement with Cuba (text of
agreement) 839
Claims and Property
U.S. claimants to German assets In Switzerland . 838
Congress
President's proposal for admission of European
migrants (Smith) 857
Reorganization of foreign-aid and information
programs 849
Europe
AUSTRIA: New escapee program 837
GERMANY: U.S. representative on Board for
Validation of German Bonds 837
ITALY: MsA productivity allotment .... 838
SWITZERLAND: U.S. claimants to German
assets 838
Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: June 1-4, 1953
Releases may be obtained from the Office of the
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department
of State, Washington 25, D.C.
Press releases issued prior to June 1 which appear
in this issue of the Buxletin are Nos. 288 of May 26,
290 of Hay 26, and 298 of May 29.
Subject
Dulles : Report on Near East trip
36th session of Ilo
Pan American Railway Congress
Friend.^hip treaty with Germany
U.S. claims on German assets
U.S. holders of Mexican securities
Exchange program
Exchange program
♦Not printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
No.
Date
299
(i/1
tsoo
6/2
t301
6/2
t302
C/3
303
6/3
t304
6/3
*305
0/4
*306
6/4
Finance
MsA productivity allotment to Italy .... 838
U.S. representative on Board for Validation of
German Bonds 837
Foreign Service
Chiefs of mission remaining at their posts . . 859
Consular offices 859
Human Rights
A new human rights action program (Lord),
(texts of U.S. draft resolutions) .... 842
Immigration and Naturalization
President's proposal for admission of European
migrants 857
Mutual Security
MsA productivity allotment to Italy 838
Near and Middle East
Report on the Near East (Dulles) 831
Presidential Documents
Reorganization of foreign-aid and information
programs 849
Refugees and Displaced Persons
New escapee program in Austria (Thompson) . 837
State, Department of
Confirmation (Waugh) 859
Department announcement on President's reor-
ganization actions 850
Treaty Information
Air transport agreement with Cuba (text of
agreement) 839
United Nations
A new human rights action program (Lord),
(texts of U.S. draft resolutions) .... 842
President's letter to Syngman Rhee on proposed
Korean armistice 835
Name Index
Dulles, Secretary 831
Eisenhower, President 835, 849
Hartman, Douglas W 837
Lord, Mrs. Oswald B 842
Rhee, Syngman 835
Smith, Walter Bedell 857
Thompson, Llewellyn 837
Waugh, Samuel C 859
U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTINS OFFICE; 1953
J/i€/ ^eha^t77tenl/ £^ t/tai&
d. XXVIII, No. 730
June 22, 1953
*'-*TE3 O*
NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE DEFENSE OF
FREEDOM • Address by the President 863
SUSTAINING NATO'S OBJECTIVES • by General
Matthew B. Ridguiay »""
TEXT OF AGREEMENT ON PRISONERS OF WAR . 866
THE PIVOTAL CONFLICT DOMINATING THE
WORLD • by Under Secretary Smith 874
PROGRESS TOWARD MIGRATION COMMITTEE'S
GOALS • Article by George L. Warren 879
For index see back cover
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
JUL 14 1953
,JAe z/^eha/yl^e/ivt jO^ t/^^ V^ W x J. \D LXJ. 1
Vol. XXVIII, No. 730 • Publication 5094
]iine 22, 1953
For sale by the Superintendent of Documents
U.S. Qovernment Printing Office
Washington 2S, D.O.
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The printing of this publication has
been approved by the Director of the
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 1962).
Note: Contents of this publication are not
copyrlKhled and items contained herein may
be reprinted. Citation of the Depaetmknt
or State Bclletin as the source will be
appreciated.
The Department of State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication compiled and
edited in the Division of Publications,
Office of Public Affairs, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
partment of State and the Foreign
Service. The BULLETIN includes
selected press releases on foreign pol-
icy issued by the White House and
the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as well as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
tions of the Department. Informa-
tion is included concerning treaties
and international agreements to
which tlie United States is or may
become a party and treaties of gen-
eral international interest.
Publications of the Department, as
well as legislative material in the field
of internatioruil relations, are listed
currently.
National Security and the Defense of Freedom
Address hy the President '
I thank you sincerely for the honor of your
invitation to be with you today.
Yours is one of our Nation's most distinguished
and enterprising organizations. You are young
and responsible people with impressive careers and
achievements already recorded to your credit. My
own life has been spent with America's young
people. The grave decisions that I have been
compelled to make have been vindicated by their
skill, their sense of responsibility, and their sac-
rifice. My faith in them is my unbounded faith
in America itself.
Because you are both young and responsible,
you know what is your greatest responsibility of
all — tomorrow — the whole future of freedom.
In the minds of all of you— as in my own
mind — is a long list of critical subjects confront-
ing our people today. I wish I could discuss all
of them with you— the problems of healthy foreign
trade ; the regulation of Government expenditures ;
the achieving of a more just tax structure; the
development of sound agricultural programs ; the
great work to be done in the fields of education,
health, and welfare.
There is, however, one matter that overshadows
all of these. It is the constant, controlling con-
sideration in our national life today. It is — our
Nation's security.
Quickly we can see how this one issue effectively
rules all others. It alone comes close to fixing the
level of Government budgets — when two of every
three dollars spent by our Federal Government go
to defense purposes. It thereby almost auto-
matically sets the requirements for Federal taxes.
It directly affects the welfare of our farms, so de-
pendent upon wide opportunities for export. And
it is intimately bound up with foreign trade —
for our own imports of such critical products as
' Made at the annual convention of the National Junior
Chamber of Commerce, Minneapolis, Minn., on June 10
and released to the press by the White House on the same
date.
June 22, 1953
nickel, and cobalt, and mica are essential to our
national security.
It is no wonder that our national security is so
vast a matter— for the struggle in which freedom
today is engaged is quite literally a total and uni-
versal struggle. It engages every aspect of our
lives. It is waged in every arena in which a
challenged civilization must fight to live.
It is a military struggle— on the battlefields of
Korea, of Indochina, of Malaya.
It is an economic struggle — in which the equiva-
lent of a lost battle can be suffered in a ruined
rice crop in Asia, or in the lagging of a critical
production line in America.
It is a political struggle — speaking at the con-
ference tables of the United Nations, in the daily
diplomatic exchanges that flood the cable wires
and telephone lines of the world.
It is a scientific struggle — in which atomic-
energy plants and colossal research projects can
produce terrible wonders matching in fateful effect
the inventions of the wheel or of gunpowder.
It is an intellectual struggle — for the press and
the radio, every spoken and printed word, can
either inspire or weaken men's faith in freedom.
It is a spiritual struggle — for one of commu-
nism's basic assumptions about the nature of men
is that they are incapable of ruling themselves,
incapable of attaining the spiritual standards and
strength to solve national problems when these re-
quire voluntary personal sacrifice for the common
good. This is the Communist's justification for
regimentation. All this we deny. And we must
seek in our churches, our schools, our homes, and
our daily lives the clearness of mind and strong-
ness of heart to guard the chance to live in
freedom.
For this whole struggle, in the deepest sense,
is waged neither for land, nor for food, nor for
power — but for the soul of man himself.
These are real, tough facts — not mere poetic
fancies. They are facts as true and as compelling
as any airj)lane production schedules, or the fire-
863
power of our guns, or the armor of our tanks, or
tlie speed of our jets.
I cannot presume today to speak of all aspects
of so vast, so all-embracing, so total a struggle —
nor of all the truths that must, I believe, guide us
steadfastly. I wish to speak simply of two of these
truths.
The first is this: Our militai-y strength and our
economic strength are truly one — and neither can
sensibly be purchased at the price of destroying
the other.
The second is this : This Nation and all nations
defending freedom everywhere in the world are
one in their common need and tlieir common
cause — and none can sanely seek security alone.
The first of these truths concerns our military
posture of defense. The second concerns our whole
concept and conduct of world affairs. Let us con-
sider each of them briefly, for the mere assertion
of a general truth proves nothing and convinces
no one.
An Age of Peril
The central problem of our military defense is
not merely to become strong — but to stay strong.
The reason is obvious ; we cannot count upon any
enemy striking us at a given, ascertainable mo-
ment. We live, as I have said before, not in an
instant of peril but in an age of peril — a time of
tension and watchfulness.
The defense against this peril, then, must be
carefully planned and steadfastly maintained.
It cannot be a mere repetition of today's reflex to
yesterday's crisis. It cannot be a thing of frenzies
and alarms. It must be a thing of thought and
order and efficiency.
Precisely such a defense is now being built for
our country. I personally believe it does several
things. It soberly promises more efficient military
production. It realistically assesses our long-
term economic capacity. It demands the elimina-
tion of luxury, waste, and duplication in all mili-
tary activity. And it allocates funds as justly and
wisely as possible among the three armed services.
Concretely : these defense plans allocate 60 cents
out of every defense dollar to air power. With
the enactment of pending legislation our Air
Force will have available for its expenditure more
than 40 billion dollars. By mid-1954 its strength
will total 114 wings. At the same time the air
arm of the Navy will command a full half of all
the funds available to the entire naval establish-
ment. The Navy and Marine air arms will alone
total almost 10,000 planes. All this, I believe,
promises both powerful air defense and a no less
powerful deterrent to any would-be aggressor.
Greater efficiency in production will give us less
costly production schedules — and something even
more vital : fewer planes "on order," more planes
in the air. Today, typical production schedules
require 26 months for a B-47, 34 months for a
B-52. We believe that such schedules can be re-
duced to something like 18 months. I repeat:
that will mean fewer planes in theory, more planes
in fact — more swiftly and less expensively.
How many planes— how many divisions — how
great a Navy — should we have? Such (juestions
are, these days, earnestly and fervently debated
by advocates of different theories, as well as a fair
number of self-appointed experts. All this is
healthy and proper enough — provided we do not
lose sight of certain elemental facts.
First: We must remember always that reason-
able defense posture is not won by juggling magic
numbei's — even with an air of great authority.
There is no wonderfully sure number of planes or
.ships or divisions — or billions of dollars — that can
automatically guarantee security. The most un-
compromising advocates of such magic numbers
have themselves changed their calculations almost
from year to year. Such changes are reasonable,
as technological advance requires. But the in-
sistence that the latest change is final, definitive,
and unchallengeable — that is not reasonable.
Second : We must remember that all our plans
must realistically take account — not just this year
but every year — of colossal and continuing techno-
logical change. We are living in a time of revo-
lution in military science. Today 25 aircraft
equipped with modern weapons can, in a single
attack, visit upon an enemy as much explosive
violence as was hurled at Germany by our entire
air effort throughout 4 years of World War II.
And a third serious truth about our military de-
fense is this: there is no such thing as maximum
security short of total mobilization. This would
mean regimentation of the worker, the farmer, the
businessman — allocation of materials — control of
wages and prices — drafting of every able-bodied
citizen. It would mean, in short, all the grim^
paraphernalia of the garrison state.
This would do more damage than merely to
strain the economic fabric of America. It would —
if long sustained — imperil the very liberties we
are striving to defend. And it would ignore that
most elemental truth — the fact that this total
struggle cannot be won by guns alone.
I do not believe — in a word— that we can wisely
subscribe to what I would call the "all-out" mili-
tary theory of defense — ignoring the other de-
fenses we must build and hold.
The "Fortress" Theory
There is another theory of defense — another
oversimplified concept — which I believe equally
misleading and dangerous. It is what we might
call the "fortress" theory of defense.
Advocates of this theory ask : Why cannot the
strongest nation in the world — our country — stand
by itself ? What does the United Nations matter ?
And particularly in Asia, where so many of our
sons have died in freedom's name, why cannot we
864
Department of State Bulletin
make our own decisions, fight and stand as only
we ourselves may choose ?
There are many answers. I shall give but a
few.
A total struggle — let us never forget it — calls
for a total defense. As there is no weapon too
small — no arena too remote — to be ignored, so
there is no free nation too humble to be forgotten.
All of us have learned — first from the onslaught of
Nazi aggression, then from Communist aggres-
sion-— that all free nations must stand together,
or they shall fall separately. Again and again we
must remind ourselves that this is a matter not
only of political principle but of economic neces-
sity. It involves our need for markets for our
agricultural and industrial products, our need to
receive in return from the rest of the world such
essentials as manganese and cobalt, tin, and tung-
sten.
This essential, indispensable unity means com-
promise— always witliin a clearly defined, clearly
understood framework of principle. We know
the need of compromise, in harmony with basic
principles, within our own Nation. It is the es-
sence of the democratic process. We should not
be surprised that it applies just as vitally among
nations — in the wide community of the world's
free peoples.
How — where — can there be retreat from this
unity ? Surrender Asia ? That would mean leav-
ing a vast portion of the population of the entire
world to be mobilized by the forces of aggression.
Surrender Europe ? That would mean more than
doubling the industrial power of those same forces.
Who is there who thinks that the strength of
America is so great — its burdens so easy, its future
so secure — that it could make so generous a gift to
those challenging our very lives?
There is no such thing as partial unity. That is
a contradiction in terms.
We camiot select those areas of the globe in
which our policies or wishes may differ from our
allies — build political fences around these areas —
and say to our allies : "We shall do what we want
here — and where you do what we want, there and
only there shall we favor unity." That is not
unity. It is dictation. And it is not the way
free men associate.
We all hear — in this connection — a good deal of
unhappy murmuring about the United Nations.
It is easy to understand the dismay of many.
None of us is above irritation and frustration over
the seemingly vain and tedious processes of politi-
cal discourse in times of great crisis.
But none of us can rightly forget that neither
the world — nor the United Nations — is or can be
made in a single image of one nation's will or idea.
The fact is that from its foundation the United
Nations lias seemed to be two distinct things to
the two worlds divided by the Iron Curtain. To
the Communist world it has seemed a convenient
sounding board for their propaganda, a weapon to
be exploited in spreading disunity and confusion.
To the free world it has seemed that it should be
a constructive forum for free discussion of the
world's problems, an effective agency for helping
to solve those problems peacefully.
The truth is that even if the United Nations
were to conform to the concept held by the free
nations, it would still be bound to show infinite
variety of opinion, sharp clashes of debate, slow
movement to decision. For all this is little more
than a reflection of the state of the world itself.
An image of perfect symmetry would be a dis-
torted image — the false creation of some nation's
or some bloc's power-politics. And perhaps the
greatest worth of the United Nations is precisely
this : It holds up a mirror in which the world can
see its true self. And what should we want to
see in such a mirror but the whole truth — at such a
time of total struggle?
There are — as you see — certain common de-
nominators to all that I have said, certain constant
thoughts I believe to be consistently relevant in
facing our tomorrow. We must see clearly that
all the problems before us — from farm exports to
balanced budgets, from taxes to the vital resources
for our industry — all are dependent on our Na-
tion's security. And in this real way freedom's
great struggle touches all of us alike — farmer and
businessman, worker and student, pastor and
teacher.
We know this to be true because we know that
there is but one struggle for freedom — in the
market place and in the university, on the battle-
field and beside the assembly line.
We know that strength means being strong in
all these ways and places.
We know that unity means comradeship,
patience, and compromise among all free nations.
And we know that only with strength and with
unity — is the future of freedom assured. And
freedom, now and for the future, is our goal !
June 22, J953
865
Text of Agreement on Prisoners of War
Folloioing is the text of the agreement on prisoners
of tear which icas signed at Panmunjoni on June 8 by Lt.
Gen. William K. Harrison, Jr., senior delegate of the
V. N. Command delegation, and General Ifam II, senior
Communist delegate:
Within two months after the armistice agreement be-
comes effective both sides shall, without offering any
hindrance, directly repatriate and hand over in groups all
those prisoners of war in its custody who insist on repat-
riation to the side to which they belonged at the time of
capture. Repatriation shall be accomplished in accord-
ance with the related provisions of Article III of the draft
armistice agreement. In order to expedite the repatria-
tion process of such personnel, each side shall, prior to
the signing of the armistice agreement, exchange the total
numbers, by nationalities, of personnel to be repatriated
direct. Each group delivered to the other side shall be
accompanied by rosters, prepared by nationality, to in-
clude name, rank (if any) and Internment or military
serial number.
Both sides agree to hand over all those remaining pris-
oners of war who are not directly repatriated to the
Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission for disposition
in accordance with the following provisions :
Tei!ms of Reference for Neutral Nations Repatriation
Commission
/, General
1. In order to ensure that all prisoners of war have the
opportunity to exercise their right to be repatriated fol-
lowing an armistice, Sweden, Switzerland, I'oland, Czecho-
slovakia and India sliall each be requested by both sides
to appoint a member to a neutral nations repatriation
commission wliic-h shall be estal)lished to take custody in
Korea of those prisoners of war who, while in the custody
of the detaining powers, have not exercised their right
to be repatriated. The neutral nations repatriation com-
mission shall establish its headquarters within the de-
militarized zone in the vicinity of Panmun.iom, and shall
station subordinate bodies of the same composition as the
neutral nations repatriation commission at those locations
at wliich the repatriation commission assumes custody of
prisoners of war. Representatives of both sides shall be
permitted to observe the operations of the repatriation
commission and its subordinate bodies to include expla-
nations and interviews.
2. Sufficient armed forces and any other operating per-
sonnel required to assist the neutral nations repatriation
commission in carrying out its functions and responsi-
bilities shall be provided exclusively by India, whose rep-
resentative shall be the umpire in accordance with the
provisions of Article 132 of the Geneva Convention, and
shall also l)e chairman and executive agent of the neutral
nations repatriatifm commission. Representatives from
each of the other 4 powers shall l)e allowed staff assistants
in equal imniber not to exceed fifty (50) each. When
an.v of the representatives of the neutral nations is absent
for some reason, that representative shall designate an
alternate representative of his own nationality to exercise
his functions and authority. The arms of all personnel
provided for in this paragraph shall be limited to military
police type small arms.
3. No force or threat of force shall be used against the
prisoners of war specified in paragraph 1 above to prevent
or effect their repatriation, and no violence to their persons
or aft'ront to their dignity or self-respect shall be per-
mitted in any manner for any purpose whatsoever (but
see paragraph 7 below). This duty is enjoined on and
entrusted to the neutral nations repatriation commission.
This commission shall ensure that prisoners of war shall
at all times be treated humanely in accordance with the
specific provisions of the Geneva Convention, and with the
general spirit of that convention.
//, Custody of prisoners of icar
4. All prisoners of war who have not exercised their
right of repatriation following the effective date of the
armistice agreement shall be released from the military
control and from the custody of the detaining side as soon
as practicable and, in all cases, within sixty ((iO) days
subsequent to the effective date of the armistice agree-
ment to the neutral nations repatriation commission at
locations in Korea to be designated by the detaining side.
5. At the time the neutral nations repatriation com-
mission assumes control of the prisoner of war installa-
tions, the military forces of the detaining side shall be
withdrawn therefrom, so that the locations specified in
the preceding paragraph shall be taken over completely
by the armed forces of India.
6. Notwithstanding the provisions of paragraph 5 above,
the detaining side shall have the responsibility for main-
taining and ensuring security and order in the areas
around the locations where the prisoners of war are in
custody and for preventing and restraining any armed
forces (including irregular armed forces) in the area
under its control from any acts of disturbance and intru-
sion against the locations where the prisoners of war are
in custody.
7. Notwithstanding the provisions of paragraph 3 above,
nothing in this agreement shall be construed as derogating
from the authority of the neutral nations repatriation
commission to exercise its legitimate functions and re-
sponsibilities for the control of the prisoners of war under
its temporary jurisdiction.
///, Explanation
8. The neutral nations repatriation commission, after
having received and taken into custody all those prisoners
of war who have not exercised their right to be repatri-
ated, shall immediately make arrangements so that within
ninety (90) days after the neutral nations repatriation
commission takes over the custody, the nations to which
the prisoners of war belong shall have freedom and facili-
ties to send representatives to the locations where such
prisoners of war are in custody to explain to all the
prisoners of war depending upon these nations their rights
anil to inform them of any matters relating to their return
to their homelands, particularly of their full freedom to
return lu)me to lead a peaceful life, under the following
provisions :
A. The number of such explaining representatives
shall not exceed seven (7) per thousand prisoners of
war held in custody by the neutral nations repatriation
commission; and the minimum authorized shall not be
less than a total of five (5).
P.. The hours during which the explaining repre-
866
Department of State Bulletin
sentatives sliall have access to the piisouers shall be as
determined by the neutral nations repatriation commis-
sion, and generally in accord with Article 53 of the
Geneva Convention relative to the treatment of prisoners
of war.
C. All explanations and interviews shall be conducted
1 in the presence of a representative of each member nation
I'l of the Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission and a
representative from the detaining side ;
II. Additional provisions governing the explanation
work shall be prescribed by the Neutral Nations Repatri-
ation Commission, and will be designed to employ the
principles enumerated in paragraph 3 above and in this
paragraph ;
E. The explaining representatives, while engaging in
their work, shall be allowed to bring with them neces-
sary facilities and personnel for wireless communica-
tions. The number of communications personnel shall
be limited to one team per location at which explaining
representatives are in residence, except in the event that
all prisoners of war are concentrated in one location, in
which case, two (2) teams shall be permitted. Each
team shall consist of not more than six (6) communica-
tions personnel.
9. Prisoners of war in its custody shall have freedom
and facilities to make representations and communications
to the Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission and to
representatives and subordinate bodies of the Neutral Na-
tions Repatriation CommLssion and to inform them of
their desires on any matter concerning the prisoners of
war themselves, in accordance with arrangements made
for the purpose by the Neutral Nations Repatriation
Commission.
IV, Disposition of prisoners of tear
10. Any prisoner of war who, while in the custody of
the Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission, decides to
exercise the right of repatriation, shall make an applica-
tion requesting repatriation to a body consisting of a
representative of each member nation of the Neutral
Nations Repatriation Commission. Once such an applica-
tion is made, it shall be considered immediately by the
Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission or one of its
subordinate bodies so as to determine immediately by
majority vote the validity of such application. Once such
an application is made to and validated by the Commission
or one of its subordinate bodies, the prisoner of war
concerned shall immediately be transferred to and ac-
commodated in the tents set up for those who are ready
to be repatriated. Thereafter, he shall, while still in the
custody of the Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission,
be delivered forthwith to the prisoner of war exchange
point at I'anmunjom for repatriation under the procedure
prescribed in the armistice agreement.
11. At the expiration of ninety (90) days after the
transfer of custody of the prisoners of war to the Neutral
Nations Repatriation Commission, access of representa-
tives to captured personnel as provided for in paragraph
8 above, shall terminate, and the question of disposition
of the prisoners of war who have not exercised their
right to be repatriated shall be submitted to the political
conference recommended to be convened in paragraph 60,
draft armistice agreement, which shall endeavor to settle
this question within thirty (30) days, during which period
the Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission shall con-
tinue to retain custody of those prisoners of war. The
Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission shall declare
the relief from the prisoner of war status to civilian
status of any prisoners of war who have not exerci.sed
their right to be repatriated and for whom no other
disposition has been agreed to by the political conference
within one hundred and twenty (120) days after the
Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission has assumed
their custody. Thereafter, according to the application
of each individual, those who choose to go to Neutral
Nations shall be assisted by the Neutral Nations Repatria-
tion Commission and the Red Cross Society of India.
Prime Minister Nehru Congratulates
President on Prisoner Agreement
27ic summer White House at Custer State Park,
S. Dak., on June 12 released an exchange of messages
heticeen the President and Prime Minister Nehru of In-
dia. The latter's message had been transmitted to Sec-
retary Dulles on June 9 hy the Indian Ambassador,
Gaganvihari Mehta, who then transmitted the President's
reply to Prime Minister Nehru in London.
Prime Minister Nehru's Message
Please convey to President Eisenhower my congratula-
tions on the signing of the P. O. W. Agreement at Pan-
muujom. The United States under the leadership of the
President has played a wise and generous part in these
negotiations which have resulted in an Agreement and
I should like to offer my respectful congratulations to
President Eisenhower for liis leadership at this critical
moment. I earnestly trust that this Agreement will lead
to peace not only in the Far East but elsewhere.
Jawahaelal Neheu
President's Reply of June 12
My dear Mr. Prime Minister :
I thank you for your message received June 9 regarding
the prisoner of war agreement reached at Panmunjom.
I greatly appreciate your words regarding the part which
the United States has played in this matter. It is my
earnest hope that this agreement will speedily lead to
an armistice and just peace in Korea, and to a relaxing
of world tensions. India's participation in the work of
the Repatriation Commission will mark a further signifi-
cant contribution toward these ends.
Sincerely yours,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
This operation shall be completed within thirty (30)
days, and upon its completion, the Neutral Nations
Repatriation Commission shall immediately cease its
functions and declare its dissolution. After the dissolu-
tion of the Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission,
whenever and wherever any of those above-mentioned
civilians who have been relieved from the prisoner of
war status desire to return to their fatherlands, the
authorities of the localities where they are shall be re-
sponsible for assisting them in returning to their
fatherlands.
V, Bed Cross visitation
12. Essential Red Cross service for prisoners of war
in custody of the Neutral Nations Repatriation Commis-
sion shall be provided by India in accordance with regula-
tions issued by the Neutral Nations Repatriation
Commission.
VI, Press coverage
13. The Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission shall
insure freedom of the press and other news media in
observing the entire operation as enumerated herein. In
accordance with procedures to be established by the
Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission.
VII, Logistical support for prisoners of ivar
14. Each side shall provide logistical support for the
prisoners of war in the area under its military control,
delivering required support to the Neutral Nations Re-
patriation Commission at an agreed delivery point in the
vicinity of each prisoner of war installation.
1.5. The cost of repatriating prisoners of war to the
exchange point at Panmunjom shall be borne by the
detaining side and the cost from the exchange point by
the side on which said prisoners depend, in accordance
with Article 118 of the Geneva Convention.
16. The Red Cross Society of India shall be responsl-
June 22, 1953
867
The Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission
Press release 311 dated June 10
In compliance icith the terms of the Prisoner-of-
War Agreement reached at Punmunjom on June S
the United States, actiny in hehalf of the U.N. Com-
mand, on June 9 transmitted to the Governments
of Sweden. Switzerland, Poland, Czechoslovakia,
and India, through their Missions in Washington,
an Aide-Memoire askino if theij were prepared to
serve on the Neutral Nations Repatriation Commis-
sion envisioned hy that Agreement.
The text of the Aide-Mfmoire follows:
The Department of State calls the attention of
the Government of to an agreement In
regard to prisoners of war signed at Panmunjom in
Korea on June 8, 1953 between the United Nations
Command and the Communist delegations.
This agreement establishes a Neutral Nations Re-
patriation Commission and sets forth the terms of
reference of this Commission. The introductory
sentence of the terms of reference provides :
"In order to ensure that all prisoners of war
have the opportunity to exercise their right to be
repatriated following an armistice, Sweden,
Switzerland, I'oland. Czechoslovakia and India
shall each be requested by both sides to appoint
a member to a Neutral Nations Repatriation
Commission which shall be established to take
custody in Korea of those prisoners of war who,
while in the custody of the detaining powers,
have not exercised their right to be repatriated."
Paragraph 26 of the terms of reference provides :
"When this agreement has been acceded to by
both sides and by the five powers named herein,
it shall become effective upon tlie date the ar-
mistice becomes effective."
The Department of State would appreciate an ex-
pression by the Government of
that it is prepared to serve on the Neutral Nations
Repatriation Commission in accordance with the
terms of the abo\e prisoner of war agreement.
Enclosure :
Text of Agreement on Repatriation of Prisoners
of War
Department of State,
Washington
ble for providing such general service personnel in the
prisoner of war installations as required by the Neutral
Nations Repatriation Commission.
17. The Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission shall
provide medical support for the prisoners of war as may
be practicable. The detaining side shall provide medical
support as practicable upon the request of the Neutral
Nations Repatriation Commission and specifically for
those cases requiring extensive treatment or' hos-
pitalization.
The Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission sliall
maintain custody of prisoners of war during such hos-
pitalization. The detaining side shall facilitate such
custody. Upon completion of treatment, prisoners of war
shall be returned to a prisoner of war installation as
specified in paragraph 4 above.
18. The Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission is
entitled to obtain from both sides such legitimate assist-
ance as it may require in carrying out its duties and tasks,
868
but both sides shall not under any name and in any form
interfere or exert intluence.
VIII, Logistical support for the Neutral Nations
Repatriation Commission
19. Each side shall be responsible for providing logisti-
cal support for the personnel of tlie Neutral Nations
Repatriation Commissicm stationed in the area under its
military control, and both sides shall contribute on an
equal basis to such support within the demilitarized zone.
The precise arrangements shall be subject to determination
between the Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission and
the detaining side in each case.
20. Each of the detaining sides shall be responsible for
protecting the explaining representatives from the other
side while in transit over lines of communication within
its area, as set forth in paragraph 23 for the Neutral
Nations Repatriation Commission, to a place of residence
and while in residence in the vicinity of but not within
each of the locations where the prisoners of war are in
custody. The Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission
shall be responsible for the security of such representatives
within the actual limits of the locations where the prison-
ers of war are in custody.
21. Each of the detaining sides shall provide transpor-
tation, housing, communication, and other agreed logisti-
cal supiiort to the explaining representatives of tlie other
side while they are in the area under Its military control.
Such services shall be provided on a reimbursable basis.
IX, Publication
22. After the armistice agreement becomes effective, the
terms of this agreement shall be made known to all prison-
ers of war who, while in the custody of the detaining side,
have not exercised their right to be reijatriated.
X, Movement I
23. The movement of the personnel of the Neutral
Nations Repatriation Commission and repatriated prison-
ers of war shall be over lines of communication as de-
termined hy the command (s) of the opposing side and
the Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission. A map
sliowing these lines of communication shall be furnished
the command of the opposing side and the Neutral Nations
Repatriation Commission. Movement of such personnel,
except within locations as designated In paragraph 4
above, shall be under the control of, and escorted by, iier-
sonnel of the side in whose area the travel is being under-
taken ; however, such movement shall not be subject to
obstruction and coercion.
XI, Procedural tnattcrs
24. The interpretation of this agreement shall rest with
the Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission. The
Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission, and/or any
subordinate bodies to which functions are delegated or
assigned by the Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission,
shall operate on the basis of majority vote.
2.3. The Neutral Nations Repatriation Commission shall
submit a weekly report to the opposing commanders on
the status of prisoners of war in its custody, indicating
the numbers reiiatriated and remaining at the end of each
week.
20. When this agreement has been acceded to by both
sides and by the 5 iiowers herein, it shall become effective
upon the date the armistice becomes effective.
27. Done at Pannuinjom. Korea, at 1400 hours on the
8th day of June 1953, in English, Korean, and Chinese,
all texts being equally authentic.
Signed Nam II, General, Korean People's Armg senior
delegate, delegation of the Korean People's Army and the
Chinese People's Volunteers.
Signed WiLi.tAM K. Harrison, Jr., Lieutenant General,
Vnitril States Army ^senior delegate, United Nations Com-
mand Delegation.
Department of State Bulletin
Sustaining NATO's Objectives
ly General Matthew B. Ridgway
Supreme Allied Commander. Europe "■
I consider it particularly appropriate, to ]oin
■with members of the American Council on Nato
m discussing the role of this international organi-
zation and of one of its military agencies, Supreme
Allied Command, Europe, in world affairs. I
appreciate greatly your invitation to address you.
It is of major importance that the peoples of
the United States and all other Nato countries
receive as full and factual information concern-
ing the common problems we face together and
what we are doing to solve them as is possible
within the bounds of military security.
Free peoples only give their wholehearted sup-
port and accept heavy financial burdens when they
know the facts and" find these facts justify the
costs.
You are doing our country and the free world
a great service by assuming the task of assisting
in'^furnishing Americans the facts concerning the
purposes, ob^'ectives, and status of Nato and of
its military commands.
What is the Supreme Allied Command, Europe i
Wliat is its job?
AVhere is its place in Nato — the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization?
Have the North Atlantic Treaty ^ nations
chanired their declared purpose of uniting their
efforts for their collective self-defense, and for
the preservation of peace and security?
Has the threat which twice already in this
century has brought them untold loss of life and
destruction of property, and which but 3 short
years ago revealed the possibility of enormously
greater catastrophe for them and for all of the
Western AVorld now abated?
Can they now safely relax their efforts and rele-
gate military security to a secondary place?
All these questions occur and recur in the daily
consideration of the major problems now facing
Nato. All require reasoned answers. The an-
swers, which the Nato govermnents are now
'Address made before the American Council on Nato
at New fork on May 21. Reprinted from Cong. Rec, June
8, 1953, p. A3458.
June 22, 1953
259373 — 53 2
pondering, and the actions which these govern-
ments take will be fateful for the future of our
people and for all those who, in Nato and else-
where throughout the world, share with them the
ideals of human dignity, human decency, and
liberty under Almighty God.
As the Supreme Allied Commander in Europe,
I want to outline the scope of our job.
I want to outline this job as I see it today,
dependent on the answers given by the govern-
ments concerned to the questions I have pro-
pounded.
In that which follows, I speak as an inter-
national military commander, deriving my re-
sponsibilities ancl authority from an international
political body, the North Atlantic Council, on
which the United States Government is one of
fourteen members.
In this role, while I express my personal views,
1 do so from an international, not solely an Ameri-
can military viewpoint. I speak to nationals of
all 14 Nato nations, not just to Americans. I
speak from within my sphere as a professional
militai-y man, not as a trespasser into the political
sphere,'whose limits I well recognize and scrupu-
lously respect.
Yet there will be found, I think, in what I say,
something particularly pertinent to America's
consideration of its Nato obligations. It could
hardly be otherwise. The capabilities of the
American people to influence the course of the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization are so great,
their role of leadership so vitally significant for
themselves and the world, that America does carry
a heavy share of responsibility for finding solu-
tions to Nato's problems. . . .
We must, in any analysis of a problem so huge,
commence with a firm foundation on which to
build.
I take, as my foundation, the purpose and ob-
jectives of the parent organization, Nato.
The purpose is to preserve the peace and our
freedom, and this statement is simple, clear, all-
inclusive, and unchallengeable. It is the truth.
869
The objectives of tliis organization are clearly
set forth in the preamble to the treaty :
To safeguard the freedom, common heritage, and civili-
zation of their peoples, founded on the principles of
democracy, individual liberty, and the rule of law; to pro-
mote stability and well-being in the North Atlantic area ;
to unite their efforts for collective defense and for the
preservation of peace and security.
The entire history of the North Atlantic Treaty
negotiations, and of Nato itself, including all that
has been done from its inception to date, is com-
pletely devoid of any threat to any nation. Any
allegation of aggressive intent constitutes a delib-
erate and malicious fraud against humanity.
Xow from this foundation of fact I derive two
premises. First, it was the threat of armed ag-
gi-ession by Soviet Russia and Soviet-controlled
military power which brought Nato into being.
Second, the primary objective of Nato is the
preservation of peace and of the security of the
peoples and territory of the North Atlantic area.
On this foundation and from these premises,
the Governments, acting through the Permanent
Council on which all are represented, assigned cer-
tain missions or jobs to be done. Among them were
the military missions. If not the most important
at the time, certainly they were then the most
urgent. If Western Europe had been attacked in
1950 as the Republic of Korea was criminally at-
tacked in June of that year, there would have been
no doubt of its fate.
NATO's Wartime Mission
The urgent job at the time of foundation was to
create, at the earliest possible date, the military
strength which would deter aggression against
Western Europe with its inevitable expansion into
a worldwide conflict. This can be termed the
"peacetime objective" of Nato.
The wartime mission stems directly from this.
If an attack should be made upon us, either
through miscalculation or the deliberate design to
precipitate war, then Nato's military forces must
be capable of repelling and defeating the aggres-
sion with the least cost to the member nations in
terms of manpower, money, and those values dear
to us all.
This then is the problem. It is the No. 1
problem of Nato. It is, in my opinion, of no less
urgency today than when the Council, in Decem-
ber 1950, acknowledged it as such by asking the
Government of the United States to make available
to help solve this problem my predecessor, now the
President of the United States.
Now we consider the military problem given my
command.
The mission of my command is naturally inter-
twined with that of the overall Nato organization.
It is the top headquarters in Europe which con-
trols and guides the Nato armed forces to the ac-
complishment of their objective. This objective
is twofold in nature.
Fh'sf, to deter aggression by building up our
military forces to such a degree that potential
breakers of the peace will consider their chance of
successful attack doubtful.
Second, to insure, insofar as possible, that in the
event we are attacked, we defend the peoples and
the lands of the Natc nations. I would like to
emphasize, with regard to the latter objective, that
there are no qualifications in time. The responsi-
bility for this defense is not to be deferred to some
future day when adequate forces to insure success
might be available. This responsibility exists to-
day, if the dread volcano of war should again
erupt.
This is the first of two fundamental factors af-
fecting the urgency of our job.
The Nato nations, as we have seen, formed their
association under the grave peril of a great and
menacing threat. They evaluated that threat.
They analyzed painstakingly and objectively its
nature, its magnitude, its potentialities in time and
space. They drew certain conclusions. Their
highest military authorities put their official stamp
of approval on these conclusions, and furnished
them authoritatively to their Supreme Com-
manders— Admiral McCormick in the Atlantic
and I in Europe.
These conclusions included, in terms no one
could misconstrue, estimates of the size and com-
position of the forces the potential aggressors
could launch against us — in which directions, for
what objectives, when and in what sequence.
They included a statement that the military
forces of the potential aggressor were in an
advanced stage of readiness for war. They
stated, and recent history gives this statement an
ominous note, that there might be only relatively
brief warning, or none, prior to the outbreak of
hostilities.
This is the second of the two fundamental
factors affecting the urgency with which Shape's
[Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers, Europe]
commander views the need for getting on with his
job. The other factor, as already stated, is that he
has the responsibility for defense in Western
Europe right now.
We have, I think, shown in fairly definite out-
line the form of my job, what it is, and how it
came into being. The next step should show the
situation affecting this job, as that situation exists
today.
The defense of Western Europe embraces a
multitude of elements. They concern the politi-
cal, economic, financial, and social problems of the
member states. They relate to the stability of
governments, stability of currencies, balance of
trade, industrial potential, budget structures and
cycles, standards of living, as well as all the in-
numerable military problems of armies, navies,
and air forces — both intra and interservice — in
personnel, equipment, training, and leadership.
These various elements must all be accorded due
870
Department of State Bulletin
consideration if Nato is to be a sound and effective
organization.
i It is well to mention now those elements which
affect the situation in which I and my headquar-
ters must function.
The North Atlantic Council is the top body —
the political authority — charged with the respon-
sibility of considering all matters concerning the
implementation of the provisions of the treaty.
The Council, which formerly met only periodically
when the several national Ministers of Foreign
Affairs, Defense, and Finance attended, is now in
permanent session in Paris, with permanent repre-
sentatives, each with rank of Ambassador, in
attendance.
Several times a year these sessions become
ministerial meetings of the Council by reason of
the attendance of the Ministers mentioned. The
most recent of these was held in Paris last month.-
The Council is served by an international staff',
headed by a Secretary-General, Lord Ismay, and
certain committees of which, from the standpoint
of my headquarters, the military committee is the
most important. That committee is composed of
one of the Chiefs of Staff of each of the member
nations. It serves as a military advisory body
to the Council, to which it is responsible.
It also provides general policy giiidance to its
executive body, the standing group. Tlais latter
body is composed of three senior officers, one each
representing the Chiefs of Staff of France, the
United Kingdom, and of the United States. This
body issues instructions and guidance on military
matters to the various Nato commands, including,
of course, the Supreme Allied Commander,
Europe.
A further important element in the situation af-
fecting the job of my command is the i-elative mili-
tary weakness of the Western nations. It is
important to emphasize that this relative weakness
was brought about largely because of the delib-
erate and precipitate demobilization of our mili-
tary forces following the close of World War II.
Thus, until the advent of Nato, we remained criti-
cally weak to ojjpose actual Communist expansion.
In fact, we were then, except for our atomic capa-
bility, almost completely lacking in the principal
deterrent to aggression that Communists recog-
nize— military force. In some areas we had to
start practically from scratch.
Potential Enemy Capabilities
We cannot afford to guess whether a potential
enemy — whose long-range objectives remain un-
changed and whose past and present actions speak
for themselves — will or will not attack us. We
cannot afford to wait unprepared. To do either
woukl invite disaster.
The difference between intentions and capabili-
'' For information regarding this meeting, see Btilletin
of May 11, 10.53, p. 671.
ties is of the utmost importance. The civilian
authorities may, in fact must, estimate and evalu-
ate the intentions of those who threaten our
security.
The military leaders must deal with the capa-
bilities of the potential enemy — not seek to fathom
his mind for his intentions.
At my headquarters we must — and do — make
our estimates and plans based on potential enemy
capabilities and the minimum forces and strength
we must have to meet that threat.
We know that the capabilities of Soviet Russia,
as shown in its air, land, and sea power, consti-
tute an ever-present threat to Western Europe.
We know that the Soviet Communist forces could
with relatively little warning strike at any point
of their choice along the 4,000-mile line stretching
from Norway to Turkey.
We know that we must also face the threat of
the Soviet's atomic capabilities, and we ai'e taking
full cognizance of the possibilities of these new,
unconventional weapons.
Just when such new weapons will be in ade-
quate supply for military use is a question I shall
not discuss. We cannot, however, delay produc-
tion of those arms and equii^ment, or delay train-
ing the men on whom we know — atom bomb or
no atom bomb — we must still rely.
During the past 3 days I have presented our
situation in detail to the committees of the Con-
gress which consider the Soviet threat and the
problems it creates. In general, the factual situ-
ation is that while we have made steady progress
during the past year, we still have major defi-
ciencies in manpower, support imits, ai'uis and
equipment, logistical establishments, stockades of
ammunition, and, above all, in planes.
If we are to reach the threshold of real secu-
ritj', our full effort is required. The momentum
of steady progress must be maintained, even
accelerated.
The effort and sacrifice to create the required
forces fall upon the people of the several Nato
nations. This fact requires in them a determina-
tion to be secure in their capability of remaining
free — a determination strong enough to sustain
their support for the financial burdens, for the na-
tional military service, and for the many other
measures that are essential to the building of an
effective force.
In tlie fight Nato is making for peace by peace-
ful means, it is of vital importance that our politi-
cal authorities shall have their voices in negotia-
tions between East and West backed up by the
force which potential aggressors recognize. We
must have a covering force in being — land, sea,
and air — fully manned, fully and adequately
armed and equipped, properly trained and, above
all, properly led.
It falls upon the highest civilian authorities of
the Nato nations to make their separate and col-
lective decisions as to the time when their require-
June 22, 1953
871
ments of security will be met; hence the rate of
building toward tliose requirements.
In this, tliey looli to their military advisers for
honest and objective estimates of requirements,
for advice as to the military consequences of fail-
ure to meet those requirements, and for advice as
to tlie most efficient and effective methods of build-
ing toward them.
In making their decisions they must assess many
factors and many demands, knowing, as we
all do, that military strength cannot long endure
on a foundation of economic weakness. Their
judgment must be the balanced judgment which
does not attempt so much in so short a time as
to impair the very foundations on which future
military strength depends, nor produce so little
as to prolong unnecessarily the grave threat
to security in which the free nations still stand.
The military authorities ask only that these deci-
sions be made with full cognizance of the military
factors.
Economic and other factors may, and doubtless
will, profoundly influence the capabilities of gov-
ernments to provide these requirements.
Such action is the constitutional prerogative
and responsibility of the civil authorities. It is
for them to decide what should or should not be
provided, and for any reason which they may
deem proper.
The military commanders will accept tliose de-
cisions with complete loyalty. They will con-
tinue, as they have in the jjast, to do the utmost
within their power with the means provided.
They will also continue, as they have in the past,
loyally yet fearlessly, to point out the military
consequences, as in the light of military reasons
they see such consequences, of any failures to pro-
vide the requirements they consider essential.
Peril Continues Great
I believe we stand in just as great peril as ever
we stood before. While our strength has in-
creased, so too has that of our potential adversary,
and the discrepancy remains greater than could
be overcome within the immediate future unless
we continue to make great efforts.
On the basis of the known effort the Kremlin
is making to increase its offensive capability in
conventional fields, its assumed effort to increase
its offensive capability in unconventional fields,
including the atomic, its demonstrated ruthless-
ness, and its implacable hostility toward us, I see
no valid grounds for complacency or relaxation.
If and when we acquire the minimum defensive
strength which we all agree we must have, or if
and when there is reliable evidence, in actions not
words, of a major abatement of Soviet Russian
hostility toward the West, with a concurrent and
corresponding reorientation of its policy of seek-
ing to subvert other governments, then and only
then might a resurvey of our position perhaps
justify a lesser eff'oi-t.
This time is not yet. We are today far from
that minimum defensive strength.
All earthly values are relative. Costs of armed
forces and equipment, of training establishments
and maintenance, of salaries and all the multitudi-
nous things that go into the creation and mainte-
nance of military establisliments are higher — very
much higher today than ever before. But spirit-
ual values remain fixed, and it is those which
determine the relative values of lesser things.
They are at stake now as in few other historical
epochs. If they should be destroyed, nothing else
would have value. If we are determined, as we
say we are, to maintain them within a proper mar-
gin of safety, then costs of material things assume
quite different values.
We may be gambling today with all that is pre-
cious— with human lives and spiritual princij^les
as well as with earthly treasures.
If we slow down and are not assailed, we shall
have saved some money. We shall have attained
an easier living. If we slow down and are as-
sailed, and lose, we shall have seen our liberties
perish, our institutions destroyed, ourselves en-
slaved, and our God derided.
These are the reasons which I think give ur-
gency to the task we have undertaken. These are
the reasons which should, I think, impel us to
quicken, not slacken, our pace, to lengthen our
patience, to freshen our courage, and to renew our
faith in the rightness of the course we have freely
chosen to follow.
The military commanders would, I think, be
derelict in duty if they did not point out what
history has so often recorded, and governments
so often forgotten. No amount of postwar ex-
planation can explain, no postwar excuses can ex-
cuse the needless loss of lives sacrificed through
compromise of principle and lack of sustained res-
olution— through lack of timely, adequate prepa-
ration to meet recognized perils.
War tomorrow would make infinitely greater
demands on human bodies and human spirits than
ever before. Only through training, intelligently
planned and persistently pursued, of adequately
ai-med and equipped forces, can these demands be
mitigated.
Only through high training requirements,
rigidly enforced, can low casualty rates be pos-
sible. Only well-armed and equipped, ade-
quately trained, and efficiently led forces can ex-
pect victory in future combat.
Only nations which are willing to provide these
things — and all of them take much time and
money — have a right to expect victory. The na-
tions of Western Europe, and their allies beyond
the Atlantic, cannot expect this unless they truly
unite their efforts for their collective security and
their common defense, and do it in time.
Let me now answer, in the way I jDersonally
think they should be answered, the questions yet
unanswered with which I began this discussion.
872
Deparfmenf of S/o/e Bulletin
— I believe the Nato nations are agreed on what
their purpose is. I believe their purpose has not
' changed. I believe it still is to unite their ell'orts
for their collective self-defense and for the preser-
vation of peace and security.
, — I believe the Nato nations, collectively, must
I take new and more forceful decisions as to how to
; achieve this purpose and must implement these
1' decisions with new, positive, and sustained action.
— I believe that Nato leadership must impart new
impetus to Nato efforts and imjilant new faith in
Nato capabilities; I believe this Nato leadership
must be provided and exercised without procras-
tinating delay.
— I believe that the present ratio of Nato defen-
sive capability to the offensive capability of the
Soviets and their captive peoples emphatically
does not justify relaxation of efforts to achieve
reasonable military security.
— I believe, on the contrary, that the scale and
tempo of these efforts should be increased, even
though costs are high and burdens heavy, until
we have achieved a reasonable chance of success-
fully defending ourselves if we should be attacked.
Our defensive strength has grown greatly since
the North Korean plunge across the 38th parallel
in brutal and unprovoked aggression. Greece and
Turkey, with their valiant fighting forces, have
since then joined our Nato alliance, and, since
that fateful day in June of 1950, we and our Nato
partners have tripled our defense expenditures, a
measure of our great collective effort. We are
moving forward, but our momentum must be
maintained.
Witli the unity in Western Europe for which
we hope — including ratification of the European
Defense Community Treaty and Western Ger-
many's contribution to the common defense — and
with continued American support commensurate
with America's responsibilities, I believe all these
things can be done.
— ^I believe the needed Nato leadership can be
found, the Nato purpose carried to fulfillment, if
this leadership in free govei-nments has the sup-
port of their peoples. I believe free peoples will
support this leadership if it will, by its own chosen
methods in each particular country, furnish the
people the facts.
Finally, I believe — I have faith — that out of
the spiritual reservoirs of the Western World will
come leadership with the vision to see, the integ-
rity to choose, and the courage to carry us together
along the only road which can lead us to our ob-
jectives. To follow this road, we shall j^erhaps
have to place our need for security ahead of our
desire for more of many things until, through
strength, we shall have largely lessened the threat
to our political and territorial integrity and our
spiritual heritage, or shall have acquired the
means for successful self-defense if an attack
should be loosed against us.
Suspension of MSA Defense
Support Aid to Denmark
Harold E. Stassen, Director for Mutual Secu-
rity, announced on June 11 that, by agreement
between the United States and Danish Govern-
ments, American defense-support aid to Denmark
is being suspended.
The Danish Government, Mr. Stassen said, pro-
posed the suspension of aid since its dollar gap
has been closed and its gold and dollar reserves
are increasing.
Commenting on the suspension of defense-sup-
port aid to Denmark, Mr. Stassen said :
The fact that Denmark has been able to close its dol-
lar gap is another example of the fundamental soundness
of the Mutual Security Program. As a nation which was
occupied b.v the Nazis during World War II, Denmark
faced difficult problems in rebuilding its economic strength
and attaining economic stability in the postwar period.
With, first, Marshall Plan dollar help and, subsequently,
MsA dollar aid, that economic recovery has been achieved.
This is further evidence that as partners, nations of the
free world can effectively become stronger together.
Denmark's Msa defense-support funds in the
current fiscal year total $7.5 million of which $3
million was specifically earmarked to help Den-
mark expand its productivity program. The first
$1.5 million of the $3 million was allotted on May
15, and the second half of the total is expected to
be allotted later this week.
The 1953 fiscal year allotments make a total of
$278.9 million in defense support and economic
aid for Denmark since the initiation of the Mar-
shall plan, Msa's jDredecessor, in April 1948.
U.S.S.R. Queried as to Text
of Austrian Treaty It Would Favor
Press release 314 dated June 12
Tlxe following note was delivered on June 11 to
the Soviet Government hy U.S. Ambassador
Charles E. Bohlen at Moscow. Similar notes were
delivered to the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Af-
fairs hy the British and French Embassies.
The Ambassador of the United States presents
his comi^liments to the Minister for Foreign Af-
fairs of the Union of Soviet Socialist Kepublics
and, under instructions from his Govermnent, has
the honor to communicate the following :
The United States Govermnent has learned with
regret of the refusal of the Soviet Deputy to at-
tend the meeting of Deputies for the Austrian
Treaty called for the 27th of May by the United
Kingdom Chairman.* The United States Govern-
ment is seriously concerned that it is now nearly
ten years since the Austrian people were promised
the restoration of their freedom and independence
' For test of the Soviet note of refusal, see Bulletin of
June 8, 1953, p. 815.
June 22, 7953
873
in the Moscow Declaration. It is more than eight
years since the end of hostilities in Europe made
Eossible the fulfillment of that pledge. The
hiited States Government cannot accept as jus-
tification for this further delay in the conclusion
of an Austrian Treaty the pretext on which the
Soviet Deputy has based his refusal to attend the
meeting.
In 1949 the United States Government, to-
gether with the French and United Kingdom Gov-
ernments, agreed to meet the Soviet position on
major outstanding issues of the treaty provided
early agreement could be reached on it as a whole.
Since that time, the Soviet Government has
persisted in raising obstacles which have pre-
vented substantive negotiations, although the Gov-
ernments of the United Kingdom, the United
States and France have repeatedly made it clear
that they were prepared to accept any treaty
which would ensure Austria's political and eco-
nomic independence.
It wa.s in that spirit that the representatives of
the United Kingdom, the United States and
France were ready in London on the 27th of May
to attend the meeting called in the customary man-
ner as agi'eed at the previous meeting. The
Soviet Deputy, however, did not attend and pro-
posed instead that consideration of the Austrian
Treaty be continued through diplomatic channels.
The conclusion of an Austrian Treaty is not a
question of procedure but rather of good will.
To avoid further unnecessary delays and to en-
able the Deputies to complete the work already
done, the United States Government requests the
Soviet Government to inform it of the exact text
of the treaty which the Soviet Government is pre-
pared to conclude in order to ensure the political
and economic independence of Austria.
The Pivotal Conflict Dominating the World
by Under Secretary SmAth '■
In years gone by, if inspiration failed him, a
commencement speaker could fall back on a pat-
tern that was safe and sure. He could open with
some time-tested bromides about the youthful and
shining faces in the audience and the challenge
of the future. Then he could embark on one of
several themes which came under the vague head-
ing of "inspirational." In my generation, I re-
call that philosophic discourses on the meaning of
commencement enjoyed a great vogue.
In their way, these talks had their uses. In
listening to them, the more inquiring and percep-
tive minds in the audience could pursue their pri-
vate thoughts without interruption. And the
more worldly listeners could employ the time to
plan the evening's festivities or catch up on their
sleep. There was no harm done and the amenities
of the situation were satisfied.
Fortunately or unfortunately, times have
changed. It is no longer feasible or desirable for
the speaker who is up against it to withdraw to
previously prepared positions — if I may employ a
military term. The waste of time is a luxury we
cannot afford. Bluntly, we live in a world rent by
tension. We have been forced to assume the lead-
' Address made at Washington and Jefferson College,
Washington, Pa., on June 8 (press release 307).
ership of that segment of the world community
which is resolved to deal with present problems
and work out its future in the manner of free men.
In that role, we confront a ruthless, barbaric, and
power-hungry clique who seek to subject the world
to their tyranny. And I speak as one who spent
3 years in Moscow.
In essence, the struggle is between free and inde-
pendent societies and a terror-ridden dictatorship.
It is a struggle which all of you — like it or not —
will be forced to join. It is, furthermore, a strug-
gle which is certain to have a marked impact on
your future.
It seemed to me, therefore, that a member of
your Government who had been given the high
lionor of an invitation to speak to you was under
an obligation of no mean proportions. It ap-
peared that, if my remarks failed to take into full
account this i^ivotal struggle, I would be falling
short of what was expected of me. Moreover, I
believed that if I did not make what contribution
I could to your understanding of this struggle, I
would be wasting an opportunity.
It is a privilege to be here. I feel that the theme
of these graduation exercises appropriately high-
lights the significance of the independent college
in this modern democracy of ours. A society that
874
Deparfment of State Bulletin
would achieve and retain freedom must be an in-
formed society. The institutions that provide
this education can acknowledge no master save
the principle of responsible and independent
scholarship. Our universities must be citadels
where the individual student is at liberty to pursue
his studies free from external pressures and secure
against governmental dictation.
That principle has been an integi-al part of the
long and distinguished tradition of this college.
This is hardly surprising for an institution which
takes its nanie from two leading American disci-
ples of liberty. You will recall that it was Jef-
ferson who declared that "The God who gave us
life gave us liberty at the same time." I am sure
that Jefferson would be the first to agree that
these Divine gifts must be guarded if they are
to be retained. It has long been a firm American
conviction that our God-given liberty can only be
preserved by the continuing and determined ef-
forts of those who possess it.
We need only inspect the condition of education,
for example, in the Soviet Union, where freedom
is denied. Do you suppose that the scholastic or-
ganizations of the Communists are places where,
in the words of the poet John Milton, one "may
utter and argue freely" ?
Quite to the contrary. The tyranny of the
Soviet state demands of students and teachers,
as well as of the rest of their subjects, an absolute
conformity. Those who deviate are severely dealt
with. This is certainly one of the gravest weak-
nesses in the Soviet structure — a weakness which
we in this country shall do everything in our
power to avoid.
At this particular moment, the principle of
academic freedom may be of secondary interest
to you. It is natural that your interest should be
focused on a matter of more immediate and more
personal concern — that is, your future. It may
not be immediately clear to you, but the relation-
ship between the "two is less distant than it ap-
pears. The concept of freedom is the root-issue
between the Communist and the non-Communist
spheres.
Your future is completely wrapped up in the
way this issue will be resolved. Some among you
may take a very pessimistic view of the prospect.
This is an easy attitude to adopt. You may have
listened too attentively to the voices of doom which
are coming from some quarters. You may have
believed their cry that the world is in a mess;
that war is inevitable; or that our prosperity is
a war-born phenomenon and that peace — if we
achieve it — will plunge us into a severe economic
depression.
If you believe this, you have swallowed a
quantity of balderdash which no human system
could possibly assimilate. It is quite probable
that your queasy feelings about the future stem
from indigestion.
I am an old soldier, turned diplomat. I have
June 22, J 953
seen the problems, about which these voices cry
disaster, from both the inside and the outside.
They are grave problems, sure. But the gravest
of them is no worse than many of the difficulties
with which we have successfully dealt in the past.
And some of the lesser are already well advanced
toward a solution.
Let us examine this talk about peace bringing
on an economic depression. This is strikingly
parallel to some of the wishful thinking advanced
by Soviet economists. Happily, the facts point
quite in the other direction. The American econ-
omy is operating on a solid base of peacetime pro-
duction. Our economists recognize that cutting
off military buying would probably result in _a
period of readjustment, but they believe that busi-
ness activity would bounce back stronger than ever
after a period of transition. You will recall that
this administration has promised to maintain and
increase prosperity at home and to provide greater
opportunities for individual initiative. I rely on
that promise — and I think you can.
Very well, then, what about the inevitability of
war and the "mess" the world is in? These are
far larger matters more difficult of solution than
the question of depression.
I do not believe war is inevitable. To the con-
trary, I think that a general war is avoidable.
But I am sure that if we meekly accept the in-
evitability of war — if we fail to marshal our tre-
mendous energies and resources into the cause of
peace — we will one day find ourselves at war !
Many of you in this graduating class will prob-
ably take up the sword for several years, either
voluntarily or at the invitation of the President
of the United States. As a professional soldier,
my views on this experience probably differ some-
what from yours. I will grant that many who
enter the service might otherwise have found a
more beneficial and certainly a more lucrative ac-
tivity for the next 2 years. But I assure you that
2 years of the Army, the Navy, the Air Force, or
the Marines will not blight your careers. More-
over, the experience will be good for many of you.
The Two Courses Open to Us
Certainly, no one of you who has given the
matter any thought will argue with the thesis
that bearing arms is a part of your responsibility
as citizens. Nor do I think you will deny the
necessity of building up American military
strength in these times. You further realize, I
am sure, that a buildup of the strength of our
allies along with our own is a key factor in pre-
venting war. To a degree unmatched anywhere
in the world, the men of the Kremlin are highly
sensitive to the power factor as it enters world
relations. It is basic to their calculations — their
own power and the strength of their adversaries
as well. Wlien we talk in terms of heavy-bomber
squadrons, tank corps, and infantry divisions, we
875
are speaking a language, perhaps the only lan-
guage, that the Soviet leaders never misunder-
stand. As far as they are concerned, military
force in being commands their respect. If we are
realistic, we must give such a force a high place on
the list of deteri-ents to Soviet aggression.
Actually, of the two courses open to us as set
down by President Eisenhower in his April 16
speech, the buildup of military power for an in-
definite period is by far the less desirable from
our point of view. It is the hard course — the
expensive course. But if the existence of this
strength contributes to the achievement of real
peace, the sacrifice and cost involved in creating
it will be trivial indeed.
The second course cited by the President is far
more to be preferred and holds a promise of easing
world tension. It is that of genuine negotiations
with the Soviet Union. At this moment we do
not see sufficient indications that the U.S.S.R. is
ready to negotiate a genuine settlement. From
our sour experience in diplomatic dealings with
Stalin and his successors we have learned to watch
for meaningful and concrete evidences of Soviet
good faith.
In the hope of speeding the presentation of the
necessai-y evidence we have publicly asked Soviet
Russia to back up her talk of peace with deeds of
peace. And we have further made clear that
token gestures will carry little weight. We have
made no secret of what we would regard as evi-
dence. We have suggested that an early and
reasonable Korean truce would be so viewed.
We have also mentioned the conclusion of a
treaty of peace with Austria as evidence of good
faith. On this last matter, the Soviet Union has
argued, obstructed, backed and filled — and other-
wise stalled for nearly 8 years. It has been a
negotiating marathon during which the Western
Powers gave every consideration to the Soviet
position. We are reasonable people. From this
experience we can only conclude that the Soviets
do not want a free Austria.
But the Soviets say they want peace. To this
I say that, if they want peace one-tenth as ardently
as they say they want peace, we could have peace
tomorrow.
We cannot predict, at this point, whether or
not the Soviet Union will decide to negotiate
genuinely. Until the decision they reach becomes
apparent, we shall be called upon for patience,
prudence, and firmness. But whatever course the
Soviet Union elects, there is much that is fruit-
ful that M-e may undertake.
We can, for example, continue to work with our
European partners to advance European integra-
tion. We can strengthen the links between West-
ern Germany and the rest of Western Europe
through economic, political, and defense measures.
There are present in this area many of the ingredi-
ents of a solid international community — with or
without Soviet cooperation. We must work for
its fuller development.
In the Middle East, which certainly qualifies as
a problem area, the recent trip made by Mr. Dulles
gives us reason to think that there is a chance to
make important progress toward easing the dan-
gerous tensions that plague the region. A begin-
ning has been made towai'd lessening the friction
between Israel and neighboring Arab States. We
have reason to hope that the British and the Egyp-
tians will renew their efforts to arrive at an
amicable solution of their differences on the main-
tenance and use of the extensive military installa-
tions in the Nile region.
Where Communist Imperialism Is Most Pressing
Without question, Europe and the Middle East
are key areas. But the region where the menace
of Communist imperialism is most pressing is the
Far East. Can we reach a solution there short
of a major war? I believe such a solution is pos-
sible. I make this statement with a full realiza-
tion of the obstacles to a solution.
For example, after protracted and tortuous ne-
gotiations, we are hopeful that an honorable con-
clusion of the Korean fighting is in sight. During
the last months, the main issue of difference be-
tween the U.N. and the Communists centered on
the prisoner-of-war question. This question has
been little understood here in this country. It is
no minor matter but involves a fundamental
principle.
Western democracy regards the rights and
privileges of the individual as paramount. Con-
sequently, we have insisted that there can be no
forcible repatriation of such prisoners as are held
by the U.N. command. We could not agree on
any other basis, and we are hopeful that an agree-
ment consistent with this principle might soon
be reached.
If an armistice is signed, it would signalize the
achievement of the purpose for which the U.N.
forces entered Korea. You will recall we in-
tervened in Korea to halt an unprovoked Com-
munist aggression. That we will have done. We
will, further, have taken a long stride toward the
restoration of peace in the area — and in the world
as well.
A Korean armistice certainly would be cause
for rejoicing. American prisoners of war would
be brought home. They would be returned with-
out our paying a blood price in lives of prisoners
held by us who would resist repatriation by force.
American and other U.N. casualties would cease.
For the Republic of Korea in particular, the
heavy loss of life suffered by their troops would
be ended. The suffering and sacrifice of the
people of that courageous nation would be over.
We could then set about the urgent task of re-
habilitation.
We are hopeful that the leaders of the Republic
876
Department of State Bulletin
of Korea will recognize the merits of the armistice
terms and the benefits which would accrue to them
from a cease-fire.
But, and I must emphasize this, we must not
forget that the problem of Korea would still be
short of final settlement. It will probably be
necessary for us to keep forces in Korea for some
period in the interests of security. Moreover,
should an armistice be signed, there are political
questions to be resolved leading toward the uni-
fication of Korea. Without attempting to fore-
cast the course of these talks, they will not be
quickly or easily concluded.
At this point I should like to sound a note of
caution. If we gain an armistice, we should be-
ware of letting down our guard. We cannot
relax. Korea is but one flank of a conflict which
girdles the world. Danger spots are many. We
must remain alert and ready.
Should a settlement in Korea be achieved, there
are still other major problems in the Far East.
In our concern over Korea, we tend to overlook
the guerrilla war which is going on in Malaya and
the fighting between the French Union forces and
the Communist insurgents in Laos and Vietnam.
These are dangerous situations. Nevertheless, if
we recall the conditions that prevailed several
years ago in these areas, the improvement in the
free-world position is marked.
I am far from being the incurable optimist. I
do not hope for one gi'and and sweeping settle-
ment which will forever ease international difi'er-
ences or relax world tension. Appealing as such
a development would be, the present situation is
too diverse and too complex to allow it. A surer
approach is to solve what we can when we can.
Make no mistake. I propose a tedious and a
taxing procedure. It will call for determination
on our part, maturity, and stamina. We shall
have to maintain a discipline in our thinking
which will rule out ill-considered or emotional
moves.
As new members of the society of educated men,
you have a responsibility to make a maximum con-
tribution to this struggle for peace. You can-
not do so unless you have an abiding faith in your
own future and in the future of this and other free
Corrections
In the Bulletin of June 8, 1953, p. 799, first
column, the second sentence of the second para-
graph should read : "For with the ratification of
the Treaty constituting the European Coal and
Steel Community, the nations of France, Italy, Ger-
many, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg
stand committed to try to merge their coal and
steel industries into a common market."
In the same issue of the Bulletin, p. 800, first
column, the 11th and 12th lines should read : "Rien
n'est phis permanent," say the wise cynics, "que
le provisoire."
nations. Faith of this nature generates the confi-
dence we need— the courage to discharge with
purpose and with resolution the tremendous re-
sponsibilities that have devolved upon us. From
that faith we can draw the strength necessary to
meet any crisis that may confront us.
If you require evidence to persuade you of the
necessity of faith and courage, look at what the
antithesis has produced in the Soviet Union.
There is a regime that employs fear as an instru-
ment of power and shapes its policy out of hatred.
Can there be any doubt in your minds as to which
is the stronger? As to which will endure?
In the last analysis, our strength is the strength
of the free which develops out of a passionate in-
dividual devotion to liberty.
We would do well to adopt the sentiments ex-
pressed by an early patriot, Josiah Quincy, in
1774, which he incorporated in his "Observations
of the Boston Port Bill." His, I believe, was a
declaration of a fundamental. He wrote :
Blandishments will not fascinate us, nor will threats
of a "halter" intimidate. For, under God, we are deter-
mined that wheresoever . . . whensoever ... or how-
soever we shall be called to make our exit, we will die
free men.
Treaty of Friendship, Commerce
and Consular Rights with Germany
Press release 302 dated June 3
An agreement concerning the application of the
Treaty of Friendship, Commerce and Consular
Rights of 1923, as amended, between the United
States and Germany, to the Federal Republic of
Germany and AVestern Berlin was signed on June
.3 at Bonn. The agreement represents another im-
portant step toward normalization of relations be-
tween the two countries.
James B. Conant, U.S. High Commissioner for
Germany, signed the agreement on behalf of the
United States and Konrad Adenauer, Chancellor
of the Federal Republic of Germany, signed on
behalf of the Federal Republic.
The negotiations leading up to signature of the
agreement were mentioned in the communique of
April 9, 1953,^ concerning the U.S.-German talks
during the Chancellor's visit to this country.
The agreement will in due course be submitted
to the Senate for advice and consent to ratification.
The text of the agreement is as follows :
AGREEMENT CONCERNING THE TREATY BETWEEN
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA AND GER-
MANY ON FRIENDSHIP, COMMERCE AND CON-
SULAR RIGHTS OF DECEMBER 8, 1923, AS
AMENDED
The United States of America and the Federal Republic
of Germany, desirous of strengthening the bonds of friend-
ship existing between them and of placing their relations
on a normal and stable basis as soon as possible, have
^ Bulletin of Apr. 20, 1953, p. 565.
June 22, 1953
877
resolved as a step toward that end to restore to full force
and effect, except as otherwise provided in the following
Articles, the provisions of the Treaty of Friendship, Com-
merce and Consular Riuhrs between the United States of
America and Germany signed at Washington December 8,
1923, as amended, as a provisional measure pending the
conclusion of a more comprehensive, modern treaty or
treaties for such purposes, and have, through their duly
authorized representatives, agreed as follows:
Article I
The provisions of the Treaty of Friendship, Commerce
and Consular Rights between the United States of America
and Germany signed at Washington December 8, 1023, as
amended by an exchange of notes dated March 19 and
May 21, 192.5, and the agreement signed at Wasliington
June 3, 193.5, shall be applied and be considered fully oper-
ative between the United States of America and the Fed-
eral Republic of Germany on and after the effective date
of the present agreement insofar as either High Contract-
ing Party may not have heretofore notified the other Party
in accordance with Article XXXI of the aforesaid Treaty
an intention to modify or omit any of its Articles, and
except as otherwise provided in the following Articles,
without prejudice to the previous status of any provisions
of the aforesaid Treaty which may have remained opera-
tive or may have again become operative at any time since
the outbreak of hostilities between the United States of
America and Germany.
Article II
In accordance with the intent of Article XIX of the
aforesaid Treaty, that Article is hereby amended by
adding the following :
The Government of either Party may, in the territory
of the other, acquire, own, lease for any period of time,
or otherwi.se hold and occupy, such lands, buildings,
and appurtenances as may be necessary and appropriate
for governmental, other than military, purposes. If
under the local law the permission of the local authori-
ties must be obtained as a prerequisite to any such
acquiring or holding, such permission shall be given on
request.
Article III
None of the provisions of the present agreement or of
the aforesaid Treaty shall be considered as affecting in
any way (1) the rights or obligations of either Party in
respect of measures to safeguard essential security inter-
ests or (2) the status of the United States of America
and its personnel in Germany. Until the effective date of
the Conventions signed at P.onn on May 26, 19.52 - the
provisions of legislation, regulations or directives which
may be in effect by virtue of the status in Germany of
the" United States of America shall prevail over any incon-
sistent provisions of the present agreement or of the
aforesaid Treaty ; and tliereafter the provisions of the
said Conventions, and of any other related agreements
that have been or may be entered into, shall so prevail
in case of any such inconsistency.
Article IV
Pending the peaceful reunification of Gennany, the
German territory to which the aforesaid Treaty shall be
applied and considered fully operative shall he under-
stood to comprise all areas of land, water and air over
whicli the Federal Republic of Germany exercises juris-
diction. The present agreement sliall also enter into
force, and the aforesaid Treaty shall be applied and con-
sidered fully operative, in the area of Berlin (West) when
the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany fur-
nishes the Government of the United States of America
'For a summary of the conventions, see ibid., June 9,
1952, p. 888.
878
a notification that all legal procedures in Berlin necessary
therefor have been complied with.
Article V
It is agreed that negotiations for a new treaty of
Friendship, Commerce and Navigation shall be entered
into without delay.
Article VI
1. The present agreement shall be ratified, and the
ratifications thereof shall l>e exchanged at Washington
as soon as possible.
2. The present agreement shall enter into force on the
day of exchange of ratifications.
.3. Either Party may terminate the present agreement
by giving six months' written notice to the other Party.
In witness whereof the respective duly authorized
representatives have signed the present agreement.
Done in duplicate, in the English and German lan-
guages, both equally authentic, at Bonn, this third day of
June, one thousand nine hundred fifty-three.
For the United States of America:
James B. Conant
For the Federal Republic of Germany:
Adenauek
International Bank and Japan
Discuss Financing Power Projects
The Government of Japan and the Interna-
tional Bank for Reconstruction and Development
announced on June 3 that they are opening dis-
cussions on the general approach of the Bank
toward the financing of Japan's economic devel-
opment. These discussions follow the visit to
Japan of a Bank mission in the closing months
of last year/ which examined the general eco-
nomic situation and prospects as well as the in-
vestment requirements of Japan. Three thermal
power projects, one for a 66,000 KAV unit for
the Chubu Electric Power Company, another for
a 75,000 KW unit for the Kyushu Electric Power
Company, and the tliird for two 7.5,000 KW units
for the Kansai Electric Power Company, have
been mentioned as a possible basis for the Bank's
initial investment in Japan.
Registration Period for Holders
of Mexican Securities
Press release 304 dated June 3
The Department of State calls attention to a
recent announcement of the Minister of Finance
and Public Credit of the Government of Mexico,
which is of interest to certain holders of Mexican
Government Direct Debt Obligations and Mexican
Railways Obligations.
The announcement refers to a Presidential de-
cree signed May 19, 1953, pursuant to which the
Mexican Government has granted a 3-month pe-
riod, from August 19 to November 19, 1953, dur-
' Bulletin of Oct. 27, 1953, p. 672.
Department of State Bulletin
ing which holders of those securities who have not
registered them to indicate nonenemy ownership,
in accordance with a decree dated August 4, 1942,
as amended and extended, may apply for permis-
sion to register them. The announcement states
that the 3-month period during which applications
for registration may be made will be the final op-
portunity for such registration, and that the pe-
riod will not be extended. A translation of the
decree may be obtained at any field office of the
U.S. Department of Commerce.
A Registration Commission has been established
which will pass upon all applications for permis-
sion to register, and it is announced that the de-
cision of the commission will be final and non-
appealable. The announcement states that security
holders, whose applications for registration are
already on file with the Ministry of Finance or
with the Banco de Mexico, need not reapply for
permission to register. The Registration Com-
mission will review such applications and notify
the securitj^ holders at the earliest moment.
Application forms may be obtained from the
Banco de Mexico, S. A., Mexico, D. F. and, in the
United States, from the American Trust Co., 70
Wall St., New York 5, N.Y. Further information
about applying for permission to register may be
obtained from these organizations or from the of-
fice of Hardin, Hess & Eder, attorneys for the Gov-
ernment of Mexico, 74 Trinity Place, New York.
Progress Toward Migration Committee's Goals
FIFTH SESSION OF THE INTERGOVERNMENTAL COMMITTEE
FOR EUROPEAN MIGRATION >
hy George L. Warren
The fifth session of the Intergovernmental Com-
mittee for European Migration was held at
Geneva from April 16 through April 24, 1953.
The Subcommittee on Finance met from April 13
to April 15, 1953. Twenty-one of the twenty-two
member governments were represented at the ses-
sion; Luxembourg was the only member not in
attendance. The Argentine, Costa Rica, and Nor-
way had joined the Committee since the previous
session. Colombia, Spain, the United Kingdom,
the Holy See, Allied Military Government,
Trieste, and government and nongovernmental
organizations were represented by observers.
The Migration Committee was established pro-
visionally for 1 year at Brussels in December
1951 and was continued in operation during 1953
by decision of the Committee at its fourth session
at Geneva in October 1952. The purpose of the
Committee is to secure the movement out of Eu-
rope of over 100,000 migrants and refugees an-
nually who would not otherwise be moved. The
21 member governments participating in the fifth
session were Argentina, Australia, Austria, Bel-
' For articles by Mr. Warren on earlier sessions of the
Migration Committee, see Bulletin of Feb. 4, 1952, p. 169 ;
Apr. 21, 1952, p. 638; July 21, 1952, p. 107; and Jan. 12,
1953, p. 64.
June 22, J953
gium, Brazil, Canada, Costa Rica, Chile, Denmark,
France, Germany, Greece, Israel, Italy, the Neth-
erlands, Norway, Paraguay, Sweden, Switzerland,
the TJnited States, and Venezuela.
The following were elected to serve as officers at
the fifth session: Sir Douglas Berry Copland
(Australia), chairman; H. von Trutzschler (Ger-
many), first vice-chairman; Fernando Garcia-
Oldini (Chile), second vice-chairman; Tyge
Haarl0v (Denmark), rapporteur.
Dr. von Trutzschler was elected chairman of the
Subcommittee on Finance which met for 2 days
preceding the fifth session. The Subcommittee
was composed of Australia, Canada, France, Ger-
many, Italy, the Netherlands, and the United
States. The Subcommittee considered the finan-
cial statements covering the period from February
1, 1952, through December 31, 1952, and the status
reports on the budgets and plans of expenditure
for 1952 and 1953.
With respect to the financial statements for
1952, the Subcommittee noted that the gross in-
come of the organization to December 31, 1952,
was $26,114,357 and gross expenditure, $19,446,549.
The Committee carried over on January 1, 1953,
$6,667,808, of which $2,490,624 had been com-
mitted before December 31, 1952 for 1953
operations.
879
The Subcommittee found tliat between Febru-
' 1, 1952, and December 31, 1952, the Com-
.tee had moved 77,626 persons out of Europe
inckiding 31,226 refugees. The sources and des-
tinations of the emigrants were as follows :
Countries of Emigration
Austria 11, 012
Germany 38, 276
Greece 495
Italy and Trieste 12,278
Netherlands 10, 052
Others 5, 513
Countries of Immigration
Australia and 15,486
New Zealand 397
Canada 8, 853
Argentina >_,
Brazil 9, 797
Other Latin American 2,812
United States 38, 102
Others 2, 179
During the session the Director reported that
the number of persons moved by the Committee
from February 1, 1952, through February 28,
1953, had been 84,492.
The Subcommittee noted with satisfaction that
all government members, with the exception of
one, had paid their contributions totaling $2,283,-
168 to the administrative expenditures for 1952.
Additional contributions to operational income
amounted to $23,831,189. Financial reimburse-
ments to the Committee for movements completed
during 1952 were most satisfying, but it was not
expected that the rate of reimbursement achieved
during 1952 would be maintained in 1953. Addi-
tional funds would therefore be required to sub-
sidize certain movements which would not produce
reimbursement of the costs involved.
In considering the status report on the budget
and plan of expenditure for 1953, which had been
adopted at the fourth session in October 1952,
the Subcommittee found that there had been de-
lays in the payment of contributions to all cate-
gories of expenditure during the first quarter of
1953 and recommended to the full Committee that
all government members be urgently requested to
speed up payments. This action was later taken
by the full Committee. The U.S. representative,
supported by the Director, made a special plea to
the Governments to secure more members for the
Committee and to make more and larger contri-
butions to the Committee's funds in order that
an adequate reserve for operating expenditures of
at least $3,000,000 might be built up and addi-
tional funds made available to cover the cost of
nonreimbursable movements.
The Director, Hugh Gibson, in making his re-
port on progress to date and prospects for 1953,
cited the fact that worldwide economic and politi-
cal conditions had affected the operations of the
Committee during 1952, a period during which
emigration movements in general had been at a
lower level than in the period from 1947 through
880
1950. He expressed confidence, however, that the
volume of movement out of Europe would increase
during 1953 because of the many signs in this
direction that were already apparent, such as the
adherence of Argentina, prospects of larger move-
ment to Canada, improving economic conditions
in Australia, and increasing interest in immigra-
tion in the Latin American countries.
Mr. Gibson made particular reference in his
report to the invaluable assistance of the voluntary
agencies which participated in one way or another
in the movement of more than half of the persons
assisted by the organization during 1952 and ac-
counted particularly for the movement of 11,560
refugees. The movements fostered by the volun-
tary agencies had shown a substantial increase
during the second half of 1952 and an even larger
gain in the final quarter. Tlie Committee found
no difficulties in securing adequate commercial
transport from Mediterranean ports, but found it
necessary to arrange additional shipping for traf-
fic from Northern Europe to Australia and to the
United States and Canada.
Expansion of Services Begun
A definite start had been made in expanding
the migration services of the Committee through
the provision, in collaboration with the Brazilian
and Italian Governments and the International
Labor Organization (Ilo), of training for build-
ing laborers in Italy destined for Brazil ; of lan-
guage training in Greece, in collaboration with
UNESCO, for preselected migrants for Australia;
in the distribution of information to potential
migrants; and in projects of preselection in Italy
in which, again, the Brazilian and Italian Govern-
ments, Ilo, ancl the World Health Organization
are collaborating. New services for placement of
migrants have been organized in collaboration
with the Government of Brazil, and other projects
of a technical nature are under immediate study.
In the area of land settlement, Brazil, Argentina,
Chile, and Venezuela are making definite progress,
with the assistance of staff members of the Com-
mittee, in preparing projects for the placement of
migrants.
The response to the Director's report was in
general commendatory and optimistic. State-
ments by the representatives of individual govern-
ments tended to confirm the Director's appraisal
of the prospects of movement for 1953. The
Australian representative stated that it remained
the policy of his Government to absorb the maxi-
mum number of immigrants within the limitations
of available capital for general economic develop-
ment. The representative of Chile stated that his
Government was examining a series of projects,
particularly one for the settlement of 1,000 Dutch
families.
The representative of Canada reaffirmed
earlier statements that it was Canada's policy to
Department of State Bulletin
admit the largest number of immigrants who could
be integrated into the economic life of the country
each year. He also reported that the Canadian
Government had reached a decision to participate
as a member of the Committee during 1953 and
1954 and that Canada would need further assist-
ance in shipping during 1953. The representa-
tive of Brazil spoke of the development of plans
presently in prospect in his country under which
larger numbers of Italian, German, and Dutch
migrants miglit be received. This general op-
timism was heightened by the letter received by
the Director from President Eisenhower, early
in the session, in which the President expressed
the continuing support of the United States in
the Committee's efforts.^ News was received
later in the session of the President's letter to
the Congress urging the adoption of legislation
to admit 210,000 migrants and refugees into the
United States over a period of 2 years.^
The representative of Colombia, reporting as
an observer, gave a brief description of land-
development projects in Colombia which are well
beyond the blueprint stage and for which the re-
quired financing is now being planned. The Ar-
gentine delegate reported that his Government
was presently engaged in the building of roads
and of irrigation in the development of over
600,000 acres of land which would be opened for
the settlement of immigrant and native fai'mers.
Tlie representative of Italy, in commenting on
the migration services initiated by the Committee,
expressed the hope that studies could be made of
the possibility of grouping certain processing serv-
ices in four cities in Italy under the auspices of
the Committee; thus standards of selection and
of examination might be so developed under in-
ternational auspices as to win the confidence of
all recruiting governments which might come to
use such services in common as an assistance to
recruitment.
The representative of Germany confirmed the
Director's statement that it is the policy of the
German Federal Eepublic to facilitate emigra-
tion from West Germany in accordance with the
following priorities: (a) dependents of persons
who have already emigrated; (b) alien refugees;
(c) farmers and farm workers; (d) single wom-
en (domestics and nurses) ; (e) unskilled labor;
and (/) skilled workers. The representative of
the Netherlands referred to the requirements of
his Government for the assistance of the Com-
mittee in shipping and to the need for more op-
portunities for Dutch emigrants.
The Committee readily adopted the proposal
to make Spanish an additional official language.
This action was received with enthusiasm by the
Latin American government members and was
considered by all present to increase the likeli-
^ Bulletin of May 4, 1953, p. 641.
'76i(J., p. 639.
hood of the early adherence of the Governments
of Colombia and Spain to the Committee.
Draft Constitution Studied
The Committee devoted the remainder of the
session to the consideration of the preliminary
draft constitution which had been prepared by
the Director at the request of the Committee at its
fourth session. After a general discussion on the
draft constitution in the full Committee, a draft-
ing subcommittee, composed of representatives of
Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, Denmark,
France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, the
United States, and Venezuela, prepared a revised
draft which the Committee, at the final meet-
ing, decided to refer to the Governments for com-
ment, with the request that all connnents be for-
warded to the Director at least 2 months in advance
of the next session.
The general discussion developed the fact that
some of the government members would be able
to accept the constitution by administrative action,
whereas others, including the United States, would
find it necessary to submit the text of the pro-
posed constitution for legislative action and ap-
proval. Eventual acceptance of the constitution
by the government members will give the Com-
mittee more stability and an anticipated life span
of from 3 to 5 years.
Article 1 of the proposed constitution reads in
part as follows :
1. The purpose and functions of the Committee shall be :
(a) to make arrangements for the transport of mi-
grants, for whom existing facilities are inade-
quate and who could not otherwise he moved,
from European countries having surplus popu-
lation to countries overseas which offer oppor-
tunities for orderly immigration ;
(b) to promote the increase of the volume of migra-
tion from Europe by providing, at the request
of and in agreement with the Governments con-
cerned, services in the processing, reception and
first placement of migrants which other interna-
tional organizations are not in a position to
supply, and such other assistance to this pur-
pose and in the settlement of migrants as falls
within the capacity of the Committee.
The discussions at the fifth session reflected opti-
mism that the Committee's goal of movement for
1953 of 120,000 migrants and refugees out of Eu-
rope can be achieved during the year. A consid-
erable number of wives and dependents, particu-
larly in Germany and Italy, await the opportunity
to join husbands and fathers who have preceded
them to overseas coimtries of immigration. The
techniques of selecting and processing migrants
for travel are being constantly improved, and bet-
ter placement services in the countries of immigra-
tion are beginning to show results in the opening
up of further opportunities for additional mi-
grants. The sessions of the Committee have pro-
vided new opportunities for the conclusion of
June 22, 7953
881
agreements between emigration and immigration
countries with respect to migi'ation.
The United States was represented at the fifth
session by George L. Wari'en. The advisers were
Dorothy D. Houghton, Assistant Director for
Refugees and Migration, Mutual Security Agency ;
Guy J. Swope, Cliief, Displaced Populations Divi-
sion, Office of the U. S. Higli Commissioner for
Germany; Richard R. Brown, Director, Office of
Field Coordination, Escapee Program, Frankfoit
on the Main; David E. Christian, Chief, Man-
power and Labor Economics Section, European
Labor Division, Office of the Special Representa-
tive in Europe, Paris; and William Kurylchek,
American Embassy, Vienna.
The Committee decided to convene its sixth
session in October 1953.
• Mr. Warren, author of the above article, is
Adviser on Refugees and Displaced Persons, De-
fartment of State.
Investigation of U.S. Citizens
on U.N. Secretariat
EXECUTIVE ORDER 10459'
Amendment of Executive Order No. 10^22 of Jan-
uary 9, 1953,- Prescribing Procedures for
Making Avail-able to the Secretary General of
the United- Nations Certain Information Con-
cerning United States Citizens Employed or
Being Considered for Employment on the
Secretariat of the United Nations
Wheeeas Executive Order No. 10422 of January 9,
1953, prescribe.s procedures for making available to the
Secretary General of the United Nations and the executive
heads of other public international organizations certain
information concerning United States citizens employed
or being considered for employment by the United Nations
or other public international organizations of which the
United States is a member ; and
Whkreas the said Executive Order No. 10422 incorpo-
rates by reference certain of the procedures provided or
authorized by Executive Order No. 983.5 of March 21,
1947, as amended ; and
Whereas Executive Order No. 983.5, as amended, has
been revoked by section 12 of Executive Order No. 104.50
of April 27, 19.53, effective thirty days from that date :
Now, therefore, by virtue of the authority vested in me
by the Constitution, statutes, and treaties of the United
States, including the Charter of the United Nations, and
as President of the United States, it is hereby ordered
as follows :
1. Paragraphs 3, 4, 5, and 6 of Part I of Executive
Order No. 10422 are amended to read as follows :
"3. The preliminary investigation conducted by the
Civil Service Commission shall be a full background
Investigation conforming to the investigative standards
of the Civil Service Commission, and shall include refer-
ence to the following :
(o) Federal Bureau of Investigation files.
(h) Civil Service Commission files.
' 18 Fed. Ren. 3183.
' Bulletin of .Ian. 12, 19.53, p. 62.
(c) Military and naval intelligence files as appropriate.
(d) The files of any otlier appropriate Government
investigative or intelligence agency.
(e) The files of appropriate committees of the Congress.
(f) Local law-enforcement flies at the place of resi-
dence and employment of the person, including municipal,
county, and State law-enforcement files.
(</) Schools and colleges attended by the person.
(h) Former employers of the person,
(t) References given by tlie person.
(i) Any other appropriate source.
However, in the case of short-term employees whose
employment does not exceed ninety days, such investiga-
tion need not include reference to subparagraphs (f)
through (j) of this paragraph.
"4. Whenever information disclosed with respect to
any person being investigated is derogatory, within the
standard set forth in Part II of this order, the United
States Civil Service Commission shall forward such in-
formation to the Federal Bureau of Investigation, and
the Bureau shall conduct a full field investigation of such
person : Provided, that in all cases involving a United
States citizen employed or being considered for employ-
ment on the internationally recruited staff of the United
Nations for a period exceeding 90 days, the investigation
required by this Part shall be a full field investigation
conducted by the Federal Bureau of Investigation.
"5. Reports of full field investigations shall be for-
warded through the United States Civil Service Com-
mission to the International Organizations Employees
Loyalty Board, established by Part IV of this order and
hereinafter referred to as the Board. Whenever such a
report contains derogatory information, under the stand-
ard set forth in Part II of this order, there shall be made
available to the person in question the procedures of
the Board provided or authorized by Part IV of this order
(including the opportunity of a hearing) for inquiring
into the loyalty of the person as a United States citizen
in accordance with the standard set forth in Part II of
this order. The Board shall transmit its determinations,
as advisory opinions, together with the reasons therefor
stated in as much detail as the Board determines that
security considerations permit, to the Secretary of State
for transmission to the Secretary General of the I'nited
Nations fur his use in exercising his rights and duties
with respect to the personnel of the United Nations as
set out in the Charter and in regulations and decisions
of the competent organs of the United Nations.
"6. At any stage during the investigation or Board
proceeding, the Board may transmit to the Secretary of
State, for forwarding to the Secretary General, in as
much detail as the Board determines that security con-
siderations permit, the derogatory Information disclosed
Ijy investigation. This shall be for the purpo.se of as-
sisting the Secretary General in determining whether
or not he should take action with respect to the employee,
or the person being considered for employment, prior to
the completion of the procedures outlined in this order.
The making available of any such information shall be
without prejudice to the right of full hearing as pro-
vided for herein."
2. Paragraph 1 of Part II of Executive Order No. 10422
is amended to read as follows ;
"1. The standard to be used by the Board in making an
advisory determination as provided for in paragraph 5
of Part I of this order with respect to a United States
citizen who is an employee of, or is being considered
for employment by, the United Nations, shall be whetlier
or not on all the evidence there is a reasonable doubt
as to the loyalty of the person involved to the Govern-
ment of the United States."
3. Executive Order No. 10422 is further amended by
adding the following new part at the end thereof :
882
Department of State Bulletin
"Part IV — Infcrnafiondl Oryaiiizntions Employees
Loyalty Board
"1. There is hereby established in the Civil Service
Commission an International Organizations Employees
Loyalty Board of not less than three impartial persons,
tha members of which shall be officers or employees of
th* Commission.
"2. The Board shall have authority in cases referred
to it under this order to inquire into the loyalty to the
Government of the United States of United States citizens
employed, or considered for employment, by international
organizations of which the United States is a memlier,
and to make advisory determinations in such cases, under
the standard set forth in Part II of this order, for trans-
mission Ijy the Secretary of State to the executive heads
of the international organizations coming under the ar-
rangements made pursuant to Parts I and III of this
order.
"3. The Board shall make necessary rules and regu-
lations, not inconsistent with the provisions of this order,
for the execution of its functions. There shall be in-
cluded in such rules and regulations provisions for fur-
nisliing each person whose case is considered by the
liiiard :
(n) A written statement of the alleged derogatory
information, in as much detail as security considerations
permit.
(6) An opportunity to answer or comment upon the
statement of alleged derogatory information, in writing,
and to submit affidavits.
(c) An opportunity for hearing before the Board, or
a panel thereof of at least three members, Including the
right of the person to he represented by counsel, to present
witnesses and other evidence in his behalf, and to cross-
examine witnesses offered in support of the derogatory
iiifdrmation : Provided, that the Board shall conduct its
hearings in such manner as to protect from disclosure
information affecting the national security.
"4. Based upon all the evidence before it, including
such confidential information as it may have in its pos-
session, the Board shall make its determinations in
writing, and shall send to each person who is the subject
tliereof a copy. In cases in which hearing or other action
is by a panel of three members, the action or determina-
tion of the panel shall constitute the action or determina-
tion of the Board, except that rules and regulations
pursuant to paragraph 3 of this Part shall be adopted by
arlion of the Board as a whole.
"o. Except as otherwise specified in this order, the
Civil Service Commission shall provide the necessary in-
vestigative and other services required by the Board.
All agencies of the executive branch of the Government
are authorized and directed to cooperate with the Board,
and, to the extent permitted by law, to furnish the Board
such information and assistance as it may require in the
performance of its functions.
"(3. All cases arising under this order which are pending
before the Regional Loyalty Boards and the Loyalty
lieview Board of the Commission on the effective date of
Executive Order No. 104.50 of April 27, 1953, shall on that
date be transferred to the Board."
This order shall become effective on May 27, 1953.
The White House,
June 2, 1953.
Confirmation of Trusteeship Council
Representative
On June 11 the Senate confirmed the nomination of
Mason Sears as U.S. representative on the Trusteeship
Council of the United Nations.
IMC Adopts System of Guiding
Quotas for Molybdenum
The Tungsten-Molybdenum Committee of the
International Materials Conference announced on
June 10 that it has decided not to recommend a
formal allocation for molybdenum for the third
calendar quarter of 1953. Instead, it has worked
out guiding quotas for the use of countries con-
cerned which reflect only what is regarded as a
normal pattern of distribution at this stage.
The Governments of all 13 countries represented
on the Committee have accepted this recommenda-
tion. These countries are Australia, Bolivia,
Brazil, Canada, Chile, France, the Federal Repub-
lic of Germany, Japan, Portugal, Spain, Sweden,
the United Kingdom, and the United States.
The Committee, after careful examination,
noted a distinct improvement in the molybdenum
supply situation, which is now considered satis-
factory for essential needs. Therefore, a firm
plan of allocation for ores and concentrates and
primary products is no longer deemed necessary.
The plan of guiding quotas should insure that
the present pattern of trade will be maintained
both as regards the exports and imports of ores and
concentrates and primary products. Member gov-
ernments have agreed that if tlie arrangements
are found to be working satisfactorily, the Com-
mittee will be dissolved on July 31, 1953.
Appointments to Pan American
Railway Congress Association
Press release 301 dated June 2
The White House announced on June 2 that the
President had appointed Sinclair Weeks, Secre-
tary of Commerce, and John M. Cabot, Assistant
Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs, to
the U.S. National Commission of the Pan Ameri-
can Railway Congress Association.
The other members of the U.S. National Com-
mission are as follows: William T. Faricy, Pres-
ident, Association of American Railroads, Chair-
man ; George P. Baker, Professor of Transporta-
tion, Graduate School of Business Administration,
Harvard University; J. M. Hood, President, the
Amc rican Short Line Railroad Association ; James
G. Lyne, President, Simmons-Boardman Publish-
ing Corporation, and Editor of Raihvay Age;
Arlon E. Lyon, Executive Secretary, Railway
Labor Executives Association ; and Charles D. Ma-
hatlie. Commissioner, Interstate Commerce Com-
mission.
The aims of the Pan American Railway Con-
gress Association, which was established as a per-
manent international organization in 1910, are to
contribute to the progress of railways in the
Americas through the study and possible solution
of the problems inherent in the development of
June 22, 1953
883
railway systems and through tlie making of ar-
rangements to facilitate international railway
traffic. All 21 American Republics are members
of the Association, the headquarters of which is
at Buenos Aii'es, and many railroads, institutions,
and private individuals are also members. U.S.
membership in the Association and the establish-
ment of a U.S. National Commission were author-
ized in Public Law 794 of the 80th Congress (ap-
proved June 28, 1948).
The functions of the U.S. National Commission,
under the terms of the charter of the Association,
include the provision of assistance in the prepara-
tion of special studies of railway questions and in
the organization of the periodic congresses of the
Association. The members of the Commission
have played leading roles in making preparations
for tlie Eighth Pan American Railway Congress,
which is to meet first at Washington and then at
Atlantic City during the period between June 12
and 25 of this year.^
U.S. Delegations
to International Conferences
Pan American Railway Congress
The Department of State on June 8 announced (press
release 308) tliat the Eighth Pan American Railway
Congress is to be held first at Washiuston, D.C., and
then at Atlantic City, N.J., during the period .Tune 12-25,
11J53. The Congress is being sponsored by the Government
of the United States and the U.S. National Commission
of the Pan American Railway Congress As.sociation
(Pakca) In collaboration with the Permanent Commis-
sion of the Parca.
The members of the U. S. delegation to the Congress
are listed below. Asterisks indicate members of the U.S.
National Commission, Pan American Railway Congress
Association.
Chairman
♦William T. Fnricy, president. Association of American
Railroad.s ; Chairman, U.S. National Commission
Vice Chairman
*James G. Lyne, president, Simons-Boardman Publish-
ing Corp., New York, N.Y.
Delegates
♦George P. Baker, professor of transportation, Graduate
School of Business Administration, Harvard Univer-
sity, Cambridge, Mass.
♦John M. Cabot, Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-
American Affairs, Department of State
C. W. Floyd Coffin, president. Railway Supply Manufac-
turers' Association, New York, N. Y.
Richard M. Connell, U.S. resident member, Permanent
Commission, Pan American Railway Congress Asso-
ciation, American Embassy, Buenos Aires
♦.lames M. Hood, president, American Short Line Rail-
road Association, Washington, D.C.
♦Arlon E. Lyon, executive secretary. Railway Labor
Executives' Association, Washington, D.C.
♦Charles D. Mahaffie, commissioner, Interstate Commerce
Commission
' For an article by Mr. Faricy on the Eighth Pan Ameri-
can Railway Congress, .see Bulletin of June 1, 10.53, p. 787.
Chauncey O. Rowe, acting president, Institute of Inter-
American Affairs, Department of State
♦Sinclair Weeks, Secretary of Commerce
Advisers
Herbert Ashton, director, Transportation, Communica-
tions and Utilities Division, Office of International
Trade, Department of Commerce
Kenneth N. Hyues, American Republics Division, Office of
International Trade, Department of Commerce
Henry H. Kelly, chief. Inland Transport Policy Staff,
Office of Transport and Communications Policy, De-
partment of State
Charles P. Nolan, officer in charge. Transportation and
Communications, Bureau of Inter-American Af-
fairs, Department of State
Secretarii
♦Walter S. Abernathy, transportation economist. Office
of International Trade, Department of Commerce;
executive secretary, U.S. National Commission
This will be the first meeting held in the United States
by the Pan .\merican Railway Congress Association, an
organization which has been devoted since its formation
in 1910 to the improvement of railroad facilities and serv-
ices in the -Vmerican Republics. Previous Congresses
have been held at Buenos .\ires, Rio de Janeiro, Santiago,
Bogota, Montevideo, Habana, and Mexico City.
The Washington portion of the Congress, which will
last from June 12 through June 20, will consist primarily
of plenary sessions and meetings of technical sections for
the presentation and discus.sion of papers on problems of
railway construction, rolling stock, operation, administra-
tion, and public policy. During the Atlantic City portion
of the Congress, lasting from June 21 through June 25,
the participants will have an opportunity to view a major
railway exhibit being sponsored by the Railway Supply
Manufacturers' Association, and to attend the annual
meetings of several divisions of the .Association of Ameri-
can Railroads. On June 2^) awards and prizes will be
presented to the authors of the best papers presented to
the Congress.
International Labor Conference
The Department of State announced on June 2 (press
release 300) that the U.S. delegation to the thirty-sixth
session of the International Labor Conference, opening
at Geneva on June 4, 1953, includes :
Representing the Government of the United States:
Delegates
Irving McNeil Ives, U.S. Senate
Philip M. Kaiser, Assistant Secretary of Labor
Alternate Delegate
James E. Murray, U.S. Senate
Advisers
B. Harper Barnes. -Assistant Solicitor for International
Labor Affairs, Department of Labor
Clara M. Beyer, Associate Director, Bureau of Labor
Standards. Department of Labor
William B. Groat, Judge, Queens County Court, Long
Island City, N. Y.
Joseph L. Harmon, Assistant Chief, Ilo Division, Office
of International Labor Affairs, Department of Labor
William M. Leiserson, Industrial Relations Consultant
and Arbitrator, Washington, D.C.
Bichard F. Pedersen, Office of U.N. Economic and Social
Affairs, Department of State
Fernando Sierra Berdecia, Secretary of Labor of Puerto
Rico, San Juan, P.R.
884
Department of State Bulletin
David M. Walker, Secretary, Department of Labor and
Industry, Harrisl)iirs, Pa.
Arnold L. Zempel, Executive Director, Office of Inter-
national Labor Affairs, Department of Labor
Representing the Employers of the United States :
Delegate
Charles E. Shaw, Standard Oil Company of N.J.
Advisers
William B. Barton, Chamber of Commerce of the United
States
Robert C. Bassett, Hearst Newspapers
Richard P. Doherty, National Association of Radio and
Television Broadcasters
James W. Haley, Jewell Ridse Coal Corp.
Hoey A. Hennessy, National Association of Manu-
facturers
Milton M. Olander, Owens-Illinois Glass Company, Toledo,
Ohio
Herbert M. Ramel, Moog Industries, St. Louis, Mo.
Charles H. Smith, Jr., Steel Improvement and Forge
Company, Cleveland, Ohio
William G. Van Meter, Chamber of Commerce of the
United States
Representing the Workers of the United States :
Delegate
George Philip Delaney, American Federation of Labor
Advisers
Alexander J. Cleland, Bricklayers, Masons and Plaster-
ers' International Union of America
John J. DiifEy, International Brotherhood of Electrical
Workers
A. D. Lewis, United Mine Workers of America
Lee W. Minton, Glass Bottle Blowers' Association of the
United States and Canada
Michael Ross, Congress of Industrial Organizations
Harry Sayre, United Paperworkers of America
Elwo'od Swisher, United Gas, Coke and Chemical Work-
ers of America
Members of the resident U.S. delegation for Interna-
tional Organization affairs in Geneva who will take part
are Henry F. Nichol, serving as secretary of delegation^;
Mason A. LaSelle, as administrative officer ; and John F.
Jason, as documents officer.
The International Labor Conference is the legislative
body of the International Labor Organization (Ilo), a
specialized agency of the U.N. system which seeks through
international action to improve labor conditions, raise
living standards, and promote economic and social sta-
bility.
The item.s on the agenda for the thirty-sixth session of
the Conference are as follows : (1) report of the Director
General, (2) financial and budget questions, (3) applica-
tion of conventions and recommendations, (4) holidays
with pay, (.5) protection of the health of workers, (6)
minimum age for underground work in coal mines, (7)
organization and working of national labor departments,
and (8) constitutional amendment.
Eight Years of UNESCO Progress
FoIJoioing is the text of a letter which Walter.
E. C. Laves^ Chairman of the U.S. National Com-
\ission for UNESCO, sent to Senator Karl E.
missic
Mundt, reforting on UNESCO''s progress.^
]VL\T 11, 1953
Mt Dear Senator Mundt :
On behalf of the United States National Com-
mission for Unesco, it is my pleasant privilege to
recall to your mind an historic event which took
place 8 years ago and in which you played a major
part. At that time steps were talien to assure in-
ternational action in support of principles basi-
cally identical with those found in the United
States Constitution and the Bill of Rights.
On May 22, 19-15, the House of Eepresentatiyes
adopted House Resolution 215, which you had in-
troduced, in which the House urged ". . .the
participation by the Government of the United
States in the creation of an international educa-
tional and cultural organization. . . ." Two days
later the Senate adopted a similar resolution intro-
duced by Senator J. William Fulbright and Sen-
ator Robert A. Taft. Pursuant to these resolu-
^ Reprinted from Cong. Rec. of May 19, 1953, p. 5285.
June 22, 1953
tions, the United States helped to establish the
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cul-
tural Organization. Two Members of Congress,
Senator James E. Murray and Representative
Chester E. Merrow, were members of the United
States delegation to the Conference at which the
constitution of Unesco was drawn up. Subse-
quently Congress authorized the acceptance of
membership in Unesco by the United States and
the establishment of a National Commission to ad-
vise the Government, and to serve as an agency
of liaison on Unesco matters.
In view of the personal initiative and interest
which you thus showed in the establishment of
Unesco, together with these colleagues in Con-
gress, I should like to take this occasion to give
each of you a brief report — a progress report —
about the Organization and the National Com-
mission.
Unesco is rendering to its member states the
services which you envisaged for the organization
in H. R. 215: ". . . for the purpose of advising
together and to consider problems of international
education and cultural relations throughout the
world and more particularly to organize a perma-
885
nent international agency to promote educational
and cultural relations, the exchange of students,
scholars, and other educational and cultural lead-
ers and materials, and the encouragement with
each country of friendly I'elations among nations,
peoples, and cultural groups."
You will be pleased to know how far Unesco
has gone in living up to these expectations.
UNESCO Services
UNESCO has responded to tlie urgent requests of
more than 20 of the less developed nations for
help in raising their levels of education.
It has pioneered a system of fundamental educa-
tion which helps improve health, nutrition, and
literacy, and thus promises to raise the standard of
living oif tlie more than half of tlie world's popula-
tion which can neither read nor write.
It has brought together teachers from many
countries and in many separate conferences for the
study of common educational problems.
It has demonstrated to countries without public
libraries how they can establish these and use them
for democratic educational purposes.
It is helping member states undertake scientific
research to improve living conditions. Notably it
promotes study of ways in which semidesert re-
gions can be brought into cultivation.
It has made possible the renewal of contacts be-
tween scientists, educators, and creative artists in
the postwar world, thus upholding the free ex-
change of knowledge and ideas.
Schools and libraries in soft currency countries
have found a way to obtain books, laboratory
equipment and other necessary supplies from hard
currency countries through the Unesco coupon
plans. In 1952 this made possible purchases from
the United States to an amount of over half a
million dollars.
Fellowships and travel grants awarded by
Unesco have helped educators, scientists, youth
leaders, and trade union members from over 40
countries to study in other countries.
The international interchange of students and
teachers is greatly helped, too, by Unesco's publi-
cations, Study Abroad and Teaching Abroad
which list annually the fellowships and teaching
opportunities in many countries that are open to
candidates from other lands.
Unesco has helped people in the free world un-
derstand the principle of collective security, as de-
fended by the United Nations in Korea.
Most important of all, Unesco is demonstrating
to the people of the free world how they can secure
social and economic advancement through free in-
stitutions and through peaceful international co-
operation.
May I mention a few typical pieces of Unesco
work that have come to my personal attention
recently.
886
Raising Educational Levels
In 19.52 alone, Unesco was asked by member
governments to send out 22 educational missions.
Tlie purpose of these was to provide expert help
in planning public educational reforms, to recom-
mend methods of financing such reforms, and to
propose ways of improving school administration.
These teams of international composition and
character would have been impossible without
Unesco.
This large number of advisory services was re-
quested because previous missions sent out under
Unesco auspices had been singularly successful.
I talked about this at the Paris General Conference ,
of Unesco last November with an official of the
Ministry of Education of Thailand. He told me
al)out tiie changes that have been undertaken in
the Siamese educational system as the result of
the educational mission which his government
had requested Unesco to send 2 years ago. A
10-year plan for educational development has been
approved and a supplemental scheme is already in
operation in one area where all types and grades
of educational activities are being reorganized.
The delegate from Burma told me that his gov-
ernment had doubled its budget for public edu-
cation and was in the midst of building 1,000 new
primary schools, 240 secondary schools, and a
teacher training center. This was the direct re-
sult of the recommendations of a Unesco edu-
cational mission which had been adopted by the
Burmese Government. Important progress has
been made in Afghanistan and many other
countries.
A few months ago I was in Cairo when the final
plans were made for the establishment of a funda-
mental education center for the Arab states. Il-
literacy rates in this region range from 50 to 70'
percent. This center has now opened and the'
first class has teams of 5 trainees from each of the'
6 cooperating countries. Within a year therei
should be 200 trainees enrolled. The center is)
modeled on the Fundamental Education Center im
Mexico, which is supported by Unesco, the Mexi-
can Government, and the Organization of the
American States. Fifty teachers were graduated
this year from the Mexican center. They liavei
returned to their countries in Latin America to es-'
tablish similar national schools run by their owni
governments.
Methods by Wiiicli UNESCO Has Worked
These services, like all else that is done by the
organizations, are undertaken by Unesco only
on the request of the member states. I can assure
you, from personal experience as Deputy Director
General of Unesco for nearly 4 years, and from
subsequent observation, that Unesco carries out
in the letter and the spirit the provision of its
constitution that, "with a view to preserving the
independence, integrity, and fruitful diversity of
the states members of this organization, the or-
Department of State Bulletin
i
Fourth Conference of U. S. National
Commission for UNESCO To Be Held
The U S National Commission for Unesco lias
announced that its Fourth National Conference will
be held in Minneapolis at the University of Minne-
sota September 1.V17, 1953. The conference is au-
thorized by Public Law 565 (Tilth Cong., 2d bess.),
and this year will have as its theme •■Americas
Stake in International Cooperation." Seven hun-
dred delegates representing organizations, institu-
tions, and individuals will attend. The 12th
annual meeting of the U.S. National Commission
for UNESCO will precede the conference.
ganization is prohibited from intervening in mat-
ters which are essentially within their juris-
diction."
UNESCO's work throughout its program rests on
and supports and promotes the free exchange of
knowledge and ideas. It is a continuous attack,
by practical action, against the Iron Curtain phi-
losophy. Fellowships for study abroad, inter-
national seminars for scientists, scholars, and
teachers, expert advice given on request, publica-
tions bringing the concentrate of free scholarly
inquiry or divergent opinions — these are its chief
methods of action.
Increasing UNESCO Membership
As you know, this agency unites the American
people in the cause of freedom, understanding,
and friendship with the people of over 60 other
countries.
Six years ago, when Unesco's first conference
was held, there were 34 member states. The num-
ber has increased steadily each year. At its last
meetins, Unesco accepted the application of
Spain.Xibya, and Nepal. Countries which have
gained their independence have at once applied
for membership in Unesco— countries such as
Indonesia, Cambodia, Viet Nam, Burma, Ceylon,
and Pakistan. Germany and Japan have sought
and received admission; thus Unesco brings for-
mer enemy peoples back into the family of nations.
I am sure that you will regret with me that the
peoples of some countries are kept outside Unesco
by the will of their governments, but it is easy to
understand why Soviet Russia has refused to sub-
scribe to the principles of Unesco, and why the
Governments of Poland, Czechoslovakia, and
Hungary have withdrawn from Unesco, since
they have become satellites of the U.S.S.R., and
since Unesco has begun to be eilective.
The Polish Government, in its letter of with-
drawal, last December, alleged that Unesco is
turning itself into an obedient instrument of the
cold war launched by American imperialism ; that
UNESCO has supported Anglo-American aggres-
sion in Korea.
These distortions and falsehoods were rejected
by the General Conference of Unesco, which de-
June 22, J 953
clared "that the allegations contained in the afore-
said communication are completely unfounded."
Some United States Misunderstandings
I should like to remark briefly on two points
about which some misunderstanding exists m the
United States.
First, all who sincerely wish that international
cooperation through organization may succeed are
concerned lest Americans who are disloyal or are
engaged in subversive activities should find em-
ployment in international agencies. The Execu-
tive Committee of the United States National
Commission at one of its first meetings m 1947 de-
clared that persons employed by Unesco should
be truly and fully representative of their coun-
tries, and the National Commission assisted
Unesco to find Americans who meet this standard.
About 60 Americans are employed by Unesco
headquarters in Paris, which has a total staff ot
about 800, and some 50 other Americans are em-
ployed by Unesco in other parts of the world.
I am confident that the great majority of these
Americans employed by Unesco are completely
loyal citizens, and I believe that measures now
being taken will assure that no American will be
empfoyed by Unesco except those known to be
loyal. .
I wish also to touch on another point which may
have come to your notice— the allega,tion that
UNESCO is trying to impose some doctrine on our
schools, designated as one-world government.
This false charge was first aired m a newsletter
issued by a certain organization and has been
widely repeated, although frequently refuted.
The truth is that in several pamphlets for teachers
(not for pupils) some opinions expressed m inter-
national conferences of teachers invited from var-
ious countries are reported, and that an occasional
sentence among these opinions indicates a belief
that a world organization should have stronger
powers than those given to the United Nations.
UNESCO has never advocated any policy with re-
si^ect to world government. The Director Gen-
eral of UNESCO has spoken explicitly on this point.
"It has never been the purpose of Unesco to turn
citizens from their national loyalties . . . who-
ever out of alleged devotion to some international
ordeT, repudiates his loyalty to his own country,
does not really love his own country nor the inter-
national order he claims to admire."
United States National Commission Active
I should like to take this opportunity, too, of
reporting to you that the United States National
Commission has carried out in the past 6 years
many of the functions assigned to it by Congress.
You were one of those who labored to insure that
the Commission should be a body widely repre-
sentative of the voluntary citizen groups ot this
country. It consists of 100 American citizens, of
whom '60 are selected and nominated by national
887
organizations. These voluntary organizations
comprise millions of members, and are widely
representative of the educational, cultural, social,
economic, and religious life of this country!
Through active memoership in the National Com-
mission they have linked their members in
Unksco's work for international friendship.
The Commission has been continuously con-
sulted by the Department of State on many mat-
ters relating to United States participation in
Unesco. It has been represented on delegations
to all sessions of the General Conference of
UNESCO, at which the program and budget of this
organization are approved.
Through several committees and panels of ex-
perts, parts of UNESCO's program are submitted to
citizen groups and competent specialists for con-
sideration and advice. More than this, hundreds
of American citizens have volunteered to assist in
the task of carrying out within the United States
those portions of the Unesco program that can
be carried out in this country, such as contributing
ro the educational needs of the less developed
countries and the study of the United Nations.
A special featui-e of the National Commission's
program has been the organization every 2 years
of a national conference for the purpose of con-
sidering ways to improve our understanding of
and participation in world affairs, particularly
through the kinds of international cooperation
represented by Unesco. Provision for such con-
ferences was wisely made by Congress when it
authorized the establishment of the National Com-
mission. All interested organizations are invited
to send representatives.
You will recall the First National Conference
held in Philadelphia in 1947 at which you gave a
keynote address. Subsequent conferences" were
held in April 1949 and January 1952. We are now
making plans for the Fourth National Conference
to be held in Minneapolis in September at which
the main theme will be "America's Stake in Inter-
national Cooperation."
This letter [is] ah-eady too long by ordinary
standards — yet it barely touches upon the wide
variety of important activities made possible
through the existence of Unesco.
I want to close by extending you the thanks,
appreciation, and congratulations of the United
States National Commission for Unesco for the
great public service you performed in helping
assure the establishment of Unesco which has
been so essential to the achievement of an under-
standing among peoples and of peace itself. Even
at this early date the wisdom of that decision
has been demonstrated by the enthusiastic sup-
port given Unesco throughout the peace-loving
world. The record of this phase of postwar co-
operation has already shown its practicability and
necessity.
Sincerely,
Walter H. C. Laves
Current U.N. Documents:
A Selected Bibliography '
Economic and Social Councit
Full Employment. Iniiilementation of Full Employment
Polieie.s. Replies of governments to the full employ-
ment questionnaire covering the period iy51-.")2, sub-
mitted under resolutions 221 E (IX), 290 (XI) and
371 B (XIII) of the Economic and Social Council.
Contents : India. E/2232/Add. 10, Apr. 13, 1953. 29
pp. mimeo.
Economic Commission for Europe. Annual Report to the
Economic and Social Council covering the period from
19 March 1952 to 18 March 1953. E/2382, E/ECE/
162, Mar. 28, 1953. 100 pp. mimeo.
Financial Implications of Actions of the Council. Work
Programmes and Costs of the Economic and Social
Activities of the United Nations. E/2889/Add. 2.
5 pp. mimeo.
United Nations Programme of Technical Assistance.
Under General Assemlily resolutions 200 (III), 246
(III), 418 (V) and Economic and Social Council
resolution 222 A (IX). Report bv the Secretary-
General. E/2414, Apr. 30, 1953. 139 pp. mimeo.
Freedom of Information. Comments and suggestions of
governments transmitted for information and assist-
ance of Rapporteur on Freedom of Information.
E/2427. 47 pp. mimeo.
Report of the World Meteorological Organization.
E/2428, May 12, 1953. 72 pp. mimeo.
Report of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the
United Nations. E/2432, May 14, 1953. 27 pp.
mimeo.
Economic Development of Under-Developed Countries.
Question of Methods To Increase World Productiv-
ity (Council Resolution 416 E (XIV)). Working
Paper by the Food and Agriculture Organization on
the problems of productivity in agriculture, fisheries,
and forestry. E/2435, May 18, 19.53. 13 pp. mimeo.
Calendar of Conferences for 1954. Memorandum by the
Secretary-General. E/2436, May 19, 1958. 12 pp.
mimeo.
Commission on Human Rights. Ninth Session. Measures
of Implementation. Statement submitted by the In-
ternational League for the Rights of Man, a non-
governmental organization in Category B status.
E/CN.4/NG0.45, Apr. 10, 1953. 3 pp. mimeo.
United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund,
Executive Board. Report of the Executive Board on
Its 103rd to 110th Meetings Held 19-26 March 19."i3.
E/ICEF/227, May 8, 19.53. 240 pp. mimeo.
Unicef-Who Joint Committee on Health Policy Report of
the Sixth Session Held at the Headquarters of the
World Health Organization, Geneva, 1 and 2 Mav
19.53. E/ICEF/228, May 12, 1953. 12 pp. mimeo. "
Consideration of the Provisional Agenda for the Sixteenth
Session of the Council. Preliminary annotations to
the draft provisional agenda for the sixteenth session
contained in E/2352/Rev. 1. Note by the Secretary-
General. E/L.498, Apr. 23, 1953. 8 pp. mimeo.
' Printed materials may be secured in the United States
from the International Documents Service. Columbia Uni-
versity Press, 29<'.0 Broadway, New York 27. N. Y. Other
materials (mimeographed or processed documents) may
be consulted at certain designated libraries in the United
States.
The U.N. Secretariat has established an Official Records
series for the General Assembly, the Security Council,
the Economic and Social Council, the Trusteeship Council,
and the Atomic Energy Commission, which includes sum-
maries of proceedings, resolutions, and reports of the
various commissions and committees. Information on se-
curing subscriptions to the series may be obtained from
the International Documents Service.
888
Deparfment of Sfafe Bullef'm
Congress Urged To Make Grant of U. S. Wheat to Pakistan
MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT TO THE
CONGRESS!
The people of Pakistan are faced with famine,
and they have asked our help in meeting disaster.
We are fortunate to be in a position to offer help
at this time, for we have an abundance of wheat.
I strongly believe that we should do so. Ac-
cordingly I urge the Congress to make possible
the shipment to Pakistan of up to 1 million long
tons of United States wheat.
The specter of famine confronts the people of
Pakistan at a crucial time in their growth as a
young free nation. Unchecked, it could uncler-
mine the very democratic principles and institu-
tions to which Pakistan is dedicated.
The crisis is largely a result of a calamity of
nature. Pakistan was self-sufficient in food until
severe drought, in 2 successive years, struck the
wheat-producing area of west Pakistan.
The wheat consumption of the people of west
Pakistan averages less than 12 ounces per day in
a diet consisting very largely of this grain. To-
day Government wheat reserves have fallen to the
vanishing point.
The immediate need of Pakistan is to obtain
abroad up to 1.5 million long tons of wheat both
for consumption and for a small working reserve
during the next 11 months. Of this total, the
Government of Pakistan expects to be able to ob-
tain about 4:00,000 tons of wheat with its own and
other aid resources. Canada and Australia have
both made generous grants for wheat to Pakistan.
There is no important source in the free world
other than the United States able to furnish ad-
ditional help.
Pakistan has, therefore, appealed to the United
States for 1 million tons of wheat. Its approach
has been one of dignity, as one sovereign democ-
racy to another, stating a real and urgent need.
Between the people of Pakistan and the people
of the United States there exists a strong bond
of friendship. I am sure that the people of the
United States desire their Government to respond
rapidly and effectively to Pakistan's request.
Pakistan has endeavored to keep its request for
•H. doc. 171.
June 22, 1953
United States aid to a minimum. The Secretary
of State and the Director for Mutual Security sent
a special mission, headed by Dr. Harry Reed, dean
of the College of Agriculture of Purdue Uni-
versity, to study at first hand the food situation
in Pakistan. Mr. Dulles and Governor Stassen
have also visited Pakistan within the last 2 weeks.
With the help of their observations, careful con-
sideration has been given the Reed mission's
recommendations.
One critical fact is that the Government of
Pakistan is suffering grave financial difficulties.
It has already taken rigorous steps to remedy both
the food outlook and its general economic dis-
abilities, and these efforts give some hope for
future self-sufhciency. But Pakistan's gold and
foreign exchange holdings are barely enough to
meet its legal requirements for currency backing
and essential working capital. Moreover, Paki-
stan has little prospect of an exportable wheat sur-
plus which would permit repayment of a loan in
kind. Its export earnings and all its prospective
financial resources are needed to meet the demand
of economic development essential to prevent fu-
ture food and financial crises. A dollar loan
would make it impossible for Pakistan to obtain
further necessary development loans from inter-
national lending institutions.
These considerations make certain conclusions
evident. Pakistan needs a grant of up to 700,000
tons of United States wheat for relief purposes
according to the best available estimates. The
urgency of the need is underscored by the Reed
mission's recommendation for delivery of 100,000
tons of United States aid wheat in Karachi by
August 15 of this year.
This grant would serve a double purpose. It
would meet Pakistan's immediate and pressing
need for food and at the same time provide local
curi'ency for economic development programs.
The rupee receipts from the sale of wheat would
be placed in a counterpart fund under joint Paki-
stan-United States administration. This fund
will be used for development purposes with em-
phasis placed on increased food production in
889
Pakistan to lessen the danger of future shortages.
In addition to the 700,000 tons, Pakistan may
also need up to 300,000 tons as a necessary working
reserve of wheat. The exact amount needed for
this purpose can only be determined later; and
only then can we determine whether the remainder
of our aid should be supplied as a grant or a loan.
Fortunately, we do have the capacity to help at
the present time. Our large wheat reserves have
created a grave storage problem, demanding un-
usual and sometimes costly storage measures.
I propose, therefore, that the Congress author-
ize me to make available to Pakistan up to 1 mil-
lion tons of wheat out of stocks held by the Com-
modity Credit Corporation.- This wheat already
is owned by the Commodity Credit Corporation,
having been obtained under the pi'ice-support pro-
gram. To make it available to Pakistan will cre-
ate no additional Government expenditure at tliis
time other than the cost of transportation. In
order that the operations of the Commodity Credit
Corporation will not be impaired, I am recom-
mending that the legislation include authority
for the Commodity Credit Corporation to recover
its costs, including interest, through an appropria-
tion when the costs of the programs have been
ascertained.
The United States Government proposes to
designate, with the concurrence of the Govern-
ment of Pakistan, a group to observe the receipt
and distribution of wheat in Pakistan. The
group's reports will be available to the Congress.
To provide sufficient United States aid in time,
it is imperative that the grain begin to move from
United States ports by the end of this month.
I strongly urge that the Congress make such
prompt action possible.
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower.
The White House, June 10, 1953.
STATEMENT BY SECRETARY DULLES >
Press release 313 dated June 12
The people of Pakistan are facing a food short-
age of dangerous proportions. For the second suc-
cessive year, there has been a drought in the wheat-
producing area of West Pakistan. Wheat is the
major food in the area. When the crop fails,
starvation ensues unless sufficient wheat is brought
into the country. The Government of Pakistan,
faced with the heart-rending prospect of starva-
tion in its country, is exerting every effort to solve
this critical problem. It has become clear that
Pakistan's own efforts and the help it is able to
get from other countries will fall far short of
^A bill embodying this proposal (S. 2112) was passed
by the Senate on June 16 ; for text, see Cong. Rec. of June
16, p. 6S.31.
' Made before the Senate Committee on Agriculture and
Forestry on June 12. The Secretary on June 15 testified
before the House Committee on Agriculture and Forestry
(press release 316; not printed).
bringing enough wheat into Pakistan, and the
Government has turned to the United States for
assistance.
On April 22 the Government of Pakistan re-
quested the United States for a grant of one mil-
lion tons of wheat as a part of its total import
needs, which it estimated at one-and-one-half mil-
lion tons. The request was made reluctantly and
with dignity, but with an anxiety which we can
easily appreciate.
President Eisenhower has recognized the grav-
ity and immediacy of Pakistan's food situation
and the help needed from the United States if it
is to prevent disaster. The President has recom-
mended that we give Pakistan 700,000 tons of
U.S. wheat from stocks held by the Commodity
Credit Corporation and that this grant be made
immediately, as the situation in Pakistan de-
mands. He has further recommended that Pak-
istan receive up to an additional 300,000 tons of
U.S. wheat if it is determined later to be needed.
This action will meet the Government of Pak-
istan's needs. It is in line with the recommenda-
tions of the special mission, headed by Harry J.
Reed. Dean of the College of Agriculture of Pur-
due University, which Mr. Stassen and I sent to
Pakistan in May to make an on-the-spot survey ol
Pakistan's food situation.
I am gratified with the recommendations of the
President and urge that the Congress enable ue
to translate them into action at the earliest pos-
sible moment. That will be concrete evidence tc
our friends that the United States acts promptly;
and effectively to alleviate human suffering and
the threat of disaster when it strikes them. It wil:
be in the humane tradition of the American people
In order to lay all of the facts concerning this
matter before you, several of us have come here
to talk to you. I want to give you my thoughts on
the foreign-policy aspects of Pakistan's requestJ
and the action which the President has recom-
mended. Mr. Stassen, who was with me in Pak-
istan on our recent trip, will discuss Pakistan's
economic and financial position and his plans foB
administration of the wheat grant if it is author-l
ized. Under Secretary True D. Morse of the De-|
partment of Agriculture is here and will explair
our own wheat situation. Dr. Reed and his col^
league, Dr. Norman J. Volk of the special missioB
which made the survey of Pakistan's actual neeo
are here to report to you on their findings.
As you know, I have just returned from my trip
to the Middle East and South Asia. I spent
days in Pakistan and talked at length with Prime)
Minister Mohammed Ali, who formerly was Pak-j
istan's Ambassador to the United States and is
good friend of our country, as well as wit
Pakistan's Governor General, Mr. Ghulam Mo-|
hammed, and Foreign Minister Sir Zafrtilla Khan
whom I have known for many years and who wa
extremely helpful at the San Francisco Japanese]
peace treaty conference. I met and talked witi
890
Department of State Bulletin^
other high officials of tlie Paliistan Government.
One of my clearest impressions was that of the
outstanding and sincere friendliness which the
leaders of Pakistan feel for the United States. I
was greatly impressed with their understanding of
, world problems. I am convinced that they will
■ resist the menace of communism as their strength
permits. You know that Pakistan and the United
States have conuuonly supported the same views
in the United Nations and that Pakistan was a
tower of strength on the Japanese treaty.
Pakistan occupies a strategic location. Com-
munist China borders northern territories held by
Pakistan and from Pakistan's northern border one
can see the Soviet Union. Pakistan flanks Iran
and the Middle East and guards the Khyber Pass,
the historic invasion route from the north into the
I subcontinent. With their religious convictions
' and courageous spirit, the people of Pakistan and
! their leaders make their country a real bulwark.
That bulwark deserves strengthening and our
grant of wheat will do this. Xo country or gov-
ernment can remain strong if its people are starv-
ing, and I am convinced that Pakistan's need for
wheat to avert starvation is great and urgent.
Failure on our part to help Pakistan promptly and
in the measure needed would permit disaster.
President Eisenhower has recommended that
our immediate assistance be a grant. I fully sup-
port this recommendation. My review of the situ-
ation has convinced me that this is the only way
which makes sense. A loan to be repaid in the
future by Pakistan would only weaken Pakistan's
economy, while the interest of the United States
lies in helping to strengthen Pakistan. That con-
sideration applies to repayment in kind as well
as in dollars. We join the Pakistan Government
in its hopes to build up Pakistan's wheat produc-
tion so that it can avert future dangers of food
shortage, but the prospects of Pakistan's having
enough wheat to permit repayment in kind are not
such as to justify that requirement. Repayment
in dollars would seriously impair Pakistan's abil-
ity to continue its necessary development and
probably prevent further loans for development
purposes.
The wheat grant which has been recommended
is required to meet an emergency situation in
Pakistan. Wliile serving a genuine economic pur-
pose, it does not meet JPakistan's needs for eco-
nomic development nor take the place of technical
assistance and economic development measures.
However, the Pakistan rupee counterpart of the
grant would be of substantial help to Pakistan's
efforts to strengthen its economy and would fur-
ther our own ability to assist Pakistan in this
regard.
The President has referred to the urgency of
Pakistan's need for wheat arrivals to meet its situ-
ation. Dr. Reed has highlighted that in his re-
port, recommending that the United States extend
aid to permit the arrival of wheat shipments from
the United States by July 15 to August 1 and that
100,000 tons of our wheat arrive in Pakistan by
August 15.
We are fortunate in having more than enough
wheat for requirements and to meet this emer-
gency. I know that the Congress has many im-
portant matters before it, but humanity and our
national interest will be served by prompt and
generous action on our part. I add my personal
plea for such a response to President Eisenhower's
proposals.
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Technical Cooperation, Economic Assistance. Treaties
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Agreement between the United States and Israel —
Signed at Tel Aviv May 9, 1952.
Relief From Taxation on Defense Expenditures. Treaties
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Exchange of notes between the United States and
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Administration in Zone A of Free Territory of Trieste.
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Understanding between the United States, Italy, and
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Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: June 8-15, 1953
Releases may be obtained from the Office of the
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department
of State, Washington 25, D.C.
Press releases issued prior to June 8 which ap-
pear In this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 300 of
June 2, 301 of June 2, 302 of June 3, and 304 of
June 3.
Subject
Smith : The pivotal conflict
Pan American Railway Congress
Johnson : Foundations of freedom
Liberia withdraws from Gatt
Aide-memoire on repatriation comm.
Merchant : U.S. foreign-policy aspects
Dulles : Pakistan wheat grant
Note to U.S.S.R. on Austrian treaty
Usis broadcasts in Latin America
Dulles : Transfer of wheat to Pakistan
*Xot printed.
t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin.
No.
Date
307
6/8
308
6/8
*309
6/8
t310
6/9
311
6/10
t312
6/11
313
6/12
314
6/12
t315
6/12
*316
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June 22, 1953
891
June 22, 1953
Ind
American Principles
National security and the defense of freedom
(Elsenhower) 863
The pivotal conflict dominating the world
(Smith) 874
American Republics
Appointments to Pan American Railway Con-
gress Association (Weeks. Cabot) .... 883
MEXICO: Registration period lor holders of
securities 878
Asia
JAPAN: International Bank and Japan discuss
financing power projects 878
KOREA :
The neutral nations repatriation commission . 868
Prime Minister Nehru congratulates President
on prisoner agreement 867
Text of agreement on prisoners of war . . . 8d6
PAKISTAN: Congress urged to make grant of
U.S. wheat (Elsenhower, Dulles) .... 889
Communism
The pivotal conflict dominating the world
(Smith) 874
Congress
Congress urged to make grant of U.S. wheat to
Pakistan (Eisenhower, Dulles) 889
Eight years of Unesco progress (Laves) .... 885
Europe
DENMARK: Suspension of Msa defense-support
aid 873
GERMANY: Treaty of friendship, commerce and
consular rights with Germany (text) . . . 877
Sustaining Nato's objectives (Rldgway) . . . 869
U.S.S.R. queried as to text of Austrian treaty It
would favor (text of U.S. note) 873
Finance
International Bank and Japan discuss financing
power projects 878
Registration period for holders of Mexican
securities 878
International Meetings
Appointments to Pan American Railway Con-
gress Association (Weeks, Cabot) .... 883
IMC adopts system of guiding quotas for molyb-
denum 883
Progress toward migration committee's goals
(Warren) 879
U.S. DELEGATIONS:
International Labor Conference 884
Pan American Railway Congress 884
Mutual Security
Suspension of Msa defense support aid to Den-
mark 873
North Atlantic Treaty Organization
Sustaining Nato's objectives (Rldgway) . . . 869
e X Vol. XXVIII, No. 730
Presidential Documents
Congress urged to make grant of U.S. wheat to
Pakistan (Eisenhower. Dulles) . . 889
EXECUTIVE ORDERS: Investigation of U.S.
citizens on U.N. Secretariat 882
National security and the defense of freedom . 863
Prisoners of War
The neutral nations repatriation commission . 868
Prime Minister Nehru congratulates President
on prisoner agreement 867
Text of agreement on prisoners of war .... 866
Publications
Recent releases 891
Refugees and Displaced Persons
Progress toward migration committee's goals
(Warren) 879
Strategic Materials
IMC adopts system of guiding quotas for
molybdenum 883
Transportation
Appointments to Pan American Railway Con-
gress Association (Weeks, Cabot) .... 883
Pan American Railway Congress 884
Treaty Information
Text of agreement on prisoners of war .... 866
Treaty of friendship, commerce and consular
rights with Germany (text) 877
U.S.S.R. queried as to text of Austrian treaty
it would favor (text of U.S. note) .... 873
United Nations
Confirmation of Sears 883
Eight years of Unesco progress (Laves) . . . 885
International Bank and Japan discuss financing
power projects 878
Investigation of U.S. citizens on U.N. Secretariat . 882
The neutral nations repatriation commission . 868
Text of agreement on prisoners of war .... 866
U.N. documents: A selected bibliography . . . 888
Name Index
Adenauer, Konrad 877
Cabot. John M 883
Conant, James B 877
Delaney. George P 885
Dulles, Secretary 890
Eisenhower, President 863, 867, 882, 889
Farley, William T 884
Harrison, Lt. Gen 866
Ives, Irving M 884
Laves, Walter H. C 885
Nam II, General 866
Nehru, Prime Minister 867
Ridgway, General 869
Sears, Mason 883
Shaw, Charles E 885
Smith, Under Secretary 874
Stassen, Harold E 873
Warren, George L 879
Weeks, Secretary 883
U. S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 1B53
jAe/ ~!l)efia^t'meni/ aw c/tate^
:XVIII, No. 731
tune 29, 1953
MORALS AND POWER • Address by Secretary Dulles . . 895
RELEASE OF ANTI-COMMUNIST PRISONERS FROM
U.N. CAMPS IN SOUTH KOREA • Tc^tso/ Statements
and Correspondence • . . ""5
ACHIEVING A HEALTHY WORLD ECONOMY •
by ffinthrop W. Aldrich 915
SOME ASPECTS OF AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY •
by Assistant Secretary Merchant "09
SECOND ANNIVERSARY OF SHAPE • Report by
Cen. Matthew B. Ridgtcay 899
U.S.-U.N. COOPERATION IN U.N. POSTAL ACTIVI-
TIES • Article by John D. Tomlinson 921
For index see back cotter
K&L
Boston Pu))Hc Lr)rary
Superintendent of Documents
JUL 14 1953
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Vol. XXVIII, No. 731 • Publication 5107
June 29, 1953
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Note: Contents of this publication are not
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OF State Bulletin as the source will be
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The Department oj State BULLETIN,
a weekly publication compiled and
edited in the Division of Publications,
Office of Public Affairs, provides the
public and interested agencies of
the Government with information on
developments in the field of foreign
relations and on the work of the De-
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selected press releases on foreign pol-
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the Department, and statements and
addresses made by the President and
by the Secretary of State and other
officers of the Department, as irell as
special articles on various phases of
international affairs and the func-
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become a party and treaties of gen-
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Publications of the Department, as
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Morals and Power
Address 'by Secretary Dulles ^
Since I have been Secretary of State, I have
been to Europe, the Near East, and South Asia.
Before that, in connection with negotiating the
Japanese peace treaty, I had an excellent chance
to get a firsthand look at our foreign representa-
tives in Japan, Korea, and other parts of the Far
East.
One of the things that most impressed me in
these areas was the down-to-earth cooperation
which existed between our civilian and military
officials. The North Atlantic Treaty Organiza-
tion is an outstanding example of large-scale
military-civilian cooperative effort.
The current negotiations in embattled Korea
are being carried on by General Harrison. And,
to my way of thinking, he is doing an excellent
job under very exacting conditions.
But behind General Harrison stands a team of
' Defense and State Department officials which,
once again, testifies to the effectiveness of mili-
i tary and civilian cooperation.
! i might mention that one of my first acts as
Secretary of State was to invite the Joint Chiefs of
Staff and their chairman to lunch with me at the
State Department. They kindly responded and
the five of us had an intimate exchange of views
I about the world situation and U. wS. security. Ever
' since, we have cooperated with no single trace of
friction. That, I am glad to say, is typical. Of
course, there are often initial differences of opin-
ion. But, by and large, our military and civilian
officers both here in the United States and on
duty overseas rise above differences when the chips
arc down. In today's world, the chips are down
almost everywhere.
It is teamwork between the military and civil-
ian which has given us the necessary strength
whenever and wherever we have needed it.
I should like to talk for a few minutes about
power in a material sense, such as is represented
; by our splendid military establishment. Wliat
is the purpose of this power ? Admiral Mahan is
' Made before the National War College at Washington
on June 16 (press release 321).
credited with one of the best answers to this ques-
tion. It is that the role of power is to give moral
ideas the time to take root. Where moral ideas
already are well-rooted, there is little occasion for
much military or police force. We see that illus-
trated in our own communities. Where the people
accept the moral law and its great commandments,
where they exercise self-control and self-disci-
pline, then there is very little need for police
power. Under these circumstances, it is sufficient
to have a very modest force to take care of the
small minority always found in every community
which disregards the precepts of the moral law.
Where, however, there are many who do not
accept moral principles, then that creates the need
of force to protect those who do. That, unfor-
tunately, is the case in the world community of
today.
At the present time, there is no moral code
which has worldwide acceptance. The principles
upon which our society is based — -the principles
which we believe to be both humanitarian and
just — are not accepted by governments which
dominate more than one-third of mankind.
The result is that we have a world which is, for
the most part, split between two huge combina-
tions. On the one hand, there is the United
States and its free-world associates. This is a
voluntary alliance of free peoples working to-
gether in the recognition that without unity there
could be catastrophe.
On the other hand, there is the totalitarian bloc
led by the Soviet Union — an artificial, imposed
unity which cannot be called an alliance in the
sense that we use the word.
These huge concentrations are in conflict be-
cause each reflects differing aims, aspirations, and
social, political, and economic philosophies. We
must assume that they will continue to remain in
basic conflict, in one way or another, until such
time as the Communists so change their nature as
to admit that those who wish to live by the moral
law are free to do so without coercion by those who
believe in enforced conformity to a materialistic
standard.
June 29, 1953
895
/This is one of the hard facts of international
^istence which we must accept. We cannot close
/our eyes to it. It will not go away simply because
we liope that it will do so.
We must plan accordingly.
"Know Your Enemy"
There is a sound military principle which we
must take into consideration in our planning. It
is "know your enemy."
What makes the Soviet Union — the fountain-
head of world communism — act as it does? Wliy
do the Soviets seek power and more power?
These complex questions are not simply an-
swered. There are many forces whicli motivate
the Soviet drive for power. Among these forces
are these which I should like to mention : ideology,
the historic imperialistic urge, and the chronic
insecurity complex which besets those who rule
by force.
Take first the question of Communist ideology.
Soviet theorists, as you know, refer to tlieir ide-
ology as Marxian-Leninist-Stalinism. Whose
name will next be added remains to be seen.
Tlirough the years, Communist ideology has
taken a number of twists, turns, and shifts in em-
phasis. Upon occasion, it has almost seemed as
if the ideology has been stood on its head to justify
a policy which Soviet leaders have had to adopt
to meet a given international or domestic crisis.
Thus, in October 1939, the Soviet leadei'S pro-
claimed tliat Hitler was the peace lover and the
British and French the aggressors.
Tliere can be no question but that Soviet leaders
use shifty tactics.
But the Soviet leaders have never departed from
a certain basic thesis laid down by Marx. It is
called "dialectical materialism."
It is important for us to remember that this
Marxist principle continues to be basic to the So-
viet creclo despite any changes that have been
made by Lenin and Stalin. Stalin's last published
article, written shortly before his death, was
based upon original Marxist assumptions when
he predicted tliat the United States and its allies
inevitably would split because of imier, economic
contradictions.
The entire creed of Soviet communism is based
upon this "dialectical materialism," the theory
that there is no such thing as a moral law or
spiritual truth; that all things are predetermined
by the contradictory movements of matter; that
so-called capitalism is historically fated to col-
lapse; and that communism is the movement pre-
destined to effect that collapse.
Now, let us look briefly at another of the springs
of Soviet action, that of historical imperialism.
This urge to expand is not something patented
by the Communists of Soviet Russia. This urge
has long been found with the "Great Russians"
in the Eurasian heartland. It is a national urge.
though it is clear that today communism has
greatly intensified it.
The present Soviet Communist exertions in the
Near East, Far East, and East Europe are a du-
plication of many past performances. Early in
the 19th century Tsar Alexander, the most power-
ful ruler of his time, organized the so-called "Holy
Alliance" in an effort to dominate the world.
Has tlie historic imperialist urge played a role
in tlie Soviet drive for power ? I think it is clear
that it has.
The third and last influence which I will men-
Soviet Moves To Prevent
Western European Unification
Press release 319 dated June 15
Asked for an evaluation of recent Soviet moves
in Europe, Secretary Dulles made the following
remarks at his press conference on June 15:
I believe that one of the primary purposes of
Soviet foreign policy for some time has been to
prevent, if possible, a unification of Europe, West-
ern Europe, which would create a strong unified
community in that area. Measures looking toward
that result are pretty well under way. You have
in actual operation at the present time the Coal
and Steel Community which represents a consider-
able measure of economic unity of 6 nations with
reference to two key commodities — coal and steel —
and that has created a single market and is a
beginning of economic unity in Western Europe.
There is the treaty for the creation of a European
Defense Community which, as you know, has been
signed by 6 nations and is before the parliaments
of the 6, having been ratified by both houses in
Germany.
There is also a project which is being worked out
by the European countries wlio are participating
in the Coal and Steel Community for the creation of
a political unity, and a proposed constitution is
pretty far advanced. I would guess, and it can be
no more tlian a guess, that the present Soviet moves
are designed to eliminate the fears of the Soviet
Union in Western Europe, fears which are one of
the contributing forces toward the creation of this
unity.
Now, I believe that unity is going to prevail, ir-
respective of Soviet tactics, because it is important
not merely as a measure against the threat of
Soviet communism ; it is a measure to create unity
iu a part of the world where disunity has been a
cause of wars, notably the disunity between France
and Germany.
I believe the statesmanlike leaders in Europe
realize that unity is essential not merely to meet
a peril of attack from the Soviet Union, but the peril
which conies to all of them from their own dis-
unity and from the wars that have arisen in the
past because of that disunity. Therefore, I believe
tliat unity will prevail, but I think the Soviet tactics
are designed, if possible, to frustrate that move-
ment.
I see no reason as yet to attribute these Soviet
moves to a change of basic approach rather than
a change of tactics. Now, I don't exclude that as a
possibility. All I say is that as yet the evidence is
not adequate to justify, in my opinion, the assump-
tion that it represents more than a change in
tactics.
896
Department of State Bulletin
tion is that chronic sense of insecurity which per-
vades police-stute rulers. Those who rule by force
inevitably fear force. In a police state the rulers
have a monopoly or near monopoly of weapons.
But it is never possible to arm enough policemen
to rule an unruly mass without in the process
arming some who themselves may prove unruly.
Also, the rulers of a police state greatly fear any
\M':ipons which they do not control, and they seek
(d extend their power to bring these weapons
under control. They cannot imagine that arma-
ments in the hands of others may be designed
purely for internal security and self-defense.
That is why the Soviet leaders have so consistently
and so violently expressed their opposition to the
North Atlantic Treaty Organization and fought
the creation of a European Defense Community.
To us their fears seem mere pretense. But per-
haps they do have fear, because they do not under-
stand that if force is in the hands of those who
I are governed by moral law, it will not be used
as a means of aggi-ession or to violate the prin-
ciples of the moral law.
This picture which I have given of the inter-
national situation is not a pleasing one. It does
not hold out the prospect of any quick change for
the better or any early elimination of our need
for power in order to permit moral principles to
take root rather than be uprooted.
However, if we do maintain power, and if we do
subject it to moral law and use it truly to enable
moral principles to survive, and thrive, and spread
in the woi'ld, we can have hope in the future.
For we know that in the long run the fruits of a
spiritual faith prevail over the fruits of
materialism.
The great weakness of Soviet Communist doc-
trine is that it denies morality. That is its
Achilles heel, of which we must take advantage.
We can take advantage of it if — but only if — we
ourselves accept the supremacy of moral law.
Recapturing the Mood of Our Forebears
Our nation was founded by the men who be-
lieved that there was a Divine Creator who en-
dowed men with unalienable rights. They
believed, as George Washington put it in his fare-
well address, that religion and morality are the
great pillars of human happiness and that moral-
ity cannot prevail in exclusion of religious prin-
ciples.
Our Federal and State Constitutions, our laws
and practices, reflect the belief that there is a
Being superior to ourselves who has established
His own laws which can be comprehended by all
human beings and that human practices should
seek conformity with those laws.
Seeking first the Kingdom of God and His
righteousness, many material things were added
to us. We developed here an area of spiritual, in-
tellectual, and material richness, the like of which
the world has never seen. What we did caught
the imagination of men everywhere and became
known everywhere as "the Great American ex-
periment." Our free society became a menace to
every despot because we showed how to meet the
hunger of the people for greater opportunity and
for greater dignity. The tide of despotism, which
at that time ran high, was rolled back and we
ourselves enjoyed security.
We need to recapture that mood.
Today some seem to feel that Americanism
means being tough and "hard-boiled," doing
nothing unless we are quite sure that it is to our
immediate short-term advantage ; boasting of our
own merit and seeing in others only demerit.
That is a caricature of America. Our people
have always been generous to help, out of their
abundance, those who are the victims of misfor-
tune. Our forebears have traditionally had what
the Declaration of Independence refers to as a
decent respect for the opinion of mankind. They
sought to practice the Golden Rule by doing to
others as they would have others do unto them.
Their conduct and example made our nation one
that was respected and admired throughout the
world.
So, in conclusion, I say to you who graduate
from the National War College : Be proud of your
association with U.S. power, which is indispen-
sable in the world today ; but remember that that
power is worthy only as it is the shield behind
which moral values are invigorated and spread
their influence; and accept, as citizens, the obliga-
tion to preserve and enhance those moral values.
They are the rich heritage that has been be-
queathed us. It must be our ambition that future
generations shall look back upon us, as we look
back upon those who preceded us, with gratitude
for the gift to our Republic of the qualities that
make it noble, so that men call it blessed.
Repressive Soviet Measures
Taken in East Berlin
Press release 328 dated June 19
Following is the text of a joint message sent on
June 18 by the United States, United Kingdom,
and French Commandants in Berlin to the repre-
sentative of the Soviet Control Commission con-
cerning repressive measures taken hy Soviet
authorities in East Berlin:
As Commandants of the French, British and
U.S. sectors of Berlin and in the name of the
Allied High Commission we desire to express our
grave concern over events which have taken place
in Berlin in the past few days.
We condemn the irresponsible recourse to mili-
tary force which had as its result the killing or
serious wounding of a considerable number of
citizens of Berlin including some from our own
sectors.
Jone 29, 1953
897
We protest the arbitrary measures taken by the
Soviet authorities which have resulted in the in-
terruption of traffic between the sectors and free
circulation throughout Berlin.
We formally deny that Willi Coettling, exe-
cuted after a travesty of justice, was an agent
provocateur under the orders of the intelligence
service of a foreign power. His condemnation to
death and his execution on an empty pretext ap-
pear to us as acts of brutality which will shock
the conscience of the world.
As the highest Soviet authority in the Soviet
sector of Berlin you share with us the respon-
sibility of guaranteeing the well-being and the
freedom of the people of Berlin. We therefore
demand in the interest of Berlin as a whole that
the harsh restrictions imposed on the population
be lifted immediately and that free circulation
within Berlin be reestablished.
$50 Million Aid for Berlin
Statement hy the President
White House press release dated June IS
It gives me particular satisfaction at this time
to announce that following discussions with the
authorities of West Berlin and the Federal Repub-
lic of Germany, the United States is granting an
additional $.50 million aid for West Berlin. This
grant of Mutual Security Program funds will be
used further to strengthen West Berlin's economy
and eiuible the people to withstand the great pres-
sures to which they are constantly exposed.
_ About one-third of this sum will be used in the
city's industrial investment progi-am. This aid
will help provide jobs for Berlin's unemployed
and will assist the city in paying its own way!
The balance will contribute to the fulfillment
of the "stockpiling" program bolstering the West
Berliners' security by providing stores of food,
fuel, raw materials, and other essentials.
No material contribution such as this, however,
can adequately express the admiration of the
American people for the courageous stand of the
people of Berlin in the face of existing hazards
and economic difficulties.
Current Legislation on Foreign Policy
state Department Information Program — Voice of Ameri-
ca. Hearings liefore the Permiineiit Subcommit-
tee on Investigations of the Committee on Government
Operations, United States Senate, Eighty-Third Con-
gress, First Session, Pursuant to S. Res. 40. A Reso-
lution Authorizing the Committee on Government
Operations To Employ Temporary Additional Per-
sonnel and Increasing the Limit of Expenditures.
Part 1, February 16 and 17, 19.53. 77 pp.; Part 2,
February 18 and 19, 1953. 71 pp.; Part 3, Febru-
ary 20 and 28, ig.'iS. 74 pp.; and Part 4, March 2,
1953. 104 pp.
Legislation To Extend the Mutual Security Program.
Message From the President of the United States
Transmitting Recommendations for Legislation To
Extend the Mutual Security Program. H. Doc. 140,
83d Cong., 1st Sess. 3 pp.
Extension of Export Control Act of 1949. Hearing Before
the Committee on Banking and Currency, House of
Representatives, Eighty-Third Congress, First Ses-
sion, on H. R. 4882, April 20, 1953. 27 pp.
Study of the Escapee and Refugee Situation in Western
Europe. S. Rept. 158, 83d Cong.. 1st Sess. 2 pp.
Commission on Foreign Economic Policy. Report (To
accompany S. J. Res. 78). S. Rept. 292, 83d Cong.,
1st Sess. 3 pp.
Report of Special Study Mission to Pakistan, India, Thai-
land, and Indochina. Committee on Foreign Affairs,
House of Representatives. May 6, 1953. Committee
print. 83d Cong., 1st Sess. 104 pp.
Report on the Operations of the Department of State
(Under Public Law 584). Message From the Presi-
dent of the United States Transmitting a Report by
the Secretary of State on the Operations of the De-
partment of State Under Section 2 of Public Law 584,
Seventy-Ninth Congress, As Required by That Law.
H. Doc. 115, 83d Cong., 1st Sess. 97 pp.
Amendment to the Export-Import Bank Act of 1945.
Hearings Before the Committee on Banking and
Currency, House of Representatives, Eighty-Third
Congress, First Session, on H. R. 4465, A Bill To
Amend the Export-Import Bank Ait of 1045, As
Amended. April 20 and 21, 1953. 59 pp.
Amendment to Export-Import Bank Act of 1945. Report
(To accompany H. R. 4465) . H. Rept. 320, 83d Cong.,
1st Sess. 7 pp.
The Mutual Security Program for Fiscal Year 1054.
Basic Data Supplied liy the Executive Branch. Com-
mittee print. 83d Cong., 1st Sess. 109 pp.
Investigating Means of Expanding Foreign Investments.
Report (To accompany S. Res. 25). S. Rept. 208,
S3d Cong., 1st Sess. 3 pp.
Reorganization Plan No. 5 of 1953. Message From the
President of the United States Transmitting Reor-
ganization Plan No. 5 of 19.53. Relating to the Ex-
port-Import Bank of Washington. H. Doc. 135, 83dl
Cong.. 1st Sess. 4 pp.
State, Justice, and Commerce Appropriation Bill, Fiscall
Year 19.54. Report (To accompany H. R. 4974). H.
Rept. 341, S3d Cong., 1st Sess. 29 pp.
Agreements Relating to the Status of the North Atlanta
Treaty Organizatiim, Armed Forces, and Militaryi
Headquarters. Report (To accompany Executives T
and U, 82d Congress, 2d session, and Executive B,;
83d Congress, 1st session). S. Exec. Rept. 1, 83r
Cong., 1st Sess. 19 pp.
Testimony of General Alfred M. Gruenther. Hearing Be-
fore the Committee on Foreign Relations, Unitedl
States Senate, Eighty-Third Congress, First Session,
on the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. April 1,
19.53. 28 pp.
Soviet Schedule for War. 1955. Executive Hearings Be-
fore the Committee on Un-American Activities, Houi
of Representatives, Eighty-Third Congress, Firsl
Session. May 13 and 14, 19.53. 32 pp.
Treaties and Executive Agreements. Hearings Before a
Sulicommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary
United States Senate, Eighty-Third Congress, First
Session on S. J. Res. 1, Proposing an Amendment to
the Constitution of the United States Relative to thi
Making of Treaties and Executive .\greements, and
S. J. Res. 43, Proposing an Amendment to the Con-
stitution of the United States. Relating to the Legal
Effect of Certain Treaties. February IS, 19, 25,
March 4, 10, 16, 27, 31, April 6, 7, 8, 0, 10. and
1953. 1267 pp.
i\
(
898
Department of State BulletinfK
Second Anniversary of SHAPE as an Operational Headquarters
Report of Gen. Matthew B. Ridgway
Supreme Allied Commander, Europe"-
[Excerpts]
This report concerns Allied Command Europe
from 30 May 1952, when I became Supreme Allied
Commander Europe, to date.
The purpose of this report, the second emanat-
ino- from Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers
Europe [Shape], is to provide an assessment of
the current and prospective capability for dis-
charging assigned defense responsibdities. It
includes^ brief summary of the situation 1 year
ao-o; an examination of the changes which have
since occurred; an appraisal of their effects upon
the capability of this command for carrying out
its assigned 'defense mission; a resuryey of its
military requirements; and an indication of the
areas of existing major deficiencies. The report
is purposely couched in somewhat general terms
for security reasons. Precise figures on present
stocks of ammunition, on fuel for aircraft, tanks,
and tracks, and on the effectiveness of our radar
to give us timely warning of surprise enemy air
attack obviously should not be made public. AH
matters of substance in this report have been in-
cluded in classified reports previously made to
proper authority. They have been covered m
adequate detail and supported by appropriate
recommendations.
Notwithstanding this unquestioned need for
withholding certain information from publication,
I wish to emphasize at the outset of this report
the importance, in fact I believe the crucial im-
portance, of making known to our Nato peoples
the main facts of the military situation in which
they are so deeply concerned. In no other way
can they be convinced of the need for the heavy
burdens they are asked to carry. If unconvinced,
they cannot be expected to support Nato pro-
' Released to the press by Shape, Public Infoi-mation
Division, Paris, on May 30. The report is made to the
chairman of the Standing Group, North Atlantic Treaty
Organization. .,.. ^ i.
For text of the first report on Shape, submitted by
General Eisenhower, see Bui-letin of Apr. 14, 1952, p. 572.
June 29, 1953
gi-ams, even on the minimum scale essential to
collective security. With an unshakeable belief
in our concept of democracy, I concur whole-
heartedly with my predecessor. General Eisen-
hower, who a year ago questioned why there
should be "confusion in the minds of millions of
our own peoples as to the basic aims of our defense
program, the necessity for it, and the urgent de-
mand for their own individual efforts." "Once
the truth is understood," he stated, "once the
critical dangers present in the world situation are
really known, there will be less complacency con-
cerning our present military situation and the
harmful effects of delay will be clearly seen."
It has been my constant conviction since I
assumed command that public understanding is
indispensable to progress toward the minimum
military security for which Nato has been estab-
lished. To create this understanding, Nato and
the national authorities must present the facts
of our security situation through a coordinated
and sustained information program. I have pre-
viously submitted recommendations concerning
such action.
The search for solutions to the many ma] or
problems encountered in the effort to become
secure gives rise to serious political, economic,
financial, and social difficulties to which I am
acutely alive. Yet early solutions must be found
if the basic objectives which brought Nato into
being are to be reasonably attainable withm the
near future.
The assessments which follow constitute a mili-
tary estimate. In preparing it, I have drawn
heavily upon the advice and assistance of the
officers assigned to this command. Of all services,
and from all the countries represented in this com-
mand, they are men of high-principled integrity
and demonstrated professional competence, in
whom their countries may have real pride and
confidence. This report is based on their honest
and objective analysis and reflects the rigid stand-
ards of austere economy consistent with minimum
899
acceptable efficiency which are our common aim.
These men are deeply aware of the waste of human
life, of spiritual values, and of material treasures
which past wars have entailed; they are dedicated
to the effort to forestall the catastrophic destruc-
tion which future wars could bring.
THE SITUATION ONE YEAR AGO
I turn now to the situation of a year ago, the
time at which the first Annual Report of the Su-
preme Allied Commander Europe was issued.
The military mission entrusted to the European
Allied Command then as now was:
a. In war to defend Nato's European
territories. . . .
_ h. In peacetime to develop an integrated, effec-
tive force capable of accomplishing the war-
time mission if required. . . .
The next basic consideration, giving concrete
dimensions to the tasks involved in accomplishing
the assigned mission, was the Soviet threat — its
nature and magnitude. There were two particu-
lar points to be stressed in this connection. First,
our task as military men was to concern ourselves
with Soviet capabilities. Military planning and
recommendations could not be based upon specu-
lative estimates of a potential aggressor's inten-
tions. If the mission assigned to this Command
was to be discharged, our forces had to be prepared
to meet an aggressor's forces as they actually ex-
isted and could be brought into battle. We had to
reckon with military realities. We could not rely
on attempts to fathom the minds of the men in
the Kremlin nor to follow their frequent reversals
of tactics. Second, it was necessary to react effec-
tively to Soviet actions within whatever period of
warning might be provided. Of all the basic
principles of war, none could have more devastat-
ing effect in this area than that of surprise. The
importance of Soviet capability and of time as
two factors of fundamental significance could
scarcely be exaggerated.
The Soviet bloc had over 51/^ million men under
arms, roughly 4I/2 million belonging to the Soviet
Union itself. The U.S.S.R. mounted 175 line divi-
sions. Satellite strength was growing. The So-
viet air force totaled just over 20,000 frontline air-
craft, with a large aircraft reserve. The Navy
had more than 300 submarines, including a num-
ber of the latest type. The Soviet forces were
capable of rapid expansion in case of war.
Trained-reserve manpower and reserves of equip-
ment were immediately available. Some 30 divi-
sions were located in occupied Europe, of which
the 22 in East Germany constituted an ever pres-
ent threat to our forces. The combat effectiveness
of the ground forces was rated high and their
equipment good— in some types superior. The
900
combat efficiency of the air force, while rated be-
low Nato standards, was improving, particu-
larly with the replacement of piston-type with
modern jet aircraft. The Soviets' well-known dis-
regard for their own casualties further increased
their offensive capability.
The balance sheet of Nato security in Westerr
Europe, as I evaluated it in May 1952, showed
major assets and major liabilities. The military
assets, such as the multiple elements of command
structure and leadership, plans and directives, or-
ganized combat units and provision for their sup-
port, had already begun to give the basis for hope
of future security.
Against these assets were ranged grave liabili.
ties. In May 1952, security in Western Europe
was still heavily overshadowed by the enormous
pi'eponderance of combat-ready Soviet military
power poised behind the Iron Curtain. Further
more, there were grave deficiencies in Allied pre-
paredness to meet a Soviet attack had it come. The
total fighting strength of the Allies formed but {
small fraction of the Soviet forces deployed in for-
ward areas. Land forces and naval strength as-
signed to Allied Command Europe were entirelj
insufficient.
The inadequacy of the Air Forces was partica
larly acute. Many imits were deployed in exposed
areas east of the Rhine, with no prepared re*
deployment sites. Command, control, and warn-
ing arrangements were fragmentary in the
extreme. A large number of our aircraft were
of obsolescent piston-engine type.
The principal subordinate commands were stil
in a formative state. The headquarters would not
have been equal to the demands of active opera
tions. Signal communications were seriously in-
adequate for continued effective control of the
fighting elements.
Particularly in the status of supporting ele
ments, the deficiencies would have weighed heavily
against effectiveness in combat. Stocks of am-
munition were extremely low, logistical and main-
tenance systems inadequate, and resupply plans
and assignments of responsibilities were still under
discussion and proving extremely difficult. Sup-
ply lines ran parallel to the front and were
operationally unbalanced.
Shortages of specialists, career personnel, and
experienced leaders were severe in many unita
and would have had a substantial adverse effect
on combat operations. Many reserve elements
lacked the degree of organization and training
required for combat. Finally, although expansion!
goals and connnitments for 1952 had been under-
taken at Lisbon, it was increasingly apparent that
the requisite steps in manning, training, and
equipping were not being taken in full and on
time.
Deparimeni of State Bulletin
1«
111
CHANGES OCCURRING IN THE PAST YEAR
During the past year imicli has been done to
increase onr defense forces and to make them
more effective. Measured against the Soviet ca-
])aliility, our progress is insufficient to give us
at tcptable prospect of success if attacked. We
arc still far short of the minimum requirements.
We lack essential supply and support. But a
series of actions have been taken which have
strengthened our command structure, augmented
our operational plans and directives, and ma-
tei'ially increased our land, air, and naval forces.
Examination in more detail of major changes
follows.
Development of Command Structure
By August 1952 arrangements for coordinating
the operations of the forces of Greece and Turkey
with those of the remainder of my command had
been established. Headquarters Allied Land
Forces Southeastern Europe, with Lt. Gen. Wil-
lard G. AVyman, U.S. Army, in command, were
established in Izmir directly subordinate to Ad-
miral Carney, Commander in Chief, Allied Forces
Southern Europe. In December 1952 Admiral
the Earl Mountbatten of Burma, Royal Navy, was
appointed Commander in Chief Allied Forces
Mediterranean. In March 1953 he took over his
Allied (Nato) Command, which in wartime would
include units of the British Mediterranean Fleet
plus naval forces from other Nato nations. The
U.S. Sixth Fleet, with a striking force mission,
remains assigned to the Commancler in Chief, Al-
lied Forces Southern Europe. Thus there now
exists a command structure to control our united
forces along a 4,000-mile front extending from
northern Norway to the Caucasus.
Buildup of Forces
At Lisbon in February 1952 the nations had set
for themselves, for the first time, firm goals for
the buildup of their forces in 1952, and tentative
goals for 1953 and 1954. As 1952 ended, the goals
were in large part met numerically for air forces,
naval foi'ces, and for active army divisions, al-
though there was a substantial shortfall in planned
combat effectiveness. During the last 12 months'
progress in the buildup of forces has been steady.
Throughout the command the strength of units
has increased, additional major items of equip-
ment have been provided, and training advanced.
In addition, a substantial number of new units
have been organized. Nevertheless, for all serv-
ices there are still major deficiencies in support
units, in logistical establishments, and in stocks of
ammunition and other supplies. I would add
parenthetically at this point that our reporting
and evaluating system has been considerably
strengthened throughout this period. We can
provide more definitive information of actual con-
ditions than formerly was possible. Thus it is
now possible to evaluate combat-effective units
with much greater confidence. We now have a
much more reliable knowledge of just where we
stand.
A year ago the outstanding deficiency was in
the tactical air forces. There was a shortage of
aircraft, of crews, of supply and support. A con-
siderable increase during the year in the number
of combat aircraft, mainly from deliveries under
the U.S. mutual defense assistance program, has
since bettered our position. Not only have the
numbers of combat aircraft increased, but their
combat capability has improved. The increase in
the number of pilots and technicians for these air-
craft, together with some small improvement in
aircraft control, warning and reporting systems,
has been encouraging. Our network of airfields
has been enlarged and made more efficient. Our
various exercises, which posed difficult problems in
coordination and communications, demonstrated
the ability of national forces assigned to Shape to
work together as a team. In supply, and in the
development of the system for distributing fuel,
we have improved our status over the past year.
Nevertheless, our air power is still today the weak-
est link in our defense. In sj^ite of our progress,
our air forces could not adequately carry out their
tasks. The increase of air power must receive far
greater attention by the Nato nations.
During the past year, great efforts have been
made to improve training of regular forces and
at the same time to achieve better training and
mobilization procedures for reserve forces, on
whom so much of our defensive strength depends.
Lack of proper training facilities and areas has
hampered this effort, but good leadership can do
much to offset the deficiency. Accordingly,
Shape has strongly emphasized the need for lead-
ership at all echelons. Various national forces
have organized additional schools for junior and
noncommissioned officers, and study periods for
senior officers. Mobilization and training exer-
cises have been conducted with encouraging re-
sults. Problems in training both active and re-
serve forces, like most of our large problems, are
now becoming more clearly defined, and some
Nato nations are requesting and using training
and advisory missions organized by Shape. Such
missions are now operating in the Netherlands,
Luxembourg, and Portugal. Another important
development has been the recent establishment of
atomic indoctrination courses for key Nato com-
manders and staff officers. The courses, which are
designed to acquaint officers with the use of atomic
weapons in tactical situations, will enable Nato
military staffs to consider the implications of
atomic warfare in the defense of Western Europe.
With all this, there is still an urgent need for all
countries to reexamine critically their mobilization
June 29, 7953
901
systems and to insure that they are adequate to
provide, in the time required, forces sufficiently
well trained to perform their duties.
Support of Armed Forces
The growth of land forces during the past year,
while not satisfactory, has been encouraging.
This situation, however, is not true of tlie arrange-
ments for the supply and support of those forces.
The initial emphasis which had been given to the
creation of frontline troops resulted in a grave
shortage of the operational reserves, of certain
critical supplies, and of service troops, without
which a modern army cannot maintain itself ef-
fectively in the field.
In an international command, the problem of
providing the overall logistic support is unusually
complicated, because each nation is responsible
for the support of its own forces. This arrange-
ment results in a lack of flexibility in the supply
system. In an attempt to make the system less
rigid. Shape, in October 1952, after discussion
with the nations concerned, submitted to the
Standing Group specific proposals which, if
adopted, should in time remedy the main faults in
the organization of our supply. But merely im-
proving our supply organization does not make
good the present lack of operational reserve stocks.
The nations are all agreed that they should hold
stocks sufficient for several months, a period based
on an estimate of the time to begin the replenish-
ment of stocks in Europe after the outbreak of
war. Mainly for financial reasons, however, their
stocks have not been built up to the needed level.
On the other hand, progress has been good on
the third part of the program of infrastructure,
that is, of fixed militai-y installations including
airfields, signal communications, and command
headquarters. More than half of the 125 airfields
approved have been completed to the point where
they could be used in an emergency, and construc-
tion is proceeding well on all but a few of the
remainder. Our fixed communications net is be-
ginning to take form.
The fourth part of the infrastructure program
was approved by the Council in December 1952,
but only about one-half of it was financed at that
time. Additional airfields, headquarters, signals
communications, jet-fuel storage tanks, and dis-
tribution pipelines to airfields were among that
portion of the program which was agreed on. The
remainder, financed in April 1953, included addi-
tional airfields and items such as naval bases, radar
installations, radio-navigational aids, and train-
ing installations. In April 1953, the Council also
approved the financing of a long-range infra-
structure program for 1954, 1955, and 1956, cover-
ing the additional Nato military installations re-
quired to be built during this 3-year period. This
farsighted departure from previous year-by-year
902
financial approval represents a long step forward.
It will enable us to improve greatly the planning
for construction by placing it on a firm long-range
basis.
The oi'ganization of the civilian bodies of Xato
has been progressively strengthened during the
past year as a result of the creation of the position
of Secretary General as a focal point of civilian
leadership. Under Lord Ismay, the work of
building a more cohesive structure has gone for-
ward. Tlie North Atlantic Council, since the
decision in early 19.52 that it fimction in perma-
nent session through the appointment of penna-
nent representatives, has ]5rovided increasingly
firm top-level direction to Nato, on a continuous
basis. Under Lord Ismay, the International Staff
has been developed to assist and advise in the
discharge of complex civilian responsibilities.
The result has been to delineate both those and the
military responsibilities more clearly, to facilitate
policy decisions, to strengthen defense production,
and to provide more effective review of perform-
ance in meeting accepted goals. The military
echelon of Nato now has authoritative civilian
guidance and direction available on a permanent
basis. The political aspects of Nato military
exercises, the assessments of the security threat,
the administrative and budgetary supervision of
Nato airfield and other infrastructure programs,
and the complex tasks of setting annual goals for
the buildup of military forces are matters on which
this type of guidance has been received.
The European Defense Community
During my year of command I have followed
closely the plans for the European Defense Com-
munity. The benefits wliich the early ratification
of the treaty would have brought to our efforts
and to European unity included the contribution
of West Germany, which I consider indispensable
to our defense system. Shape has maintained
constant liaison with tlie Interim Committee of
the European Defense Community and has ob-
served and assisted in its planning. Its plans are
workable and sufficiently advanced to avoid delay
in developing a German contribution.
Shift of National Emphasis
Throughout many of the Nato nations the
growth of defensive power has reduced the sense
of fear and urgency under which they lived in the
preceding 12 mouths. Nations are beginning to
change their planned military programs from
rapid rearmament to a longer-term policy. Al-
though this change may be dictated by the eco-
nomic situation, we must not forget that any real
slackening of the defense effort may itself open
the way to aggression.
Department of Slate Bulletin
APPRAISAL OF THE EFFECTS OF CHANGES
During the past 12 months, the U.S.S.R. has
systematically strengthened its armed forces and
those of its European satellites. The highly
mechanized group of Soviet armies stationed in
East Germany has been kept at a high level of
training ; its equipment has been increased and its
vehicles modernized. Many Russian air squadrons
have been reequipped with jet aircraft. A huge
program of airfield constraction has been nearly
completed throuo;hout Eastern Europe. The
Soviet naval shipbuilding program is continuing
steadily and now includes construction of new im-
proved ocean patrol submarines. The military
strength of the satellite countries has been in-
creased considerably. Since January 1952, when
these forces numbered approximately 1,000,000
men organized into 65 divisions, they have in-
creased to more than 1,300,000 men organized into
70-odd divisions. This total does not count East
Germany, where various units of the police have
been converted into the nucleus of a Gennan army
which now numbers about 100,000. East Ger-
many is also forming an air force and a naval
force. The foregoing summary relates to the
strengthening of So\aet conventional forces. It
must not be forgotten, however, that Soviet eilort
in the atomic field has also continued.
These are the facts about the increasing strength
of the Soviet bloc. Since Stalin's death, there has
been much conjecture about possible changes of
policy by the rulei-s of the Soviet Union. These
are matters beyond my purview. Moreover, as
a soldier I cannot afford to deal with conjecture.
I feel it my duty to state that I know of no facts
which would lead me to conclude that the military
danger from the East has lessened. This view
coincides with the official communique issued by
the North Atlantic Council at the conclusion of its
Ministerial session, 25 April 1953.- . . .
An appraisal of the present power ratio goes
far beyond the military field. It embraces every
aspect of our political, economic, financial, and
social systems. All but the military aspects are
beyond both my competence and responsibility.
Yet within the strictly military field, I find the
disparity between our available forces and those
which the Soviet rulers could bring against us so
great as to warrant no other conclusion than that
a full-scale Soviet attack within the near future
would find Allied Command Europe critically
weak to accomplish its present mission. The
potential aggressor retains the initiative. He can
exercise his offensive capability at will and choose
the time, place, weight, and direction of attack.
To allow the Nato nations to maintain their status
as free nations, we should have the means which
can be committed to action within a short time and
' Ibid., May 11, 1953, p. 673.
June 29, 1953
which can give us the capability of withstanding
an initial attack and gaining time to gather our
strength. To do otherwise, we would risk need-
lessly heavy sacrifice of life and great loss of
critical equipment. We need not only the phys-
ical means but the driving force of dynamic
leadership sustained by a high morale through-
out the civilian population as well as among our
fighting forces.
THE TASKS AHEAD
Now, in May 1953, the Nato nations, which
were almost defenseless in 1950, can be justifiably
proud in looking at their increased strength.
They can be buoyed up by their accomplishments,
not weighed down by their fears. The result
should be an improvement in the morale of their
peoples. Their seriousness of purpose and their
strength of will should have been made clear to
the world.
Yet pride in achievement must not blind us to
the magnitude of the tasks ahead, nor hide our
true military position today. The achievements
during the past year have been considerable. They
reflect great credit on the 14 Nato nations, but
the efforts of the last 2 years could all be wasted
were we to relax now. There are still many gaps
in our defense system which must be filled without
delay if our homelands are to have that reasonable
minimum of security which it has been Nato's
primary purpose to achieve.
My predecessor reported in May 1952 : "There
is no real security yet achieved in Europe ; there
is only a beginning." Knowledge of the military
situation today gives no grounds for believing that
this security has been achieved, that the begin-
ning, made a year ago, has now come so near to a
successful ending that our efforts can be relaxed.
Northern Europe still lacks within its own re-
sources the minimum forces required to give ade-
quate chances of success against a major attack.
The nations in that area will have to receive ex-
ternal assistance, and this is contemplated in our
plans. The continuing magnitude of Soviet of-
fensive capabilities in Northern Europe, and the
special requirements for coordinating the military
measures taken by the nations of that area with
the contributions of other Nato partners to de-
fense, create a problem of unusual complexity
and difficulty. The pattern of solution through
collective action is being gradually clarified.
Further efforts by all concerned are, however,
required.
In Central Europe we have made material prog-
ress. It is clear that the basic elements of strength
to attain a capability for defense of that area can
be found. What is required is the continued will
and effort to convert this potential into reality.
If such effort is forthcoming, and especially if an
903
early German contribution is provided, we can
look forwai'd to the day in the near future, when
if attacked, we could conduct a successful defense
in that area.
Likewise in Southern Europe the land forces
are steadily improving and a successful defense
appears attainable in the foreseeable future.
There continues to exist a serious lack of support
troops. This weakness must be remedied. Pow-
erful naval forces could make u contribution of
the greatest value but the air forces here, as in
other areas, are still dangerously short.
There are many measures that apply generally
throughout the whole Western European area.
Active land forces must be further increased.
Those already in being must be better trained
and backed by proper support troops — at present
lacking. The system of training and mobilizing
our reserve forces must insure that they are ready
to face a professional enemy on equal terms. The
naval forces must receive the escort vessels and
minesweepers which will be vital for defense
against a potential enemy strong in submarines
and minelaying capability.
Our greatest weakness, however, is in the air.
For the next year, at least, higher priority should
be given to the air forces. Not only do we lack
the number of modern aircraft indispensable for
our defensive tasks, but in some countries the
development of an effective air warning and con-
trol system is only just beginning.
To establish a workable supply system, the
nations should plan to meet the requirements for
their forces both from home production and
through negotiation with other governments.
National stocks, particularly of ammunition,
should be increased from their present low level.
The deficiencies I have noted are correctible,
provided that timely action is taken and sustained.
If this is done, this command could be capable,
within the near future, of effectively defending
"Western Europe against full-scale Soviet ag-
gression. If these deficiencies remain substan-
tially uncorrected, these requirements sub-
stantially unfulfilled, then Allied Command
Europe will continue to be critically weak in its
capability of accomplishing its present mission;
the Nato nations of Europe will remain exposed
to the peril of decisive military defeat with all
its catastrophic consequences to them and to West-
ern civilization.
Our present difficulties would be lessened
through greater unity of effort. In the economic
field, this would help solve the problems of mili-
tary supply and equipment. In the political
field, it would facilitate our efforts to mobilize all
our available military resources.
In 4 years the North Atlantic Treaty Organiza-
tion has demonstrated that free nations, working
earnestly together, can achieve collective security.
We have become seriously aware of the heavy
904
sacrifices demanded to arm nations for defense.
Today we are far from tlie plateau of security.
We have merely gained the foothills leading to
that plateau. A leveling off now, when we are far
below minimum force requirements, may return
our European peoples to that grim feeling of mili-
tary weakness and futility of effort only recently
left behind.
During the last 2 years we have overcome the
natural inertia which besets all human endeavors.
We have imparted to the huge and complicated
machinery of defense a momentum of incalculable
power — the results of faith and growing strength.
We must not lose that momentum. To do so would
be to nullify all our labor and sacrifices, to re-
pudiate our principles, and to perpetuate our
peril. Were the momentum once lost, the efforts
to restore it would be many times those we have
so far made.
The most precious assets of our nations are their
spiritual values and their youth. The most sacred
obligations of governments are to nurture and pre-
serve those values, and to assure that those lives
shall not be hazarded through failure to recognize
the depth of the threat ranged against us.
Joined in devotion to the cause of peace and
security of all we prize, convinced of the aim
and the urgency of our individual efforts, we have
now to sustain "the momentum that has brought us
thus far and to maintain our faith in the values
we strive to defend.
30 May 1952
Matthew B. Kidgwat
U.S. Restricts Fueling'of Ships
Bound for Communist China
Samuel W. Anderson, Assistant Secretary of
Commerce for International Affairs, announced on
June 8 a move by the Commerce Department to
prevent any foreign ship or aircraft scheduled to
call at Communist Chinese ports from fueling
at U.S. ports without prior approval by the De-
partment. Applications for such approval will
not generally be granted, Mr. Anderson stated.
A new export control regulation of the Office of
International Trade, effective July 6, will require
an individual validated license from Oit for ex-
port of petroleum products, including fuel, for
use on board foreign carriers leaving the United
States or its territories if any one of the following
conditions exists:
1. The foreign carrier requiring the petroleum
products has called at Macao or any point under
far eastern Communist control since January 1,
1953;
2. The carrier is bound for any such point
within a period of 120 days in the case of a vessel
Department of State Bulletin
or 30 days in the case of an aircraft from the date
of departure from the last U.S. point of exit;
3. The carrier will carry any commodities of
any origin within these same periods known by
the owner, master, commander, charterer, or agent
to be destined directly or indirectly to these points
unless the commodities are covered by an export
license from Oit ; or
4. The carrier is registered in, or under charter
to a Soviet-bloc country or is under charter to a
national of any Soviet-bloc country.
Under general licenses "ship stores" and "plane
stores," OiT permits exportation, without an in-
dividual validated export license, of usual and
reasonable quantities of fuel, food stores, etc., for
use or consumption on board the vessel or plane
during the voyage which are not intended for
unloading in a foreign country. Under the new
regulations, howevei', an individual validated ex-
port license will be required if any of the four
conditions specified above exists.'
Release of Anti-Communist Prisoners
From U.N. Camps in South Korea
FoUowlng are texts of statements and, correspondence
relating to the release of anti-C otnmunist prisoners of war
in South Korea.
U.N. Command Statement of June 18
Between midnight and dawn today, approximately 25,-
000 militantly anti-Communist North Korean prisoners of
war broke out of United Nations Command prisoner of
war camps at Pusan, Masan, Nonsan and Sang Mu Dai,
Korea.
Statements attributed to high officials of the Republic of
Korea now malie it clear that the action had been secretly
planned and carefully coordinated at top levels in the
Korean Government and that outside assistance was fur-
nished the P. O. W.'s in their mass breakout. R. O. K.
security units assigned as guards at the P. O. W. camps
did little to prevent the breakouts and there is every evi-
dence of actual collusion between the R. O. K. guards and
the prisoners.
ROK Action a Violation of
U.N. Command's Authority
Statetnent by Secretary Dulles
White House press release dated June 18
I have been in conference with the President
regarding the unilateral action taken by the Re-
public of Korea to release prematurely North
Korean prisoners of war. This action was in viola-
tion of the authority of the U.N. Command to which
the Republic of Korea had agreed. On behalf of
the United Nations we have conducted our negotia-
tions for an armistice in good faith and we have
acted and are acting in good faith. President
Eisenhower is communicating with President Rhee
in this sense.
During the past year, these R. O. K. security guard units
have been especially trained for their duties at P. O. W.
camps, in order that more than 1.3,000 United States and
R. O. K. Army combat troops, which would otherwise be
required as security personnel, might be made available
for front-line duty. The R. O. K. security guards were
considered especially suitable for the camps containing
anti-Communist Korean prisoners in view of the previous
cooperative attitude of the.se P. O. W.'s.
United States personnel at these non-repatriate camps,
limited in each case to the camp commander and a few
administrative personnel, exerted every effort to prevent
today's mass breakouts, but in the face of collusion be-
tween the R. O. K. guards and the prisoners, their efforts
were largely unavailing. The large quantities of non-
toxic irritants (tear gas and other non-poisonous gases)
employed proved ineffective because of the great number
of prisoners involved in the night-time breakouts. Nine
prisoners were killed and sixteen injured by rifle Are.
There were no casualties among United States personnel.
As of 1 o'clock this afternoon, 971 escaped P. O. W.'s
had been recovered.
R. O. K. security guard units which have left their
posts and non-repatriate camps are being replaced by
United States troops.
Lt. Gen. Harrison to Gen. Nam IL, June 18
Gen. N.4M IL,
Senior Delegate, Delegation of the Korean People's
Army, and the Chinese People's Volunteers:
Between midnight and dawn today, approximately
25,000 North Korean prisoners of war, who have refused
to be repatriated following an armistice, broke out of
United Nations Command prisoner of war camps Nos. 5,
6, 7 and 9.
' The list of commodities subject to the new procedure
and further information on this change in regulations
are published in Oit's Current Export Bulletin 705, dated
June 4, 19.53. It may be obtained at the U.S. Department
of Commerce, Washington 25, D.C., or any Field Office of
the Department.
June 29, 1953
905
statements attributed to high oflBcials of the Republic
of Korea indicate that the action had been secretly
planned and carefully coordinated at top levels in the
Korean Government and that outside assistance was fur-
nished the prisoners of war in their mass breakout.
Kepublic of Korea Army security units assigned as guards
at the prisoner of war camps did little to prevent the
breakout, and there is every evidence of actual collusion
between the Republic of Korea Army guards and the
prisoners.
The Republic of Korea Army security guard units used
at the camps containing anti-Communist prisoners of war
had been considered especially suitable in view of the
previous cooperative attitude of these prisoners while
in custody.
These Republic of Korea Army security guard units
which have left their posts at nonrepatriate camps are
being replaced by United States troops.
Efforts are being made to recover the prisoners now at
liberty and as of 1 o'clock this afternoon, 971 escaped
prisoners of war had been recovered.
WlIXIAM K. Habrison, Jb.,
Lieutenant General, U.S.A., Senior Delegate
United Nations Command Delegation.
Pyun Yun Tae, Acting South Korean Premier,
To Gen. Clark, U. N. Commander, June 18
Deab Genebai, Ciakk : As regards the question of re-
leasing the anti-Communist Korean prisoners of war,
instead of handing them over to the five-nation custodial
committee, the position of this Government has long been
made clear through frequent representations, oral and
written, from its spokesmen. This position is, it should
be noted, also what the United Nations cease-fire delega-
tion itself once took as its own, when Lieut. Gen. William
K. Harrison, its senior delegate, in the course of enunciat-
ing the then new United Nations three-point proposal on
May 13, 1953,' said, "Prisoners of war of Korean nation-
ality who have elected not to avail themselves of the
right to be repatriated should be released to civilian
status on the date the armistice becomes effective."
The complete reversal of this United Nations stand
does not so much reflect, we sincerely believe, a change
In criteria of human judgment as a freakish turn in
International fortuity favoring the ascendancy of ap-
peasers, to whom these 34,000 kin of ours, all loyal to
us, just look as many unfeeling wooden pawns to be
whisked about in their grand game of "peace," alias sur-
render. We, in the name of human decency and dignity,
revolt at this sickening order of things, whatever may
ensue.
I need not reiterate now why we cannot let our own
citizens liberated from Communist domination, interna-
tionally miscalled prisoners of war, be taken away to any
neutral area to be placed under the jurisdiction of an alien
body and brainwashed for several long months by trained
Communist tormentors supported by pro-Communist alien
armed forces. We declare time and again that this na-
tion cannot suffer this to happen within its own domain.
We need not point out the fact that many of those
prisoners are bona flde R. O. K.'s captured by the enemy
but forced to fight on his side, contrary to all known human
practices, to say nothing of the Geneva Convention.
Where is the justice, if the United Nations, who let the
Communists' liquidating or forcing more than 50,000
R. O. K. prisoners of war into their military service go
unchallenged, now insists on even these bona fide R. O. K.
troops being pressured to go to the Communists and suc-
ceeds? The public sentiments are so strong against it
that, even if this Government wished to acquiesce in the
tragic international development, it could not have done
so without completely forfeiting the confidence and the
respect of the Korean people, which this Government can-
not be justly expected to risk.
Recognizing, however, the international complications
involved in the prisoners of war question and implicitly
trusting that the United Nations Command would do
right by the said prisoners by somehow restoring them
to free ways of life in the end, this Government has been
patiently waiting for the United Nations Command to take
adequate measures to set them free from the prolonged,
unjustifiable incarceration. You know. General, what
we would have done with them, if they were in our custody.
We would have liberated these hapless fellow-countrymen
of ours long ago. If we had entertained, even for a single
moment, any idea of bartering the innocent lives of these
poor fellow-citizens for the transitory ease of a shameful
peace we would have deserved nothing but the curse of
these intended victims as well as the damnation of a
Righteous Deity.
With the prisoners of war agreement reached between
the United Nations Command and the Communists, how-
ever, the last ray of hope is gone of seeing them ever
freed, for that agreement, its terms being what they are,
will end up in forcibly repatriating all of them against
their original wishes, sending them to execution or con-
centration camp. Whoever, Archbishop or layman, has
been submitted to the ordeals of Communist inquisition
has never survived as what he was.
Foreseeing this tragic eventuality, this Government
could not have done otherwise than it has done today. It
has tried every means to avoid causing Inconvenience to
the United Nations Command. It had been patient to the
very last moment, until it was compelled to do the duty
the whole nation was expecting it to discharge.
Today our President instructed the Korean authorities
connected with the guarding of these prisoners to release
them. As he said in a statement released today, a copy
of which is herewith enclosed ' for your reference, the
reason why he took this action without consulting you in
advance is too obvious to need any explanation. What-
ever interpretation others may put on this, his sole motive
of having done so was to cause as little embarrassment as
possible to the United Nations Command. It is clear to
him that no matter how you feel about the stand this
Government has been taking on the P. O. W. question, you
are duty-bound to abide by the agreement terms, which
we do not regard as equally binding on us. Even to be
consulted, however slightly, about our contemplated action
would have been unbearably embarrassing to you. I
hope you will take this well-meant silence not too badly.
We feel relieved to know that no violence occurred
between the R.O.K. and United Nations P.O.W. camp
personnel, though we regret very much that several scores
of prisoners were killed and injured by United Nations
guards. In this connection, I should like to call your
attention to the mutual need of refraining from saying
or doing anything that might likely provoke passions of
the masses, which, once let loose, may easily get out of
control. If there is any talk to be done, it had better be
managed quietly, we believe.
As regards the 971 prisoners said to have been retaken
and re-detained, and several thousands still being kept in
stockades, I ask you to turn them over to us to be released
by our own hands. We must liberate them all, preferably,
if possible, in a manner least likely to cause trouble. For
your concurrence, I should like to suggest that this note
will be released with a view to publicly clarifying the
situation and thus forestalling pernicious doubts that
might otherwise multiply.
Communist Commanders to Gen. Claris, June 19
We have received the letter of June 18, 1953, from Gen-
eral Harrison of your side to Gen. Nam II of our side.
In the letter your side stated that 25,000 captured per-
sonnel of the Korean People's Army, detained in P. O. W.
' Bulletin of May 25, 1953, p. 755.
906
' Not printed.
Deparlm&nt of State Bulletin
1
camps Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 9 of your side "broke out" of and
"escaped" from the P. O. W. camps on June 18 under
the secret planning in advance and careful coordination
at top levels iu the South Korean Government and with
the aid of the South Korean security units and outside
assistance. Yet, Syngman Rhee of South Korea formally
admitted that these P. O. W.'s were "released" on his
order by the South Korean security units.
Only ten days ago, both sides had just signed an agree-
ment on the question of repatriation of prisoners of war ;
yet, the South Korean Government and Army directly
controlled by your side already flagrantly and openly vio-
lated this agreement in coercing the 25,000 prisoners of
war who constitute more than half the total number of
prisoners of war not for direct repatriation, into leaving
a prisoner of war camp under the so-called order of "re-
lease" and through the actions of the secret agents and
security units from inside coordinated with the outside
and indicating openly that they were prepared to press-
gang the prisoners of war into the South Korean Army
so as to achieve the aim of forcibly retaining prisoners
of war.
Moreover, this situation further developed. On June
19, another 1,813 prisoners of war were forced to leave
the P. O. W. camp. Therefore, we cannot but consider the
nature of this incident as extremely serious.
For some time the Syngman Rhee clique of South Korea
has been clamoring for "opposing an armistice in Korea,"
"advancing to the north and unifying the whole nation"
and "releasing all the Korean prisoners of war" who
"refuse" repatriation. Your side is not unaware of such
a question, yet your side did not adopt any actual meas-
ures to prevent and stop the occurrence of the Syngman
Rhee clique in carrying out its long-premeditated scheme
of violating the agreement of P. O. W.'s and obstructing
the realization of an armistice. We consider that your
side must bear the serious responsibility for this incident-
Our side has long ago and repeatedly called the atten-
tion of your side to the fact that so-called "preventing
the forced repatriation" of P. O. W.'s which your side has
propagandized all along is completely fabricated and does
not occur at all ; on the contrary, the possibility of for-
cible retention of prisoners does exist and is increasing
all the time, which is what our side shall resolutely op-
pose. This incident of "releasing" and coercing P. O.
W.'s by Syngman Rhee, which has now occurred, proves
that the forcible retention of P. O. W.'s, which our side
is against, has further become an unquestionable fact.
The wrong stand and attitude of conniving which your
side has taken all along on this question could not but
have directly caused the occurrence of the Incident and
affected the implementation of the armistice agreement
ready to be signed.
In view of the extremely serious consequences of this
Incident, we cannot but put the following questions to
your side:
Is the United Nations Command able to control the
South Korean Government and Army?
If not, does the armistice in Korea include the Syngman
Rhee clique?
If it is not included, what assurance is there for the
Implementation of the armistice agreement on the part
of South Korea?
If it is included, then your side must be responsible for
recovering immediately all the 25,9.52 prisoners of war
who are at liberty, that Is, those who were released and
retained under coercion and to be press-ganged into the
South Korean Army, and your side must give assurance
that similar incidents absolutely will not recur in the
future. We are awaiting the reply of your side.
Supreme Commander of the Korean People's Army
Kim II Sung
Commander of the Chinese People's Volunteers
Peng Teh-Huai
Gen. Clark to President Syngman Rhee, June 20
Deak Mr. President : In the summer of 1950, when the
United States and other nations responded to your appeal
to the United Nations to repel the armed attack upon the
Republic of Korea by forces from North Korea, the United
Nations received from you a message assigning command
authority over all land, sea and air forces of the Republic
of Korea to the commander, United Nations Command,
for the duration of hostilities."
The United Nations Command did not seek, and Indeed,
did not consider necessary any further or more formal
commitments from your Government regarding the par-
ticipation of Republic of Korea armed forces in the United
Nations Command. I therefore have considered and do
now consider that I have full command authority over all
land, sea and air forces of the Republic of Korea. Nothing
In our long association during our mutual prosecution of
our common cause has prepared me to believe that I should
consider otherwise.
This notwithstanding, and in clear violation of my au-
thority, certain officers and men of the Republic of Korea
Army willfully permitted the escape of many thousands
of lawfully detained prisoners of war from various pris-
oner of war installations during the early morning hours
of 18 June 1953, such officers and men having been officially
enjoined with responsibility for the security of said in-
stallations and for the detention of said prisoners. Fur-
ther, I have received information through the public press
that this action was initiated on your orders and issued
through an official who is not within the forces under
my command.
I must inform you with all the sincerity which I possess
that I am profoundly shocked by this unilateral abro-
gation of your personal commitment, which was so freely
and voluntarily given at the time. As a matter of fact
on several occasions in recent weeks you have personally
assured both Ambassador Briggs * and me that you would
not take unilateral action with reference to R. O. K. forces
under my control until after full and frank discussion
with me.
Your actions today have clearly abrogated these assur-
ances.
I cannot at this time estimate the ultimate consequences
of this precipitous and shocking action on your part, nor
can its effect on the common cause for which we have sac-
rificed so much during these past several years be fore-
cast at this time.
Sincerely,
Mark W. Clakk,
General, D.S. Army
Statement by General Clark, June 21
The actions of the Government of the Republic of
Korea in connection with the recent mass outbreaks of
Korean anti-Communist prisoners of war were clearly
a direct violation of the authority vested in me as Com-
mander in Chief, United Nations Command. The Re-
public of Korea has acknowledged this authority since
the summer of 1950, when it freely and voluntarily
assigned command of all land, sea and air forces of the
Republic of Korea to the Commander, United Nations
Command, for the duration of hostilities— authority
which, prior to the events of June 18, 1953, it has never
questioned.
President Eisenhower has forcefully called this matter
to the attention of President Rhee, and I have made
urgent representations to President Rhee on the same
subject. The actions of the Government of Korea on
'For text of President Rhee's letter of July 15, 1950,
see Bulletin of Aug. 7, 1950, p. 206.
* Ellis O. Briggs, U.S. Ambassador to Korea.
June 29, 1953
907
June 18 also directly violated solemn assurances repeat-
edly given to me in person by President Rbee over the past
several weeks that no overt and unilateral action would
be taken by bis Government in connection with tbe
removal of, or interference witb, Republic of Korea
forces under tbe United Nations Command without prior
consultation with me.
These assurances from the responsible head of a
sovereign state I accepted in good faith. It is now tragi-
cally clear, however, that President Rhee has unilaterally
abrogated bis previous assurances and that the mass
outbreaks ot Korean anti-Communist prisoners of war
were not only aided but actually engineered by officials
and troops ot tbe Republic of Korea Government.
It was realized, of course, that the Republic of Korea
Government had the capability of taking unilateral action
with regard to tbe release of prisoners of war. It was
also known that certain elements in the Republic of
Korea Government had advocated privately and publicly
that such action be taken. The personal assurances of
President Rhee, however, were considered sufficient guar-
antee that no such action would be taken without prior
consultation with me. I cannot emphasize too strongly
my surprise and disappointment that this very serious
step was taken.
In the light of developments over the past few weeks,
during which the intransigent attitude of certain Repub-
lic of Korea officials toward an armistice became in-
creasingly apparent, I gave careful consideration to the
advisability of replacing the Republic of Korea security
force units at Korean anti-Communist F.O.W. camps
with other United Nations units. With the full knowl-
edge of my Government, decision was made not to do so
for sevei-al reasons :
First: The specially trained Republic of Korean Army
security forces which had performed their duties in a
commendable manner had given no evidence of disaf-
fection. Because they are of the same race and speak the
same language as the prisoners they were guarding, they
filled the need which could not be fully met from any other
sources within my command.
Second: In tbe delicate situation which prevailed, any
move to replace Republic of Korea units would have re-
flected on the trustworthiness of those units and on the
Republic of Korea, and might have precipitated the very
kind of situation in tbe camps with the Republic of
Korea which tbe United Nations Command has been
very anxious to avoid.
Third: United Nations combat units were critically
needed at tbe front, particularly in view of the desperate
attacks launched by the enemy during the past few weeks ;
te have withdrawn the several thousand men necessary
to replace the Republic of Korea Army security forces
units would have constituted a serious drain on our front
line forces.
At the same time, I directed that the normal informa-
tion program in each of the camps concerned be expanded
to insure a full understanding on the part of the anti-
Communist prisoners of the position which the United
Nations Command had taken in armistice negotiations on
the matters pertaining to prisoners of war. The fact
that neither force nor coercion would be permitted in re-
patriating prisoners of war was reiterated day after day
in the hope that it would allay their very natural fears
and apprehensions as to their future disposition.
In addition, I directed those of my commanders con-
cerned with the security of these prisoners of war to
devise control measures, to include riot control tactics.
All my directives on these subjects had the full concur-
rence of my superiors in Washington.
Because the Republic of Korea Government has uni-
laterally and without previous notice abrogated its prom-
ises volimtarily given and because of the collusion, defec-
tion, and desertion of some Republic of Korea Army
security force units, large numbers of anti-Communist
prisoners of war have broken out of their camps and are
now dispersed throughout South Korea, with apparent
support and assistance from the Republic of Korea Gov-
ernment. Such measures as are practicable are being
taken to effect their return.
Tbe action taken by President Rhee and the officials
of his Government in making possible the mass breakout
of these many thousands of prisoners has been a deep
and personal disappointment to me and to my entire com-
mand. It has given rise to wholly unfounded suspicions
of collusion on the part of tbe Republic of Korea Govern-
ment and the United Nations Command to circumvent
or abrogate the prisoner-of-war agreement recently
reached at Panmunjom. There has been no such col-
lusion, nor has the United Nations Command in any way
been a party to this completely unauthorized action.
The entire responsibility rests squarely upon President
Rhee and the Government of Korea.
Political Conference on Korea
Press Conference Remarks hy Secretary Dulles
Press release 318 dated June 15
In response to questions concerning the likely
time, place, date, and agenda of the political con-
ference following an armistice in Korea, Secretary
D idles 7nade the following remarks at his press
conference on June 15:
Under the i^rovisions of the armistice, there
would be a political conference to be held within
90 days of the conclusion of the armistice. The
General Assembly of the United Nations has re-
cessed with the understanding that they would
be called back into session promptly upon the
conclusion of an armistice. At that time they
would presumably designate a committee of its
members, a delegation of U.N. members, to take
part in the conference. In addition, the Republic
of Korea will certainly take part in the conference.
Who will take part on the other side, we do not
know.
Now, as to the agenda of the conference. The
purpose from our standpoint will be to endeavor
to assure the unification of Korea. That has been
our objective for a long time. It was expressed
during the war and at postwar conferences. It
was expressed at the United Nations on several
occasions. I myself was a member of the U.S.
delegation which, in 19^7 and again in 1948, put
through the resolutions which called for the uni-
fication of Korea. I myself am a great believer
in that unification, just as I believe in the unifica-
tion of Germany and the unification of Austria.
I believe all three of these unifications will come
about, and I believe that we can expedite their
coming about bj- appropriate political methods
and by handling our case properly at this confer-
ence and at other opportunities that may be
offered.^
'Asked whether in the view of the United States the
agenda of the political conference should be confined to
Korean questions or include other Far Eastern problems
such as Indochina, the Secretary replied that no conclu-
sions on this had yet been reached.
908
Deparfment of State Bulletin
U.S. Mifitary Mission
To Visit Indochina
Press release 329 dated June 20
In response to an invitation from the French
Prime Minister when he visited Washington last
March, a U.S. military mission headed by Lt. Gen.
John W. O'Daniel, presently commander, U.S.
Army Pacific, will arrive at Saigon on June 20.
Its purpose will be to pursue discussions with Gen.
Henri Navarre, Commander in Chief, Indochina,
on the manner in which U.S. material and finan-
cial support of the effort of the French and Asso-
ciated States armed forces in Indochina may best
contribute to the advancement of the objective of
defeating the Communist forces there and of
bringing peace and security to Vietnam, Cam-
bodia, and Laos. It is believed essential to insure
an increasingly close integration of U.S. assistance
with the plans developed by the authorities of
France and of the Associated States.
Arrangements are being made for the militai-y
leaders of the Associated States to participate in
these discussions. The vital role of the national
armies of Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos and the
increasingly important assumption of high mili-
tary responsibilities by the Associated States will
make tliese discussions of particular interest.
Some Aspects of American Foreign Policy
hy Livingston T. Merchant
Assistant Secretary for European Affairs ^
I have frequently been impressed by the diffi-
culty of discussing foreign policy without at the
same time discussing a lot of other matters. For-
eign policy today involves tax policy, budget
policy, tariff policy, immigration policy, military
policy, and dozens of other things.
We cannot make major decisions in interna-
tional affairs without affecting to some degree the
domestic scene. Nor can we safely make deci-
sions on matters that used to be considered purely
domestic without taking into account possible
effects upon our international relations. We're in
the position of a baseball pitcher who has to keep
one eye on the batter, one eye on the base runner,
and needs still another eye to watch the manager's
signals.
Wliat I'm trying to say is already fairly obvious
to most of you. In this century, the business we
call foreign affairs has become extremely com-
plicated. I'm sure there are many career officers
in the American diplomatic service who have a
certain nostalgia for the "good old days" when
life was simpler, when American security was not
seriously threatened. In those days, our work was
important, of course, but the consequences of a
mistake were not quite so dangerous as they are
today.
Our foreign relations have become all-impor-
tant to our national security, our domestic pros-
perity, and even our survival, and we have to use
' Address made before the Machinery and Allied Prod-
ucts Institute at Washington, D.C., on June 11 (press
release 312).
June 29, 1953
260392—53 3
every practical technique available to protect
American interests. We're playing for keeps.
I think some Americans have been perplexed
and even shocked by the course of events which
have converted the United States from a relatively
secure nation at the turn of this century to a nation
whose security is gravely imperiled today. Schol-
ars and philosophers have devoted much thought
to this subject, and many explanations have been
offered. If we were able to live the last half-
century over again perhaps many things would be
done differently. The world looks simpler in
hindsight.
But for myself, I am convinced that even the
most enlightened policies on the part of national
governments could not have reversed the tide of
insecurity which has swept the earth in this
century. Our greatest problem has been the on-
rush of modern technology. Perhaps if we had
begun in the latter decades in the 19th century to
jail all young men who were playing around with
gasoline motors, trying to invent flying machines,
investigating electrodynamics, and studying what
was then considered the pure and harmless science
of nuclear physics, we could have avoided many
of our present difficulties. Then perhaps there
would have been no planes to fly the oceans and
attack our shores, no atom bombs to blast our cities,
no great concentrations of economic and political
strength to destroy the balance-of-power system
which protected us for so many years. But such
a course of action, we realize, would have been
absurd. We cannot and do not wish to stop the
march of science and teclinology. Our only al-
909
tematire is to try to develop the kind of national
and international relationships among human be-
ings which will permit these advances of science
to be used for our benefit rather than oar
destruction.
I believe we must accept the probability that
we face a long period of insecurity, that we may
not achieve complete security in this generation or
the next. Perhaps we can find some satisfaction
in the thought I recently heard expressed by the
great British historian, Toynbee, that nations
gain certain advantages from insecurity. Wliile
I think Mr. Toynbee has a good point, I also feel
that we could get along with a little less insecurity
than we have at this moment.
While our foreign policies today, as in the past,
must be designed to serve a variety of American
interests, our cardinal purpose is to preserve the
security of the people of the United States. We
must keep constantly in mind the very grave dan-
gers confronting us, and seek in every possible
way to reduce and eliminate these dangers. The
decisions of the Department of State, and of many
other agencies of the Government, must be made
with the problem of national security uppermost
in our thoughts.
I suspect that some Americans are convinced
that there is something mysterious and esoteric
about the process of formulating foreign policy.
Wliile the process is often intricate, it is by no
means mysterious. Our nation has certain broad
objectives which are easily understood by most
Americans. We are also confronted with certain
inescapable facts which exist in the world. In
essence, our job is to find methods of dealing with
these facts which will permit us to reach our
objectives.
I think it may be useful at this point for me to
discuss briefly a few of the most important facts
which we must recognize and take into account in
developing American foreign policy at this stage
of our history.
Soviet Power
First, our nation's safety is threatened by an
adversary whose power is virtually unmatched in
the records of human civilization. The Soviet
Union controls one-third of the world's popula-
tion. It dominates a large part of the world's
land area. It possesses enormous natural re-
sources, many of which are not yet fully exploited.
Its present rate of industrial growth is greater
than our own and considerably greater than that
of Western Europe. It has the largest standing
army and air force in history. Its policies and
actions are not inhibited by the moral and hu-
manitarian considerations which have tradition-
ally restrained other governments and peoples
from crimes against their neighbors. In addition,
the Soviet empire has achieved a tight internal
discipline maintained by military force, by the
910
secret police, and by a philosophy which makes
every individual a creature of tne state.
The Soviet empire also has unprecedented ad-
vantages in the field of political warfare. The
Communists have already seized several countries
without use of the Soviet armies. They also have
strong support in many other countries that are
still free. All disasters, weaknesses, and problems
in the free world benefit the Communists and in-
crease their opportunities of expanding their
power. Our own security and national interests
can only be served if conditions in other free
countries improve, but the Communists' purposes
are served if conditions in these countries become
worse. And I think you will agree that it is
easier to disrupt than to build.
Because of the Soviet Union's ability to com-
bine a military threat with a continuing ideologi-
cal campaign, the Soviet leaders are able to
exercise a perpetual squeeze play against the free
world. On one hand, if free nations fail to build
their military defenses, they risk being overpow-
ered by the Soviet military machine. On the other
hand, if they concentrate an excessive portion of
their energies and resources on military defense,
they risk an economic and political collapse which
would permit the Communists to seize power inter-
nally. Thus, the Soviet empire is constantly at-
tacking the free world on two flanks at the same
time, in the hope of taking nations one by one,
exploiting their resources, gaining additional
strength, and eventually becoming so powerful
that the remainder of the free world can no longer
resist Communist domination of the planet. The
power of the Soviet empire and the nature of Com-
munist tactics combine to present a threat far
greater than has ever been presented by any other
aggi'essor.
A second fact we must recognize was recently
stated very simply by President Eisenhower when
he said that the United States needs friends. In
fact, the friendship and assistance of other free
nations is absolutely vital to our national security.
I am convinced that a great deal of the contro-
versy which arises from time to time over par-
ticular proposals and actions in the field of inter-
national affairs would disappear if the American
people as a whole fully appreciated the limitations
upon our national power. We are a strong coun-
try, but one of the most foolish things we could
do would be to exaggerate our strength. We have
only 6 percent of the world's population and a
small part of its land area. We have tremendous
and valuable natural resources but only a minor
part of the total resources of the world. We are
noted for our enormous industrial power, and yet
the Soviet conquest of Western Europe alone
would enable the Soviet empire to achieve indus-
trial superiority. Moreover, we could not main-
tain our industrial production and our standard
of living without raw materials which we import
from other free nations.
Department of State Bulletin
n
I
U.S. Needs Strong Friends
Third, I want to stress the fact that we not only
need friends but also need friends who are strong.
In the overall world struggle that has been forced
upon us, we cannot judge our capacity for re-
sistance in terms of our own national army, navy,
and air force, or in terms of our own economic
and industrial production, without reference to
the economic, military, and political capabilities
of other free nations. It would be just as foolish
for us to do this as it would be for Florida, Cali-
fornia, or Connecticut to assess their respective
abilities to withstand communism without refer-
ence to the power of the United States as a whole.
If we view the world picture clearly and soberly,
we will not limit ourselves to asking whether a
division encamped along the shores of the Potomac
has enough guns and tanks. We will also concern
ourselves about the strength of a French division
in Indochina, the strength of a British division in
Western Germany, and the strength of a Chinese
division on Formosa. We will ask whether the
economic systems of Italy, and Iran, and India,
and other countries are strong enough to permit
the people of these countries to resist the appeals
of communism and to make a positive contribu-
tion to the security of the free world.
Once we begin to think in these terms, we can
appreciate more fully another important fact
which we have learned in recent years. We have
learned that a dollar spent in creating strength in
other countries often buys a great deal more total
strength than it will buy in this country. In our
vast economy a few million dollars may add little
or nothing to our ability to resist Soviet aggres-
sion. But these same dollars spent in technical
assistance may provide the decisive margin by
which countries in the Middle East and South Asia
can reverse a downward economic trend and
change it into an upward economic trend. And in
Europe we have seen that our military and eco-
nomic assistance exercises a similar multiplier
effect in the development of defensive strength.
Because the Europeans themselves pay most of
the cost of their defenses, with the United States
supplying only the critical margin which the Eu-
ropeans cannot provide, the military forces made
possible by American assistance are far more pow-
erful than the United States could build for the
same amount of money in this country, where we
would have to pay the total cost.
A final fact I want to stress today is the im-
portant relation between economic health in other
free countries and our efforts to achieve world
peace and security. We can neither keep the
friendship of other peoples nor hope to see them
become strong unless they are able to establish
conditions of economic stability and growth.
Without economic health, the military defense we
are helping to build will be limited in size and
effectiveness. Without economic health, free and
orderly political institutions will tend to disin-
tegrate. If economic conditions remain stag-
nant or deteriorate, the Communists will have an
opportunity to seize new territories without firing
a shot. Most of us are well aware that economic
collapse in other countries would have the most
serious effects upon our exports and imports and
upon our domestic prosperity. It is equally im-
portant to understand that economic conditions
abroad vitally affect our national security.
In this connection, I would like to draw par-
ticular attention to Europe, the area for which I
have special responsibility in the Department of
State. Secretary Dulles has already told the Con-
gress and the general public about the substantial
progress which Europe is making in the develop-
ment of military defenses. We have also wit-
nessed, since the early postwar years, a steady
decline in the political power of the Communists
in free Europe. Today, however, there are omi-
nous clouds on the economic horizon which
threaten to undo much of the good work which
has been done.
Europe's Economic Problems
During the last year, the steady rise in overall
European production which began with the Mar-
shall plan has leveled off. Intra-European trade
has declined. Since mid-1950, living standards in
Europe as a whole have not risen significantly.
Inflation in several countries has continued to un-
dermine economic stability ; since the Korean war
prices in France have risen more than 40 percent.
Taxes are severe ; it may astonish many Americans
to realize that the percentage of national and in-
dividual income taken by taxes in the European
Nato countries, as a whole, is slightly higher than
the percentage taken by all Federal, State, and
local taxes in the United States. Finally, Europe's
balance of payments with other parts of the world,
especially the dollar area, remains unfavorable.
All these facts were recognized by the Nato
ministers who met in Paris last April to develop
Nato defense plans for 1953. It was obvious that
the defense efforts of most European governments
had closely approached the limits of their eco-
nomic capabilities. Bather than waste their re-
sources in a precipitate buildup to a defense level
that could not thereafter be sustained, Nato has
abandoned any fixed-date target and is seeking
a more gradual and more realistic continuing
buildup.
But the acceptance of a more realistic defense
Erogram has not by any means solved Europe's
asic economic problems. Some of these prob-
lems are very deep-rooted and can only be solved
over a long period of years. Despite the outstand-
ing achievements made possible by the Marshall
plan, it is evident that there were several European
economic problems which it did not and could not
solve. Let me give a few examples.
June 29, 7953
911
Before the war, Europe earned a substantial
portion of its income from capital investments,
services, and other so-called ''invisible transac-
tions." These earnings helped to compensate for
Europe's recurring import surplus. On the aver-
age, prewar Europe received a net income from
invisibles amounting to approximately 11/2 billion
dollars per year. During the war, much of Eu-
rope's capital was destroyed, stolen, or liquidated
to support the military effort. As a result, in-
visibles ceased to provide Europe a net income and
in 1947 represented a net deficit of approximately
500 million dollars. Wliile Europe' s economic
position has greatly improved since that time,
there has been no opportunity for the Europeans
to re-accumulate the capital needed for domestic
and overseas investment.
Next, let us remember that several European
nations during and after the war lost large por-
tions of their overseas empires which had formerly
provided markets for European products as well
as sources of raw materials. While the independ-
ence of these colonial areas will probably con-
tribute, in the long run, to the strength of the
free world, one immediate effect was to disrupt
traditional patterns of trade and create additional
economic problems in Europe.
Normal trading patterns were further disrupted
by the Soviet seizure of Eastern Europe which
formerly exchanged large quantities of coal,
grains, timber, and other raw materials for West-
ern Europe's industrial products. All told, trade
between Eastern and Western Europe is now only
about one-third the prewar level. As a result,
Western Europe must import many important
raw materials from areas where higher prices
prevail and pay the large transportation costs
of carrying these goods across oceans. Some trade
between Eastern and Western Europe continues,
and we recognize that the products received from
the East contribute significantly to Western Eu-
rope's economic stability. Without this trade the
strain on free Europe's economy would be se-
riously aggravated. Despite the importance of
this trade, our allies are cooperating with us to
deny strategic materials to the Soviet bloc, and
we must recognize that these measures limit still
further the possibility of acquiring needed im-
ports from that area.
Another obstacle to full economic recovery in
free Europe has been the drastic shift in what we
call the "terms of trade." Since the war, the
prices of the goods which Europe must buy from
other areas have substantially outdistanced the
prices of the goods which Europe is able to sell.
The effect upon Europe is very similar to the effect
upon an American manufacturer who finds that
the cost of raw materials and labor have pyi'a-
mided while the market for his own product re-
mains the same.
Finally, we must remember that while the Mar-
shall plan helped Europe to increase its industrial
production by about 50 percent, it did not auto-
matically provide new markets for these products.
Today, Europe still must import goods from many
parts of the world but has not been able to find
adequate export markets with which to pay for
these imports.
This problem has great significance for Ameri-
can businessmen, including those in this audience.
Slany of you have goods which you would like to
sell to Europe. Europe would like to buy these
goods and will probably need imports of this
kind for many years to come. There's just one
obstacle to what would otherwise be a very satis-
factory business relationship. Unfortunately,
you gentlemen prefer to be paid for what you
sell. And the Europeans have great difficulty in
getting their hands on the dollars needed to pay
you. As a result, you lose business, the European
consumer goes without, the European economy
suffers, the European defense system is limited,
and American security is endangered.
As I have said, Europe's economic problems
are not simple. They can only be solved over a
long period of years, and the fundamental solu-
tions must be found by the Europeans them-
selves. However, Europe's economic health is so
important to us that we have a vital interest in
contributing to a positive solution. Let me out-
line some of the policies which President Eisen-
hower's administration is pursuing.
U.S. Foreign Economic Policies
First, the United States is encouraging Eu-
ropean unity by every reasonable and practical
means. At tlie moment, our interest is focused
primarily on the treaty creating a European De-
fense Community (Edc) because this plan offers
a practical method of achieving a vitally impor-
tant military contribution from Western Ger-
many within the framework of an integrated
European defense system. But the ultimate
values of unity go far beyond military defense.
It is hoped that the Edc, taken together with the
existing Coal and Steel Community, and other
efforts toward integration, will provide a basis
for the eventual political and economic federation
of Europe, thereby giving Europe the advantages
of a broad common market, investment area, and
productive system similar to what we have in the
United States.
Second, the Government is continuing direct as-
sistance to certain countries in Europe, though at
a reduced level. We believe that economic aid
must be held to a minimum, both because it is
uneconomical and also because economic aid has
many unpleasant psychological and political con-
sequences. Nearly all of the aid President Eisen-
hower has requested for Europe is to be used for
the purpose of building Europe's military de-
fenses. However, certain parts of this assistance
will have the secondary value of enabling Europe
912
Doparlment of State Bulletin
to earn U. S. dollars. I refer primarily to the
off-shore procurement program, which will be dis-
cussed in greater detail by another speaker.
Third, we hope to encourage greater private
investment in Europe. The role of the Govern-
ment in stimulating investment is of course lim-
ited, but we are carefully exploring prospects for
making Europe more attractive to American pri-
vate investors.
Fourth, we believe that our technical assistance
and capital-development programs in the under-
developed areas of Asia, Africa, and South Amer-
ica, in addition to helping strengthen these areas,
will indirectly benefit free Europe by expanding
supplies of raw materials available from non-
dollar sources.
These measures I have mentioned, if accom-
panied by European efforts to attain fiscal sta-
bility, to achieve freer convertibility of currencies,
and to expand productivity, may be expected to
exercise a favorable effect upon the overall
European economy. However, it is unlikely that
any of these measures can provide a complete and
permanent solution to one of Europe's most acute
and most difficult problems— the dollar shortage.
If we want the European people to continue to
maintain vigorous free institutions, if we want
Europe to be a strong shield against Soviet ag-
gression, if we want to sell goods to Europe, if we
want Europe to continue its vital contribution to
the security of Asia and the Near East^we must
accept one hard, inescapable fact — Europe must
have dollars. Wliether the Europeans sell us
goods for these dollars, earn dollars in third coun-
tries, or receive dollars as gifts, they must obtain
dollars in some way if they are to cooperate with
us effectively in the struggle for freedom.
I am not a trade expert, and I cannot honestly
tell you that our international security requires
that this or another American tariff rate or other
trade restriction should be modified in a particu-
lar way. As you know, President Eisenhower
recently called for a comprehensive study of
American economic foreign policies including
tariff and trade policies. This study will take
account of domestic considerations as well as the
problem of international security. Pending the
completion of this study, it would be inappropri-
ate for me to attempt to make any proposals con-
cerning the methods by which the nations of
Europe can increase their supply of dollars by
selling goods in the U. S. market. However, I
believe all of us realize that we are faced with a
limited number of alternatives. And I think we
all agree that if we can find ways to help the
Europeans market their products in the United
States without serious damage to American pro-
ducers, we will be able to establish a much more
satisfactory economic relationship with Europe
than can ever be established on the basis of eco-
nomic grants.
June 29, J 953
In speaking to you today, I recognize that I have
raised a great many more questions than I have
answered. Perhaps this is typical. Someone,
I've forgotten who, once defined a diplomat as
"a man who can find a problem for every solu-
tion." However, I am quite serious when I say
that I believe our first task is to identify and rec-
ognize our problems as they really exist, to know
the facts we face, and to understand the alterna-
tives that we possess.
A great American once said that "the frontiers
are neither east nor west, north or south, but
wherever a man faces a fact."
Today, I believe that the frontiers of human
freedom do not follow the long, barricaded line
called the Iron Curtain, but rather are to be
found in our own minds— in our own willingness
to recognize facts and our determination to take
whatever action may be required to insure the
survival of the things we believe in. This is our
challenge and our strength. I shall always believe
that the intellectual and spiritual powers which
grow in the environment of freedom will prove
stronger than the power of any tyranny that man
can devise.
Building Closer U.S.-Spanish Relations
hy James Clement Dunn
Ambassador to Spain ^
The reputation of the Spanish people for hard
work and perseverance in the face of difficulties
is well known. Since my return to Spain I have
been impressed greatly by the visible signs of
reconstruction and economic progress which have
been achieved in the face of a series of adverse
developments, including civil strife followed by
the disruption of the Second World War and a
decade of recurrent droughts with their terrible
impact on agriculture and electric power avail-
abilities. Spain's economic achievements under
such difficult circumstances are a tribute to the
tenacity of purpose and to the industriousness of
the Spanish people.
The short time I have been in Spain has not
allowed me to gain an intimate knowledge of
specific problems of Spanish-American trade.
But I am aware that such problems exist— as in
fact they do everywhere — and that you gentlemen
have to deal with them every day of your lives.
I realize that what you can accomplish by your
individual efforts often depends on factors not
entirely within your control. Of these, possibly
the most important single factor is the relation-
ship between the Government of Spain and the
Government of the United States.
All of you are aware that for more than a year
' Translation of an address made in Spanish before the
annual meeting of the American Chamber of Commerce
at Barcelona, Spain, on June 16.
913
negotiations have been proceeding between our
two governments looking toward a much closer
and more intimate relationship than lias ever
before existed between our two countries. You
will understand that while these negotiations are
in progress, it is not proper for me to discuss them
in detail. But it is entirely proper for me to say
that they have been conducted in the most frank
and friendly atmosphere, in a spirit of mutual
respect and comprehension, and with a sincere
desire on both sides to understand the motives and
ideals which guide us and to reach agreements
which will contribute not only to the best interests
of both countries but to the common defense of
Western Europe as well.
Although these negotiations are primarily for
the building of greater facilities for mutual de-
fense, their successful conclusion will, I am con-
vinced, provide a firm foundation for the develop-
ment of future trade, for enlarged private
investment, and for the drawing together of our
two peoples in an increasing measure of cultural,
scientific, and commercial interchange to the bene-
fit of both. Spain and the United States already
have a cultural, historical, and traditional back-
ground of mutual interest which inevitably draws
them together.
In the world today there is one issue which
transcends all others. Our heritage of culture
and civilization faces the most dangerous spiritual
and material threat which history has recorded.
We all realize that to resist this threat successfully,
each nation must make the full contribution which
its strength and resources permit. The foremost
responsibility of all of us, therefore, is to insure
the survival of our liberty and independence.
U. S. Expenditures for Defense
The recognition by the American people of this
peril is manifest in the rapid expansion of their
own military forces, in the large sums being de-
voted to military research and production, and in
the large amounts of military assistance going to
like-minded nations in many parts of the world.
The financial sacrifices which the American peo-
ple have placed upon themselves to meet the dan-
ger and to achieve this program are reflected in
the fact that almost 73 percent of all U.S. budget-
ary expenditures are for security purposes. The
strengthening of the free world's military defenses
has gone far beyond financial aspects, as evi-
denced by the casualities of 136,000 of America's
sons in nolding the line against aggression in
Korea.
The situation I have set forth explains why a
larger proportion of U.S. foreign-aid funds are
now devoted to military assistance and why the
remainder is for economic purposes which directly
support the defense effort. The actual admin-
istration of these funds is a matter of cooperation
between friendly governments, of mutual accom-
modation and decision based on the exchange of
ideas concerning the common objective of defense
of our liberties. Once these mutual decisions of a
basic character are made, it is the responsibility
of each government within the area oi its sover-
eignty to direct and control their implementation.
Although, as I have said, U.S. economic-aid
funds are oriented toward the defense effort, it is
apparent that their use will contribute to strength-
ening the economy of the nations receiving them.
We recoOTize that a strong economy is an integral
part of the free world's effort to combat the threat
of aggression. Specifically in the case of the
Spanish economy, the United States has demon-
strated its interest during the past year in the com-
pletion of allocations of the $62.5 million credit
for economic development projects and in the al-
location of two credits of $12 million each for the
shipment of cotton to keep Spain's spinning and
weaving mills operating at reasonable levels.
Buildup of Moral Strength Vital
Considerations of a military and economic char-
acter are of great importance, but above all we
must build the moral strength which stems from
high ideals and the traditions of honesty and clear
purpose.
"VVhen governments assume the responsibilities
that are inherent in the concept of mutual trust,
mutual aid, mutual defense — then the peoples of
such nations assume like responsibilities. It be-
comes the duty of all of us to direct our energies
to the mutual objective; to guard ourselves against
the kind of pettiness that separates one ally from
another — one good friend from another good
friend. Our Western culture is a synthesis of
various national elements which contribute, like
those of Spain, to its greatness. Our immediate
objective in this difficult time is to preserve this
Western culture and the principles upon which it
is based. Our enemies are constantly attempting
to divide and destroy the nations of the West by
exploiting the minor differences which arise when
independent, sovereign nations work together.
We must not allow them to succeed. The survival
of the free nations depends upon their ability to
compose their differences and to work together.
Personally, I believe that we can look forward
with confidence to the future. The free nations
possess not only the material resources but the spir-
itual and moral values essential to defend them-
selves should the necessity arise. Americans, like
Spaniards, believe that man is a creature of God
and that his destiny can only be realized through
moral law. I am convinced that this idealism,
this devotion to God and country provides a sound
basis for a mutual collaboration between our two
countries which will express our common deter-
mination to resist the forces of evil and lead us to
a common destiny of peace, progress, and pros-
perity.
914
Department of State Bulletin
Achieving a Healtfiy World Economy
hy Winthrop W. Aldrich
Ambassador to Cheat Britain'^
We stand today at a crossroads in the develop-
ment of the world economy. In the closing years
of the last war, eflforts were made to create the
elements of a global economic system which would
provide the much needed increased production and
improved standards of living for peoples through-
out the world. Attainment of these objectives
was seen to be dependent on encouragement of the
international flow of goods and services, capital,
and money. There was to be a code of interna-
tional rules and a new worldwide institution in
each of three fields: The International Bank to
foster investment and development; the Interna-
tional Monetary Fund to foster orderly foreign-
exchange patterns and to help finance short-term
fluctuations, and the International Trade Organ-
ization to foster an expanding world trade with-
out discrimination. The latter institution did not
come into being, but substantial progress toward
some of its objectives was made through the Gen-
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.
These concepts and institutions have been of
some value. The World Bank in particular, under
prudent and imaginative management has come to
play an increasingly constructive role. But the
dislocations in the world economy, some of long
standing, all vastly intensified by the war itself
and further aggravated by the cleavage of East
and West and the needs of Western rearmament,
proved too severe to be dealt with by the concepts
of Bretton Woods alone.
Over the last 8 years, the foundations of the
free-world's economy have been maintained with
the help of a series of temporary measures, in-
cluding Unrra, the Marshall plan, the Mutual Se-
curity Program, the European Payments Union,
and others. There has been an amazing recovery
in production in war-torn Europe and Japan. In
' Excerpts from an address made at the Harvard Uni-
versity Graduate School of Business Administration, Cam-
bridge, Mass., on June 12.
most of Europe, internal finances have achieved
at least a semblance of order. The free world
has survived the shock of the post-Korean infla-
tion and some subsequent downturn. The immense
dollar chasm of the immediate postwar years has
been greatly narrowed.
Nonetheless, the problem of dollar shortages
throughout the free world, and especially in Eu-
rope, remains a critical one. It is made manage-
able today only by crude and wasteful devices:
severe restrictions abroad against dollar imports,
complex and cumbersome exchange controls, and
the abnormal contributions of American aid and
foreign military expenditures. While such de-
vices have kept crises within bounds and prevented
utter collapse, they cannot be reconciled with the
healthy and durable foundation for an expanding
world economy which both we and our friends
abroad require for our mutual security and
prosperity.
U.S.-U.K. Washington Talks
This fact is recognized by thoughtful and far-
seeing men of affairs in both public and private
life the world over. It was this fact which led
to the Commonwealth Conference in London of
last December. Early last March, shortly after
I took office as American Ambassador, I returned
to Washington to attend the meetings at which
British Foreign Secretary Eden and Chancellor
of the Exchequer Butler presented to our new
administration the results of the Commonwealth
Conference and besought our cooperation in work-
ing out jointly policies and measures which would
provide a sounder foundation for international
trade, finance, and economic development.^ The
Washington talks would have been noteworthy
alone for the personal contacts then established
between the responsible leaders of our two Gov-
ernments, for the pound sterling and the American
• BuiXKTiN of Mar. 16, 1953, p. 395.
June 29, ]953
915
dollar are the two great trading currencies of the
free world. But the talks produced more than
these indispensable personal contacts : they elicited
a free and genuine meeting of minds on "the essen-
tial elements of a workable and productive eco-
nomic system within the free world." These
elements were defined as (a) sound internal eco-
nomic policies by debtor and creditor countries
alike; (b) freer trade and currencies; (c) creation
of conditions for the sound development of free-
world resources; (d) constructive use of inter-
national institutions.
Under the heading "freer trade and currencies"
it was agreed that :
On the financial side the objective should be the eventual
convertibility of sterling and other currencies and the
gradual removal of restrictions on payments. On the
trade side the objective should be to bring about the
relaxation of trade restrictions and discriminations in a
way which, in the words of President Eisenhower's State
of the Union Message, "will recognize the importance of
profitable and equitable world trade." It Is In the interest
of the United States to take such measures as are exempli-
fied in the President's message in order that the members
of the free world may the better pay their way by their
own efforts.
Our Government stated its intention to under-
take over the ensuing months an intensive review
of these subjects, to arrive at a sound judgment on
specific courses of action. Since that time, Presi-
dent Eisenhower has initiated a series of steps to
move forward on this front. He has assigned
responsibility within the administration to follow
up the economic and financial talks held with the
United Kingdom, with the Organization for Euro-
pean Economic Cooperation in Paris, and with
the representatives of other European govern-
ments. He has requested the extension without
change for a year of the Reciprocal Trade Agree-
ments Act, pending the thorough reexamination
of our whole foreign economic policy. He has
requested the passage during the current session
of Congress of a measure to simplify customs ad-
ministration. He has supported a change in the
drastic method of controlling imports of dairy
products and other agricultural commodities now
required by section 104 of the Defense Production
Act. Most important, he has recommended the
establishment by the Congress of a Commission,
to include members of both Houses of Congress
and members appointed by the President, to make
a review of our whole foreign economic policy as
the basis for action during the 1954 congressional
session.
This series of steps reflects the considered de-
termination of the administration to develop a
foreign economic policy which is, in the President's
words "consonant with our position as the world's
greatest creditor nation." This is a complex area
which touches directly the interests of many and
varied segments of our economic life. Awareness
of this closeness of interest is reflected in discussion
and debate in business, farm, and labor circles over
the entire nation. I am greatly encouraged to
see a growing number of key organizations in the
country's economic life emerging from this proc-
ess of debate with a recognition of the changed
position of the United States in the world and
strong endorsement of trade and investment pol-
icies a ppropriate to our creditor st atus. The views
of these organizations will greatly assist the new
Commission in its work.
In developing its recommendations on specific
measures, the Commission will have to find ways
and means of advancing the basic national interest
by striving for a healthy world economy with due
consideration for the needs of our domestic econ-
omy. I cannot anticipate what detailed proposals
will be evolved, but I do know what their funda-
mental direction must be. That is an increased
readiness to admit imports in open competition
in our own markets so that our friends abroad can
earn the means to buy what they want and desper-
ately need from us and what it is in our interest
to sell them. To achieve this is essential to our
own economic interest ; it is also vital to our polit-
ical and security interests in the free world.
It is essential that our policy of accepting in-
creasing imports be a steady and a continuing
policy, and that we make this clear to producers
and suppliers in other countries. In a recent
broadcast to the nation. President Eisenhower
stressed the need for a "healthy two-way trade."
A healthy trade cannot be built in an atmosphere
of uncertainty. One of the things which gives
businessmen abroad the most concern is the fear
that if they are successful in building up a good
business in our country, it will suddenly be limited
or cut off by governmental action. We must find
ways of removing the grounds for this fear.
'Buy American" Policy Arcliaic
In my opinion there is one element in our policy
that is clearly archaic. I am sure that it adds
to the cost of our Government. It certainly de-
creases the opportunities for other countries to
earn their way. It obviously runs counter to the
principle of fair business competition. It is regu-
larly cited abroad as one more indication that the
United States is not prepared to act as a good
creditor. I am convinced that it is totally un-
necessary as a support to American industry.
This is the "Buy American" legislation, under
which, as a Government, we buy goods from
abroad in only the most exceptional cases. Why
should we not be sensible and abandon this ob-
solete policy ? Unless there is bona fide necessity
or other clearly demonstrable national interest
considerations to the contrary, let us make our
public purchases wherever goods of comparable
quality can be found on competitive and advan-
tageous terms. This would both save money for
our taxpayers and promote world balance by re-
916
Department of State Bulletin
moving one more obstacle to competitive business
opportunities for our friends.
I stress American trade policy not as the sole,
but as one indispensable element in a constructive
total foreign economic policy. There are other
essential elements : the promotion of private in-
vestment, expanded tourism, a sound strategic
stockpiling policy, and the like. Nor can a healthy
world economy be built by the United States
alone. We can only remove obstacles to the ef-
forts of others to earn their way in the world;
the}' must produce the right goods and services
at the right prices and at the right time, and they
must find the energy and drive to sell them. In-
ternational financial arrangements must be de-
signed to facilitate the flow of goods and services,
but no financial arrangements can substitute for
a pattern of balanced physical trade. It will take
unremitting effort and close cooperation through-
out the free world to create such a pattern.
I think it is right that time should be taken
for the most thoroughgoing canvass of all aspects
of these policies and their implications. But the
world does not stand still. Failure to move reso-
lutely forward can easily result in slipping back-
^^'arcl. The President's target for decisive for-
ward action is the congressional session which be-
gins next January. In my judgment, that is none
too soon.
To achieve a healthy world economy will re-
quire some adjustments at home, as well as
abroad. But the stakes are very high. Failure
to find durable solutions would mean at the best
a continued patchwork of unpalatable stopgap
remedies and, at the worst, and far more likely, a
shrinkage of world trade which would undermine
our own prosperity and threaten disaster to our
allies abroad. The United States has learned by
painful experience that it cannot afford political
or military isolation ; we are also learning that we
cannot afford economic isolation.
Liberia Withdraws From GATT
Press release 310 dated June 9
The U.S. Government has been informed by the
United Nations at New York that the Government
of Liberia has notified the Secretary-General of
the United Nations of its intention to withdraw
from the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
(Gatt) , effective June 13, 1953. Under the terms
of the Protocol of Provisional Application of the
General Agreement, any contracting party may
withdraw on 60 days' written notice to the Sec-
retary-General of the United Nations.
The withdrawal of Liberia from the General
Agreement will not result in any alteration in U.S.
duties. The only concessions which the LTnited
States made to Liberia in the General Agreement
were bindings of the duty-free statusof latex or
crude India rubber (not including jelutong or
pontianak) (par. 1697) ; palm oil (par. 1732) ; and
palmyra, piassava, and palm-leaf fibers, not else-
where specified (par. 168-1). All these items were
also bound duty-free in Gatt to the United King-
dom, and this status continues.
Import Quota Imposed
on Slielied Filberts
Background Information
White House press release dated June 10
The President on June 10 issued a proclamation
placing a limitation on the importation of shelled
filberts during the 1952-53 crop year.
The proclamation, which puts into effect the
findings and recommendations of the U.S. Tariff
Commission, was found necessary under section
22 of the Agricultural Adjustment Act in order
to keep the level of imports consistent with the
Department of Agriculture's filbert marketing
agreement and order.
The proclamation will limit to 4,500,000 pounds
the total quantity of shelled filberts that may be
imported for consumption or withdrawn from
warehouses where stored as a result of importa-
tion, during the period October 1, 1952 to
September 30, 1953.
The U.S. filbert industry had accumulated ex-
cessive inventories during the 2 previous marketing
years, while a record filbert crop was harvested by
growers last fall. Under provisions of the filbert
marketing agreement and order, a substantial por-
tion of the crop had to be shelled. As a result,
U.S. production of filbert kernels during the 1952-
53 season reached an alltime high of 3,300,000
pounds. This production has been in competition
with lower-priced imports, resulting in a return
to U.S. filbert growers of only 55 percent of parity
for the 1952 crop. The President felt, therefore,
that the quota restriction was necessary to fulfill
the objectives of the filbert marketing agreement
and order under section 22.
The Tariff" Commission, which instituted its in-
vestigation of the filbert marketing situation on
April 13, 1952, will continue its studies and will
report its fbidings from time to time to the
President.
Proclamation 3020 >
1. Whereas, pursuant to section 22 of the Agricultural
Adjustment Act, as added by section 31 of the act of
August 24, 193.5, 49 Stat. 773, reenacted by section 1 of
the act of June 3, 11(37, 50 Stat. 24G, and amended by sec-
tion 3 of the act of July 3, 194S, 62 Stat. 1248, and section
3 of the act of June 28, 19.50, 64 Stat. 261 (7 U. S. C. 624),
the President caused the United States Tariff Commission
to make an investigation to determine whether almonds,
filberts, walnuts, Brazil nuts, or cashews are being or are
practically certain to be imported into the United States
under such conditions and in such quantities as to render
^ IS Fed. Reg. 3453.
iune 29, 1953
917
or tend to render ineffective, or materially interfere with,
certain programs or operations undertaken by the Depart-
ment of Agriculture with respect to almonds, pecans, fil-
berts, or walnuts, or to reduce substantially the amount
of any product processed in the United States from al-
monds, pecans, filberts, or walnuts with respect to which
any such program or operation is being undertaken ; and
2. Whkreas the said Commission instituted such in-
vestigation on April 13, 1950, and in the course of such
investigation has from time to time reported to the Presi-
dent regarding the need for the imposition of restrictions
under the said section 22 in order to prevent imports of
tree nuts from rendering ineffective, or materially inter-
fering with, tree-nut programs of the Department of Ag-
riculture; and
3. Whereas the said Commission reported to the Presi-
dent on September 25, 1952, regarding the need for action
under the said section 22 in order to protect tree-nut
programs of the Department of Agriculture for the 1952-53
crop year, and the President, on the basis of such report
and recommendations made by the said Commission in
connection therewith, issued a proclamation on Septem-
ber 27, 1952 (Proclamation 2991 ; 17 F. R. 8645), carrying
out in part the said recommendations ; and
4. Whereas, on the basis of the said report of Septem-
ber 25, 1952, and the investigation covered thereby, I
find that shelled filberts (whether or not blanched) are
practically certain to be imported during the remainder
of the 12-month period ending September 30, 1953, in such
quantity and under such conditions as to render or tend
to render ineffective, or materially interfere with, the
program undertaken by the Department of Agriculture
with respect to filberts pursuant to the Agricultural Mar-
keting Agreement Act of 1937, as amended ; and
5. Whereas I find and declare that the Imposition of the
quantitative limitation hereinafter proclaimed is shown by
the investigation of the said Commission to be necessary
in order that the entry of Imported shelled filberts
(whether or not blanched) will not render or tend to
render ineffective, or materially interfere with, the said
program undertaken by the Department of Agriculture
with respect to filberts :
Now, THEREFORE, I, Dwight D. Eisenhower, President of
the United States of America, acting under and by virtue
of the authority vested in me by the said section 22 of the
Agricultural Adjustment Act, as amended, do hereby
proclaim that no shelled filberts (whether or not blanched)
shall be permitted to be entered, or withdrawn from ware-
house, for consumption hereafter and prior to October 1,
1953, which would permit the total quantity of such filberts
entered, or withdrawn from warehouse, for consumption
during the period October 1, 1952 to September 30, 1953,
both dates inclusive, to exceed 4,500,000 pounds, which
permissible total quantity I hereby find and declare to
he prot)ortionately not less than 50 per centum of the aver-
age annual total quantity of shelled filberts which were
entered, or withdrawn from warehouse, for consumption
during the representative period hereinafter mentioned.
I hereby determine that the period October 1, 1949
through September 30, 1951 Is a representative period for
the purpose of the first proviso to section 22 (b) of the
Agricultural Adjustment Act, as amended.
I.N WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand and
caused the seal of the United States of America to be
affixed.
Done at the city of Washington this 10th day of .Tune
in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and
[seal] fifty-three, and of the independence of the
United States of America the one hundred and
seventy-seventh.
/^ C*J>-7- Z.^^VC<-iC<— A<^<j^^
By the President :
John Foster Dulles,
Secretary of State.
New Import Quotas Placed
on Certain Dairy Products and Oils
Background Information
White House press release dated June 8
Tlie President on June 8 issued a proclamation
putting into effect tlie findings and recommenda-
tions of the U.S. Tariff Commission under section
22 of the Agricultural Adjustment Act as amended,
with respect to certain dairy products, flaxseed
and linseed oil, and peanuts and peanut oil.
In the past, regulation of imports of these cer-
tain dairy and other farm products by the Depart-
ment of Agriculture has been specified under
section 104 of the Defense Production Act, which
expires on June 30 unless further extended by
legislation.
The President's action places the Department
of Agriculture's crop-control and price-support
programs for these products in the same status as
the Department's crop-control and price-support
programs for other agricultural products.
These limitations on imports are found to be
necessary to protect the U.S. Department of
Agriculture's crop-control and domestic price-
support programs for these products from being
materially interfered with by excessive imports
from foreign countries.
Under this new arrangement the Department's
crop-control programs for these products are
placed on a more consistent basis and they can be
patterned to meet the new crop conditions as they
arise. Also under section 22 of the Agricultural
Adjustment Act, the Government, when necessary,
can adjust the quotas or fees on imports to be no
greater than are required to protect adequately the
Department's domestic crop-control and price-
support programs from being materially inter-
fered with by excessive imports. This new
arrangement is less arbitrary and makes these
Government programs conform more with the re-
quirements of the Government's foreign trade and
economic policy and with the reciprocal trade i
agreements to which the United States is a party.
If in the future these restrictions should prove
to be either excessive or inadequate, the fees and
quotas on imports may be adjusted under section
22 to meet the situation by action of the President
upon recommendation of the Tariff Commission.
The new quotas and fees will become effective
July 1, 1953, when section 104 of the Defense
Production Act expires, unless it is renewed by
further legislation.
In addition to the commodities listed in the i
President's Proclamation, tlie Tariff Commission's
investigation covered imports of tung nuts and
tung oil. Imports of these products are currently
restricted by direction of the Secretary of Agri-
culture under section 104 of the Defense Produc-
tion Act. The Tariff Commission, however, re-
918
Department of State Bulletin
Article ^^^'^ ^ Quantity
Butter 707,000 pounds
Dried whole milk 7,000 pounds
Dried buttermilk 496,000 pounds
Dried cream 500 pounds
Dried skimmed milk 1 ,807,000 pounds
Malted milk, and compounds or mixtures of or substitutes for milk or cream. . . 6,000 pounds (aggregate quantity)
List II
Article Quantity
Cheddar cheese, and cheese and substitutes for cheese containing, or processed 2,780,100 pounds (aggregate quantity)
from, Cheddar cheese.
Edam and Gouda cheese 4,600,200 pounds (aggregate quantity)
Bluemold (except Stilton) cheese, and cheese and substitutes for cheese contain- 4,167,000 pounds (aggregate quantity)
ing, or processed from, bluemold cheese.
Italian-type cheeses, made from cow's milk, in original loaves (Romano made 9,200,100 pounds (aggregate quantity)
from cow's milk, Reggiano, Parmesano, Provoloni, Provolette, and Sbrinz).
Peanuts, whether shelled, not shelled, blanched, salted, prepared, or preserved 1,709,000 pounds (aggregate quantity):
(including roasted peanuts, but not including peanut butter). Provided, That peanuts in the shell
shall be charged against this quota on
the basis of 75 pounds for each 100
pounds of peanuts in the shell
Article
List III
Peanut oil.
Flaxseed (except flaxseed approved for planting pursuant to the Federal Seed
Act)
Linseed oil, and combinations and mixtures in chief value of such oil
Fee
25% ad valorem on peanut oil entered
or withdrawn from warehouse, for
consumption during any 12-month
period f)eginning July 1 in excess fo
80,000,000 pounds
50% ad valorem
60% ad valorem
ported that it did not find that imports of tung
nuts and tung oil would, if unrestricted by meas-
ures taken under section 104 or section 22, be
practically certain to interfere with the program
of the Department of Agriculture with respect to
the domestic production of tung nuts. The Com-
mission therefore did not recommend that any
restriction be imposed on imports of these prod-
ucts.
The President has authorized the Tariff Com-
mission to release the report made to him on the
investigation of imports subject to restriction
under section 104 of the Defense Production Act.^
Proclamation 3019"
Whereas, pursuant to section 22 of the Agricultural
Adjustment Act, as added by section 31 of the act of
August 24, 1935, 49 Stat. 773, reenacted by section 1 of
the act of June 3, 1937, 50 Stat. 246, and as amended by
section 3 of the act of July 3, 1948, 62 Stat. 1248, section
3 of the act of June 28, 1950, 64 Stat. 261, and section
8 (b) of the act of June 16, 1951, Public Law 50, 82d
Congress (7 U. S. C. 624), the Secretary of Agriculture
advised me that he had reason to believe that upon the
expiration of section 104 of the Defense Production Act
of 1050, as amended, the products included in the lists
appended to and made a part of this proclamation are
practically certain to be imported into the United States
under such conditions and in such quantities as to render
or tend to render ineffective, or materially interfere with,
programs undertaken by the Department of Agriculture
with respect to certain of such articles or with respect to
products from which certain of such articles are processed,
or to reduce substantially the amount of one or more of
^ Copies of the Commission's report may be obtained
bv addressing requests to the U.S. Tariff Commission,
Sth and E Sts., N.W., Washington 25, D. C.
' 18 Fed. Reg. 3361.
such articles processed in the United States from agri-
cultural commodities with respect to which a program
of the Department of Agriculture is being undertaken;
Whereas, having agreed with the Secretary of Agri-
culture's reason for such belief, I caused the United
States Tariff Commission to make an investigation under
the said section 22 with respect to the said articles;
Whereas, the said Tariff Commission has made such an
investigation and has reported to me its findings and
recommendations made in connection therewith ;
Whereas, on the basis of the said investigation and
report of the Tariff Commission, I find that in the event
section 104 of the Defense Production Act of 1950, as
amended, expires under its present terms, the articles in-
cluded in the lists appended to and made a part of this
proclamation are practically certain to be imported into
the United States under such conditions and in such
quantities as to render or tend to render inetfective, or
materially interfere with, programs or operations under-
taken by the Department of Agriculture or agencies op-
erating under its direction, pursuant to sections 101, 201,
301, and 401 of the Agricultural Act of 1949, as amended,
and Part VI of Title III of the Agricultural Adjustment
Act of 1938, as amended, with respect to certain of such
articles or with respect to products from which certain
of such articles are processed, or to reduce substantially
the amount of certain of such articles processed in the
United States from agricultural commodities with respect
to which the said programs or operations of the United
States Department of Agriculture are being undertaken ;
and
WHEREAS I find and declare that in the event section 104
of the Defense Pi-oduction Act of 1950, as amended, expires
under its present terms, the imposition of the fees and
quantitative limitations hereinafter proclaimed is shown
by such investigation of the Tariff Commission to be neces-
sary in order that the entry, or withdrawal from ware-
house, for consumption of such articles will not render or
tend to render ineffective, or materially interfere with, the
said programs or operations, or reduce substantially the
amount of products processed in the United States from
agricultural commodities with respect to which certain
of the said programs or operations are being undertaken :
June 29, 1953
919
Now, THEBEFORE, I, DwiGHT D. EisENHOwEB, President
of tlie United States of America, acting under and by vir-
tue of the aiitliority vested in me by the said section 22 of
the Aericnltural Adjustment Act, as amended, do hereby
proclaim tliat on and after July 1, 19.53, articles included
in the lists apjiended to and hereby made a part of this
proclamation shall he subject to quantitative limitations
and fees, as follows :
1. Articles included in Lists I and II (except peanuts)
shall be permitted to be entered only by or for the account
of a person or firm to whom a license has been issued by
or under the authority of the Secretary of Asrieulture. and
only in accordance with the terms of such license. Such
licenses shall be issued under regulations of the Secretary
of Agriculture which he determines will, to the fullest
extent practicable, result in (1) the equitable distribution
of the respective quotas for such articles among importers
or users and (2) the allocation of shares of the respective
quotas for such articles among supplying countries, based
upon the proportion supplied by such countries during
previous representative periods, taking due account of any
special factors which may have affected or may be af-
fecting the trade in the articles concerned. No licenses
shall be issued which will permit any such articles to be
entered during any 12-month period beginning July 1 in
excess of the respective quantities specified for such arti-
cles in Lists I and II and, in the case of articles included
in List II, during the first 4 months and the first 8 months
of any such 12-month period in excess of one-third and
two-thirds, respectively, of such specified quantities.
2. No peanuts included in List II shall be entered dur-
ing any 12-n]onth period beginning July 1 in excess of the
quantity specified for such peanuts in the said List II.
3. Articles included in List III shall, when entered, be
subject to the fees respectively specified therefor in the
said List III.
I hereby determine that the periods specified in tlie said
report of the Tariff Oomniission for the purpose of the first
proviso to section 22 (b) of the Agricultural Adjustment
Act, as amended, are representative periods for such
purpose.
The provisions of this proclamation shall not apply to
articles imported by or for the account of any department
or agency of the Government of the United States.
As used in this proclamation, the word "entered" means
"entered, or withdrawn from warehouse, for consumption".
This proclamation shall be without force and effect if
section 104 of the Defense Production Act of 1950, as
amended, is extended beyond June 30, 1953.
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and
caused the seal of the United States of America to be
affixed.
Done at the City of Washington this eighth day of .Tune
in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and
[seal] fifty-tliree, and of the Independence of the
United States of America the one hundred and
seventy-seventh.
By the President :
John Foster Dulles,
Secretary of State.
Xv CjiS-^ /L-cZ^ Cl~iCu^ X-»l<J'-^
MSA'IVlakes Additional Grant
of $15 Million to Yugoslavia
The Mutual Security Agency on June 15 an-
nounced a special grant of $15 million to help
Yugoslavia build up reserve stores of raw ma-
terials and food wliich were depleted as a result
of last year's disastrous drought.
Previously this fiscal year, $106,750,000 had
been allotted to Yugoslavia. This amount in-
cluded $31,000,000 as emergency drought aid to-
finance purchases of such items as corn and wheat
to stop an immediate threat of famine in Yugo-
slavia, as well as some essential raw materials.
Tlie new grant of $15 million will help restock
Yugo.slavia's depleted food and raw material
larders. This will help avoid another emergency
before new harvests are in and raw material sup-
plies are replenished.
The balance of $75,750,000 was allotted bv Msa
under the $99,000,000 tripartite-aid progriim of
the United States, United Kingdom, and France
for Yugoslavia. The U.S. share of the tripartite
program is $78,000,000. including $2,250,000
wjiicli was made available to Yugoslavia as an
advance from 1952 fiscal year funds.
Appointment of Chairman
of U.S. Committee for U. N. Day
Secretarj' Dulles announced on June 15 (press-
release ;>17) the appointment of Tliomas J. Wat-
son, Jr.. as 1953 chairman of the U.S. Committee
for U.N. Day. At the same time, he announced
that Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt and "Warren E.
Austin had accepted his invitation to serve as
honorary chairmen of the committee.
In a telegram to Mr. Watson, Mr. Dulles de-
clared that tlie U.N. Day program, siiearlieaded
by the U.S. Committee for U.N. Day, "is impor-
tant to administration siipiiort of the United
Nations." In accepting the Secretary's invitation,
Mr. Watson said, 'T will be delighted to serve as
chairman of the U.S. Committee for U.N. Day
and will bend every effort to carry out the job in
the way you and your associates desire." In a
later statement, Mr. Watson said, "I have ac-
cepted the appointment to be 1953 chairman of
the U.S. Committee for U.N. Day because I be-
lieve that the best hope for peace in the world lies
in the work of the United Nations."
Warren Austin served as chief of the U.S. dele-
gation to the U.N. until this year. Mrs. Roose-
velt was a member of the U.S. delegation to the
General Assembly for a number of years.
The U.S. Committee for U.N. Day (formerly
called National Citizens' Committee for U.N.
Day) was established by the U.S. Government in
1948 in response to a U.N. General Assembly
resolution that October 24 be observed annually
as U.N. Day. October 24 is the day that the U.?^.
Charter came into force. Each year the Secre-
tary of State, with the approval of the President,
appoints a chairman for the U.S. Committee for
U.N. Day which organizes the observance of U.N.
Day in this country. The committee is composed
of more than 100 national organizations represent-
ing civic, business, labor, agriculture, veterans,
religion, education, welfare, youth, women, trade,
and service associations.
920
Department of State Bulletin
U.S.-U.N. Cooperation in U.N. Postal Activities
hy John D. Tomlinson
A postage stamp, small as it is, has a significance
■far beyond its worth either in cash or as a pre-
payment for postal service. The postage stamps
of all nations frequently symbolize their ideals
and traditions, their leaders, or great events in
their history. Because of their material and sym-
bolic values, millions of people throughout the
world save and collect them as a hobby, for his-
torical study, for personal prestige, or occasionally
for investment. But the postage stamps of each
nation would have little worldwide interest if
they were not universally recognized as valid for
mailing purposes to all parts of the world through
the chain of national postal establishments which
form, under the Universal Postal Union, a single
postal territory for the reciprocal exchange of
correspondence.
Very early in the development of U.N. head-
quarters arrangements, the question was raised of
the possible establishment of a U.N. postal admin-
istration and the issuance of U.N. stamps. The
unique position of the United Nations and its
impact upon all peoples prompted a considerable
amount of interest in this subject on the part of
some delegations to the General Assembly. Al-
though the first formal proposal on the matter
was made by the Argentine delegation to the
second session of the General Assembly in the fall
of 19J:T,^ the possibility of such a development had
been anticipated in the negotiations between the
United States and the United Nations in the head-
quarters agreement. This agreement, which was
approved by Congress, August 4, 1947,- provided
that :
In tlie event that the United Nations should propose to
organize its own postal service, the conditions under
which such service will be set up shall be the subject of a
supplemental agreement.
The Argentine proposal envisaged a U.N. postal
administration which would issue U.N. stamps
' U.N. doc. A/367 dated Ang. 28, 1947.
• P. L. 357, 80th Cong.
and provide its own postal facilities for official
U.N. mail. These facilities would be provided at
headquarters and at such other U.N. offices as
might be established. One of the motives under-
lying the Argentine proposal was to apply reve-
nues toward the amortization of the cost of the
U.N. headquarters building. The Secretary-Gen-
eral, in a report to the General Assembly,^ sug-
gested the exploration of another type of
arrangement under which U.N. postal activities
would be restricted to the issuance and use of U.N.
stamps for its official mail, leaving all other opera-
tions to the national postal administrations con-
cerned, under agreements to be concluded with
them. The General Assembly, however, was not
prepared to embark on either course without con-
siderably more study of the many problems
involved, and accepted the proposal of the Secre-
tary-General that inquiries be made into the ad-
ministrative, technical, and financial implications
of a U.N. postal service and that recommendations
thereon be submitted to the next session.^
Pursuant to this resolution, U.N. officials sought
the advice and assistance of the U.S. Post Office
Department with regard to the two principal
alternative proposals. After extended examina-
tion of each, the Secretary-General, in his report
to the third session of the General Assembly in
1948 ^ concluded that in view of the limited finan-
cial prospects, complicated technical and adminis-
trative operations, and limited usefulness to
overseas offices and specialized agencies, "it would
appear that there would be no financial advantage
in pursuing this project further at the present
time."
In the discussions on this report in the Fifth
Conunittee of the General Assembly, it was
pointed out that the advantages in terms of pub-
licity likely to result from the issue of special U.N.
stamps if a U.N. postal administration were
= U.N. doc. A/C.5/191 dated Oct. 31, 1947.
*G.A. Resolution 1.59 (II) dated Nov. 20, 1947.
' U.N. doc. A/655 dated Sept. 28, 1948.
June 29, 7 953
921
created made it desirable for the United Nations
to pursue the inquiries and negotiations already
initiated. Alternately, it was proposed that fur-
ther studies and negotiations be pursued concern-
ing the issue of national stamps designed for U.N.
purposes." The resolution adopted by the Gen-
eral Assembly on October 8, 1948, approved in
principle the idea of establishing a United Nations
Postal Administration, authorized the Secretary-
General to conclude arrangements with various
governments for the issue of special or overprinted
postage stamps, and requested him to pursue the
inquiries and negotiations already initiated.'
Pursuant to this resolution, the Secretary-
General approached the U.S. Government to
ascertain whether it would be possible for the
United States to issue a commemorative or special
U.N. stamp or an overprinted stamp. Extensive
consideration was given to this matter by officials
of the Post Office Department and the Depart-
ment of State. After considering various alterna-
tives, they concluded that legislative restrictions
and other serious difficulties made it impossible
at that time for the United States to issue stamps
with a U.N. overprint or a special issue of a dis-
tinctive U.N. stamp for exclusive sale at U.N.
headquarters.
Tlie Secretary-General continued active study
of the problem of establishing an autonomous
postal administration. The former Director of
the Netherlands Postal Service, W. E. Van Goor,
was called in to survey various aspects of it, and
further consultations were held with U.S. postal
officials. Considerable attention was given to
estimating the cost of operations and estimated
revenues. Although the experts differed in their
estimates, the Secretary-General, in his report to
the fourth session of the General Assembly,'
estimated that the United Nations might effect a
saving of $21,000 (based on 1948 costs) if it were
to operate its own postal service. This estimate
did not include any revenues which might be
derived from the sale of stamps for philatelic
purposes.
Tlie discussion in the General Assembly of this
report, which was presented without recommenda-
tions, revealed a cleavage between those who
wished to proceed immediately with the estab-
lishment of an autonomous postal administration
and those who felt further study was necessary.
Others felt it was a burdensome task for the United
Nations to undertake such an operation in view of
the excellent services being rendered by the U.S.
Post Office Department. Before a final decision
was taken, various delegations desired more clari-
fication on such matters as the nature of the neces-
sary agreement with the United States, further
study of costs, and the relationship with the Uni-
versal Postal Union. The U.S. delegation took a
• U.N. doc. A/671 Rev. I dated Oct. 7, 1948.
'G.A. KesoUition 2.32 (IV) dated Oct. 8, 1948.
" U.N. doc. A/988 dated Sept. 21, 1949.
neutral position, but expressed the willingness of
tlie United States to continue its cooperation with
the United Nations in postal matters whatever
decision might be taken with regard to the estab-
lishment of a U.N. Postal Administration.
A compromise resolution was adopted request-
ing the Secretary-General "to continue the prep-
aration of necessary arrangements for the estab-
lishment of a United Nations postal administra-
tion" and to submit a new report at the beginning
of the next session.^ The term "arrangements"
was interpreted as authorizing the Secretary-Cien-
eral not only to continue his study of the matter
with the assistance of expert advice and to proceed
with essential preparatory work incidental to the
organization of a postal service, but also to enter :
into negotiations with the appropriate U.S. au-
thorities. It was understood that such negotia-
tions and other preparatory arrangements under-
taken would be the subject of a full report to the
General Assembly for its final approval."
Draft U.S.-U.N. Postal Agreement
Following the adoption of this resolution, U.S.
officials in the Post Office Department and in the
Department of State collaborated fully with U.N.
officials in attempting to find a satisfactory solu-
tion to give effect to the wishes of the General
Assembly. In February 1950 conversations were
held at Washington between U.S. and U.N. officials
resulting in a first draft of a U.S.-U.N. postal
agreement patterned along the lines of the Ital-
ian-Vatican City agreement. This draft agree-
ment envisaged the establishment, operation, and
maintenance of a U.N. Postal Administration
within the headquarters district of the United
Nations in New York and included arrangements
between the U.N. Postal Administration and the
U.S. Post Office Department on various matters
including the local transport of mail and the
schedule of charges.
The principal problem which emerged for the
United Nations in these discussions was with re-
gard to the scope of service to be offered by the
ij.N. Postal Administration. The United Nations
proposed a limited postal service including ordi-
nary letter mail, ordinary printed matter, and
parcel post and took the position that the agree-
ment should indicate the limited nature of the serv-
ice to be offered because of its direct bearing on
any postal charges or rates to be worked out be-
tween the United Nations and the United States.
U.S. representatives, however, took the position
that such a matter was not a proper subject for
inclusion in the U.S.-U.N. agreement since the
U.N. Postal Administration was presumably free
to offer whatever services it saw fit. In the course
of these discussions it became more and more ap-
" G.A. Resolution 342 (iv) dated Oct. 20, 1949.
"Report of the Fifth Committee to the General As-
sembly, U.N. doc. A/1015 dated Oct. 13, 1949.
922
Department of State Bulletin
parent to U.N. representatives as well as U.S.
representatives that there were serious disadvan-
tages in operating a U.N. Postal Administration
offering only limited services.
During these discussions reference was made to
an agreement between Switzerland and Liechten-
stein under which Switzerland handles all Liech-
tenstein postal operations, and Liechtenstein
issues and sells a Liechtenstein stamp which is
recognized by the Swiss postal authorities.
Liechtenstein retains the proceeds from sales of
the Liechtenstein stamps for philatelic purposes.
Further conversations were held in April 1950
to examine the possibilities of an arrangement be-
tween the United States and the United Nations
along the lines of the Swiss-Liechtenstein agree-
ment. As a result of these convereations, a second
tentative draft agreement was drawn up under
which a U.N. post office station would be estab-
lished at U.N. headquartei-s and operated by the
U.S. Post Office Department, using stamps pro-
vided by the LTnited Nations. This U.N. station
would supply all the services offered by any U.S.
post office having comparable operations, except
that the U.N. Post Office Station would sell and
use only U.N. postage stamps. It was provided
that all revenue derived from the sale of U.N.
postage stamps by the U.N. Post Office Station
would be retained by the U.S. Post Office Depart-
ment as full and complete compensation for its
services. The United Nations would provide the
U.S. Post Office Department with quarters, cus-
todial services, and utilities for the operation of
the U.N. Post Office Station. The United Na-
tions, on the other hand, would maintain a sep-
arate agency for the sale of U.N. postage stamps
for philatelic purposes and retain all revenue from
such sales.
The advantages of an agreement along the fore-
going lines were quite obvious. In the first place,
the United Nations would not be involved in any
operations other than the handling of philatelic
sales. The Post Office Department on the other
hand would operate the U.N. Post Office Station
in the same manner as it had operated a U.S.
branch post office at UN. headquarters, first at
Lake Success and subsequently in the headquarters
district in New York. The principal remaining
barrier to full agreement was the possibility that
U.N. stamps might be purchased from the phila-
telic agency of the U.N. Postal Administration
and used for mailing purposes at the U.N. Post
Office Station, thereby involving the handling of
mail by the U.S. Post Office Department without
reimbursement. With U.N. headquartei-s in a
city such as New York, this possibility appeared
quite a serious obstacle to the satisfactory imple-
mentation of the proposed agreement. Subse-
quent conversations were held to iron out this
difficulty, and a provision was inserted in the draft
agreement that the United Nations should limit
its sale of stamps for j^hilatelic purposes only to
those made in response to requests sent by mail.
Since it was realized that various difficulties might
arise in the application of an arrangement of this
nature, provision was included in the agreement
permitting its amendment 1 year after its entry
into force.
The draft agreement as finally negotiated was
submitted by the Secretary-General in his report
t-o the fifth session of the General Assembly in
1950." On November 16 the proposed plan was
accepted without dissent by the General Assem-
bly,'- which noted the draft agreement between
the United Nations and the United States and
requested the Secretary-General to proceed with
the conclusion of the agreement and with the neces-
sary arrangements for the establishment of a U.N.
Postal Administration at the earliest possible date.
In a formal ceremony at U.N. headquarters the
agreement was signed March 28, 1951, by Secre-
tary-General Trygve Lie, on behalf of the United
Nations, and by Ambassador Warren R. Austin,
U.S. representative to the United Nations, and
Jesse M. Donaldson, Postmaster General, on be-
half of the United States.
Meanwhile, preparations were being made by
the United Nations for the design and printing
of U.N. postage stamps and postmarks. Under
the General Assembly resolution provision had
been made for the appointment by the Secretary-
General of an Advisory Committee on Stamp
Design. With the advice of this committee, it
was decided to issue 15 denominations ranging
from 1^ to $1.
U. N. Stamps Issued
On October 24, 1951, the date of entry into force
of the agreement, 6 of the 15 denominations of the
regular series were issued — 1^, 11/2^, 3(i, 50, 25^,
and $1. On November 16, 1951, 5 more denomina-
tions in the regular sei'ies were issued — 2^4, lOiji,
15<*, 20^, and 500. On December 14, 1951, four
airmail stamjis were issued in denominations of
60, 100, 150, and 250. Following the announce-
ment of the issuance of U.N. stamps, and particu-
larly during the period October 15 to December
24, 1951, orders and inquiries from the public and
from philatelists averaged 1,200 pieces per work-
ing day, and during the peak rose to 1,800 pieces
per day. During the first 3 days of issue approx-
imately 1,100,000 first-day covers were processed."
During 1952 a 20 postcard was issued on July 18,
an air-letter sheet on August 29, a U.N. Day
commemorative stamp in a 50 denomination cel-
ebrating the signing, in 1945, of the charter at
San Francisco, and on December 10, two stamps in
30 and 50 denominations commemorating the
" U.N. doc. A/1934 dated Sept. 26, 1950.
"G. A. Re.solution 454 (V) dated Nov. 16, 1950.
" See Report of the Secretary-General to the Oeneral
Assembly on the United Nations Postal Administration,
U.N. doc. A/2191 dated Sept. 19, 1952.
June 29, 1953
923
rv
adoption in 1948 of the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights. Eight stamps in five new issues
and a stamped envelope in two sizes are being
issued in 1953 : "Refugee"' stamp, 30 and 50 de-
nominations, April 24 ; "Universal Postal Union"'
stamp, 30 and 50 denominations, June 12; em-
bossed envelope, 30 denomination, in two sizes, in
September ; "United Nations Day" stamp, 30 and
U.S. Postal Authorities Thanked
for Cooperation With United Nations
On the occasion of the issuance on June 12 of
U.ff. stamps commemorating the Universal Postal
Union. (Upu), the Director of the U.N. Information
Center in Washington, Panl V. Johansen, presented
to Postmaster General Arthur E. Summrrflcld the
first issues of these stamps. In making the presen-
tation, Mr. Johansen paid tribute to the cooperation
of the U.S. Post Office Department in the following
terms:
In behalf of the Secretary-General of the United
Nations I have great pleasure in presenting to you
the first issues of a stamp, produced by the United
Nations Postal Administration in honor of the
Universal I'ostal Union — established in 1S74 and in
membership the largest of the specialized agencies
of the United Nations.
In making this presentation I am asked to convey
to you our very best thanks for your cooperation in
concluding a postal agreement witli the United
Nations and also for your kindness in facilitating
our philatelic operations.
50 denominations, October 24; "Human Rights
Day" stamp, 30 and 50 denominations, December
10.
As an indication of the interest in the purchase
of stamps for philatelic purposes, by April 30,
1953, the United Nations had received gross rev-
enues from such sales totaling $1,031,031. Total
expenses to the United Nations in this activity
from January 1, 1951, when the U.N. Postal Ad-
ministration was established by the Secretary-Gen-
eral, through April 30, 1953, amounted to $320,023,
resulting in a net revenue of $711,008 to the United
Nations for that period. These revenues are
counted as miscellaneous receipts in the U.N.
budget and, as such, help reduce the contributions
of member governments to the United Nations.
During the first year of operations several
problems arose in connection with the intorjireta-
tion and application of the U.S.-U.N. Postal
Agreement. One of these related to bulk mailings
from the U.N. Post Office Station. A number of
requests were made for bulk commercial mailings
using the U.N. stamp. In view of difficulties in
connection with facilities for handling such mail-
ings, as well as the policy questions involved, it was
agreed that for the time being bulk mailings of
over 1,000 pieces would not be accepted.
Stamp Sales to Public
Anotlier question was that of public access to the
U.N. Post Office Station, which was located in a
restricted area of the headquarters building. Con-
sequently tlie general public did not have the same
oi^iiortiinity to purcliase stamps or post mail mat-
ter at the U.N. Post Office Station as at a U.S.
Post Office. It was impractical for the United
Nations to make more satisfactory arrangements
for the public before the completion of the Gen-
eral Assemljly building. On the other hand, both
the United Nations and the United States wished
to serve the general public at U.N. Headquarters
and to find a means for allocating proceeds from
the sale of stamps as between the U.N. and the
U.S. Post Office Department. The U.N. Post
Office Station sold U.N. stamps without regard to
purpose, and the revenues from all such sales were
retained by the U.S. Post Office Department under
the terms of the agreement. But its only cus-
tomers, except on days when stamps were issued,
were U.N. officials and others on official business
who had ready access to the building. The United
Nations under the agreement could not sell stamps
to visitors.
In anticipation of the completion of the Gen-
eral Assembly building and the provision of a
reception area for the general public, further
conversations on these interrelated problems were
held in September 1952 between U.N. and U.S.
officials. Agreement was reached on a plan under
which the U.N. Postal Administration would sell
stamps in the public i-eception center in the new
General Assembly building for both philatelic and
mailing purposes. Mail matter bearing U.N.
postage deposited in the reception center was to be
forwarded to the U.N. Post Office Station in an-
other part of the building, with the United Nations
reimbursing the U.S. Post Office Department for
the face value of postage on all mail matter so
forwarded.
In order to effect this arrangement it was neces-
sary to modify the agreement of 1951 by deleting
the clause which restricted the sale of U.N. stamps
for philatelic purposes to orders received by mail.
Subsequently the United States officially notified
the Secretary-General that it was prepared to
modify the agreement by deleting this clause, and
the Secretary-General so recommended to the
seventh session of the General Assembly. The
General Assembly in its resolution of November
6, 1952, authorized the Secretary-General to "con-
clude the instrument necessary to revise the postal
agreement with the United States of America" by
deleting the words in par. (ii) of section 3 read-
ing, "in response to orders received by mail.'' In
an exchange of notes between the Secretary-Gen-
eral and Ambassador Ernest A. Gross of Novem-
ber 7, 1952, and November 17, 1952, respectively,
the formal amendment of the agreement was com-
pleted. This amendment became effective on
924
Department of State Bulletin
November 17, 1952. (For text of the agreement,
incorporating the amendment, see Annex.)
During the first few months after the opening
of the new General Assembly building in Septem-
ber 1952, an average of 4 to 5 thousand visitors a
week were received at the reception center in that
building. "Wlien U.N. stamps were placed on sale
and mailing facilities provided in that area, fol-
lowing the entry into force of the amended agree-
ment, total stamp sales averaged $.S,300 a week.
About 85 percent of these stamps were for
philatelic purposes; the remainder were used for
mail matter for which the Post Office Department
was reimbursed.
Although U.N. stamps have been widely pub-
licized, as manifested by the volume of philatelic
sales, the arrangements between the United
Nations and the United States have not been too
well understood. Many have the mistaken im-
pression that the U.S. Post Office Department is
footing the bill for handling U.N. mail. Ac-
tually the U.S. Post Office Department is fully
reimbursed at current U.S. postage rates for all
mail matter, official and unofficial, deposited ut
the U.N. Post Office Station, which is the only
station where U.N. stamps may be used for mail-
ing. If any article of mail matter bearing a U.N.
stamp were deposited in a U.S. Post Office or mail
box it would be considered as unpaid and would
be handled accordingly under U.S. Postal Kegu-
lations ; that is, it would be returned to the sender
or sent to the Dead Letter Office.
U.S. postal officials consider the operation of
the U.N. Post Office Station quite satisfactory
from the standpoint of the Post Office Depart-
ment, although working out mutually agreeable
arrangements in this unique situation has in-
volved a few headaches. It is generally con-
sidered that the cost of operations of this station
and the revenues received compare favorably with
those of U.S. Post Offices offering similar services.
The Universal Postal Congress which opened
at Brussels in May 1952 adopted a resolution
recognizing, from a postal point of view, the es-
tablishment of the U.N. Postal Administration in
accordance with the U.N. General Assembly reso-
lution of November 16, 1950, and the Postal
Agreement between the United States and the
United Nations. As a result of this action, U.N.
stamps have been given worldwide recognition
by the postal administrations of 93 countries
members of the Universal Postal Union.
As the largest contributor to the United Nations
(35.12 percent for 1953), the United States bene-
fits more than any other member of the United
Nations from this arrangement, inasmuch as the
revenue derived from U.N. philatelic sales reduces
the amount of its contributions to the annual ex-
penses of the United Nations.
The interests of the United Nations under the
arrangement have been well served. U.N. stamps
have helped to broaden public acquaintance with
June 29, 1953
and interest in the United Nations as an institu-
tion as well as to provide the United Nations with
its own distinctive stamp for its official mail.
These benefits, in addition to the substantial pro-
ceeds from philatelic sales, have been realized
without involving the United Nations in the com-
plexities of international postal operations.
ANNEX
Postal Agreement
Between
THE United States of America
AND
THE United Nations
AS Amended November 17, 1952
Whereas, a certain Agreement between the United
States of America and the United Nations, dated tlie 26th
day of June, 1947, regarding the Headquarters of the
United Nations (said Afireement bein^' hereinafter re-
ferred to as the "Headquarters Agreement") provides that
in the event that the United Nations should propose to
organize its oven postal service, the conditions under
which such service shall be set up shall be the subject
of a Supplemental Agreement ; and
Whereas, the United Nations desires to establish a
postal service in conformity with the Headquarters
Agreement,
Now Therefore, the Parties hereto agree as follows :
Section 1
Scope of Agreement
(i) Subject to the provisions of this Agreement, there
shall be established a United Nations Post Office Station
in the Headquarters District of the United Nations, as
defined in the Headquarters Agreement, which shall be
operated by the United States Post Office Department.
(ii) The United Nations Post Office Station sliall pro-
vide at the prevailing rates all the services offered by
any United States Post Office having comparable op-
erations except that the United Nations Post Office Sta-
tion shall use only United Nations postage stamps.
Section 2
Supply of United Nations Postage Stamps and Stamped
Paper
(i) The United Nations shall at its own expense fur-
nish all United Nations postage stamps required under
the terms of this Agreement.
(ii) In the event that tlie United Nations shall produce
or authorize production of stamped envelopes and post-
cards, such envelopes or post-cards shall conform to the
specifications of the United States Post Office Department
as to size and as to qualify of paper used.
(iii) No United Nations postage stamps shall be dis-
tributed except in accordance with the terms of this
Agreement.
Section 3
Sale of United Nations Postage Stamps
(i) The United Nations Post Office Station shall sell
only United Nations postage stamps which shall be pro-
vided by the United Nations free of charge in such quan-
tifies as may be necessary to fulfill all reasonable needs
of the United Nations Post Office Station. All revenue
derived from such sales of United Nations postage stamps
and from other services rendered l)y the United Nations
Post Office Station shall be retained by the United States
Post Office Department as full and complete compensa-
tion for performance of its obligations under the terms
of this Agreement, except, however, that the United
States Post Office Department .shall be reimbursed for
performance of any postal services resulting from use
of United Nations postage stamps sold for philatelic
925
purposes under the provisions of paragraph (ii) of this
section whit-h are used as postage on mail matter posted
at the United Nations Post Office Station by being paid
an amount equal to the face value of any such stamps so
used as postage.
(ii) The United Nations may maintain a separate
agency for the sale of United Nations postage stamps
for philatelic purposes. Suliject to the provisions of
paragraph (i) of this section all revenue derived from
such philatelic sales of United Nations postage stamps
shall be retained by the United Nations for its ovs-n use.
Section 4
United Nations Postmarks
The United Nations shall furnish all postmarking
stamps to be applied to mail posted for mailing in the
Headquarters District and shall furnish all such post-
marking stamps to the United Nations Post Office Station
free of charge. All postmarks shall be designated as
United Nations postmarks.
Section 5
United Nations Post Office Station Premises
The United Nations shall provide the United States
Post Office Department at the expense of the United
Nations with the quarters, custodial services and utilities
necessary to enable the United States Post Office De-
partment to operate the United Nations Post Office Station
in the Headquarters District.
Section 6
Staff and Equipment
Except as otherwise provided in this Agreement the
United States Post Office Department will provide at its
own expense all staff, equipment and other services and
facilities necessary to enable the United States Post Office
Department to operate the United Nations Post Office
Station under the terms of this Agreement.
Section 7
Postal Address of the United Nations
The postal address of the Headquarters District of the
United Nations shall be "United Nations, New York".
Section 8
Duration of the Agreement
(i) This Agreement shall take efifect on a date to be
agreed upon between the United Nations and the United
States Post Office Department.
(ii) This Agreement shall be subject to revision, on
the written proposal of either contracting party, after one
year from the date of commencement of operations.
(iii) This Agreement may be terminated by either
party giving the other written notice of its intention to
terminate such Agreement at least twelve (12) months in
advance of the termination date fixed in such notice.
In Witness Whkreof tlie respective representatives
have signed this Agreement and have affixed their seals
hereto.
Done in duplicate this twenty-eighth day of March 1951.
FOR THIC GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES
OF AMERICA :
Warren R. Austin (Seal)
Jesse M. DONALnsoN (Seal)
FOR THE UNITED NATIONS :
Trygve Lie
• Mr. Tomlinson, author of the above article.,
is an adviser in the Office of U.N. Economic and
Social A fairs.
926
U.S. Delegations
to International Conferences
Council of Food and Agriculture Organization
The Department of State on June IG announced (press
release 320) that the Council of the Food and Agriculture
Organization of the United Nations (Fad) had convened
for its seventeenth session at Rome on June 15.
President Eisenhower appointed Knowles A. Ryerson,
dean of the College of Agriculture, University of Califor-
nia, Berkeley, Calif., as U.S. member on the Council for
this session. John W. Evans, director of the Office of
International Materials Policy, Department of State, and
Robert B. Schwenger, chief of the Regional Investiga-
tions Branch, Foreign Agricultural Service, Department
of Agriculture, have been designated associate U.S. mem-
bers for this session.
Other members of the U.S. delegation are :
Advisers
Ursula H. Duffus, Office of U.N. Economic and Social
Affairs, Department of State
L. Wendell Hayes, Attach^ for Fag Liaison, American
Embassy, Rome
Robert C. Tetro, Agricultural Attach^, American Embassy,
Rome
Adviser and Secretary
Thomas E. Street, Foreign Agricultural Service, Depart-
ment of Agriculture
The Council, which is the executive body of the Fao,
will be primarily concerned at its forthcoming session with
preparations for the seventh session of the Conference of
the Fao. Among the items to be considered in this con-
nection are (1) the preparation of a provisional agenda
for the Conference; (2) the program of work and budgets
for the Organization for 1954 and 1955; and (3) reports
on the establishment of an emergency famine reserve,
methods of financing agricultural development, and the
relationship of the Fao with organized representation of
producer and consuiuer interests. The Council will also
consider reports on the work of the Organization and
administrative and financial questions. I
THE DEPARTMENT
Locally Produced Broadcasts in Latin America
Press release 315 dated June 12
Reports from our Embassies in Latin America indicate
that much of the local-broadcasting time previously oC-
cujiied by the relay of the Voice of America's shortwave
programs is now being used by public affairs officers of
the International Information Administration (Iia) for
locally produced shows.
Some 212 broadcasting stations located in 13 Latin
American countries gave a total of about 1,02S free
hours every 3 months to the local rebroadcast of Voa
programs transmitted shortwave from the United States.
Wlien economy measures cau.sed Iia's Voice of America to
stop beaming Spanish and Portuguese language broad-
casts south of the border on May 23, public affairs officers
in Mexico City, Panamd, San Salvador, Habana, and
nine South American countries were asked to "hold that
relay time."
Reports to date show that the speedy offer of interest-
ing, locally produced programs has held much of this
Department of State Bulletin
very desirable free air time for U.S. information pro-
grams and indicate that Usis missions probably will
have the opportunity of broadcasting more than 4,000
additional hours this coming year.
These additional broadcasts can be handled, for the
most part, with existing staff and funds. Material for
the locally produced shows is drawn from several sources
including" news and commentary from the Wireless File
received daily from Iia's International Press Service in
Washington, features and dramatizations adapted from
U.S. newspapers, books, and magazines, as well as tape
and disc recordings prepared by the Iia's International
Broadcasting Service in New York.
The production of local radio programs designed to
develop greater understanding between Latin America
and the United States has been a regular part of the
Iia's program for some time. The local Usis employees
and other Latin American talent used on these broad-
casts have helped the shows to achieve wide popularity.
During the past year, 42 such programs have been
broadc-ast regularly by 14 Usis field posts in Latin
America. Almost 500 radio stations gave these locally
produced programs free time totaling over 4,500 hours
during a 3-months' period.
In addition to the radio programs and occasional tele-
vision shows produced by Usis missions, Latin America
receives the Voice of America's 30-minute worldwide
program, broadcast shortwave in English.
Mr. Mcllvaine To Be Special Assistant
to Assistant Secretary McCardle
The Department of State announced on June 19 (press
release 330) that on that day Robinson Mcllvaine was
sworn in as Special Assistant to the Assistant Secretary
for Public Affairs, Carl W. McCardle. The oath was ad-
ministered by Chief of Protocol, John F. Simmons.
Mr. Mcllvaine will deal primarily with the domestic
public affairs and information program of the Depart-
ment. With the reorganization of the Department, this
phase of its activities is being given increased attention
in view of the desire of Secretary Dulles to provide the
American people with a fuller picture of our foreign
policy. In this capacity Mr. Mcllvaine will assume, in
addition to his other duties, those of the Director of the
Office of Public Affairs. This position has been abolished
by Mr. McCardle.
THE FOREIGN SERVICE
Diplomatic Relations Resumed
With Colombia
Press release 326 dated June 18
The Ambassador of the United States at
Bogota, Capus M. Waynick, has been instructed
to resume diplomatic relations with Colombia
on June 18.
This action is being taken in conformity with
the desire of the United States to carry on normal
diplomatic relations with the Colombian Govern-
ment, and in accordance with our information that
the new Government in that country has estab-
lished effective control over Colombian territory
and has given assurances of its intention to fulfill
the international obligations of Colombia.
Confirmations
On June 11 the Senate confirmed the nomination of
John C. Hughes as U.S. permanent representative on the
North Atlantic Council with the rank and status of
Ambassador.
The Senate on June 15 confirmed Amos J. Peaslee as
Ambassador to Australia.
Theodore C. Streibert To Be
Consultant to Mr. Conant
Press release 323 dated June 17
At the request of James B. Conant, U.S. High Com-
missioner for Germany, Theodore C. Streibert of New
York City will go to Germany for several months as
consultant on the public affairs program. His chief
function will be to assist Mr. Conant and his staff in the
recently announced reorganization.
Formerly president of radio station WOR, New York,
and chairman of the board of the Mutual Broadcasting
System, Mr. Streibert has been serving as consultant to
Robert L. Johnson, Administrator of Iia, who has ap-
proved the new assignment in Germany. After working
on special projects for Mr. Johnson, Mr. Streibert re-
cently returned from abroad where he made a field
study of radio programing centers and organizational
problems under a separate Information agency.
THE CONGRESS
President Urges U.S. Loan
To Coal and Steel Community
White House press release dated June 17
On June 17, President Eisenhower made public
the following exchange of letters with Sen. Alex-
ander Wiley, chairman, Committee on Foreign
Relations, U.S. Senate, and Robert B. Chiperfield,
chairinan. Committee on Foreign Affairs, House
of Representatives :
Text of the President's Letter
June 15, 1953
Mt De^vr Senator Wiley : (Mr Dear Mr. Chip-
EEFrELo) : While in Europe, I watched with keen
interest the efforts to work out the first steps to-
ward European federation. My experience there
convinced me that the uniting of Europe is a neces-
sity for the peace and prosperity of Europeans
and of the world.
The recent visit to Washington by the members
of the High Authority of the European Coal and
Steel Community has given me the opportunity to
review with them the work and plans of the Com-
munity.^ This Community seems to me to be the
most hopeful and constructive development so far
toward the economic and political integration of
' For text of a White House statement issued on June 3
during this visit, and for an article on the Coal and Steel
Community, see Bulletin of June S, 10.''i3, p. 800, p. 799.
June 29, 1953
927
Europe. As such, this European initiative meets
the often expressed hopes of the Congress of the
United States.
M. Monnet, President of the High Authority,
has described the general program of the Com-
munity for the development of its coal and steel
resources which will require extensive investment
for increasing production and improving produc-
tivity. The new Community does not wish to ob-
tain grants for these purposes, but requires loan
capital. The proceeds from the taxes now being
levied and collected by the Community would ap-
pear to provide security for substantial bor-
rowing.
In due time the Community will probably seek
loans for these purposes from United States and
European sources public and private. It appears
to me tliat a portion of the financing of this
development program by the United States Gov-
ernment or one of its agencies, out of moneys
available for such purposes and under conditions
insuring proper use and ultimate repayment,
would foster European integration in a tangible
and useful way.
Today the Common Assembly of the Commu-
nity convenes to receive the first Annual Report
from the High Authority regarding the activities
of the Community. Your Committee might con-
sider this an appropriate occasion to express its
approval of the progress to date and its keen in-
terest in the success of this and future steps to-
ward European integration.
Sincerely yours,
D WIGHT D. Eisenhower
Senator Wiley's Reply
Jotte 16, 1953
Dear Mr. President : Thank you for your letter
of June 15, 1953, regarding the recent visit to the
United States of M. Monnet, President of the
High Authority of the European Coal and Steel
Community. You point out that the creation of
this Community is one of the most hopeful and
constructive developments so far toward the eco-
nomic and political integi-ation of Europe. I
have noted also that the Common Assembly of the
Community convened yesterday to receive the first
Annual Report from the High Authority regard-
ing the activities of the Community.
As you know, M. Monnet and his colleagues had
two informal sessions with members of the Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations while they were in the
United States. We discussed the operations of
the High Authority and were much impressed by
the vision of these men and at the same time their
realistic approach to the problem of the integra-
tion of Europe.
As you stated in your letter, European initiative
in creating the Community meets the often ex-
pressed hopes of the Congress. It was in 1949
that the Economic Cooperation Act was amended
928
to state that it was the policy of the "people of
the United States to encourage the unification of
Europe . . . ." In 1950, the Act was again
amended to emphasize the policy of the United
States "to encourage the further unification of
Europe . . . ."
Tlie members of the Foreign Relations Commit-
tee have asked that you convey to the Community
our best wishes for its success.
It is my deep hope that the European Coal and
Steel Community will be able to weld together the
European economy so that the combined strength
of free Europe will enable that continent to main-
tain its freedom and develop its resources to the
fullest in order that the jieople of Europe may
prosper.
Sincerely yours,
Alexander Wiley
Representative Chiperfield's Reply
June 16, 1953
Mt Dear Mr. President: Your letter of June 15, |
1953, referring to the European Coal and Steel
Community, was read to the Committee on
Foreign Affairs. The Committee was greatly
interested in the information it contained.
The Committee and its members have followed
the progress of the Community with great inter-
est, and a number of its members have been en-
couraged by their meetings with the president,
M. Monnet, and other members of the High
Authority. The Committee had contemplated
reference to the real progress of this most sig-
nificant step toward European integration in the
legislation now pending before it. In view of the
convening of the Common Assembly of the Com-
munity on June 15th, and in view of the fact that
the Community is not an applicant for funds
authorized in the pending legislation, the Com-
mittee adopted the enclosed resolution which I
have the honor to transmit to you. It is our hope
that you will see fit to transmit it with the personal
good wishes and congratulations of the Commit-
tee to the Community and its High Authority.
We hope that this is a symbol of prompt action
on the part of the Eiu-opean Defense Community
and the European Political Community because
we believe that the nations of Europe must pull
together to achieve not only military integration
but political federation.
Respectfully,
Roi'.ERT B. Chiperfielu ,
[Enclosure]
June 11, 1953
RESOLUTION
Whereas the Committee on Foreign Affairs of tbe
House of Representatives has followed the development
and progress of the European Coal and Steel Community
from its inception with great interest, through hearings,
Departmenf of Stafe Bulletin
i
reports and unofficial discussions with Its officials; and
Whereas this is the most signiflcaiit step toward Euro-
pean integration to date ; and
Whereas the Congress has repeatedly expressed its
belief in the paramount importance of such integration,
liaving stated in the JIutual Security Act of 1952 "The
Congress welcomes the recent progress in political federa-
tion, military integration, and economic unification in
Europe and reaffirms its belief in the necessity of further
vigorous efforts toward these ends as a means of building
strength, establishing security, and preserving peace in
the North Atlantic area ;" and
! Whereas the Committee has learned that the first
annual report from the High Authority will be made to
the Common Assembly of the Community on June 15th;
Now THEREFORE BE IT RESOLVED
1. The Committee congratulates the Community and
its High Authority under the leadership of its president,
M. Jlonnet, upon the substantial progress already made,
not only because of the tangible benefits that are already
apparent, but because of the significance of tlie Com-
munity in the building of a united Europe.
2. The Committee notes with satisfaction that the
Community is in a position to seek capital loans for
improving productivity on a sound credit basis. Subject
to proper qualification, it is the hope of the Committee
that tlie Community may be able to obtain a portion of
such loans from United States sources.
3. The Committee, reiterating the view repeatedly and
officially stated by the Congress of the importance of
European unity to Europe and to the free world, ex-
presses its hope that the European Defense Community
and the European Political Community which constitute
the necessary further steps, of which the Coal and Steel
Community 'is the first, may be speedily developed,
I ratified and put into force.
President Rejects Increased Duty
on Screen-Printed Silk Scarves
White House press release dated June 10
The Presklent on June 10 sent identical letters
to Eugene D. 3IiUikin, Chairman, Committee on
Finance, U.S. Senate, and Daniel A. Reed, Chair-
man, Committee on Ways and Means, House of
Representatives. A similar letter teas sent on the
same date to Edgar B. Brassard, Chairman of the
V.S. Tariff Commission. Text of the President's
letter to Chairmen Millikin and Reed follows:
I have carefully reviewed the report of the
Tariff Commission of April 13, 1953, made under
Section 7 of the Trade Agreements Extension Act
of 1951, on screen-printed silk scarves, in which
the Commission reported that screen-printed silk
scarves provided for in paragraph 1210 of the
Tariff Act of 1930 and included in item 1210 of
Part I of the Torquay Schedule XX of the Gen-
eral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade are being
imported into the United States in such increased
quantities, both actual and relative, as to cause
serious injury to the domestic industry producing
like or directly competitive products, and as to
threaten continuance of such injury.
The Commission recommended the application,
; for an indefinite period, of an increase in the rate
of duty from 321^ per centum to 65 per centum
ad valorem on imported screen-printed silk
scarves to prevent the continuance of such serious
injury to such domestic industry.
Because of international conditions which de-
mand our most earnest efforts to maintain friendly
cooperation with other countries of the free world,
I feel keenly the necessity of acting on these
escape-clause cases with great care and I feel that
I should act only after all the facts involved have
been clearly established and well authenticated.
And in considering such cases, they must be care-
fully reviewed together with all the possible inter-
national implications of such action.
One of the central points in the case under con-
sideration is : What is the industry for which
serious injury is claimed? The Commission it-
self apparently had to resolve this question some-
what arbitrarily. It appears that there are United
States entrepreneurs who buy the_ raw silk in
Japan, pay there for the labor at piece rates for
printing and finishing which is all done under
their supervision and continued ownership. They
then export the finished products to the United
States and merchandise them here. Such Ameri-
can entrepreneurs claim to be the domestic in-
dustry. There are other firms who do the piece-
rate work on the raw material by screen-printing
ancl finishing the silk into scarves in this country,
but who never own or control the scarves, nor have
any direction of the industry, except as it pertains
to the piece-rate jobs they are hired to do and
which they do in their shops in this country.
To complicate matters further, most of these lat-
ter firms were not engaged in the processing of
scarves alone but rather in providing certain serv-
ices in the manufacture of scarves and of other
products as well. Moreover, these firms are only
a fraction of all the domestic firms which offer the
same or similar services.
It is also questionable whether the effective in-
crease of some 9 or 10 cents in the tariff on lower-
priced scarves would not simply increase the cost
to the consumer without actual benefit to the
segment of the apparel industry producing the
lower-priced competitive article. It is not con-
vincingly shown that the higher-priced scarves,
costing in excess of $4.50 per dozen abroad, should
be subjected to a doubling of our tariff. The prob-
lem is, of course, inextricably bound up with the
vagaries of style considerations affecting the ap-
parel industry, with its attendant competitive con-
ditions and speculative risks, and in many cases
to the handling or processing of items other than
scarves in the several processing steps.
Another aspect which bears on the case, and con-
cerning which I feel further information is re-
quired, relates to the returns from other products
which the industry, as it may be defined by the
Commission, may be enjoying. Question has also
been raised as to whether the imported silk scarves
do not, because of the gi-eat disparity in quality
and price, reach an additional market beyond that
tapped by domestic silk scarves. If this is true,
June 29, 1953
929
it would have an important bearing on whether
escape-clause action could help in any significant
way in relieving the difficulties of the domestic
firms which have applied to the Commission.
Because of these questions and doubts, I am
returning the report to the Commission with the
request that it make a further careful examina-
tion of this case in the light of the more recent
and current facts and conditions in the industry
producing silk scarves and report its findings to
me.
As you know, I have recommended to the Con-
gress that a Commission be set up to study our
over-all foreign economic policy, including our
tariff structure and trade program. Until such
a study is concluded and our future international
trade policy is determined, I am reluctant to
modify the concessions granted in our trade agree-
ments unless the evidence clearly demonstrates
that such modifications are necessary.
I am sending this report to you in compliance
with the provision of section 7 (c) of the Trade
Agreements Extension Act of 1951, which pro-
vides that should the President not take the ac-
tion recommended by the Tariff Commission
within sixty days, he shall submit a report to the
Committee on Ways and Means of the House of
Representatives and to the Committee on Finance
of the Senate, stating why he has not made such
adjustment or modification, or imposed such
quotas.
Sincerely,
DwiGHT D. Eisenhower
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Check List of Department of State
Press Releases: June 15-19, 1953
Releases may be obtained from the Office of the
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Press releases issued prior to June 15 which
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Subject
Chairman for U.N. Day
Korean political conference
Dulles: Soviet European moves
17th session of F.\o
Dulles : Morals and power
16th session of Ecosoc
Streibert : Consultant to Mr. Conant
Noone : Consultant to Mr. Johnson
Cowdin : Head of Imps
Colombia : Political relations resumed
Draper : Conditions in Europe
Joint message on East Berlin
U.S. military mission to Indochina
Appointment of McUvaine
*Nnt printed.
tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin.
No.
Date
317
6/15
318
6/15
319
6/15
320
6/16
321
6/16
*322
6/16
323
6/17
*324
6/17
*325
6/17
326
6/18
t327
6/18
328
6/19
329
6/19
330
6/19
June 29, J 953
931
June 29, 1953
Ind
ex
Vol. XXVIII, No. 731
Africa
UBERIA: Withdraws from Gatt 917
Agriculture
Council of Fao 926
American Principles
Achieving a healthy world economy (Aldrlch) . 915
Morals and power (Dulles) 895
Some aspects of American foreign policy (Mer-
chant) 909
American Republics
COLOMBIA: Diplomatic relations resumed with
Colombia 927
Locally produced broadcasts In Latin America . 926
Arms and Ajmed Forces
Morals and power (Dulles) 895
Second anniversary of Shape as an operational
headquarters (Ridgway report) 899
U.S. military mission to visit Indochina . . . 909
Asia
CHINA: U.S. restricts fueling of ships bound for
Communist China 904
INDOCHINA: U.S. military mission to visit . . 909
KOREA:
Political conference on Korea (Dulles) . . . 908
Release of anti-Communist prisoners from
U.N. camps in South Korea 905
Commerce
U.S. restricts fueling of ships bound for Com-
munist China 904
Congress
Current legislation on foreign policy .... 898
President rejects increased duty on screen-
printed silk scarves 929
President urges U.S. loan to Coal and Steel
Community 927
Europe
GERMANY:
$50 million aid for Berlin (Elsenhower) . . 898
Repressive Soviet measures talten in East Ber-
lin (text of Joint resolution) 897
President urges U.S. loan to Coal and Steel
Community 927
Second anniversary of Shape as an operational
headquarters (Ridgway report) 899
Some aspects of American foreign policy (Mer-
chant) 909
SPAIN: Building closer U.S.-Spanish relations
(Dunn) 913
U.S.SR.: Repressive Soviet measures taken in
East Berlin (text of joint resolution) . . 897
YUGOSLAVIA: MsA makes additional grant of
$15 million to Yugoslavia 920
Finance
Achieving a healthy world economy (Aldrlch) . 915
Foreign Service
Confirmations (Hughes, Peaslee) 927
Diplomatic relations resumed with Colombia . 927
Theodore C. Strelbert to be consultant to Mr.
Conant 927
International Information Administration
Locally produced broadcasts In Latin America . 926
International Meetings
U.S. DELEGATION: Council of Pag 926
Mutual Security Agency
$50 million aid for Berlin (Eisenhower) . . . 898
MsA makes additional grant of $15 million to
Yugoslavia 920
North Atlantic Treaty Organization
Second anniversary of Shape as an operational
headquarters (Ridgway report) 899
Presidential Documents
President rejects increased duty on screen-
printed silk scarves 929
President urges U.S. loan to Coal and Steel
Community 927
PROCLAMATIONS :
Import quota imposed on shelled filberts . . 917
New import quotas placed on certain dairy
products and oils 918
Prisoners of War
Release of anti-Communist prisoners from U.N.
camps in South Korea 905
Publ! ,utions
Recent releases 930
State, Department of
Appointment of chairman of U.S. Committee for
U.N. Day 920
Locally produced broadcasts in Latin America . 926
Ml'. McUvalne to be special assistant to Assistant
Secretary McCardle 927
Trade
GATT: Liberia withdraws 917
Import quota imposed on shelled filberts (Presi-
dential proclamation) 917
New import quotas placed on certain dairy prod-
ucts and oils (Presidential proclamation) . 918
President rejects increased duty on screen-
printed silk scarves 929
Some aspects of American foreign policy (Mer-
chant) 909
Transportation
U.S. restricts fueling of ships bound for Com-
munist China 904
Treaty Information
U.S. -U.N. cooperation In U.N. postal activities
(Tomlinson; text of agreement) .... 921
United Nations
Appointment of chairman of U.S. Committee for
U.N. Day 920
Political conference on Korea (Dulles) . . . 908
U.S. -U.N. cooperation in U.N. postal activities
(Tomlinson; text of agreement) .... 921
Name Index
Aldrich, Winthrop W 915
Chiperfield, Robert B 928
Clark, General 906
Dulles, Secretary 895,905,908
Dunn, James C 913
Eisenhower, President 898, 918, 920, 927
Harrison, Lt. Gen 905
Hughes, John C . . . . 927
Kim II Sung 907
McUvaine, Robinson 927
Navarre. Gen. Henri 909
O'Daniel, Lt. Gen 909
Peaslee, Amos J 927
Peng Teh-Huai 907
Ridgway, General 899
Ryerson, Knowles A 926
Strelbert, Theodore C 927
Tomlinson, John D 921
Watson, Thomas J., Jr 920
Waynick, Capus M 927
Wiley. Alexander 927
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