Skip to main content

Full text of "Department of State bulletin"

See other formats

^ A! h<) AA^£ Q 


Given By 



"^//ve/ zllefia^tmen^ ^ tnaier 

I XXVIII, No. 719 
April 6, 1953 


Text of Communique of March 28 4.91 

Statements by Vice President Nixon, Secretary Dulles, 
and Prime Minister Mayer ^92 


WOMEN • Statements by Mrs. Lorena B. Hahn . . . 507 

MENT PROBLEM • Statement by Ernest A. Gross . . 503 



For index see back cover 


Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

APR 3 1953 

zl)e/ia/yl?n€^^ £il^ t/iale 


Vol. XXVIir, No. 719 • Publicatio> 4999 
April 6, 1953 

For sale by the Superintendent o( Documents 

U.S. Government Printing Office 

Washington 2S, D.C. 


62 issues, domestic $7.60, forei^ $10.25 

Single copy, 20 cents 

The printing of this puhllcation has 
been approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget {January 22, 1952). 

Note: Contents of this publieallon are not 
copyrighted and Items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
OF State Bulletin as the source will be 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication compiled and 
edited in the Division of Publications, 
Office of Public Affairs, provides the 
public and interested agencies of 
the Government trith information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the tcork of the De- 
partment of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes 
selected press releases on foreign pol- 
icy issued by the White House and 
the Department, and statements and 
addresses made by the President and 
by the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, as 
well as legislative material in the field 
of international relations, are listed 
currently . 

U.S. and France Discuss Measures To Promote Peace 


Press release 160 dated March 28 

1. Kepresentatives of the United States and 
France, meeting in Washington, today concluded 
a detailed review of a wide range of problems 
which face both governments in Europe, the Far 
East and the Near East. Peace will always re- 
main the basic policy of the United States and 
France. The discussions, therefore, centered on 
measures for obtaining peace where there is fight- 
ing and for consolidating peace where threats 

2. It was agreed, in the absence of any tangible 
proof to the contrary, that recent developments m 
the Soviet Union had not changed the basic nature 
of the threat confronting the free world. The 
representatives of both countries were in full 
agreement on the necessity of concerting then- 
efforts so as to defeat Communist aggression m 
the Far East and to strengthen the defenses of the 
free countries in the West. They remain con- 
vinced that true peace can be achieved and main- 
tained only by constructive efforts of all free 

3. It was recognized that Communist aggres- 
sive moves in the Far East obviously are parts of 
the same pattern. Therefore, while the full bur- 
den of the fighting in Indochina falls on the forces 
of the French Union including those of the Asso- 
ciated States, and similarly the United States 
bears the heaviest burden in Korea, the prosecu- 
tion of these operations cannot be successfully 
carried out without full recognition of their inter- 
dependence. This in turn requires the continua- 
tion of frequent diplomatic and military consulta- 
tion between the two Governments. 

The French Government reasserted its resolve 
to do its utmost to increase the effectiveness of the 
French and Associated States forces m Indochina, 
with a view to destroying the organized Com- 
munist forces and to bringing peace and prosper- 
ity to her free associates within the French Union, 
Cambodia, Laos and Viet-Nam. The Ambassa- 
dors of Viet-Nam and Cambodia were present and 
participated in this phase of the discussions. 

Advantage was taken of this meeting to con- 
Apr// 6, 1953 

tinue discussion of plans prepared by the High 
Command in Indochina for military action there. 
These plans are being developed with a view to 
achieving success in Indochina and are being given 
intensive study so as to determine how and to what 
extent the United States may be able to contribute 
materiel and financial support to their 

Obviously any armistice which might be con- 
cluded in Korea by the United Nations would be 
entered into in the hope that it would be a step 
toward peace. It was the view of both Govern- 
ments, however, that should the Chinese Com- 
munist regime take advantage of such an armistice 
to pursue aggressive war elsewhere in the Far 
East, such action would have the most serious con- 
sequences for the efforts to bring about peace in 
the world and would conflict directly with the 
understanding on which any armistice in Korea 
would rest. 

4. The two Governments reaffirmed their com- 
mon interest in controlling together with other 
nations of the free world the movement of strate- 
gic materials to nations whose policies jeopardize 
the peace and security of the free world. Both 
Governments undertook to continue action toward 
that end. 

In order to render more effective the application 
of the United Nations General Assembly resolu- 
tion of May 18, 1951,^ the French Government 
intends to take the measures necessary to prevent 

a) the bunkering of ships carrying to Com- 
munist China cargoes of strategic mate- 
rials, and 

b) the transportation by French ships of car- 
goes of strategic character to ports of 
Communist China. 

The two Governments in cooperation with other 
interested Governments will keep under constant 
review the list of items embargoed to Communist 
China in order to include goods whose strategic 
character will have been demonstrated. 

5. In their discussions on the European area, 
the two Governments recognized the continuing 
uro-ent need to permit a German military contri- 

' Bulletin of May 28, 1951, p. 849. 


bution to tlie defense of Europe and through the 
Contractual Agreements replace the present occu- 
pation regime of Germany. Both Governments 
agreed on the necessity of the establishment, with 
minimum delay, of the European Defense Com- 
munity, which will promote sincere cooperation 
between France and Germany and thus serve the 
interests of the Atlantic Community as well as 
advance the security and unity of Europe. 

The two delegations noted with satisfaction the 
agreement by the Interim Committee of the Euro- 
pean Defense Community on the protocols inter- 
pretative to the Treaty. For their part the repre- 
sentatives of France foresaw their acceptance by 
their Government. 

It was recognized that this important step to- 
ward ratification of the Treaty would enable rapid 
progress in the Interim Committee on the tech- 
nical steps preparatory to the Treaty coming into 
force and thereby ensure that its benefits would 
be secured as soon as possible after ratification. 

The importance of a settlement of tlie question 
of the Saar was recognized and it was agreed that 
this should be sought at tlie earliest opportunity 
on a basis which would provide a European status 
for the Saar conforming to the principles of the 
European Defense and the Coal and Steel Com- 
munities. The French delegation explained in 
detail the reasons which, in its view, justify and 
render necessary a Franco-German agreement on 
such a settlement prior to ratification of the Euro- 
pean Defense Community Treaty. 

6. The French delegation explained the eco- 
nomic and budgetary implications for France of 
carrying out her defense programs in Europe as 
well as m the Far East. 

7. The two delegations recognized that the Eu- 
ropean Defense Community is to be constituted 
within a constantly developing Atlantic Com- 

Therefore they place great importance upon 
efforts to improve the effectiveness of the North 
Atlantic Treaty Organization. 

This general question as well as that of the es- 
sential balance between military necessities and 
economic possibilities will again be considered 
during the next meeting of the North Atlantic 
Council in Paris on April 23. 

8. The participation by France in the Euro- 
pean Community alters in no way her interests 
and responsibilities outside of Europe. In the 
light of the world position of both nations, which 
is reflected in particular in the charter of the 
United Nations, the United States Government 
and the Government of France will consult with 
one another on general problems as occasion 
demands in the future as in the past. 

9. An exchange of views was also held on eco- 
nomic and financial questions. 

The discussions included a survey of the 
budgetary position and outlook as well as a review 


of economic developments in the United States 
and in France. 

The French representatives outlined their views 
on the recent talks at the Organization for Euro- 
pean Economic Cooperation in Paris concerning 
progress toward better balanced and expanding 
world trade, and the objective of convertibility of 
currencies and multilateral trade and payments. 
It was agreed that steps to advance this progress 
would require further study by the United States, 
the member countries of the Organization for 
European Economic Cooperation and other 


Press release 155 dated March 2B 

Following are the texts of statements of welcome, 
m/ide by Vice President Nixon and Secretary 
Dulles to the French Ministers on their arrival at 
the Washingtu7i National Airport on March 25, 
together with the reply of Prime Minister Rene 

Vice President Nixon 

I am honored on behalf of the President and 
the Government of the United States to welcome 
the Prime Minister, the Foreign Minister, the 
Minister for the Associated States of Indochina, 
and the Finance Minister of our great sister Re- 
public of France. 

It is quite significant that this is the first official 
visit of the Head of Government of a foreign state 
since the inauguration of President Eisenhower. 
It is, I think, particularly fitting that this is the 
case because we all recall that the Government of 
France was the first to enter into diplomatic re- 
lationships with our Government during our war 
of independence. It was 175 years ago during a 
very bitter cold winter at Valley Forge that the 
treaty of alliance and friendship between our two 
countries was entered into, and since that time, 
over a century and a half, our two peoples and 
our two Governments have stood together in meet- 
ing great crises. 

Today we are confronted with great problems 
in the world but we are convinced that the dis- 
cussions and meetings which will take place at the 
very highest level between the representatives of 
our two Governments will not only assist in solv- 
ing the mutual problems which confront us but 
also will serve the cause of peace and freedom 
throughout the world. Thank you. 

Secretary Dulles 

We welcome the Prime Minister of France, Mr. 
Mayer, and the Ministers who accompany him. 
We meet as personal friends as well as official 
friends. I have long known Mr. Mayer and Mr. 

Department of State Bulletin 

Bidault, now the Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
We resume here conversations which Mr. Stassen 
and I began in Paris last month. 

We meet here as representatives of two great 
and friendly powers. We in the United States 
respect and admire France, whose leaders vigor- 
ously seized the opportunity to advance postwar 
Europe toward unity and strength. Among those 
leaders stands Prime Minister Mayer, a man of 
vision and determination who boldly and coura- 
geously fights for victories of peace in Europe and 
victories of war against communism in Asia. 
That is the spirit which symbolizes the France we 
love and are proud to acclaim as our ally. 

The Prime Minister 

I Mr. Vice President, Mr. Secretary : I am deeply 
moved by your very kind words, so deeply moved 
that before I venture to go to my prepared state- 
ment I win try from the bottom of my heart to 
convey to you the appreciation and friendship 
of the people of France to the sister of liberty 
who in our history have always been on the same 

We have fought in two wars and come out on 
top, and in Asia we are fighting side by side and 
with our common determination and our coop- 
eration we shall both see through to victory and to 

And now may I turn to my statement: In the 
course of the past few years, Mr. Bidault, my col- 
leagues and mvself have several times enjoyed the 
hospitality of this beautiful capital and we already 
find a great pleasure in this same friendly atmos- 
phere. As I told you in Paris a few months ago, 
it will be a special privilege for us to meet Presi- 
dent Eisenhower again. To the French, his name 
has been, since the war, a symbol of victory and 
freedom and it has more recently become also the 
symbol of unity in the Atlantic community. 

We will devote much time, during our visit 
here, to discuss the political, economic, and mili- 
tary problems this community is presently faced 

In this respect, we will stress our efforts to build 
up a united Europe and to create the European 
Defense Community (Edc). The Government I 
preside has submitted the Edc treaty to the French 
Parliament and has committed itself to request 
its ratification. I have clearly stated the pre- 
requisite conditions of this ratification. 

We will likewise discuss our common problems 
outside Europe. In Asia, our two countries have 
unfortunately a large number of soldiers engaged 
in bitter fighting against the same enemy. How 
we can best defeat aggression will be an essential 
part of our talks. We are confident we will, like 
you in Korea, reach victory in Indochina with 
the participation of the peoples of Vietnam, Laos, 
and Cambodia. In many other areas of the world, 
[ we also have common responsibilities or identical 

April 6, 1953 

duties, among which the advancement of democ- 
racy and the progress of economic welfare in 
underdeveloped areas occupy a prominent place. 

I feel sure that our mutal understanding and 
our unity of action will greatly benefit from these 

U.S. Represented on Commission 

for Anglo-Egyptian Sudan Elections 

The Department of State announced on March 
23 (press release 154) that, in reply to requests 
received from the Governments of Egypt and the 
United Kingdom, the Government of the United 
States has agreed to participate on the Mixed 
Electoral Commission for the Anglo-Egyptian 
Sudan. Warwick Perkins, a Foreign Service 
career officer of class one, has been nominated 
as U.S. representative on the Commission. Mr. 
Perkins departed for Khartoum on March 19, 
1953, and has been accorded by the President the 
personal rank of Minister for the duration of his 
service on this Commission. 

The Anglo-Egyptian Agreement of February 
12, 1953, on the Sudan provided for the election 
of a Sudanese Parliament as a step toward self- 
government and self-determination in that coun- 
try. The election is to be supervised by a Mixed 
Electoral Commission consisting of representa- 
tives of the Sudan, Egypt, India, the United 
Kingdom, and the United States. 

Harold W. Glidden, who is at present a member 
of the Department's Division of Research for the 
Near East, will assist Mr. Perkins. Also a Foreign 
Service officer, he formerly was attached to the 
Embassy at Cairo. 

President Expresses Sympatiiy 
on Death of Queen Mary 

White House press release dated March 24 

The President on March £4, sent the following 
cable to Winthrop Aldrich, tl.S. Arribassador to 
the Court of St. James, for delivery to Queen 
Elizabeth II: 

Please extend to Her Majesty and to all the 
members and peoples of the British Common- 
wealth my deep personal sympathy on the passing 
of Queen Mary. The hearts of all Americans go 
out to Her Majesty tonight as our prayers are 
extended to her, Princess Margaret and the mem- 
bers of the Royal Family for the great personal 
loss they have sustained. " Queen Mary was a good 
and great Queen. Free peoples the world over 
will mourn her loss. 

D WIGHT D. Eisenhower 


Exchange of Sick and Wounded Prisoners of War 

On February "22 Gen. Mark Clark, V.N. Com- 
mander in Korea, asked the North Korean and 
Chinese C ommunist leaders to agree to an imme- 
diate exchange of sick and woxmded prisoners of 
war. The proposal was one that had heen -made 
several times since the beginjiing of trnce nego- 
tiations in July 1951. On March 28 the Peiping 
radio broadcast the text of a reply in which the 
Communist leaders expressed willingness to pro- 
ceed with the repatriation of sick and wounded 
prisoners and proposed resumption of the truce 
negotiations which were suspended on October 8, 
1952. Following are texts of the correspondence 
and, of statements by Secretary Dulles and Lincoln 
White, Deputy Special Assistant for Press 


To Kim II Sung, Supreme Commander of the 
Korean People's Army, and Pen<r Teh-Huai, Com- 
mander of the Chinese People's Volunteers : 

The Executive Committee of the League of Eed 
Cross Societies, in a resolution adopted in Geneva, 
Switzerland, on 1?> December 1952 called on both 
sides in the Korean conflict as a gesture of good 
will to take immediate action in implementing the 
humanitarian provisions of the Geneva Conven- 
tion by repatriating sick and wounded prisoners 
of war in accordance with appropriate articles of 
the Geneva Convention. 

As has been repeatedly stated to you in the 
course of negotiations at Panmunjom the United 
Nations Command has from the very beginning 
adhered scrupulously to the humanitarian provi- 
sions of the Geneva Convention and in particular 
has been pi'epared to carry out the provisions of 
the Geneva Convention in regard to the sick and 
wounded prisoners in its custody. The United 
Nations Command remains ready immediately to 
repatriate those seriously sick and seriously 
wounded captured personnel who are fit to travel 
in accordance witii provisions of Article 109 of 
the Geneva Convention. 

I wish to be informed whether you are prepared 
for your part to proceed immediately with the re- 

patriation of seriously sick and wounded capturec 
personnel of the United Nations Command who 
are in your hands. The United Nations Com- 
mand liaison officers will be prepared to meet your 
liaison officers to make necessary arrangements ■ 
for impartial verification of the conditions and 
for the mutual exchange of such seriously sick and 
wounded in accordance with the provisions oi 
Article 109 of the Geneva Convention. 


General Mark Clark, Commander in Chief, United 
Nations Command : 

We received your letter, dated February 22d. 
concerning the question of repatriation, with pri- 
ority, of seriously sick and seriously injured 
prisoners of war of both sides. The delegates for 
armistice negotiations of both sides had, as a 
matter of fact, reached agreement in accordance 
with humanitarian principles on paragraph 53 of 
the draft Korean armistice agreement. 

It was solely because the Korean armistice ne- 
gotiations were suspended that there was no way 
to implement this agreed provision. In conse- 
quence, it has not been possible, up to the present, 
to repatriate seriously sick and seriously injured 
prisoners of war of both sides. 

Since your side now expresses readiness to apply 
the provisions of the Geneva Convention to sick 
and injured prisoners of war in the custody of 
both sides, our side, as an expression of similar 
intent, fully agrees to your side's proposal to 
excliange sick and injured prisoners of war of 
both sides during the period of hostilities. 

This proposal could be dealt with in accordance 
with the provisions of Article 109 of the Geneva 

At the same time we consider that the reasonable 
settlement of the question of exchanging sick and 
injured prisoners of war of both sides during the 
period of hostilities should be made to lead to the 
smooth settlement of the entire question of pris- 
oners of war, thereby achieving an armistice in 
Korea, for which peoples throughout the world 
are longing. 


Department of State Bulletin 

Therefore, our side proposes that the delegates 
'or armistice negotiations of both sides immedi- 
ately resume the negotiations at Panmunjom. 
Furthermore, our liaison officer is prepared to 
neet your liaison officer to discuss and decide on 
he date for resuming the negotiations. 

Supreme Commander of the Korean PeopWs 
\i,)iy. Kim II Sung 

Commander of the Chinese People's Volunteers 

Peng Teh-Htjai 


['r.'vs release 159 dated March 28 

For some time in the past, the U.N. Command 
in Korea has been seeking an exchange of wounded 
and sick prisoners of war as a humanitarian move. 
These eiforts have been without result until on 
February 22, 1953, that effort was resumed. It 
now appears that our offer made on that date has 
been accepted. 

The U.S. Government hopes that this exchange 
of prisoners will occur promptly and provide 
relief to those who suffer and to their anxious rela- 
tives and friends. 



The Communist message is an unconditional 
acceptance of the proposal made by General Clark 
on February 22 for the exchange of sick and 
wounded prisoners of war who are fit to travel in 
accordance with article 109 of the Geneva Con- 

That article provides just that: that prisoners 
of war — that is, sick and wounded prisoners of 
war who are fit to travel— be permitted to go home 
on a voluntary— I emphasize voluntary— basis. 

Clark's letter made the specific proposal that 
arrangements be made to carry this out through 
the liaison officers. Therefore, this does not re- 
quire a resumption of armistice negotiations by 
the delegations. The acceptance of this Pow pro- 
posal is an entirely separate question. . . . 

Now, as I say, the precise figures will have to 
be worked out between the liaison people, and on 
the exchange itself Clark has full authority to go 
ahead. He has had it since this offer was 
made. . . . 

- Made at a press and radio conference on Mar. 28. 

Editob'8 Note. Following are the texts of the relevant 
I articles of the Geneva Convention : 

Article 109 

Subject to the provisions of the third paragraph of this 
Article, Parties to the conflict are bound to send back to 
their own country, regardless of number or rank, seriously 
wounded and seriously sick prisoners of war, after having 
cared for them until they are fit to travel. In accordance 
with the first paragraph of the following Article. 

Throughout the duration of hostilities, Parties to the 
conflict shall endeavour, with the cooperation of the neu- 
tral Powers concerned, to make agreements for the accom- 
modation in neutral countries of the sick and wounded 
prisoners of war referred to in the second paragraph of 
the following Article. They may, in addition, conclude 
agreements with a view to the direct repatriation or 
Internment in a neutral country of able-bodied prisoners 
of war who have undergone a long period of captivity. 

No sick or injured prisoner of war who is eligible for 
repatriation under the first paragraph of this Article, may 
be repatriated against his will during hostilities. 

Article 110 

The following shall be repatriated direct: 

(1) Incurably wounded and sick whose mental or phy- 
sical fitness seems to have been gravely diminished. 

(2) Wounded and sick who, according to medical opin- 
ion, are not likely to recover within one year, whose 
condition requires treatment and whose mental or pnysi- 
cal fitness seems to have been gravely diminished. 

(3) Wounded and sick who have recovered, but whose 
mental or physical fitness seems to have been gravely and 
permanently diminished. 

The following may be accommodated in a neutral 
country : 

(1) Wounded and sick whose recovery may be expected 
within one vear of the date of the wound or the beginning 
of the illness, if treatment in a neutral country might 
increase the prospects of a more certain and speedy 

(2) Prisoners of war whose mental or physical health, 
according to medical opinion, is seriously threatened by 
continued captivity, but whose accommodation m a neu- 
tral country might remove such a threat. 

The conditions which prisoners of war accommodated 
in a neutral country must fulfill in order to permit their 
repatriation shall be fixed, as shall likewise their status, 
by agreement between the Powers concerned. In general, 
prisoners of war who have been accommodated in a neu- 
tral country, and who belong to the following categories, 
should be repatriated: 

(1) Those whose state of health has deteriorated so as 
to fulfill the conditions laid down for direct repatriation ; 

(2) Those whose mental or physical powers remain, 
even after treatment, considerably impaired. 

If no special agreements are concluded between the 
Parties to the conflict concerned, to determine the cases 
of disablement or sickness entailing direct repatriation 
or accommodation in a neutral country, such cases shall 
be settled in accordance with the principles laid down in 
the Model Agreement concerning direct repatriation and 
accommodation in neutral countries of wounded and sick 
prisoners of war and in the Regulations concerning Mixed 
Medical Commissions annexed to the present Convention. 

April 6, 1953 


Formal Diplomatic Claims Preferred Against Hungary and U. S. S. R. 
for Their Conduct in 1951 Plane Case 


Press release 140 dated March 17 

The U.S. Government on March 17 preferred 
formal diplomatic claims against the Soviet and 
Hungarian Governments on account of their con- 
duct in the case of the USAF C-47 airplane 6026 
and its crew who came down in Hungary on No- 
vember 19, 1951. These claims were contained in 
notes delivered on March 17 to the Soviet Govern- 
ment by Jacob D. Beam, Charge d'Affaires ad 
tntenm of the United States at Moscow, and to 
tlie Hungarian Government by George M. Abbott, 
Charge d'Affaires ad interim of the United States 
at Budapest.^ 

The note directed to the Soviet Government in- 
corporates, by reference, the allegations in the note 
directed to the Hungarian Government, and vice 
versa. The notes assert a joint and several liability 
on the part of both Governments for all the dam- 
age caused by them to the United States and to 
the four American airmen who constituted the 
crew of the airplane: Capt. Dave H. Henderson, 
Capt. John J. Swift, Sgt. Jess A. Duff, and Sgt. 
James A. Elam. 

The notes demand payment of $637,894.15 in 
damages, broken down into $98,779.29 with inter- 
est at 6 percent from November 19, 1951, for the 
value of the airplane, its equipment, and cargo; 
$123,605.15 with interest at 6 percent from De- 
cember 28, 1951, on account of the fine paid by 
the U.S. Government to the Hungarian Govern- 
ment under protest to obtain the release of the four 
airmen ; $200,000, the amount of the damages to 
the four airmen in consequence of their unlawful 
detention and mistreatment, and manifest denials 
ot justice concerted against them by both accused 
Governments; and $215,509.67 on account of the 
damages to the United States by both accused 
Governmen ts acting in concert, the notes state: 

' Texts of the notes, iu pamphlet form, mav be obtained 

Jo!".''°?, '" '^*' '^^'^^ "f ">" Legal Adviser, Department 
of State, Washington 25, D. C. 


The United States Government declares that the figure 
of $215,509.67 . . . does not include any sum on account 
of the Item of intangible injury deliberately and inten- 
tionally caused the United States Government and the 
Aniencan people by the wrongful actions of the Soviet 
and Hungarian Governments. Such injury is not easily 
calculable in money and money could not compensate for 
It. The United States Government has determined there- 
fore, for the present to defer the formulation of the kind 
and measure of redress or other action the Soviet Govern- 
ment and the Hungarian Government should take which 
would be appropriate in international law and practice to 
confirm the illegality of the actions directed by them 
against the United States Government and the American 

The liability of the two Governments being joint 
and several, any payments by either Government 
would be considered as a credit to the account of 
the other, but both remain liable to the United 
States for the entire sum. 

If the Soviet and Hungarian Governments, in 
their reply, acknowledge indebtedness and agree 
to pay damages due the United States, the U.S. 
Government is prepared to present detailed evi- 
dence m support of its calculations of damages 
suffered and alleged. The notes conclude that in 
the event that the accused Governments contest 
liability they should so state, and they are notified 
that the U.S. Government proposes in that event 
that the disputes be presented for hearing and de- 
cision in the International Court of Justice. 
Since the Soviet and Hungarian Governments 
have not accepted the compulsory jurisdiction of 
the International Court of Justice, they are re- 
quested to take the necessary steps to empower 
the Court to determine the issues of fact and law 
set forth in the notes. i 

Notes heretofore delivered by the U.S. Govern- I 
ment to the two accused Governments = were in- 
tended as preliminary to the preference by the 
United States of formal diplomatic claims. The 

' Bulletin of Dec. 22, 1952, pp. 981-984 ; iftid., Jan 12, 
1953, pp. 51-52; and »6irf., Feb. 16, 1953, pp. 258-259. 

Deporfmenf of %iaie Bullef'm 

preliminary notes gave both Governments ade- 
quate opportunity to return the plane and its 
equipment and cargo which they had unlawfully 
seized, to disclose evidence in their possession 
,bearing on the incident, and to provide justifica- 
'tion, if any existed, for the actions which they 
took. Both Governments failed or declined to 
make responsive or satisfactory replies or to pro- 
vide any of the material requested. Thereupon 
the liability of both Governments for acts of con- 
certed and deliberate international wrong to the 
four airmen and to the United States became 
legally absolute. 

The notes delivered on March 17 set out in con- 
siderable detail, for the first time, the essential 
facts which an intensive investigation by the U.S. 
Government since the incident occurred has dis- 
closed, and which the U.S. Government "is pi'e- 
pared to prove in an appropriate forum by evi- 
dence." The violations both of international law 
and existing treaty obligations, of which the 
Soviet and Hungarian Governments are guilty, 
are also set out. 

The notes show the flight of C^7 6026 from 
Erding, Germany, on November 19, 1951, was 
solely for the purpose of delivering air freight 
to the American air attache at Belgrade; that the 
airplane was blown off course by winds whose di- 
rection and velocity were unknown to the crew; 
that the plane unknown to the crew flew north of 
course to Rumania; that, therefore, being unable 
to descend at Belgrade the crew turned westward 
to return to their base; and that unwittingly they 
crossed the Hungarian border. 

The notes assert further that the crew, finding 
they were lost, in darkness, and running low in 
fuel, made every effort to obtain assistance from 
persons on the ground; that the Soviet and 
Hungarian authorities knowing these facts delib- 
erately withheld assistance and then, by pre- 
arrangement, when the airplane was a few minutes 
from the safety of the British Zone of Austria, a 
Soviet fighter craft brought the plane down at 
what turned out to be a Soviet-controlled field near 
Papa, Hungary. It is asserted that the crew at no 
time knew that they were overflying any country 
but Yugoslavia and thought they had landed in 
Yugoslavia when they came down at 6 :00 p. m. on 
the evening of November 19, 1951. 

The note to the Soviet Government then details 
the various illegal actions taken by the Soviet 
authorities against the men, such as their seizure 
and detention, refusal to notify the U.S. Govern- 
ment that the plane had come down safely on 
Hungarian soil and was in Soviet custody, causing 
the United States to spend large sums in fruitless 
search ; although the men truthfully answered all 
questions put to them, the Soviet authorities de- 
ceived them into believing that they would be freed 
but refused them access to American officials in 
Hungary and then turned them over to Hungarian 

authorities. Both notes point out that the Soviet 
Government had no authority whatever to turn 
the men or the plane over to Hungarian authori- 
ties, and assert that the Soviet Government re- 
mains liable for the seizure and conversion of the 
airplane and its contents. 

The legal authority of the Soviet Government to 
exercise sovereignty in Hungary is flatly denied. 

Asserting that the Soviet Government and the 
Hungarian Government aided and abetted each 
other in the events that took place from November 
19 on, the note to the Soviet Government specifies 
various false statements made by the Soviet Gov- 
ernment on this subject, particularly those by the 
Soviet Foreign Office and by the Soviet Foreign 
Minister Andrei Y. Vyshinsky in the course of 
debates in the U.N. General Assembly at Paris in 
December 1951 and January 1952. Point by point, 
the United States demonstrates the falsity of the 
statements made by Vyshinsky and states that 
these statements were known to the Soviet Govern- 
ment to be false when they were made. 

The note to the Hungarian Government sets 
forth in detail the actions which the Hungarian 
Government took against the men after they were 
turned over to Hungarian custody. It details the 
acts of deception and fraud against the four air- 
men, and recounts in detail the star-chamber pro- 
ceedings against the men on trumped-up charges 
by a military court in Budapest. 

The recitals show that the men were placed on 
trial without warning, without a chance to choose 
counsel or to prepare a defense or to understand 
the charges. The trial is shown to have been re- 
plete not only with violations of international law 
but with violations of clear provisions of Hun- 
garian domestic law and procedure. The note 
characterizes as false, and as known by the Hun- 
garian Government to be false, various statements 
which the Hungarian Government has made with 
respect to the trial, including those made in the 
Hungarian Government's most recent notes to the 
United States on this subject, the latest being 
February 9, 1953. 

The note to the Hungarian Government further 
points out that the judgment of the military court 
fining the airmen 360,000 forints (over $30,000) 
each was without any justification even by any 
provision of Hungarian law. As further evi- 
dence of the true motives of the two Governments, 
the note discloses the violation by the Hungarian 
Government of three existing written agreements 
between the United States and Hungary by which 
the U.S. Government had the right to call on the 
Hungarian Government to provide local currency 
to the United States for expenditures in Hungary 
out of a large dollar balance then due to the U.S. 
Government from the Hungarian Government. 
The Hungarian Government arbitrarily de- 
manded that the United States pay U.S. dollars 
from sources outside of Hungary on account of 
the fine, although the fine was levied in local cur- 

April 6, J 953 


rency. The note charges that nevertheless the 
United States paid the dollars demanded, under 
protest, and points out that if the United States 
had not paid, the two accused Governments plan- 
ned to turn the men over for trials in Rumania 
and perhaps other Soviet-controlled areas. 

The motives of the accused Governments are 
related to a Soviet propaganda campaign in the 
General Assembly of the United Nations meeting 
in Paris, and to a purpose of extorting dollars 
from the United States and of converting to their 
own use the i^jnerican airplane and its contents. 
The notes say : 

The actions of the Soviet and Hungarian Governments 
with reference to this matter coincided in time with the 
meeting of the General Assembly of the United Nations 
in Paris. The Soviet Government, in prearranged concert 
with its allies (including the Hungarian Government), 
in and out of the United Nations, were engaged in a 
campaign of propaganda and vilification against the 
United States, seeking to make it appear that the United 
States Government had embarked on a program of sub- 
version of the Soviet and allied governments under the 
authority of the Mutual Security Act enacted by the 
United States Congress. The United States Government 
believes, and asserts, that this campaign was intended by 
the_ Soviet Government to divert the minds of the inter- 
national public and the member governments of the United 
Nations, then meeting in Paris, from the systematic oper- 
ations of international subversion of estai)lished govern- 
ments and social institutions throughout the world, and 
other misconduct, carried on by the Soviet Government 
and its allies, overtly and secretly. 

Largely unsuccessful in this campaign, the Soviet and 
Hungarian Governments in concert seized upon the for- 
tuitous and wholly innocent presence, within their physi- 
cal power, of four American airmen whom they had 
caused to come down in Hungary and be detained "there, 
in order to provide so-called evidence to prove the Soviet 
and Soviet-allied propaganda charges against the United 
States. Knowing at all times that the charges against 
the airmen, as against the United States, were false and 
unfounded and that a free and open hearing or investiga- 
tion according to the practice of civilized and honorable 
governments would demonstrate the falsity of these 
charges the Soviet and Hungarian Governments in con- 
cert deliberately denied the airmen access to American 
consular or diplomatic authorities, denied the airmen 
representation by independent legal counsel, subjected 
the airmen to a trial by a military court whose iudgment 
was predetermined, held the trial in camera where no 
member of the public was present, kept the airmen con- 
tinuously incommunicado, denied them and the United 
States Government access to judicial records and dossiers 
in the case, and in other ways attempted to conceal 
from the airmen, the United States Government, and the 
international public the manifest iniustices deliberately 
perpetrated by the Soviet and Hungarian Governments 
upon these American nationals as upon the United States 

The statements issued by the Soviet and Hungarian 
authorities in concert with respect to this matter were 
deliberately and wilfully broadcast to the world by these 
governments, or were uttered so as to be so broadcast in 
the usual dissemination of news of international interest, 
with the purpose and intention of causing damage to 
the United States and to the airmen themselves. 

The United States Government is compelled to conclude, 
and it charges, that the foregoing actions, whether com- 
mitted separately by the Soviet Government or in con- 
junction or in concert with the Hungarian Government. 
were deliberately and unlawfully committed with ulterior 
intent to serve a propaganda purpose of the Soviet Gov- 


ernment, to cause unlawful damage to the four American 
airmen above named, and to the United States Govern- 
ment, to convert unlawfully to the use and profit of the 
Soviet Government and the Hungarian Government the 
United States Air Force plane 6026, its equipment and 
its cargo, and to obtain unlawfully from the United 
States the sum of .$123,605.15. 

Mr. Dougfas Heads Trade Survey 

At his press conference on March 19 the Presi- 
dent announced that Lewis W. Douglas, former 
Ambassador to the United Kingdom and former 
Director of the Budget, had been named head of 
a committee to study U.S. trade relations. The 
group will make a broad survey which will cover 
money problems, commodities, raw materials, 
markets, and surpluses. 

Expansion of Point Four Program 
in Egypt 

Press release 145 dated March 19 

A large-scale program in which the United 
States will assist the Government of Egypt in 
reclaiming wastelands and resettling landless 
farmers was announced on March 19 by the Tech- 
nical Cooperation Administration, Department of 

An agreement covering the cooperative pro- 
gram, which involves a considerable expansion of 
Point Four activities in Egypt, was signed at 
Cairo on that date by representatives of the Gov- 
ernment of the United States and the Government 
of Egypt. 

Tlie United States will contribute $10,000,000 
to a joint fund, to which the Government of Egypt 
will contribute a sum amounting to approximately 
the equivalent of $15,700,000 in Egyptian pounds. 
An Egyptian-American Rural Improvement 
Service is being established to administer tlie fund, 
which will be jointly controlled by the president 
of the Egyptian National Resources Development 
Board and John R. Nichols, director of the Point 
Four Program in Egypt. 

Present plans call for carrying out the develop- ' 
ment work in two project areas, one in the Delta 
province of Baheira and the other in the province i 
of Fayoum, south of Cairo. Some 20,000 acres 1 
in the Baheii;a area and G0,000 acres in the Fayoum 
will be reclaimed by drainage and other mea'sures 
and a total of about 16,000 families of landless ^ 
peasants will be resettled, according to prelimi- 
nary estimates. 

The present Government of Egypt has under- 
taken a vigorous program of reform and national 
development, aimed primarily at improving the 
lot of Egypt's 20 million people, most of whom 
are dependent upon agriculture for a living. The 
typical peasant is extremely poor and agricultural 
land is scarce. Less than 4 percent of Egypt's 

Department of State Bulletin 

area is habitable, and the population density aver- 
ages about 1,600 persons to the square mile of 
cultivated area. 

Secretary Dulles recently expressed the interest 
of the United States and its sympathy for the 
progressive attitude and energetic efforts of the 
Government of General Naguib to meet and over- 
come the internal problems that face the Egyptian 
people, and wished the Government every success 
in its efforts.' 

The land-development and resettlement pro- 
gram represents a major expansion of American 
assistance to Egypt in its economic development. 
Cooperative Point Four activities in Egypt at 
the present time involve expenditures of about 
$".000,000 by the Technical Cooperation Admin- 
istration in the fiscal year ending June 30, 1953. 

These activities, carried out under the general 
Point Four agreement between the United States 
and Egypt, signed May 5, 1-951," consist of techni- 
cal advice and demonstration supplies and equip- 
ment in various fields including agi'iculture, 
health, education, rural improvement, industrial 
development, natural resources, and public ad- 
ministration. A demonstration of range improve- 
ment is under way in the western desert which 
it is hoped will result in the eventual development 
of 2 or 3 million acres for livestock production. 
A team of American industrial specialists is help- 
ing the Egyptian Government locate and promote 
oiiportunities for industrial expansion with the 
aid of private capital. Improved building ma- 
terials from inexpensive local sources are being 
perfected. American technicians are assisting 
their Egyptian colleagues in rural-improvement 
activities through village centers, helping improve 
health and sanitation conditions, aiding in im- 
proving educational facilities and methods, and 
helping train Egyptian technicians in many kinds 
of specialized work. 

The resettlement projects to be undertaken as a 
result of the new agreement will be developed 
around villages, the accepted pattern of rural life 
in Egypt. These villages will be planned and 
built with fullest use of local labor and materials. 
Improved housing, community facilities, voca- 
tional schools, public-health services, sanitation 
works, small-scale marketing and processing facil- 
ities for farm crops, and farm-to-market roads 
must be provided in the project areas. They will 
employ the services of the villagers to the greatest 
possible extent. The project also includes assist- 
ance in the organization and operation of coop- 
eratives, demonstrations of improved water con- 
servation and management practices, training of 
agricultural extension and other rural-service 
workers, and advice to the farmers in farm man- 
agement and improved methods. 

" Bulletin of Feb. 23, 1953, p. 306. 
' Ibid., May 21, I'Jol, p. 823. 

MSA Defense Support Funds 
for Turkey 

The Mutual Security Agency announced on 
March 17 that Turkey will receive $54 million in 
MsA defense support funds during the present 
fiscal year. 

These funds, Msa said, will permit Turkey to 
purchase essential capital equipment and other 
commodities which are important to Turkey's ex- 
panding defense effort. Turkey also is receiving 
substantial amounts of American assistance 
through participation in Msa's productivity and 
technical assistance program and the military end- 
item progi-am of the Department of Defense. 
MsA may^nake available a further $1 million for 
Turkey if agi-eement is reached on the use of 
special funds'for the promotion of free enterpi'ise. 

To date Msa has made allotments totaling $45 
million to Turkey for the current fiscal year. 

Reporting on the Turkish defense effort, Msa 
said that Turkey is devoting approximately 40 
percent of its national budget, including counter- 
jjart funds, for defense and that its military force, 
in relation to population, is one of the highest of 
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (Nato) 
members. Next to South Korea, the United 
States, and the British Commonwealth, Turkey is 
making the largest contribution to the U.N. forces 
in Korea. 

Defense support funds are designed to permit 
the European Nato members to make greater con- 
tributions to the common defense effort than 
would be possible with their own resources. Tur- 
key's position as a gi'owing producer of such 
highly important strategic materials as copper, 
magnesium, and chrome, as well as other com- 
modities such as wheat and coal is an important 
factor, Msa points out, in developing a stronger 
Turkish economy and in meeting the raw ma- 
terials deficiencies of Western Europe and the 
United States. 

In addition to support in these fields, Msa 
through its technical assistance program is help- 
ing Turkey to develop such vital activities as its 
telecommunications network, its transportation 
system, and its airfields. All of these are impor- 
tant, Msa said, to the defense of Western Europe's 
southern flank. 

The growth of Turkish economy in tenns of 
gross national product has been rapid, expanding 
more than a third since the start of the Marshall 
Plan in 1948. Chromite production has increased 
75 percent; copper, 118 percent; cereals, 37 per- 
cent ; cotton, 175 percent, and sugar beets, 85 per- 
cent over this period. New power facilities have 
been constructed and the number of tractors on 
farms has grown from 3,000 to approximately 
35,000. • 

Aid extended to Turkey during the Marshall 
Plan by the Economic Cooperation Administra- 
tion, Msa's predecessor agency, was designed to 

April 6, 7953 


strengthen the economic base upon which Turkey 
is building its defense program. This aid, 
through June 30, 1952, amounted to $222.5 million, 
of which $84 million was in loans. This does not 
include drawing rights under the intra-European 
payments agreements and credits accorded Tur- 
key under the European Payments Union (Epu). 
Counterpart funds generated as a result of Eca- 
MsA dollar grants to Turkey (Turkey deposits an 
equivalent amount of Turkish lira in the counter- 
part fund to match Msa grants) is also being used 
to support the Turkish defense program. Ap- 
pro.ximately $87 million in Turkish lira, more than 
half tlie total available counterpart, has been used 
to develop armament production, provide addi- 
tional troop training, and build air bases. 

Canadian Prime Minister 
to Visit Washington 

White House press release dated March 13 

The Wliite House announced on March 13 that 
the Prime Minister of Canada, Louis S. St. 
Laurent, will be in Washington as the euest of the 
President on May 7 and May 8. The' President's 
invitation to the Prime Minister was conveyed to 
Mr. St. Laurent by Don C. Bliss, Charge d'Af- 
faires of the United States Embassy in Ottawa. 

In addition to seeing the President, the Prime 
Minister will meet with Secretary Dulles and 
other Government officials. No agenda for the 
conversations has as yet been determined but it is 
expected that matters of general interest to the 
United States and Canada will be considered at 
that time. 

Guaranty Issued for Private 
Investment in France 

International Water Corporation of Pittsburgh 
has obtained a U.S. Government guaranty of cur- 
rency convertibility to protect an investment in 
France of water-well-drilling equipment and the 
licensing of techniques and processes, the Mutual 
Security Administration announced on March 17. 

This business venture by International Water 
Corporation is intended to promote the develop- 
ment of large-scale water supplies for municipali- 

ties and industries in France, thus contributing tc 
essential needs of the country. The etjuipmeni 
and methods also may be used in other countrie- 
of Western Europe. 

The U.S. guaranty, issued by the Mutua 
Security Agency under its Investment Guarantiee 
Program, insures the American corporation dj 
being able to convert into dollars up to $51,000 ir 
French franc receipts from these new investments 
The well-drilling equipment, valued at $12,00u 
will be invested by International in Societe Fran- 
gaise de Forages Layne France, in which Inter- 
national has held 51 percent stock ownership oi 
control. The remainder of the common stock is 
owned or controlled by a French company, the 
Societe Lyonnaise des Eaux et de I'Eclairage. 

This investment, equivalent to 4,178,000 francs 
will be part of a 24-million franc increase in the 
capital of Layne France, from the present 16 mil- 
lion francs to 40 million. The French interests 
represented by the Societe Lyonnaise will con- 
tribute 19,822,000 francs of the new capital. The 
result will be to reduce International's holding tc 
31 percent of the stock of Layne France. 

The Msa guaranty insures the convertibility of 
up to $21,000 in receipts from the equipment in- 
vestment, the remaining $30,000 of the guaranty 
covering royalty receipts from the licensing of 
processes to the French company, estimated at a 
maximum of $3,000 a year for 10 years. The pro- 
cesses to be licensed are a development of Layne & 
Bowler, Inc. of Memphis, an affiliate of Inter- 
national Water. 

The guaranty is the 13th granted by Msa under 
its Investment Guaranties Program to cover an 
American investment in France. The Interna- 
tional Water Corporation investment was ap- 
proved for a guaranty by the French Government, 
and by the Director for Mutual Security as re- 
quired by legislation authorizing the Msa 
guaranty program. 

Msa oifers guaranties against loss from expro- 
priation, as well as currency convertibility protec- 
tion, for new American investments in those 
countries participating in the mutual security pro- 
gram which have agreements with the United 
States covering such guaranties. A fee is charged, 
based on the amount covered by a guaranty. The 
guaranty contracts are executed by the Export- 
Import Bank of Washington. 


Department of State Bulletin 


Calendar of Meetings ' 

Adjourned during March 1953 

IcAO (International Civil Aviation Organization): ,, ^ , t„ iq ato- 07 

Council: 18th Session ll'^'l'^^^] ith ItlMtr Z 

First Air Navigation Conference Montreal Feb. 24-Mar. 24 

Fag (Food and Agriculture Organization): 

Meeting of Group of Experts on Emergency Food Reserve Rome ^eb. ^d-Mar. / 

Coordinating Committee: 3d Session ....._. ?T°™^-, -ii,: vih' otMf^r M 

Commonwealth Advisory Committee on Defense Science New Delhi Feb. 25-Mar. 14 

Ilo (International Labor Organization): 

Governing Bodv: 121st Session . • • • geneva Mnr ifi 98 

Committee on Work on Plantations: 2d Session . .... . . . Habana ^Z' A'^f 

Meeting of Governments who are Beneficiaries of Article 16 of Treaty of London Mar. 4-J& 

Peace with Japan — Working Group. 

Who (World Meteorological Organization): 

Commission for Climatology: 1st Session Washington Mar. 2-25 

World Svmposium on Sferics Zu"ch Mar. 17-20 

U.N. (United Nations): 

International Children's Emergency Fund: 

Executive Board New York Mar 

Program Committee New York M«r 2^ ^0 

International Tin Study Group: 7th Meeting London Mar. 2ci-dU 

In Session as of March 31, 1953 

International Wheat Council: 11 th Session Washington 1^1 f~ 

International Wheat Council: 8th Session (Reconvening of) Washington teb. Z- 

U.N. (United Nations): „ ,^ , •r,„. r,. 

General Assemblv: 7th Session (Reconvening of) New York Feb 2^ 

Commission on the Status of Women: 7th Session New York Mar. 16- 

Commission on Narcotic Drugs: 8th Session New York Mar. 30- 

Economic and Social Council: 15th Session New \ork Mar. 3^- 

Indian Railwav Centenary Exhibition ^ • ■ ■ • t" T :, ^"^ M«r' ts 

n„„„ /nffi„„ „f ■I^,,,.^r^o^>r, Fr-nnf<min C nnnprnt \ cn) i EuroDean inland Fans i\iar. lo- 


Oeec (Office of Europea'n Economic Cooperation): European Inland 
Transport Conference. 
(Food and Agriculture Organizatio: 
with International Organizations. 

Transport Conference. ^ . „ , ,• t, a/t..^ Qn_ 

FAo(Foodand Agriculture Organization): Council Committee on Relations Rome Mar. dU- 

Scheduled April 1-June 30, 1953 

Wmo (World Meteorological Organization): Commission for Synoptic Washington Apr. 2- 

Meteorology: 1st Session. 

U.N. (United Nations): , , ^ . • -o- a t„ ;-„ Ar,.. k 

Economic Commission for Latin America: 5th Session of the Commission Rio de Janeiro .... Apr. 6- 
Seminar on the Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Offenders in Latin Rio de Janeiro . . . . Apr. fa- 
American Countries. „ Ai-,t- 7_ 

Human Rights Commission: 9th Session Oeneva Apr. 1 

vid Hoc Committee on Forced Labor; 4th Session . ....... Geneva a^!! 9^_ 

Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East: Regional Conference Tokyo Apr. ^U- 

on Mineral Resources Development. .^ -, , . „- 

Fiscal Commission: 4th Session o..- o" •■ " ' " J^^"^ \°'''^ A^r' 97- 

High Commissioner's Advisory Committee on Refugees: 3d Session . . Genev a Apr z/ 

Social Commission: 9th Session , • .- •••■„• • S<^^ ^°'^ ullu 

International Conference to Adopt a Protocol on Limitation of the Pro- New York May 11- 


■Prepared in thel Division of International Conferences, Department of State, Mar. 27, 1953. Asterisks indicate 
tentative dates. 

Apri7 6, 1953 *°^ 

Calendar oj Meetings — Continued 

Scheduled April 1-June 30, l^SZ—Coniinued 

Uiiitoii Nations — CoiUinned 

Ad Hoc Commission on Prisoners of War: 4th Session New York May 11- 

Special Committee to Consider Measures to Limit the Duration of New York May 25- 

Regular Sessions of the General Assembly. 

International Law Commission: 5th Session Geneva June 1- 

Trusteeship Council: 12th Session New York June 16- 

Economic and Social Council: 16th Session Geneva June 30- 

Committee on Non-Governmental Organizations Geneva June- 
International Sugar Conference London* June or July 

Technical Assistance Committee Geneva June- 
Interparliamentary Union: Meeting of the Council Monaco Apr. 8- 

Carilibean Timbers, Their Utilization and Trade within the Area, Con- Trinidad Apr. 13- 

ference on (Caribbean Commission). 
IcEM (Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration): 

Finance Subcommittee Geneva Apr. 13- 

Fifth Session of Committee Geneva Apr. 16- 

Inter-American Seminar on Adult Education Ciudad Trujillo . . . Apr. 14— 

Rice Consultative Committee: 6th Session Singapore Apr. 15- 

South Pacific Conference: 2d Session Noumea Apr. 16- 

Inter-American Council of Jurists: 2d Meeting Buenos Aires .... Apr. 20- 

Paso (Pan American Sanitary Organization) : Executive Committee: 19th Washington Apr. 20- 

Fao (Food and Agriculture Organization) : 

Technical Advisory Committee on Desert Locust Control: 3d Meeting . Rome Apr. 21- 

International Poplar Commission Munster-Munich . . Apr. 29- 

Latin American Seminar on Land Problems Sao Paulo May 25- 

International Chestnut Commission Spain-Portugal . . . May- 
Committee on Commodity Problems: 21st Session Rome June 3- 

Meeting of the Council: i7th Session Rome June 15- 

N.\T0 (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) : Ministerial Meeting of the Paris Apr. 23- 

North Atlantic Council. 

South Pacific Commission: 11th Session Noumea Apr. 25- 

Icsu (International Council of Scientific Unions): 

Joint Commission on Physiological Optics Madrid Apr.- 

Committee on the International Geophysical Year 1957-1958 Brussels June 30- 

Sudan Elections: Mixed Electoral Commission Khartoum Apr.- 

Itu (International Telecommunication Union) : 

Administrative Council: 8th Session Geneva May 2- 

International Telegraph Consultative Committee :8th Plenary Assembly . Arnheim May 26- 

International Cotton Advisory Committee: 12th Plenary Meeting . . . Washington May 4- 

Uph (Universal Postal Union) : Meeting of the Executive and Liaison Bern May 4— 

Who (World Heath Organization) : 

Sixth World Health .Assembly Geneva May 5- 

Executive Board: 12th Session Geneva May 26- 

IcAO (International Civil .Aviation Organization): 

Standing Committee on Aircraft Performance: 4th Session Paris May 6- 

Assembly: 7th Session Brighton (England) . June 16- 

Caribbean Commission: 16th Meeting Surinam May 11- 

International Rubber Study Group: 10th Meeting Copenhagen .... May 11- 

Unesco (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organiza- 
tion) : 

Executive Board: 34th Session Paris May 15- 

General Conference: 2d Extraordinary Session Paris May 18- 

International Center for Workers Education Compiegne May 30- 

International Conference on the Role and Place of Music in Education . Brussels June 29- 

Tribunales de Cuentas (Triljunals of Accounts) : 1st International Congress Habana May 20- 


International Commission for the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries: 3d Annual New Haven May 25- 


Tenth Congress of the International Seed Testing Association Dublin May 25- 

Horticultural Congress and Exposition Hamburg May- 

Ilo (International Labor Organization): 

Permanent Agricultural Committee: 4th Session Geneva May- 

36th International Labor Conference Geneva June 4— 

Traffic and Safety Exhibition, International Milan May- 
American International Institute for the Protection of Childhood: Annual Montevideo June 2- 

Meeting of Directing Council. 

Eighth Pan American Railway Congress Washington and kt- June 12- 

lantic City. 

Acoustical Congress Netherlands June 16- 

Thirteenth International Dairy Congress and Exposition The Hague June 22 

International Commission for the Regulation of Whaling: 5th Meeting . . London June 22- 

Ad Hoc Committee on Quarantine Regulation (South Pacific Commission) . Noumea June- 

502 Oeparfmenr of State BuHelin 

The Soviet Attitude Toward the Disarmament Problem 

by Ernest A. Gross 

U.S. Representative to the General Assemily'^ 

U.S./U.N. press release dated March 21 

We have come a full circle, I think, since 3 days 
ago when the debate on this subject opened in 
this Committee. At that time, on behalf of the 
U.S. Government, I asked what we thought were 
two reasonable questions, addressing them to the 
representative of the Soviet Government sittmg 
here, and I do not believe that we have had an 
afiirmative response.^ 

The U.S. Government asked two questions: 
Whether this was the time when the Soviet Gov- 
ernment was prepared to discuss constructively 
the problem of disarmament, and whether this, 
the United Nations, is the place in which the 
Soviet Government is prepared to negotiate 
iioriGst'lv • 

I do not think I need to assure the members of 
this Committee that these questions were not in- 
tended merely as rhetorical exercises, but were a 
sincere effort to find out whether the new Soviet 
leadership is really interested in talking seriously 
about disarmament. They are not difficult ques- 
tions to answer affirmatively, if the Soviet Gov- 
ernment is sincere and interested. We did not 
request and did not expect a quick debater's 
answer, and we much prefer, even at this stage, 
a considered judgment of the Soviet Government, 
which we do not feel we have yet obtained. 

I have said that our purpose in putting the ques- 
tions to the Soviet representative were sincere, 
and we cannot conceal some disappointment at the 
way in which the questions have been treated— 
that the only reference made to them was on a 
previous occasion when the Soviet representative 
branded them as artificial. . 

We began our work here on this subject m the 
knowledge that the change in the Soviet Govern- 

' statement made in Committee I (Political and Secu- 
rity) on Mar. 21. At the same meeting the Committee 
approved the resolution as amended (A/C. 1/L. 33) by a 
vote of 50-5-5. 

= For Ambassador Gross' statement of Mar. IN see 
Bulletin of Mar. 30, 1953, p. 476. 

April 6, 7 953 

ment had produced words of peace frorn the 
Kremlin, and in this forum which we feel is the 
appropriate place to do so, my delegation seeks to 
learn what substance lies behind those words. If 
we were to be lightly discouraged, the response of 
the Soviet delegate might lead us to believe that 
there is no substance there, that the Soviet Gov- 
ernment is not prepared to negotiate genuinely 
and honestly for a disarmament plan at this time. 
However, we must place our hope for peace above 
the disappointments which met us here. We must 
say to the Soviet delegate : "Surely this is not your 
last word on the subject; surely you would not 
have us believe that the words of Premier Malen- 
kov were empty words and that the Soviet Union 
is determined to use the United Nations merely to 
gain a tactical military or strategic advantage 
through trick schemes which are labeled disarma- 
ment,'1but which are really designed to strip free 
nations of their defenses." 

If the Soviet Government truly desires peace, 
will it not in the name of humanity and m the 
interest of its own people seek the authority 
through the delegate here to work side by side 
with us toward a program to effect disarmament 
which we can all accept, a program which can pro- 
vide security for us all and a new hope for man- 

kind ? 

I liave felt constrained to make these remarks 
at the opening of my brief statement because I 
think that without exception, and I have listened 
very carefully to two statements by the Soviet 
representative, no new suggestion has been put 
forward; there is no real indication m anything 
which he has said or which the Soviet bloc repre- 
sentatives have said which reveal any true pur- 
pose towarcl reaching a solution on this problem. 

We have felt and continue to feel that this is 
an important and the right time in which to dis- 
cuss this subject. The balanced reduction of 
armed forces and of armaments would have in- 
calculable advantages to the Kussian people and 
to other peoples living under Soviet rule, as well 


as to people everywhere else in the world. I am 
sure that these people deeply desire just a little 
butter instead of so many guns and that they 
yearn for a decent standard of living; disarma- 
ment can yield this to the people of the Soviet 
Union and to the areas presently under their con- 
trol. Disarmament can yield this result to these 
people without in anyway jeopardizing or under- 
mining the security of the Soviet state. 
_ Real disarmament would lift the fear of aggres- 
sion from all peoples by reducing the capacity, 
the ability of states to wage aggressive war. This 
way we can be sure— all peoples including the 
Russian people— that there would be tangible 
guarantees of security. "^ 

My Government, within a year after the mo- 
mentous discovery in our country of the war 
potential of the atom, proposed that the United 
Nations undertake an effective plan for the inter- 
national control of atomic energy. Within the 
same year, we took the initiative in placing before 
the U.N. Atomic Energy Commission the basic 
principles of a constructive plan to bring that 
about. We are confident — we were then and we 
still are— that this plan could do the job of con- 
trolling effectively the atomic weapon and other 
related weapons as well, since its procedures 
would actually encompass the entire field of 
atomic energy. 

The world has not forgotten how after the war 
the United States along with other states in the 
free world demobilized their forces and disarmed 
and dismantled a mighty military establishment. 
We have never since changed our opinion about 
the method by which the world's resources and 
energies should be devoted to peace and to im- 
provement of the standard of living. We have 
always supported the U.N. plans and principles 
which are designed to lift the crushing burden 
of armament, but to do so in an effective, a prac- 
tical, and an honest manner. 

The distinguished representative of the Nether- 
lands in his statement in the Committee yesterday 
pointed out the vital importance of avoiding the 
illusion of security. He said, "We must shun 
sham solutions and there is no such thing as a 
short cut to peace and security." It does not 
come so much as a matter of surprise as a matter 
of disappointment that the Soviet representative 
should repeat today again the old outworn and 
utterly impractical suggestion that somehow, as 
he says, a decision should precede a practical plan 
for accomplishing the very result which the deci- 
sion is aimed to accomplish. 

The Soviet representative in his two statements 
here has failed to refer to the simple fact that the 
United Nations itself by overwhelming majorities 
has stated its position and has made its objectives 
and general procedures clear. The resolution of 
January 11 , 1952,^ establishing the Disarmament 

' Ibid., Mar. 31, 1952, p. 507. 


Commission, omits no major aspect of the disarm- 
ament problem. The Soviet representative re- 
ferred to proposals placed before the Disarma- 
ment Commission, speaking as if a proposal for 
ceilings upon armed forces was made without 
reference to other aspects of the disarmament pro- 
gram, including the effective measures for elimi- 
nating the atomic weapon and other methods of 
mass destruction. The U.N. General Assembly 
has spoken its mmd on these subjects. The Gen- 
eral Assembly has called for the regulation, the 
limitation, and the balanced reduction of all armed 
forces and all armaments. It has called for the 
elimination of all major weapons adaptable to 
mass destruction. It has called for the effective 
international control of atomic energy to insure 
the prohibition of atomic weapons and the use of 
atomic energy for peaceful purposes only. And 
m this connection, it has provided that the Dis- 
armament Commission should use the present U N 
plan as the basis for the Commission's considera- 
t.ion until a better or no less effective plan is 

U,N. Disarmament Aims Made Clear 

Then the General Assembly in 1952 called for a 
progressive and continuing disclosure and veri- 
fication of all armed forces and all armaments, in- 
cluding atomic, and recognized that the carrving 
out of such a program for disclosure and verifica- 
tion IS the first and indispensable step in achiev- 
ing a disarmament program. 

We fail to understand how it can be seriously 
advanced as an apparently honest argument that 
before disclosure and verification is carried out 
before states tell the truth and assure that what 
they tell is the truth, that some magic purpose 
is to be served by some decision which assumes 
the result and which is based upon ignorance of 

tuG l3.CtS. 

^ Mr. Chairman, in his statement 2 davs ago, the 
boviet representative made some remarks which 
were out of context, which did not accurately re- 
fleet the positions taken in the Disarmament Com- ■ 
mission and which I believe it is fair to say dis- 
torted the objectives and efforts on the part of 
my Government in the Disarmament Commission. 
1 do not intend to go extensively into these dis- 
tortions, nor these misquotations, but I should 
like to cite two for illustrative purposes. 

I said in this Committee on Wednesday that in 
the Disarmament Commission the Soviet repre- 
sentative had consistently declined to explain the 
meaning of vague and ambiguous proposals which 
he had put forward and that he had characterized 
our efforts to secure explanations and clarifications 
of these points as, to use his words, "playing with 
questions and answers." 

The Soviet representative in this Committee has 
replied that there is no word of truth in this con- 
tention. The Soviet representative then went on 

Department of Stale Bulletin 

at length to quote from Soviet proposals made to 
the U.N. Atomic Energy Commission on June 19, 
1947, in order to establish that the Soviet Govern- 
ment had in fact introduced very detailed pro- 
posals for the establishment of international con- 

i trol of atomic energy. 

1 It is, of course, entirely true that the Soviet 
Government in 1947 did introduce proposals into 
the Atomic Energy Commission and that these 
proposals were considerably more detailed than 
the Soviet Government has put forward since 
that time. In fact, the Soviet proposals of 1947 
were sufficiently detailed to permit the U.N. 
Atomic Energy Commission to study them and 
to determine soberly that they were wholly in- 

To quote from the third report of the Atomic 
Energy Commission, "They" — that is, the Soviet 
proposals made at that time in 1947 — "ignore the 
existing technical knowledge of the problem of 
atomic energy control, do not provide an adequate 
basis for the effective international control of 
atomic energy and the elimination from national 
armaments of atomic weapons, and, therefore, do 
not conform to the terms of reference of the 
Atomic Energy Commission." 

So spoke the Commission with regard to these 
1947 proposals, and the General Assembly of the 
United Nations confirmed this decision of the 
Atomic Energy Commission in November of 1948, 
through adopting the third report of the Atomic 
Energy Commission and through rejecting the 
Soviet resolution which called upon the Assembly 
to approve its proposals. 

Now, the purpose of the questions which we and 
other members of the Disarmament Commission 
addressed to the Soviet representative there and 
which he declined to answer was to determine 
whether the Soviet proposals which the Soviet 
Government was then making in the Disarmament 
Commission were new proposals or whether they 
were the same old proposals which had been ad- 
vanced and rejected. Members of the Committee 
will recall that in the General Assembly on 
January 11, 1952, Mr. Vyshinsky stated that the 
Soviet Government would make new proposals in 
the Disarmament Commission. As I explained 
in my statement the other day, despite our per- 
sistent efforts in the Disarmament Commission to 
find out whether the broad, general, vague, and 
ambiguous proposals of the Soviet Government in 
the Disarmament Commission were new proposals 
of a sort which Mr. Vyshinsky had promised or 
whether they were the same old proposals, our 
attempt to find out the answer to that question 
elicited no reply. It may be that Mr. Zorin has 
given us the answer to this question through quot- 
ing the 1947 proposals. In other words, despite 
the statement of Mr. Vyshinsky on January 11, 
1952, that he had new proposals, it now appears 
that all we had were the same old proposals which 
the General Assembly had found to be inadequate. 

I do not make this as a statement. It is a ques- 
tion. It is a question which we feel can only be 
answered in the Disarmament Commission itself. 

It seems clear to my delegation, Mr. Chairman, 
that it will not be possible to obtain anything 
but debaters' answers in the Committee. As I 
said before, it was not my purpose in asking the 
two questions I addressed to the Soviet represent- 
ative the other day to elicit a quick debater's 
answer. We ourselves look to the future. We 
hope that the past will bury the stale propaganda, 
the monstrous lies, the evasions, the hate cam- 
paigns, which have in the past characterized the 
Soviet Government conduct in international 

In looking back over the work of the Commis- 
sion, it has not been our purpose to reawaken the 
memory of old evils. If we look back over our 
shoulder at the frustrated work of the Disarma- 
ment Commission, it is not to score a debating 
point but to see more clearly the direction in which 
we must go. 

For us, peace is not merely an objective. It is 
a way of living and it is a method of negotiating 
and settling disputes honestly, including disputes 
regarding disarmament. I do not think, Mr. 
Chairman, that this debate in the Committee re- 
garding disarmament has by any means been 
wasted effort or lost motion. We have, for our 
part, reaffirmed our intention to proceed in the 
Disarmament Commission to a full exploration of 
all practical and honest proposals which may be 
put forward. 

Soviet Draft Resolution 

I conclude by referring to the Soviet draft 
resolution which is before us.* This resolution 
does not give much room for optimism or for 
confidence. The preamble to the resolution is 
purely propaganda. The General Assembly and 
the members of the United Nations, in particular 
those who are represented in the Disarmament 
Commission, are fully aware of the true reasons 
for lack of progress in the Disarmament Commis- 
sion. They, I think, are fully aware that 11 states 
on the Disarmament Commission made or sup- 
ported constructive proposals and that one state 
alone wished to use the discussions solely for 
propaganda purposes. The resolution proposed 
by the Soviet representative would undo a great 
deal of the progress which was made in Paris at 
the Sixth General Assembly of the United Na- 
tions, and which resulted in the resolution of 
January 11, 1952, to which I have referred. 

Among other things, that resolution directed 
the Disarmament Commission to prepare pro- 
posals "for the regulation, limitation, and balanced 
reduction of all armed forces and all armaments." 
The Soviet draft resolution proposes armaments 

* U.N. doc. A/C. 1/L 31. 

April 6, 1953 


reduction without any reference to armed forces 
whatever. The General Assembly resolution of 
January 11, 1952, provided that the Disarmament 
Commission should be ready to consider any pro- 
posals or plans for control that may be put for- 
ward involving either conventional armaments 
or atomic energy. Unless a better or no less effec- 
tive system is devised, the U. N. plan for the in- 
ternational control of atomic energy and the pro- 
hibition of atomic weapons should continue to 
serve as the basis for the international control of 
atomic energy to insure the prohibition of atomic 
weapons and the use of atomic energy for peaceful 
purposes only. 

The Soviet resolution throws all this progress * 
out tJie window. In effect, it abandons or seeks 
to abandon the U.N. atomic energy plan and only 
calls upon the Disarmament Commission to pro- 
ceed with the question of the unconditional pi'O- 
hibition of atomic weapons, bacterial weapons, and 
other types of mass destruction, and of the estab- 
lishment of strict international control over com- 
pliance with these decisions. 

The General Assembly resolution of January 11, 
1952, directs the Commission to formulate plans 
for the establishment within the framework of 
the Security Council or an international control 
organ or organs to assure the implementation of 
the treaty or treaties which the resolution contem- 
plates. In other words, the entire disarmament 
program is to be subject to safeguards. 

The Soviet draft resolution limits the safe- 
guards, so-called safeguards, to international 
control merely over compliance with decisions re- 
garding the prohibition of atomic weapons and 
other weapons of mass destruction. There is no 
provision for control over other portions of the 
program such as the reduction of weapons other 
than those adaptable to mass destruction or the 
reduction in armed forces. 

We recognize that in this resolution for the first 
time the Soviet Government has admitted by im- 
plication the possibility of reduction of nonatomic 
armaments on a basis other than a flat percentage 
cut. If I am not mistaken, to my knowledge, this 
is the first resolution proposed by the Soviet Gov- 
ernment which does not call for a flat one-third 
percentage cut. I sincerely hope that this is an 
indication of greater flexibility and a desire for 
a genuine negotiation on this all-important prob- 
lem. When the Disarmament Commission recon- 
venes, we shall have a clear test of Soviet inten- 
tions. Under the General Assembly resolution of 
January 11, 1952, and the draft resolution which 
has now been submitted by 14 cosponsors before 
the Committee^ — under these resolutions, the 
Soviet Government will be in a position to make 
new disarmament proposals of any nature, and I 
assure you that my Government will give the most 
cai-eful and sympathetic consideration to any i)ro- 

' U.N. floe. A/C.VL30. 


posal which has any possibility of achieving a 
genuinely safeguarded system of disarmament. 

For these reasons, my Government will vote 
against the Soviet draft resolution which we be- 
lieve the Committee should reject decisively and 
will, of course, vote in favor of the 14-power 

Senate Resolution on Minorities 
Transmitted to U.N. 

U.S. /U.N. press release dated March 13 

The following letter and its enclosure were 
trmumitted on March 13 iy Henry Cabot Lodge. 
Jr., to U.N. Secretary-General Trygve Lie: 

Excellency : Enclosed are copies of a resolution 
(S. Ees. 84, 83rd Congress, 1st Session) adopted 
on February 27, 1953, by the Senate of the United 
States, expressing the sense of the Senate that the 
inhuman campaigns conducted by the Soviet Gov- 
ernment and its puppet governments in satellite 
states in Europe and Asia against religious and 
ethnic minority groups deserve the strongest 

I request that you transmit copies of the resolu- I 
tion and of this communication to the Representa- ' 
tive of each Member of the United Nations. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of 
my highest consideration. 

Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. 

Resolution Adopted by the Senate of the 
United States 

Fehrmi-y 27, 1953 I 

S. Res. 84, 83rd Congress, 1st Session 

Resolved, That it is the sense of the Senate of 
the United States that the vicious and inhuman 
campaigns conducted by the Soviet Government 
and its puppet governments in satellite states in 
Europe and Asia against minority groups such 
as the persecution of Greek orthodox congrega- 
tions, the imprisonment of Roman Catholic prel- 
ates, the harassment of Protestant denominatons, 
the suppression of Moslem communities, the per- 
secution and scattering of ethnic groups in 
Poland, in the Ukraine, in the Baltic and Balkan 
States and in many other areas under Soviet domi- 
nation, and most recently the increasing persecu- 
tion of the people of the Jewish faitli, deserve the 
strongest condemnation by all jjeoples who believe 
that spiritual values are the bases of human 
progress and freedom. 

Resolved further. That the President of the 
United States is hereby urged to take appropriate 
action to protest, particularly in the General 
Assembly of the United Nations, against these 
outrages, in order that the United Nations shall 
take such action in opposition to them as may be 
suitable under its Charter. 

Department of State Bulletin 

International Aspects of the Status of Women 

Statements by Mts. Lorena B. Hahn 

U.S. Representative an the Commission on the Status of Women^ 


U.S. /U.N. press release dated March 16 

The United States has repeatedly voiced its in- 
terest in equality for women in the field of na- 
tionality and in the development of a convention 
incorporating the principles adopted by this Com- 
mission in 1950. The report of the International 
Law Commission indicates that it is making 
progress in reviewing the whole problem of na- 
tionality. We are glad that the International Law 
Commission has been able to initiate this study. 
The material gathered at the request of the Com- 
mission on the Status of Women on conflicts of 
law relating to the nationality of married women 
should be useful. I hope the valuable supplement 
(doc. E/Cn.G/206) prepared for our use this year 
will also be brought to the attention of the Inter- 
national Law Commission. 

Some criticism has been voiced because the prin- 
ciples adopted here 3 years ago have not yet been 
made into a special convention on the nationality 
of married women. For the time being our na- 
tionality item must be regarded as "unfinished 
business," and everyone likes to see "unfinished 
business'" completed and off the agenda. However, 
the United States does not regard this delay as 
lost time. On the contrary, the supplementary 
report provided this year shows that a number of 
countries are revising their nationality laws in the 
direction of the principles adopted by the Com- 
mission and already in force in many countries. 

U.S. law already conforms with these princi- 
ples, and the United States is a party to the Inter- 
American Convention signed at Montevideo in 
1933 which contains the same basic provisions. It 
seems probable that our recommendations of this 
Commission have had a considerable influence on 
legislation enacted since 1950, and will make it 

' Made before the Commission on the Status of Women 
at U. N. Headquarters on Mar. 16, 17, and 25, respectively. 
Mrs. Hahn was confirmed by the Senate on Mar. 11 to be 
U.S. representative on the Commission. 

possible for a larger number of countries to sup- 
port and become parties to a convention along the 
lines we recommend. I want to talk further about 
this report a little later on. In the meantime, it is 
enough to note that only 17 countries are listed as 
requiring an alien wife to accept her husband's 
nationality, and over 40 as permitting choice under 
varying conditions. At least 10 countries have 
improved their laws since our 1950 report. This 
is a good omen for a convention of the type we 
recommend; indeed, without the 10, acceptance of 
these principles might not be certain. 

Another question that has been raised in regard 
to the stucly of the International Law Commission 
is whether the nationality of married women 
should be dealt with in a separate convention or 
in one that may cover a wider range of nationality 
questions. This question was never fully dealt 
with in the Commission on the Status of Women 
because it was evident that we were dealing with 
only a part of a large field, and though the con- 
fusions arising for families of mixed nationality 
are very great, we could not be sure in this one 
Commission that we could make wise judgments 
on U.N. action as a whole. It is on this question, 
on the scope of a new convention in the nationality 
field, that the United Nations especially needs the 
advice of the experts on the International Law 
Commission. The United States hopes that the 
1953 session of this Commission can give specific 
guidance on this matter. The situation of women 
who marry aliens is an international question that 
can be dealt with separately and should be dealt 
with promptly. It is not, however, a problem 
which exists in a vacuum, apart from other aspects 
of nationality. 

Interrelationships of Nationality Procedures 

Perhaps I can illustrate the interrelationships 
of nationality procedures best by citing two prob- 
lems — the situation of children born to couples of 
differing nationality and the multiple nationality 

April 6, 1953 


enjoyed, or should I say suffered, by individuals 
who can claim citizenship in several countries by 
reason of birth, residence, parentage, naturaliza- 
tion, and other grounds. 

The situation of children born to parents of 
differing nationality is one in which women nat- 
urally fe«l an interest, and most of us probably 
know of one or more young people facing com- 
plications on property settlements or conscrip- 
tion requirements because they have more than one 
nationality. Most countries recognize persons 
born on their soil as nationals. In addition, it is 
usual to allow a child to derive nationality from 
his father, and, in some countries also from his 
mother. This may mean that a child born in one 
country to parents having nationality in two 
other countries can claim citizenship in three 
countries. Generally it is provided that on ma- 
turity a child must choose one of these nationali- 
ties for his own, thereby renouncing others, but 
provisions of this sort vary and few of them come 
into effect early enough to prevent conflicting 
claims from countries which require young men 
to go into military training at 18. 

Consideration of the nationality of children is 
not the function of this Commission, for the wel- 
fare of the child should be the determining factor, 
and on this the Social Commission and various 
others are the appropriate bodies to take the lead. 
However, there is no doubt that governments are 
harassed by conflicting claims to the allegiance of 
persons who have multiple nationality, and that 
a clarification of procedures would be welcomed. 
In our debate in 1950 the United States tried to 
work out one principle that might be applicable, 
the principle that if a child receives nationality 
through parentage, rather than through place of 
birth or some other source, then the mother should 
have the same right to transmit nationality as the 
father. It will allow the child the benefit of 
choice, which may be greatly to his advantage, 
particularly if the nationality of his father is 
unknown. This was not included in the princi- 
ples we adopted but was recommended for con- 
sideration by appropriate bodies. The Interna- 
tional Law Commission is such a body, and it is 
the hope of my Government that when it studies 
this problem, it will recognize the right of the 
mother to transmit nationality as equal to that of 
the father. 

Women may also have problems of nationality 
which do not arise from marriage. Such prob- 
lems are usually the same for men and women, and 
arise through parentage, changes of frontiers, and 
other factors. It is problems of this sort to which 
the International Law Commission will undoubt- 
edly be giving attention in its study of nationality, 
and women stand to gain by any clarifications that 
can be agreed upon. I am sure these problems 
have been present in the thinking of some of our 
consultant organizations who have queried 
whether we have given adequate thought to the 

entire subject of nationality of women, including 
problems of single women. It is therefore to the 
advantage of botli men and women that the field 
of nationality be properly studied and a careful 
decision made as to what questions can usefully 
be clarified at the present time through a national- J 
ity convention. ' 

Certainly it will help when there is general 
agreement among governments that neither mar- 
riage nor its dissolution shall affect the nationality 
of either spouse. These principles are in effect in 
U.S. law, and it will be easier for our Government, 
and our citizens, when they are stated as the uni- 
form i)rocedure of as manj' countries as possible. 
If, however, there are other nationality questions 
on which wide-scale agreement is becoming possi- 
ble, governments should have an opportunity to 
deal with them promptly, and we will all profit 
by the result. A separate instrument devoted 
only to the nationality of married women might 
delay such overall consideration and discourage 
progress on other problems. 

Changing Circumstances Necessitate Convention 

There may be some who interpret the action of 
the International Law Commission last summer as 
unsympathetic, or even a repudiation of the recom- 
mendations adopted by this Commission. The 
United States notes with satisfaction that no such 
conclusion shoidd be drawn from the record. On 
the contrary, we can feel satisfaction that while 
the International Law Commission did not accept 
the draft convention proposed by Prof. Manley 
Hudson, it did not reject either the draft or the 
principles contained therein. The decision of the 
International Law Commission last July was 
merely one of procedure to permit study of the full 
implications of nationality in relation to the many 
new developments of modern life. After all, a 
good deal has happened since the Hague conven- 
tion in 1930 and the Montevideo conference in 1933 
to which we trace back present-day proposals on 
the nationality of women. The General Assembly 
last December adopted a convention on stateless- 
ness which cuts into some of our problem. Today 
there are matters of property rights and taxation, 
and of business management which may be con- 
siderably affected by an individual's nationality, 
particularly in other countries than the United 
States. There are U.S. women in international 
business today to whom these are important issues, 
and I am sure others around this table know 
women in their countries with similar interests. 
I am not suggesting that these or any other aspects 
of nationality need to be treated in a convention, 
but I am sure we will agree that our problems 
should be solved in relation to the vast sweep of 
modern interchange, and that the International 
Law Commission should be encouraged to do a 
thorough job. 

Now I want to talk about the future of this item 


Department of State Bulletin 

on nationality, over and beyond the completion of 
a convention. What we want, I am sure, is the 
assurance that men and women who marry across 
frontiers can do so without fear as to their na- 
tionality or the nationality of their children. A 
convention will help greatly in defining a standard 
around which equitable procedures can be estab- 
lished between governments. But the completion 
of a draft convention in the International Law 
Commission, and its approval by the General As- 
sembly, will be only the beginning of this process. 
We hope, of course, that many governments will 
ratify such a convention promptly, and that the 
remainder will do so before many years pass. In 
the meantime, there will be great differences be- 
tween countries as there are now. Even among 
the parties to the convention there will be a great 
deal of difference in the way its principles are 
spelled out, and probably in the procedures by 
which they become effective between the parties. 
The changes reported in the Secretary General's 
memorandum on nationality of married women 
this year illustrate the progress that is being made 
and what will happen in the transition years and 
beyond. As I said earlier, the laws in many 
countries, including the United States, permit a 
married woman to keep her own nationality. 
Most countries also make special provision for 
the naturalization of foreigners who marry their 
citizens. As I recall it, these principles had been 
adopted in about half the countries of the world. 
Today, thanks to recent changes, the proportion 
is considerably greater. Most of the new laws 
show a realistic appreciation of problems in the 
transition period. For instance, in Belgium a 
wife who has acquired Belgian nationality by 
marriage, and has or can recover another na- 
tionality, may renounce Belgian nationality by 
making a declaration within 6 months. This pro- 
vision insures against statelessness and at the same 
time provides freedom of choice. In Egypt an 
alien woman marrying an Egyptian may retain 
her nationality unless she desires to acquire her 
husband's, a provision in the direction of equality 
with freedom of choice and protection against 
double nationality. In Norway, where a foreign 
woman automatically acquires the nationality of 
a Norwegian husband, she may under certain cir- 
cumstances be released provided she possesses 
another nationality or intends to acquire it. 
Switzerland has recently adopted legislation per- 
mitting an alien wife to reattain her own na- 
tionality through a declaration at the time of 

These are only a few of the possible variations ; 
if we review laws in effect in other countries we 
would find still more. One of the elements of 
great value in these changes is concern to prevent 
a woman becoming stateless. This is apparent 
also in various provisions I have not quoted to 
permit a woman whose marriage has been dis- 
solved to recover her original nationality. Some 

April 6, T953 

of these provisions do not accord in principle with 
the recommendation of this Commission that mar- 
riage should not affect the nationality of either 
spouse, but in actuality they give general effect 
to this principle through practical safeguards 
needed in a transition period. 

Progress Anticipated on Women's Status 

The Secretary General's memorandum is of a 
type which will be helpful to my Government and 
to every other government. It summarizes the 
latest information from all countries and brings 
up to date the 1950 pamphlet which is already a 
recognized reference document. There are many 
governments which collect such data through their 
embassies and maintain their own files. But there 
are occasional omissions even in the best reporting 
systems and an authoritative collection of nation- 
ality laws affecting women is a valuable check on 
what is known from other sources. This infor- 
mation is needed not only as a basis for official 
decisions but more frequently, and perhaps 
equally important, to answer the questions of 
young people or older people who are about to 
marry and want to know what problems they will 
face. A document like this would be even more 
useful if it could be brought out at regular inter- 
vals, preferably once a year. The United States 
would like to ask whether the Secretary General 
believes it would be practicable to place this mem- 
orandum on an annual basis similar to the proce- 
dure for the memorandum on political rights. 
This would also mean keeping nationality as a 
routine item on our agenda so that we can review 
the report and also determine how long it should 
be continued. 

Tlie Secretary General may have suggestions on 
the form of an annual memorandum on nation- 
ality, particularly as to additional categories of 
information. The tables at the end of this docu- 
ment cover the effect of marriage on acquisition of 
nationality by the alien spouse, but do not show 
clearly whether a woman marrying an alien may 
retain her own nationality if she so desires. The 
questions usually asked by women considering 
marriage to a foreigner are (I) Can I retain my 
own nationality ; (2) Must I acquire my husband's 
nationality, temporarily or permanently ; (3) Will 
I be in danger of becoming stateless; (4) Are 
there special provisions for naturalization of alien 
spouses. Tables setting up warning signals as to 
retention of nationality and statelessness would 
be especially helpful. It seems a little easier to 
find particular countries, also, when they are 
listed alphabetically with the pertinent informa- 
tion laid out in columns beside them. 

In closing, I would like to say a little in appre- 
ciation of the interest our consultant organizations 
have maintained in this project. For some of 
them the problems of nationality have been the 
subject of discussion for two generations, back 


into tlie time of our mothers and perhaps our 
grandmothers. Tliere have been great gains in 
tliis period. In the Americas the Montevideo 
Convention on the Nationality of Women is a 
milestone. Eleven of our American Republics are 
parties to this convention, which provides that 
neither marriage nor its dissolution shall aflFect a 
woman's nationality. The adoption of equality 
principles by the Commission on the States of 
Women in 1950 is another milestone. A milestone 
has been set by each country which has revised 
its nationality laws to provide free and equal 
choice by each of the marriage partners. 

As in all matters involving international proce- 
dure, the first milestones, are the hardest to 
achieve ; as the new way becomes the usual way it 
is easier to conform than to differ. At the same 
time, we need not think of our objectives as uni- 
formity. If we work intelligently the chances are 
we will constantly be finding ways to improve 
legislation ; that is evident already in some of the 
new provisions to prevent statelessness and clarify 
choices for both men and women. The report be- 
fore us today promises a time when international 
conferences of women may be able to do without 
the familiar speech on "Problems of Nationality." 
Instead of problems, however, I would like to see 
us look forward to a series of progress reports. 
The observations of our consultant organizations 
will be important in helping this Commission 
evaluate progress and to point out the areas where 
more can be done. 


U.S. /U.N. preBS release dated March 17 

As a new memlier of the Commission it is 
therefore very gratifying to me that the subject 
of women's status in the family will be mider 
discussion for the first time at this session and 
that it has been given highest priority. 

As we begin our discussion it is my privilege 
to express the appreciation of my Government 
for the extensive work of the Secretary General's 
staff in compiling the reports from official sources 
on women's status nndei' family law and prop- 
erty law and also in making available the inde- 
pendent reports and comments of the nongovern- 
mental organizations. The detailed information 
contained in these documents will be invaluable 
as a basis for consideration of women's needs and 
problems. I feel sure that all of you will have 
studied the documents with great interest and 
care and a sense of the enormous responsibilities 
before us. As our discussions jn'oceed, I know 
there will be additional information which you 
will probably want from me and which I in turn 
will want to know from other countries. 

I regard our work on the family status of 
woman as one of the most important aspects of 
woman's position with which this Commission 
will be called upon to deal. Family law — the set 

of legal principles which govern marriage, the 
relationship of husband to wife, and of parents 
to children — touches every aspect of human life. 
Women's status in the family directly affects the 
contribution which women are able to make to the 
economic, social, and cultural life of their country, 
and thereby to the whole progress of civilization. 
In seeking to understand each other's needs and 
problems in this area we have an opportunity to 
formulate principles as to the equitable treatment 
of women in marriage which will be of potential 
benefit not only to women themselves but to the 
whole fabric of our society. 

The age in which we are living has seen numer- 
ous and far-reaching changes in the status of 
women. Women everywhere are striving to realize 
their full potentialities as individuals and to make 
their maximum contribution to the society in 
which they live. It was my privilege to have a 
part in shaping or directing the postwar develop- 
ment of this movement in one of the war-torn 
countries when I had charge in the late 40's of 
organizing the Women's Affairs Branch for the 
U. S. Army in Germany. Guarantees made to 
women in the Bonn Constitution, which had just 
been adopted at that time, are now receiving con- 
sideration as to legal implementation. Our dis- 
cussions here will be of vital interest to women 
working for legislative action to implement that 
Constitution and to women in other countries 
where to a constantly increasing extent the re- 
ciprocal rights and obligations of women are re- 
ceiving recognition in terms of the greater con- 
tribution to human welfare which such recognition 
would make possible. 

Legal Complications in Various Countries 

In reading the extensive documentation on 
family law supplied us by the Secretary General, 
I was impressed by the scope and variety of legal 
principles which we are called upon to consider in 
the various countries. I note, for example, that in 
some countries only the father has the right to 
exercise authority over the care, custody, and 
education of the children. This situation was re- 
ported from Greece, Argentina, Chile, and Brazil. 
In some countries, such power belongs jointly to 
the father and mother, including Japan, Norway, 
Turkey, and Denmark. In still other countries, 
such as England and France, parental authority 
is vested jointly in the father and mother, but the 
father alone has the right to exercise it during 
marriage. Still another variation is Lebanon, 
where so far as concerns the care and custody, gen- 
eral and religious education, and the right of pun- 
ishment, the report shows that the mother has 
authority over children \ip to the age of 7 in the 
case of boys, and 9 in the case of girls. After 
those ages, these rights pass to the father. In 
Pakistan, also, the mother has custody of the son 
until he is 7, and of the daughter until she reaches 


Deparfment of State Bulletin 

1 An additional complication of which I was 
i aware but which the reports have brought more 
vividly to my attention is that in countries estab- 
Hshed on the Federal-State basis, legal principles 
• may, and often do, vary within the same country. 
In my own country, for example, laws relating to 
the family and to property rights are the exclusive 
jurisdiction of the States, not of the Federal ( iov- 
ernment. Because of historical factors and orig- 
inal differences in customs and backgrounds, there 
is considerable variation in the statute laws of the 
48 States. Each State differs in some respect from 
all the others. 

In the area that I have just been discussing— 
that of the right of control over the child— over 
half of the States (26 States) recognize both 
parents as joint natural guardians and as such 
jointly entitled to the child's custody, services, and 
earnings. However, about a third of our States 
(15 States) give the father the first right to a 
child's custody, services, and earnings, permitting 
the mother to succeed only after the father's death, 
mental incapacity or desertion. Eight States that 
have the community-property system of law con- 
sider the child's earnings as joint property but 
generally under control of the father. 

In tlie field of property law, such documentation 
as has been made available to date from the various 
countries shows that here also the legal principles 
with which we will be called upon to deal are of 
o-reat variety and complexity. I was interested, 
fn the recentreport (E/CN .Q/208) , to note that the 
laws in the countries reporting establish three 
main types of property arrangements between hus- 
band and wife : the regime of community property. 
; dowry, and separate property. In addition, a 
system of "union" property regime prevails in 
China ; and a system of the "family estate" exists 
only in the Ital'ian Civil Code. Moreover, the re- 
port shows that in India and Pakistan property 
rights are based on religious law and that such 
rights differ in accordance with the religious com- 
munity to which the woman belongs. Thus a 
Hindu woman may have absolute ownership only 
to property acquired before marriage and to earn- 
ings acquired during marriage. Even this prop- 
erty may be taken and used by the husband in cer- 
tain contingencies. In contrast under Mohamme- 
dan law, in both those countries and also in 
Lebanon, a Moslem woman may hold property 
g separately and have full power to dispose of it. 
To illustrate the variety and complexity of the 
subject of property relations between husband and 
wife, I need go no further than the laws of my 
own country. Two systems of property rights 
prevail in the United States : one, the system de- 
rived from the English common law in which the 
husband and wife hold separate and distinct 
property ; the other, the community-property sys- 
tem derived from the Spanish civil law, in which 
a marriage partnership of property is recognized, 
husband and wife being partners and equal owners 

April 6, 1953 

of the community estate. In the two systems the 
rules of acquisition of property, its management 
and control, and its disposition differ today as they 
differed in the original systems m which the rules 
had their source. 

Equitable Treatment of Family Status 

In every common law State married woman's 
property acts have been enacted during the last 
100 years, which have radically changed the hus- 
band's common law rights in his wife's real and 
personal property and have also generally altered 
the rule as to his ownership of his wife's earnings 
from work outside of her home and for persons 
other than her husband. Property acquired dur- 
ing the marriage is regarded as the property of the 
husband subject to certain safeguards which the 
law attaches in the interest of the wife and family. 
The proceeds of the wife's work in her home are 
still very generally regarded as belonging to her 
husband and he is under no legal obligations to 
pay her for such services. 

in the eight States with a community-property 
system, with fundamental rules derived from the 
law of Spain directly, or indirectly by way of 
Mexico (or in the case of Louisiana by way of 
France), the property rights of husband and wife 
differ markedly from those in our common law 
States. Under this system all property which the 
husband and wife acquire belongs equally to both 
of them, except that which is proved to belong to 
either of them separately. The proceeds of the 
labor of each becomes a part of the common or 
community property, in which the wife has the 
same extent of ownership as the husband. The 
marriage is a partnership; and its property like 
that in any other partnership is primarily liable 
for the payment of its debts. The husband, how- 
ever, usually has the sole management of the com- 
munity property during marriage. 

In view of these divergencies in laws and cus- 
toms, I have come to realize that for me at least 
it would be most helpful if at this session, if in 
place of addressing ourselves to specific statutory 
discriminations, we would undertake to reach 
agreement on objectives or standards designed to 
bring equity to women. The broader area of ob- 
jectives and standards offer us a common meeting 
o-round, so that if we direct our discussions to 
this area, I believe we would have some expecta- 
tion of reaching agreement as to the basic princi- 
ples designed to bring equitable treatment to 
women under law. 

In order to lay a solid basis on which to arrive 
at constructive suggestions, I would personally 
find it most helpful if we might center the discus- 
sion this year around normal family relationships 
as distinguished from special problems. Al- 
though the reports show a great deal that is out- 
side of U. S. law and experience, it would be most 
helpful to discuss normal family relationships in 
terms of the religious, economic, and social back- 


ground and customs of the various countries. In 
this way, all of us would gain an insight into the 
needs of women in other countries and learn to 
understand their problems. What we might ex- 
pect to come out of such a program would be a set 
of principles on family law and property relations 
which \vomen themselves would accept as equitable 
and which could be expected to add to the dignity 
of the family relationship and to strengthen, not 
weaken, the fabric of our society. 

As a start, we have the basic standards set forth 
in the Universal Declaration of Human Eights. 
The preamble of the Declaration states that : 

... the peoples of the United Nations have in the 
Charter reaffirmed their faith in fundamental human 
rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person and 
in the equal rights of men and women and have determined 
to promote social progress and better standards of life in 
larger freedom, 

In arriving at a set of principles consistent with 
the spirit and purpose of these accepted human 
values there are several major areas of family law 
to which I believe we might well give priority. 
One of the areas that suggests itself as appropriate 
for early discussion is the institution of marriage. 
What is the purpose and what are the sanctities of 
marriage in our differing legal and religious sys- 
tems? Viewed against the economic and social 
background of the individual country concerned, 
what should be the rights and obligations of 
woman with respect to entrance into marriage, 
choice of a partner, age of consent? Once a mar- 
riage is consummated, what constitutes a mutually 
satisfactory relationship between husband and 
wife during marriage? What should be their re- 
ciprocal rights and obligations with respect to 
responsibility for family support, control of chil- 
dren, choice of domicile? What principles gov- 
erning the control of property acquired after 
marriage would both insure justice to the parties 
concerned and promote the welfare of the family? 
What standards should be applied in dealing with 
(a) the separate property of the wife, and (b) the 
property acquired through the joint efforts of both 

Our discussions of this topic will give us an 
opportunity to examine the laws that govern the 
position of women in the family and to determine 
what should be the reciprocal rights and obliga- 
tions of women in the light of existing conditions 
in the various countries. On the basis of this dis- 
cussion we may hope to arrive at an understanding 
as to the underlying principles which will insure 
the equitable treatment of women in marriage, 
safeguard the rights and obligations of mother- 
hood, and promote the welfare of the family as 
the basic institution of our society. The approach 
I am suggesting may prove to be a long, hard road 
and it may not easily be finished in one or even 
two annual sessions. However, since it affords the 
possibility of constructive help in promoting the 
family status of women in all our countries, I be- 
lieve it would be well worth the effort. 


U.S./U.N. press release dated March 25 

We endorse wholeheartedly the principle of the 
fullest educational opportunities for women. We 
wish to re-emphasize our belief that education 
should always be considered in terms of the in- 
dividual without any discrimination on the basis 
of sex. This is the philosophy prevailing 
throughout the United States, embodied in the 
educational pattern in each one of the 48 States 
and the various territories under our jurisdiction. 

In the United States, education is regarded as 
a right, available to all children, girls or boys, 
regardless of the economic or social status of the 
family. We are fully in accord with the state- 
ment of the Fifteenth International Conference 
on Public Education at Geneva in 1952, "that ev- 
ery person, man or woman, should be able to re- 
ceive an education enabling him to develop his 
aptitudes as fully as possible, plan an effective 
part as a member or citizen of his community, his 
nation, and the world, and meet the demands of 
his special tasks in life." 

As was indicated in this country's report to 
that conference, the constitutions of all our states 
make it obligatory to organize free public-school 
facilities for all children, and provide either ex- 
plicitly or implicitly for equal educational oppor- 
tunities regardless of sex. The duration and the 
age limits of compulsory education are the same 
for girls as for boys ; all public elementary schools 
and the great majority of the public high schools 
are coeducational, there is equal access to all types 
of vocational and technical training and to higher 
education, the great majority of all post-secondary 
institutions being coeducational. 

Even the economic and social factors which 
sometimes affect the opportunitj' of women for 
higher education are becoming less and less signi- 
ficant as earlier prejudices are outgrown and em- 
ployment opportunities open in a wider and wider 
range of professions and occupations. Today it 
would be practically impossible to cite any kind of 
job for which a qualified woman could not obtain 
appropriate educational training in the United 
States. As early as 1930 women were employed 
in all but 30 of the 534 occupations in the census 
list of that year. By 11)40 there were only 9 in 
which no woman was employed and by 1943 the 
admission of women to the various military serv- 
ices left only 3, now there is virtually no occupa- 
tion in which there are not a few women success- 
fully performing a job. 

Promoting Ideals of Democracy 

Furthermore, we have discovered and proved 
again and again the validity of the truism, "edu- 
cate a woman and you have educated a family — 
and a community." Every woman is to some ex- 
tent an educator, whether or not she is a member 


Departmenf of Stafe Bulletin 

of the teaching profession. In the home she 
helps her children put into practice the learning 
experiences acquired in the schools, trains them 
in good health and living habits, and takes a lead- 
ing role in developing family attitudes and in 
transmitting the ideals of democracy. In the 
community, she carries her housekeeping ability 
and her desire for clean and safe surroundings 
for her family into the organizing of health and 
welfare services and of public-service organiza- 
tions of many kinds for bettering her neighbor- 
hood. She has been concerned to see that the 
water and food supply are kept clean and pure, 
and that effective sanitation facilities and safe 
streets are provided. 

It may be reassuring to some countries where 
there is still latent opposition to higher educa- 
tion for women to discover that educated women 
in this country have a real interest in being wives 
and mothers — in recent years three- fourths of our 
women college graduates marry, and current sta- 
tistics show an upward trend in the number of 
their children. A recent questionnaire to college 
graduates showed that many feel they are better 
mothers because of their education, better in un- 
derstanding, training and rearing their cliildren, 
and more able to help and guide them. 

Eecent trends in American education have 
tended to focus the whole school curriculum in 
the direction of education for family and com- 
munity living. Experience indicates that both 
men and women can profit by broad instruction in 
relation to family life, including the joint respon- 
sibilities and privileges undertaken in marriage 
and parenthood. Life adjustment courses in sec- 
ondary schools and for adults are growing in 
American schools and communities. Through ex- 
periments in both rural and urban areas, schools 
at the elementary as well as the more advanced 
level are orienting their teaching toward the rais- 
ing of living standards in the whole community, 
by making scientific knowledge available in a form 
which can be used by young children and their 
parents, and by developing in applying such 
knowledge to the raising of living standards. 

The concept of the school as a community center 
rather than merely a place of instruction for chil- 
dren has grown markedly in recent years. School 
buildings are used for adult education and other 
community purposes outside the formal school 
hours. Such school activities as the school-lunch 
program, greatly influence the life of the commu- 
nity. The growth of informal educational pro- 
grams, such as agricultural extension, labor 
education, and educational activities of libraries 
further reflects the trend toward relating educa- 
tion directly to problems of democratic living. 

Responsibility of the community for its schools 
also reflects the processes of democratic partici- 
pation — processes in which women as citizens play 
an important part. It has always been the prin- 
ciple of the American public-school system that 

policy making and ultimate control of the schools 
shall lie in the hands of citizens of each locality 
rather than in the hands of the government or 
of professional educators. School boards elected 
by the citizenry, on which women and men both 
serve, are the governing bodies of American pub- 
lic schools. The Parent Teacher Association, 
which brings together parents and teachers to con- 
sider needs of children and school, provides a fur- 
ther channel for participation by women of the 
community in planning for and promoting the 
education of their children. 

Education for responsible citizenship and dem- 
ocratic participation has always been a major ob- 
jective of American education. Such education 
first took the form of school courses in civics. In 
most schools, these courses, limited to the structure 
and processes of government, have been replaced 
by courses which integrate the study of history, 
civics, and other social sciences, and address them- 
selves to "Problems of Democracy." Student or- 
ganizations within the school are patterned on 
national, state, or local government and provide 
boys and girls with direct experience in the re- 
sponsible use of democratic procedures. Within 
the classroom, democratic processes are used as a 
consciously developed teaching method, and em- 
phasis is placed on developing the ability to eval- 
uate facts and to engage in public discussion which 
is basic to democracy. 

Interest in Public Affairs 

These educational developments have been re- 
flected in the role played by American women in 
their participation in State and Federal activities 
for the general welfare and for international 
peace and security. Citizenship training is re- 
flected especially in improved standards of local 
government for which women have worked vigor- 
ously as part of their responsibility for the family. 
It is reflected also in the activity of women's 
organizations to improve laws and their admin- 
istration through honest government, sound judi- 
cial procedures, and positive public programs 
relating to health, education, and welfare. Pos- 
sibly its strongest reflection is in the contributions 
of women's organizations to education. The ex- 
perience in parliamentary law and effective 
conduct of discussion which women have obtained 
in their organizations, in trade unions, and also 
in formal classes in schools has proved of great 
value for women in their political life. 

The interaction between the fact that women are 
increasingly well educated and increasingly con- 
cerned with public affairs is reflected in the 
development of women's magazines. The inter- 
action between women's magazines and their read- 
ers has steadily raised the level of public discus- 
sion in those magazines until they have become 
principal forums for the discussion of important 
issues, read by men as well as by women. Women 

April 6, 1953 


and women's organizations have been in the lead 
in developing and supporting voluntary welfare 
services, in tlie study of social problems, and in 
suppoi't of Ifjcal and national legislation to deal 
with these problems. Tliey liave frequently paved 
the way for men and women to work togetlier on 
these matters through labor unions and other 
citizen groups. 

A comprehensive study of the education of 
women in the United States will be carried on by 
a newly established commission on women's edu- 
cation of the American Council on Education. It 
will explore tlie current and long-range needs re- 
sulting from the impact of changing social condi- 
tions upon women as individuals, members of 
families, career women, citizens, and as creators 
and perpetuatore of values. It will include a con- 

sideration of women in faculty and administrative 
positions in higher education, the opportunities 
for women students in colleges and universities, 
and the development of plans for continuing the 
education of women at the adult level. 

The woman who plays a significant and con- 
structive role in the world today will be the woman 
whose clarity of thinking, whose experience, 
standards, and judgments can raise the cultural 
sights of her family and contribute to their 
psychological and emotional well-being. She is 
the woman who brings to her profession or busi- 
ness a wider range of vision, who is conscious of 
her responsibilities as a citizen in a democracy and 
does something about it. In other words, her 
education has trained her to be a good member of 

The United States in tlie United Nations 

[March 1&-25] 

General Assembly 

Committee I {Political and Security) — The 
U.S.S.R. on March 11) submitted a resolution de- 
termining that the Disarmament Commission, es- 
pecially the United States, France, and the United 
Kingdom, had repeatedly attempted to substitute 
for the question of armaments reduction "that of 
illegally obtaining intelligence reports on the 
armaments of individual states." The Soviet 
draft would direct the Disarmament Commission 
to proceed forthwith with the study of practical 
measures to acliieve armaments reduction, par- 
ticularly among the five Great Powers, and with 
the unconditional prohibition of atomic weapons, 
bacteriological, and other weapons of mass de- 
struction, and the establishment of strict inter- 
national control. The Disarmament Commission 
would be asked to report back to the Security 
Council and the General Assembly not later than 
July 1. 

Before introducing his resolution. Valerian 
Zorin (U.S.S.R.) brushed aside the questions put 
to him March 18 by Ambassador Ernest A. Gross, 
as to whether the Soviets were willing to discuss 
disarmament constructively in the United Nations. 
He declared that the U.S.S.R. had consistently 
advocated armaments reduction and prohibition 
of atomic energy as the greatest guaranties of 

Speaking in support of the 14-power resolution. 
D. J. von Balluseck (Netherlands) noted the 
fundamental difference in approach as between the 
West and the U.S.S.R. It was essential, he said, 

to begin with the question of disclosure and veri- 
fication. The U.S.S.R., however, wanted to start 
at the "far end" with reduction of armaments 
and prohibition of atomic weapons. There 
would be no value in such premature decisions, 
which might only continue the imbalance of 
power. A sy.stem of checks and balances was 

Leslie K. Munro (New Zealand) pointed out 
that clear and explicit answers to Ambassador 
Gross' questions of March 18 would "help us to 
assess"' the prospects of making progi'ess in dis- 
armament. Recalling Premier Malenkov's recent 
"peace policy" statements, he noted that press 
reports of a Pravda article advocating an all-out 
drive to strengthen Soviet power w-ere a "depress- 
ing sequel." 

Speaking for the United Kingdom. Sir Glad- 
wyn Jebb also referred to Premier Malenkov's 
talk of peace and proposed that if he really wanted 
to settle all outstanding problems peaceably, he 
would do well to start in the Disarmament Com- 
mission. Even if the new Soviet Government 
could just take a new look at the whole disarma- 
ment problem and try to get away from stale slo- i 
gans, some progi-ess would be achieved. 11 

At the March 20 meeting of the Committee, 
Egyjit, Iraq, Syria, and Yemen jointly introduced 
amendments to the 14-power draft wliich, among 
other things, would add a reference to hopes that 
"all members of the Commission will cooperate 
in efforts to produce constructive proposals likely 
to facilitate its task." 

On March 21, Mr. Zorin made an umisually 


Depariment of Sfate Bulletin 

moderate statement in which he said that the 
Soviet Union deemed it essential that the Disarma- 
ment Commission continue its work and endeavor 
to find common ground. His Government could 
not agree with the Western Powers' insistence that 
'disclosure of information must precede reduction 
of armaments; in the absence of agreement to 
reduce armaments, countries could not be expected 
to disclose information on their armaments for 
this might result in some states claiming that they 
were obliged to rearm further. 

Ambassador Gross expressed disappointment at 
the way in which his questions of March 18 had 
been treated. If the United States were easily 
discouraged, he said, the response of the Soviet 
delegation might lead it to believe there was no 
substance in the words of peace from the Kremlin. 
However, "we must say to the Soviet delegate: 
Surely this is not your last word on the subject; 
surely you would not have us believe the words 
of Premier Malenkov were empty words." 

The U.S. delegate pointed to the incalculable 
advantages which balanced reduction of armed 
forces would have for the Russian people and 
other peoples living under Soviet rule. He was 
sure they yearned for a decent standard of living, 
and disarmament could yield this without in any 
way jeopardizing the security of the Soviet state, 
the Soviet resolution. Ambassador Gross felt, 
would undo a great deal of the progress made at 
the last General Assembly. It proposed arma- 
ments reduction without any reference to armed 
forces. It sought to abandon the U.N.'s atomic 
energy plan. On the other hand, the United 
States recognized that in this resolution for the 
first time the Soviet Government had admitted by 
implication the possibility of reduction of non- 
atomic armaments on a basis other than a flat per- 
centage cut. He sincerely hoped this was an indi- 
cation of greater flexibility and a desire for gen- 
uine negotiation on this important problem. 
Wlien the Disarmament Commission reconvened, 
there would be a clear test of Soviet intentions. 
He concluded by assuring that the United States 
would give the most careful and sympathetic con- 
sideration to any Soviet proposals which might 
lead to a genuinely safeguarded system of dis- 
armament. (For text, see p. 503.) 

In the voting, the li-power draft as amended 
was approved 50-5 (Soviet bloc) -5 (Saudi Arabia, 
Burma, India, Indonesia, Argentina). (During 
the paragraph-by-paragraph voting, the Soviet 
bloc had cast affirmative votes on the preamble 
and on the portion of operative paragraph 2 re- 
questing continuation of the Disarmament Com- 
mission's work ; it had abstained on paragraph 3, 
requesting the Commission to report by September 
1, 1953, and expressing hope for cooperation 
within the Commission.) 
I The Soviet draft resolution was rejected by a 
' vote of 5^1-13 (Bolivia, Afghanistan, Argentina, 

April 6, 1953 

Egj'pt, Ethiopia, Burma, Iraq, Iran, Indonesia, 
India, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Yemen) . 

On Marcli 23 Czechoslovakia opened debate on 
its resolution calling upon the General Assembly 
to condemn the U.S. Mutual Security Act and to 
recommend abrogation of the section which ap- 
propriates 100 million dollars for alleged espio- 
nage and subversive activities behind the Iron 
Curtain. Both Vaclav David, Czechoslovak For- 
eign Minister, and Andrei Gromyko quoted liber- 
ally from statements of congressional and other 
U.S. leaders and from evidence given at spy trials 
in satellite countries in order to back up their con- 
tentions regarding interference by the United 
States aimed at overthrowing governments. 

Replying to their charges. Ambassador Lodge 
declared that no valid indictment of the United 
States could be based on newspaper clippings 
and remarks of individual legislators since 
people in this country were free to speak and write 
as they chose. As for the question of subversion, 
Czechoslovakia itself was a flagrant case in point. 
Ambassador Lodge described the Communist sub- 
version of the Czechoslovak state at the time of 
the coup (Tetat in February 1948. 

With this record, Ambassador Lodge pointed 
out, the present rulers of Czechoslovakia, who in- 
troduced this resolution criticizing the United 
States, do not come into court with clean hands. 
Turning to the question of escapees. Ambassa- 
dor Lodge pointed out that if the Kremlin leaders 
are really looking for the people who are subvert- 
ing life behind the Iron Curtain, they should look 
at themselves — at their laws, their decrees, their 
practices of oppression. Ambassador Lodge 
showed how in order to escape these practices of 
oppression and to seek freedom to speak, write, 
vote, and worship, men and women made heroic 
efforts to escape through the Iron Curtain despite 
armed guards watching from observation towers 
and vicious dogs patrolling the frontiers. He 
showed how the money expended under the Ker- 
sten amendment had been used to provide recep- 
tion and living, quarters, food, clothing, medical 
care; help in their search for visas; vocational 
training; and employment and emigration advice 
to assist in the permanent resettlement of these 

Ambassador Lodge went on to show how the 
funds appropriated under the Kersten amend- 
ment were part of the larger sums the United 
States is now spending under the Mutual Security 
Act and has previously spent under the Marshall 
l^lan to lielp the free nations to stay free— to stop 
future Koreas and future Czech oslovaki as before 
they start. As for U.S. intentions toward other 
countries, he cited U.S. technical-assistance pro- 
grams and bv contrast the recent Technical As- 
sistance Conference where Soviet representatives 
were conspicuously absent. In conclusion he 
called for an emphatic rejection of the Czech 


During the debate on March 25, Mr. von Bal- 
luseck said that the Czechoslovak Government and 
its "political friends" were really complaining that 
citizens of the Iron Curtain countries preferred 
liberty to serfdom and were leaving the "peace 
camp" in ever-increasing numbers for the free- 
dom of the West. The escapees were branded as 
agents of the ruling circles, and those who re- 
ceived them and treated them as human beino-s 
were condemned by the Communist world as ag- 
gressors and subversionists. The Netherlands 
delegation would vote against the Czechoslovak 
resolution, in the belief that giving aid to destitute 
political refugees was no crime. 

Selim Sarper (Turkey) stated that Ambassador 
Lodge had given convincing answers to the Soviet 
charges. Eca and Msa had accomplished much in 
Turkey, he added ; there were 2,500 tractors in his 
country in 1948 and 35,000 in 1952, and the cereal 
crop had been increased by 4,500,000 tons in the 
same period. 

There was nothing sinister about Msa aid to 
Free China, Chun-Ming Chang declared. De- 
scribing the constructive objectives of the U.S. 
program, he contrasted it with the Soviet Union's 
30-year record of promoting subversive activities 
in foreign countries. The Chinese people were 
opposed to the Communist regime, the most brutal 
form of domination ever known in the world. 

Ambassador Lodge on ]\Iarch 25 asked the 
Soviet delegation two additional questions, as to 
what future plans "the Kremlin's Czechoslovak 
puppet" has for William Oatis and what fate 
the Peiping regime has in store for the 100-odd 
A.mericans in Communist China. Summarizing 
his delegation's attitude toward the Czechoslovak 
attack on the Mutual Security Act, he concluded : 

. . . the only aspect of the escapee program which 
merits condemnation is the fact that the world is today so 
organized that there are escapees. The free peoples of the 
world can hardly do too much for these victims of Soviet 

Our aid to escapees can only stop when escapees stop 
coming — when millions of men and women, now trapped 
behind the Iron Curtain, need no longer look elsewhere 
for freedom. A problem like this is not solved by tighten- 
ing border controls and intensifying purges. When 
national aspirations are subverted, when human rights 
are suppressed, pressure builds up to the boiling point. 
One outcome of this pressure is a flow of escapees. And 
this flow will not stop until the Soviet leaders permit 
peoples under their sway to live their own lives in their 
own way. 

So long as escapees continue to come, the duty to assist 
them is a matter of common humanity for the United 
States and the rest of the free world. It is also a duty 
imixised on us by the Charter. For, in essence, the United 
Nations Charter is a Charter of hope and freedom. It is 
a Charter of emancipation from religious and civil per- 
secution, from poverty and disease, and from the even 
more hideous scourges of concjuest and de.spotism. 

It is a magnet drawing vast populations who .see in it 
the expression of their hope to live their own lives in 
well-being and freedom. 

Mr. Chairman, we want to make this magnet irresistible, 
strongly charging it with our support and strength. 


Our Mutual Security Program will stop when the threat 
of aggression— not only for us, but for all the free world- 
is lifted. The United States, like all the free world, pre- 
fers peaceful settlements to a dangerous and burdensome 
armaments race. We do not enjoy that. We long for 
the day of honest negotiations which my Government 
asked for in this committee last week. We will meet the 
Soviet Union half-way at any time. 

Economic and Social Council ' 

Commission on the Status of Women — The I 
Commission on March 19 approved 12-0-5 (U.S.) I 
a French-Lebanese-Pakistani text requesting in-| 
elusion of article 1 of the Human Rights Dectara^ 
tion in the Civil and Political Rights Covenant. 
At the following day's meeting, a compromise I 
resolution on the nationality of married women, i 
formulated by the resolutions committee, was ap- 
proved by a vote of 12-3 (Soviet bloc)-2 (China, I 
U.K.). The resolution recommends that the Eco- 
nomic and Social Council request the Secretary 
General to circulate to members the draft conven- ' 
tion on nationality of married persons proposed ' 
by Cuba, with the request that members send in 
their comments by January 1954, in time for con- 
sideration at the Commission's eighth session. 

During the same meeting, unanimous approval \ 
was given to a resolution on the status of women 
in private law, recommending that the Economic i 
and Social Council call on governments to take 
all possible measures to insure equality of rights ' 
and duties of husband and wife in family mat- 
ters, and to the wife full legal capacity and the 
right to engage in work outside the home and the 
right to acquire, administer, enjoy, and dispose 
ot property on equal terms with her husband. ' 

Discussion of political rights opened on March ' 
23. Mrs. Lorena B. Hahn (U.S.) urged that at- ' 
tention now be focused on methods of helping gov- 
ernments to provide equal suffrage. As women ' 
lacked the vote in more than 15 nations, almost all ' 
of which are U.N. members, she believed that help- 
ful recommendations could be made. \ 
On March 24 the Commission adopted a reso- i 
lution urging signature of the Convention on Po- ■ 
litical Rights. The vote was 10-0-7 (U.S., U.K., 
Soviet bloc, Chile). Action on the political 
rights item was completed on March 25, with the 
nearly unanimous adoption of three resolutions 
on submission of information drawn from annual ' 
reports on trust territories, on suggestions for 
future reports by the Secretary General, and on 
development of the political rights of women in 
trust and non-self-governing territories. 

Debate then opened on educational opportuni- 
ties for women. Describing the situation in the 
United States, Mrs. Hahn reported that equal 
educational opportunities for women were guar- 
anteed in all States. There was practically no job 
for which a qualified woman could not obtain 
appropriate educational training. (See p. 512.) 

Department of State Bulletin 

Communiques Regarding Korea 
^to the Security Council 

1 The Headquarters of the U.N. Command has 
I transmitted communiques regarding Korea to the 
'Secretary General of tlie United Nations under 
the following U.N. document numbers: S/2904, 
Jan. 14; S/2921, Feb. 2; S/2923, Feb. 4; S/2924, 
Feb. 3; S/2925, Feb. 9; S/2926, Feb. 10; S/2931, 
Feb. 13 ; S/2932, Jan. 28 ; S/2933, Feb. 18 ; S/2935, 
I Feb. 24 ; S/2937, Feb. 25 ; S/2938, Feb. 25 ; S/2940, 
I Feb. 26; S/2941, Feb. 27; S/2943, Mar. 2; S/2944, 
•Mar. 4. 

U.S. Delegations 

to international Conferences 

Commission on the Status of Women (ECOSOC) 

The Department of State announced on March 
16 (press release 137) that Mrs. Lorena B. Hahn, 
U.S. representative on the Commission on the 
Status of Women of the U.N. Economic and Social 
Council (Ecosoc), will attend the seventh session 
of the Commission, which opened at New York on 
March 16. Mrs. Hahn will be assisted by the 
following advisers: 

Mrs. Alice Angus Morrison, Women's Bureau, Department 

of Labor 
Mrs. Rachel C. Nason, Office of U.N. Economic and Social 

Affairs, Department of State 
Mrs. Harriet G. Filler, Division of Research for U.S.S.R. 

and Eastern Europe, Department of State 

The agenda for this session provides for the 
consideration of reports concerning ( 1 ) the status 
of women in the family, including the property 
rights of married women; (2) equal suffrage for 
women, with special attention being given to the 
action which has been taken to bring into force the 
Convention on the Political Rights of Women 
which was adopted by the General Assembly last 
December; (3) civil rights of women, including 
access to Government service ; (4) economic oppor- 
tunities ; (5) equal pay for equal work for men and 
women workers; (6) educational opportunities; 
(7) the extent to which women are serving in dele- 
gations of their governments to the United Nations 
and the specialized agencies; and (8) progress on 
the convention on the nationality of married 
women. A report on the work of the Commission 
will be prepared for submission to Ecosoc. 

The Commission on the Status of Women, which 
was established in 1946, is one of the permanent 
functional commissions of Ecosoc. It is respon- 
sible for the preparation of recommendations and 
reports to the Council on the promotion of women's 
rights in political, economic, social, educational, 
and civil fields. Eighteen Governments, elected 
by the Council, comprise the membership of the 
Commission. Its last (sixth) session was held at 
Geneva, March 24-April 5, 1952. 

Technical Assistance Committee CECOSOC) 

The Department of State announced on March 
20 (press release 147) that Isador Lubin, the U.S. 
representative on the Technical Assistance Com- 
mittee of the U.N. Economic and Social Council 
(Ecosoc), will attend the meeting of the Commit- 
tee which is scheduled to open at New York on 
March 23. 

The following advisers will assist the U.S. rep- 
resentative: Philip M. Burnett, acting officer in 
charge of the technical assistance unit. Office of 
U.N. Economic and Social Affairs, Department 
of State; Eleanor Dennison, adviser on multilat- 
eral affairs, Technical Cooperation Administra- 
tion, Department of State; and Johanna von 
Goeckingk, Division of International Adminis- 
tration, Department of State. 

The responsibility for review of the programs 
and the administrative problems of the U.N. ex- 
panded program of technical assistance is carried 
primarily by two bodies. The Technical Assist- 
ance Board, composed of the heads of the partici- 
pating organizations, undertakes the detailed re- 
view, coordination, and integration of the 
programs or projects submitted by the various 
agencies and makes reports and recommendations 
thereon to the Technical Assistance Committee. 
The Technical Assistance Committee, on which 
the 18-member governments of the Ecosoc are 
represented, reviews the reports and recommenda- 
tions made by the Board ; reviews the administra- 
tive problems common to all organizations partici- 
pating in the operation of the program; gives 
general policy guidance; evaluates the effective- 
ness of the total program; and makes recom- 
mendations to the Ecosoc. 

The last meeting of the Technical Assistance 
Committee was held at New York in July 1'952. 

Work Plantation Committee (ILO) 

The Department of State announced on March 
16 (press release 138) that on that date the Com- 
mittee on Work on Plantations of the Interna- 
tional Labor Organization would begin its second 
session at Habana, Cuba. The U.S. delegation 
is as follows : 

Repbesentino the Goveenment of the United States : 


Clara M. Beyer, Associate Director, Bureau of Labor 
Standards, Department of Labor, Washington, D. C. 

Fernando Sierra Berdecia, Secretary of Labor of Puerto 
Rico, San O'uan, Puerto Rico 


Irving Lippe, Labor Attach^, U.S. Embassy, Habana, Cuba 

Repeesentinq the Employees of the United States : 


W. B. Hellis, General Manager, Irvine Company, Tustin. 

April 6, 1953 


Franklin J. Farrington, Assistant Director, Plantations 
Division. U. S. Rubber Company, New York. N. Y. 


Ross Armsby, Secretaiy, Manufacturing Commission, 
Rubber JIanufacturers Association, New York, N. Y. 

This committee, which lield its first session at 
Bandung, Indonesia, December 4-16, 19.50, was 
establisiied by tlie Governing Body of the Inter- 
national Labor Office to examine problems com- 
mon to plantation workers in all areas of the 
world and to devise methods for dealing with 
those problems within the framework of the In- 
ternational Labor Organization. In November 
19.51 the Governing Body decided that the agenda 
for the second session should include (1) a gen- 
eral I'eport covering actions taken on the basi's of 
the conclusions of the first session and recent 
events and developments affecting work on plan- 
tations; (2) definition of the term "plantations"; 
(3) regulation of wages on plantations; and (4) 
health and social services on plantations. 

The Committee is composed of representatives 
from 18 countries: Belgium, Brazil, Burma, Cey- 
lon. Cuba, Dominican Republic, France, India, 
Indonesia, Liberia, the Netherlands. Pakistan, the 
Philippines, Portugal, Thailand, United King- 
dom, the United States, and Vietnam. 

World Symposium on Sferics (WMO) 

The Department of State announced on March 
17 (press release 141) that a World Symposium 
on Sfencs would convene on that date at Zurich 
under the auspices of a Working Group on Radio- 
Electric Meteorology of the Commission for Aer- 
ology of the World Meteorological Organization 
(Wmo). The U.S. Government will be repre- 
sented at the Symposium by observers. 

Arthur W. Johnson, Meteorological Attache 
American Legation, Bern, will be principal ob- 
server. Clayton H. Jensen, Major, U.S.A.F., 
Chief, Evaluation and Development Division, Di- 
rectorate of Scientific Services, Air Weather 
Service, Department of the Air Force, and Law- 
rence A. Pick, Chief, Meteorological Branch, 
Sferics Section, Evans Signal Corps Laboratory, 
Department of the Army, also will be observers. 

Tlie purpose of the Symposium is to bring to- 
gether comprehensive information on sferics 
(radio-electric storm detection), particularly with 
respect to the latest techniques in observing, re- 
cording, and transmitting data; new develop- 
ments in equipment; and lists of existing sferics 

Worldwide inquiries on the subject have been 
initiated because of the value of sferics in synoptic 
meteorology, especially in areas with widely scat- 
tered stations and over the ocean. Sferics is a 
new field of weather research which has practical 
.significance in relation to many human activities, 
including the protection of lives and property 
from severe .storms and the navigation of aircraft 
and surface vessels. 



Termination of VOA Contracts 

Press release 152 dated March 20 

Contracts for construction at the Voice o: 
America's two high-powered radio stations, Bakei 
East near Wilmington, N.C., and Baker West ai 
Port Angeles, Wash., were terminated on March 2( 
by Robert L. Johnson, Administrator of thi 
International Information Administration. 

The construction contracts for these two trans 
mitting plants were suspended on February 17 bj 
Mr. Johnson's predecessor and substantial mainte 
nance costs were still being incurred. 

Since taking office on ]\Iarch 3, Mr. Johnson has 
met with members of the U.S. Advisory Commis 
sion on Information, members of the Radic 
Advisory Committee, and obtained technical ad 
vice from experts in and outside the Government 

As a result of this series of studies, Mr. Jolmsor 
said he has not attempted to make a final decisior 
as to whether or not these stations should be con- 
structed at some future date but he has concludec 
that it would not be justifiable to proceed undei 
present contracts for construction at Baker Easi 
or Baker West and that these contracts should not 
be continued in suspension. 

Department's Security Processes 

Press Conference Statement by Secretary Dullei 

Press releases 149, 151. dated March 20 

I thought it might be useful if I first made a 
little educational statement (at least I hope it 
will be educational), about the FBI reports and 
the way that they are handled. 

We are trying here to get FBI checkups as rap- 
idly as we can on all of the key people and im- 
portant officials in the different departments of the 
Government. That includes, of course, the State 
Department. In the beginning we can only cover 
the top people, because there are so many people in 
this Department and in the other Departments 
that if we tried to do everything at one time the 
FBI facilities would be completely swamped. 

The ordinary FBI field checkup takes from 4 
to 5 weeks, depending on how diverse have been 
the activities of the subject of the investigation. 
If he's lived all his life in one spot it's fairly easy; 
if he's been in different parts of the country and in 
different businesses it takes much longer. 

When the FBI field report, comes in.'^it's a mass 
of interviews with persons of all sorts and varie- 
ties and of undetermined reliability. The in- 
vestigators' job is to find information that is ad- 
verse, if there is any, because their business is to 
try to detect anything which is suspicious. Then, 

Department of State Bulletin 


Iwhen the field reports are concluded, the FBI 
makes summaries and these summaries deal pri- 
marily with the derogatory material because what 
we are looking for is danger signals. It summa- 
rizes that derogatory material but does not at- 
tempt to evaluate it. FBI reports are summaries. 
For example, they never say that on the basis of 
our investigation we conclude that "Mr. X" is 
or is not a good security or a good loyalty risk. 
That job of evaluating the report is left to the 
responsible officers of the Departments concerned. 

Now, here in the Department of State these 
FBI summaries in the case of important persons 
are often sent to me directly and personally by 
Mr. J. Edgar Hoover. I then ask our security 
officer, now Mr. McLeod, to handle the matter 
himself or to speak to me about it. Either I, or 
one of the Under Secretaries acting for me, have 
the responsibility of making the final evaluation 
as far as the State Department is concerned. 

Then, in the case of Presidential nominations, 
we report to the President and he sends the nomi- 
nation to the Senate. Sometimes where the nom- 
ination is deemed to be urgent, the Department 
and the President act in the first instance, on the 
basis of quick FBI checks which are designed 
merely to show whether there is already in the 
files of the FBI any derogatory material. In 
that case the matter is supplemented by subsequent 
field investigations. 

Sometimes the Foreign Relations Committee, as 
is its right, wants to question the Secretary of 
State with reference to evaluations that are put 
on FBI reports. It is not, however, customary 
to make generally available the FBI reports 
themselves or the summaries because this would 
disclose and dry up for the future sources of in- 
formation of great value to the Government. The 
President and the Attorney General, under whom 
the FBI operates, closely restrict access to these 
records. It is, however, permissible for the Sec- 
retary of State to tell the Foreign Relations Com- 
mittee in executive session about the contents of 
reports without actually disclosing names and 

In recent cases the Foreign Relations Commit- 
tee has accepted the round evaluations given them 
by the Secretary of State. He cannot, of course, 
guarantee that there is no possible loyalty or secu- 
rity risk; the most that he can do is to say that 
the records of the FBI disclose no evidence of such 
a risk. 

Where there are anonymous or unsubstantiated 
allegations, the Department would normally ask 
the FBI to continue to seek the facts and to in- 
tensify its investigation. We are doing all that is 
humanly possible to eliminate loyalty and secu- 
rity risks and in this respect we are getting 
splendid cooperation from the Foreign Relations 
Committee and from the FBI. 

In. reply to a question conceiving Charles E. 
BohJen, vjhom- the President nominated on Febru- 

ary 27 to be Ambassador to the U.S.S.R., Secre- 
tary Dulles said further: 

I did not find in the FBI reports in summary, 
any facts indicating that Mr. Bohlen might be a 
security or a loyalty risk. Now, it's been said 
that this Bohlen case is an acid test. I think it's 
an acid test of the orderly processes of our Gov- 
ernment. There was a thorough investigation, 
the reports were brought before the Foreign Re- 
lations Committee, they were discussed there with 
me for a period of nearly 3 hours, and then, as I 
say, the Committee voted unanimously to report 
the nomination out to the floor of the Senate. If 
matters can't be dealt with and disposed of in that 
orderly way, it will very much disorganize the 
conduct of public affairs and foreign affairs at a 
very critical moment in history. 


Livingston T. Merchant 

The Senate on March 11 confirmed Livingston T. Mer- 
chant as Assistant Secretary for European Affairs. 

Robert D. Murphy 

The Senate on March 20 confirmed Robert D. Murphy 
as Assistant Secretary for United Nations Affairs. 

Walter S. Robertson 

The Senate on March 27 confirmed WaUer S. Robertson 
as Assistant Secretary for Far Eastern Affairs. 

Douglas MacArthur, 2d 

The Senate on March 11 confirmed Douglas MacArthur, 
2d, as Counselor of the Department. 



The Senate on March 27 confirmed Charles E. Bohlen as 
Ambassador to the U.S.S.R. 

Checi( List of Department of State 
Press Releases: Mar. 23-28, 1953 

Releases may be obtained from the Office of the 
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department 
of State, Washington 25, D.C. 

Press releases issued prior to Mar. 23 which 
appear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 137 
of Mar. 10, 138 of Mnr. 1(1, 140 of Mar. 17, 141 of 
Mar. 17, 145 of Mar. 19, 147 of Mar. 20, 149 of Mar. 
20, 151 of Mar. 20, and 152 of Mar. 20. 

No. Date Sabject 

154 3/23 Anglo-Egyptian Sudan Commission 

155 3/25 Nixon-Dulles : French Ministers 
tl56 3/24 Soviet reply to U.S. on plane attack 
*157 3/25 Exchange of persons 

*158 3/26 Cabot to visit Middle America 

159 3/28 Dulles : Exchange of wounded Pow's 

160 3/28 U.S.-French communique 

*Not printed. 

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin. 

April 6, ?953 


AprU 6, 1953 


Vol. XXVIII, No. 719 


EGYPT: Expansion of Point Four program . . 498 
SUDAN: U.S. represented on Commission lor 

Anglo-Egyptian Sudan Elections .... 493 

Arms and Armed Forces 

Formal diplomatic claims preferred against 
Hungary and U.S.S.R. for their conduct in 
1951 plane case (Summary of U.S. notes of 
March 17) 496 


Communiques regarding Korea to the Security 

Council 517 

Exchange of sick and wounded prisoners of 

war 494 

TURKEY: MsA defense support funds .... 499 


Prime Minister to visit Washington 500 


Senate resolution on minorities transmitted to 

UJ<. (Lodge) 506 

Disarmament Commission 

The Soviet attitude toward the disaxmament 

proDlem (Gross) 503 


Formal diplomatic claims preferred against 
Hungary and U.S.S.R. for their conduct in 
1951 plane case (Siimmary of U.S. notes of 
March 17) 496 


Guaranty issued for private Investment . . 500 
U.S. and Prance discuss measures to promote 

peace (text of communique) 491 

U.K.: President expresses sympathy on death of 

Queen Mary 493 

U.S.S.R.: The Soviet attitude toward the dis- 
armament problem (Gross) 503 


Guaranty Issued for private Investment In 

Prance 500 

Foreign Service 

Confirmatious (Bohlen) 519 

Human Rights 

International aspects of the status of women 

(Hahn) 607 

Senate resolution on minorities transmitted to 

UJ^. (Lodge) 506 

International Information 

Termination of VGA contracts 518 

International Meetings 

Calendar of meetings 501 


Commission on the Status of Women 

(Ecosoc) 517 

Technical Assistance Committee (Ecosoc) . . 517 

Work Plantation Committee (Ilo) .... 517 

World Symposium on Sferics 518 

Mutual Security 

Guaranty issued for private Investment In 

France 500 

MSA defense support funds for Turkey .... 499 

Presidential Documents 

President expresses sympathy on death of 

Queen Mary 493 

Prisoners of War 

Exchange of sick and wounded prisoners of war . 494 

Protection of U.S. Nationals and Property 

Formal diplomatic claims preferred against 
Hungary and U.S.S.R. for their conduct in 
1951 plane case (Summary of U.S. notes of 

March 17) 496 

State, Department of 

Confirmatious (Merchant, Murphy, Robertson, 

MacArthur) 519 

Department's security processes (Dulles) . . 518 

Termination of VOA contracts 61a 

Technical Cooperation and Development 

Expansion of Point Four program in Egypt . . 498 


Mr. Douglas heads trade survey 498 

Treaty Information 

U.S. represented on Commission for Anglo- 
Egyptian Sudan Elections 493 

United Nations 

Commission on the Status of Women (Ecosoc) . 517 

Communiques regarding Korea to the Security 

Council 517 

Exchange of sick and wounded prisoners of 

war 494 

International aspects of the status of women 

(Hahn) 507 

Senate resolution on minorities transmitted to 

U.N. (Lodge) 506 

Soviet attituae toward the disarmament prob- 
lem (Gross) 503 

Technical Assistance Committee (Ecosoc) . . 517 

The United States In the United Nations . . . 514 

Name Index 

Beyer, Clara M 517 

Bohlen, Charles E 518, 519 

Clark. Mark 494 

Douglas, Lewis W 49d 

Duiies, Secretary 492, 494, 518 

Eisenhower, President 493 

Parrington, F. J 518 

GUddeu, Harold W 493 

Gross, Ernest A 503 

Hahn, Mrs. Lorena B 507, 517 

Hellis, W. B 617 

Johnson, Arthur W 518 

Johnson, Robert L 518 

Kim II Sung 494 

Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 506 

Lubm, Isador 617 

MacArthur, Douglas, H 519 

Mary, Queen 493 

Mayer, Prime Minister Ren6 492 

Merchant, Livingston T 519 

Murphy, Robert D 519 

Nixon, Vice President 492 

Perkins, Warwick 493 

Robertson, Walter S 519 

Sierra Berdecia, Fernando 517 

St. Laurent, Louis S 500 

White, Lincoln 494 


^Jie/ Q}efia/d^%e7ii/ <^ t/iate^ 

XXVIII, No. 720 
April 13, 1953 

Statement by Assistant Secretary Linder 554 

Protest Notes of Eight Governments 555 



by George V. Allen 


U.S. REFUTED • Statements by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. . 539 


EUROPE • Statement by Miriam Camp 534 

For index see back cover 

Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

APR 3 01953 

^WT o. 

Me 9e/ut^fmen^ ^ Sflaie V^XSWqWW. 

Vol. XXVIII, No. 720 . Publication 5026 
April 13, 1953 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Oovemment Printing OdSce 

Washington 25, D.C. 


62 issues, domestic $7.60. foreign $10.25 

Single copy, 20 cents 

The printing of this publication has 
been approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 1952). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
OF State Bulletin as the source will be 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication compiled and 
edited in the Division of Publications, 
Office of Public Affairs, provides the 
public and interested agencies of 
the Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the De- 
partment of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes 
selected press releases on foreign pol- 
icy issued by the White House and 
the Department, and statements and 
addresses made by the President and 
by the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, as 
well as legislative material in the field 
of international relations, are listed 

The Pattern of U.S.-lndian Relations 

ly George V. Allen 
Ambassador to India ^ 

I am deeply sensible of the friendly spirit which 
has motivated the India League of America in in- 
viting me to be with you here today. It is a source 
of considerable satisfaction to us who work in the 
official or governmental sphere of U.S.-India rela- 
tions to know that there is a group of men and 
women, distinguished in the professions, the arts, 
and business, who at the same time are actively 
eno-ao-ed in a private effort to increase understand- 
in| between the United States and India and fur- 
ther to strengthen relations between the two. 

I believe the key to sound and enduring rela- 
tions between nations lies in private effort m 
whatever spheres-cultural relations, education, 
economic assistance, or trade and finance— by or- 
ganizations such as yours. Official or government 
action is of course necessary, but it has substance 
only insofar as the atmosphere of friendship has 
been created between the peoples of the countries 

I am aware that the India League ot America 
has been active for many years. Before India s 
independence it was effective in mobilizing opinion 
in this country on behalf of India's freedom. 
Since then it has been in the forefront as a private 
agency for the dissemination of information about 
India and U.S.-lndian affairs and for the develop- 
ment of closer understanding between our two 

peoples. 1 • TTT t. 

Only a few days ago land was allotted in Wash- 
ington, D. C, for the site of a Gandhi memorial— 
a project which was conceived and is being carried 
out by the League. In activity of this sort, in 
which private citizens show by action their interest 
in India and in the development of better under- 
standing, there is, in my opinion, far more value 
than any number of speeches by government of- 
ficers or diplomats which proclaim friendship and 
understanding which may or may not exist. And 
as these private and spontaneous actions continue, 
official declarations of friendship will inevitably 
carry more weight and conviction. 

' Remarks made before the India League of America ai 
New York City on Apr. 1. 

AprW 13, 1953 

I am very glad to find myself once again pro- 
fessionally concerned with U.S.-lndian relations 
after a lapse of 7 years in somewhat different 
work. Prior to my assignment in 1946 as Am- 
bassador to Iran, I shared in the work of that part 
of the Department of State which dealt with 
Indian affairs. This was before Indian inde- 
pendence, and, of course, there have been great 
changes since then. Then, India was the greatest 
jewel in the crown of empire. Now it is the largest 
democratic republic in the world. Then, Indian 
leaders were revolutionaries ; today, many of these 
revolutionaries hold the responsibilities of govern- 
ment and grapple with different but perhaps no 
less difficult problems. 

No man could approach the assignment 1 have 
been given but with humility and a full awareness 
of the'challenge the assignment offers. Yet I have 
every confidence that my work will be easier be- 
cause, I believe, the broad pattern of U. S.-Indian 
relations has already been well-established. That 
pattern involves growing understanding and 
friendship between the two countries and closer, 
more fruitful cooperation in international affairs. 
It is based on scrupulous care that the sovereignty 
and national aspirations of each not be offended. 

We attach the greatest importance to the efforts 
which India is making to develop its economy and 
improve the lot of its people. If those efforts 
succeed, it will encourage peoples throughout Asia 
and fortify faith in democratic methods every- 
where. If they do not succeed, the very founda- 
tions of the Indian Republic and of the Orient may 
be shaken. America's interest, in one sentence, is 
that India, which has achieved full sovereign 
status, shall retain that status completely, and 
that the faith which the vast majority of the In- 
dian people have in democracy's ability to give 
them a better and fuller life be sustained and 

India's problems are in a very real sense the 
world's problems, and many nations, recognizing 
this, are offering whatever help they can. The 
United States is in the forefront as regards mate- 


rial help and moral encouragement to India. We 
do not give our help as charity ; on the contrary, 
our help has been in the nature of an investment in 
India s sovereignty and independence. We, and 
the rest of the free vporld, stand to receive rich divi- 
dends in strengthened democracy and in develop- 
ing a strong spiritual bastion against the heartless 
and dangerous forces of materialism. 

I am confident that we will continue to offer our 
help and encouragement. 

There is in the United States today an ever- 
growing understanding of India's problems and 
sympathy for India's courageous efforts, and in 
India s position, in the world or its great potential. 

I am unaware of any proposals under considera- 
tion which would reverse or cancel the policies 
which the United States has been following for 
some time and which have received the support of 
Republicans and Democrats alike. Rather, I think 
you may find a quickened interest in India, and 
an even stronger determination, on our part to 
clear up any misunderstanding and to reaffirm' by 
word and deed our abiding friendship for India 
lo this end I have dedicated myself and ask your 
continued help and support. 

Assessment of Soviet Gestures 

Remarks by Secretary Dulles 

Press release 173 dated April 3 

In response to various questions concerning the 
(usessment placed by the United States on recent 
'Soviet moves and their possible outcome, Secretary 
Dulles made the following extemporaneous re- 
marks at his news conference on April 3: 

Nothing that has happened, or which seems to 
me Jikely to happen, has changed the basic situa- 
tion of danger in which we stand. There are three 
basic facts which, I think, we should always have 
in mind as long as they are the facts. 

The first is this : The Soviet Union is a heavily 
armed totalitarian state, subject to the dictates of 
a small group, whose total control extends to one- 
third of the people, and the natural resources of 
the world. 

The second fact is that the leaders of the Soviet 
Union are basically and deeply hostile to any other 
state which does not accept Soviet Communist 
control. That is part of their fanatically held 

The third fact is that the Soviet Communist 
leaders do not recognize any moral inhibitions 
against the use of violence. In fact, they do not 
admit the existence of such a thing as the moral 

Now those facts combine to create a gi-ave 
danger, and as I said, nothing that has happened 
or seems likely to happen in the near future ends 
that danger, or our need, or the need of the free 


world generally, to take precautions against it. 
That, however, does not prevent accommodations 
from time to time which may be useful— useful if, 
but only if, they do not blind us to the persistence 
of the danger. 

At the moment I see nothing which ends that 
danger or would justify us in changing any of our 
basic defensive policies, either alone or in con- 
junction with our allies. Now, there are, as I have 
said, possibilities of useful accommodation that 
could relate to such matters as the exchange of 
wounded and sick prisoners of war in Korea, and 
if good faith is shown in relation to that, then 
there may be the possibility of an armistice in 

There is a question of an Austrian treaty which 
could also be a matter of accommodation. 

There are a whole series of outstanding ques- 
tions which can be a matter of accommodation. 

The point I want to make is that so long as these 
three conditions persist, to which I referred, we 
must not, in my opinion, assume that the danger is 
over and that we are living in a peaceful world 
which requires neither armament nor our allies. 

I see nothing which should delay or hamper the 
European Defense Community and the other basic 
policy measures that we are trying to take. 

Asked whether there was any incoTisistency be- 
tween this view and that expressed by President 
Eisenhower the day before,"- Mr. Dulles replied: 

I am confident that the general philosophy 
which I have expressed is the philosophy of the ad- 
ministration. The President said, I think— I 
haven't actually seen the transcript of his state- 
ment — that we are prepared to take up concrete 
matters, such as peace in Asia, where it is to our 
advantage to do so, and test out the Communist 
words, in practical operation. 

I think that the events that are happening are, 
to a very large extent, due to the vigorous position 
which the Eisenhower administration has taken 
since it has been in office. 

We have had indications from so-called neutral 
sources m contact with the Soviet Union that the 
leaders there were waiting to see what the policies 
of the new administration would be, whether they 
would be weak or strong policies. 

Now, in fact, we have taken some fairly strong 
policies, both in Asia and in Europe. 

In Asia we have ended the orders of the Seventh 
Fleet which protected the Chinese Communist 
Mainland. We have intensified the build-up of 
indigenous forces. South Korean forces, in the 
Republic of Korea. We indicated to the French 
our disposition to increase help to them there. 
We pointed out that an armistice in Korea could 
not be used as a basis for enabling the Chinese 

' At bis press conference on Apr. 2, the President said 
that the United States should take at face value every offer 
that was made until it was proved not to be worthy of 
being so taken. 

Deparfment of Stafe Bullefin 

Communists to shift their forces and to commit 
aggression elsewhere, or at least if they attempted 
that it would have serious consequences. 

In Europe, we have actively revived the program 
for a European Defense Community, and increased 
unity — military, in the first instance; ultimately, 
political, and economic. 

In all those respects we have had vigorous, posi- 
tive policies. In my opinion they are beginning 
to bear some fruit, although how much that fruit 
will turn out to be still remains to be tested. It is 
still in words primarily rather than in actual 

Fourth Anniversary of NATO 


White Honee press release dated April 4 

Just 4 years ago today the representatives of 12 
free nations met in Washington to sign their names 
to a document which free men will long remember. 
That document was the North Atlantic Treaty. 

In the years since that date other nations have 
signed their names and pledged their strength — 
to make Nato the central source of strength for 
defense of the western world. 

This year it happens that we commemorate the 
anniversary of Nato at Easter time. To peoples 
of all faiths the spiritual idea of the Prince of 
Peace carries meaning. And Nato is an instru- 
ment of peace. It endangers none who will respect 
freedom. It serves all who love freedom — and 
wish to enjoy it in peace. 

We have learned from bitter and conclusive ex- 
perience that peace cannot be defended by the 
weak. It demands strength — strength of our 
armies, strength of our economies, and, above all, 
strength of our spirit. 

This strength can be born only of unity. Nato 
signifies the resolve of the free nations of the 
North Atlantic community to be united against 
any aggression. The North Atlantic Treaty served 
notice that an attack upon any of the Nato coun- 
tries would be resisted by all. It did yet more: 
It called upon all participating nations to develop 
that strength which could not only win war but 
more importantly could prevent war. 

The two hundred million people of the Nato 
nations of Europe are in the deepest sense bound 

together by a unity more profound than any pact. 
They are skilled in work, courageous in spirit, 
and tenacious in their love of freedom. They — 
their spirit and strength and resources — are in- 
dispensable to the defense of freedom everywhere. 
If they and their resources ever were captured and 
exploited by an aggressor, there Avould be no corner 
of safety anywhere in the world. But so long as 
these people and these resources are joined with 
those of the United States in our common cause, 
no aggressor can be blind to the folly of attack. 

The woi'k of Nato is far from complete. This 
anniversary, then, should be the signal for all 
Nato nations to dedicate themselves with renewed 
vigor to the work that remains to be done. So 
doing, each and all must know that they are 
serving — not the wishes or needs of some big alien 
power, nor even a lofty abstract ideal — but simply 
their own salvation and survival in freedom. 

Each and all must remind themselves that the 
faint of heart and the slow of deed are the first 
and the surest to invite the torment of aggression. 

Each and all of us must summon to mind the 
words of Him whom we honor this Easter time: 
"When a strong man, armed, keepeth his palace, 
his goods are in peace." 

Secretary Dulles' Message to Lord Ismay > 

On this fourth anniversary of the signing 
of the North Atlantic Treaty I want to ex- 
tend to you, and through you to the chairman 
of the North Atlantic Council and the repre- 
sentatives of other Nato Governments, the 
greetings of the Government of the United 
States. Let me also express appreciation of 
the imaginative and devoted leadership you 
have demonstrated during the past year. It 
has been a year of substantial progress, and 
with continued unity of effort there is reason 
to hope that even greater progress can be 
achieved during the coming year. I can as- 
sure you of the continued interest and co- 
operation of the U.S. Government, because 
we are convinced that a strong and enduring 
Atlantic partnership is vitally important to 
the security and peace of the entire world. 

' Sent on Apr. 3. Lord Ismay is Secretary-General 
of Nato. 

April 13, 1953 


Proposal for Settlement of Korean Prisoner-of-War Question 

Premier Chou En-lai of Conwnunist China on 
March 30 proposed that negotiations should begin 
at once on the exchange of sick and wounded 
prisoners of war in Korea., and that, after the ces- 
sation of hostilities, all prisoners who do not wish 
to he repatriated should he turned over to a neutral 
country '■'■so as to insure a just solution to the ques- 
tion of their repatriation. Following is the text 
of his statement, which was hroadcast by the New 
China News Agency {Radio Peiping), together 
tvith a statement by Lincoln White, Deputy Spe- 
cial Assistant for Press Relations, a letter from. 
Gen. Mark Clark to the Communist Commanders, 
and a statement by Soviet Foreign Minister 
Vyacheslav M. Molotov. 


U.N. doc. A/2378 
Dated March 31, 1953 

Enclosed herewith the full text of my statement 
on the question of the Korean armistice negotia- 
tions issued on 30 March 1953. Please distribute 
the full text of this statement to all the delegations 
of the member states of the United Nations, ex- 
cept the so-called "delegation" of the remnant 
Chinese Kuomintang clique. 


The Central People's Government of the People's Repub- 
lic of China and the Government of the Democratic 
People's Kepublic of Korea, having jointly studied the 
proposal put forward by Gen. Mark W. Clark. Commander 
in Chief of the United Nations Command, on Feb. 22, 1953, 
concerning the exchange of sick and injured prisoners of 
war of both sides during the period of hostilities, are of 
the common opinion that it is entirel.v possible to achieve a 
reasonable settlement of this question in accordance with 
the provision of Article 109 of the Geneva Convention of 

A reasonable settlement of the question of exchanging 
sick and injured prisoners of war clearly has a very 
significant bearing upon the smooth settlement of the entire 
question of prisoners of war. It is, therefore, our view 
that the time should be considered ripe for settling the 
entire question of prisoners of war in order to insure the 
cessation of hostilities in Korea and to conclude the 
armistice agreement. 

The Government of the People's Republic of China and 
the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of 

" Cablegram sent to President Lester B. Pearson of the 
U.N. General Assembly by the Communist Chinese 


Korea hold in common that the delegates of the Korean 
People's Army and the Chinese People's Volunteers to the 
armistice negotiations and the delegates of the United 
Nations Command to the armistice negotiations should 
immediately start negotiations on the question of exchang- 
ing sick and injured prisoners of war during the period ol 
hostilities, and should proceed to seek an over-all settle- 
ment of the question of prisoners of war. 

The Korean armistice negotiations in the past one yeai 
and more have already laid the foundation for the realiza- 
tion of an armistice in Korea. In the course of the nego- 
tiations at Kaesong and Panmunjom, the delegates of both 
sides have reached agreement on all questions except that 
of prisoners of war. 

In the first place, on the question of a ceasefire in Korea, 
about which the whole world is concerned, both sides have 
already agreed that "the Commanders of the opposing 
sides shall order and enforce a complete cessation of all 
hostilities in Korea by all armed forces under their con- 
trol, including all units and personnel of the ground, naval, 
and air forces, effective twelve hours after this Armistice 
Agreement is signed" ( Paragraph 12 of the draft Korean 
armistice agreement).' 

Secondl.v, both sides have further reached agreement 
on the various important conditions for an armistice. On 
the question of fixing a military demarcation line and 
establishing a demilitarized zone, both sides have already 
agreed that the actual line of contact between both sides 
at the time when the armistice agreement becomes effec- 
tive shall be made the military demarcation line and that 
"both sides shall withdraw two kilometers from this line 
so as to establish a demilitarized zone between the oppos- 
ing forces ... as a bulfer zone to prevent the occurrence 
of incidents which might lead to a resumption of hos- 
tilities" (Paragraph 1 of the draft armistice agreement). 

On the question of supervising the implementation of 
the armistice agreement and settling violations of the 
armistice agreement, both sides have already agreed that 
a military armistice commission, composed of five senior 
oflScers appointed jointly by the Supreme Commander of 
the Korean People's Army and the commander of the 
Chinese People's Volunteers, and five senior officers 
appointed by the Commander in Chief of the United 
Nations Command, shall be set up to be responsible for 
the supervision of the implementation of the armistice 
agreement, including the supervision and direction of the 
committee for repatriation of prisoners of war, and for ; 
settling through negotiations any violations of the armi- 
stice agreement (Paragraphs 19, 20, 24, 25 and 56 of the 
draft armistice agreement) : both sides have also agreed 
that a neutral nation's supervisory commission shall be 
set up, composed of two senior officers appointed as rep- 
resentatives by Poland and Czechoslovakia, neutral na- 
tions nominated jointly by the Supreme Commander of 
the Korean People's Army and the Commander of the 
Chinese I^eople's Volunteers, and two senior officers 
appointed as representatives by Sweden and Switzerland, 
neutral nations nominated by the Commander in Chief of 
the United Nations Command, and that under this com- 
mission there shall be provided neutral nations inspection 

' U. N. doc. A/2228, Annex A. | 

Department of State Bulletin 

teams composed of oflScers appointed as members to the 
teams by the aforementioned nations. 

These inspection teams shall be stationed at the fol- 
lowing ports of entry in North Korea : Sinuiju, Chongjin, 
Hungnam. Manpo, Sinanju, and at the following ports of 
entry in South Korea : Inchon, Taegu, Pusan, Kangnung 
and Kuiisan, to supervise and inspect the implementation 
of the provisions that both sides cease the introduction 
into Korea of reinforcing military personnel and combat 
aircraft, armored vehicles, veeapons and ammunition 
(except for rotation and replacement as permitted by 
these provisions), and may conduct special observations 
and inspections at those places outside the demilitarized 
zone where violations of the armistice agreement have 
been reported to have occurred, so as to ensure the sta- 
bility of the military armistice ( Paragraphs 36, 37, 40, 41, 
42 and 43 of the draft armistice agreement) . 

In addition, both sides have reached agreement that 
"the military commanders of both sides hereby recom- 
mend to the governments of the countries concerned on 
both sides that, within three months after the armistice 
agreement is signed and becomes effective, a political 
conference of a higher level of both sides be held by 
representatives appointed respectively to settle through 
negotiations the questions of the withdrawal of all foreign 
forces from Korea, the peaceful settlement of the Korean 
question, etc." (Paragraph 60 of the draft armistice 
agreement ) . 

As stated above, in the course of the Korean armistice 
negotiations one question alone — the question of prisoners 
of war — blocks the realization of an armistice in Korea. 
And even with respect to the question of prisoners of war, 
both sides have reached agreement on all the provisions 
in the draft armistice agreement on the arrangements 
relating to prisoners of war, except on the question of 
the repatriation of prisoners of war. Had the Korean 
armistice negotiations not been interrupted for more than 
five months, a solution might long since have been found 
to this issue of the repatriation of prisoners of war. 

Now inasmuch as the United Nations Command has 
proposed to settle, in accordance with Article 109 of the 
Geneva Convention, the question of exchanging sick and 
injured prisoners of war during the period of hostilities, 
we consider that subsequent upon the reasonable settle- 
ment of the question of sick and injured prisoners of war, 
it is entirely a matter of course that a smooth solution to 
the whole question of prisoners of war should be achieved, 
provided that both sides are prompted by real sincerity to 
bring about an armistice in Korea in the spirit of mutual 

Regarding the question of prisoners of war, the Govern- 
ment of the People's Republic of China and the Govern- 
ment of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea have 
alwa.vs held and continue to hold that a reasonable solu- 
tion can only lie in the release and repatriation of war 
prisoners without delay after the cessation of hostilities 
in accordance with the stipulations of the 1949 Geneva 
Convention, particularly those of Article 118 of the 

However, in view of the fact that the differences be- 
tween the tveo sides on this question now constitute the 

' Article 118 of the Geneva Convention reads : 

"Prisoners of war shall be released and repatriated 
without delay after the cessation of active hostilities. 

"In the absence of stipulations to the above effect in 
any agreement concluded between the Parties to the con- 
flict with a view to the cessation of hostilities, or failing 
any such agreement, each of the Detaining Powers shall 
itself establish and execute without delay a plan of re- 
patriation in conformity with the principle laid down in 
the foregoing paragraph. 

"In either case, the measures adopted shall be brought 
to the knowledge of the prisoners of war. 

"The costs of repatriation of prisoners of war shall in 
all cases be equitably apportioned between the Detaining 
Power and the Power on which the prisoners depend. 

April 13, 1953 

only obstacle to the realization of an armistice in Korea, 
and in order to satisfy the desire of the people of the 
world for peace, the Government of the People's Republic 
of China and the Government of the Democratic People's 
Republic of Korea, in pursuance of their consistently 
maintained peace policy and their position of consistently 
working for the speedy realization of an armistice in 
Korea and striving for a peaceful settlement of the Korean 
question, thus to preserve and consolidate world peace, 
are prepared to take steps to eliminate the differences on 
this question so as to bring about an armistice in Korea. 
To this end, the Government of the People's Republic of 
China and the Government of the Democratic People's 
Republic of Korea propose that both parties to the nego- 
tiations should undertake to repatriate immediately after 
the cessation of hostilities all those prisoners of war in 
their custody who insist upon repatriation and to hand 
over the remaining prisoners of war to a neutral state so 
as to insure a just solution to the question of their repa- 

It must be pointed out that, in advancing this proposal, 
we by no means the principle of release and re- 
patriation of war prisoners without delay after the cessa- 
tion of hostilities set forth in Article 118 of the Geneva 
Convention, nor do we acknowledge the assertion of the 
United Nations Command that there are among the pris- 
oners of war individuals who allegedly refuse repatriation. 
It is only because the termination of the bloody war in 
Korea and the peaceful settlement of the Korean question 
is bound up with the question of the peace and security of 
the people of the Far East and the world that we take this 
new step and propose that, after the cessation of hostilities, 
those captured personnel of our side who, under the in- 
timidation and oppression of the opposite side, are filled 
with apprehensions and are afraid to return home, be 
handed over to a neutral state and that explanations be 
given them by the side concerned, thus insuring that the 
question of their repatriation will be justly settled and 
will not obstruct the realization of an armistice in Korea. 
We are convinced that this new step taken by the Gov- 
ernment of the People's Republic of China and the Govern- 
ment of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for 
terminating the hostilities in Korea is in complete accord 
with the vital interests of the peoples whose sons are 
fighting on both sides in Korea and is also in complete 
accord with the fundamental interests of the people of 
the whole world. If the United Nations Command has 
the good faith to seek peace, this proposal of our side ought 
to be accepted by it. 


At a news conference on March 30, Lincoln 
White made the following statement in reply to 
questions concerning proposals for the exchange 
of sick and wounded prisoners of war: 

After more than 10 months, beginning in Decem- 
ber 1951, of fruitless efforts by the U.N. Command 

This apportionment shall be carried out on the following 

"(a) If the two Powers are contiguous, the Power on 
which the prisoners of war depend shall bear the costs of 
repatriation from the frontiers of the Detaining Power. 

"(b) If the two Powers are not contiguous, the Detain- 
ing Power shall bear the costs of transport of prisoners 
of war over its own territory as far as its frontier or 
its port of enibarl;ation nearest to the territory of the 
Power on which the prisoners of war depend. The Parties 
concerned shall agree between themselves as to the equita- 
ble apportionment of the remaining costs of the repatria- 
tion. Tlie conclusion of this agreement shall in no cir- 
cumstances justify any delay in the repatriation of the 
prisoners of war." 


negotiators to reach agreement with the Commu- 
nists on the question of the repatriation of pris- 
oners of war on a humanitarian basis, negotiations 
were suspended at Panmunjom on October 8, 1952. 
At that time the U.N. Command made clear that 
it had exhausted every effort to find a formula to 
this end, only to have every proposal it put for- 
ward summarily rejected by the Communists.'' 

Accordingly, it stated that its proposals stood 
and it was prepared to resume negotiations if the 
Communists desired to accept any of those pro- 
posals or would make a constructive proposal of 
their own. 

In the absence of any proposals from the Com- 
munist side, General Clark, on February 22, re- 
newed the oft-repeated U.N. proposal that, in ac- 
cordance with the Geneva Convention, an ex- 
change of seriously sick and wounded prisoners of 
war not await conclusion of an armistice but be 
carried out immediately. 

Somewhat over a month later, the Communists 
replied in what appeared to be an acceptance of 
General Clark's proposal. As the Secretary stat«d 
Saturday ,= it is our hope that arrangements for 
this exchange can promptly be completed and car- 
ried out. 

Meanwhile, as stated last October, U.N. Com- 
mand liaison officers remain available at Panmun- 
jom to receive any constructive proposals or fur- 
ther communications with regard to the armistice 
negotiations which the Communists wish to bring 
to our attention. As far as we know here, they 
have received nothing further since the Commu- 
nists' letter of March 28. We, of course, welcome 
any indications that the Communists are now in- 
terested in resolving the entire prisoner-of-war 
question on a humanitarian basis. 


Press release 163 dated March 31 

On March 31 Gen. Mark W. Clark sent to Gen- 
eral Kim II Sung, Commander of the Korean 
People's Army, and Gen. Peng Teh-Huai, Com- 
mander of the Chinese PeopWs Volunteers, the fol- 
lowirig reply to their letter of March 28 ^ concern- 
ing^ the repatriation of seriously sick and wounded 
prisoners of ivar in Korea: 

1. I hereby acknowledge with pleasure the re- 
ceipt of your letter of 28 March, 1953, in reply to 
my letter of 22 February,'^ and understand that 
you are fully prepared in accordance with our 
proposal to proceed inmiediately with the re- 

* For texts of statements by General Clark and Lt. Gen. 
William K. Harrison, Jr., on the suspension of truce talks, 
see BULLETIN of Oct. 20, 1952, pp. 600, 601. 

° For Secretary Dulles' statement of Mar. 28, see iUd., 
Apr. 6, 195.3, p. 495. 

' [hid., Apr. 6. 1953. p. 494. 


patriation of all seriously sick and wounded cap- 
tured personnel during the period of hostilities. 
Accordingly, I propose that a meeting of the 
liaison groups headed by a General or Flag Officer 
representative from each side be held at Pan Mun 
Jom, at your earliest convenience, to make neces- 
sary detailed arrangements for the exchange of 
these captured persons. 

2. I share the hope you expressed that a con- 
clusion of the exchange of sick and wounded pris- 
oners of war during the period of hostilities would 
make more likely a smooth settlement of the entire 
prisoner of war question. Accordingly I will be 
prepared to instruct my liaison group as a second 
order of business to meet with your liaison group 
to arrange for a resumption of armistice negotia- 
tions by our respective delegations. We take it as 
implicit in your suggestion in this respect that you 
would be prepared to accept U.N. Command pro- 
posals or make some comparable constructive pro- 
posal of your own which would constitute a valid 
basis for resumption of Delegation meetings. 

3. I request that you advise me as soon as possi- 
ble of your decision on my proposal with regard 
to the time of meeting between the liaison groups 
of both sides to arrange for the repatriation of all 
seriously sick and wounded captured persons. 



Folloioing is the text of a statement hy Vyache- 
slav M. Molotov, Soviet Foreign Minister, as 
broadcast by the Moscow radio on April 1: 

On the 28th of March, a letter of reply was published 
from Kim II Sung, Commander in Chief of the Korean 
People's Army and Peng Teh-huai, Commander of the 
Chinese People's Volunteers addressed to General Clark, 
Commander in Chief of the United Nations forces in Korea 
regarding the exchange of sick and wounded prisoners of 

The letter voices agreement with the exchange of sick 
and wounded prisoners of war of both sides and indicates 
that in this question virtual agreement was reached during 
the course of the Korean truce talks and that only the in- 
terruption of the Panmunjom truce talks prevented this 
exchange from taking place earlier. 

Agreement has also been expressed to exchange sick and 
wounded prisoners of war in accordance with clauses of 
Article 109 of the Geneva Convention referring to the 
period of military operations. At the same time, the ; 
letter stresses that such an exchange of sick and wounded 
prisoners of war must lead to the unhindered settlement 
of the entire prisoner-of-war question and thereby to the 
achievements of an armistice in Korea. 

With this aim in view it is proposed immediately to 
resume talks in Panmunjom. Following this, a statement 
was made in Peiping by the Premier of the State Adminis- 
trative Council and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the 
Chinese People's Republic, Chou En-lai, and in Pyongyang 
by the Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers of the Korean 
People's Democratic Republic, Kim II Sung. 

Both the Governments of the Chinese People's Republic 
and the Government of the Korean People's Democratic 
Republic have stated that they agree to the proposal for 
the exchange of sick and wounded prisoners of war and, 

Xiepatimen^ of State Bulletin 

as before, express readiness to reach agreement on the 
immediate settlement of the entire prisoner-of-war ques- 
tion and thereby of ending the war in Korea. 

I am authorized to state that the Soviet Government 
expresses its full solidarity with this noble act of he 
Government of the Chinese People's Republic and the 
Government of the Korean People's Democratic Republic 
and has no doubt that this act will find ardent support 
among peoples throughout the world. 

The Soviet Government also expresses confidence that 
this proposal will be correctly understood by the Govern- 
ment of the United States of America. 

The Soviet Government has unswervingly supported all 
steps directed toward the reaching of a just armistice and 
the ending of the war in Korea. The beginning for this 
was laid in the reply of the head of the Soviet Government. 
J. V. Stalin, to the request of the Premier of India, Mr. 
Nehru, as far back as July, 1950. ^ , ■ t„„^ 

As is known, the radio broadcast in New Jork in June, 
1951 bv the D.S.S.R. representative in the Security Coun- 
dl' seTved as a basis for beginning truce talks in Korea_ 
These truce talks, which first took place m Kaesong and 
subsequently in Panmunjom, led to agreement on all con- 
dUions of the armistice excepting the question of the 
repatriation of prisoners of war but the truce talks were 
[Xi"pted by General Clark in October last year, which 
delayed the conclusion of an armistice. 

The Chinese and Korean side have accepted General 
Clark's proposal that an exchange of sick and wounded 
prisoners of war should be made in conformity with Arti- 
cle 109 of the Geneva Convention of 1949 concerning treat- 
ment of prisoners of war. 

This Article states : . . .' . ,. ..i. 

This Article of the Geneva Convention refers to the 
period prior to the armistice, when military operations 
have not yet been suspended. Since the agreement on 
the application of this Article has been reached b> now 
and mav be signed in the next few days by both sides, no 
^stacles will be left in the way of the exchange of sick 
and wounded prisoners of war beginning without further 

*^^The aforementioned letter of the Commander in Chief of 
the Korean People's Army. Kim II Sung, and the Com- 
mander of the Chinese People's Volunteers Gen^ Pen 
Teh-huai. not only expresses consent to Geneial Clark s 
proposal of Feb. 22 on the exchange of sick and '"'ounded 
prisoners of war, but also proposes resumption of the 
Armistice talks in order to put an end to the war m Korea. 
Particular attention must be paid to the fact that the 
statement of Foreign Minister Chou En-lai on March 30 
worked out jointly by the Governments of the Chinese 
People's Republic and the Korean People's Democratic 
Republic, proposes not only to exchange the sick and 
wounded prisoners of war. but also to decide the question 
on repatriation of prisoners of war as a whole, leading 
to the conclusion of an agreement on an armistice and 
the cessation of the war in Korea. 

The Government of the Chinese People's Republic and 
the Government of the Korean People's Repubhc on their 
side propose: Following the sensible settlement of the 
question concerning the sick and wounded prisoners of 
war to solve the whole question of prisoners of war in 
order that both sides be guided by the sincere desire to 
reach an armistice in Korea in the spirit of a mutual 
compromise. . j= „„^ 

The question of the repatriation of prisoners of war 
must of course, be decided in conformity witli the prm- 
cinles of the Geneva Convention on which, naturally, the 
Soviet Government insisted, as did the Governments of 
the Chinese People's Republic and the Korean Peoples 
Democratic Republic. As is known neither the prolonged 
talks in Panmunjom, however, nor the repeated discus- 

' For an excerpt from the statement made by Jacob A. 
Malik on June 23, 1951, see ibid., July 9, 1951, p. 4o. 

• For text of the article quoted by Mr. Molotov. see ibid.. 
Apr. 6, 1953, p. 495. 

April 13, 1953 

sions of this question at the General Assembly of United 
Nations, produced any positive results. Hifforonc^ 

Inasmuch as this question remained the only difference 
between the belligerent sides in Korea presenting an 
obstacle to an agreement on an armistice the Govern- 
ments of the Chinese People's RepubUc and the Korean 
People's Democratic Republic, guided by the desire to 
achieve peace and an end of the war in Korea, took a step 
toward a final solution of this question. 

Thev proposed that both sides resume talks on «e ar- 
mistice, committing themselves to repatriate, immediately 
after the cessation of military operations, all prisoners of 
war in their hands insisting on repatriation, while hand- 
ing over the rest of the prisoners of war to a neutral state 
with the object of ensuring a fair solution of the question 
of their repatriation. . 

Tills proposal allows for a fair solution of the question 
of the repatriation of prisoners of war and for an ehmina- 
tion of the remaining obstacles for the realization of an 

armistice in Korea. , * ^v, „v,«io 

There can be no doubt that the peoples of the whole 
world, desiring to put an end to the war in Korea and to 
promote the strengthening of peace and the security of 
the peoples in the Far East and all the world, vnU welcome 
this proposal with warm sympathy and offer it lull 

^"The^Soviet Government recognizes the entire fairness of 
this proposal of the Government of the Chinese People s 
Republic and the Government of the Korean Peoples 
Democratic Republic, and is prepared to cooperate fully 
in its realization. „„„„^~ 

Naturally the United Nations could do more as regards 
an armistice in Korea if it were to include legal repre- 
sentatives of China and Korea. ^ ,^ ,, „„„,„ 
The fact that the Chinese people and the Korean people 
are deprived of their lawful representation in the United 
Nations, firstly, undermines the prestige of this organiza- 
tion and secondly, deprives it of the possibility of assist- 
ing as it should in the strengUiening of international 
security and universal peace. . ^ , ^ „ 
The Soviet Government considers it its duty to recau 
that the question of the restitution of the rights of the 
Chinese and Korean peoples in the United Nations is one 
of the most urgent questions, and that the restitution of 
the rights of China and Korea in the United Nations, par- 
ticularly under present conditions, is in the interests of 
the raising of the prestige and international importance of 
the United Nations and will promote the strengthening 
of peace throughout the world. 

Visit of Chancellor Adenauer 

On April 1 the Department of State announced 
that the Chancellor of the Federal Republic of 
Germany, Konrad Adenauer, and his party will 
arrive a"t Washington on April 7. The Chan- 
cellor's party will be met at Washington National 
Airport by Vice President Nixon, Secretary 
Dulles, and other officials of the Government, in- 
cluding George M. Humphrey, Secretary of the 
Treasury; Charles E. Wilson, Secretary of De- 
fense ; and Harold M. Stassen, Director for Mu- 
tual Security. At 12 noon the Chancellor will 
meet with President Eisenhower at the Whit© 
House and at 3 p.m. he will call on Secretary 

Dulles. _ ^, , .„ . 

On April 8 the National Press Club will give a 
luncheon in honor of the Chancellor at the Na- 
tional Press Building ; an afternoon meeting with 
Secretary Dulles will follow. On that evening. 
Secretary Dulles will give a dinner in honor of 
the Chancellor. 


On April 9, following a meeting with Chancel- 
lor Adenauer, the President will give a luncheon 
in his honor. 

On April 10 the Chancellor and his party will 
depart for San Francisco. 

P'rom April 11 to April 18, the Chancellor and 
party will visit Carmel, Calif., Chicago, New 
York, Boston, and Ottawa. 

Included in Chancellor Adenauer's party are 
the following persons: Miss Lotte Adenauer, 
daughter of the Chancellor; Dr. Walter Halstein, 
State Secretary of Foreign Affairs; Dr. Vollrath 
Freiherr von Maltzan, Chief, Office of Foreign 
Trade; Hans Heinrich von Herwarth, Chief of 
Protocol; Felix von Eckardt, Chief, Press and 
Information Office ; and Dr. Alexander Boker of 
the Foreign Office. 

Planning Board To Assist 
National Security Council 

White House press release dated Marcb 23 

The President has been giving attention to 
strengthening and improving the operations of 
the National Security Council (Nsc). On several 
occasions he has stressed the importance which he 
places upon the effective functioning of the Coun- 
cil. He feels that in these critical times the Coun- 
cil can afford the greatest possible assistance to 
the President in deciding policy issues affecting 
the national security. 

The President has decided that he expects to 
have in regular attendance at Council meetings, 
in addition to himself and the "Vice President, the 
following: the Secretary of State, the Secretary 
of Defense, the Secretary of the Treasury, the Di- 
rector for Mutual Security, and (when appointed) 
the Director of Defense "Mobilization. 

Beside the above Council members, those regu- 
larly attending Council meetings as advisers will 
be the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the 
Director of Central Intelligence, and the Special 
Assistant to the President for Cold War Planning 
(C. D. Jackson). For executive and staff func- 
tions at Council meetings, there will be in attend- 
ance Robert Cutler, administrative assistant to the 
President, and the Council's executive secretary 
and deputy executive secretary. 

The President has named Mr. Cutler as special 
assistant to the President for National Security 
Affairs. Mr. Cutler will be the principal executive 
officer of the National Security Council and serve 
as chairman of its newly established Planning 

To bring to Council deliberations a fresh point 
of view, not burdened with departmental responsi- 
bilities, the President plans from time to time to 
call upon qualified civilians to act as informal 
consultants to the Council. At present, seven 
prominent citizens are spending a good part of 



the month of March in Washington as civilian 
consultants. The President believes that this pro- 
cedure will prove useful to him and to the other 
Council members. 

In order to provide continuous assistance to the 
Council in its planning operations, the President 
has established an Nsc Planning Board to take 
the place of the former Nsc Senior Staff. This 
Board will be composed of qualified members and 
advisers from the departments and agencies repre- 
sented at the Council table. Each person selected 
for the Planning Board is appointed by the Presi- 
dent, on nomination of the chief of the department 
or agency concerned, and for this purpose will 
become a special assistant for National Security 
Affairs. To date the President has appointed the 

Chairman : Robert Cutler, Special Assistant to the Presi- 
dent for National Security Affairs 

Treasury Member: Andrew N. Overby, Assistant Secre- 
tary of the Treasury 

Defense Member : Frank O. Nash, Assistant Secretary of 

Mutual Security Member: Frank N. Roberts, Military 
Adviser, Director for Mutual Security 

0dm Member: William Y. Elliott, Office of Director of 
Defense Mobilization 

Joint Chiefs of Staff Adviser : Maj. Gen. John K. Gerhart 
Office, Joint Chiefs of Staff 

Central Intelligence Agency Adviser : Robert Amory, Jr. 
Assistant Deputy Director for Intelligence 

Psychological Strategy Board Adviser : George A Morgan 
Acting Director, Psychological Strategy Board 

A member from the Department of State will 
be named during the next few days. ■ 

The President has authorized additional tech- 1 
meal staff assistance for the Council. He also has 
reappointed James S. Lay, Jr., and S. Everett 
Gleason as executive secretary and deputy execu- 
tive secretary, respectively. They will continue to 
head the permanent staff of the Council. 

Burma Asks Discontinuance 
of U. S. Aid Program 

The Foreign Mijiister of Burma, Sao Bkwn 
Hkio, on March 17 sent the following letter to 
William Sebald, U.S. Ambassador at Rangoon: 

My DEAR Mr. Ambassador, I am to request under 
Article V of the Economic Cooperation Agree- 
ment between our two governments that the Gov- 
ernment of the United States of America will 
accept notice that we do not desire the aid program 
to continue beyond June 30, 1953. 

The Government of the Union of Burma, how- 
ever, wish to put on record their appreciation and 
gratitude for the materials and services received 
under the Economic Cooperation Agreement 
which are of great help to them in implementing 
their rehabilitation programs. 
Believe me, etc., 

Sao Hkun Hkio. 

Department of State Bulletin 

Treaty of Friendship, Commerce, 
and Navigation Witli Japan 

Press release 170 dated April 2 

A treaty of friendship, commerce, and naviga- 
tion between the United States and Japan was 
signed on April 2 at Tokyo. Ambassador Robert 
D. Murphy signed for the United States and 
Foreign Minister Katsuo Okazaki signed for 
Japan. The treaty must be ratified by both Gov- 
ernments before it will become effective. It is 
expected that the treaty will shortly be submitted 
to the U.S. Senate with a view to obtaining its 
advice and consent to ratification of the treaty by 
this Government. 

In article 12 of the Treaty of Peace with Japan, 
signed at San Francisco on September 8, 19.51, 
Japan declared its readiness to enter into negotia- 
tions with each of the Allied Powers of treaties 
"to place their trading, maritime and other com- 
mercial relations on a stable and friendly basis." 
As Secretary Dulles observed in his statement at 
the opening of the San Francisco conference, the 
Treaty of Peace by itself could do little more in 
the field of general economic relations than "point 
the way to a healthy trade relationship and create 
the opportunity to go in that way." The treaty 
signed April 2 marks a significant advance in 
relations between the United States and Japan, for 
by this treaty the two Governments record their 
agreement, in completely mutual terms, upon ad- 
vanced and enlightened principles to govern on an 
enduring basis the conduct of general economic 
relations between the two countries. 

In common with other treaties of friendship, 
commerce, and navigation entered into by the 
United States in recent years, the new treaty deals 
in considerable detail with a wide range of sub- 
ject matter. In general, each of the two Govern- 
ments (1) agrees to accord, within its territories, 
to citizens and corporations of the other, treatment 
no less favorable than it accords to its own citizens 
and corporations with respect to the normal run 
of commercial and industrial pursuits; (2) affirms 
its adherence to the principles of nondiscrimina- 
tory treatment of trade and shipping; (3) for- 
mally endorses standards regarding the protection 
of persons, their property, and interests that reflect 
the most enlightened constitutional principles; 
and (4) recognizes the need for special attention 
to the problems of stimulating the flow of private 
capital investment. 

Specifically, the provisions of the treaty fall 
into eight broad categories : (1) entry, travel, and 
residence; (2) basic personal freedoms; (3) 
guarantees for property rights; (4) the conduct 
and control of business enterprises; (5) taxation; 
(6) exchange restrictions; (7) the exchange of 
goods; and (8) navigation. While the new 
treaty adheres closely to the substantive pattern of 
other recent treaties, it contains several provisions 

that are new to U.S. commercial treaties. Notable 
among these is the provision establishing, pur- 
suant to authorization given in the new Immigra- 
tion and Nationality Act, a special category of 
treaty aliens, who are permitted entry for the pur- 
pose of developing the operations of business 
enterprises in which they have a substantial in- 
vestment. Another noteworthy new provision is 
one designed to assure the maintenance of a free 
market in the field of marine insurance. 

Pending the entry into force of the new treaty, 
general economic relations between the United 
States and Japan will continue to be governed by 
article 12 of the Treaty of Peace, which sets forth 
certain broad rules for the conduct of such rela- 
tions between the Allied Powers and Japan during 
an interim period of 4 years. When the new 
treaty comes into effect, it will supersede these 
provisions of article 12 as between the two 

Technical Cooperation Agreement 
With Pakistan 

Press release 172 dated April 3 

The Technical Cooperation Administration of 
the Department of State has been informed that 
a supplementary program agreement for fiscal 
year 1953 was signed at Karachi April 1 for tech- 
nical cooperation between the United States and 
Pakistan. It provides for an American allotment 
up to $12,254,000. The Government of Pakistan 
will bear all rupee costs of joint projects which 
will at least equal the American costs. The agree- 
ment is supplementary to the Point Four Program 
agreement signed between the two Governments 
February 2, 1952.' 

At the same time Country Director Ralph Will, 
and Said Hassam, representing the Government 
of Pakistan, signed project agreements for the 
utilization of $8,437,500 of these funds on specific 

The specific agreements are 

1. The United States will make available 
$437,000 for the continuation of the Village Agri- 
cultural and Industrial Development Program 
toward which it gave $2,300,000 of fiscal year 1952 
funds. This program is designed to increase the 
efficiency of agricultural production, improve 
health and sanitary conditions, expand the pro- 
duction of goods and services at the village level 
to meet local needs, and to introduce cottage in- 
dustries to provide off-season employment to raise 
the level of real income and expand total net gross 

2. The United States will make available 
$3,700,000 for the importation of fertilizer. In- 
creased food production is one of Pakistan's prime 

' Bulletin of Feb. 25, 1952, p. 296. 

April 13, 1953 


requirements and its major source is agriculture. 
Last fiscal year the United States provided 
$900,000 towards the i) of 10,000 tons of 
fertilizer. The now profrram will provide the 
fertilizer to Pakistani fai-mers to enable them to 
step up the production of wheat and other essen- 
tial grains to meet a situation which is causing 
deep concern to tlie Pakistan Government. 

3. $100,000 will be furnished by the United 
States toward the construction of a Water Devel- 
opment Laboratory at Karachi to provide water 
research services for the entire nation. 

4. The United States will supply $3 million to 
assist in the construction of a fertilizer factory 
at Karachi. The entire cost of the factory is esti- 
mated at $13,307,000, exclusive of consultants' fees 
and ocean freight on materials purchased outside 
of Pakistan. Wlien completed the factory will 
produce approximately 50,000 tons of ammonium 
sulphate annuallv. 

.5. $450,000 will be furnished by the United 
States, principally in engineering services, toward 
the construction of a dnm across the Bolan River 
at Sibi in Baluchistan and for the irrigation and 
reclamation of land in that area. This project 
also is being assisted by the Colombo plan. The 
dam will be constructed by Pakistan and will be 
finished within one year. It will be earth-filled 
and will have a height of 70 feet and be 600 yards 
long. It should provide irrigation for about 
35,000 acres and the resettlement of 2,500 refugee 

6. Assistance to the amount of $750,000 will be 
provided by the United States for the develop- 
ment of modern fishing facilities in Karachi. The 
tremendous increase in the population of Karachi, 
from about 400,000 before partition to the present 
1,500,000 has posed an urgent problem of increased 
food production. The construction of modern 
facilities for handling fish, motorizing the fishing 
fleet, and other improvements in the service should 
result in important increases in the volume of fish 
and insure safe supplies of this important food 

In addition to the above project agreements, con- 
sultations are under way in Karachi for the for- 
mulation of others to round out the entire program 
as outlined in the general agreement signed 
April 1. 

Control of Shipments to 
Communist China, North Korea 

Discussion With Senator McCarthy 

Press release 168 dated AprU 1 

Secretary Dulles and Senator McCarthy had 
lunch on April 1 at Senator McCarthy's sugges- 
tion. They discussed measures for the control of 
trade with countries of the Communist bloc. 

Senator McCarthy told of the informal under- 
standing which certain Greek shipowners had 

communicated to the Senate Permanent Subcom- 
mittee on Investigations in which they undertook 
to abstain from certain areas of trade with the 
Soviet bloc. 

The Secretary reviewed the progress recently 
made by the Department of State in securing the 
cooperation of foreign nations in accomplishing 
the policy declared by Congress in the Battle Act 
"to apply an embargo on the shipment of strategic 
materials to the countries of the Soviet Bloc." It 
was noted that cooperation and advice from mem- 
bers of Congress is helpful in the administration of 
the act. However, that act places on the Admin- 
istrator of the act (Mr. Stassen) the responsibility 
for coordinating the activities of the agencies con- 
cerned with security controls over exports from 
other countries. It was pointed out the dangers 
that would result if congressional committees 
entered into the field of foreign relations, which is 
in the exclusive jurisdiction of the Chief Execu- 

Senator McCarthy stated that he was aware of 
these considerations and had no desire or intention 
to act contrary to them. He said that in the con- 
duct of his committee's investigation facts had 
been developed which would be useful and for the 
benefit of the country. 

Senator McCarthy further pointed out that 
neither he nor his committee had made or con- 
templated making any agreement with any for- 
eign governments or foreign shipping groups, but 
that as a by-product of the committee's investiga- 
tion, certain foreign shipping groups had volun- 
tarily agreed among themselves to abstain from 
participation in the Communist China trade and 
inter-Soviet bloc trade, a result which both Secre- 
tary Dulles and Senator McCarthy felt was in the 
national interest. 

The Secretary thanked the Senator for the in- 
formation tendered and said that it would be help- 
ful in further negotiations with foreign countries. 
Senator McCarthy further advised that if in the 
future similar information would be developed it 
would be promptly communicated to the proper 
authorities to the end that the most advantageous 
iise of it would be made. 

Department Statement 

The following statement was issiied by the De- 
partment on March 30 in response to queries con- 
cerning the action taken by the Greek Government 
to prevent the shipment of strategic materials to 
Commtmist China and North Korea: 

On March 23 the Council of Ministers of the 
Greek Government reached a decision to prohibit 
all Greek flag vessels from calling at any port in 
Communist China or North Korea. This decision 
had the effect of law immediately, although it is 
subject to ratification by the Greek Parliament. 
Its effect is binding on all ships of Greek registry. 

Other countries which have taken similar action 


Department of State Bulletin 

in compliance with the U.N. General Assembly 
resolution of May 18, 1951 ^ are : 

Honduras — December 22, 1950 

Liberia^July 23, 1951 

Panama — August 18, 1951 

Costa Rica— January 26, 1952. 
The United Kingdom on March 7, 1953, decided, 
in addition to the system of controls already in 
force to prevent the shipment of strategic mate- 
rials to Communist China and North Korea, to 
introduce a system of voyage licensing for vessels 
registered in the United Kingdom and the colonies 
so that strategic materials from non-British 
sources could not be carried to China in British 
ships and to prevent the bunkering in British ports 
of ships of Soviet bloc or other nationality carry- 
ing strategic cargoes to Communist China. 

On March 28 the French Government agreed to 
take the necessary measures to prevent the bunker- 
ing in French ports of ships carrying to Commu- 
nist China cargoes of strategic materials and the 
transportation by French ships of cargoes of 
strategic character to ports of Communist Cliina.^ 
For a considerable period Canada has main- 
tained a strict embargo over shipments of strategic 
materials to Communist China, and since August 
1951 no ships of Canadian registry have been en- 
gaged in trade with Communist China. 

For its part, the United States on December 3, 
1950, brought all shipments to Communist China 
and North Korea under licensing control.^ On 
December 8, 1950, an order was issued prohibiting 
ships of U.S. registry from carrying without prior 
approval controlled commodities to any Soviet 
bloc ports, including Communist China and North 
Korea.* On December 16, 1950, the United States 
placed under control all Chinese Communist assets 
within U.S. jurisdiction and also issued an order 
prohibiting U.S. ships and aircraft from touching 
at mainland China and North Korean ports and 
from carrying anywhere in the world goods 
destined for Communist China.^ 

In all, some 45 countries have indicated, in 
response to the U.N. China Embargo Resolution, 
that they are preventing the shipment of strategic 
commodities to Communist China and North 
Korea or that they do not produce or trade in the 
items concerned. 

' Bulletin of May 28, 1951, p. 849. 

= Ibid., Apr. 6, 1953, p. 491. 

' For a complete report on U.S. action, see iHd., July 9, 
1951, p. 54. 

■•Transportation Order T-1, ibid., p. 59. 

'Transportation Order T-2, ibid., p. 60. For Depart- 
ment statement on this order and on the blocking of 
Chinese Communist assets, see ibid., Dec. 25, 1950, p. 1004. 

Current Legislation on Foreign Policy 

Providing For An Under Secretary of State (For Admin- 
istration). Report (To accompany S. 243). H. Kept. 
5, 83d Cong., 1st Sess. 4 pp. 
Thirteenth Semiannual Report of the Atomic Energy Com- 
mission. S. Doc. 3, 83d Cong., 1st Sess. 210 pp. 

Nomination of Charles E. Bohlen. Hearings Before the 
Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Sen- 
ate, Eighty-Third Congress, First Session on the 
Nomination of Charles E. Bohlen to be United States 
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to 
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. March 2 and 
IS, 1953. 128 pp. 

German Consulate-America House Program. First Inter- 
mediate Report of the Committee on Government Op- 
erations. H. Rept. 168, 83d Cong., 1st Sess. 8 pp. 

German Consulate-America House Program. Hearing Be- 
fore a Special Subcommittee of the Committee on 
Government Operations, House of Representatives, 
Eighty-Third Congress, First Session. February 17, 
1953. 86 pp. 

Inquiring Into Certain Operations and Conditions in 
Korea. Adverse Report (To accompany H. Res. 171). 
H. Rept. 164, 83d Cong., 1st Sess. 7 pp. 

World War II International Agreements and Understand- 
ings Entered Into During Secret Conferences Con- 
cerning Other Peoples. March 12, 1953. Committee 
Print. 83d Congress, 1st Session. 138 pp. 

Organization of Federal Executive Departments and 
Agencies. Report of the Committee on Government 
Operations. S. Rept. 80, 83d Cong., 1st Sess. 32 pp. 

Proceedings at the Enshrining of The Declaration of In- 
dependence, The Constitution of the United States and 
The Bill of Rights in the Exhibition Hall of the 
National Archives Building December Fifteenth, Nine- 
teen Hundred and Fifty-two. S. Doc. 13, 83d Cong., 
1st Sess. 22 pp. , 

War Claims Arising Out of World War II. Letter From 
the War Claims Commission Transmitting the Sup- 
plementary Report of the War Claims Commission on 
War Claims Arising Out of World War II, Pursuant 
to Section 8 of the War Claims Act of 1948, As 
Amended, and the Letter of the President, Dated Jan- 
uary 16, 1953. H. Doc. 67, 83d Cong., 1st Sess. 
247 pp. 

Joining With the President of the United States In a 
Declaration Regarding the Subjugation of Free Peo- 
ples by the Soviet Union. Hearing Before the Com- 
mittee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, 
Eighty-Third Congress, First Session on H. J. Res. 
200, Joining With the President of the United States 
in a Declaration Regarding the Subjugation of Free 
Peoples by the Soviet Union (and Similar Pending 
Measures). February 26, 19.53. 61 pp. 

Studying the Palestinian Arab Refugee Situation. Report 
(to accompany S. Res. 81). S. Rept. 52, 83d Cong., 
1st Sess. 2 pp. 

Second Supplemental Appropriation Bill, 1953. Report 
(To accompanv H. R. 3053). S. Rept. 48, 83d Cong., 
1st Sess. 23 pp. 

Status of International Military Headquarters Set Up 
Pursuant to the North Atlantic Treaty. Message 
From the President of the United States Transmitting 
A Protocol on the Status of International Military 
Headquarters Set Up Pursuant to the North Atlantic 
Treaty. Signed at Paris, on August 28, 19.52. S. Exec. 
B, 83d Cong.. 1st Sess. 11 pp. 

April 13, 1953 


Review of the ECE Economic Survey of Europe 

Statement by Miriam Cam,p ' 

Before I begin my comments, I should like to 
refer to the Executive Secretary's opening remarks 
concerning the late date of publication of the 
survey.^ As he recognized, it has been impossible 
in view of the short time the survey has been avail- 
able to have had it thoroughly considered by the 
interested branches of my Government, and there- 
fore my comments can only be of a very prelim- 
inary character. It may well be that the U.S. 
representative at Ecosoc will wish to comment 

This year the Secretariat [of the Economic 
Commission for Europe] has produced for us, 
once again, a survey of the economic problems and 
prospects of Europe which embodies that imag- 
inative approach and statistical energy which we 
have come almost to take for granted, but for 
which we must nonetheless remain continuingly 
grateful and impressed. The fact that the survey 
this year presents a broad analysis of developments 
since the war and outlines comprehensively an 
independent view of the directions which Euro- 
pean policy should take in the future greatly 
enhances its value. 

I should like to say at once that in the very 
broadest terms, both the diagnosis of the economic 
problems of Western Europe and the prescriptions 
offered seem to us to look in the right directions 
and are presented in ways, and with a wealth of 
factual information, which, at least for me, have 
shed new light on the problems with which we 
are all so concerned. Like its predecessor, but 
like too few other economic studies, it is lucidly 
and skillfully written. Having said this and hav- 
ing done so from real conviction and not from 
mere inaugural politeness, I feel more at liberty to 
proceed to a few less favorable reactions. 

' MadP on Mar. 16 before the U.N. Economic Commis- 
sion for Europe at Geneva. Miss Camp, who served as 
acting head of the U.S. delegation to the Ece meeting, is 
Officer in Charge of Economic Organization Affairs, Office 
of European Regional Affairs, Department of State. 

' The Economic Survey of Europe Since the War: A Re- 
appraisal of ProMetns and Prospects (U.N. doc. E/ECE/ 


I am sure that the Secretariat is by now inured — 
indeed, perhaps completely numb — to the com- 
ment that it sometimes appears to be aspiring to 
the position of the economic Cassandra of Europe. 
Nonetheless, I feel that there is a point of real 
substance in this general comment, and I feel 
bound to say, once again, a few words on the 

A. careful review of the facts and figures to be 
found in the survey indicates that a rather re- 
markable amount of progress has been made by 
the free world in the past 5 years — in increasing 
production, in bringing inflation under control, 
in expanding trade, in maintaining a high level 
of investment, in avoiding any major recessing, 
in achieving a more equitable distribution of in- 
come, in mounting a necessary and substantial 
defense effort, and in developing units of and 
institutions for international economic coopera- 
tion. In short, an impressive groundwork for 
continued progress and for an expanding world 
economy has been established. Yet this is not 
the impression one receives from the survey, par- 
ticularly not from a quick reading of the survey. 

The economist is, of course, always free to take 
a broad historical approach to the problems with 
which he is dealing. Given our limited under- 
standing of economic processes, and given the 
harsh character of the economic history of recent 
decades, such an approach must, almost "inevitably, 
highlight the past failures of government policy 
and emphasize the possibility that such failures 
will recur. 

Different Approach Needed 

It seems to me, however, that economists who are 
closely concerned with analyzing problems of 
government policy from month to month and year 
to year, and with appraising the practical alterna- 
tives of policy for the future, would do us a greater 
service if they were to take a somewhat different 
approach. Past disasters and failures of policy 
should serve primarily to illuminate decisions 

Department of State Bulletin 


which must be taken in the present. The future 
might be viewed against less perfectionist stand- 
ards and with less apparent certainty that the 
errors of the past will De repeated. 

Another general comment which I should like 
to make concerns the treatment accorded to the 
I']astern European countries in comparison with 
that given to the West. The survey's approach 
to the Eastern European countries is reflected in 
the statement that "the cloud of difficulties which 
has arisen in particular industries at various times 
should not be allowed to obscure the picture of 
achievement of the Eastern European govern- 
ments." For the Western European countries, the 
approach appears to be that the massive achieve- 
ments since the war should not be allowed to ob- 
scure the inadequacies of policy in the past and 
the major difficulties with which the governments 
of Western Europe are still faced. 

There sometimes seems to be a lack of parallel- 
ism in the methods of economic analysis that are 
applied to the two areas and to the standards 
against wjiich achievements are treated. Results 
that are wide of the target tend to be "failures" 
in Western Europe but only "shortfalls" in East- 
ern Europe. Social costs, political factors, alter- 
native lines of policy all come in for more scrutiny 
and comment in those sections of the report that 
deal with Western Europe, as indeed they do in 
Western Europe itself. The very availability of 
an abundance of public discussion and analysis in 
one area, and its absence in the other, undoubtedly 
tends to this result. 

The Polish delegate' in his remarks on Satur- 
day made a considerable point of the fact that he 
felt the Eastern European countries could not and 
should not be judged by the same standards as are 
used in judging the countries of the West, and he 
strongly felt the Secretariat had been wrong to 
try to do so. 

I feel, on the contrary, that they should be com- 
mended for trying and encouraged to try even 
harder in the future. For unless achievements 
can be tested against the same standards and un- 
less the methods of analysis and the degree of 
critical judgment applied are the same for all 
areas dealt with by the survey, the usefulness of 
any attempt at an all-European economic analysis 
will be seriously undermined. 

Difficulties of Obtaining Data 

The chapters on the Soviet Union and the other 
countries of Eastern Europe inevitably reflect the 
familiar inability of even the most energetic and 
persistent research worker to secure adequate in- 
formation on developments in this area. The best 
that it appears to be possible to do, so far as the 
U.S.S.E. is concerned, is to present an exposition 
of plans of varying duration, largely accepting at 

'Eugeniusz .Jan Milnikiel, Polish Minister to Sweden, 
who spoke on Mar. 14. 

face value data whose significance cannot really 
be tested. In fact, in the case of the U.S.S.R., it 
seems to be impossible even to avoid presenting 
statistical series which are clearly not comparable. 

There can, of course, be little doubt that produc- 
tion and investment have risen substantially in 
the Eastern countries. There can equally be no 
doubt that we shall never really know the true 
magnitude of these increases, and that any dis- 
crepancies between planned and actual increases 
will be concealed in those countries, to the best of 
governmental ability. 

From the standpoint of trying to compare eco- 
nomic trends in the East and the West, perhaps 
the most interesting sections are those concerning 
living standards and the distribution of incomes 
in the Eastern countries. It is made quite clear 
that an increase in living standards plays no part 
in the immediate policy objectives of the Eastern 
European governments ; and, even though reliable 
information in this field is as meager as in others, 
it is equally clear that the Eastern governments 
have been successful in directing productive re- 
sources to industrial and military production at 
the expense of improved living standards. 

One of the most interesting problems with which 
the Eastern governments appear to be faced is that 
of preventing increases in workers' productivity 
from being translated into increases either in 
money wages or in real wages. This current 
policy of the Eastern countries might be compared 
with the contrasting one of wage increases in ac- 
cord with productivity increases which is being 
embodied more and more in major American wage 

Reasons for Decline in East-West Trade 

The survey also throws light on some of the 
fundamental reasons for the great decline in trade 
between Eastern and Western Europe; reasons 
which were omitted from most of the statements 
made in the course of the trade discussion the other 
day. The tables presented show tliat the volume 
of exports from Eastern to Western Europe in 
1951 was little more than one-fourth as great as 
in 1938, whereas exports from the West to the 
East were about one-half as large in volume. 
Price changes were of course an important factor 
in the relatively larger decline in exports from 
the East. 

The survey points out one reason for hesitation 
on the part of the West to increase trade with the 
East — the fact that useless credits have been ac- 
cumulated by the W^est in several Eastern countries 
because of failure by the latter to provide the 
volume of exports foreseen in the trade agree- 
ments which they negotiated and signed. 

However, an analysis of the data presented in 
the survey indicates a more basic cause for this 
shrinkage in the exports from Eastern to Western 
European countries. The most fundamental 

April 13, 1953 


cause of the continuing decline of East- West trade 
is, I believe, to be found in the fact that each of 
the Eastern European countries is pursuing a 
policy of autarchy, of economic self-sufficiency to 
the nuixiinum extent of its ability, and that, where 
such a policy of individual autarchy is not feas- 
ible, every effort is made to buy goods from, and 
to sell them to, other countries in Eastern Europe 
rather than the West. Trade among the Eastern 
countries had increased tenfold since before the 
war, in contrast with the steep decline in their 
exports to the West. Each country in Eastern 
Europe is seeking to develop not only basic indus- 
tries, but also engineering, transportation equip- 
ment, and other such industries, and the area as 
a whole is pursuing policies clearly designed to 
insure that, at the earliest possible time, the Soviet 
world can achieve economic isolation. 

Not only is this objective implicit in the mate- 
rial presented in the survey but it is an objective 
which has been publicly expressed many times by 
the highest officials of the U.S.S.R. and of the 
other countries of Eastern Europe. From such 
statements of policy as the well-known Bolshevik 
article of February 1, 1952, published this last 
autumn, one cannot escape the conclusion that 
trade with the West is looked upon as a transi- 
tional measure, as a means to end such trade. 

Western European Policies 

Turning now to those much more informative 
and critical sections of the survey which deal with 
the countries of Western Europe, I have already 
commented on the survey's tendency to concen- 
trate on the inadequacies of Western policies at 
the expense of giving due weight to the truly 
major achievements since the war in the expansion 
of production and trade. This approach is per- 
haps least happily exemplified in the remark 
about "the much-advertised conditions in some 
highly industrialized countries, which by skillful 
policy or good luck have escaped mass unemploy- 

It seems to me wrong to belittle in this way a 
reduction of unemployment in Northwestern Eu- 
rope which, according to the survey table, fell 
from 3.1 million in 1938 to only 800,000 in 1951, 
or by nearly three- fourths. To allow this achieve- 
ment to be obscured by the peculiar difficulties of 
assimilating refugees in Western Germany and by 
the structural problems of the South, seems to me 
an unfortunate distortion. It was hardly to be 
expected that the millions of refugees who came 
from the East just before the war — or. indeed, the 
thousands now pouring in from the East — could 
be easily or quickly absorbed. 

These comments are not, of course, intended in 
any way to question the seriousness of the un- 
employment problem in Southern Europe and in 
Western Germany, or the need for remedies on 
which the survey rightly places so much emphasis. 

The gains of Western European countries in 
expandmg production and trade since the war 
have been as impressive as their success in main- 
taining high levels of employment. The survey, 
however, is unquestionably correct in pointing 
out that a few years ago too much hope was held 
out that a simple expansion of production and 
trade would bring a solution to Europe's prob- 
lems; and that there was too little recognition 
of the very major changes that were needed in 
the pattern of production, prices, and trade, and 
in the efficiency and flexibility of European pro- 
duction. The survey is undoubtedly right also 
in emphasizing that the countries of Western 
Europe have been perhaps too generous in their 
judgments of what they could afford to send with-' 
out return to associated countries overseas, and 
too lenient in their views of the increases in living 
standards at home which were compatible with 
economic strength over the long term. These 
were undoubtedly "inadequacies" of policy. They 
cannot, however, it seems to me, justly be called 
"failures." And, at least in the West, we may 
see some merit in the fact that these inadequacies 
were ones of generosity and of humanity. 

Broadly speaking, the survey's conclusions con- 
cerning the needed directions of Western Euro- 
pean policy point the right way. The judgment 
that Western European countries must increase' 
production in directions which will expand their 
dollar earnings in relation to their dollar expend- 
itures is hardly open to debate. Equally un- 
arguable is the need for a more effective alloca- 
tion and use of the supplies of goods and capital 
which Western European countries have been 
sending abroad; and, indeed, in the allocation of 
investment in Western European countries them- 

These objectives can certainly be achieved only 
by some relative displacement of American pro- 
duction, whether that production is exported or 
used at home. If there is any quarrel with the 
general lines of the survey's analysis and recom- 
mendations in this field, it would be that they 
appear to imply a static level of world trade for 
some years into the future — a constant amoimt 
from which the countries of Western Europe must 
carve an increased share at the expense of U.S. 
exports or domestic production rather than an 
expanding level in which Western Europe gains 
an increasing share. In the chapter on integra- 
tion, the survey very rightly stresses that progress 
toward greater European unification can be ex- 
pected to be reasonably rapid only in the context 
of expanding economies. The same consideration 
surely applies to the problem of finding a lasting 
solution to Europe's trade difficulties. 

I would not wish these comments to be in- 
terpreted as an indication that the United States 
would not welcome more effective European com- 
petition in world trade. Indeed, the United 
States, both through substantial economic aid and 



Department of State Bulletin 


througli many other programs, has emphasized 
the need for, and has sought to make a direct con- 
tribution to, increased European efficiency and 

U.S. Economic Policies 

In this general connection, the sum^ey, and a 
number of speakers, have emphasized the need for 
action by the U.S. Government on tariffs and 
related measures which might make it easier for 
foreign goods to be sold in the American market. 
This whole problem is, as you know, one that is 
now receiving the close attention of our new ad- 
ministration. In his first State of the Union mes- 
sage to the Congi-ess,* President Eisenhower called 
particular attention to the need for a revision in 
our customs regulations and for an immediate 
study of the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act. 
These questions have also been the subject of in- 
creased attention by public gi'oups in the United 
States. Just recently the Public Advisory Board, 
composed of distinguished private citizens repre- 
senting business, agriculture, and labor, and the 
Council of Economic Development, a prominent 
business group, have both issued reports advocat- 
ing sweeping changes in our tariff laws and 

As a final comment on the survey's approach to 
the achievements of "Western Europe in expanding 
production and trade, I should like to question the 
appropriateness of the frequency with which the 
term "'stagnation'' is used to describe economic 
developments over the past 18 months. It was. of 
course, inevitable that the survey's analysis should 
be based on data extending only through the third 
quarter of last year. The fact that this third 
quarter usually shows a sharp seasonal decline, 
however, together with the marked divergency in 
trends among the various industries, might, in my 
opinion, have led the Secretariat to use some more 
cautious word than "stagnation"' — perhaps "level- 
ing off." 

The information now available for the fourth 
quarter, although it presents a somewhat mixed 
picture, on balance, shows signs of a marked up- 
turn. The index of industrial production for the 
Oeec countries which stood at 129 in the third 
quai'ter of 1952 rose to 145 in the fourth. This, 
of course, is also a normal seasonal development. 
Intra -"Western European trade rose to a new high 
and deficits with the United States and Canada 
were reduced. 

The survey's last chapter, that on "Problems of 
Economic Integration," opens with the gloomy 
statement that : 

The process of international economic disintegration in 
Europe has been going on, more or less continuously, 
during the last four decades. 

* Bulletin of Feb. 9, ia'53, p. 207. 

' For a summary of the former report, see ibid., Mar. 23, 
1953, p. 436. 

April )3, 1953 

249310—63 3 

It goes on to say that : 

So far there have been no clear signs of a reversal of these 
trends. Quite apart from the effects of the East-West 
split, the main tendency in Western Europe has been one 
towards continued disintegration of the international 

The first statement, of course, has very substan- 
tial truth in it. The automatic gold standard 
has, indeed, disappeared, and the universal ac- 
ceptance by "Western governments of the need to 
maintain high levels of employment and rising 
living standards has certainly increased the prac- 
tical difficulties with which governments are faced 
both in meeting their domestic aims and in seeking 
an expanding and freer world trade. 

The question may be asked, however, whether 
it woulcl really be better if these new aims of gov- 
ernment were to be abandoned. And if the an- 
swer to this question is "no," as the survey itself 
implies, the further question may be asked whether 
it is not somewhat beside the point to characterize 
a period in which major new aims and policies 
have been assumed as one of "continuing 

As for the statement that "the main tendency 
in "Western Europe has been one toward continued 
disintegration of the international economy," the 
evidence to the contrary seems to me to deserve 
rather more attention than it receives. Surely 
the Oeec, embracing as it does the European Pay- 
ments Union with its concomitant program of 
trade liberalization, has been a major factor in 
arresting the threatened disintegration of the im- 
mediate postwar years and in promoting increas- 
ing integration of the "Western European economy. 
The establishment of the Coal and Steel Commu- 
nity was a tremendously bold step forward. In- 
deed, it does seem to me that examination of the 
evidence in this survey — although it reveals very 
great difficulties which have made progress less 
rapid than had been hoped and which will un- 
doubtedly continue to be a brake on as rapid fu- 
ture progress as might be hoped for — leads to the 
conclusion that the trend in Western Europe over 
the past 5 years has been toward increasing rather 
than decreasing economic integration. 

The survey's emphasis on the need for develop- 
ing the underdeveloped areas in Southern Europe 
is greatly to be welcomed; although the survey 
perhaps goes a little far in interrelating as closely 
as it does the problem of further AVestern Euro- 
pean integration in Western Europe and the so- 
lution of the problems of the underdeveloped 
countries in the South. 

Particularly questionable is the suggestion that 
substantial tariff protection is essential to aid 
these underdeveloped areas of Southern Europe. 
Surely there are many alternative possibilities 
which would be considered before embarking on 
a major new system of tariff protection, which 
could have so many damaging repercussions in 
other areas of policy. A full historical appraisal 


of the causes of continued poverty in Southern 
Italy would reveal many causes in addition to, 
and of more fundamental importance than, lack 
of tariff i)rotection. 

In suniminj^ up this section, the survey rightly 
concludes that "experience suggests the need to 
realize that the institutional setting in Western 
Europe necessitates a very empirical approach to 
the practical problems of international integra- 
tion. ' This endorsement of the practical ap- 
proach is to be welcomed and can well be imder- 
iined as a guide to the governments which are 
striving to make further progress in this field, 
although with the Dutch delegate, I feel that if 
real progress is to be made, the empirical approach 
has to be combined with goals that fire the 

In coming to the end of my statement, I am very 
aware that the balance has been more on the side 
of criticism than on praise. Indeed, I am afraid 
I have yielded to that weakness which seemed to 
me to have characterized too much of the survey's 
approach to the problems of Western Europe— 
the weakness of picking out what seem to me to 
be the flaws instead of concentrating on the very 
real and great merits of the survey. As I indi- 
cated at the beginning these seem to me to be so 
great as to command the admiration of all of us. 
And I should like to close by paying tribute to 
all those who have worked so hard in producing 
what is, despite such faults as various of us may 
choose to mention, a constructive and imaginative 
analysis of Europe's problems. 

Mr. Chairman, I should now like to make one 
additional remark. During the course of this de- 
bate and our earlier debates, numerous charges 
have been made by the delegates from Eastern 
Europe concerning U.S. intentions and actions in 
Western Europe, in Korea, and in other parts of 
the world. 

I have not repeatedly intervened to set the rec- 
ord straight, for two reasons : First, because I did 
not wish to contribute to the tendency to discuss 
questions which are not germane to the problems 
under discussion, and second, because the state- 
ments made are believed by no one here except 
those who deliberately choose to do so in blind 
disregard for the facts. 

The United States is not perfect, nor does it 
pretend to be. We welcome constructive criticism 
of our actions and policies such as those made 
during this debate by the delegates from France, 
the Netherlands, and Denmark. 

However, we totally reject malicious falsehoods 
and attempts to distort the facts of our support 
for the United Nations in Korea or of the pur- 
poses of our assistance to Western Europe, which 
have been and continue to be to promote economic 
well-being and the conditions for peace. 

Current U.N. Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography 

Economic and Social Council 

Recommendation for the Expansion of Unicef Program ' 
To Develop Permanent Cliild Health Centers: Joint 
Statement by Sixteen Non-Governmental Organiza- 
tions Having Consultative Status With the Unicef 
Executive Board. E/ICEF/NGO 5, Mar. 16, 1953. 
3 pp. mimeo. 

Arrangement of Business at the Fifteenth Session of the 
Council. Working Paper by the Secretary-General 
E/L.472, Mar. 3, 1953. 5 pp. mimeo. 

Basic Programme of the Council for 1953. Note by the 
Secretary-General. E/L.468, Dec. 18, 1952. 7 pp. 

Basic Programme of the Economic and Social Council for 
19.53. Note by the Secretary-General. E/L.469, Dec. 
18, 1952. 3 pp. mimeo. 

United Nations Opium Conference. Observations of the 
Permanent Central Opium Board and the Drug Super- 
visory Body on the Draft Protocol for Regulating the 
Production of, International and Wholesale Trade 
in, and Use of Opium. Note by the Secretary-General. 
E/CONF.14/2, Feb. 6, 19.53. 4 pp. mimeo. 

Economic Commission for Europe, Eighth Session. Re- 
ports From the Committees of the Commission on 
Their Activities, and an Additional Note bv the Execu- 
tive Secretary. E/ECE/153, Jan. 27, 1953. 84 pp. 

Other Activities of the Economic Commission for Europe 
and its Secretariat— Note by the Executive Secretary. 
E/ECE/154, Jan. 27, 1953. 10 pp. mimeo. 

Decisions of the Economic and Social Council and the 
General Assembly Bearing Upon the Economic Com- 
mission for Europe — Note by the Executive Secretary. 
E/ECE/155, Jan. 27, 1953. 4 pp. mimeo. 

The Economic Commission for Europe's Programme of 
Work for 1953/1954. E/ECE/156, Jan. 27, 1953. 
50 pp. mimeo. 

Programme of the International Children's Centre for 
1953. E/ICEF/215, Jan. 23, 1953. 16 pp. mimeo. 

General Assembly 

Complaint of Non-Compliance of States Still Detaining 
Members of the Greek Armed Forces With the Pro- 
visions of Resolution 382 A (V), Adopted by th» 
General Assembly on 1 December 19.50, Recommend- 
ing "The Repatriation of All Those Among Them Who 
Express the Wish to be Repatriated." Note by the 
Secretary-General. A/2365, Feb. 17, 1953. 8 pp. 

Third United Nations Technical Assistance Conference. 
Note by the Secretary-General. A/CONF.4/2, Feb. 3, 
19.53. 4 pp. mimeo. 

'Printed materials may be secured in the United States 
from the International Documents Service, Columbia Uni- 
versity Press, 2960 Broadway, New York 27, N. Y. Other 
materials (mimeographed or processed documents) may 
be consulted at certain designated libraries in the United 

The United Nations Secretariat has established an 
Official Records series for the General Assembly, the 
Security Council, the Economic and Social Council, the 
Trusteeship Council, and the Atomic Energy Commission 
which includes summaries of proceedinirs, resolutions, and 
reports of the various commissions and committees. Pub- 
lications in the Officinl Records series will not be listed in 
this department as heretofore, but information on securing 
subscriptions to the series may be obtained from the 
International Documents Service. 


Deparfmenf of Stale Bulletin 

Czechoslovak Subversion Charges Against U.S. Refuted 

Statements hy Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. 
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^ 


U.S./U.N. press release dated March 23 

Once again, let me say to the representatives of 
the Communist bloc— I have said it many times 
before and I guess I will go on saying it quite a 
few times again— that no valid indictment against 
the United States can ever be based on newspaper 
clippings and remarks of individual legislators. 
I realize that if this truth were taken to heart, it 
would eliminate 90 percent of the Communist 
attacks. __ , » 

But it is a truth ]ust the same. We have a tree 
press in America; newspapers, magazines say 
what they want to say, and disagree with each 
other. The writer disagrees with the editor and 
the editor disagrees with the owner. We have 
free speech in America. We have free speech in 
the House of Representatives. We have tree 
speech in the U.S. Senate, and it is seldom, if ever, 
that statements are made there that are made with 
official authority. It is always easy to know what 
the U.S. Government thinks by what its oilicials 
say on their official authority. tn • , 

The Czech representative [Vaclav David, 
Czechoslovak Foreign Minister] says that the 
U.S. is engaged in subversion, which of course is 
completely untrue. His speech reminds me a 
little bit of the statement that used to be made by 
a cynical political boss who existed for a while 
here and who said this: "Blame everything, con- 
cede nothing, and if defeated, allege fraud. 
Well, he didn't last very long either. 

There were many surprising statements m the 
speech of the Czech representative. One of them 

'Made in Committee I (Political and Security) on Mar. 
23 and Mar. 25 during debate on the Czechoslovak item 
entitled: "Interference of the United States "% A"ierica 
In the Internal Affairs of Other States as Manifested by 
the Organization on the Part of the Government of the 
United States of America of Subversive and Espionage 
ActivUies Against the Union of Soviet Socialist RepuhUcs, 
fhe People's Republic of China, the Czechoslovak RepubUc, 
and Other People's Democracies." 

April 13, 1953 

was that the American soldiers wanted to stay m 
Czechoslovakia. Mr. Chairman, there is one 
thing that all American soldiers have in com- 
mon—it is a burning desire to get home. I have 
never yet met one who did not want to come liome 
as soon as he could. The Czech representative 
spoke about the U.S. abusing its forces on the 
border of Czechoslovakia. And yet the world 
remembers well because it happened on the 10th 
of March, when two Mio planes of the Czecho- 
slovak air force shot down an American plane.^ 
The weather was good that day and he knew 
exactly where he was and he was directly over 
the American Zone of Germany. Two days later, 
a British bomber was shot down and six British 
airmen were killed, for which we express our 
heartfelt sympathy. 

The Coup d'Etat in Czechoslovakia 

Mr Chairman, if we consider the question of 
subversion, the case of Czechoslovakia itself is a 
most flagrant case in point. 

Remember that on February 19, 1948, the small 
free state of Czechoslovakia was having a Cabinet 
crisis which, had it been settled legally, would 
have reduced Communist strength in the Govern- 
ment. Suddenly, there appeared a series of re- 
ports carefully planted by Soviet agents that the 
Red army was about to invade Czechoslovakia. 
Tension was further increased by the sudden ar- 
rival in Prague of Soviet Deputy Foreign Min- 
ister Zorin, accompanied by six Soviet generals, 
the same Mr. Zorin who is our colleague here to- 
day representing the Soviet Union at the United 
Nations. If I make any mistake in describing 
what happened next I hope he will correct me. 

Mr. Zorin's arrival in Prague was accompanied 
by the appearance of many heavily armed Com- 
munist police who, under the Communist Minister 
of the Interior, began to patrol the streets and 

' Bulletin of Mar. 30, 1953, p. 474. 


search the headquarters of all opposition political 

garties. They were soon joined by regiments of 
ommunist militia who marched in military for- 
mations led by Soviet-trained leaders and carry- 
in<j Soviet fla<^s. 

The next day, February 20, the country was 
sliaken by more rumors of imminent Soviet in- 
vasion. Mr. Zorin and his jjenerals were still in 
Prague and the Conanunist police militia had 
prochiimed virtual martial law. 

The Kremlin took the next step in converting 
Czechoslovakia into a puppet state by calling to 
arms all members of its so-called Czechoslovak 
"action committees." Planted in every walk of 
life, they constituted a fifth colunm in every busi- 
ness organization, factory, and public service — 
even in the opposition political parties. 

On February 21 members of this Communist 
fifth column seized control of the police, civil serv- 
ice, ti'ade unions, business firms, factories, public 
utilities, and banks. Following a preconceived, 
well organized plan, they then dismissed chair- 
men, directors, and other key figures and put in 
their own men. By the end of the day all the 
features of a Soviet police state had appeared in 
what had been a democratic country; control of 
broadcasting facilities, elimination of all non- 
Communist newspaper editors, suppression of 
non-Communist periodicals and complete censor- 
ship. All non-Communist political parties had 
been eliminated and many of their officials had 
been arrested. 

Thus, in 3 days the country had been taken over. 
Four days later, on February 25, aged President 
Benes was forced to sign a Cabinet list which set 
up a government consisting entirely of Commu- 
nists and Communist dupes. 

What happened after that? 

Jan Masaryk was inexplicably driven to his 
death. Clementis was hanged. Mr. Slansky is 
dead. But, both Mr. Slansky and Mr. Gottwald 
left us a testament on subversion when they 
boasted that they had gone to Moscow to learn 
"how to wring the neck of the bourgeoisie" in their 
native country. 

This Czecho.slovak coup d'etat is certainly one 
of the most glaring examples of subversion in 
modern times. With this record hung around 
their necks, the present rulers of Czechoslovakia, 
who introduced this resolution criticizing the 
United States, do not come into court with clean 
hands. Their charges, therefore, are not to be 

They charge that in 1951 and again in 1952 
the United States appropriated $100,000,000 for 
alleged espionage, terrorism, and recruitment of 
refugees into military formations — all of this, ac- 
cording to the charge, for the purpose of subvert- 
ing the U.S.S.R., Czechoslovakia, and other so- 
called "Peoples Democracies" in Eastern Europe 
and the Far East. 

Aid to Escapees 

The nations of the world are entitled to the 
facts and here they are : 

In 1951, $100,000,000 was authorized under sec- 
tion 101 of the Mutual Security Act. No further 
sums were authorized under this section in 1952. 

The $100,000,000 is being spent as follows : $95,- 
700,000 is going for regular military and economic 
aid — a part of the larger sums the United States 
is now spending under the Mutual Security Act 
and has previously spent under the Marshall plan 
to help the free nations to stay free. Before the 
subversion of the free State of Czechoslovakia, she, 
too, wanted to get this aid. But the Kremlin said 
"no," because it knew this assistance was designed 
to strengthen collective security against aggres- 
sion — to stop future Koreas and future Czecho- 
slovakias before they start. 

The remaining $4,300,000 is being spent to help 
escapees from Iron Curtain countries. The Czech 
delegate is evidently baffled because there are no 
escapees going into the Iron Curtain countries. 
All the escapees are coming out. I wonder why? 

An escapee is a person who has escaped from 
the Soviet-dominated world during the last 5 
years, and has not been granted citizenship in his 
country of refuge. He thus differs from the mil- 
lions of Germans and the hundreds of thousands 
of Turks and Greeks who fled Soviet-dominated 
areas in recent years and who have since been 
granted citizenship in Western Germany, Turkey, 
and Greece. Unlike them, the person we ai'e help- 
ing has literally no place in this world. 

But he j-earns for a freedom which has been 
denied him — freedom to speak, to write, to vote, 
to worship as he pleases and build his life in his 
own way. He also yearns for freedom from speed- 
ups, labor disciplines, the internal passports which 
make Soviet life a hell for the ordinary person, 
and freedom from the threat of the secret police, 
the mass deportation, and the forced labor camp. 

This person — this stateless man — has given up 
his home, his possessions, his friends, and often 
his family. Heroically, he has cracked the Iron 
Curtain, even though that curtain is constantly 
being strengthened. Because, as life becomes 
harder and harder behind the Iron Curtain, more 
and more people want to escape. More armed 
guards may be watcJiing from observation towers, 
vicious dogs may be patrolling the frontiers. Yet 
people continually get through. 

Flights to Freedom 

For example : 

Here are three Czechs who climbed a 200-meter 
airshaft to escape from a coal mine near Kladno, 
Czechoslovakia, and fled to West Germany on 
June 21, 1950. They escaped because they "were 
condemned to forced labor for anti-Communist 
activities before the Czech coup d'etat. 


Deparfment of Sfate Bulletin 

Here is Vladimir Drazan, another Czech es- 
capee, who was wounded by an exploding mine 
while climbing barbed wire entanfjlements, and 
who swam the Morava River under nre from Com- 
munist guards and arrived safely on the Austrian 
^iJe on December 14, li)52. He escaped because of 
depressed living conditions in Communist Czecho- 

Here are Mr. and Mrs. Steven Kantor, a Hun- 
garian couple who hid for 4 days in an empty 
wine vat in a boxcar on a sealed train from Buda- 
pest to Switzerland. They broke out in Linz, 
Austria, on March 19, 1952. They escaped because 
their repair shop was nationalized without com- 
pensation and they were denied employment 
because of their anti-Communist record. 

Here are a Hungarian farmer, wife, and three 
small children who reached the Western Zone of 
Austria on October 29, 1952, after swimming a 
river and fleeing clear across Hungary from the 
Rumanian border. They escaped because it was 
impossible to fulfill unreasonable crop quotas and 
they were forced to sell livestock to pay con- 
fiscatory taxes. 

Here is a Charles University student from 
Prague accompanied by his fiancee, who took 
poison when apprehended by East German police 
at the "West Berlin border. He was rescued by 
the West German border patrol and was cured in 
a West Berlin hospital in August 1952. He es- 
caped because he was accused of "cosmopolitan- 
ism"' — isn't that a terrible crime? — and unable to 
continue his studies. 

Here is a young foundry worker with his wife 
and small child who crossed the Hungarian- 
Austrian border on February 8, 1953, after evad- 
ing man-and-dog patrols, passing over mined 
areas, and cutting through barbed-wire barriers. 
This family escaped because it was impossible to 
live in Hungary and bring up their child in a 
democratic manner. 

These are a few examples. 

Escapee Program Set Up 

There are more than 15,000 such escapees in 
West Germany, Austria, Italy, Trieste, Greece 
and Turkey, and they continue to come in at the 
rate of several hundred a month. All of them are 
not young men — there are wives, small children, 
mimarried girls, and elderly people. 

When they arrive, they are destitute — unlike 
the millions of refugees from East Germany who 
have gone to West Germany and who are fleeing 
fi'om tyranny to freedom at the rate of 30,000 a 
month. These stateless persons are entirely with- 
out citizenship rights, and their very presence adds 
to the gi-eat burdens of the countries of free 

To help these people, to keep hope in the hearts 
of others, the United States authorized the sum 
of $4,300,000 to be used to set up an escapee pro- 

gram in March 1952.' It is a pretty inhuman 
heart that is not touched by the need and by the 
courage — which makes $4,300,000 appear small 

I think, Mr. Chairman, that Congressman Ker- 
sten is to be commended for having done a good 

The money is used to help the host countries 
provide reception and living quarters, food, cloth- 
ing, medical care, help in their search for visas, 
vocational training, and employment and emigra- 
tion atlvice for emigration is strongly encouraged. 

The program which began last March had by 
August helped 122 escapees to leave Europe. By 
the end of xVugust, almost 700 were on their way 
overseas. As of March 1, 1953, a total of 2,483 
escapees had been settled in 21 non-European 
countries. More than another thousand had been 
accepted by other nations. 

News of this program has spread behind the 
Iron Curtain. More and more people are escap- 
ing from t3Tanny. Those who choose freedom 
in the futui-e may even include some of the highest 

Mr. Chairman, if there is one trait which sets 
man above the animals, it is spiritual courage. 
These people show a tough, unbeatable type of 
courage which deserves our commendation and our 

This Czech resolution should be emphatically 


U.S./U.X. press release dated March 23 

I would just like for a few minutes to point 
out a few of the inaccuracies and lacunae in the 
statement of the representative of the Soviet 
Union [xVndrei Gronwko]. 

He spoke of the Roosevelt-Litvinov agreement 
concerning nonintervention in the affairs of one 
state bj' another. I would like to point out that 
for all practical purposes the Soviet Government 
made a dead letter of the Roosevelt-Litvinov 
agreement shortlj' after it was signed. Shortly 
after the establishment of diplomatic relations. 
President Roosevelt instructed our Ambassador 
in Moscow to make all protests against the viola- 
tions of the Roosevelt-Litvinov agreement by the 
Soviet Union. When in 1935, the Comintern met 
in Moscow and instructed the American Com- 
munist Party to use Trojan hoi'se tactics against 
the American Government, the President sent a 
strong protest to the Soviet Government. He said 

' Ihid., Apr. 14, 1952, p. 602. 

* Rep. Charles J. Kersteu is the author of the amend- 
ment to the Mutual Security Act of 1951 that authorizes 
expenditure of $100,000,000 to assist "selected persons who 
are residing in or escapees from" the Soviet dominated 
areas. He was one of several U.S. leaders attacked by 
the Czechosloval£ representative in his statement of 
Jlar. 23. 

AprU 13, 1953 


the United States anticipated the most serious 
consequences if the Soviet Government refused 
to prevent further acts in disregard of the solemn 
pledge given by it to tlie United States. 
Hardly a niontli after the Soviet regime seized 

fower in 1917, all allied and neutral missions in 
'etrograd received this circular note from the 
Soviet leaders : ". . . the Soviet Government con- 
siders necessary diplomatic relations not only with 
governments but also with the revolutionary 
socialist parties which are striving for the over- 
throw of existing governments." . . .^ 

Since the end of the war, the Soviet Government 
has persistently followed a policy of aggressive 
intervention in the domestic affairs of otlier na- 
tions and peoples. Upon the very countries listed 
in the complaint before this Committee, the Soviet 
Union has imposed dictatorial Communist re- 
gimes. The profoundest feelings for family and 
country of peoples of Czechoslovakia, Poland, 
Rumania, and Hungary have been deliberately 
trampled upon. 

Only a shoi't time ago, the Yugoslav delegation 
presented to the Assembly a case history of Soviet 
intervention in the domestic affairs of a foreign 
nation — in this instance, Yugoslavia. When the 
Yugoslav Communist Party was expelled from 
the Cominform, the highest leaders of the Soviet 
State then demanded that the Yugoslav people 
oveithrow the Yugoslav Government. 

Nor will the world ever forget the most out- 
standing case of intervention of all — the Com- 
munist attack upon the Republic of Korea sup- 
ported by Soviet equipment, training, and propa- 
ganda. I do not think that ought to be left out. 

Now, Mr. Chairman, a sarcastic reference was 
made by tiie representative of the Soviet Union 
to the Statue of Liberty, saying that the quota- 
tion which is written on it should be changed so 
that instead of being words of welcome as they 
now are, there be some expression to the effect that 
all those within the United States should abandon 
hope. Well, I think the best answer to that is to 
see how many people who are now in the United 
States want to leave. Actions, you know, speak 
a good deal louder than words in these cases. 
And I repeat my observation of this morning that 
a lot of people want to come out all the time from 
behind the Iron Curtain, but no people from 
outside want to go in. 

The representative of the Soviet Union asked 
us to demonstrate a talent for peaceful occupa- 
tions. Well, only a few weeks ago, Mr. Chairman, 
I was sitting right over at a meeting of the Tech- 
nical Assistance Conference and I pledged my 
Government, I think the sum was $14 million," and 

' See Foreign Relations of the United States, 1918, Rus- 
sia, Vol. I, p. 303 for the full text of tliis communication, 
which was sent on Dec. 14, 1917, by the National Com- 
missariat for Foreign Affairs to the U.S. Ambassador at 

" Bulletin of Mar. 9, 1953, p. 384. 

other nations pledged other sums to drain the! 
swamps, to irrigate the deserts, to wipe out disease,! 
to increase the food supply, to make life worth liv- j 
ing for people, to make peace worth strugglins 
for, to bind up the wounds of the world. And 
as I looked around, to my amazement there was 
no one in the seat of the Soviet Union, there was 
no one in the seat of the Ukrainian S.S.R., there 
was no one in the seat of the Byelorussian S.S.R., j 
there was no one in the seat allocated to Poland, 
and no one in the seat allocated to Czechoslovakia. 
Now, there is a case of deeds, of doing sometliing 
to help people. 

Now, the representative of the Soviet Union 
made a number of quotations from various promi- 
nent Americans and he rested a good part of his 
case on that. With all due respect, that part of 
his case was rested on sand. One of the Congress- 
men to whom he referred as one who had violently 
opposed the Soviet Union during the war was, 
to the best of my knowledge, not in Congress dur- 
ing the war. He was elected in 1946. Mr. Stas- 
sen, whom he quoted, was not in public office at all 
at the time the quotation was made. I think he 
was President of the University of Pennsylvania. 
Mr. Dewey is a Governor, and he was speaking as 
a private citizen. The State of New York, great 
as it is, has no foreign relations, as I am sure its 
able and distinguished Governor would be the 
first to admit. Mr. Dulles, who was quoted, was 
not in public office at the time that .statement was 
made. Senator Wiley, Senator Mundt, and Sen- 
ator Taft, who are all distinguished men, were not 
speaking officially when they made the utterances 
quoted b}' the representative of the Soviet Union, 
and they have no claim to be doing so. In fact, 
when you anah-ze the list of American political 
figures who were quoted by the representative of 
the Soviet Union, not one was speaking for the 
U.S. Government. 

Now, that is a fact worth noting as indicating 
the authority underlying those quotations. I will 
try once again to explain to the representative of 
the Soviet Union that we have 435 representatives 
in the House of Representatives ; we have 96 Sen- 
ators. They are all individuals, every one of 
them. They often disagree with each other. We 
have free speech and free press in America, and 
free speech means much speech, and we have much 
speech here in this country in case nobody knew 
it. And the practitioners of free speech often try 
to get into the free press. That may happen in 
other countries where we have both free speech 
and free press. Specific propositions may at any 
given moment be debatable but they sjiring from 
a belief in man being superior to the state and 
they spring from a hatred of aggression. 

Under our system of government, the Executive 
speaks for the United States in foreign affairs. 
Now, let that be understood. Congress represents 
the outside check, the independent audit, the ca- 
pacity of the free jDCople to judge its own govern- 


Department of State Bulletin 

ment— an institution, by the way, which is a great 
source of national strength and an unknown tea- 
ture of life, I gather, in the Soviet Union. _ 

Finally, Mr. Chairman, the representative ot 
the Soviet Union referred to a bill which I spon- 
sored when I was a Senator, and which provided 
for the enlistment of stateless young anti-Commu- 
nist Slavs in the U.S. Army. Well, now I see 
no reason at all for me to apologize for having 
sponsored that legislation. It provided that these 
young men would come into the American Army 
at American wages and under American living 
conditions with American citizenship to follow; 
to be mixed right in with American soldiers and 
have an equal chance to ^o to officer candidate 
school and to be promoted. Contrast that with 
the action of the Soviet Union in flagrantly im- 
pelling others to fight its battles for it— the North 
Koreans and the Chinese. Now, these people who 
are fio-hting the battles for the Soviet Union have 
been treated as second-rate satellites. We, on the 
other hand, have invited others to help us resist 
ago-ression on an equal basis and as volunteers. 
There is all the difference in the world between 
master and slave on the one hand and mutual 
comradeship on the other. 


U.S. /U.N. press release dated March 25 

We face the charges of the Czech delegation 
that the U.S. program of assistance to escapees, 
initiated under section 101 (a) of the Mutual Se- 
curity Act, is an act of aggression. _ . 

We contend that far from there being anything 
illegal about our helping these homeless people, 
this is a project which is humane and, being illu- 
minated by the spirit of the Charter, deserves gen- 
eral commendation. The program ot he p nig 
escapees is part of an entire program of helping 
to keep the free world free. We are forced to 
adopt these programs because of the actions ot 
the Soviet Union. If people were not made un- 
happv by the Soviet Union, they would not teel 
the desperate urge to escape and there would 
therefore be no need to help them. 

If small states like Czechoslovakia were not sub- 
verted by the Soviet Union there would be no 
need to have a program of protection against fur- 
ther subversion. And if shooting wars were not 
aided and abetted bv the Soviet Union, as m 
Korea, there would be no need for a program ot 
military action. . tt -^ j 

It is the Soviets— and not we m the Unitecl 
States, or we in the United Nations— who started 
these things. 

We aren't the ones who force people to leave the 
Iron Curtain ; they want to leave. We aren't the 
ones who are subverting countries and sponsoring 
aggressive war. 

April J 3, 1953 

We in the United States actually embarked on a 
headlong disarmament at the end of World War 
II, but the confidence which American authorities 
had at that time in our recent ally now appears 
to have been a major miscalculation because, while 
we disarmed, the Soviet Union remained armed 
to the teeth. 

We asked nothing more than to live m peace, 
but the Soviets ha\e forced us to take these neces- 
sary actions to prevent all human rights from 
being wiped out and to frustrate the establishment 
of an iron dictatorship throughout the world. 

If the Kremlin leaders are really looking for the 
people who are subverting life behind the Iron 
Curtain, they should look at themselves— at then- 
laws, their decrees, their practices of oppression. 
They should look at the Lenin-Stalinist doctrine 
on which they have impaled nearly half the world. 
That doctrine is the centrifugal force which drives 
people out through the Iron Curtain to freedom. 
It is also the force which sends others out beyond 
the curtain— aggressive armies, reaching out m 
Korea, in southeast Asia, threatening central and 
western Europe in an imperialistic design to en- 
fold still more millions into the Soviet prison. 

The Mutual Security Act does two things: It 
gives asylum to the one group— the escapees; ana 
it is designed to halt the other group— the armies 
of Soviet aggression. 

Ninety-five percent of ^he $100 million author- 
ized under the Kersten amendment is going to na- 
tions of the free world as an integral part of the 
larger sum which helps these people build their 
ramparts asainst aggression. The other nye P"- 
cent goes to assist those who escape from behind 
the Iron Curtain. The hypersensitive Soviet 
leaders regard both parts of this program as 
aggressive. Well, they have no aggressive poten- 
tiality at all. 

Mr Chairman, thev do so because ot the super- 
sensitive outlook which leads them to imagine 
threats to their position. And that is why they 
consider it necessarv and are willing to shoot down 
an unarmed foreign aircraft, or lash their people 
with forced collectivization, or sign a pact with 
Hitler— re<^ardless of the unfavorable repercus- 
sions. To be sure, they are sensitive to these 
repercussions for such actions weaken the hoped- 
for attraction of their claims to be the champions 
of peace and humanity. But they are willing to 
expose this vulnerability in the struggle of ideas 
in order to protect what they consider to be their 
power interests. "Let the enemy consider us 
nasty people," says a Pravda article. "From the 
mouths of the enemy this is praise. 

How Tyrannical Power is Protected 

The Soviets go about protecting the sources of 
this tvrannical power by, first, preventing Soviet 
citizens from communicating with the outside 
world except through controlled means. The 
Soviet Government prohibits them from traveling 


abroad except on official missions; contains them 
withm tlie Soviet Union by the most elaborate 
l3order controls of any state in the world ; provides 
in the criminal code that tlieir families be pun- 
ished if they should flee; prohibits uncensored 
communications to other countries; bars Soviet 
citizens married to foreigners from leaving the 
U.^.fciK.; discourages communication with for- 
eigners m the U.S.S.R. by the State Secrets Act 
that encompasses wide areas of normally public 
"i— T"*.'"" ^"'^^y decrees that prohibit Soviet 
officia s from talking with foreigners unless spe- 
cihcally authorized. It also quarantines Soviet 
occupation troops in foreign areas and prohibits 
traternization with the local population 

Next, the Soviet Government prevents foreio-n- 
ers trom viewing the Soviet Union freely. Only 
tour types of non-Communist foreigners are per- 
mitted to enter: diplomats, newspapermen, fur 
buyers and similar businessmen, and members of 

specially invited delegations. Each ^,unn is 
closely restricted. More than 80 percent Sf Soviet 
territory is closed to foreign diplomats. Their 
movements within Moscow are subjected to vari- 
ous harassments, and their work is publicly de- 
scribed as "espionage." The artificially hio-'h ex- 
change rate for the ruble discourages some coun- 
tt'S^c^°"\t P"^^ diplomatic missions in the K. Newspapermen are confined largely to 
the city of Moscow, restricted mainly to reportin.T 
what appears in the Soviet press, subjected to cen': 
sorship, and constantly faced with the threat of 
expulsion. They no longer are given re-entry 
permits before departing from the USSR At 
present, there are only six non-Communist corre- 
spondents and applications of other newspaper- 
men for entry have been ignored. Businessmen 
are largely confined to the Leningrad fur auctions, 
helected foreign delegations are carefully shep- 
herded on prearranged tours. Meanwhile, the So- 
viet Government reveals only the barest informa- 
tion about Itself. It refuses to jjublish statistics 
on almost all aspects of Soviet life; what it does 
reveal is vague and often meaningless. 

These various measures are designed to block 
the world from seeing Soviet life as it really is. 
Meanwhile, the Soviet Union through its own 
propaganda activities and those of Its forei-n 
Communist and fellow-traveling supporters seeks 
in an unending campaign, to portray Soviet real- 
ity in glowing terms and at the same time to keen 
up a constant and vigorous exposure of unsatis- 
factory conditions in non-Communist countries 
I he immense scope of Moscow's preventive 
measures and the intensity of its propaganda ef- 
forts^ provide striking evidence of how touchy 
the Soviet leaders are where foreign scrutiny is 
concerned. One of the few times that the worth 
of an individual is recognized by the Soviet Gov- 
ernment IS when he flees the country, as has been 
demonstrated by Soviet willingness to accept he 
risks involved in murdering or kidnaping es- 


capees. The Soviet Consul General in New York 
tor example, attempted in 1948 the kidnapino- oi 
TT o o ?>* "^'''A?/'^ teacher unwilling to return to'^the 
U.b.h.K I he brutal abduction in Berlin last 
summer of Dr. Walter Linse by East German 
authorities ' was a sharp reminder" that kidnapino-s 
have become an almost routine Communist prac- 
tice along the Soviet frontiers of Germany and 
Austria. By their repeated evasion of requests 
tor help in recovering this eminent member of the 
Committee of Free Jurists, the Soviet authorities 
only show their fear of permitting free men to 
stay free. Such incidents as the Linse case throw 
light on Communist unwillingness to allow pris- 
oners of war a freedom of choice with regard to 
repatriation. '^ 

From the Kremlin's point of view. Communist 
troops captured in the course of their imperialist 
adventures cannot be pennitted to choose whether 
to return home or to stay outside the Iron Curtain, 
for some of them might choose freedom. But the 
same Communist logic requires the Kremlin to 
deny to foreign soldiers and civilians alike held 
captive m the Soviet Empire the right to go home. 
Among these, as we have heard, are 3,000 Greek 
soldiers and many thousand Greek children, to- 
gether with many thousands of Austrians, and 
even thousands of satellite nationals. In addi- 
tion, we have reports of 63,000 Italians and over 
300,000 Japanese. There are well substantiated 
reports of at least 98,000 German soldiers and 
(50,000 German civilians in the Soviet Union; 
8,243 German civilians held captive in Czecho- 
slovakia; and 11,550 German civilians in Poland 
3,240 of whom are children far from home and 
family. All of these people, except for those 
mercitully dead, are regarded by the Kremlin as 
a permanent increment to the imprisoned millions 
of the Soviet Empire. These are facts, gentlemen. 
The Kremlin cannot admit that any person 
native or foreign, would, if given the choice, select 
freedom as against Soviet tyranny. Thus it is 
that the Kremlin charges "aggression" when aid 
IS given to Soviet and satellite citizens who have 
chosen freedom and pierced the Iron Curtain. 
Thus It IS that the Kremlin must launch purges 
must fabricate tales of subversion, and must stage 
"show" trials about "defectors" and "traitors" 
in order to account for those who choose freedom, 
or merely in order to liquidate those pitiful servi- 
tors of tyranny, like Slansky, who have fallen 
into disfavor. 

Mr. Chairman, I do not for the time being pro- 
pose to dwell on that special feature of Soviet 
tyranny— the persecution of Christians, Moslems, 
and Jews— which adds further impetus to the 
flow of escapees from the Soviet orbit. 

Nor, Mr. Chairman, do I propose to speak in 
detail about Soviet persecution of non-Eussian 

oj'TotTo''"' ^2^2™^ °^ ^'■- ^'°^«'^ kidnaping, see ibid., Nov. 
^4, 1952, p. 823. 

Department of State Bulletin 

ethnic groups. There are, however, two aspects 
of Soviet ethnic persecution that I thnik it ap- 
propriate to refer to at the present time. 

Soviet Ethnic Persecution 

The full facts about the first of these were docu- 
mented only within the past year although the 
event took place in Poland at the outset ot World 
War II This event was the Katyn massacre in 
which more than 4,000 Polish army officers— the 
flower of the Polish nation— were ruthlessly 

These gallant Polish officers had committed two 
offenses which led to their death: The first was 
the defense of their homeland against the Soviet 
invasion of Poland in 1939 ; the second was falling 
captive to the advancing Red army. Withm a few 
months after their capture sudden silence fell and 
their fate was unknown until, in 1943, Nazi 
Germany proclaimed to the world the discovery of 
the bodies of thousands of Poles— lying in mass 
graves and shot through the back of the head— m 
Katyn Forest near Smolensk in the Soviet Union. 
To a world familiar with Nazi atrocities and 
with the Nazi technique of attacking others for 
their own crimes, credence was not easily put in 
Nazi charges that the Katyn massacre was the 
handiwork of Soviet agents. The crime was typi- 
cal of the Hitlerite pattern, so that at first it was 
uncertain whether those who died at Katyn were 
not but added names on the endless roster of the 
victims of Nazi tyranny. 

But the lingering doubts as to the real facts 
provoked demands for fresh inquiry. This was 
particularly true here in the United States where 
many millions of citizens of Polish ancestry felt a 
deep sense of personal identification with those 
killed at Katyn. And so it was that in 1951 the 
House of Representatives of the U.S. Congress 
provided for the establishment of a select commit- 
tee to conduct an investigation and study of the 
facts, evidence, and circumstances of the Katyn 

I will not attempt to detail here the gruesome 
facts disclosed by the select committee. These 
facts are now known to each government repre- 
sented here, since the findings of the select com- 
mittee were circulated to each permanent repre- 
sentative.' Suffice it to say that the select com- 
mittee's investigation disclosed that responsibility 
for the massacre lay with the Soviet Government s 
infamous Nkvd. The committee's findings are ot 
direct and deep concern to all states pledged to the 
furtherance of Charter principles. The people ot 
the United Nations will measure these facts against 
their determination, expressed in the Preamble ot 
the Charter, "to reaffirm faith in fundamental 
human rights, in the dignity and worth of the 
human person." 

Mr. Chairman, another aspect of Soviet tyranny 

•/6i(i., Feb. 23, 1953, p. 322. 
April 13, 7953 

over non-Russian groups is illustrated by Soviet 
colonial practices in Soviet Central Asia. Mos- 
cow's haste to exploit as well as consolidate its grip 
on the vast wealth of this region has meant the 
influx of thousands of Slav colonists to a point 
where, in some areas, they outnumber Uie local 
population. And while an apparent effort has 
been made to give prestige positions to selected 
local representatives, the ruling managers and 
the white collar class remain predominantly Slav 
For example, the percentage of natives employed 
in some eight local ministries of food and industry 
in Kazakhstan in 1948 varied from 2 to a maxi- 
mum of 14 percent. In Kirghistan, Uzbehistan, 
and Tadzhikistan a loss of interest in industrial 
positions has been reported by the Soviet press due 
to the lack of opportunity for advancement. 

Only recently, I read an article by Dr. Riaz All 
Shah entitled "Islam is Dying in the Soviet 
Union." Dr. Riaz is the distinguished Pakistani 
tuberculosis specialist and head of the Punjab 
Medical Association who visited South Central 
Asia last spring on the invitation of the Soviet 
Government. In Tashkent, he reports "the better 
dressed men, women and children were usually 
Western Russians. Although there were a num- 
ber of Uzbeks in the governmental posts, the Rus- 
sians outnumbered them by a wide margin. 
Regarding medical training in Tashkent, Riaz 
said : "In the morning I visited the medical col- 
leo-e and hospital. Sixty percent of the students 
and the majority of the staff were Western Rus- 
sians " In Alma Ata, the capital of Kazakhstan, 
S.S.R., he found that 60 percent of the students 
and 60 percent of the persons in responsible ]obs 
were Western Russians who had settled there. 
And here again he observed that the better dressed 
and fed children and adults were, as a rule, West- 
ern Russians. . 

When we hear reports about the immense Rus- 
sian mission in Peiping and the way in which 
subjects of the Soviet Union are infiltrating in 
all the Chinese Communist bureaus, we wonder 
how long it will be before there, too, all the best 
jobs are taken by the foreign Russian invader, 
leaving the Chinese to a fate which can only equal 
that of the earliest days of colonialism. 

Mr. Chairman, within this brief space I have 
tried to outline the skeleton of Soviet tyranny 
in order that we may best comprehend the forces 
which impel thousands of escapees to leave their 
homes and risk their lives in order to reach free- 
dom beyond the Iron Curtain. 

We may well ask how long the men in the Krem- 
lin propose to perpetuate this vast and systema- 
tized oppression. We seek no hasty answer, for 
the question is momentous. But the world de- 
serves a reply. Perhaps Mr. Vyshinsky, when 
he returns to our midst, can bring new word from 
the Kremlin. 

In addition, Mr. Chairman, let me, on behalf of 
my fellow countrymen, ask the Soviet delegation 


certain specific questions: What plans does the 
Kremlin's Czechoslovak puppet have for William 
Oatis. a courageous American newspaperman who 
still languishes in prison? 

Further, Mr. Chairman, on behalf of my fellow- 
countrymen, let me ask the Soviet delegation 
whether it knows what fate the Peiping regime has 
in store for the hundred-odd Americans in Com- 
munist China? This too is a solemn question, for 
the U.S. Government is informed that 5 of these 
Americans have already died as the result of mal- 
treatment by the Peiping regime. At least 28 of 
the Americans in Communist China are im- 
prisoned, 4 more are under house arrest, and on 
March 21 of this year, 3 more Americans were 
abducted by Chinese Communists from a yacht off 

Mr. Chairman, these matters are of profound 
and tragic importance to the people of the United 
States. We would like answers to these questions. 

Mr. Chairman, I now wish to direct my atten- 
tion to the draft resolution which is before us. 

For the question before this Assembly is not the 
catalog of gossip and libel presented by Mr. David, 
Mr. Gromyko, and their friends. The parliamen- 
tary question, and the essential question, which 
this Assembly must decide is whether the United 
States, by assisting escapees from the "people's 
democracies" is, and I quote from paragraph one 
of the draft resolution, engaging in "acts of ag- 
gression" and "interference in the internal affairs 
of other states." 

Aid Can Stop When Escapees Stop Coming 

I submit, Mr. Chairman, that the only aspect 
of the escapee program which merits condemna- 
tion IS the fact that the world is today so organized 
that there are escapees. The free peoples of the 
world can hardly do too much for these victims of 
Soviet tyranny. 

Our aid to escapees can only stop when escapees 
stop coming— when millions of men and women, 
now trapped behind the Iron Curtain, need no 
longer look elsewhere for freedom. A problem 
like this is not solved by tightening border con- 
trols and intensifying purges. When national 
aspirations are subverted, when human rights are 
suppressed, pressure builds up to the boiling point. 
One outcome of this pressure is a flow of escapees. 
And this flow will not stop until the Soviet leaders 
permit peoples under their sway to live their own 
lives in their own way. 

So long as escapees continue to come, the duty 
to assist them is a matter of common humanity 
for the United States and the rest of the free 
world. It is also a duty imposed on us by the 
Charter. For, in essence, the U.N. Charter is a 
Charter of hope and freedom. It is a Charter of 
emancipation from religious and civil persecu- 
tion, from poverty and disease, and from the even 
more hideous scourges of conquest and despotism. 

It IS a magnet drawing vast populations whc 
see in It the expression of their hope to live their 
own lives in well-being and freedom. 

Mr. Chairman, we want to make this magnet 
irresistible, strongly charging it with our supijort 
and strength. 

Our mutual security program will stop when 
the threat of aggression— not only for us, but for 
all the free world— is lifted. The United States, 
like all the free world, prefers peaceful settle- 
ments to a dangeous and burdensome armaments 
race. We do not enjoy that. We long for the 
day of honest negotiations, which my Government 
asked for m this Committee last week. We will 
meet the Soviet Union half-way at any time. 

Progress Toward Universal 
Equal Suffrage 

Statement by Mrs. Lorena B. JJahn 
U.S. Representative on the Commission 
on the Status of Wom^n ^ 

U.S./U.N. press release dated March 23 

We meet this year with a great sense of achieve- 
ment because the General Assembly has opened 
for signature the Convention on the Political 
Rights of Women recommended by this body over 
the last 3 years. The action clauses of this con- 
vention, which provide that women shall vote and 
hold public office on equal terms with men, with- 
out any discrimination, set a standard for legis- 
lation in every country in the world. During dis- 
cussion of the need for this convention, the point 
was made that in some countries proposals to 
grant suffrage to women had been confused by 
party antagonism. It was felt that a convention 
proposed by the United Nations could be con- 
sidered in any country on its merits. The con- 
vention can therefore open the way to progress in 
countries which have not yet granted women the 
right to vote. 

Each year shows progress. Since we last met, 
Lebanon, Bolivia, Greece, Pakistan, and Mexico 
have made important extensions of suffrage to 
women. The grant in Lebanon is equal and com- 
plete, and I hope the representative of Lebanon 
in this Commission will tell us about it. Since 
Mrs. Ledon of Mexico is also here, as the repre- 
sentative of the Inter-American Commission of 
Women, perhaps she will tell us of the new grant 
there. The women in Bolivia and Greece had 
previously been granted the right to vote in local 
elections, and the new grants expand their rights 
to cover all elections. 

The Secretary-General's memorandum, docu- 
ment A/2145, is especially impressive this year 
because it includes the date on which women were 
originally g ranted suffrage in each country. This 

'Made before the U.N. Commission on the Status of 
Women on Mar. 23. 


Deparlmenf of State Bulletin 

addition has involved much research, evidenced 
by the detail in the footnotes. The tine quality 
of this work deserves commendation. The dates 
of suffrage grants will help governments, for 
they show how long women have exercised the 
franchise in each country and where experience 
has been gained which may be applicable to their 
own situation. 

I have only one suggestion of importance in re- 
gard to this memorandum. Insofar as possible, 
the United States would like to see the various 
lists as complete as possible. For some reason 
Spain has been omitted, and also Laos and Cam- 

^It'might help if some standard list were used 
in this document, possibly the members of the 
United Nations and the specialized agencies, in- 
formation on the laws of all countries can usually 
be obtained from authoritative sources, so that 
it should not be necessary to send out special in- 
quiries to governments on this matter. 

How the U.N. Can Help 

Because one of our objectives has been 
achieved— namely a convention on political 
rio-hts— this is a good time to take stock of our 
situation and consider what we need to do m the 
year or two ahead. There are today still more 
than 15 countries in which women lack the vote, 
and almost all of them are members of the United 
Nations. The provision of equal suffrage m some 
of these countries will involve real problems, prob- 
lems of education and customs as well as leader- 
ship There are various ways in which the United 
Nations may be able to help these governments, 
and it is our responsibility to think through their 
particular needs and make recommendations on 
how to meet them. 

One possibility of aid will be some evaluation of 
the effect of progressive grants. The Secretary- 
General's memorandum provides some interesting 
history on this point. In some of the countries 
where women voted early, such as New Zealand, 
Australia, and the United States, gains were made 
piecemeal— first in certain states and provinces, 
and then pushed on from these geographical sub- 
divisions toward national suffrage. Some suffrage 
crants have been made on a nationwide basis, but 
have been limited at the beginning to local elec- 
tions. In some countries women have been sub- 
ject to certain educational or other qualifications 
not required of men. My immediate observation 
is that where suffrage grants were made first m 
certain sections of a country, women have even- 
tually achieved rights throughout the nation, it 
also seems to be true that where women have first 
been granted the right to vote in local elections, 
there is a tendency to extend this right to include 
all elections. I am not so clear of the effect of 
distinctions based on educational achievements. 
An analysis by the Secretary-General of these 

April 13, 7953 

variations in procedure might help women and 
their governments decide whether limited grants 
are useful, and if so on what basis. We would like 
to see such an analysis prepared by the Secretary- 
General for our study next year. 

There is another aspect of suffrage which does 
not show in these memorandums but on which we 
should have information, especially if the grants 
of suffrage are on a restricted basis. That is 
whether elections have been held in which women 
have actually voted. In some countries no elec- 
tions may have been held since the grant was made, 
so that in actual fact women may never have gone 
to the polls. If possible, I hope the Secretary- 
General next year can give us some reassurance 
along this line. 

Another way in which the United Nations may 
be helpful to governments is in developing leader- 
ship. We speak often of the right of suffrage 
being granted to women, but there would be little 
value in such a grant unless the women of that 
country are interested in public questions. 

The U.N. fellowship program has included a 
number of women, and I believe some of them have 
worked in the field of public administration. 
There may be other programs in the United 
Nations or in the specialized agencies which can 
be used to help the leaders in a country where 
women lack suffrage or have just achieved it. We 
have not been well informed in this Commission 
as to what possibilities there are. A statement 
from the Secretary-General next year would help 
us evaluate opportunities and also help govern- 
ments take advantage of them. Such opportuni- 
ties may be useful to women in trust and non-self- 
governing territories as well as to women in other 
countries. Regional conferences similar to the 
seminar on the status of women conducted recently 
by UNESCO in India may also be a source of 
leadership training. 

Now I want to talk about what we should be 
doing with our good ideas. This Commission has 
had a great many good ideas, especially in regard 
to political rights for women, and we have done 
a great many different things with them. We 
now have the convention, and can center our 
thinking on how governments can implement the 
standards set forth in the convention as rapidly 
as possible and with the greatest possible effect. 
There is considerable danger, it seems to us, that 
if we scatter our recommendations too widely, or 
put them forward in unrelated documents, gov- 
ernments will not find it easy to locate the sug- 
gestions they need and will feel confused as to 
what we have recommended. 

Two years ago when the Ilo adopted the con- 
vention on equal remuneration for men and wom- 
en workers for work of equal value — known as 
the equal pay convention — it also adopted a for- 
mal recommendation to governments on how to 
promote the principle of equal pay. This con- 
tained a series of specific suggestions as to de- 


veloping legislation and standards and also on 
evaluating results. We believe that something of 
the same sort would be useful in regard to the 
Convention on Political Rights of Women, and 
that we miglit ask the Secretary-General to gather 
together during the coming year the various sug- 
gestions that might go into it. These suggestions 
might come from different sources, and be direc- 
ted, at least at the start, to governments where 
equal suffrage has not yet been attained. Each 
of us can probably contribute some ideas for a 
recommendation of this sort, and our non-govern- 
mental organization consultants will alsoliave a 
great deal to offer. The Secretary-General can 
also draw on earlier actions in this Commission, 
such as the pamphlet on Political Education of 
Women which has proved useful in a number of 
countries. The recommendation should be very 
simple and practical, and realistic, a how-to-do-it 
plan to supplement the statement of principles 
in the convention. 

"Ground Floor" Approach Urged 

For instance, some governments may feel that 
they cannot yet win parliamentary approval of 
votes for women, but believe that in a few years 
the parliament will be ready to give its assent. 
We might recommend that in such countries any 
new laws or constitutions adopted avoid limiting 
suffrage specifically to male citizens, and instead 
provide that Parliaments have the power to define 
the qualifications for voters. This would make 
it unnecessary to go through the long process of 
constitutional revision when the country is ready 
to extend the vote to women. The new constitu- 
tion of Libya follows this plan. A recommen- 
dation along this line might have been helpful 
during the drafting of the new constitution of 
Eritrea. The Eritrean constitution provides suf- 
frage rights only for men, so that will have to 
be amended when Eritrean women gain the 

Another recommendation that might help a 
great deal in countries where the institutions of 
self-government are just beginning to take shape, 
is to take women in at the beginning and avoid any 
tradition of segregation of women and their in- 
terests. This recommendation may be especially 
useful in the trust and non-self-governing terri- 
tories, but it applies to new activities in all gov- 
ernments, developed as well as less developed. 

If there is any one lesson we can draw from 
experience, I suppose it is that it is never too 
early to begin. Once an organization is set up 
with the women on the outside, even a department 
of government, it is difficult for women to be ac- 
cepted as full participants. Much trouble can be 
avoided if, as each institution of government is 
developed, schools, health services, local police, 
political parties, town or tribal councils, or what- 
ever it may be, women are brought in on the 
administration of such projects from the start, 


as members of school boards, public-health direc- 
tors, policewomen, party workers and committee 
chairmen, and also in professional and staff posi- 
tions. If It is found women have not had a chance 
to tram for such jobs, they can be given special 
opportunities to catch up on essentials. 

International Materials Conference 

Distribution of Molybdenum 

Tlie Tungsten-Molybdenum Committee of the 
International Materials Conference announced 
on March 23 its recommended distribution of 
molybdenum for the second calendar quarter of 
1953.1 The Governments of all 13 countries repre- ' 
sented on the Committee have accepted the recom- 
mendations. These countries are Australia, Bo- 
livia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, France, the Federal 
Kepubhc of Germany, Japan, Portugal, Spain, 
bweden, the United Kingdom, and the United 

Molybdenum and nickel remain now the only 
commodities subject to distribution by the Inter- 
national Materials Conference. 

In accepting the recommendations, the Govern- 
ment of the United States restated the condition 
that domestic users of molybdenum in the United 
States should be authorized to purchase the quan- 
tity of such material allocated to other countries 
participating in the International Materials Con- 
ference and not used by any such participating 
country. In view of this, the Committee agreed 
to continue the arrangements made whereby such 
domestic users in the United States or other coun- 
tries would have the opportunity to purchase 
molybdenum allocated to other countries par- 
ticipating in the International Materials Con- 
ference but not used by any such participating 

The total free world production of molybdenum 
m the first quarter of 19.53 is estimated by the 
Committee at 6,448.25 metric tons metal content 
Total availabilities exceed this amount by a carry- 
over of 30 tons from 1952 availabilities. The esti- 
niated production for the second quarter is at 
about the same level as that for the first quarter of 
1953, which was over 75 percent above the rate 
of production in 1950. On the other hand, the 
defense and stockpiling requirements of the free 1 
world are still in excess of the estimated produc- I 
tion. ; 

The plan recommended provides for the distri- 
bution of the whole free world production of 
molybdenum, both in the form of ores and concen- 
trates and primary products. Primary product* ' 
are defined, as m the case of previous distribu- 
tions by the Committee, as ferro-molybdenum, 
molybdic acid and molvbdenum salts, including 
calcium-mo lybdate and molybdic oxide. Roasted 

' For distribution plan, .see Imc press release of Mar. 23. 
Deparfmenf of Sfafe Bulletin 

molybdenum concentrates are regarded by the 
Committee as being included in ores and concen- 
j trates, as in the case of previous distribution plans. 
i In framing the recommended plan of distribu- 
I tion, the needs of all countries, whether members 
* of the Committee or not, were carefully consid- 
ered. The distribution plan is now transmitted 
to all governments, including those not repre- 
sented on the Committee, wherever the countries 
concerned are interested in the export or import 
of molybdenum in the form of ores and concen- 
trates or primary products. All Governments are 
being requested to carry out the plan of distri- 
bution recommended. 

Copper-Zinc-Lead Committee To Be Terminated 

The Copper-Zinc-Lead Committee of the Inter- 
national Materials Conference announced on 
March 20 that its members have agreed to the dis- 
solution of the Committee on March 31, 1953. 
This announcement follows the Committee's re- 
cent decision to discontinue international alloca- 
tion of primary copper on February 15,^ and 
reflects the continuing improvement in the sup- 
ply/demand position of copper in the free world. 

The Copper-Zinc-Lead Committee, which was 
the first of the commodity groups to be established 
within the framework of the Imc, met for the first 
time on February 26, 1951. The Committee's rec- 
ommendations for the first international alloca- 
tions of copper and zinc were accepted by its mem- 
ber governments for the fourth quarter of 1D51 
and continued, for zinc, until the end of May 
1952, and for copper, until the middle of Febru- 
ary 1953. Although the supply/demand position 
of lead was kept under review the Committee did 
not, at any time, find it necessary to recommend 
international allocation of that metal. 

The following countries were represented on 
the Committee : Australia, Belgium (representing 
Benelux) , Canada, Chile, France, the Federal Re- 
public of Germany, Italy, Mexico, Norway, Peru, 
the United Kingdom, and the United States. 

Distribution of Primary Nicltel 

The Manganese-Nickel-Cobalt Committee of 
the International Materials Conference on March 
26 announced acceptance by 13 of its 14 member 
governments of a second quarter 1953 plan of dis- 
tribution^ for primary nickel and oxides. The 
reply of the Government of Belgium is still 
awaited. The recommended plan has been for- 
warded to all interested governments for imple- 

In this plan, as in those for the last two quarters 
of 1952 and the first quarter of 1953, provision 
has been made whereby any nickel allocated to 
countries participating in the distribution, but 
not used by them, will become available for pur- 

= Bulletin of Feb. 23, 1953, p. 303. 

' For distribution plan, .see Imc press release of Mar. ib. 

April 13, 1953 

chase by consumers in the United States and in 
other countries. 

The total production estimate of primary 
nickel and oxides for the second quarter of 1953, 
excluding Japanese production, shows an increase 
of about 200 metric tons nickel content over the 
figure for the first quarter, or less than one-half 
of one percent. About 500 tons of nickel oxides 
(in nickel content), produced in the U.S. Nicaro 
plant in Cuba during the second half of 1952 m 
excess of the original estimate for that period, 
has been included in the second quarter distribu- 
tion. The total quantity distributed in the recom- 
mended plan amounts to 37,800 metric tons nickel 

An amount of approximately 500 metric tons 
of Japanese nickel available for export is not 
included in the plan of distribution because the 
Committee so far has not been able to determine 
to what extent importing countries would pur- 
chase this high-priced nickel. 

The countries represented on the Manganese- 
Nickel-Cobalt Committee are Belgium (for Bene- 
lux), Brazil, Canada, Cuba, France, the Federal 
Republic of Germany, India, Italy, Japan, Nor- 
way. Sweden, the Union of South Africa, the 
United Kingdom, and the United States. 

U.S. Delegations 

to International Conferences 

Commission on Human Rights 

The Department of State announced on March 
31 (press release 165) that Mrs. Oswald B. Lord, 
U S representative on the U.N. Commission on 
Human Rights, will attend the ninth session of the 
Commission, scheduled to be held at Geneva, April 
6-June 1, 1953. In addition to Mrs. Lord, the 
U.S. delegation to this meeting will be as follows: 

Principal Adviser 

PhlUp Halpern, Associate Justice of the Appellate 

Division of the Supreme Court of New York State, 

Third Department 


James F. Green, Deputy Director, Office of U.N. Economic 

and Social Affairs, Department of St;ite 
Warren E. Hewitt. Office of the Assistant Lesal Adviser 

for U.N. Affairs, Department of State 

The Commission on Human Rights, which is 
one of the permanent functional commissions of 
the U.N. Economic and Social Council, was estab- 
lished in 1946 to advise and assist the Council on 
all matters relating to the obligation assumed by 
the members of the United Nations to cooperate 
with the United Nations toward the achievement 
of universal respect for, and observance of, human 
rights and fundamental freedoms for all, without 
distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion. 


Eighteen governments, elected by the Council, 
comprise the mcmbersliip of the Commission. Its 
eighth session was held at New York, April 14- 
June 6, 1952. 

Economic and Social Council 

Tlie Department of State announced on March 
31 (press release 164) that at the fifteenth session 
of the Economic and Social Council of the United 
Nations, which opened at New York on that date, 
the U.S. Government would be represented by the 
following delegation : 

U.S. representative 

James J Wadsworth, Jr., Deputy U.S. Representative to 
the United Nations 

Deputy D.S. representative 

Walter M. Kotsclinig, Director, Office of United Nations 
Economic and Social Affairs, Department of State 


Philip Arnow, Associate Director, Office of International 
Labor Affairs, Department of Labor 

Kathleen Bell, Office of United Nations Economic and 
Social Affairs, Department of State 

Isaiah Frank, Office of Economic Defense and Trade 
Policy, Department of State 

Katherine G. Heath, Office of International Relations 
rederal Security Agency 

Forrest Murden, U.S. Mission to the United Nations, New 
York, N. Y. 

Robert B Schwenger, Chief, Regional Investigations 
Blanch, Office of Foreign Agricultural Relations. De- 
partment of Agriculture 

William J. Stibravy, Special Assistant to the Director 
Office of Financial and Development Policy Depart- 
ment of State 

William H. Wynne, Office of International Finance De- 
partment of the Treasury ' 

Recent developments in the world economic sit- 
uation will be discussed at the forthcoming ses- 
sion in the light of comprehensive reports which 
have been prepared by the U.N. Secretariat, as 
well as by the Secretariats of the Economic Com- 
mission for Asia and the Far East, Economic 
Commission for Europe, and Economic Commis- 
sion for Latin America. The Council will also 
review (1) the annual report by the International 
Monetary Fund concerning its activities since the 
previous session; (2) the annual report of the 
International Bank for Reconstruction and De- 
velopment on its financial activities and resources; 
(3) a report by the Council's Technical Assist- 
ance Committee on the program of technical as- 
sistance; and (4) reports by several of its 
functional commissions, including the Transport 
and Communications Commission, Statistical 
Commission, and Population Commission. 

Provision is also made in the 29-item agenda 
of the session for the consideration of several 
topics which have been the subject of special study 
pursuant to resolutions adopted by the Council 


or the Oeneral xV.ssembly of the United Nations. 
Among those topics are measures for the economic 
develojjinent of underdeveloped countries; the in- 
ternational action that may be taken to promote 
an integrated approach to and a systematic anal- 
ysis of the problems of conservation and use of 
nonagricultural resources; the steps which may 
be taken by the United Nations and its specialized 
agencies to develop international respect for the 
right of peoples to self-determination; measures 
that can be taken by the United Nations to help 
governments eliminate slavery, the slave trade, 
and servitude similar to slavery; and allegations 
regarding infringements of trade-union rights. 

The fourteenth session of the Council was held 
at New York May 20-August 1, 1952. Its 18 mem- 
bers are Argentina, Australia, Belgium, China, 
Cuba, Egypt, France, India, the Philippines, Po- 
land, Sweden, Turkey, Union of Soviet Socialist 
Republics, United Kingdom, the United States, 
Uruguay, Venezuela, and Yugoslavia. 

U.N. Commission on Narcotic Drugs 

The Department of State announced on March 
30 (press release 162) that Hari-y J. Anslinger, 
Commissioner of Narcotics, Department of the 
Treasury, and U.S. representative on the U.N. 
Commission on Narcotic Drugs, will attend the 
eighth session of that Commission which will con- 
vene at New York on March 30. 

George A. Morlock, Office of U.N. Economic 
and Social Affairs, Department of State, and 
Alfred L. Tennyson, Chief Counsel, Bureau of 
Narcotics, Department of the Treasury, will serve 
as advisers to the U.S. representative. 

The Commission on Narcotic Drugs was fop 
mally established on a permanent basis in 1946. 
It assists the Economic and Social Council of the 
United Nations in exercising supervision over the 
application of international conventions and 
agreements dealing with narcotic drugs; carries 
out such of the functions of the League of Nations 
Advisory Committee on Traffic in Opium and 
Other Dangerous Drugs as the Economic and 
Social Council has assumed and continued; ad- 
vises the Council on all questions concerning the 
control of narcotic drugs, and prepares draft 
international conventions on the subject; and con- 
siders changes required in the existing machinery 
for the international control of narcotics. 

The provisional agenda of the eighth session 
contains 29 items for consideration by the Com- 
mission. The items relate to such matters as (1) 
the proposed single convention on narcotic drugs; 
(2) cooperation between the United Nations and 
the Universal Postal Union in respect to the con- 
trol of narcotic drugs; (3) the abolition of opium 
smoking in the Far East; (4) annual reports made 
by governments pursuant to article 21 of the con- 
vention of July 13, 1931, for limiting the manufac- 
ture and regulating the distribution of narcotic 

Department of State Bulletin 

drugs, as amended by a protocol signed at Lake 
Success December 11, 1946; (5) illicit traffic, in 
whicli connection the Commission is to consider 
both summaries of reports on illicit transactions 
and seizures made pursuant to article 23 of the 
1931 convention, as amended by the 1946 protocol, 
and a proposal by Burma relating to the coordina- 
tion of the efforts of certain Far Eastern Govern- 
ments to suppress poppy cultivation and the 
smuggling of opium ; (6) the problem of synthetic 

drugs; (7) the problem of Indian hemp; (8) 
scientific research on narcotics; and (9) the list of 
narcotic drugs under international control. 

The seventh session of the Commission was held 
at New York April 15-May 9, 1952. The 15 mem- 
bei-s of the Commission at the present time are 
Canada, China, Egypt, France, India, Iran, 
Mexico, the Netherlands, Pern, Poland, Turkey, 
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United King- 
dom, the United States, and Yugoslavia. 

The United States in the United Nations 

[March 26-April 1] 

Security Council 

At a closed meeting on March 31, the Security 
Council by a vote of 10-0-1 adopted a proposal 
by the French representative recommending to 
the General Assembly that Dag Hammarskjold, 
Swedish Minister of State, be appointed U.N. 
Secretary-General. This recommendation was 
transmitted to the President of the General As- 
sembly, and Ahmed Bokliari (Pakistan), Presi- 
dent of the Security Council, sent Mr. Hammar- 
skjold a cable informing him of the recommenda- 
tion. The message concluded: 

In view of the immense importance of this post, more 
especially at tlie pre.sent time, members of the Security 
Council express the earnest hope that you will agree to 
accept the appointment if, as they hope and believe, it is 
shortly made by the General Assembly. 

In a statement issued later that day, Trygve 
Lie, retiring Secretary-General, said of the recom- 
mendation : 

... If the General Assembly approves the nomina- 
tion, which the Assembly certainly will do, I shall be able 
to lay down the heavy burdens of my office with a clear 
conscience, knowing that a very able man with sound 
political, diplomatic, and administrative experience will 
take over and carry on. . . . 

On April 1 Mr. Hammarskjold announced at 
Stockholm that he had sent the following message 
to Mr. Bokhari : 

With a strong feeling of personal insufficiency, I hesi- 
tate to accept candidature but I do not feel that I could 
refuse to assume the task imposed on me should the As- 
sembly follow the recommendation of the Security Council 
by which I feel deeply honoured. 

General Assembly 

General debate on the personnel policy item 
opened in plenary on March 28. Henry Cabot 
Lodge, Jr. (U.S.) underlined the necessity of 
having the full support of world public opinion 
in order to have the United Nations as an effective- 
force. He also pointed out that public opinion in 
the United States was concerned lest the United 
Nations effectiveness be impaired because of the- 
existence of a serious personnel problem. Mr. 
Lodge indicated that : 

The U.S. (Jovernment does not believe that persons 
engaged or who, based on their past and present record, 
seem likely to engage in subversive activities against any 
memi)er .state should be employed in an international 
organization. We will do all in our power to provide the 
Secretary-General with the information necessary to en- 
able him to make a determination on this matter. This- 
does not constitute nor is it intended to constitute dicta- 
tion to the Secretary-General or other member Govern- 
ments. It is a service to the United Nations in the inter- 
est of maintaining a Secretariat which measures up to- 
standards established in the Charter for international 
civil servants. 

It seemed clear from his report that the stand- 
ards the Secretary-General proposed to apply 
would protect staff members against inadequately 
supported or unreliable representations from 
member governments ; consequently, there should 
be no doubt as to the continued independence of 
the Secretariat or as to the safeguarding of indi- 
vidual rights. 

Ambassador Lodge stated that the U.S. delega- 
tion believed the Assembly should take no actioa 
which would hinder the Secretary-General in deal- 
ing with the existing situation. However, a. 

April 13, 1953 

55 T 

further discussion of this question might be under- 
taken at the next session, when developments of 
the intervening period could be reviewed. For 
these reasons the United States would vote against 
any text which postponed further action on per- 
sonnel questions pending the proposed study by 
a committee. 

The resolution introduced jointly by the United 
States, United Kingdom, and France which had 
the effect of simply taking note of the report was 
amended to request a progress report on the de- 
velopment of personnel policy, and the number of 
its sponsors was increased to 13. 

Action on the personnel policy item was com- 
pleted April 1 with the adoption of the 13-power 
resolution by a vote of 41-13 (Soviet bloc, India, 
Indonesia, Burma, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Syria)^. 
Under the approved resolution, the Secretary- 
General will be permitted to continue to conduct 
and develop his policies along the lines contained 
in his report and will be asked to submit a further 
report to the Eighth General Assembly. The 12- 
power text calling for the creation of a 15-member 
commission was rejected by a vote of 21-29-8. 

The Assembly then recessed until April 7. 

Committee I {Political and Security) — The 
Committee on March 26 rejected the Czechoslovak 
resolution charging U.S. interference in the affairs 
of other states. The vote was 5 (Soviet bloc)- 
41-14 (Afghanistan, Argentina, Burma, Egypt, 
Guatemala, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, 
Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Yemen) . In state- 
ments made before the voting, the Soviet and 
Czechoslovak repi'esentatives contended that the 
U.S. statements on the item had contained slan- 
derous charges intended to divert the Committee's 
attention from the substance of the matter. After 
the balloting, several Arab States explained that 
their abstentions were based in part on the fact 
that the issue of Zionism had been raised. 

At the next day's meeting debate began on the 
U.S. request for an impartial investigation of 
charges that U.N. forces used bacteriological war- 
fare. Ambassador Ernest A. Gross (U.S.) intro- 
duced a 16-power resolution under which a five- 
state commission would be set up to carry out an 
inquiry after the President of the General Assem- 
bly had received indications that the parties con- 
cerned had accepted the proposed investigation. 

As the debate opened. Valerian A. Zorin 
(U.S.S.R.), proposed that the Committee invite 
representatives of Communist China and the 
North Korean authorities to participate. An im- 
partial investigation of the bacteriological war- 
fare question would be possible only with the 
participation of the states directly concerned with 
and affected by the use of bacterial weapons. The 
motion was rejected by a vote of 15 (Soviet bloc, 
Egypt, Iraq, India, Indonesia, Afghanistan, 
Burma, Syria)^0-5 (Argentina, Lebanon, 

Representatives of South Africa, Australia, the 
Netherlands, and New Zealand, speaking as co- 
sponsors of the resolution, pointed out the neces- 
sity of exposing the hollowness of the charges. 
If those making the charges did not accept the 
resolution, the obvious conclusion would be that 
the charges were baseless and the world would 
treat any further allegations or protestations with 
the contempt they deserved. 

The Netherlands welcomed the U.S. request to 
place the item on the agenda, D. J. von Balluseck 
said. The full membership of the United Nations 
should express itself when some governments lev- 
eled accusations against others, yet persistently 
refused to permit an impartial investigation of the 
charges. The investigation should be undertaken 
as soon as possible, in his view, and should include 
an examination of the so-called confessions of the 
prisoners of war. 

Economic and Social Council 

At the opening meeting of its loth session, the 
Council on April 1 adopted by a vote of 14—0-4 
a resolution transmitting to the Human Rights 
Commission the General Assembly's request for 
continued preparation of recommendations con- 
cerning international respect for the right of peo- 
ples to self-determination. Also approved, by a 
vote of 15-2 (Poland, U.S.S.R.)-! (Sweden), was 
a Latin American draft modifying the rules of 
procedure to include Spanish as a working lan- 
guage of the Council and its functional organs. 
A Soviet motion requestinf^ favorable considera- 
tion by the General Assembly of a similar status 
for the Russian language failed, 4 (U.S.S.R., 
Poland, India, Egypt)-10-4 (France, Yugoslavia, 
Uruguay, Philippines). 

As its third item, the Council debated the U.S. 
request that Libya, Nepal, Spain, and the Republic 
of Korea be invited to the Conference on the Limi- 
tation of the Production of Opium, scheduled to 
begin May 11. Recalling that the inscription of 
the last two countries had not been unanimous, 
James J. Wadsworth (U.S.) held that the United 
Nations was interested in Spanish participation 
since Spain was an important manufacturing and 
consuming country which had in the past shown 
willingness to agree to controls on narcotics. As 
to the Republic of Korea, he pointed out that the 
General Assembly had recognized it as the lawful 
Korean Government and that it was a large opium 

G. F. Saksin (U.S.S.R.) said that since he had 
learned that the countries in question had not 
asked to be invited to the conference, the action 
proposed by the United States was contrary to 
self-determination and infringed on national sov- 
ereignty. He now could not even vote for invita- 
tions to Libya and Nepal, which his Government 
had originally favored. 


Department of State Bulletin 

Commission on the Status of Women— Mrs. 
Lorena B. Hahn (U.S.) on March 26 introduced 
a United States-Haitian resolution urging that 
re<nilations regarding distribution of scliolarships 
provide equal opportunities for girls and women, 
requesting that tlie Secretary-General continue to 
cooperate with Unesco to advance opportunities 
for education for women, and expressing hope that 
in programs of fundamental education attention 
would be given to the importance of providing 
equal opportunities for women to acquire a lan- 
<rua"-e "which will permit them access to the re- 
sources of knowledge in the general culture of the 

It was later agi-eed to refer to the resolutions 
committee this proposal and a French draft relat- 
ing to the number of study fellowships and schol- 
arships granted to men and women students in 
primary, secondary, higher, and technical educa- 
tion in the member countries. 

Representatives of several nongovernment or- 
ganizations made statements on women's educa- 
tion. Groups represented included the World 
Federation of Trade Unions, the International 
Federation of Women Lawyers, the International 
Council of Women, the World Union of Catholic 
Women's organizations, and the International 
Federation of Business and Professional Women. 
On March 27 the Commission adopted a revised 
Polish resolution which regretted that the Wom- 
en's International Democratic Federation rejire- 
sentative "has not been granted an entry-visa to 
permit her to attend the Commission's session, 
called the attention of the Economic and Social 
Council to that "abnormal situation," and re- 
quested that the Council examine the question at 
its 15th session in order to take appropriate meas- 
ures. The vote was 13-1 (U.S.)-2 (China, U-K.). 
Members then approved by a vote of 14-0-3 
(U S ) a Cuban-French proposal recommending 
that Ecosoc draw the attention of Governments 
and specialized agencies to the need of ensuring 
identical basic school curricula for pupils ot both 
sexes Action on the educational item was com- 
pleted with the unanimous approval of the resolu- 


Bui-LETiN Of March 30, 1953, p. 4S0: Mrs Lord's 
title should be, "V. 8. Representative on the V.H. 
Commission on Human Rights." 

tions committee's version of the U. S.-Haitian and 
French drafts on granting scholarships to women 
and on allowing women opportunities to acquire a 
second language in countries where native and 
official languages exist. , j vi 

At the same meeting, Mrs. Hahn submitted, with 
Cuba, a resolution on the equal-pay-for-equal- 
work item. The proposal noted that the principle 
was sound business practice, urged increased ef- 
forts toward widespread implementation in all 
states, and asked the International Labor Organi- 
zation to furnish periodic progress reports. It 
was agreed that this text would be combined with 
another equal-pay draft sponsored by France, the 
Netherlands, and Pakistan. 

On March 30 the Commission approved a JNeth- 
erlands-Pakistan proposal relating to the work of 
women in cottage industries and handicrafts and 
in seasonal agricultural work in underdeveloped 
countries. The vote was 12-3 (Soviet bloc)-l 

(France). ^^ , , i -r. i • 

The combined Cuba-France-Netherlands-Faki- 
stan-U.S. text on equal pay, as slightly modified by 
the resolutions committee, was adopted on March 
31 by a vote of 14-0-3 (Soviet bloc). Also 
adopted was an amended version of a Dominican 
Eepublic- Venezuelan resolution on participation 
of women in the work of the United Nations ; the 
vote was 15-0-2 (U. K., New Zealand) . A Paki- 
stani draft recommending the appointment of 
qualified women to technical-assistance posts was 
adopted unanimously. . 

The Commission completed its substantive work 
on April 1 after unanimously approving a priori- 
ties program for 1953-54 as proposed by the 
United States. Consideration of the item on 
women in public law was deferred to the Com- 
mission's next session. 


./olin il. Allison 

The Senate on April 2 confirmed John M. Allison as 
Ambassador to Japan. 
William Howard Taft, III 

The Senate on April 2 confirmed William Howard Taft, 
III, as Ambassador to Ireland. 

April 13, 1953 


Department Opposes Continuation of Extraordinary Restrictions 
on Certain Imports 

Statement by Harold F. hinder 
Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs * 

Press release 166 dated April 1 

I wish to thank the committee for the oppor- 
tunity of testifying with respect to this bill. The 
Department is interested mainly in two problems 
related to the bill, namely, the need for continuing 
powers to insure that adequate supplies of mate- 
rials are available for the free-world defense effort 
and the deletion of section 104 from the bill.= 

The Department agrees with the premise that 
direct economic controls, while basically incom- 
patible with the American system, may be needed 
in certain circumstances. Experience has shown 
that the benefits of such controls in an emergency 
period extend not only to the United States but 
to allied and other friendly nations throughout the 
world. A significant contribution to world eco- 
nomic stability was made when the United States 
instituted comprehensive economic controls after 
the invasion of Korea. In another comparable 
emergency, the interests of the whole free world 
might again rest on prompt action by the U.S. 
Oovernment to hold inflationary forces in check 
and channel resources to essential needs. 

Whetlier it is necessary to enact standby author- 
ity for the several types of direct economic con- 
trols, as they are no longer currently needed, is a 
■question which the Department considers to be out- 
side Its competence. It defers in this to the agen- 
cies responsible for those controls. 

The Department does, however, have specific 
comments on certain other aspects of S. 753. This 
bill would place in standby condition title I of the 
present Defense Production Act. The authority 
to establish priorities and to allocate materials and 
taciJities, conveyed by section 101, like that to 
stimulate expansion of productive capacity (title 
liJ.), IS sti lJ needed to assure adequate materials 

'Wade before the Senate Banking and Currency Com- 

T\ % 7nro .r*'^!'*''^' 'o S. 753, "Emergency Stabilization 
Act of 19.53," on Apr. 1. 

= Text of section 104 of S. 753 is identical to section 104 
of the present Defense Production Act. Except for cer- 
tain discretions given the Secretary of Agriculture in the 
administration of the import restrictions, section 104 is 
that printed in the Bulletin of Mar. 31, 1952, p. 518. 


for the free-world defense effort. Section 101 
should be retained on an active, unconditional 
basis so that there can be a prompt and orderly 
transition to the modified system of materials 
control needed to safeguard defense production 
after June 30. 

It is not only U.S. defense programs that might 
be impaired by lapse of this section. The progress 
of military programs of other free nations now 
depends in part upon U.S. supplies. The law 
presently permits us to assure supplies for these 
programs as well as for our own. It is in the in- 
terest of our total defensive strength that this 
continues to be possible. 

As I said at the outset, this Department attaches 
great importance to the deletion from the new 
legislation of section 104, which restricts imports 
of certain agricultural commodities includino- 
dairy products. This section would not appear to 
be germane, to the general purposes of S. 753, to 
provide standby authority for emergency economic 
controls. Eather, it deals with current problems 
affecting our international trade relations and do- 
mestic agricultural programs. 

Apart from the question of appropriateness in 
this context, the Department of State has given 
careful thought to the need for continuation of sec- 
tion 104, and we can only conclude that this pro- 
vision has been so harmful to our international 
trade relations that to continue it, whether on an 
active or a standby basis, would be unwise. In 
saying this, I want to make it perfectly clear to 
the committee that the Department of State is 
keenly aware of the difficulties with which we are 
now faced in connection with our domestic dairy 
products program. However, there are other 
remedies m our laws which can be used to deal 
with situations in which imports might impair 
agricultural programs for dairy products or cause 
serious injury to the dairy industry. Such reme- 
dies exist in section 22 of the Agricultural Adjust- 
ment Act of 1934 as amended and in the "escape 
clause" of the Trade Agreements Extension Act 
of 1951. 

Department of State Bulletin 

The extension of section 104 by the United States 
ivould do considerable damage to our efforts to 
ichieve economic strength and solvency among 
friendly foreign countries. The President empha- 
?ized in his State of the Union message to the 
Congress that, "Our foreign policy will recognize 
Uie importance of profitable and equitable world 
trade " ' By introducing trade barriers which are 
not essential to the protection of American agri- 
culture, the restrictions imposed under section 104 
defeat this objective. 

The extension of section 104 controls would 
compel the United States to continue to act in- 
consistently with agreements previously under- 
taken with friendly countries. The continued 
disreo'ard of these commitments m the face ot 
well-founded and repeated protests froni 10 coun- 
tries is seriously undermining efforts to build con- 
fidence in our leadership along the whole front of 
our foreign policy as may be observed from the 
notes we have received,^ copies of which I should 
like to submit for the record. 

It is difficult to overemphasize the significance 
which foreign countries attribute to section 104 
and our action under it. In part, the reason for 
their concern lies in the injurious effect ot our 
section 104 restrictions on their trade; it hampers 
their efforts to overcome balance-of-payments dith- 
culties and makes it more difficult to reduce their 
need for extraordinary assistance from the United 
States. But it is to a perhaps even greater degree 
the symbolic significance of section 104, as to the 
direction of U.S. trade policy, which arouses con- 
cern The fact is that, for them, the bill carries 
the implication that the United States is moving 
away from a policy of cooperation with its allies 
toward a restrictionism which disregards both our 
obligations and their needs. Even our friends m 
other countries are hard put to defend us. Our 
enemies seize upon each such example to make 
the claim that the United States wants not free 
partners in a mutual exchange of goods, but only 
dependencies where American surpluses can be 
conveniently dumped. 

It has to be borne in mind that one of the express 
purposes of the international agreements which 
section 104 compels the United States to violate 
is to further the interests of American agriculture. 
The prosperity of American agriculture depends, 
in the first instance, on domestic prosperity. But, 
as the President pointed out in his message on the 
state of the Union, it depends also "upon the op- 
portunity to ship abroad large surpluses of partic- 
ular commodities, and, therefore, upon sound eco- 
nomic relationships between the United States 

1 »76frf., Feb. 9, 1953, p. 208. iqw nrp 

I * Texts of eight notes submitted since June 1, 1952 ^re 
printed as an annex to Mr. Linder's statement. Jo' J^xts 
of earlier notes, see part 4 of the Hearings on Defense 
Production Act Amendments of l^^l before Committee 
on Banking and Currency, U.S. Senate, 82d Cong., 1st sess., 
pp. 2951-2958. 

April 13, T953 

and many foreign countries." By denying 
friendly foreign countries an opportunity to en- 
£ra<re in profitable and equitable trade with the 
United States, this law limits their purchases of 
American agricultural commodities as well as a 
wide range of products from other American in- 
dustries and enterprises. The close tie between 
our imports and our export sales is illustrated by 
the fact that one government, the Netherlands, has 
curtailed its imports of wheat flour from the 
United States specifically because of section 104 
restrictions, and several other governments are 
considering similar action. At a time ^•lien Amer- 
ican agricultural exports are already falling off, 
we can ill afford any further decline m such sales. 
For these reasons, this Department is of the viev? 
that section 104 should be permitted to expire and 
that there should be no extension of this provision 
beyond June 30, 1953, either in the legislation 
under consideration or other acts of Congress. 


Canadian Note of February 10, 1953 

The Canadian Ambassador presents his compliments 
to the Secretary of State and has the honour to refer 
to the Canadian Embassy's Notes of AuRUst 28, 1951 
(No 496) and Sanuary 17, 1952, regardins the restric- 
tions imposed upon imports of fats, oils and da.ry prod^ 
ucts under Section 104 of the Defense Production Act of 

^^The Secretary of State will be aware that these import 
resw'ctfonf we^e considered at the ^^l^-^JT^^ 
sessions of the contracting parties t° "^^^^XJons wer^ 
ment on Tariffs and Trade and that resolutions were 
Sted recognizing these measures to be contrary to 

""ortttcca^ionrflSrannSuncement on December 30 
195^ of further import restrictions, relating to dried 
milk products, the Canadian Government re-examined the 
Stuation resulting from these restrictions. On he basis 
of thi^3 review the Canadian Government would again 
exnress its serious concern at this infringement of inter- 
nSal apreements to which the Governments of the 
United States and of Canada are parties. The Gov- 
ernment of Canada wishes to call the attention of the 
Government of the United States to the effects of these 
melsur^s not only on trade between the United States and 
Canada bv?t also on the broad commercial policy interests 

""'ill rve"?nmenTo7 Canada considers that such depar 
tures from accepted principles of commercial Pohcy by 
the leamng trading nation can hardly fail to weaken the 
force of those principles and to damage seriously the 
development of world trade on a constructive basis. 

Both Canada and the United States, recognizing the 
weakening effect of continued reliance on import restric- 
Sons on economies of friendly countries, have frequently 
encouraged them to seek solutions to their balance of pay- 
ment difficulties through increasing exports rather than 
curtailing imports. Actions by the United States Gov- 
ernment such as that represented by these import restric- 
tions tend to undermine the confidence of overseas deficit 
coimtrfes in their ability to approach a balance by in- 
creasing their dollar earnings. These measures may in 
consequence have the effect of discouraging attempts 
which miglit be made by such countries, in the face of 
great difficulties, to change the general direction of na- 


tlonal policies away from reliance on discriminatory 
Import restrictions as methods of aciiieving international 

The Government of Canada, accordingly, takes this 
opportunity to urge once more that the import restric- 
tions imposed under Section 104 of the Defense Produc- 
tion Act of 1951 be removed as soon as possible. 

New Zealand Note of March 31, 1953 s 

The Ambassador of New Zealand presents his compli- 
ments to the Secretary of State and has the honour to 
refer to the recent decision of the United States Govern- 
ment to place an embargo on imports of dried wholemilk 
dried buttermilk and dried cream, effective from 1 April 
1953. It may be recollected that the importance of this 
trade to New Zealand was discussed by the Ambassador 
with the Assistant Secretary of State for Economic Affairs 
on 9 March, and that a note was addressed to the Sec- 
retary of State at that time, explaining the effect on New 
Zealand's economy of all United States restrictions 
against imports of dairy products. 

^v^^^'*^^ "^ ^^'^ ^"" information already supplied to 
the United States Government in this connection it is 
felt unnecessary at this time to enter into a detailed state- 
ment of tlie difficulties created in New Zealand by the 
decision to place an embargo on imports of dried milk 
products. The New Zealand Government has asked how- 
ever, that the United States Government should be in- 
formed of the surprise and disappointment with which 
the recent decision has been received in New Zealand The 
immediate loss of potential dollar-earnings is one that 
f^w Zealand can ill afford. The new embargo has the 
effect of seriously restricting New Zealand's dollar earn- 
ing capacity which has already been weakened by the 
actions of the United States in placing embargoes on butter 
^'i'^.^'^'i"*''** '^'■'*^'^ ™'"^ s°''<'s and in permitting imports 
of Cheddar cheese only under a quota system. The range 
of the United States restrictions on imports of dairy 
products, which accounts for one-third of all New 
^aland s export earnings, is now so broad that New Zea- 
land s capacity to secure dollar exchange from exports is 
gravely reduced. 

The New Zealand Government has drawn the attention 
of the United States Government on other occasions to 
the fact that restrictions of the kind adopted by the United 
btates in respect of dairy products have been recognised 
as a clear breach of the General Agreement on Tariffs and 
Irade. Although the countries affected have been given 
rights of retaliation under the Agreement, the New Zea- 
land Government still does not consider such action to be 
a satisfactory answer to the problem. The New Zealand 
Government is, however, concerned over the apparent lack 
of harmony between the actions of the United States in 
respect of dairy products, and the spirit of under..^tanding 
that prevails in other relations between the two countries 

The hope is earnestly expressed that the United States 
Government will, upon reflection, recognise the broad 
economic implications of trade restrictions of this kind 
and the difficulties they create in a country like New 
Zea and which is so heavily reliant upon free access to 
world markets for its limited range of export products. 
ICe New Zealand Government sincerely trusts that the 
United States Government may find it possible to permit 
a resumption of New Zealand's export trade with the 
United States in dried milk and other dairy products thus 
bnnging its practice in this field into accord with the 
letter and the spirit of the mutual obligations undertaken 
by the two countries through the General Agreement on 
lariffs and Trade. 

inlJ'""''^ P'"^^*o°s notes dated Sept. 17, 1952, Jan. 15, 
1953, and Mar. 9, 1953, have been sent by the Government 
of Aew Zealand. 


Australian Note of March 30, 1953' 

The Australian Ambassador presents his compliments to 
the Honourable the Secretary of State and upon instruc-' 
tions from the Australian Government, has the honour 
to make the following communication. 

On January 23, 1953, the Australian Government drew 
the attention of the G'^vernment of the United States to 
the situation created by the continued operation of re- 
strictions on the importation of dairy products into the 
United States under Section 104 of the Defence Produc- 
tion Act. At the same time the Australian Government 
referred to the recent application of import quotas to 
dried whole milk and dried buttermilk and requested the 
United States Government to amend the Australian quota 
which had been based on a period unfavourable to Aus- 
tralian exports of these items. On September 11, 1951 
representations were also made by the Australian Govern- 
ment in regard to import restrictions on dairy products 
authorised by the Defence Production Act and notes were 
presented concerning the prohibition on imports of butter 
on June 6, 1950, October 7, 1949 and September 23, 1949 
The Australian Government regrets that it must now 
once more draw the attention of the United States Govern- 
ment to the recently announced prohibition on imports of 
dried whole milk, dried buttermilk and dried cream as 
from April 1, 1953. 

The Australian Government has previously pointed out 
that restrictions and prohibitions on the importation of 
dairy products into the United States not only accentuate i 
the difficulties of re-establishing world trade equilibrium i 
and nullify attempts made in Australia to adapt the Aus- I 
trahan dairying industry to the requirements of a major I 
potential market but have been determined by the Con- I 
tracting Parties to the General Agreement on Tariffs and 
Trade to impair concessions negotiated under that agree- 
ment and infringe Article XI of the Agreement. 

For a number of years the Australian Government has 
supported trade policies advocated by the United States 
which found expression in the General Agreement on Tar- 
iffs and Trade. However, it has become increasingly 
difficult to find justification for the restrictions that the 
Agreement imposes on the methods which Australia may 
adopt to foster its own developing industries. It is only 
by the promotion of exports through a free access to mar- 
kets for Its major industries such as the dairving industry 
that the Australian economy can support some restriction 
on its freedom to protect domestic production. 

The Australian Government therefore trusts that the 
United States Government will, at an early date see its 
way to remove the recently imposed prohibitions' on im- 
ports of dried whole milk and buttermilk and its long 
standing prohibition on imports of butter and other re- 
strictions imposed on the importation of dairy products 
under the Defence-Production Act. 

Danish Note of March 17, 1953' 

.v'^'j? Danish Ambassador presents his compliments to 
the Honorable the Secretary of State and has the honor 
once more to draw the attention of the United States 
Government to the serious concern of his Government at 
the restrictions imposed under Section 104 in the Defense 
Production Act on imports into the United States of Dairy 
Products. ■' 

Under the above provisions the import of one of the 
principal Danish export commodities. Butter, is subject to 
a complete embargo nullifying tariff concessions obtained 
from the United States Government by Denmark and other 
countries on a quid pro quo basis under the General Agree- 
ment on Tariffs and Trade. 

Imports o f another product, which would otherwise 

" A previous note dated Jan. 23, 19.53 was also sent bv 
the Australian Government. 

'A previous note was sent by the Danish Government 
on Sept. 9, 1952. 

Department of State Bulletin 

have been a particularly suitable object of endeavors to 
increase Ilanish dollar earnings. Blue Mold Cheese, have 
been kept at an artificially low level. 

In addition hereto quota limitations have recently been 
aoDlied to the import of Dry Whole Milk, at a time when 
Danish exporters had succeeded in establishing a com- 
netitive market here for this product trying, in this way, 
W make up for lost markets here for other milk products 
such as butter and cheese. 

The nature of the provisions of Section 104 is well illus- 
trated by the fact that while falling domestic production 
would invoke action through imposition of quotas under 
sub-paragraph a, an increasing domestic production may 
establish a case for import restrictions under c. 

Both at the 6th and 7th sessions of the Contracting 
Parties to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade a 
resolution was passed to the effect that the United States 
Import restrictions under Section 104 constitute an in- 
fringement of Article XI of the General Agreement, and 
that the circumstances were serious enough to justity 
recourse to Article XXIII, par. 2 (withdrawal of conces- 
sions) by the contracting parties affected. It was rec- 
ommended (in the words of the resolution of the (th 
session) "that the United States Government have regard 
to the effects of its continued application of these restric- 
tive measures in breach of the General Agreement and 
continue its efforts to secure the repeal of Section 104 
of the Defense Production Act as the only satisfactory 
solution of this problem." The United States Government 
was requested "to report to the Contracting Parties at as 
early a date as possible and, in any case, not later than 
the opening of the 8th session of the Contracting Parties 
on the action which it has taken." 

It is the earnest hope of the Danish Government that 
the United States Government will continue to use its 
best endeavors to secure the abolishment of the provisions 
in Section 104 at the expiry of the Defense Production 
Act on June 30, this year, and to use its influence to pre- 
vent actions to establish a substitute legislation based on 
similar principles. 

It would seem to be a matter of particular concern that 
the United States Government should not let itself be 
distracted from this aim — or Congress be unduly in- 
fluenced—by the existence of temporary Government sur- 
plus stocks of butter. As repeatedly pointed out by the 
Administration, and also by a leading Farmers' Organ- 
ization, during discussions in Congress on Section 104, 
other provisions, such as Section 22 in the Agricultural 
Adjustment Act as amended, establish authority and pro- 
cedure for limitation of imports of any products for whicu 
there is an agricultural program (including price support) , 
whenever it is found that imports interfere, or are prac- 
tically certain to interfere, materially with such a 

The Danish Government, of course, does not view with 
favor any such provisions. However, the application of 
Section 22, as it now stands, and similar provisions would 
not, as seems to be the case of Section 104, mean the 
establishment once and for all of what in practical terms 
amounts to a complete embargo on the importation of 

The Danish Government has noted with great interest 
the very specific recommendations on the question of 
dairy imports, including butter, made in the recent report 
to the President by the National Advisory Board of the 
Mutual Security Agency and trusts that eventually action 
will be taken along the lines suggested. It has also noted 
that several important trade organizations, including some 
representing agriculture, have recommended the abolish- 
ment of the provisions of Section 104. The same recom- 
mendation was contained in the socalled "Sawyer-Report" 
of December last year. The provisions are condemned as 
incompatible with the traditional policy of the United 
States Government to establish a more liberal interna- 
tional trade and payments system, the progress of which 
has been frustrated by the difficulties of overseas countries 

April 13, 7 953 

to earn a sufficient amount of dollars to pay for imports 
from the United States of agricultural and other products. 
It is noted that certain modifications of the cheese import 
restrictions have been made lately. These modifications, 
however, apply principally to types of cheese imported 
from countries other than Denmark, which means that a 
de facto discriminatory element has been established in 
the administration of Section 104. As already pointed 
out in Monsieur de Kauffmann's note of September 9, 1952, 
it is a matter of special regret to the Danish Government 
that full restrictions are maintained on imports of Blue 
Mold Cheese at a time when another type of cheese, which 
from a practical point of view must be considered quite 
similar in respect of appearance, quality, taste and con- 
sumption purposes, has been wholly exempted from 

In a press release of December 30, 19.52, Mr. Brannan, 
then Secretary of Agriculture, announced an increase of 
500,000 lbs. in the basic annual quota for Blue Mold 
Cheese. It is interesting to note that the communique 
stated that the quota increase was made in recognition of 
the strong demand for this type of cheese. Further it 
stated that "although domestic production of Blue Mold 
Cheese has recovered substantially in the past years, 
prices of both the domestic and the imported product 
have remained firm". In the opinion of the Danish Gov- 
ernment it might not have been unreasonable to expect 
that, under the circumstances referred to, the Depart- 
ment of Agriculture would have found occasion to in- 
clude Blue Mold Cheese among the several other types 
of cheese released from import control, thereby removing 
a cause of friction. On a prima facie basis it would seem 
that removal of the import restrictions on Blue Mold 
Cheese, under the circumstances, in no way would be con- 
trary to the provisions of Section 104. In this connection 
it is well worth observing that, to the knowledge of the 
Danish Government, none of the modifications of restric- 
tions on dairy imports, granted so far, have met with 
public criticism in the press or otherwise. 

The Danish Government would, therefore, ask that the 
United States Government once more consider the matter 
with a view to exempting Blue Mold Cheese from the quota 

As pointed out by the Cheese Importers Association of 
America, during hearings on the 13th instant in the Senate 
Banking and Currency Committee to terminate restric- 
tions on cheese imports, these imports do not, under the 
present circumstances anyway, threaten domestic manu- 
facture. Prices of imported types of cheese, possibly 
with the exception of Cheddar, are higher than prices 
of domestic cheeses. The retail price of Danablue is at 
present 87-89 cents per lb. or 14-21 cents per lb. more than 
the price of domestic Blue Cheese. 

While there seems to be a very firm demand for this 
type of cheese, as also pointed out in the announcement by 
the Department of Agriculture on the 30th of December, 
domestic production has increased by 5,000,000 lbs. from 
1951 to 1952, and imports were cut about 2,000,000 lbs. 
by the import restrictions. 

If, in spite of this situation and against the sincere hopes 
of the Danish Government, the Department of Agriculture 
does not consider it possible to remove Blue Mold Cheese 
from the list of cheeses still subject to quota restrictions, 
it is very much hoped that it will be possible, at the very 
least to increase the present quota which permits an 
import during the first half of 1953 of only 1,575.000 lbs. 
as compared with 2,450,000 lbs. during the second half 

of 1952. ,.,«.. 

If the quota is not increased this will not only affect 
Danish dollar earnings, but may also create serious diffi- 
culties in the long run for the sale of Danablue in the 
American market. Danablue is distributed by the im- 
porters mainly to a number of large retail stores. These 
stores insist on being able to rely on regular deliveries of 
certain minimum quantities and, due to the shortage, a 
few have already discontinued handling Danablue. 


Swedish Note of March 30, 1953 

Tlip ('liar;:<> d'Affaircs a.i. of Sweden presents his com- 
pliments to llie Honorable the Secretary of State and has 
the honor to bring the following to bis attention. 

On December 30, 1952, the Department of Agriculture 
announced import quotas for dried whole milk, dried 
buttermilk and dried cream, which products had until then 
been imported without restrictions. 

On March 24, 195.3, the Department of Agriculture 
placed the import of the said products under embargo, 
starting April 1. Of the quotas granted for the first quar- 
ter of 1953 onl.v such quantities will be allowed to enter, 
which are shipped through March 31. 

The Swedish Government has instructed me to express 
its grave concern about these import restrictions, which 
have been imposed pursuant to Section 104 of the Defense 
Production Act, as amended. In doing so, I wish to call 
attention especially to the following facts and circum- 

Already before World War II Sweden was a better 
customer of goods produced in the United States than 
were the United States of goods produced in Sweden. 
After World War II there has been a great export surplus 
from the United States to Sweden. For each of the years 
1951 and 1952 this surplus amounted to more than 70,000,- 
000 dollars. 

A considerable export surplus on the side of the United 
States has existed also with regard to agricultural prod- 
ucts. In 1951 Sweden imported from the United States 
food products to an amount of about 10,000,000 dollars 
but exported to the United States such products to an 
amount of only about 1,500,000 dollars. Furthermore, in 
the same year Sweden imported from the United States 
large amounts of other agricultural products than food, 
i.e. cotton and tobacco. The same trend seems to have 
been prevailing during 19.52. 

However, the quantity of agricultural products im- 
ported to Sweden from the United States during the last 
years has been smaller than the quantity, which used to 
be imported before World War II. Scarcity of dollars 
has made it impossible for Sweden to buy such products 
in the United States to the same extent as earlier. 

From what now has been said it will be clear that ob- 
stacles to Swedish exports to the United States must lead 
to a decrease in the United States exports to Sweden, 
Including decreased outlets for the agricultural production 
of the United States. 

The Swedish Government has on many occasions shown 
its willingness to cooperate fully in the efforts to expand 
world trade, in which the United States has taken a lead- 
ing part. The Swedish Government for its part has 
proved this readiness as one of the Contracting Parties 
of the General Agreement of Tariffs and Trade. The 
United States restrictions on the imports of dairy prod- 
ucts have been generally recognized as contrary to this 

The Swedish Government has with great satisfaction 
noticed the interest in developing free trade, expressed 
by the President of the United States. It has also noticed 
the strong support, which the leaders of the three great 
American Farm Organizations have given to a liberaliza- 
tion of American trade policy, also with regard to agri- 
cultural products. There seems, however, to be an ap- 
parent lack of harmony between on one hand the expressed 
policy of the United States and the views of the great 
ma.lority of American farmers as stated by their leaders 
and on the other hand the restrictions on the imports of 
dairy products. 

The Swedish Government, therefore, sees with greatest 
concern the imposition at this time of a further import 
restriction on a Swedish agricultural product, which dur- 
ing recent months has been able to find an expanding 
market in the United States and thus would in the future 
contribute substantially to the Swedish dollar earning. 

With reference to the above the Swedish Government 
expresses its sincere hope that the Government of the 
United States will find it possible to reconsider the re- 

strictions imposed under the Section 104 of the Defense 
Production Act. 

Netherlands Note of March 31, 1953 « 

The Netherlands Ambassador presents his compliments 
to the Honorable the Secretary of State and has the honor 
to refer to a press release of the United States Department 
of Agriculture, Production and Marketing Administration, 
dated March 24, 1953, in which an embargo on imports of 
dried whole milk, dried butter milk, and dried cream, 
effective April 1, 19.53 is announced. 

The absolute character of this measure, coming in addi- 
tion to continuing restrictions on the import of Nether- 
lands Edam and Gouda cheeses, will undoubtedly have a 
severely adverse effect upon Netherlands public opinion 
in general and that of the export community in particular. 
In this connection Dr. Van Roijen refers to his note of 
March 2, 1953, in which he transmitted the great concern 
of the Netherlands Government about the import restric- 
tions on dried milk products which had been imposed on 
December 30, 1952, under Section 104 of the Defense 
Production Act. It was hoped that the United States 
Government would see its way to reconsider the Import 
limitations on Netherlands dairy products. 

While not yet having received instructions from his 
Government, the Netherlands Ambassador would like to 
express his keen disappointment at the present action 
which appears to scatter the hope he expressed in his 
previous note. 

Italian Note of June 30, 1952'> 

The Italian Embassy presents its compliments to the 
Department of State and has the honor to inform of the 

The Congressional Record of June 28, 1952, page 8585, 
has published the report of the Senate-House Conference 
on Section 104 of the Defense Production Act, concerning 
imports of oils and fats, and informs that the Secretary 
of Agriculture will be authorized to increase by 15% the 
limitations on ini|)orts of foreign cheeses "for each type 
or variety which he might deem necessary, taking into con- 
sideration the broad effects on international relationship 
and trade." 

The Committee of conference has moreover stated in 
its report that the control on cheese imports will not be 
exercised with respect to types of cheeses, such as Roque- 
fort and Switzerland Swiss, which, because of their U.S. 
selling price, arc clearly not competitive with domestically 
produced cheeses. 

The Italian Embassy wishes to call attention to the 
fact that Italian cheeses, although not specifically men- 
tioned in the congressional records, are not competitive 
loith the domestic production and therefore should be 
exempted from import control. 

As pointed out in previous notes of this, Italian 
cheeses exported to the United States consist largely of 
sheep's milk cheeses such as Pecorino and Provolone (not 
produced in this country), or, as in the case of Parmigiano, 
Reggiano and other Italian grating cheeses, they are 
subject to particularly lengthy processes of production 
and seasoning, which causes their selling price in the 
United States to be 50% higher than the American product. 

The differentials in current retail prices of these Italian 
cheeses and American type are as high or higher than 
those of Roquefort and Switzerland Swiss cheese. For 
this reason the Italian Embassy insists that Italian 
cheeses be exempted from import control as they are not 
competitive witli domestically produced cheeses. 

The difference in prices between Italian type and other 

'Two previous notes dated .July 7, 19.52 and Mar. 2, 1953 
have been sent by the Government of the Netherlands. 

' For text of a note rrrbnle from the Italian Government 
dated .Ian. 15, 1952, together with the U.S. reply of Apr. 15, 
see Bulletin of Apr. 28, 19.52, pp. 060-661. 


Department of State Bulletin 

foreign and domestic cheeses has been reported In the 
Congressional Record of June 19 ( page 7781 ) . The prices 
of typical Italian cheese and domestic production are as 
follows : 

Cheese type Retail price 

Italian Parmigiano (imported) $1.29-1.80 

American Parmesan 0. 75-0. 85 

Italian HegKiano (imported) 1.15-2.25 

American type 0. 89 

Italian Pecoiino Romano (imported) 0.95-1.19 

American type 0.69 

Italian Provolone (imported) 1.19-1.30 

American Provolone 0. 65-0. 69 

The Italian Embassy asks the Department of State to 
kindly bring these facts to the attention of the Depart- 
ment of Agriculture, so that Italian typical cheeses may 
be exempted from import controls, on the same basis as 
Roquefort and Switzerland Swiss, which in the report 
of the conference have been mentioned as an example 
(i. e.. "such as"). 

In the event that the Department of Agriculture should 
exempt only these two types of cheeses mentioned in the 
report, the Italian Embassy wishes to point out that such 
treatment would constitute a discrimination against 
Italian cheeses, particularly in view of the even more 
striking characteristics and price differentials of the 
Italian cheese with the American domestic product, and 
in view also of the serious damage that is being caused 
to the Italian economy by recent import restrictions. 

The cheese quotas have deprived Italy of the possibility 
to earn an estimated $2,000,000 which would have been 
used to buy United States products (especially agricul- 
tural products). 

Restrictions against cheese exports to the United States 
bear chiefly on Sardinia and other regions of Southern 
Italy for which the manufacture of cheese has been for 
centuries the main source of livelihood. As it is known, 
the communist agitators have seized upon the economic 
distress in these regions resulting from United States im- 
port restrictions, to foment trouble and disorder. 

For the above reasons, the Embassy urges the suspen- 
sion of any restrictions on typical Italian cheeses, in har- 
mony with the recent decisions of Congress to exempt from 
import control foreign cheeses which are not competitive 
with American products. 

The Italian Embassy expresses Its thanks to the De- 
partment of State for its consideration and assistance. 

Argentine Note of March 5, 1953 

Mr. Secret aky : 

I have the honor to inform Your Excellency that, with 
the return of climatic conditions to normalcy, the produc- 
tion of cheese has increased in Argentina, and this has 
made it possible again to build up considerable exportable 

Argentina has traditionally been a large exporter of 
cheeses to the United States, especially cheeses of the 
Italian type, so sought after by consumers in this country. 
As a result of the extraordinary drought which occurred 
in my country in recent years, Argentine exports of cheese 
to the Uiited States have declined greatly, particularly 
since lO.ll. 

Our Government had the opportunity on previous oc- 
casions to express its opinion regarding the harm done 
to the trade between our two countries by the provisions 
of Section 104 of the Defense Production Act of 1950, and 
the subsequent amendment thereof permitting one-third 
of the quotas fixed for each date to be transferred to 
another country, according to supply needs. The amend- 
ment has meant a considerable cut in Argentina's quota 
in favor of Italy. These provisions are making their nega- 

tive effects especially felt at a time when the recovery 
of Argentine production permits considerably increasing 
the shipments to the United States. Argentina is at pres- 
ent in a position to fill the entire quota fixed in the said 
legal provision, including the one-third transferred to 
Italy, and we therefore respectfully request that this 
situation be given consideration in the amounts to be 
imported to the end of the present period, i. e., June 30 
of this year. We likewise request that, should new quotas 
be established for the year 1953-54, full consideration he 
given to the Argentine situation. In such an event, we 
also request modification of the present basis for tlie 
assignment of quotas, which took the average for the 
years 1948-50 as a period showing the proportions for each 
country and each importer. We aflSrm that the adoption 
of that period was not really fair, for during those years 
imports from Argentina declined in comparison with 
previous years, as a result of the drought. 

As a matter of fact, Argentina had exported substan- 
tial quantities from 1940 on. In some of those years, the 
figure of 10,000 tons per year was exceeded. Thus tlie 
ratios between Argentine cheese imports and total cheese 
imports into the United States were very high during 
those years, in several instances exceeding 80 percent. 
Those quantities and especially the ratios decreased ap- 
preciably from 1947, so that in the three-year period 
adopted as a base (1948-50), Argentine imports were 
reduced to an average of 3,500 tons and represented only 
20.6 percent of the total imports of the United States, 
whereas adopting a longer period and therefore one more 
representative of the situation of international trade, 
for example, the period 1938-1950, leads to tlie conclusion 
that Argentine exports to the United States averaged 
4,500 tons, or nearly 35 percent of the total imports. 

Now, if reference is made only to cheeses subject to 
quota, which comprise most of the cheeses that Argentina 
exports to the United States, the proportions for the 
periods 1048-50 and 1938-50 are 32 percent and 51 per- 
cent, respectively. We therefore maintain that the abso- 
lute quantities and the proportions adopted for Argentina 
according to the regulations do not represent the true 
share that has traditionally fallen to our country in the 
total imports. 

It behooves us to mention the circumstances that cheese 
imports are proportionately very small in the United 
States domestic market and are steadily decreasing. 
From somewhat more than 10 percent at the beginning of 
the thirties, these imports have declined appreciably 
and are now oscillating around 3 i)ercent, so tliat they 
cannot cause serious disturbances in the domestic market 
or in production, nor can they be reflected in increased 
expenses resulting from the Government price-support 

Furthermore, the maintenance of quotas does not seem 
to be in accord with the new trends of tlie Government's 
economic policy or with the necessary expansion of 
regional economies, a basic factor in the general advance- 
ment of well-being in the world. 

For these reasons and in compliance with express in- 
structions from my Government, I request Your Excel- 
lency to be so good as to see that the proper authorities 
of tlie United States Government consider tlie elimination 
of the quota system affecting Argentine cheese imports 
or, failing that, to have a new analysis made of the 
present system of distribution of quotas of the said 
product, so that it may be fairer and may definitively 
permit a substantial increase in Argentine cheese exports 
to the United States, which my country will be in a posi- 
tion to satisfy to the extent required. 

I avail myself of the opportunity to express to Your 
Excellency the assurances of my highest and most dis- 
tinguislied consideration. 

[Signed] Hip6lito J. Paz 

April 13, 1953 


April 13, 1953 


Vol. XXVIII, No. 720 


Department opposes continuation of certain 

agricultural Imports (texts of notes) . . . 554 
Technical cooperation agreement with Pakistan . 531 

American Principles 

The pattern of U.S. -Indian relations (Allen) 523 


BURMA: Asks discontinuance of U.S. aid pro- 
gram (telegraphic text) 530 

Control of shipments to Communist China, 

North Korea 532 

INDIA: The pattern of U.S.-Indlan relations 

(Allen) 523 

JAPAN: Treaty of friendship, commerce, and 

navigation 531 

KOREA: Proposal for settlement of prisoner- 
of-war question (Chou En-lal, White, Clark, 
Molotov) 526 

PAKISTAN: Technical cooperation agreement . 531 


Current legislation on foreign policy listed . . 533 


CZECHOSLOVAKIA; Subversion charges against 

U.S. refuted (Lodge) 539 

Fourthanniversaryof NATO (Eisenhower, Dulles) . 525 
GERMANY: Visit of Chancellor Adenauer . . 529 
Review of the £!ce Economic Survey of Europe 

(Camp) 534 

U.S.S.R.: Assessment of Soviet gestures (Dulles) . 524 

Foreign Service 

Confirmations (Allison, Taft) 553 

Human Rights 

Commission on Human Rights 649 

International Meetings 

International Materials Conference 548 


Commission on Human Rights 549 

Economic and Social Council 550 

U.N. Commission on Narcotic Drugs .... 550 

Mutual Aid and Defense 

Burma asks discontinuance of U.S. aid program . 530 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: Mar. 30-Apr. 3, 1953 

Releases may be obtained from the OlBce of the 
Si)ecial Assistant for Press Relations, Department 
of State, Washington 25, D. C. 


Poland : Publication attacking U.S. 
U.N. Commission on narcotics 
Gen. Clark : Repatriation of sick Pow's 
15th session of Ecosoc 
Commission on human rights 
Linder : Section 104 restrictions 
Adenauer : Itinerary of U.S. visit 
Dulles-McCarthy meeting 
Non-renewal of VOA contracts 
Friendship treaty with .Japan 
Validation of German dollar bonds 
Suppl. Pt. 4 agreement with Pakistan 
Assessment of Soviet gestures 

t Held for a later issue of the Bitlletin. 





























National Security Council 

Planning board to assist National Sectu'lty 

Council 530 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization 

Fourth anniversary of Nato (Elsenhower, Dulles) . 625 

Prisoners of War 

Proposals for settlement of Korean prisoner-of- 
war question (Chou En-lal, White, Clark, 
Molotov) 626 

State, Department of 

Department opposes continuation of extraor- 
dinary restrictions on certain agricultural 
imports (texts of notes) 564 

Strategic Materials 

International Materials Conference 548 

Technical Cooperation and Development 

Technical cooperation agreement with Pakistan . 531 


Control of shipments to Communist China, 

North Korea 532 

Department opposes continuation of extraor- 
dinary restrictions on certain agricultural 
Imports (texts of notes) 554 

Treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation 

with Japan 531 

Treaty Information 

Treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation 

with Japan 531 

United Nations 

Current U.N. documents: A selected bibli- 
ography 538 

Czechoslovak subversion charges against U.S. 

refuted (Lodge) 539 

Economic and Social Council 550 

Progress toward universal equal suffrage 

(Hahn) 546 

Proposal for settlement of Korean prisoner-of- 
war question (Chou En-lal, White, Clark, 
Molotov) 526 

Review of the EcE Economic Survey of Europe 

(Camp) 534 

U.N. Commission on Narcotic Drugs .... 550 

U.S. In the U.N 561 

Name Index 

Adenauer, Konrad 629 

Allen, George V 523 

Allison. John M 653 

Ansllnger, Harry J 550 

Camp, Miriam 534 

Chou En-lal 526 

Clark, General 526 

Cutler, Robert 530 

Dulles, Secretary 524, 525, 532 

Eisenhower, President 524, 525, 530 

Halin, Mrs. Lorena B 546 

Kotschnig, Walter M 550 

Linder, Harold F 554 

Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 639 

Lord. Mrs. Oswald 649 

McCarthy. Senator 632 

Molotov, V. M 526 

Murphy, Robert D 531 

Okazaki. Katsuo 631 

Sao Hkun Hklo 630 

Sebald, William 630 

Taft. William Howard III 553 

Wadsworth, James J., Jr 560 

White, Lincoln 626 


tJ/ie/ ,^^^^^^fi6/^[e^ /^t>^z^ 

Vol. XXVIII, No. 721 
April 20, 1953 


OF EQUAL NATIONS • Address by the President . . 563 

Summary of Meetings at Panmunjom, April 6-9 . . 570 

Statement by Ambassador Lodge 574 

Text of Agreement Signed April 11 576 



President's Message to the Human Rights Commission . 580 

Secretary Dulles' Letter to Mrs. Lord 579 

Statement by Mrs. Lord 581 


AGREEMENTS • Statement by Secretary Dulles ... 591 

For index see back cover 

Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

MAY 2 1953 

Me Qle/ia^l^e^ ^/ 9Lte JOUllGtlD. 

Vol. XXVIII, No. 721 • Publication 5036 
April 20, 1953 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Qovemnient Printing Office 

Washington 25, D.C. 


62 issues, domestic $7.50, foreign $10,25 

Single copy, 20 cents 

The printing of this publication has 
been approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of tbe Budget (January 22, 1962). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
or State Bulletin as the source will be 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication compiled and 
edited in the Division of Publications, 
Office of Public Affairs, provides the 
public and interested agencies of 
the Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the De- 
partment of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes 
selected press releases on foreign pol- 
icy issued by the White House and 
the Department, and statements and 
addresses made by the President and 
by the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, as 
well as legislative material in the field 
of internatioruil relations, are listed 

The Pan American Union: A True Community of Equal Nations 

Address hy the President * 

My pride and pleasure in participating in the 
ceremonies today have a simple source. They 
spring from the pride which the whole citizenry 
of the United States feels in the Pan American 
Union and the ideals for which it stands. 

The code that governs our union is founded 
upon the most deeply held moral convictions. And 
this fact makes especially appropriate our meet- 
ing on this, our Sabbath Day. 

Ours is an historic and meaningful unity. It 
has been, for our whole continent, an honest and 
productive unity. It can be, for other areas of 
the world, a prophetic and inspiring unity. For 
it is triumphant testimony before all the world 
that peace and trust and fellowship can rule the 
conduct of all nations, large and small, who will 
respect the life and dignity of each other. 

In this deepest sense, then, we nations of 
America do more than enjoy a political systern 
constructed for ourselves. We are custodians of 
a way of life that can be instructive for all man- 

The history of the Americas over the span of 
the 63 years since the founding of our regional 
organization has not been spotlessly perfect. Like 
all peoples, our nations — every one of them, the 
United States included — have at times been guilty 
of selfish and thoughtless actions. In all dealings 
with our neighbors we have not always bravely 
resisted the temptations of expediency. 

But the special merit of the Pan American 
achievement is to have triumphed as well as we 
have over the temptations of heedless nationalism. 
We have seen and we have acted on the need to 
work cooperatively together to achieve common 
purposes. So doing, we have forged a true com- 
munity of equal nations. I am profoundly dedi- 
cated to doing all that I can to perfect the under- 
standing and trust upon which this community 
must rest. 

'Made at the Pan American Union, Washinjrton, D.C., 
on Apr. 12 and released to the press by the White House 
on the same date. 

Apttl 20, 1953 

The vitality of this unity springs, first of all. 
from our common acceptance of basic moral and 
juridical principles. But it is inspired no less 
by our recognition of the rights of each of our 
nations, under these principles, to perfect its own 
individual life and culture. Ours is no compul- 
sory unity of institutions. Ours is a unity that 
welcomes the diversity, the initiative, and the 
imagination that make our common association 
progressive and alive. This is the American 
way — the free way — by which people are bound 
together for the common good. 

I know that these facts, these simple ideals, are 
not new. But they are given a new, a sharp mean- 
ing, by the nature of the tension tormenting our 
whole world. For it is not possible for this 
hemisphere to seek security or salvation in any 
kind of splendid isolation. 

The forces threatening this continent strike at 
the very ideals by which our peoples live. These 
forces seek to bind nations not by trust but by 
fear. They seek to promote, among those of us 
who remain free and unafraid, the deadliest divi- 
sions — class against class, people against people, 
nation against nation. They seek not to eradi- 
cate poverty and its causes, but to exploit it and 
those who suffer it. Against these forces the 
widest oceans offer no sure defense. The seeds 
of hate and of distrust can be borne on winds that 
heed no frontier or shore. 

Our defense, our only defense, is in our own 
spirit and our own will. We who are all young 
nations, in whom the pioneering spirit is still 
vitally alive, need neither to fear the future nor 
be satisfied with the present. In our spiritual, 
cultural, and material life, in all that concerns 
our daily bread and our daily learning, we do 
and should seek an ever better world. 

We know that this economic and social better- 
ment will not be achieved by engagintr in experi- 
ments alien to our very souls, or listening to 
prophets seeking to destroy our very lives. 

We know that it can come to pass only by faith- 
fully applying the rules of national conduct we 


know to have been tested and proved wise: A 
mutual trust that makes us honorable and under- 
standing neighbors, and a self-reliance that sum- 
mons each nation to work to the full for its own 

I do not think it unjust to claim for the Govern- 
ment and the people of the United States a readi- 
ness, rarely matched in history, to help other na- 
tions improve their living standards and guard 
their security. Despite unprecedented burdens 
of national debt and worldwide responsibility, our 
people have continued to demonstrate this 

Private investment has been the major stimulus 
for economic development throughout the hemi- 
sphere. Beyond this, the U.S. Government is 
today engaged with our sister Republics in im- 
portant efforts to increase agricultural produc- 
tivity, improve health conditions, encourage new 
industries, extend transportation facilities, and 
develop new sources of power. 

The pursuit of each of these goals in any one 
nation of the Americas serves the good of all the 
Americas. Kjiowing this, I am anxious that the 
Government of the United States take careful 
stock of the economic and social conditions now 
prevailing throughout our continent and of all 
the efforts being pressed to bring a better life to 
all our peoples. Such an assessment can properly 
be made only through direct personal unc^rstand- 
ing of the facts. Because my current duties make 
impossible my making personal visits of courtesy 
to the countries of Latin America, as I wish I 
could do, I have asked my brother, Milton Eisen- 
hower, president of Pennsylvania State College, 
to visit shortly a number of these great Republics. 
He will carry to each of the governments he visits 
the most sincere and warm greetings of this ad- 
ministration. He will report to me, to Secretary 
of State Dulles, and to Assistant Secretary Cabot 
on ways to be recommended for strengthening the 
bonds between us and all our neighbors in this 
Pan American Union. 

Today, Mr. Chairman, I think it appropriate 
to conclude with one thought : However real and 
just be our concern with constructive material de- 
velopment, we must never forget that the strength 
of America continues ever to be the spirit of 

We are Christian nations, deeply conscious that 
the foundation of all liberty is religious faith. 

Upon all our peoples and nations there rests, 
with equal weight, a responsibility to serve wor- 
thily the faith we hold and the freedom we cherish, 
to combat demagoguery with truth, to destroy 
prejudice with understanding and, above all, to 
thwart our common enemies by our fervent dedi- 
cation to our common cause. 

So dedicated, our Republics, united in spirit, can 
look forward to a future of happy and productive 

Observance of Pan American Day 


Whereas, the Governing Board of the Pan America! 
Union recommended in 1930 that April 14 be officially ob 
served each year by every member country as Pan Ameri 
ican Day ; and | 

Whebeas the people of the United States of Americt 
customarily have joined vclth their friends and neighbors 
in the other American republics In observing Pan Ameri 
can Day ; and 

Whereas April 14, 1953, will mark the sixty-thW! 
anniversary of the founding of the organization lonf 
known as the Pan American Union, which now serves tu'i 
the General Secretariat of the Organization of Amerlcait 
States I and 

Whereas the forthcoming Tenth Inter-American Con' 
ference of the Organization of American States, to be held 
at Caracas, Venezuela, will demonstrate anew to peoples i 
throughout the world the cooi)eration and good-will among 
the neighbors of the Americas which have contributed sc i 
much to their spiritual, as well as material, development: 
and strength ; and ' 

Whereas It is the firm resolve of the Government and- 
the people of the United States of America that the ties- 
binding the twenty-one sovereign and equal Americai' 
republics shall be maintained and strengthened : 

Now, THEREFORE, I, Dwlght D. Elsenhower, President ol 
the United States of America, do hereby proclaim Tues- 
day, April 14, 1953, as Pan American Day, and I direct! 
the appropriate officials of the Government to arrange! 
for the display of the flag of the United States on all| 
public buildings on that day. 

I also invite the Governors of the States, Territories,; 
and possessions of the United States to Issue similar' 
proclamations for the observance of Pan American Day. 
And I urge all interested organizations, and the people, 
generally, to unite in suitable ceremonies commemorative ' 
of the founding of the Pan American Union, thereby testi- ' 
fying to the close bonds of friendship existing between the ' 
people of the United States and those of the other 
American republics. 

In WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand and 
caused the Seal of the United States of America to be 
affixed. ' 

Done at the City of Washington this sixth day of April '. 
in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and 
(SEAL) fifty-three, and of the Independence of the United 
States of America the one hundred and seventy- 

By the President : 

AV <~'i-s-y C-iZU U-iCu.^ X.*<v^ 

John Foster Dulles 
Secretary of State 

' 18 Fed. Reg., 1953. 


Department of State Bulletin 

J.S. and Germany Discuss Economic, Political, and Cultural Relations 


;'ress release 183 dated April 9 

I The President of the United States, the Secre- 
lary of State, and other members of the Cabinet 
nave met during the past 3 days with the Chan- 
i-ellor of the Federal Republic of Germany and 
iiad a full and frank exchange of views on the 
.Torld situation in general and on American-Ger- 
inan relations in particular. The conversations 
iX)ok place in a spirit of friendship and coopera- 
I don and revealed a far-reaching identity of views 
md objectives. 

The President and the Chancellor discussed the 
effects which recent developments in the Soviet 
Drbit might have on the East-West conflict. They 
were fully agreed that, while no opportunity 
should be missed to bring about a general relaxa- 
tion of tension, the free nations of the West must 
not relax their vigilance nor diminish their efforts 
to increase their unity and common strength. 
They were further agreed that if the Soviet rulers 
are genuinely desirous of peace and cooperation 
among all nations, they could furnish no better 
proof of their good will than by permitting gen- 
uinely free elections in the Soviet occupied Zone 
of Germany and by releasing the hundreds of 
thousands of German civilian deportees and war 
prisoners still in Soviet hands. They further 
stated their joint conviction that there can be no 
lasting solution of the German problem short of 
a reunification of Germany by peaceful means and 
on a free and democratic basis. The achievement 
of this purpose calls for sustained common efforts 
of the signatory powers to the contractual agree- 
ments signed at Bonn last year. 

There was unanimity of conviction that all con- 
cerned should press forward unwaveringly toward 
European unity through early ratification of the 
treaty establishing a European Defense Commu- 
nity. Achievement of this goal will be accom- 
panied by the establishment of German inde- 
pendence and sovereignty under the contractual 
agreements. The Chancellor declared that the 
Federal Republic of Germany is ready and willing 
to cooperate on a basis of equality and partnership 
with all the free nations of the West in strengthen- 

ing the defenses of the free world. The Chancellor 
was given assurance that the United States would 
supply military equipment to the European De- 
fense Community to assist in equipping the Ger- 
man contingents, once the treaty has been ratified. 

The problem of the Saar was discussed and it 
was agreed that an early agreement should be 
sought in the common interest. 

Consideration was given to the special situation 
of Berlin and admiration expressed for the politi- 
cal firmness and courage of its inhabitants. It 
was agreed that the moral and material support 
needed to keep the city strong is a matter of pri- 
mary importance. The Chancellor indicated that 
he had in mind further measures to increase pro- 
duction and reduce unemployment. The Secre- 
tary stated that consideration was now being given 
to assistance by the U.S. Government to invest- 
ment and other programs to improve economic 
conditions in Berlin. 

The Chancellor indicated the great difiiculties 
facing the Federal Republic because of the ne- 
cessity to assimilate not only the millions of ex- 
pellees who came earlier from eastern areas but 
the renewed stream of refugees from the Soviet 
Zone and beyond. The President and Secretary 
of State recognized the great efforts undertaken 
by the Federal Republic to care for these homeless 
persons and to preserve economic and social sta- 
bility. The discussion took account of the possi- 
bility that the Federal Republic and Berlin might 
be unable to bear this burden alone. The Director 
for Mutual Security stated that careful considera- 
tion of this matter would be given in the course of 
the preparation of the Mutual Security Program 
for the year beginning July 1, 1963. 

The Chancellor raised the problem of war 
criminals. The future of the war criminals now 
in U.S. custody was discussed. The U.S. repre- 
sentative stated that his Government would re- 
examine the status of these prisoners and would 
also look forward to the possible adoption of new 
review procedures with German participation, as 
soon as German ratification of the treaties was 

The representatives of both Governments ex- 
changed views concerning progress toward the 
freeing and expansion of world trade and the 

April 20, J 953 


achievement of currency convertibility. The Ger- 
man representatives expressed particular interest 
in the reduction of tariffs and customs admin- 
istrative barriers. For their part, the U.S. rep- 
resentatives noted President Eisenhower's 
statement of April 7 that "the world must achieve 
an expanding trade, balanced at high levels which 
■will permit each nation to make its full contri- 
bution to the progress of the free world's economy 
and to share fully the benefits of this progress." 

Representatives of the two Governments dis- 
cussed a number of specific problems connected 
with the normalization of commercial relations 
between the United States and Germany, includ- 
ing the prospects for increased use by German 
exporters of the trademarks owned l^y German 
nationals prior to "World War II. It was noted 
that considerable progress had already been 
achieved in making such trademarks available to 
former German owners and that future progress 
in that direction was being sympathetically 
studied by the United States. 

Tlie Chancellor and the Secretary of State 
agreed that the conclusion of a new treaty of 
friendship, commerce, and navigation between the 
United States and the Federal Republic would be 
of benefit to both countries and that negotiations 
for such a treaty should begin at a very early date. 
Meanwhile, as an interim measure, the two Gov- 
ernments are negotiating an agreement to restore 
to force the 1923 treaty of friendship, commerce, 
and consular rights as it stood prior to the war, 
taking into account the requirements of the pres- 
ent situation. This interim agreement, when 
ratified in both countries, would, among other 
things, re-establish a basis on which businessmen 
of each country would be able to reside and carry 
on business in the other. 

The German representatives indicated their in- 
terest in the placing of off-shore procurement 
contracts in Germany. They were informed that 
as soon as the contractual and European Defense 
Community treaties have entered into force, the 
same criteria will be applied in the placing of such 
contracts in Germany, within the framework of 
the European Defense Community, as are applied 
with respect to the placing of contracts in other 
European countries. 

In order to foster closer cultural cooperation 
between Germany and the United States and pro- 
mote mutual understanding between their two 
peoples, an exchange of notes is taking place. 

The two Governments reaffirmed tlieir common 
interest in controlling, together with other na- 
tions of the free world, the movement of strategic 
materials to nations whose policies jeopardize the 
peace and security of the free world. Both Gov- 
ernments undertook to continue action to that 
end, and, in particular, to keep under constant 
review the list of items which from time to time 
may be subject to embargo to Communist China. 
The representatives of the Federal Republic also 

expressed their Government's intention, in co- 
operation with other trading and maritime na- 
tions, to apply supplementary measures, such a5 
transshipment controls, against violations oi 
evasions of existing strategic controls. 

Announcement is being made simultaneously ii 
the two capitals of the return to the Federal Re- 
public of approximately 350 vessels formerly ol 
German ownership. Arrangements for then 
transfer to German authorities will be completed 
by the U.S. High Commissioner in Germany. 

The President and the Chancellor are convinced 
that the conversations just concluded have madt 
a solid contribution to the achievement of commor 
goals of the two countries, in strengthening the 
ties of friendship now happily re-established and 
in consolidating the aims and strength of the free 


Press release 1S3-A dated April 9 

Tlie following are the details of the transfer U. 
the German Federal Republic by the United State; 
of former German vessels noted in the joint com- 
munique issued on April 9 at the conclusion ol 
talks in Washington between Chancellor Adenauei 
and U.S. officials. 

The decision to return these vessels to Germar 
ownership is based upon the essential functior 
they can perform in Germany, and the desire ol 
the United States to relinquish responsibility foi 
their ownership before the contractual agreements 
between the German Federal Republic and the 
United States, the United Kingdom, and France 
come into effect. 

The United States is returning to the German 
Federal Republic 350 of the vessels which the 
Tripartite Naval Commission (Tnc) allocated to 
the United States in 1946. The vessels are pres- 
ently on charter to the German economy. 

In June of 1917 the Department of the Navy 
transferred to the Department of the Army 
(Omgus) these vessels. Omgus (U.S. Military 
Governor in Germany) in turn made the vessels 
available to tlie German economy on a charter 
basis. This was done to assist the German econ- 
omy to meet inland waterway and coastal shipping 
requirements; to increase food production through 
the availability of 124 trawlers, cutters, and 
luggers for fishing ; and to make possible employ- 
ment in German shipyards by making available 
20 floating docks and four pontoons. 

The original fleet was reduced in size through 
marine casualties, scrapping of overage vessels, 
transfer of certain vessels to tlie control of the 
U.S. Army and Navy, and the sale of vessels sur- 

&lus to the German economy, and U.S. needs by the 
ffice of the Foreign Liquidation Commission. 
The present charterers of the Tnc vessels in 
the service of the German economy have spent con- 
siderable funds to rehabilitate and convert these 


Department of State Bulletin 

ex -German naval vessels to make them suitable 
and economical to operate in the German com- 
mercial service. These capital improvements to 
the vessels were amortized by the operators by 
deducting an agreed amount from the charter fees 
duo Gmgus/Hicog. 

Tlie 1950 appraised value of the vessels being 
returned to tlie Federal Republic is approximately 
Dt'utschemarks 30 million or $7.1 million. 

The following types of vessels will be included 
in the transfer to the Federal Republic : 

Inland waterway vessels — dumb and self-propelled, 

tank and dry cargo 
Coastal tankers and dry cargo vessels 
Tug boats — harbor, river, and deep sea 
Small passenger boats and ferries 
Fire, pilot, and police boats 
Resean-h vessels 
Hotel ships 

Salvage and diving vessels 
Dredgers — suction and bucket 
Floating docks and pontoons 
Fishing trawlers, cutters, luggers 
Workshop and miscellaneous vessels 

The cargo-carrying type vessels being returned 
under this agreement have a maximum deadweight 
of 3,000 tons. The largest floating dock has a 
lifting capacity of 16,000 tons. 

Final arrangements for the return of these ves- 
sels, the time and date of transfer, and other details 
will be worked out between the competent author- 
ities of HicoG and the Federal Republic. 


On A-pril 9 Secretary Dulles and Chancellor 
Adenauer exclianged notes concerning cultural 
exchange between the United States and the Fed- 
eral Eepublic of Germany. Following are the 
texts of the notes, together with the texts of re- 
marks made by Secretary Dulles and Chancellor 
Adenauer at the time of the exchange of notes. 

Texts of Notes 

Press release 1S4 dated April 9 

ExcELLENCT : I liavB the honor to refer to con- 
versations which have recently taken place be- 
tween representatives of our two Governments 
concerning the cultural relations between the 
United States of America and the Federal Re- 
public of Germany. I understand that it will be 
the intent of each Government : 

1. To encourage the coming together of the 
peoples of the United States of America and the 
Federal Republic of Germany in cultural coopera- 
tion and to foster mutual understanding of the 
intellectual, artistic, scientific, and social lives of 
the peoples of the two countries. 

2. Recognizing that the understanding between 
its peoples will be promoted by better knowledge 

of the history, civilization, institutions, literature, 
and other cultural accomplishments of the people 
of the other Government, to encourage the exten- 
sion of such knowledge within its own territory. 

3. To use its best efforts to extend to citizens of 
the other Government engaged in activities pur- 
suant to this agreement such favorable treatment 
with respect to entry, travel, residence, and exit 
as is consistent with its national laws. 

4. To promote and facilitate the interchange 
between the United States of America and the 
Federal Republic of Germany of prominent citi- 
zens, specialists, professors, teachers, students and 
other youths, and qualified individuals from all 
walks of life. 

5. As facilitating the interchange of persons 
referred to, to look with favor on establishment 
of scholarships, travel grants, and other forms of 
assistance in the academic and cultural institutions 
within its territory. Each Government will also 
endeavor to make available to the other informa- 
tion requested by the other with regard to facili- 
ties, courses of instruction or other opportunities 
which may be of interest to nationals of the other 

6. To endeavor, whenever it appears desirable, 
to establish or to recommend to appropriate agen- 
cies the establishment of committees, composed of 
representatives of the two countries, to further 
the purpose of this agreement. 

The responsibilities assumed by each Govern- 
ment under this agreement will be executed within 
the framework of domestic policy and legislation, 
procedures and practices defining internal juris- 
diction of governmental and other agencies within 
their respective territories. 

This understanding shall be applicable also in 
the territory of Berlin as soon as the Government 
of the Federal Republic of Germany makes a con- 
forming declaration to the Government of the 
United States of America. 

I have the honor to propose that, if these under- 
standings meet with the approval of the Govern- 
ment of the Federal Republic of Germany, the 
present note and your note concurring therein will 
be considered as confirming those understandings, 
effective on the date of your note. 

Accept, Excellency, the renewed assurances of 
highest consideration. 

John Foster Dulles 

Mr. Secretary or State: I have the honor to 
acknowledge the receipt of Your Excellency's note 
of April 9, 1953, concerning the cultural relations 
between the United States of America and the 
Federal Republic of Germany. I understand that 
it will be the intent of each government : 

[Points 1 through 6 of the U.S. note are repeated 

I have the honor to concur in the proposal made 

Apti\ 20, 1953 


in Your Excellency's note and to inform you that 
the understandings set forth therein meet "with the 
approval of the Government of the Federal Re- 
public of Germany. That note and the present 
note, accordingly, are considered as confirming 
those understandings, which become effective on 
this date. 

Accept, Excellency, the assurances of my high- 
est and most distinguished consideration. 

KoNRAD Adenauer 

Remarks by Secretary Dulles and Chancellor 

Press release 185 dated April 9 

Secretary Dulles 

Mr. CharweUor: The notes which we are about 
to exchange manifest the desire of my Govern- 
ment to re-establish friendly relations with the 
people of the German Federal Republic. Cul- 
tural exchange between the United States and 
Germany has in the past contributed substantially 
to better mutual understanding. In giving formal 
recognition to this exchange, we wish to empha- 
size a reciprocal character; beyond that, we wish 
to encourage private citizens and organizations 
of both countries to contribute in ever-increasing 
measure to this cultural exchange. 

Chancellor Adenauer 


Mr. Secretary: I am glad that during my visit 
to Washington we could have this exchange of 
notes. I agree with you that the establishment 
of such cultural relations is the best way of giving 
expression to a common sentiment and the best 
means to bring our two peoples together to serve 
peace and freedom. 


Press release 176 dated April 7 

Following are the texts of statements of welcome 
made by Vice President Nixon and Secretary 
Dulles to Chancellor Konrad Adenauer of the 
Federal Rejniblic of Germany on his arrival at the 
Washington National Airport on April 7, together 
with the reply of Chancellor Adenauer: 

As a matter of fact, in a park only a stone's 
throw away from the house in which you will stay, 
a statue has been erected which expresses the grati- 
tude of the American people for what he did for 
us during that period. And all of you, of course, 
are aware of the tremendous contribution which 
has been made by the millions of (iermans who 
have become American citizens — a contribution to 
our culture, to our strength, and to our progress. 
It .seems to us that one of the great tragedies of 
our generation has been that twice within almost 
a generation our two peoples have been torn asun- 
der by conflict. We are confident that we are 
now entering a new era — a new era of peace and 
friendsliip between our two peoples and we are 
confident — we hope and pray that under your 
leadership and the leadership of those in your 
Government in the new Germany, and with our 
leadership, that together we can" re-e-stablish the 
old bonds of friendship which for so long repre- 
sented the relationships between the German and 
the American people. 

I recall when I visited Germany in 1947 the 
terrible destruction that we saw then. Like many 
who visited Germany at that time, I wondered 
if the German people and the German economv 
could ever recover. But under your leadership 
and the people of your Government with new 
leaders and a new Germany, a remarkable recovery 
has taken place, and Germany is fast again assum'- 
ing Its rightful place in the family of nations. 

We hope that progress can continue, and I am 
speaking for all the American people when I say 
that we are hoping and praying that in your visit 
here, working with our leaders, that you will be 
able to make a contribution to the peace and 
friendship which should exist between our two 

And so, therefore, it gives me a great deal of 
pleasure to extend on behalf of the President of 
the United States and on behalf of the American 
people our heartfelt welcome to you and to the 
other members of your party. And we are hope- 
ful as you sit down with our leaders that you will 
be able to develop a program which will be of 
great assistance in meeting our mutual problems 
and will make a remarkable contribution to the 
peace and friendship which will mean so much to 
the people of the world. 

The Vice President 

Mr. Chancellor, your visit marks a historic oc- 
casion in the relationships between the people of 
Germany and the United States. There are very 
few American schoolchildren who do not recall 
the dramatic period in the American War for 
Independence when Baron von Steuben helped 
to train the disorganized and ragged Continental 
soldiers at Valley Forge and develop the forces 
which went on to win the victory at Yorktown 
which resulted in the independence of this country. 


Secretary Dulles 

Mr. Adenauer, a few weeks ago you did me the 
honor of greeting me when I arrived at your capi- 
tal at Bonn. And it is a very great pleasure and 
an honor to me now to reciprocate by meeting you 
here in Washington. That honor is greater 'be- 
cause you are, I think, t\\Q first German Chancellor 
in office to ever visit the United States. You can 
be sure you will receive here a very hearty wel- 
come, indeed. 

In Europe great events are in the making. 

Department of State Bulletin 

There is a growing sense of unity and strength 
which has long been desired, needed, but never 
yet realized. We have great hopes now that they 
will be realized. Those hopes are based largely 
upon the fact that there is in Germany the strug- 
ixh for liberty and statesmanship which is repre- 
sented by yourself. The whole world can, indeed, 
l>e grateful that at this critical time Germany 
through you and your leadership is making a con- 
structive contribution to the creation of this unity 
and strength and freedom in Europe which is in- 

T am glad, Mr. Chancellor, that you will not 
only be in Washington where I am sure we will 
have constructive talks with our government lead- 
ers and officials, but you are going to do something 
more than be in Washington. You are going to 
travel a little around our country and I am glad 
you are going to do that. This will give you a 
sense of the welcome not only here but a welcome 
that comes out of the hearts of the American peo- 
])le. We are very glad, indeed, that you are here. 



Mr. Vice President, Mr. Secretary : I am deeply 
moved as I step on this soil of your Capital by the 
words you have addressed to myself and to the 
German people. They were so warm and so full 
of deep meaning that I find it hard to reply in a 
very good manner. 

You, Mr. Vice President, have spoken of Gen- 
eral von Steuben. I thank you for the chivalrous 
manner in which you referred to the long period of 
common work between the Germans and the Amer- 
icans in the past without putting too much em- 
phasis on the last two decades. 

You, Mr. Secretary, spoke, like the Vice Presi- 
dent, of new tasks, of the work which will have to 
be done, of the sacrifices which will have to be 
made by all men of good will, by all men who re- 
gard freedom, right, and justice as the highest 
goods of mankind ; and they are ready to defend 
these bridges and goods with all their strength. 
Please accept from me in this memorable moment, 
this solemn declaration. 

The German people are on the side of freedom. 
The German people are on the side of right and 
justice for all nations. To your President, whom 
I hold in the very highest esteem, I am most 
sincerely grateful, and so are the German people, 
for the opportunity of having at this eventful 
time the frank and free exchange of views on 
all questions of mutual concern. 

As the representative of the German people I 
would, above all, like to thank your President 
and the American people for all the help that 
they have rendered to the people of Germany in 
a spirit of true human sympathy. This we shall 
never forget. We shall be the loyal and helpful 
partner on the grave and difficult road on which 
the United States is leading mankind to freedom. 

Let me add another word, Mr. Secretary. I 
well remember the talks we had in Bonn, the free 
and frank discussions, and I am looking forward 
to continuing these discussions with you now. 1 
am particularly looking forward to seeing again 
your President, whom I once met in Bonn when he 
was the Supreme Commander of Nato. I have a 
very high respect for your President, and I am 
looking forward to meeting him again. 

Validation of German DoBlar Bonds 

Press release 171 dated April 2 

The Governments of the United States and the 
Federal Republic of Germany signed a further 
agreement on April 1 at Bonn concerning valida- 
tion of German dollar bonds. The agreement is 
related both to the Agreement on German Ex- 
ternal Debts signed at London last February 27 ^ 
and to the agreement establishing procedures for 
validation which was signed at Bonn on the same 
day.= It will be submitted to the Senate for ad- 
vice and consent to ratification, together with the 
Agreement on German External Debts and the 
related agreements. 

The purpose of validation is to separate valid 
bonds from those which were looted in Germany 
during World War II. Under the terms of the 
Agreement on German External Debts, only obli- 
gations which have been validated will be eligible 
for payment. The procedures to be established 
in accordance with the agreement of February 27 
will provide the mechanism for meeting the re- 
quirement of validation. 

The agreement signed April 1 provides that 
German dollar bonds will not be enforceable unless 
they have been validated in accordance with the 
terms of the earlier agreement, or by the com- 
petent German authorities. This will serve the 
interests of the holders of validated bonds, for it 
will prevent the holders of looted bonds from en- 
forcing payment of them and thus reducing the 
funds available for the payment of validated 

> Bulletin of Mar. 9, 1953, p. 373. 
'Ibid., p. 376. 

April 20, 1953 


Talks on Repatriation of Sick and Wounded Prisoners 


We received your letter dated March 31, 1953.^ 
"We agree to the proposal advanced in your letter 
and hereby inform you that the liaison group of 
our side will be prepared to hold meeting with the 
liaison group of your side at Panmunjom, on April 
6, 1953, to arrange preliminarily the matter of ex- 
change by both sides of injured and sick prisoners 
of war and to discuss and decide on the date for 
resuming the armistice negotiations. 

Enclosed please find a copy each of each of the 
statements of the Government of the People's Re- 
public of China - and the Government of the Demo- 
cratic People's Republic of Korea ^ concerning a 
proposal on the question of repatriation of pris- 
oners of war. 

Kim II Sung, 
Supreme Commander of the Korean 
Peofle^ Army 

Peng Teh-Hual, 

Commander of the Chinese 

People''s Volunteers 


FoUoxcing are statetnents issued by the U.N. 
Command at Tokyo swmnurizing the meetings 
held at Panmunjom hy Ual'ion officers appointed 
to discuss the repatriation of sick and loounded 
prisoners of war. The U.N. liaison group was 
headed by Rear Adm.. John C. Daniel; the chief 
Commu7iist liaison officer wa^ Maj. Gen. Lee Sang 

Meeting of April 6 

1. Senior liaison firoup met at 1000, this date. Sub- 
stance of record follows : 

2. Unc : "I have been appointed as senior member of 
the United Nations Command liaison group for the purpose 
of discussing arrangements for the repatriation of sick and 
wounded captured personnel. Here are my credentials." 
(Hands credentials to ilaj. Gen. Lee Sang Jo.) 

3. Communists: "I will show you my credentials in 
which the commander of our side appointed me responsible 

" BuLi ETiN of April. 13, 1935, p. 528. 
' rhid., p. 526. 
' Not printed. 

man of the liaison group of our side." (Hands creden- 
tials to Rear Adm. Daniel.) 

4. Unc : "The United Nations Command is pleased that 
your side has finally accepted our proposal, as first ad- 
vanced by us on 22 December 1951, for the repatriation of 
sick and wounded captured personnel under Article 109 
of the Geneva Convention.' Accordingly, we are ready to 
begin immediately the implementation of plans for this 

"The United Nations Command is prepared to conduct 
the repatriation operations at Panmunjom in order to take 
advantage of the neutral area already estalilished. For 
its part, the United Nations Command is prepared to be- 
gin immediately the construction of necessary facilities 
for the delivery of sick and wounded captured personnel 
held in its custody, and the receipt of sick and wounded 
United Nations Command captured personnel held by your 

"The United Nations Command is prepared to commence 
delivery of sick and wounded captured personnel in its 
custody to the control of representatives of your side at 
Panmunjom not later than 7 days after final agreement 
on repatriation procedures is made by the liaison groups 
of both sides. 

"The United Nations Command proposes to deliver sick 
and wounded captured personnel at the rate of approxi- 
mately 500 captured personnel per day until delivery 
of all sick and wounded captured personnel in United 
Nations Command is completed. 

"The United Nations Command will continue to treat 
sick and wounded captured personnel in strict accordance 
with the humanitarian provisions of the Geneva Conven- 
tion as long as they remain under our control. 

"In order to insure tliat the sick and wounded captured 
personnel of both sides are given maximum protection 
during the full period of this repatriation, our side is pre- 
pared to agree with you on procedures to guarantee im- 
munity from aerial attacks to all rail and motor move- 
ments carrying sick and wounded captured personnel in 
Kaesong and Munsan-Ni respectively, and thence through 
the presently established immunity routes to Panmunjom. 

"During the period while sick and wounded personnel 
are being repatriated througli Panmunjom, the 22 Octo- 
ber 1951 agreement ' between our officers will of course 
remain in effect. The liaison groups of both sides and 
their parties should have free access to, and free move- 
ment within, the Panmunjom conference site area. The 
composition of each liaison group and its parties should 
be as determined by tlie senior member, but to avoid 
congestion, each side should agree to limit the total num- 
ber of personnel under its control, including captured 
personnel, which will be allowed at any one time in the 
conference site area. 

"In order to expedite the final arrangements for the 
repatriation of sick and wounded captured personnel, our 
side has prepared a draft of a proposed agreement in- 

' Bulletin of Aiir. 6, 19.53, p. 495. 
' Ibid., Feb. IS, 1952, p. 270. 


Department of State Bulletin 

corporatins the foreKoins provisions. I now present you 
a copy of this proposed draft" for your study and any 
recommendations you may have. I propose that we ap- 
point officers to discuss immediately the administrative 
details involved in this repatriation. 

"I propose that we simultaneously exchange the esti- 
mated figures by nationality of sick and wounded cap- 
tured personnel under each side's control who will be 
repatriated under the provisions of Article 109 of the 
Geneva Convention. I propose that we exchange these 
figures now." 

5. Coiuniuni.'its: "I have taken notice of your proposal 
concerning the specific arrangement of both sides to ex- 
change sick and injured prisoners of war. As for your 
proposal, we will seriously study it and will present, as 
soon as possible, our complete views. 

"As it was pointed out by the commanders of our side 
in their letter of 28 March to your commander,' the dele- 
gates of both sides to the negotiations have long since 
reached agreement in accordance with the humanitarian 
princiiiles on the question of sick and injured prisoners 
of war in the custody of both sides ; to repatriate them 
with priority. It was solely because the Korean armistice 
negotiations were suspended that there was no way to 
implement this agreement. In consequence it has not 
been possible up to the present to repatriate the sick and 
injured prisoners of both sides. Now that the com- 
manders of the two sides liave agreed to repatriate sick 
and injured prisoners of war in accordance with Article 
10!) of the Geneva Convention relating to prisoners of 
war, our side is prepared to repatriate all tlie sick and 
injured prisoners of war held in our custody for the 
purpose of speedily and thoroughly settling this question. 
That is to say, our side is prepared to repatriate all the 
sick and injured prisoners of war entitled to be directly 
repatriated and accommodated in a neutral country accord- 
ing to the provisions of Articles 100 and 110 of the 1949 
Geneva Convention relative to the prisoners of war." 

6. Unc : "I have a statement to make. In order to 
proceed without delay in plans for the repatriation of 
sick and wounded captured personnel I propose that we 
exchange numbers of sick and wounded captured person- 
nel by nationality now." 

7. Coiiinuonsts: "Our side also considers that both sides 
should exchange as quickly as possible the estimated 
figures of sick and injured prisoners of war. But, in 
order to determine the estimated figures of sick and in- 
jured prisoners of war, the categories of sick and injured 
prisoners of war to be repatriated should be determined 
first. Therefore, our side is willing to exchange views 
with your side on this question first." 

8. Unc: "What are your views as to the categories of 
sick and wounded i>ersonnel to be exchanged?" 

9. Communists: "Our side is prepared to repatriate all 
the sick and injured prisoners of war held in our custody 
for the purpose of speedily and thoroughly settling this 
question. That is to say. our side is prepared to repatriate 
all the sick and injured prisoners of war entitled to be 
directly repatriated or accommodated in a neutral coun- 
try according to the provisions of Article 109 and 110 of 
the 1949 Geneva Convention relative to prisoners of war." 

10. I'NC: "We propose that we recess until 1100 hnurs 
to consider your statement." 

11. Communists: "We agree to your proposal." (Re- 
cessed at 1036 hours.) 

12. Unc : "I have a statement to make. We are pre- 
pared to repatriate directly through Panmunjom all sick 
and wounded captured personnel specified in Article 109 
of the Geneva Convention. We have not divided them into 
categories. We have total figures by nationality which 
we are prepared to exchange." 

13. Communists: "I have stated that our side is pre- 
pared to repatriate all sick and injured prisoners of war 
in our custody. I wish to know whether your side is also 

'Not printed. 

' Bulletin of Apr. 6, 1953, p. 494. 

April 20, 1953 

prepared to repatriate sick and injured prisoners of war 
who are entitled to be accommodated in a neutral country 
according to the provisions of Articles 109 and 110 of the 
Geneva Convention." 

14. Unc : "I have a statement to make. We will care- 
fully consider your proposals. I suggest that you care- 
fully consider ours. 

"I have another matter. In reference to the proposal 
which the commanders of your side made to General Clark 
on 2 April relating to the question of repatriation of pris- 
oners of war, the United Nations Command would be 
pleased to receive at as early a date as possible a detailed 
statement of suggestions on the implementation of the 
proposal in order that it can be studied while the arrange- 
ments for the repatriation of sick and wounded captured 
personnel are being completed. 

"We suggest that we recess until eleven o'clock tomor- 

l.">. Communists: "I have noted your statement. I will 
report it to my superiors. I agree to your proposal to 

16. Meeting adjourned at 1128 hours. 

Meeting of April 7 

1. Meeting of senior liaison groups convened at 1100 
hours this date. Substance of record follows : 

2. Unc : "I have a statement to make. Yesterday I 
proposed that our two sides exchange simultaneously the 
estimated figures by nationality of sick and wounded cap- 
tured personnel under each side's control who will be 
repatriated under the provisions of Article 109 of the 
Geneva Convention. You agreed that the estimated figures 
should be exchanged as quickly as possible, but you indi- 
cated that the categories of personnel to be repatriated 
should be determined first. You further indicated that 
your side was prepared to repatriate all the sick and 
wounded prisoners of war in your custody who are en- 
titled 'to be directly repatriated or accommodated in a 
neutral country according to the provisions of Article 109 
and 110 of the 1949 Geneva Convention, relative to prison- 
ei's of war.' 

"I interpret your remarks to indicate that you are 
willing to repatriate directly through Panmunjom, not 
only persons provided for in the first paragraph of 
Article 109, but also those sick and wounded personnel 
who might normally be accommodated in neutral countries 
as provided by the second paragraph of Article 110. The 
United Nations Command is in agreement with this inter- 
pretation subject to the provision that no individual shall 
be eligible for repatriation except in accordance with 
Paragraph 3 of Article 109. 

"The United Nations Command does not consider it 
necessary or desirable to break down the over-all figures 
of sick and wounded to be repatriated under the fore- 
going understanding, but takes the position that, for 
humanitarian reasons, the broadest possible scope should 
be given to the interpretation of 'sick and wounded' in 
determining the captured personnel to lie repatriated ; and 
further takes the position that such repatriation should 
be started without delay. 

"If you are in agreement with the foregoing definition 
of categories, I propose that we exchange the estimated 
totals by nationalities of sick and wounded captured per- 
sonnel-^all of whom will be repatriated directly through 
Panmunjom — so that we can proceed with the detailed 
arrangement of repatriation." 

3. Communists: "I have noted your statement. I pro- 
pose to recess for 20 minutes." 

4. Unc: "We agree." (Recessed at 1114 hours for 20 
minutes.) (Meeting reconvened at ll."3 hours.) 

5. Communists: "I have a statement to make. I have 
noted the statement you made today. I understand that 
your side agrees to include in the scope of sick and injured 
prisoners of war to be directly repatriated this time those 
sick and injured prisoners of war who may be accommo- 
dated in neutral countries according to the provisions of 


Article 109 of the Geneva Convention relative to prisoners 
of war. 

"Regarding the question of Paragraph 3 of Article 109 
which you mentioned, 1 wish to point out that this pro- 
vision must not be used as a pretext for obstructing the 
repatriation of sick and injured prisoners of war who are 
willing to be repatriated during h(j.stilities. 

"As I have expressed yesterday and now repeat once 
more, our side is still prepared immediately to repatriate 
directly to your side all the sick and injured prisoners of 
war wlio, according to Article 109 of the Geneva Conven- 
tion relating to prisoners of war, are entitled to be di- 
rectly repatriated or accommodated in a neutral country. 

"Our side wants to make clear that we reserve the right 
to ask for the accommodation in a neutral country of 
those prisoners of war in the custody of your side who 
will not be directly repatriated. 

"Now in this meeting of the Liaison Group, I would like 
to proceed to the discussion of the specific arrangements 
for the sick and injured prisoners of war whom both sides 
are prepared immediately to repatriate directly." 

6. UNO : "We suggest that we recess until 1330 hours in 
order to have lunch and study your proposal." 

7. Communists: "I agree to the proposal for recess." 

8. Meeting recessed at 1200 hours. 

1. Meeting of Senior Liaison Groups reconvened at 1330 
hours this date. Substance of record follows: 

2. UNO : "I have a statement to make. I note that you 
are ready to proceed with the discussion of the specific 
arrangements for the direct repatriation through Pan- 
munjom of sick and wounded captured personnel. Before 
we proceed further, I propose that we exchange estimated 
totals by nationality of personnel to be repatriated." 

3. Communists: "I have noted your statement. Our 
side agrees that both sides should exchange as quickly as 
possible the estimated figures of sick and injured pris- 
oners of war to be repatriated. But our side considers 
that the estimated figures furnished by both sides should 
conform to the actual situation as much as possible so 
that they may really facilitate the preparatory work of 
repatriating sick and injured prisoners of war. Our side 
is actively checking the number of all sick and injured 
prisoners of war held in our custody. Your side will be 
Informed by our side as soon as a result comes out. We 
estimate that this can be done within one or two days. 

"With regard to the contents of the proposed agreement 
relating to the repatriation of sick and wounded captured 
personnel which your side presented to our side on 6 April, 
our side has already made a preliminary study of it and 
is of the opinion that this proposed agreement can be a 
basis for discussion between the two sides. To some of 
the articles in this proposed agreement, our side can read- 
ily agree now. Our side agrees completely to the first 
article of the proposed agreement of your side which sets 
Panmunjom as a place for the exchange of sick and in- 
jured captured personnel. Our side can also agree to the 
Fourth Article on the delivery of sick and injured captured 
personnel in groups as well as the times included in the 
roster of each group and the Fifth Article relating to the 
procedure for delivery and receipt of sick and injured 
personnel. Our side agrees in principle to the Sixth Ar- 
ticle on the protection of sick and injured captured per- 
sonnel, but the various paragraphs of this article have 
to be studied in connection with the actual conditions. 
As for the rest of the articles, our side will present our 
specific views after giving them further study. Further- 
more, our side will also recommend additions to the con- 
tents of this agreement if necessary." 

4. Unc : "I have a statement. I am please<l that you 
are ready to get down to the business of settling the ques- 
tion of the repatriation of the sick and wounded. 

"It appears that the settlement of the various issues 
relating to the agreement will be time consuming. I pro- 
pose that we confine ourselves to the major Lssues in our 
discussions between the senior members of the respective 

liaison groups, and that we appoint officers to work out 
simultaneously the administrative details for the repatri- 
ation. If you agree with this proposal, I am prepared to 
appoint now the staff officers who will represent our side." 

5. Communists: "I have noted the proposal of your 
side. I will give you our an.swer to the question tomorrow. 

"I suggest we recess until eleven o'clock tomorrow. 

6. Unc : "We agree to recess until eleven o'clock tomor- 

Meeting of April 8 

1. Meeting of Senior Liaison Group convened at 1100 
hours this date. Substance of record follows : 

2. Communists: a. "I now inform your side that the 
estimated figure of sick and injured prisoners of war in 
our custody, whom our side will directly repatriate to 
your side, is around 600, of which around 450 are sick 
and injured Korean prisoners of war and around 150 are 
sick and injured non-Korean prisoners of war. Our side 
is further checking the classified figures, by nationality, 
of the sick and injured non-Korean prisoners of war. I 
will inform your side as soon as a result comes out." 

b. "In order that the problems relating to the specific 
arrangements for repatriating sick and injured prisoners 
of war may be studied and the actual preparations may 
be undertaken, I would like to know the estimated figures 
of sick and injured prisoners whom your side is prepared 
to repatriate to our side." 

3. Unc : "I acknowledge receipt of the total numbers of 
sick and wounded of our captured personnel that you are 
prepared to repatriate. The figures of sick and wounded 
captured personnel that you say you will repatriate seem 
incredibly small in view of the total number of captured 
personnel you have previously indicated you have in your 
custody. Accordingly, I request that you have these fig- 
ures reviewed, and a more liberal interpretation made of 
your definition of 'sick and wounded captured personnel.' 
I reserve the right to make further comments on these 
figures at a later date. At this time, I give you the total 
number of sick and injured personnel of your side which 
the United Nations Is prepared to repatriate, which is 700 
Chinese and 5100 Koreans. When do you expect to have 
the complete breakdown by nationality of sick and 
wounded personnel to be repatriated?" 

4. Communists: "We have offered the figures of sick and 
injured prisoners of war only after we have checked the 
matter in detail. Accordingly, I can't find any reason 
why the figures are incredibly small. As I have pointed 
out in my statement of today, after I have checked the 
complete figures, I will inform you of the figures of the 
sick and injured prisoners of war." 

5. UNO : "We are now ready to receive your comments 
on our proposal of yesterday." 

6. Communists: "I will give you the answer to that 
question. I would like to express agreement to the pro- 
posal submitted by your side yesterday for confining the 
discussion between the senior members of the respective 
liaison groups to the major issues and for appointing of- 
ficers to settle the administrative details for repatriation. 
I now designate Colonel Lao Pyong U and Colonel Wang 
Chien as the officers representing our side." 

7. Unc : "I appoint Colonel Willard B. Carlock, Colonel 
Douglas M. Cairns, and Colonel Soo Young I^ee as my 
representatives, with such assistants as they may require. 
I propose that they meet one hour after this meeting is 

8. Communists: "In order to conclude speedily an 
agreement for the repatriation of sick and injured pris- 
oners of war and to commence with the repatriation of 
sick and injured prisoners of war as early as actual con- 
ditions permit, I agree to the proposal of your side for 
convening the officers' meeting of both sides after the 
meeting of liaison groups. Our officers will be pleased to 
hear any suggestions of your side concerning the admin- 
istrative details for the repatriation of sick and injured 
prisoners of war." 


Department of State Bulletin 

9 Unc : "Now I ask if you are ready to present your 
proposed amendments to the draft agreement which we 
presented to you." 

10. Communists: a. "With regard to the 'proposed 
agreement relating to the repatriation of sick and 
wounded captured personnel,' presented by you on 6 April, 
I would like to take up now 2 questions for discussion 
by the liaison groups of both sides." 

6. "For the purpose of maintaining order in the Pan- 
munjom conference site area, our side proposes to in- 
crease the military police of each side who undertake to 
maintain order within the conference site area from the 
present maximum number of 15 to 30, during the period 
when sick and injured captured personnel are being re- 
patriated through the conference site area." 

c. "Regarding this question, I would like to know your 

11. Unc: "Please go on and give me your other com- 
ments on the rest of the proposed agreement. After I 
have heard them all, we can then discuss them more 

easily." „ - ,. 

12. Communists: a. "With regard to Article 6 of the 
proposed agreement of your side, I have already pointed 
out in the 7 April meeting that our side agreed to the 
principle of insuring that the sick and injured captured 
personnel of both sides are given maximum protection 
during the full period of his repatriation. However, some 
(it the specific conditions set forth in this article by your 
side are difficult to be effected because of actual condi- 
tions. Your side proposed that movement of motor con- 
voys to Kaesong and Munsan-Ni respectively should con- 
sist of not less than 10 vehicles per convoy, moving in close 
formation ; but this provision is not practicable due to 
the scattered locations of prisoner of war camps of our 
side. Moreover, this provision is not necessary since the 
motor convoys wiU have clear markings and the time and 
the routes of their movements and their bivouac areas 
and night stop-over locations for motor convoys will have 
been informed, in advance, by both sides to each other." 

6. "Therefore, I proixise to cancel this provision in the 
first paragraph of Article 6 of your proposed agreement." 

c. "As to the arrangements for mutually informing the 
time and route of each movement and the bivouac areas 
and tlie night stop-over locations as provided in paragraph 
1) and E of Article 6, our side will present a revised text 
based on actual conditions." 

13. Unc : "Do you have any more views or material to 
present now in relation to other paragraphs of the agree- 

14. Communists : "As to the other paragraphs of the pro- 
posed agreement, we are now studying them, so after 
having finished our study, I will answer to you." 

15. Unc : "I propose that we recess now to give us a 
chance to review your statements, and that we meet here 
again at 1330." 

16. Communists: "I agree to your proiwsal to recess, 
and my opinion is that the officers' meeting of both sides 
will be convened at two o'clock PM. If the time is incon- 
venient for you, we can arrange to convene the officers' 
meeting after this meeting has finished." 

17. UNO : "As I understand it, the full liaison group, 
including you and I, will meet here at 1330, and then we 
will arrange later for the meeting of the officers designated 
by us." 

18. Communists: "That is correct." 

19. Unc : "I propose that we recess now until 1330." 

20. Communists : "1 agree." 

21. Meeting recessed at 1142. 

1. Meeting' of Senior Liaison Group reconvened at 1330 
hours this date. Substance of record follows : 

2. Unc : o. "I have studied your comments with respect 
to Article 6 and 7 of the draft agreement which we handed 
you on 6 April." 

6. "With regard to your proposal to increase from 15 
to 30 the maximum number of security jjersonnel of 
each side who can be in the conference site area at any 

one time during the period when sick and injured cap- 
tured personnel are being repatriated through the confer- 
ence site, I agree. I assume the reference was only to 
armed security i)ersonnel." 

c. "I desire to withhold comment on Article 6 until you 
have presented us with your revised text." 

d. "I feel that it would expedite the conclusion of the 
agreement if you would present us with a complete 
revised text of the whole agreement incorporating such 
articles of our text to which you can agree and setting 
forth reasons for your proposed changes. I will then be 
able to consider the matter in one package and arrive 
speedily to the items which are controversial. I projwse 
that we recess until such time as you can present your 
text of the whole agreement. Meanwhile, the officers 
designated by us this morning can meet and be working 
on the administrative details." 

3. Communists: "I propose to recess for 15 minutes." 

4. Unc: "I agree." 

(Meeting recessed at 1338 hours. Meeting reconvened 
at 1853 hours.) 

5. Communists: "Our side proposes to recess until 11 
o'clock tomorrow morning, and our side is ready to con- 
vene the officers' meeting of both sides as soon as this 
meeting recesses if it is convenient for your side." 

6. Unc : "I agree to your proposal." 

7. Meeting recessed at 1354 hours. 

Meeting of April 9 

1. Meeting of Senior Liaison Group convened at 1100 
hours, this date. Substance of record follows. 

2. Communists: a. "Now I would like to present to you 
out revised text" of the 'proposed agreement relating to 
the repatriation of sick and wounded captured personnel,' 
which your side presented on 6 April." 

6. "In our revised text, some amendments have already 
been agreed to by your side. Some amendments our side 
has explained and some amendments are self-evident 
without explanation." 

c. "As to Paragraph E of Article 6 of proposed agree- 
ment of your side — that is, Paragraph D of Article 6 in 
the revised text of our side — I would like to make the 
following explanation :" 

d. "According to actual conditions, we consider that 
bivouac areas and night stop-over locations are necessary 
for motor convoys carrying sick and Injured prisoners 
of war for repatriation. In order to Insure the security of 
the facilities in these bivouac areas and night stop-over 
locations, we propose that both sides inform each other 
beforehand of their locations and markings." 

e. "As to the mutual informing by the most expeditious 
means of communication of emergency stop-overs, it is 
difficult to carry out in practice; therefore our side pro- 
poses to cancel this provision." 

"What I have now delivered to you is the draft agree- 
ment of our side." (Hands proposed revision to Rear 
Admiral Daniel.) 

3. Unc: "We propose to recess until 1145 to consider 
your changes." 

4. Communists: "I agree to your proposal to recess." 
(Meeting recessed at 1108 hours. Meeting reconvened 
at 1200 hours.) 

5. Unc : o. "From preliminary study of your proposed 
changes, it appears that there are no controversial issues 
between us. We will give it further study and give you 
our full comments tomorrow. In the meantime I have a 
few questions." 

"(1) How soon after the agreement is signed do you 
expect to be able to start actual repatriation at 

"(2) To insure the safety of the personnel being re- 
patriated, we would like to have your convoys south of 
Pyongyang to have at least 5 vehicles. WiU this be 

* Not printed. 

April 20, 1953 


"(3) We would like the provision for emergency stop- 
over left in some form, even though it is ditlioult to effect, 
so as to afford maximum protection to captured personnel 
being repatriated. 

"(4) We feel that the termination date of the agree- 
ment should be twenty days after the commencement of 
the initial repatriation. Do you have any ideas on thisV" 

b. "We have a few minor ideas on wording, which 
we will give you in detail tomorrow." 

c. "That is all the questions regarding the agreement." 
6. Co>iimuni.<fts: a. "According to the proposed agree- 
ment submitted by your side, the date for commencing 
the repatriation and the date for signing the agreement 
are related to each other. If this agreement can lie 
signed on 10 April, then according to the actual condi- 
tions of our side, repatriation may be commenced at 
Pannumjiini not later than ten days after the signing of 
the agreement." 

6. "As to the other questions submitted by your side, 
after my study I will answer to your side." 

c. "If you have no other questions, I propose to recess 
until 1100 hours tomorrow." 

7. Unc: a. "It would expedite the signing of the 
agreement if we could have your answers forwarded to 
us today throu'-'h a liaison or security officer." 

i6. "I have another matter. In regard to the fiiures 
mat you gave us yesterday of the estimated numbers of 
sick and wounded captured personnel which you are will- 
ing to repatriate, it is my hope that yon will give the 
broadest possible scope to the definition of 'sick and 
wounded' when you make your final determination." 

c. "I agree to recess until 11 AM tomorrow, and I pro- 
pose that the officers whom we desitrnated to work on 
details meet here at 13.30 to continue their work." 

8. Communists: it. "The figures which otir side gave 
you yesterday are the result of serious checking on the 
part of our side ; and as to the question of scope, we have 
already presented our ideas to you." 

6. "Therefore, I think we have no argument about the 
definition of scope of the sick and injured prisoners of 
war, and I agree to your proposal to the meeting of staff 

9. Unc: "May we expect to receive the information on 
the question this afternoon?" 

10. Communists: As to the question, I will answer you 

11. Unc: "It would hasten matters if we could obtain 
the answer today, if possible." 

12. Communists: "I have taken notice of your state- 

13. Unc: "That is all I have." 

14. Meeting recessed 1221 hours. 


FoUoioing is the text of a statement which Am- 
bassador Henry Cahot Lodge, Jr., U.S. representa- 
tive to the United Nations, made in the General 
Assemhly on April 7 : 

D.S./U.N. press release dated April 7 

I am authorized by my Government, which bears 
responsibility for tlie Unified Command, to malie 
a brief report to the General Assembly regardinji 
the recent developments which have encouraged all 
of us wlio seek peace in Korea. 

On February 22 General Clark sent to the Com- 
munist commanders a letter statinji that the U.N. 
Command remained prepared, in accordance with 
the Geneva Convention, to repatriate immediately 
those sick and wounded captured personnel who 
were fit to travel and inquiring whether the Com- 

munists were prepared to proceed immediately 
with their repatriation. General Clark's letter 
simply repeated a long standing proposal that had 
been made initially by the U.N. Command nego- 
tiators at Panmunjom. 

We were encouraged when on March 28 General 
Clark received a favorable response to his letter. ' 
The Communist commanders indicated agreement 
with the jjroposal to exchange sick and wounded 
persons and stated that they considered the "rea- 
sonable settlement of the question of exchanged 
sick and wounded prisoners of war of both sides 
during the ]:)eriod of hostilities should be made to 
lead to the smooth settlement of the entire question 
of prisoners of war." 

The Communists' letter of March 28 was fol- 
lowed on March 30 by a statement of the Chinese 
Communist Foreign Minister, Chou En-lai, sub- 
sequently endorsed by the Prime Minister of the 
North Korean regime. 

On March 31 General Clark, in a letter to the 
commander of the Korean People's Army and the 
commander of the Chinese People's Volunteers, 
proposed that a meeting of the liaison groups from 
each side be held at Panmunjom to make the nec- 
essary detailed arrangements for the exchange of 
the sick and wounded personnel. In response to 
General Clark's proposal the Communist com- 
manders suggested that the liaison groups meet at 
Panmunjom on the 6th of April "to arrange pre- 
liminarily the matter of exchange by both sides of 
injured and sick ])risoners of war and to discuss 
and decide on the date for resuming the armistice 

The U.N. Command sent its next response on 
April 5.^ In this letter the U. N. Command agreed 
to send its liaison group to meet with the Com- 
munist liaison group on April 6. The U.N. Com- 
mand also invited the Communists to make de- 
tailed suggestions for settling the entire question 
of repatriating prisoners of war. I should like 
to read one paragraph from General Clark's let- 
ter of April 5 : 

At as early a date as possible, I request that your 
liaison group furnish our liaison group with a detailed 
statement of suggestions on the implementation of the 
proposal for settling the entire question of repatriating 
prisoners of war as set forth in the statement of Foreign 
Minister Chou En-lai, and endorsed by Marshal Kim Kl 
Sung, in order that it may be studied while reasonable 
settlement of the repatriation of sick and wounded is 
being effected. 

The first meeting of the liaison groups took 
place on April 6 at Panmunjom. The U.N. Com- 
mand representative stated that it is prepared to 
exchange all sick and wounded prisoners of war 
as expeditiously as possible in accordance with 
article 109 of the Geneva Convention. The Com- 
miniist delegate made a statement to the same ef- 
fect. The U.N. Command representative asked 
both sides to exchange simultaneously estimated 

' Not printed. 


Department of State Bulletin 

figures by nationality of the sick and wounded 
prisoners of war to be repatriated. The Commu- 
nists agreed, but said that in order to determine 
tlie numbers of sick and wounded prisoners of war 
to be repatriated, the category of sick and 
■wounded prisoners of war should be first deter- 
mined as provided by article 110 of the Geneva 

At this same meetin" the U.N. Command dele- 
o-ation repeated orally the request previously made 
in General Clark's letter of April 5 that the U.N. 
Command would be pleased to receive at an early 
date a detailed statement of suggestions from the 
Communist commander in implementation of the 
proposal contained in the Chou En-lai statement 
regarding the repatriation of all prisoners of war. 

At the April 7 meeting some further progress 
was made. The Communists would require some 
time before furnishing the number of sick and 
wounded prisoners to be exchanged and they ac- 
cept the nine-point proposal of the Unified Com- 
mand for arrangements for the exchange of sick 
and wounded as a basis for discussion. 

Let me promise you, Mr. Chairman and dele- 
gates, that the U.S. Government, which bears re- 
sponsibility for the Unified Command, will report 
from time"to time to you on the progress at Pan- 
munjom. It is apparent from the report I have 
made to vou that progress is being made. We 
hope thatthe progress will continue and will lead 
to the conclusion'of an honorable armistice and 
a peace in Korea consistent with U.N. objectives. 


General William K. Harrison, Senior Delegate, 
United Nations Command Delegation. 

We have received the letter dated April 5, 1953, 
from General Mark W. Clark, Commander-in- 
Chief of the United Nations Command, in reply 
to Marshal Kim U Sung, Supreme Commander of 
the Korean People's Army and General Peng Teh- 
Huai, Commander of the Chinese People's Volun- 

On March 30 and 31, 1953, respectively, Chou 
En-lai. Premier of the Government Administra- 
tion Council and Minister for Foreign Affairs of 
the Central People's Government of the People's 
Republic of China, and Marshal Kim U Sung, 
Premier of the Democratic People's Republic of 
Korea issued statements, proclaiming the common 
proposal of the governments of China and Korea 
for settling the entire question of prisoners of 
war, that is, ''both parties to the negotiations 
should undertake to repatriate immediately after 
the cessation of hostilities all those prisoners of 
war in their custody who insist upon repatriation 
and to hand over the remaining prisoners of war to 
a neutral state so as to ensure a just solution to the 
question of their repatriation." The two afore- 

mentioned statements, enclosed in the letter of 
April 1, 1953, from Marshal Kim II Sung and 
General Peng Teh-Huai to General Mark W. 
Clark, have already been delivered to your side. I 
am now instructed to present to you the following 
statement on this proposal : 

(1) Article 118 of The Geneva Convention rela- 
tive to the treatment of prisoners of war, of Aug- 
ust 12, 1949, well-established principles and prac- 
tice in international law, and paragraph 51 of the 
draft Korean armistice agreement have all estab- 
lished the principle that all prisoners of war on 
both sides should be released and repatriated with- 
out delay after the cessation of active hostilities. 
It is, therefore, our view that the principle of re- 
patriation of all prisoners of war of both sides 
after the armistice so that they can return home 
to lead a peaceful life is unshakable. 

(2) However, in view of the fact that the dif- 
ferences between the two sides on the question of 
repatriation of prisoners of war have now consti- 
tuted the only obstacle of the realization of an ar- 
mistice in Korea, and in order to eliminate the 
differences so as to bring about an armistice in 
Korea, the Korean and Chinese side, in this new 
l^roposal, makes the following obvious concession 
as to the steps, time, and procedure of the repatri- 
ation of prisoners of war. The Korean and Chi- 
nese side holds that the repatriation of prisoners 
of war should be carried out in two steps, that is, 
both parties to the negotiations should undertake 
to repatriate immediately after the cessation of 
hostilities all those prisoners of war in their cus- 
tody who insist upon repatriation and to hand over 
the remaining prisoners of war to a neutral state 
so as to insure a just solution to the question of 
their rraatriation. 

(3) In making this concession the Korean and 
Chinese side by no means relinquishes the prin- 
ciple as embodied in Article 118 of the Geneva 
Convention in international practice and in para- 
graph 51 of the draft armistice agreement, which 
our side has firmly maintained. It is precisely 
on the basis of this principle of repatriation of all 
prisoners of war that our side firmly maintains 
that the detaining side should insure that no coer- 
cive means whatsoever be employed against all the 
prisoners of war in its custody to obstruct their 
returning home to effect forcible retention, and, 
at the same time, should insure that the remaining 
prisoners of war who are not directly repatriated 
after the armistice be released and handed over to 
a neutral state so as to secure a just solution to the 
question of their repatriation. 

(4) The Korean and Chinese side does not ac- 
knowledge that there are prisoners of war who are 
allegedly unwilling to be repatriated. Therefore, 
the question of the so-called forced repatriation or 
repatriation by force does not exist at all, and we 
have always opposed this assertion. Based on this 
stand of ours, our side maintains that those cap- 
tured personnel of our side who are filled with ap- 

April 20, 1953 


prehensions and are afraid to return home as a 
result of having been subjected to intimidation and 
oppression should be handed over to a neutral state 
and throu<rh explanations given by our side, grad- 
ually freed from apprehensions, thereby attaining 
a just solution to the question of repatriation. 

(5) The foregoing is a full explanation of the 
new proposal of our side. As to the concrete meas- 
ures for implementing this proposal, they can only 
be dicussed and decided upon at the meetings of 
negotiations between the delegates on both sides. 
And, in negotiations with both sides on an equal 
footing, only consultation and discussion at the 
conference are the proper way of settling ques- 
tions. General Nam II, Senior Delegate, Delega- 
tion of the Korean People's Army and the Chinese 
People's Volunteers. 



The senior member of the United Nations Command liai- 
son group and the senior member of the Korean People's 
Army and the Chinese People's Volunteers liaison group, 
in order to effect the repatriation of sicli and injured cap- 
tured personnel in accordance with provisions of article 
109 of the 1949 Geneva Convention relative to the treat- 
ment of prisoners of vpar, agree to the following : 

Repatriation shall be accomplished at Panmunjom. 

Repatriation shall commence at Panmunjom not later 
than 10 days after the signing of this agreement. 

a. The Korean People's Army and the Chinese People's 
Volunteers shall deliver sicli and injured captured per- 
sonnel at the rate of approximately 100 per day until de- 
livery of all siclc and injured captured personnel to be 
repatriated by the Korean People's Army and the Chinese 
People's Volunteers is completed. The number of persons 
actually delivered each day shall be contingent upon the 
ability of the United Nations Command to receive them, 
but delivery shall in any case be completed prior to the 
termination date of this agreement. 

b. The United Nations Command shall deliver sick and 
injured captured personnel at the rate of approximately 
.500 per day until delivery of all sicli and injured captured 
personnel to be repatriated by the United Nations Com- 
mand is completed. 

The number of persons actually delivered each day shall 
be contingent upon the ability of the Korean People's Army 
and Chinese People's Volunteers to receive them, but de- 
livery shall in any case be completed prior to the termi- 
nation of this agreement. 

The United Nations Command shall deliver sick and 
injured captured personnel in groups of approximately 
twenty-five. Each group shall be accompanied by rosters, 
prepared by nationality, to include: (a) Name, (6) rank, 
(c) internment or military serial number. 

After each group of sick and injured captured person- 
nel is delivered and received, a representative of the re- 
ceiving side shall sign the roster of the captured person- 
nel delivered as a receipt and shall return this to the 
delivering side. 

In order to insure that the sick and injured captured 
personnel of both sides are given maximum protection 
duriiii: the full period of repatriation, both sides agree 
to guarantee immunity from all attacks to all rail and 
motor movements carrying sick and injured captured 
personnel to Kaesong and Munsan-Ni, respectively, and 
thence through presently established immunity routes to 
Panmunjom, subject to the following conditions : 

a. Movement of motor convoys to Kaesong and Munsan- 
Ni, respectively, shall be restricted to daylight hours, and 
each convoy shall consist of not less than five vehicles 
in close formation : except that north of Panmunjom, be- 

cause of actual conditions, the latter provisions shall 
apply only to the route from Pyongyang to Kaesong. 

6. Each car in rail movements and each vehicle in motor 
convoys shall di.splay clearly visible identification mark- 

c. Each side, prior to the initial movement, shall pro- 
vide the liaison group of the other side with a detailed 
description of the markings utilized to identify motor con- 
voys and rail movements. This shall include color, size, 
and manner in which the markings will be displayed. 

Each side, prior to the initial movement, shall provide 
the liaison group of the other side with the sites and 
markings of the bivouac areas and night stop-over loca- 
tions for motor convoys. 

Each side shall inform the liaison group of the other 
side, twenty-four hours in advance of each movement, 
of the selected route, number of cars in rail movement 
or number of vehicles in motor movement, and the esti- 
mated time of arrival at Kaesong or Munsan-Ni. 

Each side shall notify the liaison group of the other 
side, by the most expeditious means of communication 
available, of the location of emergency stop-overs. 

During the period while sick and injured captured per- 
sonnel are being repatriated through the Panmunjom con- 
ference site area, the Oct. 22, 10.51, agreement between 
liaison officers, with the exception of the part therein 
provided for in Paragraph 8 of this agreement, shall con- 
tinue in effect. Liaison groups of both sides and their 
parties shall have free access to, and free movement 
within, the Panmunjom conference site area. The com- 
position of each liaison group and its party shall be as 
determined by the senior member thereof: however, in 
order to avoid congestion in the conference site area, 
the number of personnel of each side in the area, includ- 
ing captured personnel under its control, shall not exceed 
300 persons at any one time. Each side shall transfer 
repatriated personnel out of the Panmunjom conference 
site area as expeditiously as possible. 

During the period while sick and injured captured per- 
sonnel are being repatriated through the Panmunjom 
conference site area, the armed military police of each 
side, who undertake to maintain order within the confer- 
ence site area, shall be Increased from the maximum num- 
ber of fifteen, as provided in the Oct. 22, 1951, agreement 
between liaison oflJcers, to thirty. 

Other administrative details shall be mutually arranged 
by officers designated by the senior member of the liaison 
group of each side. 

This agreement is effective when signed and will termi- 
nate twenty days after the commencement of repatriation 
of sick and injured captured personnel at Panmunjom. 

Done at Panmunjom, Korea, this eleventh day of 
April, 1953, in the English, Korean and Chinese languages, 
all texts being equally authentic. 

Lee Sang Cho, Major Oen- J. C. Daniel, Rear Admirai, 
eral, Korean People's United States Navy, sen- 

Army, senior member ior member United Na- 

Korean People's Army tions Command liaison 

and Chinese People's group. 

Volun teers liaison group. 

Special Representative 

for Korean Economic Affairs 

The White House on April 9 announced that the 
President had appointed Henry J. Tasca as his 
special representative for Korean Economic 

Mr. Tasca will investigate ways and means of 
strengthening the Korean economy in the light of 


Department of State Bulletin 

U.S. security interests. He will report his recom- 
mendations to the President through the Com- 
mander-in-Chief, U.N. Command, at the earliest 
practicable date. Mr. Tasca will leave immedi- 
ately for Korea. 

Mr. Tasca is presently Deputy for Economic 
Allairs to Ambassador William H. Draper, Jr., 
the U.S. special representative in Europe. In 
this post Mr. Tasca serves as adviser to the special 
representative on economic matters, serving as 
alternate to the special representative in Min- 
isterial Council meetings of the Organization for 
European Economic Cooperation, as well as direct- 
ing the Office of Economic Affairs. 

Mr. Tasca was previously Director of the Plans 
and Policy Staff in the Office of the Special Repre- 
sentative and was associated for nearly 4 years 
with the ISIutual Security Agency and its pred- 
ecessor, the Economic Cooperation Administra- 
tion, at the Paris regional headquarters. He par- 
ticipated in the negotiations which led to the 
creation of the European Payments Union in 1950. 

Last year Mr. Tasca headed the special task 
group which assisted W. Averell Harriman, then 
Director for Mutual Security, and Mr. Draper in 
the Temporary Council Committee preparations 
for the Lisbon Conference of the North Atlantic 
Treaty Organization. 

Soviet Attack on U.S. Plane 
in North Pacific Ocean 

Department Statements 

Press release 144 dated March 18 

I The American Embassy at Moscow on March 
18, on instructions from the Department of State, 
lodged a vigorous protest with the Soviet Foreign 
Office against the attack by Mig fighters upon a 
U. S. Air Force RB-50 in the North Pacific Ocean 
on March 15. 

The note sets forth the position of the U.S. f)lane 
when attacked (about 100 miles northeast of 
Petropavlosk and at least 25 miles from the nearest 
Soviet territory), vigorously protests the action 
of the Soviet aircraft, states that the Government 
of the United States expects to be informed at an 
early date of the disciplinary action taken with 
regard to the Soviet personnel responsible for the 
attack, and asks for information concerning meas- 
ui-es adopted by Soviet authorities to prevent a 
recurrence of incidents of this kind. 

Press release 156 dated March 24 

The Department has studied the text of a note 
received from the Soviet Government on March 
22 in response to our note of March 18. We find 
the allegations made by the Soviets completely at 
variance with the facts as established by a careful 

As we pointed out in our note the U.S. EB-50 

April 20, 1953 

250146—53 3 

aircraft involved was at all times over inter- 
national waters and at the time of the incident 
was at least 25 miles from the nearest Soviet terri- 
tory. Without any reason whatever the Soviet 
aircraft opened fire on our plane, which was 
oblisied to return the fire in self-defense. 

The present Soviet note is a typical attempt by 
the Soviet Government to avoid responsibility for 
an unwarranted action of its military personnel 
through the device of fabricating an unfounded 
version of the affair. We stand on our note of 
March 18 and continue to expect that the Soviet 
Government will take measures to discipline the 
Soviet personnel responsible and to prevent re- 
currence of such incidents. 

U.S. Note of March 18 

No. 683 

The Embassy of the United States of America 
presents its compliments to the Ministry of For- 
eign Affairs of the Union of Soviet Socialist Re- 
publics and has the honor to bring the following 
matter to the attention of the Ministry. 

On March 15, 1953, a United States Air Force 
plane of the RB-50 type was attacked by Soviet 
fighter aircraft over the open seas at Latitude 
64 : 02 North and Longitude 161 : 04 East. After 
one of the Soviet planes of the Mig type opened 
fire on the RB-50 the latter was forced to return 
the fire. 

It is reported that no damage occurred to the 
American plane, and none was observed with re- 
gard to the Soviet plane. 

The Embassy has been instructed to protest 
vigorously this action on the part of the Soviet 
aircraft. The United States Government expects 
to be informed at an early date concerning the 
disciplinary action taken with regard to the Soviet 
personnel responsible and also concerning the 
measures adopted to prevent a recurrence of in- 
cidents of this kind. 

Soviet Note of March 22 

[Unofficial translation] 

The Foreign Ministry of the TJ.S.S.R., referring to a 
note of the United States of America, Number 683 of 
18th March, 1953, deems it necessary to state the 
following : 

In accordance with verified data, it has been estab- 
lished that an American bomber of the B-29 type violated 
on 15th March at 11 : 57 time in the district of Cape 
Krestovoi the state frontier of the U.S.S.E., and flew 
over the territory of Kamchatka np to seventy kilometers 
over a distance of fifteen to seventeen kilometers from 
the edge of the shore only a short distance from 
Mutnovskaya Height and turned in the direction of the 

At 12 : 26 the American aircraft B-29 type appeared 
again and violated the state frontier of the TJ.S.S.R. 
northeast of the town of Petropavlovsk in Kamchatka in 
the area of the village of Zhupanovo. 

Good weather, which in both cases enabled the crew 
of the aircraft to carry out visual reconnaissance on a 
large scale, excluded the possibility of loss of orientation 


and confiniH'd that the above two eases of violation of 
the state frontier of the U.S.S.R. were of a clearly pre- 
meditated character. 

Wlien the two Soviet fighter aircraft, which had taken 
off, aiiproached the American bomber aircraft, which 
was in tlie process of a second violation of the Soviet 
state frontier, the American aircraft opened fire against 
the Soviet fighter aircraft. 

For the purpose of self-defense, one of the Soviet air- 
craft had to open fire, after which the infringing aircraft 
turned round, left the Soviet coast and disappeared in 
an eastern direction. 

The above facts show that the protest made by the 
Government of the U.S.A. in a note of 18th March is 
without foundation and therefore the Soviet Government 
rejects that protest. 

In view of the fact that the above-quoted data confirm 
the fact of violation of the state frontier of the U.S.S.R. 
by an American military aircraft, the Soviet Govern- 
ment sends a protest to the Government of the U.S.A. 
against the above-mentioned infringement and expects 
that the Government of the U.S.A. will take due measures 
to prevent in the future violation of the state frontier of 
the U.S.S.K. by American aircraft. 

Polish Embassy Asked To Cease 
Distributing Anti-U.S. Bool< 

U.S. Note of March 28 

Press release 161 dated March 30 

The Deparhnent of State on March 28 sent to the 
Polish Evibassy at 'Washington a note requesting 
that distribution of a jyuhlication hy the Embassy 
making false charges against the United States 
he stopped immediately and that any further dis- 
tribution of similar material he discontinued. 

The text of the U.S. note follows: 

The Secretary of State wishes to inform His 
Excellency the Ambassador of Poland that it has 
come to the attention of the Department of State 
that the Embassy has sent to various recipients in 
this country copies of a publication entitled 
"Documents on the Hostile Policy of the United 
States Government Towards People's Poland". 
This book contains numerous false charges of ag- 
gressive and subversive activities on the part of 
the United States against Poland. In this con- 
nection reference is made to the United States 
Government's note dated February 9, 1953 ^ and 
earlier communications to the Polish Government. 

The dissemination by the Embassy of this col- 
lection of propaganda is not consistent with the 
views expressed by the United States Government 
contained in its note to the Embassy of March 21, 
1952 - regarding the issuance of publications and 
press releases by the Embassy. The Department 
of State consequently requests the Embassy im- 
mediately to cease distribution of this publication 
and to refrain from any further distribution of 
publications of a similar character. 

' Bulletin of Feb. 23, 1953, p. 304. 
= /6i(?., Mar. 31, 1952, p. 498. 


Recent Releases 

For sale hy the Superintendent of Documents, Government 
Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C. Address requests 
direct to the Superintendent of Documents, except in the 
case of free publications, xchioh may be obtained from the 
Department of State. 

Agriculture, Cooperative Program in Costa Rica. Trea- 
ties and Other International Acts Series 2511. Pub. 4720. 
4 pp. 5<f. 

Agreement between the United States and Costa 
llica — Signed at San .lose Jan. 10 and 25, 19.'52 ; en- 
tered into force Jan. 25, 1952. 

Health and Sanitation, Cooperative Program in Costa 
Rica. Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2512. 
Pub. 4721. 4 pp. 5('. 

Agreement between the United States and Costa 
Rica— Signed at San Jost5 Jan. 10 and 24, 1952 ; en- 
tered into force Jan. 24, 1952. 

Consular Officers. Treaties and Other International Acts 
Series 2494. Pub. 4729. 25 pp. 10«f. 

Convention, with protocol of signature, between the 
United States and the United Kingdom — Signed at 
Washington June C, 1951 ; entered into force Sept. 7, 

Health and Sanitation, Cooperative Program in Uruguay. 

Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2453. Pub. 
4745. 10 pp. lOif. 

Agreement between the United States and Uruguay — 
Signed at Montevideo Oct. 4, 1950 and Mar. 7, 1951 ; 
entered into force Mar. S, 1951 ; agreement between the 
Government of Uruguay and The Institute of Inter- 
American Affairs — Signed at Montevideo Mar. 8, 1951. 

Settlement of Disputes Arising Under Article 15 (a) of 
the Treaty of Peace With Japan. Treaties and Other In- 
ternational Acts Series 25.50. Pub. 4756. 33 pp. 15^. 

Agreement between the United States and Other Gov- 
ernments and Japan — Opened for signature at Wash- 
ington June 12, 1952 : Signed for the United States 
June 19, 1952; Signed for Japan June 12, 1952; en- 
tered into force between the United States and Japan 
June 19, 1952. 

Educational Exchange Grants. International Informa- 
tion and Cultural Series 27. Pub. 4792. 28 pp. 10^. 

Explains International Educational Exchange Pro- 
gram, with information for applicants on grants, 
and summaries of basic laws concerned. 

United States Educational Commission in the Federal 
Republic of Germany. Treaties and Other International 
Acts Series 2553. Pub. 4S09. 21 pp. 10«*. 

Agreement lietween the United States and the Fed- 
eral Republic of Germany — Signed at Bonn July 18, 
1952 ; entered into force July 18, 1952. 

United States Educational Foundation in the ITnion of 
South Africa. Treaties and Other International Acts 
Series 2,554. Pub. 4S10. 12 pp. lOi^. 

Agreement between the United States and the Union 
of South Africa— Signed at Cape Town, Mar. 26, 1952 ; 
entered into force Mar. 26, 1952. 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

U.S. Policy on Human Rights 

Printed lelow are the texts of: 1) a message 
sent ly President Eisenhower on April 7 to mein- 
bcrs of the U. N. Commission on Human Rights, 
which convened at Geneva on that date; 2) a letter 
dated April 3 from Secretary Dulles to Mrs. Os- 
wald B. Lord, U.S. representative on the Com- 
mission; and 3) a statement made hy Mrs. Lord 
before the Commission on April 8: 

U.S./U.N. press release dated April 9 


Mr DEAR Mrs. Lord : 

As you leave for Geneva to represent the United 
States at the Ninth Session of the United Nations 
Commission on Human Rights, the best wishes 
of our Government and of the American people go 
with you. The President and I are anxious that 
you carry a personal message to the- Commission. 

We believe that the American people are de- 
termined to do all within their power to make the 
United Nations an increasingly vigorous instru- 
ment of international order and justice. It is our 
earnest wish that the United Nations become an 
ever more effective agency for promoting, in the 
words of the Charter, "respect for human rights 
and fundamental freedoms for all without dis- 
tinction as to race, sex, language, or religion." 

The United States stands for full and complete 
enjoyment of these fundamental rights. The 
whole American philosophy of government is 
based on the conviction that man was endowed 
with these rights by his Creator and that they are 
inalienable. This conviction is expressed at many 
points in the legal structure of our national and 
state governments and is most clearly set forth 
in the Declaration of Independence and in the Bill 
of Rights in the Constitution of the United States. 

Our history demonstrates that nationwide ob- 
servance of fundamental human rights did not 
sjjring into being upon the enactment of statutes. 
In the years that have intervened between the 
ratification of the Bill of Rights and the present, 
we in the United States have made important 
advances. Through education and publicity, we 
have developed a human rights conscience which 

is perhaps the strongest factor in the progress we 
have made. In its most recent report to the 
United Nations for publication in the agency's 
Yearbook on Human Rights, the Government of 
this country has submitted detailed evidence of 
the progress recorded in a single year.^ AVe in- 
tend that these advances shall continue. 

Moreover, our Government has noted with satis- 
faction the improvements in the observance of 
human rights which have taken place in other 
countries; but it has noted as well that much re- 
mains to be done. We recognize that injustices 
occur to a greater or lesser degree in all countries, 
including our own. They cannot be overcome 
in a day. We must work to eliminate them. 

Background for the U.S. Decision 

In the light of our national, and recently, inter- 
national experience in the matter of human rights, 
the opening of a new session of the Commission 
on Human Rights appears an appropriate occa- 
sion for a fresh appraisal of methods through 
which we may realize the human rights goals of 
the United Nations. These goals have a high 
place in the Charter as drafted at San Francisco 
and were articulated in greater detail in the Uni- 
versal Declaration of Human Rights as adopted 
by the United Nations General Assembly at Paris 
in 1948. 

Since the establishment of these goals, much 
time and effort has been expended on the drafting 
of treaties, that is. Covenants on Human Rights, 
in which it was sought to frame, in mutually 
acceptable legal form, the obligations to be as- 
sumed by national states in regard to human 
rights. We have found that such drafts of Cov- 
enants as had a reasonable chance of acceptance in 
some respects established standards lower than 
those now observed in a number of countries. 

While the adoption of the Covenants would not 
compromise higher standards already in force, 
it seems wiser to press ahead in the United Na- 
tions for the achievement of the standards set 
forth in the Universal Declaration of Human 
Rights through ways other than the proposed Cov- 

^For text of the U.S. report, see Bulletin of Feb. 2, 
1953, p. 178. 

AprW 20, 1953 


enants on Human Eights. This is particularly 
important in view of the likelihood that the Cov- 
enants will not be as widely accepted by United 
Nations members as initially anticipated. Nor 
can we overlook the fact that the areas where 
human rights are being persistently and flagrantly 
violated are those where the Covenants would 
most likely be ignored. 

In these circumstances, there is a grare ques- 
tion whether the completion, signing and ratifica- 
tion of the Covenants at this time is the most 
desirable method of contributing to human better- 
ment particularly in areas of greatest need. Fur- 
thermore, experience to date strongly suggests that 
even if it be assumed that this is a proper area 
for treaty action, a wider general acceptance of 
human rights goals must be attained before it 
seems useful to codify standards of human rights ' 
as binding international legal obligations in the 

Re-examining tlie Covenants' Metliod 

With all these considerations in mind, the 
United States Government asks you to present to 
the Commission on Human Rights at its forth- 
coming session a statement of American goals and 
policies in this field ; to point out the need for re- 
examining the approach of the Human Rights 
Covenants as the method for furthering at this 
time the objectives of the Universal Declaration 
of Human Rights; and to put forward other sug- 
gestions of method, based on American experience, 
for developing throughout the world a human 
rights conscience which will bring nearer the 
goals stated in the Charter. In making such sug- 
gestions, I am sure you will want to give special 
weight to the value of bringing the facts to the 
light of day, to the value of common discussion of 
problems in the international forum of the Com- 
mission on Human Rights, and to the value of 
each country drawing on the experience of other 
countries for inspiration and practical guidance 
in solving its own problems. 

We recognize that in presenting to the Commis- 
sion a change in approach, extended discussion 
will be required in the Commission and later in the 
Economic and Social Council and General As- 
sembly as well. By reason of the considerations 
referred to above, the United States Government 
has reached the conclusion that we should not at 
this time become a party to any multilateral treaty 
such as those contemplated in the draft Covenants 
on Human Rights, and that we should now work 
toward the objectives of the Declaration by other 
means. Wliile the Commission continues, under 
the General Assembly's instructions, with the 
drafting of the Covenants, you are, of course, ex- 
pected to participate. This would be incumbent 
on the United States as a loyal Member of the 
United Nations. 

Through the agency of the United Nations and 

Importance of U.N. 
Human Rights Goals 

White House press release dated April 7 

The President on April 7 sent the foUowing mes- 
sage to the members of the V.N. Commission on 
Human Rights at Geneva: 

I am asking Mrs. Oswald B. Lord, the new repre- 
sentative of tlie United States on the U.N. Com- 
mission on Human Rights, to express to the Com- 
mission my deep personal interest in its work. In 
these days of International tension and strain, it is 
encouraging to know that the members of the Com- 
mission on Human Rights are working to develop 
effective programs to promote human rights and 
fundamental freedoms for all people and all nations 
throughout the world. 

The U.N. Charter states the human-rights goals 
which the United States and the other members of 
the United Nations have pledged themselves to 
achieve in cooperation with the United Nations — 
the promotion of universal respect for human rights 
and fundamental freedoms for all without distinc- 
tion as to race, sex, language, or religion. 

For the people of the United States, as well as 
for people everywhere, the U.N. Universal Declara- 
tion of Human Rights is a significant beacon in the 
steady march toward achieving human rights and 
fundamental freedoms for all. 

People everywhere are seeking freedom — freedom 
to live, freedom from arbitrary restraint, freedom 
to think and speak as they wish, freedom to .seek 
and find the truth. We must press ahead to broaden 
the areas of freedom. The United States is con- 
vinced that freedom is an indispensable condition 
to the achievement of a stable peace. 

Unfortunately, in too many areas of the world 
today there is .subjugation of peoples by totalitarian 
governments which have no respect for the dignity 
of the human person. This denial of the freedom 
of peoples, the continued disregard of human rights, 
is a basic cause of instability and discontent in the 
world today. 

For these reasons, the work of the Commission 
on Human Rights assumes greater importance and 
meaning. For reasons also, there is need for 
a new approach to the development of a human- 
rights conscience in all areas of the world. I have 
accordingly asked Mrs. Lord to present positive 
U.N. action programs to the Commission which we 
feel will contribute to that recognition of human 
rights and fundamental freedoms which people are 
seeking throughout the world. 

its powerful moral influence, much has been and 
can be accomplished. Example and education can 
exert powerful influence. The United Nat ions can 
also play an important part, through health, wel- 
fare, and other technical assistance programs, in 
raising standards of living throughout the world 
and bringing a full life to millions of persons who 
struggle merely to exist. The removal of restraint'^ 
on the rights of expression and association can re- 
lease the creative energies of the hunuin spirit. 

Firm in our belief that the United Nations is 
the most hopeful and effective means of bringing 
about world peace and of promoting the welfare 
of mankind throughout the earth, the United 


Department of State Bulletin 

Stetes Government will support your every effort 
to these ends. 

Sincerely yours, 

John Foster DuiiLES 


As this is the first occasion in which I have 
had the privilege of serving in the Commission 
on Human Rights, I hope you will permit me to 
make a few general remarks about the agenda. 
I am happy to be a member of this Commission 
and to join with you in the vital task of helping 
to advance the cause of freedom. I accepted this 
appointment from the President of the United 
States because I personally am convinced of the 
importance of promoting respect for human 
rights through international cooperation. 

At the very outset of our work, I wish to assure 
you that the U.S. Government continues to sup- 
port wholeheartedly the promotion of respect for 
and observance of human rights and fundamental 
freedoms. Both President Eisenhower and Sec- 
retary Dulles have spoken to me personally about 
their deep concern that the United Nations move 
steadily forward toward the goals laid down in 
the Charter. 

In order to assure steady progress toward those 
goals, the Government of the United States is 
suggesting a new and urgent approach to the 
promotion of human rights, to take account of 
changed conditions in the world. Today, disre- 
gard of the basic principles of human rights is 
widespread and fundamental freedoms are denied 
peoples in many areas. 

Need for Human Rights Action Programs 

Under these circumstances, the world does not 
yet appear ready for a treaty of such compre- 
hensive scope as the proposed covenants on human 
rights. We need to work together immediately 
to develop a higher moral sense of human-rights 
values in all areas of the world. For that reason, 
the United States is urging that this Commission 
give immediate consideration to the development 
of human-riglits action programs. 

The Commission on Human Rights already has 
made an outstanding contribution to the construc- 
tive achievements of tlie United Nations. The 
Universal Declaration of Human Rights stands 
as a major landmark of progress in this difficult 
field. It is with understandable pride that I 
participate in this Commission, where our two 
past chairmen, Mrs. Roosevelt and Mr. Malik, and 
their colleagues have brought intelligence and 
skill to bear upon some of the most challenging 
problems of our times. 

The agenda of the Commission clearly falls 
into two distinct parts : the completion of the draft 

covenants and the consideration of a wide range 
of other matters. 

The General Assembly and the Economic and 
Social Council have asked that the Commission 
complete the drafting of the covenants. This 
task will necessarily occupy a considerable portion 
of our time ; but perhaps, if we could set May 1 
as a target date for completing the remaining 
portions of the two covenants, we need not devote 
more than half of our session to this task. 

Since the completion of the Universal Declara- 
tion of Human Rights in 1948, the Commission 
has been entirely engrossed in the drafting of 
the proposed covenants on human rights. As 
discussions have proceeded on the covenants, it 
begins to appear that they are not receiving the 
acceptance which had been initially anticipated 
and that they will not be ratified as widely as had 
been hoped. The climate of world opinion does 
not yet seem favorable to the conclusion of the 
covenants in the United Nations. The covenants 
will not have the expected effectiveness in the 
field of human rights. For these reasons, my 
Government has concluded that in the present 
stage of international relations it would not ratify 
the covenants. 

Inasmuch as the United States is a loyal mem- 
ber of the United Nations, its delegation will con- 
tinue to collaborate in the drafting of these 
covenants and to make suggestions for improving 
them. The covenants will be looked upon as a 
more precise and definitive statement of the prin- 
ciples embodied in the Universal Declaration of 
Human Rights, irrespective of their ratification 
or nonratification. My Government hopes that 
there will be a time when human rights will be 
sufficiently respected in fact and when a human- 
rights conscience will be sufficiently developed 
throughout the world so that a codification of 
the then prevailing principles will be worthwhile. 
When and if such a time comes the United States 
may give consideration to the ratification of a 
covenant on human rights, and for that reason we 
are concerned with the drafting of the covenants 
now so that they will be in the most acceptable 
form and will require the least possible change if 
they are used as a model for future treaties. 

It seems increasingly important, therefore, that 
alternative and more effective and acceptable ways 
be devised by the Commission to achieve the goals 
of the Charter for the promotion of human rights 
and fundamental freedoms. 

Initiating Programs of Practical Action 

The remaining part of our agenda contains a 
large number of items not related to the draft 
covenants. The U.S. delegation endorses the 
listing on the provisional agenda and the order 
of that listing. At the appropriate time, however, 
I shall suggest that some of these items be given 
priority. A number of these items are of the ut- 

April 20, 1953 


most significance and deserve our most earnest 
consideration. It is for this reason that I hope 
that perhaps the last half of our session might 
be devoted to programs of practical action. 

It is the view of the U.S. Government that the 
guiding principle for the work of the Commission 
should be to find the surest and speediest methods 
of raising the level of practice around the world 
in the observance of human rights. This would 
require that we initiate a number of action pro- 
grams. I shall be prepared to make detailed pro- 
posals about such action programs in connection 
with specific agenda items. For the present I 
should like merely to outline the three principal 
proposals which luy Government wishes me to 
submit to the Commission. 

First, we will propose that the Commission in- 
stitute a study of various aspects of human rights 
throughout the world. The Commission could 
undertake this with the assistance of a rapporteur. 
The rapporteur would consult with nongovern- 
mental organizations as well as governments and 
the specialized agencies for relevant data to sub- 
mit to the Commission. The report of the rap- 
porteur would be considered in the Commission, 
which might then make general recommendations 
concerning the subject under discussion. Two 
subjects that might well be considered first are 
freedom of religion and the right to a fair trial. 

Second, we will propose that annual reports on 
developments in the field of human rights be pre- 
pared by each member government with the as- 
sistance of a national advisory committee. These 
reports would be considered in the Commission at 
the same time as the study of the proposed rap- 
porteur would be submitted. 

Third, we will propose that the United Nations 
establish advisory services on specific aspects of 
human rights along the lines of the advisory serv- 
ices now being provided in the economic, social, 
and public-administration fields. These services 
■would be in the form of experts going to coun- 
tries requesting the services, scholarships and fel- 
lowships being provided for training abroad, and 
arrangements for seminars. 

These are action programs that the Commission 
can undertake now. There is no need for the 
Commission to limit itself to the drafting of 
covenants on human rights, which in any event 
will have limited applicability. The Commission 
should give more of its attention to constructive 
programs which can be initiated without delay in 
the United Nations for the promotion of the hu- 
man-rights principles of the charter. Indeed, it 
will be greatly to the advantage of the Commission 
itself if it can at this session begin work on some 
of these affirmative tasks even before the cove- 
nants are considered by the General Assembly. 
In this way the Commission could mark out the 
basic lines of its future action programs and es- 
tablish firmly its position in this field. 

With all these potential programs for immediate 

action at this session of the Commission, I think 
that you can appreciate my view that we should 
reserve adequate time for the consideration of 
these later items. 

It is my earnest hope that the work of this ses- 
sion will be successful, especially in the launching 
of new programs that will contribute effectively 
to the safeguarding of human liberty. 

Revised Disarmament 
Resolution Adopted 

The plenary session of the U.N. General As- 
semhly on April 8 voted to ask the Disarmament 
Co7nmission to continue developing plans for the 
regulation, limitation, and balanced reduction of 
aimied forces and armaments ; the elimination and 
prohihition of weapons of mass destruction; and 
interjiational control of atomic energy. One of 
tivo Soviet amendments to the text approved by 
Committee I was adopted; a second amendmerit, 
which xoould have deleted reference to the 1952 
resolution establishing the Commission, was re- 
jected. The vote on the resolution as a whole 
was 52^ (Soviet bloc) -3. 

Following is the text of a statement by Henry 
Cabot Lodge, Jr., U.S. represe7itative to the Gen- 
eral Assembly, together with the text of the 

Ambassador Lodge's Statement of April 8 

U.S./U.N. press release dated April 8 

My delegation has carefully studied the pro- 
posed Soviet amendments to the resolution on dis- 
armament adopted by the Political Committee. 
Our test, and we feel it would be the test of the 
members of the (leneral Assembly as well, is 
whether the adoption of these proposed amend- 
ments would strengthen or weaken genuine dis- 
armament efforts. AVe for our part have reluc- 
tantly concluded that their adoption would in fact 
weaken these efforts, and I regret to add that the 
statement made this morning by the Soviet dele- 
gate merely serves to confirm this conclusion. I 
should like to explain why I say that. 

With regard to the first Soviet amendment 
which has just been referred to by Sir Gladwyn 
Jebb, the proposal to delete the commendation 
of the Disarmament Commission for its efforts 
since the Sixth General Assembly, is a matter of 
language rather than a matter of substance. It 
is in that respect very different from the second 
Soviet amendment. With regard to the first 
amendment which would delete the commendation 
of the Disarmament Commission, and those mem- 
bers who loyally attempted to carry out the man- 
date and principles established by the General 
Assembly, we think it wholly appropriate, as the 
Political Committee itself did, to express the satis- 
faction of the General Assembly for the work of 
the Commission. But we do not consider that 


Deparimenf of State Bulletin 

this is a matter of sufficient importance to warrant 
drawing an issue. We, of course, would not con- 
sider tliat the adoption of the first Soviet amend- 
ment would in any way support the previously 
expressed Soviet view that it was the United 
States, the United Kingdom, or France which ob- 
structed the Commission's work. Of course, we 
do not think that any such inference could be 
drawn from the first Soviet amendment. 

However, with regard to the second Soviet 
amendment, we shall vote against that amendment. 
This proposes the deletion from the second para- 
graph of the resolution adopted by the Committee 
the reaffirmation of the General Assembly resolu- 
tion of January 11, 1952.^ This resolution, which 
is basic to the disarmament efforts of the United 
Nations itself, established the Disarmament Cora- 
mission and defined its terms of reference. It was 
adopted in January of 1952 after thorough dis- 
cussion and was reaffirmed by the Political Com- 
mittee this year on March 23, by a vote of 49 to 5. 
The Soviet amendment would, in our view, 
simply turn back the clock. It would scuttle or 
threaten to scuttle the important accomplishments 
in the disarmament field of the Sixth General 
Assembly, the Disarmament Commission, and of 
the present Assembly. The Soviet representative 
in the Political Committee made clear his inten- 
tion, and in this respect I feel my statement is 
justified that Mr. Vyshinsky's remarks this morn- 
ing reaffirmed the position taken by the represen- 
tative of the Soviet Union in the Political 

1 Committee. 

' In the Political Committee on March 19, the 
Soviet representative there attacked the 1952 
Assembly resolution. He did so in somewhat 
more blunt and pointed terms than was done this 
morning, but the effect was precisely the same, 
and the meaning and intention is not changed. 
The Soviet representative in the Political Com- 
mittee argued that the Disarmament Commission 
should have confined itself to considering the pro- 
posals which the Soviet Union had presented to 
the Sixth Assembly. That was the argument 
made and that was the intention underlying the 
Soviet amendments as they were explained to the 
Political Committee. 

Mr. President, the 1952 General Assembly res- 
olution constitutes the U.N. mandate and guidance 
to the Disarmament Commission. It is, therefore, 
a basic document. We are dealing not simply 
with a title, a mere name, or style of a General 
Assembly resolution, but with the very terms of 
reference of the Disarmament Commission itself- 
This is not a mere matter of words and phrases. 
It is the question whether we should carry forward 
on a solid basis of the accumulated wisdom and 
experience slowly and painfully built up in the 
United Nations over the past 6 years on this 
matter — or whether, as the Soviet Government 

' BuiXETiN of Mar. 31, 19.52, p. 507. 
April 20, J 953 

now suggests, we should in effect wipe the slate 
clean and start all over again. This is, indeed, 
a high price to pay for an unknown destination. 
May I call to the attention of the General Assem- 
bly some of the more important guiding principles 
established by the 1952 General Assembly resolu- 
tion, which were opposed by the Soviet delega- 
tion in that Assembly and which, as was indicated 
again this morning by Mr. Vyshinsky, still are 
opposed by the Soviet delegation. For that in- 
deed is the only reason advanced for the adoption 
of the second Soviet amendment. 

First, the 1952 resolution on disarmament, the 
basic mandate and guiding principle in this field, 
laid down the policy that there must be progres- 
sive disclosure and verification on a continuing 
basis of all armed forces and all armaments. 
Second, that such verification must be based on 
effective international inspection to insure the ade- 
quacy and accuracy of the information disclosed. 
Both these points have been repeatedly attacked 
by the Soviet delegation as unwarranted and not 
permissible. Third, that unless a better or no less 
effective system is devised, the U.N. plan for the 
international control of atomic energy and the 
prohibition of atomic weapons should continue 
to serve as the basis for the international control 
of atomic energy. And fourth, that there must 
be an adequate system of safeguards to insure 
observance of the disarmament program. These 
are some of the basic and indispensable elements 
which form part of the fiber and core of the U.N. 
program and policy. 

If the Soviet amendment were accepted, the 
Soviet Union, as we believe is its intention, would 
be in a position at the very least to cast doubt 
upon the General Assembly's support of these 
principles which have been repeatedly endorsed 
by the majority of U. N. members. The Soviet 
amendment would raise the question whether the 
General Assembly continues to support the U.N. 
plan for control of atomic energy. It would lead 
to doubt whether the General Assembly continues 
to support its 1952 decision that the progressive 
and continuing disclosure and verification of all 
armed forces and armaments is a first and 
indispensable step in carrying out an agreed 
disarmament program. 

Mr. President, I would conclude by saying that 
the U.S. Government welcomes any signs that the 
new Soviet leadership is interested in negotiating 
constructively for solutions to the many prob- 
lems which confront us, including disarmament. 
However, we seek the substance, not the shadow of 
an agreement. It is, of course, too early to tell 
whether we are going to be able to make signifi- 
cant progress in the disarmament field. Cer- 
tainly, the Soviet amendment, which I have been 
discussing, does not promise to contribute to such 
progress. Yet, my Government remains deeply 
interested in the considered judgment of the 
Soviet Government on the possibilities of honest 


and constructive disarmament negotiations. We 
hope for positive and tangible response from the 
Soviet Government when the Disarmament Com- 
mission resumes its work. 

The resolution as adopted by the Political 
Committee does not in any way preclude the sub- 
mission by the Soviet Government in the Dis- 
armament Commission of any proposals the Soviet 
Government, or any other member for that matter, 
desires to put forward. For our part, we pledge 
ourselves to continue to work constructively for 
a genuinely safeguarded .system of disarmament 
and at the same time to give sympathetic and 
honest consideration to any concrete and practical 
proposals which the Soviet Government may make 
toward this end. 

Text of Resolution 

D.N. doe. A/L. 149 
Adopted April 8. 1953 

The General Assembly, 
Reoognizinq that 

Under the Charter of the United Nations all States 
are bound to settle their international disputes by peace- 
ful means in such a manner that international peace and 
security, and justice, are not endangered, and to refrain 
In their international relations from the threat or use 

of force against the territorial integrity or political inde- 
pendence of any State, or in any other manner incon- 
sistent with the purposes of the United Nations. 

The aim of a system of world-wide disarmament is to 
prevent war and release the world's Imman and economic 
resources for the purposes of peace, 

1. Takes 7vote of the report of the Disarmament Com- 
mission [and commends the Commission for its efforts 
to curry out the instructions laid down by the General 
Assembly at its sixth regular session] ; ' 

2. Reafflrms General Assembly resolution 502 (VI) 
and requests the Disarmament Commission to continue 
its work for the development by the United Nations of 
comprehensive and co-ordinated plans providing for : 

(a) the regulation, limitation and balanced reduction 
of all armed forces and armaments; 

(b) the elimination and prohibition of all major 
weapons, including bacteriological, adaptable to mass 
destruction ; 

(c) the effective international control of atomic energy 
to ensure the prohibition of atomic weapcjiis and the use 
of atomic energy for i)eaceful purposes only. 

The whole programme to be carried out under effective 
international control in such a way that no State would 
have cause to fear that its security was endangereil ; 

3. Requests the Commission to reiwrt to the General 
Assembly and to the Security Council no later than 1 
September 1U53, and hopes that all the members of the 
Commission will co-operate in efforts to produce construc- 
tive proposals likely to facilitate its task. 

' The clause in brackets was deleted from the Com- 
mittee I text of the resolution, on a Soviet motion. 

Puerto Rico's New Self-governing Status 

U.S./U.N. press release dated March 21 

Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., U.S. rep- 
resentative to the United Nations, announced on 
March S3 the transmittal to Secretary-General 
Trygve Lie of the new Constitution of the Com- 
monwealth of Puerto Rico and other documents 
pertaining to the Commonwealth'' s new self- 
governing statiis. Following is the transmittal 

I have the honor to refer to the U.S. representa- 
tive's note UN-1727/89 dated January 19, 1953,' 
notifying you tliat as a result of the entry into 
force on July 25, 1952, of the new Constitution 
establishing the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, 
the U.S. Government has decided to cease to trans- 
mit information on Puerto Rico under article 
73 (e) of the Charter. 

The attainment by the people of Puerto Rico 
of their new Commonwealth status is a most sig- 
nificant step. This is the kind of progress to self- 
government contemplated by the U.N. Charter. 
This is the democratic pattern of the free world — 
of goals set and hopes realized. The people of 

' Bulletin of Feb. 9, 1953, p. 229. 

Puerto Rico expressed their view by resolution at 
their Constitutional Convention in the following 
words : 

Thus we attain the goal of complete self-government, the 
last vestiges of colonialism having disappeared in the 
principle of Compact, and we enter into an era of new 
developments in democratic civilization. 

I invite your attention in particular to the en- 
closed letter of Governor Muiioz Marin of the 
Commonwealth of Puerto Rico in which, after re- 
questing the termination of the transmittal of 
information under article 73 (e) with respect to 
Puerto Rico, and after recounting the develop- 
ment of the Island's political progress, he says: 

The people of Puerto Rico are firm supporters of the 
United Nations and this great organization may con- 
fidently rely upon us for a continuation of that good will. 

Let me add that the jieople of Puerto Rico at this 
moment are proudly cooperating to the utmost in 
the U.N. effort to repel aggression in Korea. The 
men of Puerto Rico who are bearing the hardships 
of battle with other U.N. troops have, by their 
courage and determination, demonstrated their 
strong love for freedom. 


Department of State Bulletin 

There are enclosed for the information of the 
members of the United Nations the followin<r doc- 
uments in compliance with the terms of Resolution 
'2-2'2 (III) of the General Assembly: 

(1) Text of the Constitution of the Common- 
wealth of Puerto Rico.^ 

(2) Memorandum by the Government of the 
United States of America Concerning the Cessa- 
tion of Transmission of Information Under 
Article 73 (e) of the Charter With Regard to the. 
Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, 

(3) Copy of the letter dated January 17, 1953, 
from the Governor of Puerto Rico to the Presi- 
dent of the United States. 



1 The United States Government, in pursuance of 
Article 73 (e) of the Charter of the United Nations, has, 
in accordance with Resolution 66 (I) adopted by the 
General Assembly of the United Nations on December 14, 
1946, transmitted annually to the Secretary General since 
1946 information on Puerto Rico. During this period 
successive advances have been made in the growth and 
development of self-governing institutions in Puerto Rico 
and in the vesting of powers of government in the Puerto 
Rican people and their elected representatives. This 
process has reached its culmination with the establish- 
ment of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico and the pro- 
mulgation of the Constitution of this Commonwealth on 
July 25, 1952. , ^ ^ 

2. With the establishment of the Commonwealth of 
Puerto Rico, the people of Puerto Rico have attained a 
full measure of self-government. Accordingly, the Gov- 
ernment of the United States has decided that it is no 
longer appropriate for it to submit information on Puerto 
Rico pursuant to Article 73 (e) of the Charter. 

3. Resolution 222 (III), adopted by the General As- 
sembly on November 3, 1948, states that, having regard 
to the provisions of Chapter XI of the Charter, it is es- 
sential that the United Nations be informed of any change 
in the constitutional position and status of any non-self- 
governing territory as a result of which the responsible 
government concerned thinks it unnecessary to transmit 
information in respect of that territory under Article 
73 (e) of the Charter. The Members of the United Na- 
tions concerned are requested by this resolution to com- 
municate to the Secretary General, within a maximum 
period of six months, such information as may be appro- 
priate, including the constitution, legislative act or exec- 
utive order providing for the government of the territory 
and the constitutional relationship of the territory to the 
government of the metropolitan country. 

4. As a result of the change in the constitutional posi- 
tion and status of Puerto Rico as described in this mem- 
orandum, the Government of the United States considers 
it unnecessary to transmit further information under 
Article 73 (e) of the Charter concerning the Commou- 

" H. doc. 435, 82d Cong., 2d sess. 
Apr// 20, 1953 

wealth of Puerto Rico. The United States Government 
desires that the United Nations be fully informed of the 
background of this decision. Accordingly, and in pursu-. 
ance of Resolution 222 (III), this memorandum has been 
prepared and, together with a copy of the Constitution of 
the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico and a letter from the 
Governor of Puerto Rico is transmitted to the Secretary 
General for circulation to the Members of the United 
Nations for their information. 

Constitutional Development of Puerto Rico 
Under United States Administration 

5. Puerto Rico has been administered by the United 
States since 1898 when Spain ceded its sovereignty to the 
Island under terms of the Treaty of Paris. Puerto Rico 
had a military government until 1900 when the United 
States Congress enacted the first organic law providing 
for a civil form of government. The establishment of 
the Commonwealth in July 1952 marks the culmination 
of a steady progression in the exercise of self-government 
initiated by the first organic law. 

6. The first organic law, known as the Foraker Act, 
provided for a Governor appointed by the President of 
the United States, with the advice and consent of the 
Senate of the United States, a legislative assembly in 
which the lower house was elected but the upper house 
was composed of the heads of executive departments of 
the government and five other persons, all appointed by 
the President with the advice and consent of the Senate ; 
and a supreme court, the members of which were also 
appointed by the President with the advice and consent 
of the Senate, justices of the lower courts being appointed 
by the Governor with advice and consent of the upper 
house of the legislature. The act provided for Puerto 
Rico's representation before all departments of the Fed- 
eral Government by a popularly elected Resident Com- 
missioner. The Resident Commissioner has a seat in the 
House of Representatives of the Congress of the United 

7. In 1917, the scope of self-government was increased 
with enactment by the Congress of a second organic law 
known as the Jones Act. Under it, the people of Puerto 
Rico elected both houses of their legislature, and the popu- 
larly elected upper house advised and consented to the 
Governor's appointment of justices of the lower courts. 
The President retained authority to appoint the Governor, 
the justices of the supreme court, the heads of the de- 
partments of justice and education, and the auditor, but 
all other heads of executive departments were appointed 
by the Governor. The people of Puerto Rico became citi- 
zens of the United States. The protection of a bill 
of rights patterned on the bill of rights of the United 
States Constitution was extended to Puerto Rico. Pro- 
vision for representation before the various departments 
of the Federal Government remained. The legislature 
could repass a bill over the Governor's veto, but if the 
Governor did not then approve it, it did not become law 
unless it received the approval of the President. 

8. In 1946, the President appointed as Governor, with 
the advice and consent of the Senate, a Puerto Rican who 
had formerly been Resident Commissioner from Puerto 
Rico. This was the first time that a Puerto Rican had 
been appointed Governor. 

9. In 1947, the Congress authorized the people of Puerto 
Rico to elect their Governor, beginning with the general 
election in 1948, and provideil a line of succession in the 
event of a vacancy in the position of Governor or of the 
Governor's temporary absence or disability. The elected 
Governor was authorized to appoint all the members of 
his cabinet, the heads of the executive departments, in- 
cluding the attorney general and commissioner of educa- 
tion. No change was made at that time in the provisions 
respecting appointment of the auditor and justices of the 
supreme court. 


Development and Adoption of the Constitution 
of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico 

10. In 1948, the candidates for Governor and Resident 
Commissioner from Puerto Rico, who were elected by very 
substantial majorities, ran on a platform calling for the 
adoption by the people of I'uerto Rico of a constitution 
of their own drafting, within the framework of a con- 
tinuing relationship with the United States to which the 
people of Puerto Rico would consent. In that election, 
the candidates who advocated statehood for Puerto Rico 
and independence for Puerto Rico were defeated. An 
overwhelming number of candidates for the legislature 
who ran on the same program as the successful candidates 
for Governor and Resident Commissioner were also elected. 
In accordance with the expressed wishes of the people 
of Puerto Rico, there was introduced in the Congress a 
bill to provide for the organization of a constitutional 
government bv the people of Puerto Rico. It was enacted 
on July 3, 1950 as Public Law 000, 81st Cong. (61 Stat- 

11. That law expressly recognized the principle of 
government by consent, and declaring that it was "adopted 
in the nature of a compact", required that it be submitted 
to the voters of Puerto Rico in an island-wide referendum 
for acceptance or rejection. If the act were approved by a 
majority of participating roters, the Legislature of Puerto 
Rico was authorized to call a constitutional convention to 
formulate a constitution, which would become effective 
upon its adoption by the people if approved by the Con- 
gress after a finding by the President that it conformed 
with the applicable provisions of the act and of the Con- 
stitution of the United States. Those provisions of the 
Organic Act which related to matters of local government 
would thereupon be repealed, while the remaining pro- 
visions of the Organic Act, relating to such matters as 
Puerto Rico's economic relationship to the United States, 
the force and effect of applicable Federal laws, and con- 
tinued representation in Washington, would thenceforth 
be known as the Puerto Rican Federal Relations Act. The 
Congress made only two stipulations with respect to the 
content of the constitution to be adopted; that it provide 
a republican form of government and that it include a 
bill of rights. 

12. Four political parties participated in the campaign 
preceding the referendum : two advocated approval of 
Public Law COO, 81st Congress, one opposed it, and one 
was divided in its position. On June 4, 19:j1, 506,185 
persons, 65.08 percent of the 777,675 qualified voters of 
Puerto Rico, participated in the referendum, and 76.5 
percent of those voting approved the act. On August 27, 
1951, ninety-two delegates were elected to a constitutional 
convention, representing the Popular Democratic, the 
Statehood and the Socialist parties. The convention met 
in September 1951, and concluded its painstaking work 
in February 1952. An official English and an official 
Spanish version of the constitution were adopted, and 
the text was puhlistied in the four daily newspapers of 
Puerto Rico in both languages. Copies of the document 
were distributed throughout the Island. 

13. On March 3. 1952, the constitution was submitted 
for adoption or rejection. Of the 783,610 qualified voters, 
456,471 participated in the referendum. Of these, 373,594 
or 81.84 percent of those voting supported adoption of the 
constitution ; only 82,877 or 18.16 percent of those voting 
disapproved it. All of the elections and referenda held 
in Puerto Rico in connection with the development of the 
constitution were on the basis of universal adult suffrage 
without property or literacy requirements. Puerto Rico 
has bad universal adult suffrage since 1929. There have 
been no property requirements since 1906 and the last 
literacy requirements were removed in 1935. 

14. On April 22, 19.52, the President transmitted the 
Constitution to the Congress with his recommendation 
for approval, and by Public Law 447, 82nd Cong. (66 
Stat. 327), signed by the President on July 3, 19.52, the 
Congress approved the Constitution subject to certain 

conditions which were to be submitted for approval to 
the Puerto Rican Constitutional Convention. Public Law 
447, in its preambular provisions, recalled that the Act j 
of July 3, 1950 "was adopted by the Congress as a com- 
pact with the people of Puerto Rico, to become operative 
upon its approval by the people of Puerto Rico"; that the 
Ijeople of i'uerto Rico had overwhelmingly approved this 
Act and that the Constitution of Puerto Rico had been 
drafted by a Constitutional Convention; that the Consti- 
tution was adopted by the people of Puerto Rico in a 
referendum ; that the President of the United States 
had declared that the Constitution conformed fully with 
the applicable provisions of the .\ct of July 3, 1950 and 
the Constitution of the United States, that it contained 
a Bill of Rights, and provided for a republican form 
of government ; and that the Congress of the United 
States had considered the Constitution and found that 
it conformed with the stipulated requirements. The 
operative part of Public Law 447 recorded the approval 
by the Congress of the United States of the Constitution 
of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico subject to certain 
conditions, among which was that the following new 
sentence be added to Article VII : "Any amendment or 
revision of this Constitution shall be consistent with the 
resolution enacted by the Congress of the United States 
approving this Constitution, with the applicable provi- 
sions of the Constitution of the United States, with the 
Puerto Rican Federal Relations Act, and with Public Law 
600, Slst Cong., adopted in the nature of a compact." The 
Puerto Rican Constitutional Convention considered and 
approved these conditions. On July 25, 1952. the Governor 
of Puerto Rico proclaimed the establishment of the Com- 
monwealth of Puerto Rico under its Constitution. 

Principal Features of the Constitution 
of the Commonwealth 

15. The Constitution of the Commonwealth, as it be- 
came effective with the approval of the Congress, provides 
that "Its political power emanates from the people and 
shall be exercised in accordance with their will, within 
the terms of the compact agreed upon between the people 
of Puerto Rico and the United States of .\merica" (Art. 
I, Secticm 1). The Constitution of the Commonwealth 
is similar to that of a State of the Federal Union. It 
establishes a tri-partite form of government, with a popu- 
larly elected Governor, a popularly elected bicameral 
legislature and a judicial branch. The heads of all execu- 
tive departments are appointed by the Governor, with the 
advice and consent of the Puerto Rican Senate: appoint- 
ment of the Secretary of State also requires the consent 
of the House of Representatives. It should be noted that 
with the establishment of the Commonwealth neither 
the President nor the United States Senate participates 
in any way in the appointment of any oflBcial of the gov- 
ernment of the Commonwealth. 

16. The Legislative Assembly, which is elected by free, 
universal and secret suffrage of the people of Puerto Rico, 
has full legislative authority in respect to local matters. 
The Commonwealth has the power to impose and collect 
taxes, and to contract debts. Acts of the Legislative 
Assembly become law upon approval of the Governor, or, 
in the event that an act is vetoed b.v the Governor, \jpon 
its reenactment by two-thirds of the total number of 
members of which each house is composed. The Presi- 
dent may no longer prevent a bill repassed over the 
Governor's veto from becoming law by disapproving it. 
The protection of a bill of rights is extended to persons 
in Puerto Rico. All public officials must take an oath to 
support the Constitution of the United States and the 
Constitution and laws of the Commonwealth. Amend- 
ments to the Constitution may be proposed by the Legis- 
lative Assembly, and will be voted on at a referendum, 
becoming effective if ratified by a majority of the electors 
voting thereon. The Constitution does not restrict the 
substance of future amendments, except to provide that 


Department of State Bulletin 

they shall be consistent with the act approving the Con- 
stitution, with the applicable provisions of the Federal 
Constitution, with the Puerto Kican Federal Relations 
Act, and with the act of Congress authorizing the drafting 
and adoption of a constitution. 

17. The judiciary of the Commonwealth is independent 
under the Constitution. The justices of the Supreme 
Court are no lonjier appointed by the President but are 
appointed by the Governor with the advice and consent 
of the Senate of Puerto Rico. .Justices hold office during 
good behavior and may be removed, after impeachment, 
for causes specified in the Constitution. The number of 
justices may be increased only by law at the request of 
the court itself. No judge may make a direct or indirect 
financial contribution to any political organization or 
party, or hold any elective office therein, or participate 
in any political campaign or be a candidate for elective 
office unless he has resigned his judicial office at least six 
months prior to his nomination. Although judgments of 
the Supreme Court of Puerto Rico may be appealed to the 
United States Court of Appeals, decisions of the United 
States Supreme Court have estalilished that the Supreme 
Court of Puerto Rico is the final authority on the meaning 
of a Puerto Rican law and that its decision interpreting 
such a law may not be reversed unless the interpretation 
is "inescapalily wrong" and the decision "patently errone- 
ous" ; it is not sufficient to justify reversal that the Fed- 
eral Court merely disagree with the Puerto Rican 
Supreme Court's interpretation. There continues to be 
a Federal District Court in Puerto Rico, but its jurisdic- 
tion does not differ from the jurisdiction of Federal Dis- 
trict Courts functioning within the boundaries of States. 

IS. Under the Constitution, there is full and effective 
participation of the population of Puerto Rico in the 
Government of Puerto Rico. Article II, section 1, pro- 
vides that no di.scrimination shall be made on account of 
race, color, sex, birth, social origin or condition, or polit- 
ical or religious ideas and requires the laws to embody 
these principles. Puerto Rico is divided by the Constitu- 
tion into senatorial and representative districts for pur- 
poses of electing members of the Legislative Assembly, 
and provision is also made for election of senators and 
representatives elected at large. By a special procedure 
established by Article III of the Constitution, minority 
parties are assured of representation which recognizes 
their island-wide voting strength. Elections will be held 
every four years. 

19. Article II, section 2, requires that the laws shall 
guarantee the expression of the will of the people by 
means of equal, direct, and secret universal suffrage and 
shall protect the citizen against any coercion in the exer- 
cise of the electoral franchise. Article VI, section 4, pro- 
vides that every person over twenty-one years of age shall 
be entitled to vote if he fulfills the other conditions deter- 
mined by law and prohibits depriving a person of the 
right to vote because he does not know how to read or 
write or does not own property. 

Present Status of Puerto Rico 

20. The people of Puerto Rico continue to be citizens 
of the United States as well as of Puerto Rico and the 
fundamental provisions of the Constitution of the United 
States continue to be applicable to Puerto Rico. Puerto 
Rico will continue to be represented in Washington by 
a Resident Commissioner whose functions are not altered 
by the establishment of the Commonwealth. Matters of 
foreign relations and national defence will continue to he 
conducted by the United States, as is the case with the 
States of the Union. 

21. At the request of the people of Puerto Rico and 
with the approval of the Government of the United States, 
Puerto Rico has voluntarily entered into the relationship 
with the United States which it has chosen to describe 
as a "commonwealth" relationship. The term "common- 

Apri! 20, 1953 

wealth" was adopted by Puerto Rico as the official English 
designation of the body politic created by the Constitu- 
tion (the official Spanish title is "estado libra asociado"), 
to define the status of that body as "a state which Is free 
of superior authority in the management of its own local 
affairs but which is linked to the United States of America 
and hence is a part of its political system in a manner 
compatible with its Federal structure", and which "does 
not have an independent and separate existence" (Reso- 
lution No. 22 of the Constitutional Convention). By the 
various actions taken by the Congress and the people of 
Puerto Rico, Congress has agreed that Puerto Rico shall 
have, under that Constitution, freedom from control or 
interference by the Congress in respect of internal gov- 
ernment and administration, subject only to compliance 
with applicable provisions of the Federal Constitution, 
the Puerto Rican Federal Relations Act and the acts of 
Congress authorizing and approving the Constitution, as 
may be interpreted by judicial decision. Those laws 
which directed or authorized interference with matters of 
local government by the Federal Government have been 

22. In Hawaii, Alaska. Guam and the "Virgin Islands of 
the United States the chief executive is appointed by the 
President with the advice and consent of the Senate, not 
popularly elected by the people ; the executive officer im- 
mediately subordinate to the Governor is appointed by 
the President, either alone or with the advice and consent 
of the Senate, but not by the Governor ; and judges of the 
highest courts exercising local jurisdiction are appointed 
by the President with the advice and consent of the Sen- 
ate, not by the Governor. This is so provided by their 
respective organic acts as enacted by the Congress. This 
is not the case with respegt to Puerto Rico. The people 
of Puerto Rico will participate effectively in their govern- 
ment through universal, secret and equal suffrage, in free 
and periodic elections in which differing political parties 
offer candidates, and which are assured freedom from 
undemocratic practices by the Constitution itself. These 
elections will be conducted in the future, as they have been 
in the past, without interference by the United States. 
The people of Puerto Rico have complete autonomy in 
internal economic matters and in cultural and social af- 
fairs under a Constitution adopted by them and approved 
by the Congress. 

23. Under the Puerto Rican Federal Relations Act, 
there will still be free trade with the United States, only 
United States coins and currency will be legal tender in 
Puerto Rico, and the statutory laws of the United States 
not locally inapplicable will, with some exceptions, have 
the same force and effect in Puerto Rico as in the United 
States. United States internal revenue laws do not apply 
in Puerto Rico, and the people of Puerto Rico will con- 
tinue to be exempt from Federal income taxes on the in- 
come they derive from sources within Puerto Rico. The 
proceeds of United States excise taxes collected on articles 
produced in Puerto Rico and shipped to the United States 
and the proceeds of customs collected on foreign mer- 
chandise entering Puerto Rico are covered into the Treas- 
ury of Puerto Rico for appropriation and expenditure as 
the legislature of the Commonwealth may decide. 

24. The final declaration of the Constitutional Conven- 
tion of Puerto Rico (Resolution No. 23), expresses the 
views of the people of Puerto Rico as to the status they 
have now achieved. 

"When this Constitution takes effect, the people of 
Puerto Rico shall thereupon be organized into a common- 
wealth established within the terms of the compact en- 
tered into by mutual consent, which is the basis of our 
union with the United States of America. 

"Thus we attain the goal of complete self-government, 
the last vestiges of colonialism having disappeared in the 
principle of Compact, and we enter into an era of new 
developments in democratic civilization." 



25. The United States Government, therefore, has de- 
cided that, with the entry into force on July 25, 1952, of 
the new constitutional arrangements establishing the 
Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, it is no longer appropriate 
for the United States to continue to transmit information 
to the United Nations on Puerto Rico under Article 73 (e) 
of the Charter. This conclu.sion constitutes a recognition 
of the full measure of self-government which has heen 
achieved by the people of Puerto Rico. 


Januaby 17, 1953 
The Peesident of the United States, 
Washington, D.C. 
My Deab Mr. President: 

On July 25, 1952, the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico was 
formally installed in response to the wish of an over- 
whelming majority of the people of Puerto Rico pursuant 
to a compact between them and the Government of the 
United States. Puerto Rico became a Commonwealth in 
free and voluntary association with the United States, and 
its people have now attained a full measure of self-gov- 
ernment. Accordingly, I respectfully suggest on behalf 
of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico that the Government 
of the United States take steps to notify the United 
Nations of the status of Puerto Rico, that it is no longer 
a non-self-governing area, and that reports concerning 
it are no longer appropriate under Article 73 (e) of the 

This development has climaxed fifty-four years of 
growth in mutual understanding and mutual good will. 
Democratic rights in Puerto Rico have been progressively 
recognized as self-government has increased. Since 1917, 
the people of Puerto Rico elected all members of their 
legislature which had comprehensive powers to enact laws 
for Puerto Rico. Since 1948, the people of Puerto Rico 
also elected their own governor, and all other officials of 
Puerto Rico were locally elected or appointed by elected 
officials except the Auditor of Puerto Rico and the Justices 
of the Supreme Court. Until the Commonwealth of Puerto 
Rico began to function, the latter officials were appointed 
by the President of the United States with the advice and 
consent of the United States Senate. The Congress of 
the United States, however, retained full jurisdiction to 
legislate with respect to Puerto Rico without the consent 
of its people, to override its laws, to change its form of 
government and to alter its relations to the United States. 

These reservations have been to a large extent formal. 
In the entire fifty-four years history of United States ad- 
ministration of Puerto Rico, Congress did not in any 
instance exercise Its power to annul or amend an Act 
of the Puerto Rico legislature, nor did it modify the rela- 
tions of Puerto Rico to the United States except progres- 
sively to extend self-government to its people in response 
to their wishes. Even before 1948, the appointed Governor 
of Puerto Rico was a Puerto Rican whose selection was 
recommended by the majority political party of the island. 
After 1948, the appointed Auditor and Justices of the 
Supreme Court were Puerto Ricans, also appointed with 
the recommendation and approval of the majority party. 

This political history has been accompanied by a 
mutually beneficial economic relationship. The people of 
Puerto Rico have received many services from the Gov- 
ernment of the United States and have benefited by 
grants-in-aid. Puerto Ricans have not been subject to 
the payment of taxes and have been entirely free of im- 
posts, duties or any form of exactions for the support of 
the federal Government. At all times since the turn of 
the century we have enjoyed free trade with the United 

States, and since 1917 we have had the benefit of common 
citizenship. Despite the fact that our population has 
grown from 953,000 inhabitants in 1900 to 2,219,000 in 
1950, our standard of living has substantially increased. 
For example, the averau'e per capita income in 1930 was 
$122.00 as compared with $319.00 in 1950. 

The people of Puerto Rico have been keenly aware of 
our basic economic problems due to the density of popu- 
lation and the poverty of natural resources. We are 
proud of the progress that we have made and are con- 
tinuing to make by the utilization of our own talents and 
our democratic institutions. This progress would have 
been impossible, however, if it had not been for the sym- 
pathetic cooperation of the United States, manifested in 
a wide variety of ways, material and political. We have 
been helijed in building sounder social and educational 
bases for the exercise of our political rights and for our 
own economic advancement. Our joint efforts in com- 
batting illiteracy and improving health conditions have 
produced remarkable results. In 1900 the literacy rate 
in Puerto Rico was 20 percent as compared to 78 percent 
in 1950 ; and in the same period the death rate has dropped 
from 25.3 per thousand to 10 per thousand. 

Although the relationship was one of freedom and 
justice in practice, the people of Puerto Rico were not 
satisfied to remain in a status which appeared to reflect 
the imposition upon a people of the will of another com- 
munity. We are proud of our culture and background, 
and we cherish our individual dignity and our common 
heritage. We profoundly believe that our government 
should be solidly based upon our own will and our own 
free choice. Accordingly, for some years, as our demo- 
cratic institutions developed and became firmly estab- 
lished, the people considered and debated the matter of 
their status. 

Specifically, the people of Puerto Rico discussed three 
choices : independence, statehood within the Federal 
Union, or association with the United States as a free 
Commonwealth. At no time did we consider that our 
choice was restricted, or that any alternative was fore- 
clo.«ed to us or could not be achieved by peaceful means ; 
and it should be said that at no time did the United States 
attempt, directly or indirectly, to interfere with our 
choice. On the contrary. President Truman said in a 
message to the Congress as long ago as October 1945 : 

"It is the settled iwlicy of this Government to promote 
the political, social, and economic development of people 
who have not yet attained full self-government and 
eventually to make it possible for them to determine their 
own form of government • * *. It is now time, in my 
opinion, to ascertain from the people of Puerto Rico their 
wishes as to the ultimate status which they prefer, and, 
within such limits as may be determined by the Congress, 
to grant to them the kind of government which they 

And in his message to the Congress in January 1946, he 

"This Government is committed to the democratic prin- 
ciple that it is for the dependent peoples themselves to 
decide what their status shall be." 

Each of the alternatives of independence, statehood, 
and association has been represented in Puerto Rico by 
a political party which favored it, and which actively 
campaigned for the support of the electorate and nomi- 
nated candidates for the legislature and the governorship. 
In the 1948 elections the three alternatives were fully 
presented to the electorate by the three main political 
parties. The preference of the people, expressed in an 
election which was as democratic as any in the world, was 
unmistakably expressed in favor of the third alternative: 
a free Commonwealth associated with the United States 
on the basis of mutual consent. Their choice is aptly 
summed up in the Spanish name of the new body politic, 
"Bstado Libre Asociado." 

It was at the request of the officials of the Puerto Rican 


Department of State Bulletin 

government acting pursuant to the mandate of the people 
that the Congress of the United States initiated the series 
of actions which resulted in the creation of the Common- 
wealth. On July 3, 1950, tJhe 81st Congress enacted Public 
Law 600. This was, in effect, an offer by the Congress 
to the people of Puerto Rico, which we might accept or 
reject, to enter into a compact defining the status of 
Puerto Rico and the relationships between the respective 
communities. The compact offered the people of Puerto 
Rico an opportunity to establish our own government and 
to remain in association with the United States on defined 
terms. It was the precise formula that the people, through 
their elected representatives, had requested. 

According to its terms. Public Law 600 was submitted 
to the qualified voters of Puerto Rico in a referendum 
held on June 4, 1951 after months of intensive debate. 
The Law was accepted by the people of Puerto Rico by 
a vote of 387,016 to 119,169. Sixty-five percent of the 
eligible voters participated in the referendum. In this 
as in all elections in Puerto Rico, all citizens of at least 
21 years of age, male or female, without property or 
literacy requirements, were entitled to vote. 

After acceptance of Law 600, a Constitutional Conven- 
tion was elected on August 27, 1951 in an election where 
all the qualified voters had the right to participate. The 
Convention met at San Juan on September 17, 1951 and 
proceeded to draft a Constitution. On February 6, 1952 
it approved the Constitution of the Commonwealth of 
Puerto Rico which it had drafted, by a vote of 88 to 3. 
On March 3, 1952 the qualified voters of Puerto Rico again 
went to the polls to express approval or disapproval of 
the Constitution drafted by the Convention. The Con- 
stitution was ratified in this referendum by a vote of 
373,594 in favor of approval and 82,877 against approval. 

Pursuant to the provisions of the Compact, the Congress 
of the United States on July 3, 1952, approved the Con- 
stitution of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico.' On July 
11, 1952, the Constitutional Convention of Puerto Rico 
by resolution accepted amendments proposed by the Con- 
gress and took the final step in ratifying the Constitution 
of the Commonwealth. The Commonwealth was duly 
installed on July 25, 1952, and the flag of Puerto Rico 
was raised beside the flag of the United States. 

The Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, therefore, repre- 
sents tlie government that the people of Puerto Rico have 
freely adopted. It reflects our own decision as to the 
type of institutions and the liind of relationship to the 
United States which we desire. There can be no doubt 
that in the full sense of the term, in form as well as in 
fact, the people of Puerto Rico are now self-governing. 
We have chosen our institutions and relationship with 
the United States. We have determined the nature and 
distribution of the powers of government. We have cre- 
ated our own Constitution under which we established 
our own government, the nature of which is described 
in Article I, Section 2 of the Constitution as follows : 

"The government of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico 
shall be republican in form and its legislative, judicial 
and executive branches as established by this Constitu- 
tion shall be equally subordinate to the sovereignty of 
the people of Puerto Rico." 

Under this Constitution, of course, all of our officials are 
either elected by the people or are appointed by officials 
whom we elect. The legislative power of the Common- 
wealth under the compact and the Constitution essen- 
tially parallels that of the state governments. The laws 
enacted by the Government of the Commonwealth pur- 
suant to the compact cannot be repealed or modified by 
external authority, and their effect and validity are sub- 
ject to adjudication by the courts. Our status and the 

' For President Truman's message to the Congress re- 
questing approval of the Constitution, see Bulletin of 
May 5, 1952, p. 721. For his statement on signing the 
joint resolution of approval, see ibid., July 21, 1952, p. 91. 

terms of our association with the United States cannot 
be changed without our full consent. 

The people of Puerto Rico are firm supporters of the 
United Nations, and this great organization may confi- 
dently rely upon us for a continuation of that good will. 
The Government of the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico 
will be ready at all times to cooperate with the United 
States in seeking to advance the purposes and principles 
of the United Nations. 
Sincerely yours, 

Luis Munoz Mabin 
Commonwealth of Puerto Rico 

U. S. Delegations 

to International Conferences 

U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America 

The Department of State announced on April 9 
(press release 179), that Merwin L. Bohan, U.S. 
representative on the Inter-American Economic 
and Social Council, had been designated acting 
U.S. representative for the fifth session of the 
U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America, 
which is to open on that date at the Hotel Quitan- 
dinha in Petropolis, Brazil. 

The acting U.S. representative will be assisted 
by the following advisers : 

Robert E. Asher, Office of Assistant Secretary for Eco- 
nomic Affairs, Department of State 

James C. Carliss, Office of Regional Inter-American Af- 
fairs, Department of State 

Edmund H. Kellogg, Office of U.N. Economic and Social 
Affairs, Department of State 

Fred Burton Smith, Office of the General Counsel, Depart- 
ment of the Treasury 

Mrs. Kathryn H. Wylie, agricultural economist, Latin 
American Division, Department of Agriculture 

George Wythe, OflSce of International Trade, Department 
of Commerce 

At its forthcoming session, the Commission will 
make an extensive survey of the current economic 
situation in Latin America. Among the subjects 
which will be considered in this connection are: 
trends in production and the rate of development ; 
inflationary tendencies ; trends in exports and im- 
ports; price movements of export commodities; 
payments problems — in particular, changes in the 
pattern of payments with reference to Europe; 
and problems of intra-regional trade. Of the 
several important background documents which 
will be used by the Commission in its consideration 
of these subjects, one relates to the possibility of 
effecting multilateral compensation agreements 
between Latin American and European countries 
through the facilities of the European Payments 
Union ; another is the Resolution of the U.N. Gen- 
eral Assembly on "Financing of Economic Devel- 
opment through the establishment of fair and 
equitable international prices for primary com- 
modities and through the execution of national 
programmes of integrated economic develop- 

April 20, J 953 


Inter-American Council of Jurists 

The Department of State announced on April 9 
(press release 181) that the United States would 
be represented by the following delegation at the 
Second Meeting of the Inter- American Council of 
Jurists, which is scheduled to convene at Buenos 
Aires on April 20, 1953 : 

U.S. representative 

William Sanders, Special Assistant and Planning Adviser, 
Bureau of United Nations Affairs 

Alternate U.S. representative 

George H. Owen, U.S. Member, Inter-American Juridical 
Committee, American Embassy, Rio de Janeiro 


Edward A. Jamison, Deputy Director, Office of Regional 
American Affairs, Department of State 

Marjorie M. Whiteman, Assistant Legal Adviser for 
Inter-American Affairs, Department of State 

The agenda for the forthcoming meeting, as 
approved by the Council of the Oas on January 
26, 1053, contains 13 topics for consideration by 
the Inter-American Council of Jurists. Those 
topics relate to politico-juridical matters, codifica- 
tion and uniformity of legislation matters, and 
organizational matters. 

ators of prize-winning films of previous festivals, 
except that no persons who have participated in 
tiie production or presentation of a film entered 
this year may be a jury member. 

The U.S. Government will show the film "And 
Now, Miguel," produced for the Overseas Infor- 
mation Service of the Department of State. The 
Mutual Security Agency will be I'epresented by 
several films attributed to the countries of origin. 
The American motion picture industry is tenta- 
tively planning to show "Lili" (Metro-Goldwyn- 
Maver ) , "Call Me Madam"' (Twentieth Century- 
Fox), Walt Disney's "Peter Pan" (Rko), "I Con- 
fess" (Warner Brothers), "Come Back, Little 
Sheba" (Paramount), and two short films, "La 
Gloire de Renoir" ("The Art of Renoir") (Twen- 
tieth Centurv-Fox) and Walt Disney's "Sea 
Birds" (RkoJ. 


Nonrenewal of VOA Contracts international Film Festival 

The Department of State announced on April 9 
(press release 182) that the U.S. would be repre- 
sented at the Sixth International Film Festival, 
to be held at Cannes, France, April 15-29, 1953, 
by the following delegation : 


Robert A. Kissacli, Jr., Visual Aids Specialist, Office of 
the Chief of Army Field Forces, Department of the 
Army, Fort Monroe, Va. 

Alternate Delegate 

Stephen J. Campbell, Attach^, American Embassy, Paris 


Joseph D. Ravotto, Films Officer, American Embassy, 

Patricia Sussman, Film Distribution Chief, Office of the 

Special Representative in Europe, Mutual Security 

Agency, Paris 

The purpose of this series of international film 
festivals is to promote cooperation among the 
producers and clirectors of motion pictures in all 
countries and to stimulate the development of the 
art of cinematography and the progress of the 
film industry in the world. Among the awards 
which will be made during the 1953 festival are 
grand prizes for the best long film and the best 
short film, special prizes for the best national se- 
lection in each category, and eight other prizes, 
the character of which will be determined by the 
juries. The juries will be selected from among 
the best qualified persons in France and the cre- 

Press release 169 dated April 1 

Notices of the nonrenewal of contracts for the 
Voice of America's use of facilities at five radio 
transmitting plants, effective June 30, were sent 
out by Robert L. Johnson, Administrator of the 
International Information Administration, on 
March 31. 

The decision to discontinue the use of facilities 
of two private companies in California, two in 
Massachusetts, and one in Ohio was made as a 
necessary economy move to comply with the Bu- 
reau of the Budget's directive of February 3 and 
will effect an annual savings in excess of half a 
million dollars, Mr. Johnson said. The Adminis- 
trator explained that the Voice of America's re- 
duction of more than 15 percent in radio program 
hours within the current fiscal year has left an 
excess of transmitting capacity. 

As a result of a series of studies made by experts 
in and outside the Government, Mr. Johnson said, 
"I believe it is mandatory upon me to take 
promptly whatever steps are necessary to prevent 
the Government from being obligated for facilities 
or services which I believe will not be needed." 

The companies receiving notices to terminate 
their contracts are Associated Broadcasters of San 
Francisco, Calif.; Crosley at Mason, Ohio; Gen- 
eral Electric at Behuont, Calif. ; Westinghouse at 
Hull, Mass.; and World Wide Broadcasting Cor- 
poration at Scituate, Mass. In his letter to the 
firms affected, Mr. Johnson said, "This action is 
taken with genuine regret particularly because 
you and your Company have rendered in many 
ways services of great value to the United States." 


Department of State Bulletin 

The Making of Treaties and Executive Agreements 

Statevient by Secretary Dulles ^ 

Press release 174 of April 6 

S.J. Res. 1 and S.J. Res. 43 involve proposals 
of the utmost importance. They would basically 
change the Constitution of the United States rel- 
ative to the making of treaties and executive agree- 

Each of the resolutions would deprive the 
nation of treaty-making power in large areas. 
They would deny to all treaties the force of law, 
making their enforcement depend on subsequent 
action of the Congress and, in the case of S.J. 
Res. 43, also of the 48 States. They would subject 
the current, day-by-day conduct of foreign affairs 
to impediments which might be stifling. 

Obviously, these far-reaching proposals should 
not be enacted without careful study and nation- 
wide awareness of their implications. 

The Historical Background 

Our present constitutional system was framed 
in the light of the external dangers which had 
resulted from the feeble power of the Confedera- 
tion to deal with foreign affairs. 

Perhaps the most urgent reason for calling of 
the Convention which framed our Constitution 
■was the fact that treaties made under the Articles 
of Confederation were not enfoi'ceable because 
they operated upon the States and not upon in- 
dividuals. There was no federal judiciary with 
authority to enforce treaties as part of the in- 
ternal law. 

Out of this grew the treaty provisions of our 
Constitution. The debates of the Convention and 
of the Federalist papers show the extreme care 
that was taken in their formulation. They reveal 
too that some of tlie pi'oposals contained in the 
resolutions now being considered were advanced 
and rejected. For instance, Gouverneur Morris 
made a motion that no treaty should be binding 

' Made on Apr. 6 before the Senate Committee on the 
Judiciary in regard to S..J. Res. 1, "proposing an amend- 
ment to the Constitution of the United States relative to 
the making of treaties and executive agreements," and 
S..I. Res. 43, "Proposing an amendment to the Constitution 
of the United States, relating to the legal effect of certain 

"which is not ratified as a law." This was voted 
down 8 to 1 (2 Farrand 392) . 

The treaty-making power, as it was written into 
our Constitution, is, to be sure, a large power. 
Treaties made by the President and concurred in 
by a two-thirds vote of the Senate become "law 
of the land." No limitation upon the treaty- 
making powers are explicitly defined in the Con- 
stitution or decisions of the Supreme Court. But 
the treaty-making power is not an unlimited 
power. All of the Supreme Court cases which 
deal with the subject are uniform to that effect. 

Furthermore, while the Constitution provides 
that treaties made under the authority of the 
United States shall be the supreme law of the 
land, they only rank on an equality with congres- 
sional enactments. 

The effect of any treaty as internal law can be 
overcome by a simple act of Congress. 

That is a Constitutional fact which must be, 
and is, accepted by all other nations which make 
treaties with us. 

The present system has worked well for 160 
years. The Supreme Court has never had occa- 
sion to hold a treaty to be unconstitutional. On 
the other hand, no treaty has ever yet been made 
which can be cited as an example of the abuse of 
the treaty-making power. These two circum- 
stances are persuasive evidence of the care with 
which treaty power has been exercised during the 
entire existence of our Republic. 

Origin of Proponents' Fears 

During recent years there developed a tendency 
to consider treaty making as a way to effectuate 
reforms, particularly in relation to social matters, 
and to impose upon our Republic conceptions re- 
garding human rights which many felt were alien 
to our traditional concepts. This tendency caused 
widespread concern, a concern which is reflected in 
the proposed resolutions before you, resolutions 
whicli first took form in a prior Congress. 

I believe that that concern was then a legiti- 
mate one. Those who shared it were alert citizens. 
I believe they have performed a patriotic service 
in bringing their fears to the attention of the 

April 20, J 953 


American public. But I point out that the arous- 
ing of that concern was a correction of the evil. 

There has been a reversal of the trend toward 
trying to use the treaty-making power to effect 
internal social changes. This administration is 
committed to the exercise of the treaty-making 
power only within traditional limits. By "tradi- 
tional" I do not mean that to imply that the bound- 
ary between domestic and international concerns 
is rigid and fixed for all time. I do mean that 
treaties are contracts with foreign governments 
designed to promote the interests of our nation 
by securing action by others in a way deemed 
advantageous to us. I do not believe that treaties 
should, or lawfully can, be used as a device to 
circumvent the constitutional procedures estab- 
lished in relation to what are essentially matters 
of domestic concern. 

The Present Trend 

To illustrate my point about the change of trend, 
I am authorized to say : 

1. The present administration intends to en- 
courage the promotion everywhere of human 
rights and individual freedoms, but to favor 
methods of persuasion, education, and example 
rather than formal undertakings which commit 
one part of the world to impose its particular 
social and moral standards upon another part of 
the world community, which has different stand- 
ards. That is the point of view I expressed in 
1951 in relation to the Japanese peace treaty. 
Therefore, while we shall not withhold our counsel 
from those who seek to draft a treaty or covenant 
on human rights, we do not ourselves look upon 
a treaty as the means which we would now select 
as the proper and most effective way to spread 
throughout the world the goals of human liberty 
to which this nation has been dedicated since its 
inception. We therefore do not intend to become 
a party to any such covenant or present it as a 
treaty for consideration by the Senate. 

2. This administration does not intend to sign 
the Convention on Political Rights of Women. 
This is not because we do not believe in the equal 
political status of men and women or because we 
shall not seek to promote that equality. Rather 
it is because we do not believe that this goal can 
be achieved by treaty coercion or that it con- 
stitutes a proper field for exercise of the treaty- 
making power. We do not now see any clear or 
necessary relation between the interest and welfare 
of the United States and the eligibility of women 
to political office in other nations. 

These same principles will guide our action in 
other fields which have been suggested by some 
as fields for multilateral treaties. 

3. The Constitution provides that the President 
shall have power to make treaties by and with 
the advice and consent of the Senate. This ad- 

ministration recognizes the significance of the 
word "advice." It will be our effort to see that 
the Senate gets its opportunity to "advise and 
.consent" in time so that it does not have to 
choose between adopting treaties it does not like 
or embarrassing our international position by re- 
jecting what has already been negotiated out with 
foreign governments. 

Prevention of Abuses of Power 

Recent developments illustrate the ways by 
which abuses of the treaty-making power can be 
avoided. In one way or another, abuses have 
been avoided throughout the life of our Republic. 
The question thus is whether, in the face of 160 
years of nonabuse of the treaty-making power, it 
is desirable to amend our Constitution as now pro- 

I have been sympathetic to the point of view 
reflected in S.J. Resolution 1, and I have so ex- 
pressed myself. I have, however, now come to 
the conclusion that this whole matter requires fur- 
ther study, because analysis of the pending reso- 
lutions shows that they may seriously weaken our 
Government in the field of foreign relations in 
ways which, I know, the proponents of the resolu- 
tions do not intend or desire. The two different 
proposals before you, and independent drafting 
efforts of my own, convince me that it is difficult, 
if not impossible, to amend the Constitution so as 
to exclude possible abuses, without incurring risks 
that are far greater than the risk that the present 
powers will be abused. 

Present Importance of Treaty Power 

At this time, perhaps more than ever before in 
history, the United States should be able to make 
effective contracts with other nations. 

We need national power to achieve free-world 
unity of purpose and performance. 

Today about 50 free countries, representing ap- 
proximately two-thirds of the peoples and natural 
resources of the world, face a grave threat. That 
threat comes from a single totalitarian dictator- 
ship which rules one-third of the peoples and 
natural resources of the world. This single des- 
potic power has enormous advantages unless the 
free nations can work together. This cooperation 
of the free cannot be achieved by imposed unity. 
It must be achieved largely through treaties and 
executive agreements which will coordinate the 
military and economic strength of the free world, 
and promote friendly cooperation and under- 
standing. The ability of the United States to use 
treaties and agreements to effect this result can 
become a matter of national survival. 

We need national power to make treaties with 
our potential enemies, in order to mitigate our 
dangers and to ease our burdens through measures 
which would effectively control armaments. Such 


Department of Slate Bulletin 

treaties do not now seem likely but their possi- 
bility should not be excluded. 

If we should be attacked, and, unhappily, there 
should be war, the President as Commander-in- 
Chief would need the power through executive 
agreements to achieve unity of purpose and of 
action with our allies. And when victory was 
won, we would need national power to make 
treaties of peace which would heal the wounds of 

It is against this background that the pending 
resolutions must be judged. 

Discussion of Resolution 

I could discourse about the resolutions at length. 
It may, however, be enough, if, at this time, I il- 
lustrate, principally in terms of S.J. Res. 1, why 
in my opinion the pending resolutions, despite the 
good intentions which prompt them, actually 
could be dangerous to our peace and security. 

Secticn 1 of S.J. Kes. 1 provides that no treaty 
shall abridge any right enumerated in the Con- 
stitution. The Constitution specifies the power 
of Congress to declare war. Does Section 1 of 
the proposed Constitutional amendment mean that 
the United States can never make a treaty which 
would outlaw war? Can we never agree, with 
other nations, to abridge the present unqualified 
right of Congress in relation to war ? Surely this 
is no time for the United States to make itself 
unable to enter into treaties which would effec- 
tively ban the terrible spectre of a war. 

Section 2 of the proposed resolution says that no 
international organization may supervise or con- 
trol the rights of citizens of the United States 
within the United States if those rights are 
enumerated in the Constitution or are "essentially 
within the domestic jurisdiction of the United 
States." This could mean that the United States 
could not make effective treaty arrangements for 
the international control of atomic energy and 
mass destruction weapons. The United States 
has always insisted in negotiations and debates 
with the Soviet Union that no limitation or con- 
trol of armaments would be acceptable unless en- 
forced by strict international supervision. This 
was the so-called Baruch plan. The Soviet Union 
has so far refused to accede to such international 
control. But surely this is no time for the United 
States to make itself unable to participate in the 
effective international control of armaments. 

And how about international supervision of 
aviation, radio, narcotics, and quarantine require- 
ments? Mere assertion that these are interna- 
tional and not domestic matters will not settle the 
question. We can but speculate as to what de- 
cisions the Supreme Court may reach as to the 
meaning and application of the proposed amend- 
ment to our Constitution. 

Section 3 of the proposed resolution says that 
no treaty shall become "law of the land" except 

April 20, 7953 

through legislation by the Congress. This would 
make it much more difficult to consummate effec- 
tive treaties. Our nation's ability to deal with 
other nations would be gravely impaired. For all 
treaties which operate within the United States 
would, in the first instance, have to be consented 
to by the Senate by the traditional two-thirds 
majority and then also, at a later date, be put into 
force by laws requiring the concurrence not only 
of the Senate but also of the House. 

In the past it has often been charged that our 
present Constitutional treaty-making process is 
too difficult, being subject to block by % ph;s 1 of 
the Senators present. This has been criticized as 
"government by minority." It has also been sug- 
gested that the % Senate requirement be aban- 
doned in favor of a majority of both the Houses. 
But now it is suggested that a % vote of the Sen- 
ate is not enough — that there must also be a 
majority vote of the House of Representatives 
if a treaty is to be effective within our country. 

In many countries, the Senate or Upper House 
has become relegated to an unimportant role. In 
this country, the Senate has proudly exercised a 
unique role of participating with the President in 
the making of treaties. It would occasion sur- 
prise and misgivings in many quarters if the Sen- 
ate should now feel so unsure of itself that it 
sought to subject its % approval to veto by a 
majority of the House. 

Section 4- of the proposed resolution deals with 
executive agreements. It provides that the Presi- 
dent cannot make any agreement of any sort with 
any foreign government or official except as the 
Congress may prescribe. This section would 
gravely embaiTass the President in dealing cur- 
rently with foreign affairs. Today he is one of 
the coordinate branches of government with 
exclusive jurisdiction in relation to the current 
conduct of foreign affairs. The proposed amend- 
ment would drastically alter the President's posi- 
tion in that respect and change the present 
Constitutional concept of balance of power. 

Executive agreements of major importance are 
now customarily made pursuant to congressional 
or treaty authorization, or depend on congres- 
sional action for their implementation. 

But every day the President, directly or through 
his agents, makes minor agreements of some kind 
or description with other governments or officials. 
There are masses of agreements made and changed 
almost daily with relation to the development of 
foreign bases and disposition of our troops abroad. 
There are many agreements with other govern- 
ments to impose restrictions upon trade with areas 
unfriendly to us. There are daily agreements re- 
garding a host of matters. This proposed reso- 
lution would subject this entire process to 
congressional prescription. 

I know full well that the proponents of this 
resolution are not activated by a purpose to em- 
barrass the President in such matters. But that 


S.J. Res. 1 


Proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the 
United States relative to the making of treaties 
and executive agreements. 
Resoh-cd by the Senate and House of Represent- 
atives of the United States of America in Congress 
assembled {two-thirds of each House concurrino 
therein). That the following article is proposed as 
an amendment to the Constitution of the United 
States, which shall be valid to all intents and pur- 
poses as part of the Constitution when ratified by 
the legislaturea of three-fourths of the several 

"Abticle — 

"Section 1. A provision of a treaty which denies 
or abridges any right enumerated in this Constitu- 
tion shall not be of any force or effect. 

"Sec. 2. No treaty shall authorize or permit any 
foreign power or any international organization to 
supervise, control, or adjudicate rights of citizens 
of the United States within the United States enu- 
merated in this Constitution or any other matter 
essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of the 
United States. 

"Sec. 3. A treaty shall become effective as in- 
ternal law in the United States only through the en- 
actment of appropriate legislation by the Congress. 

"Sec. 4. All executive or other agreements be- 
tween the President and any international organi- 
zation, foreign power, or official thereof shall be 
made only in the manner and to the extent to be 
prescribed by law. Such agreements shall be sub- 
ject to the limitations imposed on treaties, or the 
making of treaties, by this article. 

"Sec. 5. The Congress shall have power to en- 
force this article by appropriate legislation. 

"Sec. 6. This article shall be inoperative unless 
It shall have been ratified as an amendment to the 
Constitution by the legislatures of three-fourths of 
the several States within seven years from the date 
of Its submission." 

is what the amendment would do. It would so 
detract from the authority of the office of the 
President of the United States that his capacity to 
deal currently with international affairs would 
be gravely impaired. 

Executive Agreements 

It has long been recognized that there is an 
undefined, and probably undefinable, borderline 
between executive agreements which may be made 
by the President alone and those that require 
validation by the Senate as treaties, or the Con- 
gress as laws. This has occasionally caused con- 
troversy between the executive and legislative 
branches of government. 

There is a similar undefined, and probably un- 
definable, borderline between international agree- 
ments which require two-thirds Senate concur- 
rence, but no House concurrence, as in the case of 
treaties and agreements which should have the 
majority concurrence of both Chambers of Con- 
gress. This has occasionally caused controversy 
between the Senate and the House. 

The danger to the nation, however, from agree- 
ments not submitted to the Senate as treaties, or 
to the Congress for legislative validation, cannot 
be great because, without either Senate or con- 
gressional action, these agreements cannot consti- 
tutionally become "law of the land." 

This is an area to be dealt with by friendly 
cooperation between the three Departments of 
Government wliich are involved, rather than by 
attempts at constitutional definition, which are 
futile, or by the absorption by one branch of gov- 
ernment of responsibilities which are presently 
and properly shared. 

In order to promote that friendly cooperation, 
I am authorized by the President to advise this 
Committee, the Senate Foreign Relations Com- 
mittee, and the House Foreign Affairs Committee 
as follows : 

It has long been recognized that difficulties exist 
in the determination as to which international 
agreements should be submitted to the Senate as 
treaties, which ones should be submitted to both 
Houses of the Congress, and which ones do not re- 
quire any congressional approval. 

Differences of opinion resulting from these diffi- 
culties have given rise in the past to disputes be- 
tween the executive branch and the Congress 
concerning the handling of international agree- 
ments. It must be recognized that it would be 
extremely difficult if not impossible to fit all 
agreements into set categories. At times there 

S.J. Res. 43 


Proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the 
United States, relating to the legal effect of cer- 
tain treaties. 
Resoli-ed 6;/ the Senate and House of Represent- 
atives of the United States of America in Congress 
assembled (two-thirds of each House concurring 
therein). That the following article is proposed as 
an amendment to the Constitution of the United 
States, which shall be valid to all intents and pur- 
poses as part of the Constitution when ratified by 
the legislatures of tliree-fourths of the several 

"Abticle — 

"Section 1. A provision of a treaty which conflicts 
with any provision of this Constitution shall not be 
of any force or effect. A treaty shall become ef- 
fective as internal law in the United States only 
through legislation which would be valid in the 
absence of treaty. Executive agreements shall be 
subject to regulation by the Congress and to the 
limitations imposed on treaties by this article. 

"Sec. 2. The Congress shall have power to en- 
force this article by appropriate legislation. 

"Sec. 3. This article shall be inoperative unless 
it shall have been ratified as an amendment to the 
Constitution by the legislatures of three-fourths of 
the several States within seven years from the date 
of its submission." 


Department of Slate Bulletin 

may be disagreement as to the manner in which 
agreements are to be dealt with. While recog- 
nizing this, the Executive cannot surrender the 
freedom of action which is necessary for its op- 
erations in the foreign affairs field. In the in- 
terest of orderly procedure, however, I feel that 
the Congress is entitled to know the considerations 
that enter into the determinations as to which 
procedures are sought to be followed. To that 
end, when there is any serious question of this 
nature and the circumstances permit, the execu- 
tive branch will consult with appropriate con- 
gressional leaders and committees m determining 
the most suitable way of handling international 
agreements as they arise. 

5.J. Res. 43 

S.J. Res. 43, which follows the language pro- 
posed by a Committee of the American Bar Asso- 
ciation, contains a further provision. This 
would require that no treaty shall be effective in 
any field in which Congress in the absence of a 
treaty cannot legislate. This would create a no- 
man's land in foreign affairs. It would require 
the concurrence of all 48 States to make effective 
such common treaties as treaties of friendship, 
commerce and navigation; extradition; reciprocal 
inheritance taxation; migratory birds; collection 
of foreign debts; and status of foreign troops. 
In this field of foreign affairs our country would 
not speak with one voice but with 49. The pri- 
mary objective of the f ramers of our Constitution 
in this respect would be defeated. 

A Balancing of Risks 

I feel sure that the proponents of the resolu- 
tions do not intend to do other than to eliminate 
the risk of abuses. Their motives are, I know, of 
the highest. The trouble is that, when it comes 
to putting their desire into legal form, the result 
is greatly reduced capacity for national action 
in an area where it is of the utmost importance 
that our nation should have power. 

Of course, there can never be power without 
risk of its abuse. But our present Constitutional 
processes have worked successfully for 160 years. 
Never during this period has any actual treaty 
produced the results which the proponents of the 
resolution fear. Whenever there has seemed to 
be danger of that, the people of the United States, 
the Judiciary of the United States, the Senate of 
the United States, and the Executive Branch of 
the United States have, in their respective spheres, 
moved to repel that danger. What has happened 
in recent months, including the exertions of the 
proponents of the resolution, demonstrates that 
the resolution is unnecessary. The trend they 
feared has been checked. 

In this connection, a special tribute is due to 
Senator Bricker. His exertions to alert our na- 

tion to possible danger will long be remembered. 
It can, however, be judged that the proponents 
of these resolutions have themselves sliown that 
amendment of the Constitution is unnecessary. 

The test of any Constitution is not the way it 
reads but the way it works. George Washington 
in his Farewell Address pointed out that "ex- 
perience is the surest standard by which to test 
the real tendency of the existing constitution of a 
counti-y." He went on to warn against "changes, 
upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion." 
That, he said, "exposes to perpetual change from 
the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion." 

Our Constitution, as it is, has served us well 
in the field of foreign relations. There is no 
actual experience to clemonstrate the need of the 
far-reaching changes here proposed. The fears 
are hypothetical. Therefore, I suggest that this 
constitutional area is one which deserves to be 
kept under constant observation and study, but 
that there is no present need for constitutional 

The Department of State has prepared a more 
detailed memorandum dealing with the legal 
questions raised by these resolutions. I submit 
this for the information of the Committee and 
ask that it be included, with its annexes, in the 
record of this hearing.- 

' Copies of this material may be obtained by writing 
to the Division of Publications, Department of State. 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: Apr. 6-11, 1953 

Releases may be obtained from the Office of the 
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department 
of State, Washington 25, D.C. 

Press releases issued prior to Apr. 6 which appear 
in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 144 of Mar. 
18, 156 of Mar. 24, 161 of Mar. 30, 169 of Apr. 1, 
and 171 of Apr. 2. 


Dulles : Treaty-making powers 
Restrictive business practices 
Arrival of Chancellor Adenauer 
Smith : N.\to treaty 
Draper to Wiley : Status of Nato 
U.N. Commission for Latin America 
Biographic sketch of Ambassador Taft 
Inter-American council of jurists 
6th international film festival 
Communique on U.S.-German talks 
Transfer of German-owned vessels 
Dulles-Adenauer exchange of notes 
Dulles-Adenauer : CMltural relations 
Linder : Agricultural imports 
Iraq : Pt. 4 land assistance 
Adult-education .seminar 
Linder : Additional testimony 
Libby Dam and Reservoir 

*Not printed. 

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin. 







































April 20, 1953 


April 20, 1953 



Vol. XXVIII No. 721 

American Principles 

Arrival of Chancellor Adenauer 568 

The Pan American Union : A true community of 

free nations (Elsenhower) 563 

U.S. and Germany discuss economic, political, 

and cultural relations 565 

American Republics 

Inter-American Council of Jurists 590 

Observance of Pan American Day 564 

The Pan American Union : A true community of 

free nations (Elsenhower) 563 

U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America . 589 



Special representative for Korean economic 

affairs 576 

Talks on repatriation of sick and wounded 

prisoners (text of agreement) .... 570 


The making of treaties and executive agree- 
ments ( Dulles ), texts of resolutions . . . 591 



Arrival of Chancellor Adenauer 568 

U.S. and Germany discuss economic, political, 

and cultural relations 565 

Validation of German dollar bonds .... 569 
POLAND: Polish Embassy asked to cease dis- 
tributing anti-U.S. book 578 

U.S.S.R.: Soviet attack on U.S. plane In North 

Pacific Ocean (texts of notes) 577 


Validation of German dollar bonds 569 

Human Rights 

Importance of U.N. human rights goals (Elsen- 
hower) 580 

U.S. policy on human rights (Dulles) .... 579 

International Information 

Nonrenewal of VOA contracts 590 

International Meetings 


Inter-American Council of Jurists .... 590 

Sixth International Film Festival 590 

U.N. Economic Commission for Latin 
America 589 

Presidential Documents 

Importance of U.N. human rights goals . . . 580 
PROCLAMATIONS: Observance of Pan Ameri- 
can day 564 

Prisoners of War 

Talks on repatriation of sick and wounded pris- 
oners (text of agreement) 570 

Protection of U.S. Nationals and Property 
Soviet attack on U.S. plane in North Pacific 

Ocean 577 


Polish Embassy asked to cease distributing antl- 

U.S. book 578 

Recent releases 578 

Puerto Rico 

Puerto Rico's new self-governing status 

(Lodge) 584 

State, Department of 

Nonrenewal of Voa contracts 590 

The making of treaties and executive agree- 
ments (Dulles), texts of resolutions . . . 591 

Treaty Information 

Validation of German dollar bonds 569 

United Nations 

Importance of U.N. human rights goals (Elsen- 
hower) 580 

Puerto Rico's new self-governing status 

(Lodge) 584 

Revised disarmament resolution adopted 

(Lodge) 582 

Talks on repatriation of sick and wounded pris- 
oners (text of agreement) 570 

U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America . 589 

U.S. policy on human rights (Dulles) .... 579 

Name Index 

Adenauer, Chancellor 565. 568 

Bohan. Merwln L 589 

Chou En-lal 570 

Clark, Gen. Mark 570 

Dulles, Secretary 565. 568, 591 

Elsenhower, President 563, 564, 576, 580 

Elsenhower, Milton 563 

Harrison, Gen. Wm. K 675 

Johnson, Robert L 590 

Kim II Sung 570 

Kissack, Robert A., Jr 590 

Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 570, 582, 584 

Lord. Mrs. Oswald 579 

Munoz Marin. Luis 589 

Nixon, Vice President 568 

Peng Teh-huai 570 

Sanders. William 590 

Tasca, Henry J 576 


/ oo ^'^ 

j/v€/ uleha/yi^meni/ a)^ cnate^ 

KXVIII, No. 722 
Ipril 27, 1953 

THE CHANCE FOR PEACE • Address by the President . 599 

THE FIRST 90 DAYS • Address by Secretary Dulles 






HISTORY • Statements by Ernest A. Gross 612 

For index see back cover 

Boston Public T-virary 
Superintendent of Documents 

MAY 2 1953 


z/Jeficc/y&yieTtt ^^ t/iate yj W i JL \J L J. JL 1 

Vol. XXVIII, No. 722 • Publication 5041 
April 27, 1953 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Oovcmment Printing Office 

Washington 25, D.C. 


62 Issues, domestic $7.50, foreign $10.26 

Single copy, 20 cents 

The printing of this publication has 
been approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 1952). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
oy State Bulletin as the source will be 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication compiled and 
edited in the Division of Publications, 
Office of Public Affairs, provides the 
public and interested agencies of 
the Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the trork of the De- 
partment of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes 
selected press releases on foreign pol- 
icy issued by the White House and 
the Department, and statements and 
addresses made by the President and 
by the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, as 
well as legislative material in the field 
of international relations, are listed 

The Chance for Peace 

Address by the President "^ 

White House press release dated April 16 

In this spring of 1953 the free world weighs one 
question above all others: the chance for a just 
peace for all peoples. 

To weigh this chance is to summon instantly 
to mind another recent moment of great decision. 
It came with that yet more hopeful spring of 1945, 
bright with the promise of victory and of freedom. 
The hope of all just men in that moment too was 
a just and lasting peace. 

The 8 years that have passed have seen that 
hope waver, grow dim, and almost die. And the 
shadow of fear again has darkly lengthened across 
the world. 

Today the hope of free men remains stubborn 
and brave, but it is sternly disciplined by ex- 
perience. It shuns not only all crude counsel of 
despair but also the self-deceit of easy illusion. 
It weighs the chance for peace with sure, clear 
knowledge of what happened to the vain hope 
of 1945. 

In that spring of victory the soldiers of the 
Western Allies met the soldiers of Russia in the 
center of Europe. They were triumphant com- 
rades in arms. Their peoples shared the joyous 
prospect of building, in honor of their dead, the 
only fitting monument — an age of just peace. All 
these war-weary peoples shared too this concrete, 
decent purpose: to guard vigilantly against the 
domination ever again of any part of the world 
by a single, unbridled aggressive power. 

This common purpose lasted an instant and 

' Made before the American Society of Newspaper Edi- 
tors and broadcast to the Nation over radio and television 
networks on Apr. 16. Also printed as Department of State 
publication 5042. 

perished. The nations of the world divided to 
follow two distinct roads. 

The United States and our valued friends, the 
other free nations, chose one road. 

The leaders of the Soviet Union chose another. 

The Road Followed by the United States 

The way chosen by the United States was plainly 
marked by a few clear precepts, which govern 
its conduct in world affairs. 

First: No people on earth can be held, as a 
people, to be an enemy, for all humanity shares 
the common hunger for peace and fellowship and 

Second : No nation's security and well-being can 
be lastingly achieved in isolation but only in ef- 
fective cooperation with fellow nations. 

Third : Any nation's right to a form of govern- 
ment and an economic system of its own choosing 
is inalienable. 

Fourth : Any nation's attempt to dictate to other 
nations their form of government is indefensible. 

And fifth: A nation's hope of lasting peace 
cannot be firmly based upon any race in arma- 
ments but rather upon just relations and honest 
understanding with all other nations. 

In the light of these principles the citizens of 
the United States defined the way they proposed 
to follow, through the aftermath of war, toward 
true peace. 

This way was faithful to the spirit that in- 
spired the United Nations : to prohibit strife, to 
relieve tensions, to banish fears. This way was 
to control and to reduce armaments. This way 
was to allow all nations to devote their energies 
and resources to the great and good tasks of heal- 

April 27, 1953 


ing the war's wounds, of clothing and feeding 
and housing the needy, of perfecting a just politi- 
cal life, of enjoying the fruits of their own free 

The Road Followed by the Soviet Union 

The Soviet government held a vastly different 
vision of the future. 

In the world of its design, security was to be 
found, not in mutual trust and mutual aid but in 
force: huge armies, subversion, rule of neighbor 
nations. The goal was povcer superiority at all 
cost. Security was to be sought by denying it 
to all others. 

The result has been tragic for the world and, for 
the Soviet Union, it has also been ironic. 

The amassing of Soviet power alerted free na- 
tions to a new danger of aggression. It com- 
pelled them in self-defense to spend unprecedented 
money and energy for armaments. It forced 
them to develop weapons of war now capable of 
inflicting instant and terrible punishment upon 
any aggressor. 

It instilled in the free nations — and let none 
doubt this — the unshakable conviction that, as 
long as there persists a threat to freedom, they 
must, at any cost, remain armed, strong, and ready 
for any risk of war. 

It inspired them — and let none doubt this — to 
attain a unity of purpose and will beyond the 
power of propaganda or pressure to break, now 
or ever. 

There remained, however, one thing essentially 
unchanged and unaffected by Soviet conduct: the 
readiness of the free nations to welcome sincerely 
any genuine evidence of peaceful purpose enabling 
all peoples again to resume their common quest 
of just peace. 

The free nations, most solemnly and repeatedly, 
have assured the Soviet Union that their firm as- 
sociation has never had any aggressive purpose 
whatsoever. Soviet leaders, however, have 
seemed to persuade themselves, or tried to per- 
suade their people, otherwise. 

And so it has come to jmss that the Soviet Union 
itself has shared and suffered the very fears it has 
fostered in the rest of the world. 

This has been the way of life forged by 8 years 
of fear and force. 

What can the world, or any nation in it, hope 
for if no turning is found on this dread road? 

A Life of Fear 

The worst to be feared and the best to be ex- J 
pected can be simply stated. ' 

The icorst is atomic war. 

The best would be this : a life of perpetual fear 
and tension ; a burden of anns draining the wealth 
and the labor of all peoples ; a wasting of strength 
that defies the American system or the Soviet 
system or any system to achieve true abundance 
and happiness for the peoples of this earth. 

Every gun that is made, every warship launched, 
every rocket fired signifies, in the final sense, a 
theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those 
who are cold and are not clothed. 

The Costs of a World in Arms 

This world in arms is not spending money alone. 

It is spending the sweat of its laborers, the 
genius of its scientists, the hopes of its children. 

The cost of one modern heavy bomber is this: 
a modern brick school in more than 30 cities. 

It is two electric power plants, each serving a 
town of 60,000 population. 

It is two fine, fully equipped hospitals. 

It is some 50 miles of concrete highway. 

We pay for a single fighter plane with a half 
million bushels of wheat. 

We pay for a single destroyer with new homes 
that could have housed more than 8,000 people. 

This, I repeat, is the best way of life to be found 
on the road the world has been taking. 

This is not a way of life at all, in any true sense. 
Under the cloud of threatening war, it is humanity 
hanging from a cross of iron. 

These plain and cruel truths define the peril 
and point the hope that come with this spring of 

This is one of those times in the affairs of 
nations when the gravest choices must be made, if 
there is to be a turning toward a just and lasting 

It is a moment that calls upon the govermnents 
of the world to speak their intentions with sim- 
plicity and with honesty. 

It calls upon them to answer the question that 
stirs the hearts of all sane men : is there no other 
way the world may live? 

Beginning of a New Era 

The world knows that an era ended with the 
death of Joseph Stalin. The extraordinary 30- 
year span of his rule saw the Soviet Empire 



Department of State Bulletin 

expand to reach from the Baltic Sea to the Sea 
of Japan, finally to dominate 800 million souls. 

The Soviet system shaped by Stalin and his 
predecessors was born of one World War. It sur- 
vived with stubborn and often amazing courage a 
second "World War. It has lived to threaten a 

Now a new leadership has assumed power in the 
Soviet Union. Its links to the past, however 
strong, cannot bind it completely. Its future is, 
in great part, its own to make. 

This new leadership confronts a free world 
aroused, as rarely in its history, by the will to 
stay free. 

This free world knows, out of the bitter wisdom 
of experience, that vigilance and sacrifice are the 
price of liberty. 

It knows that the defense of Western Europe 
imperatively demands the unity of purpose and ac- 
tion made possible by the North Atlantic Treaty 
Organization, embracing a European Defense 

It knows that Western Germany deserves to be 
a free and equal partner in this community and 
that this, for Germany, is the only safe way to full, 
final unity. 

It knows that aggression in Korea and in south- 
east Asia are threats to the whole free community 
to be met by united action. 

This is the kind of free world which the new 
Soviet leadership confronts. It is a world that 
demands and expects the fullest respect of its 
rights and interests. It is a world that will always 
accord the same respect to all others. 

So the new Soviet leadership now has a precious 
opportunity to awaken, with the rest of the world, 
to the point of peril reached and to help turn the 
tide of history. 

Will it do this? 

We do not yet know. Recent statements and 
gestures of Soviet leaders give some evidence that 
they may recognize this critical moment. 

We welcome every honest act of peace. 

We care nothing for mere rhetoric. 

We care only for sincerity of peaceful purpose 
attested by deeds. The opportunities for such 
deeds are many. The performance of a great num- 
ber of them waits upon no complex protocol but 
upon the simple will to do them. Even a few such 
clear and specific acts, such as the Soviet Union's 
signature upon an Austrian treaty or its release of 
thousands of prisoners still held from World 

War II, would be impressive signs of sincere in- 
tent. They would carry a power of persuasion 
not to be matched by any amount of oratory. 

This we do know : a world that begins to witness 
the rebirth of trust among nations can find its way 
to a peace that is neither partial nor punitive. 

With all who will work in good faith toward 
such a peace, we are ready, with renewed resolve, 
to strive to redeem the near-lost hopes of our day. 

The first great step along this way must be the 
conclusion of an honorable armistice in Korea. 

This means the immediate cessation of hostilities 
and the prompt initiation of political discussions 
leading to the holding of free elections in a 
united Korea. 

It should mean, no less importantly, an end to 
the direct and indirect attacks upon the security 
of Indochina and Malaya. For any armistice in 
Korea that merely released aggressive armies to 
attack elsewhere would be a fraud. 

We seek, throughout Asia as throughout the 
world, a peace that is true and total. 

Out of this can grow a still wider task — the 
achieving of just political settlements for the other 
serious and specific issues between the free world 
and the Soviet Union. 

None of these issues, great or small, is insolu- 
ble — given only the will to respect the rights of all 

Again we say: the United States is ready to 
assume its just part. 

We have already done all within our power to 
speed conclusion of a treaty with Austria, which 
will free that country from economic exploita- 
tion and from occupation by foreign troops. 

We are ready not only to press forward with 
the present plans for closer unity of the nations 
of Western Europe but also, upon that founda- 
tion, to strive to foster a broader European com- 
munity, conducive to the free movement of persons, 
of trade, and of ideas. 

This community would include a free and 
united Germany, with a government based upon 
free and secret elections. 

This free community and the full independence 
of the East European nations could mean the end 
of the present unnatural division of Europe. 

Reduction of Armaments 

As progress in all these areas strengthens world 
trust, we could proceed concurrently with the 
next great work — the reduction of the burden of 

April 27, 1953 


armaments now weighing upon the world. To 
this end we would welcome and enter into the most 
solemn agreements. These could properly in- 
clude : 

1. The limitation, by absolute numbers or by 
an agreed international ratio, of the sizes of the 
military and security forces of all nations. 

2. A commitment by all nations to set an agreed 
limit upon that proportion of total production 
of certain strategic materials to be devoted to 
military purposes. 

3. International control of atomic energy to 
promote its use for peaceful purposes only and 
to insure the prohibition of atomic weapons. 

4. A limitation or prohibition of other cate- 
gories of weapons of great destructiveness. 

5. The enforcement of all these agreed limita- 
tions and prohibitions by adequate safeguards, 
including a practical system of inspection under 
the United Nations. 

The details of such disarmament programs are 
manifestly critical and complex. Neither the 
United States nor any other nation can properly 
claim to possess a perfect, immutable formula. 
But the formula matters less than the faith— the 
good faith without which no formula can work 
justly and effectively. 

A New Kind of War 

The fruit of success in all these tasks would 
present the world with the greatest task, and the 
greatest opportunity, of all. It is this: the dedi- 
cation of the energies, the resources, and the imagi- 
nations of all peaceful nations to a new kind of 
war. This would be a declared total war, not 
upon any human enemy but upon the brute forces 
of poverty and need. 

The peace we seek, founded upon decent trust 
and cooperative effort among nations, can be forti- 
fied, not by weapons of war but by wheat and 
by cotton, by milk and by wool, by meat and by 
timber and by rice. These are words that trans- 
late into every language on earth. These are 
needs that challenge this world in arms. 

This idea of a just and peaceful world is not 
new or strange to us. It inspired the people of 
the United States to initiate tlie European Ke- 
covery Program in 1947. That program was pre- 
pared to treat, with like and equal concern, the 
needs of Eastern and Western Europe. 

We are prepared to reaffirm, with the most con- 
crete evidence, our readiness to help build a world 
in which all peoples can be productive and pros- 

This Government is ready to ask its people to 
join with all nations in devoting a substantial per- 
centage of the savings achieved by disarmament 
to a fund for world aid and reconstruction. The 
purposes of this great work would be to help 
other peoples to develop the undeveloped areas of 
the world, to stimulate profitable and fair world 
trade, to assist all peoples to know the blessings 
of productive freedom. 

The monuments to this new kind of war would 
be these : roads and schools, hospitals and homes, 
food and health. 

We are ready, in short, to dedicate our strength 
to serving the i^eds, rather than the fears, of the 

We are ready, by these and all such actions, to 
make of the United Nations an institution that 
can effectively guard the peace and security of 
all peoples. 

I know of nothing I can add to make plainer the 
sincere purpose of the United States. 

I know of no course, other than that marked 
by these and similar actions, that can be called the 
highway of peace. 

I know of only one question upon which prog- 
ress waits. It is this : 
What Is the Soviet Union Ready To Bo? 
Wliatever the answer be, let it be plainly spoken. 
Again we say : the hunger for peace is too great, 
the hour in history too late, for any government 
to mock men's hopes with mere words and prom- 
ises and gestures. 

The test of truth is simple. There can be no 
persuasion but by deeds. 

Is the new leadership of the Soviet Union pre- 
pared to use its decisive influence in the Commu- 
nist world, including control of the flow of arms, 
to bring not merely an expedient truce in Korea 
but genuine peace in Asia ? 

Is it prepared to allow other nations, including ' 
those of Eastern Europe, the free choice of their 
own forms of government ? 

Is it prepared to act in concert with others upon 

serious disarmament proposals to be made firmly 

effective by stringent U. N. control and inspection ? 

If not, where then is the concrete evidence of 

the Soviet Union's concern for peace ? 

The test is clear. 


Deparimenf of Sfate Bulletin 

There is, before all peoples, a precious chance 
to turn the black tide of events. If we failed to 
strive to seize this chance, the judgment of future 
ages would be harsh and just, 
"if we strive but fail and the world remains 
armed against itself, it at least need be divided 
no longer in its clear knowledge of who has con- 
demned humankind to this fate. 

The purpose of the United States, in stating 
these proposals, is simple and clear. 

These proposals spring, without ulterior pur- 

pose or political passion, from our calm conviction 
that the hunger for just peace is in the hearts of all 
peoples— those of Russia and of China no less than 
of our own country. 

They conform to our firm faith that God cre- 
ated men to enjoy, not destroy, the fruits of the 
earth and of their own toil. 

They aspire to this : the lifting, from the backs 
and from the hearts of men, of their burden of 
arms and of fears, so that they may find before 
them a golden age of freedom and of peace. 

The First 90 Days 

Address hy Secretary Dulles'^ 

Press release 200 dated April 18 

President Eisenhower, speaking here last Thurs- 
day,^ opened the door to the mansion of peace. He 
invited the Soviet Union to come in. That invita- 
tion was not mere rhetoric. Its timing was not 
chosen at hazard. It marked a planned stage in 
the evolution of Eisenhower foreign policy. The 
speech really had its beginning when President 
Eisenhower took office, which was 90 days ago 

The words which President Eisenhower uttered 
might have been uttered at any time during these 
past 90 days. But these words gained immensely 
in significance because they came against a back- 
ground of cohesive, positive action. 

When President Eisenhower first took office, a 
plea for peace such as he made this week might 
have been interpreted as a sign of weakness or a 
mere gesture of sentimentality. In order that such 
a plea should carry maximum impact, it was first 

' Made before the American Society of Newspaper Edi- 
tors and broadcast to the Nation over radio and television 
networks on Apr. 18. Also printed as Department of State 
publication 5044. 

' Supra. 

April 27, 1953 

necessary to demonstrate to the world, and to So- 
viet leaders in particular. President Eisenhower's 
will and capacity to develop foreign policies so 
firm, so fair, so just that the Soviet leaders might 
find it expedient to live with these policies rather 
than to live against them. 

I should like briefly to review this 90-day period, 
which had as its climax the President's historical 

The European Defense Community 

One of the worries of the free world, and one 
of the hopes of the Soviet world, has been disunity 
in Western Europe. For example, it would be 
particularly disastrous for the West if Franco- 
German antagonism were revived. That would 
indeed aiTord Soviet intrigue a fertile field of 

The continental European countries themselves, 
including France and Germany, had seen the 
danger and had devised a program to meet it. 
They had proposed to create a European Defense 
Community, the members of which would merge 
their military power into a single force. A treaty 


to this effect was signed nearly a year ago. It was 
contemplated by the treaty that it would be rati- 
fied and come into force within 6 months. But, 
following the signature of the treaty, nothing hap- 
pened. Last January it seemed that the project 
was dying. 

The President, out of his own intimate knowl- 
edge of European conditions, felt that our Gov- 
ernment should indicate its deep concern and point 
out that failure to realize the European Defense 
Community could mean collapse of the hopes and 
efforts that inspired the Marshall plan, the North 
Atlantic Treaty, and the mutual security program. 
Therefore, on January 30, just 10 days after the 
President's inaugural, Mr. Stassen and I, at the 
President's request, visited the six European De- 
fense Community countries and also Great Britain. 
As a result of our visit and the return visits to 
Washington of several European leaders, this proj- 
ect has now been revived. It cannot yet be con- 
fidently predicted that it will be realized. But it 
is today the livest single topic before the six 
parliaments of continental Europe. 

The Soviet Union now faces the likelihood that 
Western Europe will produce a unified military 
force, including French and Germans. Thus 
would come to a final end one of the hopes from 
which Soviet imperialism has taken comfort. 


It was never expected that the European Defense 
Community, when created, would alone carry the 
burdens of making Western Europe secure. Edo, 
a community of 6, would stand within the frame- 
work of Nato, a partnership of 14. This partner- 
ship, however, also presented us with urgent prob- 
lems. For most of the members had come to feel 
that the program for Nato represented a type of 
effort which they could not continue indefinitely to 

The United States and its Nato partners had 
been operating on the assumption that the moment 
of greatest danger was some early, predictable 
date. Therefore, it had been reasoned, emergency 
efforts should be made to meet that date, leaving 
subsequent years for stabilization and re- 

But the Soviet Union did not conveniently relax 
its threat in order to meet the preconceived time- 
table of the Nato countries. Accordingly it was 
found necessary each year to prolong the extraor- 


dinary exertion and to defer the period of stabih- 
zation. This spasmodic approach was exhaustive 
to all concerned. Several of our allies told us that 
they could not hold to the present pace without 
greatly increased help from the United States. 

The situation obviously called for a fresh 

Because we did not believe that any specific date 
of peak danger could be reliably forecast ; because 
Soviet communism itself professes to operate in 
terms of "an entire historical era"; because new 
weapons inevitably change the aspect of the mih- 
tary task ; because a vigorous and happy society is 
itself an important ingredient of freedom— for 
these reasons we decided to find programs which, 
on the one hand, will provide Europe with sub-' 
stantial insurance against being overrun by Soviet 
attack and which, on the other hand, can, if neces- 
sary, be sustained for an indefinite period with 
growing reliance on Western Europe's own 

Next week the Secretary of the Treasury. Mr. 
Humphrey, the Secretary of Defense, Mr. Wilson, 
the Director for Mutual Security, Mr. Stassen, and 
I will go to Paris to meet with the other members 
of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization Coun- 
cil. There we shall listen sympathetically to the 
pomt of view of our partners and together with 
them concert military programs designed to deter 
attack from without, without undermining inner 

All will know, and I am confident that the So- 
viet leaders know best of all, that what we plan 
is not greater weakness but greater strength. The 
productivity of the free world is so prodigious, 
its inventiveness so phenomenal, that any military 
aggressor that attacked our free- world partnership 
would be doomed to sure defeat. 

What we plan is to dissipate another Soviet 
hope, the hope expressed by Stalin when he said 
that "the moment for the decisive blow" would 
come when the opponents of communism "have 
sufficiently weakened themselves in a struggle 
which is beyond their strength . . . have suffi- 
ciently disgraced themselves through their prac- 
tical bankruptcy so that our victory is assured." 
We do not intend that that moment of bankruptcy 
shall come. 

Let me add that the policy here expressed was 
determined upon without regard to any of the 
recent Soviet moves. We are not dancing to any 
Russian tune. Nothing that has happened has in- 

Depar/menf of Stale Bulletin 

' duced in us a mood of relaxation or any desire to 
' weaken Nato. The purpose and the result wiU 
' be a Nato more sure to live and to perform its 
appointed tasks. 

The Far East 

, In the Far East vigorous policy decisions were 
, also taken since the 90 days began. In Korea we 
embarked upon a program to change the complex- 
ion of that struggle. As President Eisenhower 
told you, we still welcome an armistice, not merely 
to end the fighting but on the assumption that it 
will lead to a peace which accords with the prin- 
ciples of the United Nations — and that means a 
free and united Korea. Of course we want peace 
in Korea. But we do not play the role of 

We have vastly improved our relations with the 
National Government of China. We now have an 
Ambassador at Taipei, Formosa, the provisional 
capital. We are speeding the delivery of military 
assistance, which was woefully in arrears. Presi- 
dent Eisenhower has changed the instructions to 
the Seventh Fleet so that, while it is still instructed 
to protect Formosa, it is no longer instructed to 
protect the Chinese Communists on the mainland. 
In relation to Indochina, the French Govern- 
ment and the Associated States have been told that 
we would be favorably disposed to giving increased 
military and financial assistance to plans realisti- 
cally designed to suppress the Communist-inspired 
civil war, which for 6 years has wracked the area 
and seriously drained the metropolitan resources 
of France. 

We recently annoimced, in conjunction with the 
French Government,^ that should the Chinese Com- 
munist regime take advantage of a Korean armi- 
stice to pursue aggressive war elsewhere in the Far 
East, such action would have the most serious con- 
sequences and would conflict directly with the un- 
derstanding on which any armistice in Korea was 
reached. That decision was taken prior to the re- 
cent revival of prospects for a Korean armistice. 
It was part of our effort to anticipate what may 
happen rather than to catch up with what has 

We negotiated with the Governments of Britain, 
France, and other maritime powers for a tighten- 
ing of the blockade of Communist China. They 
are taking important practical measures to restrict 

' Bulletin of Apr. 6, 1953, p. 491. 

the voyages of their own ships to China and to 
withhold fuel from ships of other nations which 
are carrying strategic goods to China. 

You can see, as others have seen, that a new order 
of priority and urgency has been given to the Far 
East. Further, it has been made clear that we 
consider that our Eastern friends, from Japan, 
Korea, and Formosa to Indochina and Malaya, 
face a single hostile front, to be met with a common 
purpose and growing cooperation as between the 
component parts of freedom. 

This means that the Communists in the Far East 
can no longer count on winning by shifting their 
strength and by focusing attack on one or another 
free-world position that is isolated from the others. 
The Communist strategy, based on a contiguous 
land mass, is now confronted by a growing free- 
world unity based upon the peninsular positions 
and offshore island chain now controlled by the 
free peoples of Asia. 

The Middle East and Latin America 

The Middle East and Latin America, two areas 
far apart, have both been the subject of Communist 
attempts at infiltration. The ground was fertile 
because these areas have somewhat lacked our at- 
tention ; and, in the case of the Middle East, there 
has developed a spirit of nationalism, which has 
at times grown fanatical in its opposition to the 
Western Powers. 

As was announced some weeks ago, Mr. Stassen 
and I have been invited by the governments of 
more than a dozen countries of the Middle East 
and South Asia to visit them. We have accepted 
and plan to go next month. That is significant, 
for no United States Secretary of State has ever 
visited any of these countries. It will afford us 
an opportunity to meet at firsthand many of the 
leaders and, I hope, to dissipate the false impres- 
sions which Communist propaganda has fomented. 

As President Eisenhower announced last Sun- 
day,* the State Department is organizing a good- 
will mission to South America, which will be 
headed by the President's brother. Dr. Milton 
Eisenhower. He will personally carry the Presi- 
dent's sentiments of good will toward the Repub- 
lics and peoples to the south of us. Our new As- 
sistant Secretary for this area is already in Central 

I have had the pleasure of two meetings, one at 

* lUd., Apr. 20, 1953, p. 563. 

April 27, 7953 


the United Nations and the other at Washington, 
with the representatives of all 20 of the American 

What we have done, and what we already plan, 
mark a determination to develop better mider- 
standing and more fellowship with peoples whom 
we know and respect but whose friendship we 
have taken too much for granted. Thereby we 
may close another possible avenue of Soviet Com- 
mimist aggression. 

Captive Peoples 

The free peoples are susceptible to Soviet guile 
because they so passionately want peace that they 
can readily be attracted by illusions of peace. One 
such illusion is a settlement based on the status quo. 
This present status involves the captivity of hun- 
dreds of millions of persons of distinctive nation- 
ality, race, religion, and culture. The hardest task 
of the Soviet rulers is to beat this disunity into 
Communist conformity. If that can be done, then 
the menace of Soviet communism will be immeas- 
urably increased. 

It was of the utmost importance that we should 
make clear to the captive peoples that we do not 
accept their captivity as a permanent fact of his- 
tory. If they thought otherwise and became hope- 
less, we would unwittingly have become partners 
to the forging of a hostile power so vast that it 
could encompass our destruction. 

President Eisenhower, anticipating some of the 
events that have since occurred, acted immediately 
after his inauguration to propose that our national 
position should be made clear through a solemn 
resolution concurred in by Congress and the Presi- 
dent. The Congress has yet to act. However, I 
am persuaded, and I trust that the captive peoples 
are persuaded, that Congress in fact fully shares 
the point of view that President Eisenhower ex- 
pressed. In any event the Chief Executive has 
formulated his position on this important matter 
and by doing so has foreclosed another of the hopes 
which Soviet rulers had optimistically entertained. 

State Department Organization 

Wliile we have been making these policy de- 
cisions, we have at the same time been acting to 
assure that the State Department would be able 
to make new policies wherever these would seem 
better than the old and to assure a steadily rising 
level of performance. 


In addition to the new Secretary of State, there 
are two new Under Secretaries, one of whom 
specializes in administration and security matters. 
There are six new Assistant Secretaries. There is 
a new Legal Adviser, a new Counselor, a new 
Director of International Information Adminis- 
tration, who has responsibility for the Voice of 
America. The whole Policy Planning Staff is to 
go under new direction and be coordinated closely 
with the revitalized National Security Council. 

We are also bringing fresh vision and new vigor 
into our United Nations Mission and into our Em- 
bassies abroad. The Chief of the Permanent Mis- 
sion to the United Nations, former Senator Austin, 
retired last January after many years of distin- 
guished service. He has been succeeded by for- 
mer Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, who now heads 
the Permanent Mission. His vigor and parlia- 
mentary skill already demonstrate that the Soviet 
leaders cannot look forward to using the United 
Nations as a sounding board for propaganda but 
that they will have to deal in the United Nations 
with a mobilized body of world opinion which is 
determined that the United Nations shall, in fact, 
serve its avowed purpose to maintain international 
peace and security in conformity with the prin- i 
ciples of justice. 1 

New Ambassadors are installed or being in- I 
stalled in Great Britain, Ireland, France, Italy, 
Germany, Russia, Spain, Mexico, Brazil, Japan, 
Free China, India, and Pakistan. Other appoint- 
ments are in contemplation. 

For the first time in State Department history, 
all of our major appointments are subject to FBI 
field checks so as to eliminate security risks and 
possibility of hostile infiltration into high places. 
So far as is humanly practical, we are seeing to 
it that Communist agents shall not have access to 
the State Dejiartment. 

We are fortunate in having a body of Foreign 
Service career men and women who can be the main 
reliance of the President and myself. They are a 
permanent and nonpolitical part of Government. 
They became such under the Rogers Act, enacted 
by a Republican Congress during the administra- 
tion of President Coolidge and Secretary Hughes. 

There is a tendency in some quarters to feel 
that confidence cannot be placed in these career 
officials because in the past, as was their duty, they 
served under Democrat Presidents and Democrat 
Secretaries of State. It is, however, easier than 
most think for our career Foreign Service men and 

DeparfmeM of State Bulletin 

women to adapt themselves to new Eepublican 
leadership. Like career soldiers, Foreign Service 
ofiBcers respect and welcome high-level policy di- 
rection such as they are getting under President 
Eisenhower. They are, with rare exceptions, a 
splendid and patriotic group of men and women, 
with a fine tradition. They are experts, trained 
to analyze and interpret foreign conditions and to 
carry out designated missions, usually of delicacy, 
sometimes of danger. Just as the Nation depends 
for defense purposes on the graduates of our Mili- 
tary and Naval academies, so the Nation for 
foreign services depends on our career diplomats. 

Our people here at home, our friends abroad, 
and our enemies abroad can know that we have 
not only strong foreign policies but that we are 
rapidly molding an organization which will be 
secure and which will be efficient in action. 

I might add, as of particular interest to this 
distinguished group of American editors, that 
these foreign policies of which I speak are no 
longer looked upon as state secrets. We are de- 
termined that the public shall be as fully informed 
as possible, and in the clearest and simplest lan- 
guage possible, about what we are doing in the 
State Department and what our foreign policy is. 

I have long felt that, under our form of govern- 
ment, the effectiveness of foreign policy depends in 
large measure upon public understanding and sup- 
port of it. 

The Soviet Peace Defensive 

Our conduct has been calmly strong, never 
truculent nor blustering. In the face of it Soviet 
leaders gave evidence that they were changing 
their policies. They initiated what presents to you 
and to me one of the most perplexing problems of 
our time. It is a problem that I think is largely 
due to a misnomer. The Kremlin launched what 
is commonly called a "peace offensive." Wliatever 
it is that the Kremlin has launched— and no one 
can be sure just yet what it is — it is not a peace 
offensive. It is a peace defensive. 

It is gratifying that Soviet leaders appear now 
to have shifted from an offensive to a defensive 
mood. But we cannot yet tell whether this repre- 
sents a basic change or merely a tactical shift. It 
is prudent, for the present, to assume that we are 
witnessing a tactical move of the kind which Soviet 
communism has often practiced. 

Stalin, in his classic treatise on "Strategy and 

Tactics," taught that, from time to time, "conces- 
sions" may have to be made "in order to buy off a 
powerful enemy and gain a respite." He went on 
to explain the necessity of maneuvering with a 
"view to effecting a proper retreat when the en- 
emy is strong. . . . The object of this strategy is 
to gain time and to accumulate forces in order later 
to assume the offensive." 

Is the successor — or should I say, are the suc- 
cessors—following this strategy of the dead 

Whatever the reason and purpose of present 
Soviet moves, the fact is that the Communist 
leaders seem now disposed to grant some things 
-which they formerly denied. 

Last February 22, in an effort to probe the 
mood of the enemy in Korea, we quietly proposed 
an exchange of sick and wounded prisoners of war.' 
Such proposals had frequently been made before, 
without results. This time a result seems to be in 
the making. 

I should perhaps explain, to end some misunder- 
standing, that while under the agreement made 
we will return many more sick and wounded pris- 
oners than we will receive, that is because the total 
number of prisoners which we hold is many times 
the number held by the Communists. The ratio of 
returning sick and wounded to the total prisoners 
of war held is approximately the same for both 
sides, with a slight advantage in our favor. 

It also now appears that the enemy may now 
want an armistice in Korea, after having evaded 
it for nearly 2 years. 

In other respects and in other quarters Com- 
munist leadership is making concessions. These 
are all still minor but not without significance. 
They suggested to us that the time had come to 
launch a true peace offensive. That President 
Eisenhower has done. Soviet leadership is now 
confronted by the Eisenhower tests. Will it meet, 
one by one, the issues with which President Eisen- 
hower has challenged it ? If so, will it abolish and 
abandon, in fact as well as in name, the Comin- 
f orm through which it endlessly conspires to over- 
throw, from within, every genuinely free govern- 
ment in the world ? We await the deeds which wiU 
give answer to these questions. We profoundly 
hope that these deeds will, in fact, end a black 
chapter of distrust and open a bright new chapter 
of peace and good will. 

° lUd., Apr. 6, 1953, p. 494. 

Apn\ 27, 1953 


The New Era 

Some weeks ago when I was at the United Na- 
tions, I said that the Stalin era had ended and that 
the Eisenhower era had begun, bringing with it 
new hope for all mankind.® Already that predic- 
tion is in process of confirmation. President 
Eisenhower's address is a fact which will inevitably 
influence the course of history. Around the world 
peoples and governments have universally wel- 
comed that address. In all the capitals of the free 
world, press and radio have demonstrated an un- 
precedented spontaneous support for the Presi- 

' Ibid., Mar. 23, 1953, p. 430. 

dent's call for a world-wide peace offensive and 
his challenge to the new Soviet leadership to back 
up their words with deeds. That response is not 
merely because of the words the President used but 
because what he said had its setting in a 90-day 

I do not attempt to read the future. That must 
always remain obscure so long as vast power is 
possessed by men who accept no guidance from 
the moral law. But surely our duty is clear. Those 
who represent a Nation with the tradition and 
power of the United States must act boldly and 
strongly for what they believe to be right. The 
future is for a higher verdict. 

Full Truce Talks To Reopen 
at Panmunjom 


To General Nam II, Senior Delegate, Delegation 
of the Korean People's Army and the Chinese 
People''s Volunteers. 

1. The Commander in Chief of the United Na- 
tions Command has authorized me to instruct the 
United Nations Command Liaison Group to meet 
with the Liaison Group of your side on April 18 
or as soon thereafter as is agreeable to your side, 
to discuss matters incidental to reopening plenary 
sessions of the Armistice Delegations as requested 
by your Liaison Group on 11 April, 1953. 

2. The United Nations Command has studied 
the statement of the official position of your side 
which you presented,^ but does not find the ampli- 
fication of details regarding the statements of 
Foreign Minister Chou En-lai and Marshall Kim 
U Sung, which was requested in General Clark's 
letter of 5 April, 1953. However, in view of the 
agreement by your commanders in their letter of 
1 April to the proposal advanced in General 
Clark's letter of 31 March, it is assumed that you 
are prepared to accept Unc proposals or make a 
comjiarable constructive proposal of your own 

' On Apr. 18 the Communists replied to General Harri- 
son's letter, and liaison officers met on Apr. 19. They 
agreed to reopen plenary sessions on Apr. 25. 

' BuixETiN of Apr. 20, 1953, p. 575. 


which would constitute a valid basis for resump- 
tion of the meetings. 

3. With reference to the statements of Foreign 
Minister Chou En-lai and Marshall Kim U Sung, 
the Unc would consider that an arrangement such 
as the following would be reasonable and con- 
structive and could lead to a prompt resolution of 
the problem of prisoners of war : 

(1) That the neutral state be a nation such as 
Switzerland, traditionally recognized as appro- 
priate in matters of this kind ; 

(2) That in the interest of practicality, pris- 
oners of war who are not directly repatriated be 
released to the custody in Korea of the neutral 
state ; 

(3) That after allowing a reasonable time such 
as 60 days during which opportunity has been 
afforded by the neutral state to the parties con- 
cerned to determine the attitudes of individuals 
in its custody with respect to their status, the 
neutral state M-ill make arrangements for the 
peaceable disposition of those remaining in its 

4. The United Nations Command is of the opin- 
ion that unless the meetings of the full delegations 
indicate that an acceptable agreement will be 
reached in a reasonable time, it will be advisable 
to recess the meetings again. 

William K. Harrison, Jr., Lt. Gen. USA 

Senior Delegate, UNC Delegation. 

Department of Slate Butletin 


1. Meeting of Senior Liaison Group convened at 1100 
hours this date. Suhstance of record follows : 

2. UNO : "I have a statement to make. Yesterday you 
said you had around 15 prisoners of war of other national- 
ities, including those of Turl^ey, Canada, Greece, the 
Kctherlands, etc. You also said you were checking the 
figure to determine the breakdown by nationality. Do 
you have this breakdown today?" 

3. Communists: "As I pointed out yesterday to your 
side, I will give you the figures as soon as our checking 
is finished. I propose that prior to signing the agreement 
the interpreters of both sides check the drafts we are to 

4. Unc : a. "I have been studying the figures you have 
furnished which indicate the approximate number of sick 
and injured captured personnel you intend to repatriate. 
I believe that you will agree that medicine is not an exact 
science; accordingly, for humanitarian reasons, I again 
request that you use the broadest interpretation of the 
degree of sickness in determining the final number of 
captured personnel who will he repatriated. We will 
do the same. 

6. "We have prepared our copies of the agreement for 
repatriation of sick and injured captured personnel for 
signature. If your side has prepared your copies of the 
agreement, I agree that the interpreters check the various 
versions and that we recess for this purpose for 10 

5. Communists: a. "As I have pointed out before, the 
estimated figures of sick and injured prisoners of war 
furnished by our side are the result of serious checking 
in accordance with the principle which our side has con- 
sistently maintained, that is, the principle of repatriating 
all sick and injured prisoners of war. Our side considers 
that there should be no further dispute about this 

6. "In order to check the versions of the agreement, 
Captain Munchae Su, Nka, and Tuan Lien Chung, Ccf, 
will participate in this work." 

6. Unc : "I appoint Lt. Underwood, Captain Lum, and 
Lt. Wu for our side." 

7. Communists: "I agree to your proposal to recess for 
10 minutes." 

(Meeting recessed at 1110 hours. Meeting reconvened 
at 1205 hours.) 

8. Communists: "Prior to signing of both sides, I want 
to make a statement as follows : 

a. "Both sides have reached agreement on the exchange 
of sick and injured prisoners of war during the period 
of hostilities in accordance with the principles of Article 
10 of the Geneva Convention relative to the treatment of 
prisoners of war. Our side has consistently stood for 
and will immediately carry out the repatriation in toto 
of sick and injured prisoners of war held in our custody. 
Your side has stated that you will invoke the provisions 
of paragraph 3 of Article 109 of the Geneva Convention 
and repatriate only a part of the sick and injured prisoners 
of war held in your custody. 

b. "In this connection our side has pointed out that 
the provisions of paragraph 3 of Article 109 of the Geneva 
Convention can by no means be used as a pretext for 
employing coercive means to obstruct the repatriation of 
sick and injured prisoners of war who are willing to 
return to our side during the period of hostilities. 

c. "Now our side must state again that our side reserves 
the right to request that the sick and injured captured per- 
sonnel of our side not repatriated this time be handed 
over to a neutral state so as to secure a just solution 
to the question of their repatriation after an armistice. 

d. "Furthermore, our side proposes that the liaison 
group meetings shall be continued after the signing. We 
have other matters to bring up at the meeting. 

e. "Then, I propose to begin to sign." 

9. Unc: "I agree." (Actual signing begins at 1208 and 
is completed at 1210 and one half hours.) ' 

10. Unc; "I have a statement to make. 

a. "We are ready to start the actual repatriation at 
Panmunjom of the sick and wounded captured personnel 
held in our custody on 72 hours notice. Can you tell me 
when you will be able to start repatriating our captured 

6. "I agree to the continuation of the liaison group 
officers' meeting. I recommend that we recess now. I 
will be ready to meet with you again at any time you 

11. Communists: a. "As to the question raised by yotir 
side. I will answer tomorrow. 

6. "Now I would like to raise a question concerning the 
resumption of the plenary session of the delegations of 
both sides. In the letter ot March 28 addressed to your 
commander ' our commanders liave already pointed out 
that the reasonable settlement of the question of exchang- 
ing sick and injured prisoners of war of both sides during 
the period of hostilities should be made to lead to the 
smooth settlement of the entire question of prisoners of 
war. Such a view has already been agreed to by your 
commander. Now, inasmuch as both sides have signed 
the agreement for the repatriation of sick and injured 
captured personnel and our side has in addition put forth 
a new proposal for settling the entire question of repatria- 
tion of prisoners of war, and has given a full exiilanation 
of this proposal, our side considers that the plenary ses- 
sion of the delegations of both sides should be resumed 
immediately to discuss and settle the entire question of 
prisoners of war so as to realize an armistice in Korea. 
I would like to know the views of your side on the date 
of resuming the plenary session." 

12. Unc : "I have noted your statement and will Inform 
my superiors. 

' For text of the agreement, see ibid., p. 576. 
* Ibid., Apr. 6, 1953, p. 494. 

April 27, 1953 


a. "I propose that we recess now and I will notify you 
through liaison officers when we are ready to meet again 
to give you our answer. 

6. "I suggest that the staff officers meet at 1345 to con- 
tinue their work." 

i:^. Communints: a. "Our side holds that both .sides 
should immediately discuss and decide on the date for re- 
suming the plenary sessions of the delegations. Since 
your side has proposed a recess to consider it we would 
not insist, hut our side still hopes that the liaison groups' 
meeting should be resumed within one (1) or two (2) 
days to discuss and decide on the date for resuming the 
plenary sessions. 

6. "I agree to your proposal that the staff officers' meet- 
ing be resumed." 

14. UNO ; "We have noted your statement. We agree to 

15. Meeting 'adjourned at 1222 hours. 

Technical Assistance to Iraq 
For Land Development Program 

Press release 187 dated April 10 

Under an agreement signed at Baghdad on 
April 7, the U.S. Technical Cooperation Mission 
in Iraq will provide technical assistance to the 
Government of Iraq in carrying out its vast "Miri 
Sirf " land development and resettlement program. 

The Miri Sirf (state-owned lands) of Iraq in- 
volve about 19 million acres, about two-thirds of 
which are considered to be capable of agricultural 
use with some degree of development. There are 
more than 2 million landless farmers in Iraq, 
tenants and peasants of large landholders, pres- 
ently averaging $200 or less per family per year 
in income. 

About 3 years ago, the Government of Iraq 
enacted legislation providing for the division of 
state-owned lands into family-size farms, pro- 
viding for irrigation water and other types of 
assistance needed to develop the lands for agricul- 
ture, and for opening them up for settlement by 
peasant families. 

At present there are three projects in operation, 
involving some 200,000 acres and 1,600 families. 
Other projects in various stages of development 
involve well over a million acres and are planned 
to accommodate about 10,000 families. The 
annual income of farmers already settled averages 
two to three times their former incomes, mainly 
as a result of being able to retain the proceeds of 
their labor. 

The Miri Sirf program holds great significance, 
as one of the most important and largest-scale 
efforts by a Near Eastern government to encour- 
age and assist peasants to become owner-operators 
of family-sized farms. A considerable amount 
of Iraq's oil revenues are being devoted to the 
development of the lands, providing community 
facilities, building roads, giving financial assist- 
ance and guidance to the farmers, providing 
health services, schools, water supplies, and the 
like. The program is considered by the Govern- 


nient of Iraq to be of great significance in its 
social and economic development and in improving 
the living conditions of its people. 

A major difficulty in carrying out this vast pro- 
gram lias been the general scarcity of technicians 
in Iraq. Tlie project involves enormous prob- 
lems—lands must be surveyed and classified 
according to their agricultural capabilities; soil 
surveys must be made; irrigation works must be 
planned and constructed; peasant farmers must 
be given assistance in farm planning and man- 
agement through the first critical years of inde- 
pendent operation ; credit facilities must be offered 
with some supervision of loans; schools must be 
set up and provided with teachers; health clinics 
must be established and manned; guidance must 
be given in the formation and operation of coop- 
eratives; instruction in improved methods of 
farming is needed by most of the settlers; malaria 
control is necessary in many sections; and so on. 
The small staff of specialists in the Ministry of 
Agriculture, which administers the program, and 
the Ministries of Education and Health which 
are assisting with it, are spread thinly over the 
huge program, which will reach into almost every 
part of Iraq. 

Under the new agi-eement, the Technical Co- 
operation Administration (which administers the 
technical cooperation program) will assist in 
planning the program, will lielp provide technical 
advice, will help train Iraqi technicians, will assist 
with some of the research and survey work, and 
will provide some demonstrational equipment and 
supplies as needed to teach improved methods. 

The agreement does not provide for any addi- 
tional allocation of funds or additional American 
personnel, although future project agreements 
may provide for supplies, equipment, and possibly 
additional personnel. 

The technical cooperation program in Iraq is 
carried out under a general agreement for tech- 
nical cooperation between the Government of Iraq 
and the United States, which was signed on April 
10, 1951.' Cooperative activities are now under 
way in the fields of agriculture, water resources, 
education, industrial development, highway 
transportation, health and sanitation, and social 

MSA Grant to Yugoslavia 

The Mutual Security Agency (Msa) on April 6 
announced a special grant of $11 million to 
Yugoslavia for the current fiscal year. 

This sum, like a similar grant of $20 million 
announced in January,^ has been made to offset 
the results of last year's disastrous drought by pro- 

' Btn.LETiN of Apr. 23, 1951, p. 653. 
' Bulletin of Jan. 26, 1953, p. 135. 

Department of State Bulletin 

viding funds for the purchase of foodstuffs — 
principally, corn, wheat, lard, and sugar- 

The new grant brings to $109,000,000 the total 
of U.S. aid in defense-support funds to Yugo- 
slavia during the current fiscal year. In addition 
to the $31 million for drought relief, Yugoslavia 
is receiving $78 million from Msa as part of a 
$99 million tripartite-aid program to which the 
United Kingdom and France are also contributing. 
The tripartite program is designed to assist 
Yugoslavia in maintaining its defense effort. 

Libby Dam and Reservoir 

Press release 190 dated April 11 

The following letter was sent by Secretary 
Dulles to the International Joint Commission — 
United States and Canada, regarding the applica- 
tion by the Government of the United States for 
the construction and operation of Libby Dam and 
Reservoir, filed with the Commission on January 

April 8, 1953 

The International Joint Commission, 

Washington, D. C, United States of America; and 
Ottawa, Ontario, Dominion of Canada. 


Reference Is made to the Application dated January 12, 
1951 filed by the Government of the United States with 
the International Joint Commission for approval of the 
construction and operation of a dam and reservoir re- 
ferred to as "Libby Dam" on the Kootenai Kiver near 
Libby, Montana. 

Consideration has been given by the Chief of Engineers 
of the Department of the Army to the advisability of the 
withdrawal of the Application in order that examination 
might be made with respect to certain domestic questions 
as selection of the axis for the dam, relocations and 
related matters that could be dealt with in accordance 
with regularly established procedures, rather than inter- 
mingled with investigation of the international aspects 
of the case. 

In view of these developments you are advised that 
the Government of the United States, in accordance with 
a request of the Secretary of the Army, hereby withdraws 
the Application for the approval of the Libby Dam project 
effective as of this date. 

Very truly yours, 

John Fosteb Dulles 

Secretary of State 

Specified Exemption Laws 
for Escapee Program 


By virtue of the authority vested in me by section 532 
of the Mutual Security Act of 1951, as added by section 7 
(m) of the Mutual Security Act of 1952 (Public Law 400, 
approved June 20, 1952, 66 Stat. 146), it is hereby deter- 
mined that the performance of functions with respect 
to the escapee program, authorized by the Mutual Security 
Act of 1951, as amended, and administered by the Depart- 
ment of State, without regard to the three following- 
designated provisions of law will further the purposes 
of the said Mutual Security Act of 1951, as amended : 

1. Section 3648 of the Revised Statutes, as amended, 
60 Stat. 809 (31 U. S. C. 529). 

2. Section 305 of the Federal Property and Administra- 
tive Services Act of 1949, approved June 30, 1949, ch. 
288, 63 Stat. 396 (41 U. S. C. 255). 

3. Section 3709 of the Revised Statutes, as amended 
(41 U. S. C. 5). 

This order supersedes Executive Order No. 10410 of 
November 14, 1952,' entitled "Specification of Laws from 
which the Escai^ee Program Administered by the Depart- 
ment of State Shall be Eiempt." 


The White House, 
April n, 1953. 

Upon receipt of the letter the Commission has 
taken action in accordance therewith. 

U. S. Interest in Stability 
of Japan's Economy 

The folio-wing statement loas made on April 15 
by Michael J. McDei^iott, Special Assistant for 
Press Relations: 

The future stability of the Japanese economy 
is, of course, of great concern to the United States, 
which is giving a great deal of thought to this 
question. In recent years Japan's balance-of- 
payments position has been largely supported by 
U.S. expenditures arising from hostilities in 
Korea, the maintenance of U.S. forces in Japan, 
and various U.S. mutual-assistance programs for 
the Far East. The Department believes that 
total U.S. expenditures in Japan will not be 
sharply reduced but will remain at a relatively 
high level for at least the next 2 years. However, 
if a serious situation were ever to develop in the 
Japanese economy, the Department is sure that 
the U.S. officials would want to sit down together 
with Japanese representatives to consider ways 
in which this Government could help. 

' 10446, 18 Fed. Reg. 2209. 

' Bulletin of Dec. 8, 1952, p. 909. 

April 27, J 953 


The Soviet Germ Warfare Campaign: A Case History 

Statements hy Ernest A. Gross 

U. S. Representative to the General Assembly ' 

U.S./U.N. press release dated March 27 

I should like to explain why the United States 
requested the General Assembly to consider as part 
of its agenda the item which has now been reached : 
"The Question of an Impartial Investigation of the 
Charge of Use by the United Nations Forces of 
Bacteriological Warfare." My Government is 
asking the General Assembly to create and to 
supervise an impartial investigation of these 
charges which the Soviet representative in the 
Security Council has called "a serious interna- 
tional accusation against the United States Gov- 
ernment." In fact, the target of these charges is 
no less a body than the United Nations itself! If 
this Organization is worthy of our support and of 
our confidence, then it must see these charges for 
what they are and see that they are weighed and 
set at rest. What could be a more fundamental 
revolt against the purpose of the Charter to de- 
velop friendly relations among nations than the 
repeated charge of germ warfare ? 

In attacking the United Nations itself, they seek 
to undermine the collective effort of the U.N. 
forces in meeting aggression in Korea. We can- 
not ignore an attack of this nature upon the 
character of the men who are giving their lives 
for the free world in this collective effort. 

While the Chinese and North Korean people 
fight and die in their aggressive war in Korea, the 
Soviet Union furnishes supplies and lies. 

This false and malicious campaign, this "serious 
international accusation," is designed and in- 
tended to spread hatred, division, and suspicion in 
the minds of men. It is designed to increase the 
tensions in the world. This being the inevitable 
result of the Soviet campaign of lies and hatred 
the question arises whether it is the considered' 
purpose of the Soviet Government thus to under- 

' Made on Mar. 27 and Apr. 8 in Committee I (Political 
and Security). 


mine and destroy the very foundation of interna- 
tional good will and cooperation. If this indeed 
is the considered purpose of the new Soviet leader- 
ship, how are we to appraise their professions of 
peace ? How can we achieve a peaceful settlement 
of outstanding issues when one side continues to 
spread charges that are false, known to be false, 
and which it has never been willing to put to the 
proof ? 

This campaign of international communism 
must not be ignored. Its venom is intended to 
make each man fear his neighbor just as inter- 
national communism would have each nation of 
the free world suspect its neighbor and so foster 
the tension upon which Soviet imperialism thrives. 
Quite clearly, one specific objective is to isolate 
the free M'orld from the United States by attempt- 
ing to single out my Government for special con- 
demnation. That is why the people of the free 
world should for the sake of their own security 
look long and hard at the facts. 

How the Charges Have Survived 

But how, one may ask, can these vicious charges 
live— how can they be repeated when in the United 
Nations, and in the free world at least, the truth 
IS there for any man to see and to hear if he will 
seek It out ? We must first of all look at just how 
these charges have been able to survive. 

Since March of 1952 until today, an impartial 
investigation of the charge of bacteriological war- 
fare has been offered over and over again by the 
United Nations, by the World Health Organiza- 
tion, and by the International Committee of Red 
Cross Societies. It has been offered also by my 
own Government within and without the United 
Nations just as it is put forward by my own 
Government here today. 

There has been no response from the Soviet 
Union, the Chinese Communist regime, and the 
North Korean authorities except on one occasion. 

Department of State Bulletin 

It is not part of their plan to respond. It is their 
plan to lie and then hide from an impartial in- 
vestigation. Their tactic of "lie and hide is 
cowardly— but it is a calculated cowardice. 

The one response from the Soviet Union to tne 
decision of the Security Council to investigate 
what the Soviet representative himself called a 
serious international accusation" was a Soviet veto. 
That is not a response which is open to the Soviet 
representative in this forum. 

We must see this campaign for what it is. it is 
the technique of the big lie. Let me briefly trace 
its history. No one describes it better than Hitler 
when, writing in Mein Kampf, he said : 

In the size of the lie, there is always contained a certain 
factor of credibility . . . [The masses] ^lU more 
easily fall victims to a great lie than to a small one 
since they themselves perhaps also lie sometimes in 1 ttle 
lings b'ft would be too much ashamed of too great Ues^ 
Thus, such an untruth will not enter their heads and 
therefore they will be unable to believe in the possibility 
of the enormous impudence, of the most infamous dis- 
tortions, in others. 

But it was Stalin himself who invented the bac- 
teriological warfare lie. Back on January i, ld66, 
in a statement to the Joint Plenum of the Central 
Committee and Central Control Commission of the 
Communist Party of the Soviet Union, he attacked 
certain resistance elements of the Soviet popula- 
tion which, he said : 

Organize wrecliing activities in the collective and state 
farms, and some of them, including certain Professors, 
go to such lengths in their zeal for wrecking as to inject 
the germs of plague and anthrax into cattle on the 
collective farms, help spread meningitis among horses, 

In the Purge Trials of 1937 and 1938, with which 
Mr. Vyshinsky is not unfamiliar, again we hnd 
the bacteriological warfare lie. One defendant 
"confessed" to manufacturing virulent bacteria in 
three separate factories in order to destroy herds 
of Soviet swine. Another defendant "confessed 
that he had connived with Japanese intelligence 
to infect the Red army with "highly virulent 
bacilli" in the event of war. 

Global Organization of the Campaign 

I come now to the second stage of the case his- 
tory of the lie. The campaign charging germ 
warfare in Korea was launched on February 21, 
1952 It has been with us ever since. It is a long- 
term affair and fully organized on a global basis. 
From Moscow the campaign is directed, from 
Peiping and other Communist capitals it is co- 
ordinated. By all the Communist and fellow- 
traveler communication media and apparatus it is 
disseminated. The division of labor is clear-cut. 
Eaw material flows from Moscow and Peipmg. 
By that, I mean the so-called documentation, an- 
nouncements of raids, protests, etc. The eye- 
witness evidence" is provided by the Chinese Com- 
munists and the North Koreans. It is they who 

Apr// 27, 7953 

250917—53 8 

issue the initial protests. The Soviet Government, 
in addition to exercising primary responsibility 
for coordination of the worldwide big lie eflorts, 
bolsters the so-called "evidence" with its own 
peculiar interpretations of evidence and state- 
ments, arranges for satellite and international 
front organization protests, and conducts the big 
lie campaign in the United Nations. 

The Communist-front World Peace Council 
leads most of the protest movements and is the 
focal point for various groups who call themselves 
investigatory commissions and make reports on 
tHf* cli^rffGS. 

You will undoubtedly soon hear from the lips 
of the Soviet representative the latest product of 
this campaign. It has been continued regularly 
in the columns of the Soviet Government press. 
For example, as recently as March 16 a headline 
appeared in Pravda: "American Aggressors Con- 
tinue Bacteriological Warfare in Korea. ihe 
story goes on to charge that American planes have 
recently dropped 16 types of insects m various 
villages in Korea. , u i.-u 

Let me now turn to certain devices used by tne 
Communists in building up and spreading the lie. 
The Communists have repeatedly employed Com- 
munist-controlled "investigations," and they have 
resorted to extorted confessions. They have done 
this in an attempt to provide an ostensibly scien- 
tific and legal basis for their false charges. 

The Communists have staged three so-called 
investigations : 

1. On March 13, 1952, Peiping announced the 
formation of a so-called "Investigation Commis- 
sion." This was carefully selected from among 
Chinese Communists to insure its partiality. Be- 
fore it began its work, its chairman amiounced 
that its purpose was "to gather the various crim- 
inal facts on bacteriological warfare waged by 
the American imperialists." 

2. Another so-called investigation was staged 
by a committee of the Communist front— Inter- 
national Association of Democratic Lawyers. Ac- 
cording to Pravda, on March 4, 1952, this group 
was sent out "in order to investigate and establish 
the crimes conmiitted by the interventionists in 
Korea, in violation of all international agree- 
ments." The Commission was made up of cur- 
rently faithful followers of the party line. Its 
chairman, Brandweiner, was also a former Nazi. 

3. Last September, the Chinese Communists 
published a lengthy report of the Communist- 
sponsored "International Scientific Commission 
for the Investigation of Facts Concerning Bac- 
teriological Warfare in Korea and China." This 
group of so-called investigators was organized by 
a member of the Chinese Communists' Peace Com- 
mittee. It was composed of Communists or 
Communist sympathizers. The only member pro- 
fessionally qualified as a scientist for the subject 
supposedly under investigation was a Soviet epi- 
demiologist. Dr. M. M. Zhukov-Verezhinikov 


(U.S.S.R. ) , Vice-President of the Soviet Academy 
of Medicine. In a speech carried by Soviet news- 
papers on March 14, 1952 (months before the in- 
vestigation), he had ah-eady announced his 

The American imperialists have perpetrated a new 
crime. They have carried out a bacteriological attack on 
the Korean Peoples Democratic Republic and on the Chi- 
nese Peoples llepublic. 

This supposedly scientific body was not only 
composed of members who had formed their judg- 
ments before going to China, but the Commission 
itself did not even bother to examine the so-called 
evidence of bacteriological warfare on the spot. 
For example, Dr. Andrea Andreen stated upon her 
return to bweden in September 1952 : 

We felt so sure of the integrity of our Chinese hosts 
that we entirely trusted statements which they made re- 
garding American use of germ warfare. The scientific 
foundation of the Commission's work consisted of the fact 
that the delegates implicitly believed the Chinese and 
North Korean accusations and evidence. 

"Confessions" in Communist Statecraft 

We all know that confessions play an important 
part in the statecraft of Communist countries. 
From the earliest purge trials to the present day, 
the Communists have developed methods for 
breaking the strongest human spirit and com- 
pelling innocent people to confess to any tale which 
the state authorities may require. 

The techniques consist primarily of prolonged 
deprivation of sleep which in time exerts a toxic 
effect similar to drugs, spinal injection of truth 
serum, and enforced maintenance of rigid postures 
for long periods. Psychological methods are also 
used: subjecting the prisoner to terrifying mass 
denunciations ; the creation of a sense of isolation 
and the futility of resistance in the mind of the 
prisoner; use of fellow prisoners as stool pigeons; 
alternation of severe and lenient treatment ; com- 
pelling the prisoner to write hundreds of pages of 
self-disclosure; and, finally, deceit and trickery. 
The more orthodox method of beating is also fre- 
quently used. 

I have looked at the facts of the specific cases 
which are here generalized, and I admit that these 
tacts shocked me so that I have not felt free to 
put them before this Committee in detail. I will 
cite, however, one of the least shocking examples : 
A Belgian priest. Father Schijns, who was kept 
in solitary confinement for 6 months by the Chi- 
nese Communists in 1951, says: 

The sleeplessness, the pain, the total abandonment and 
isolation, and the headaches brought me gradually to a 
state of comiilete hallucination. I began, entirely awake 
and not dreaming, to see spots and shadows on the walls 
of my room transformed into wild beasts and war scenes 
At t'mes;^ I found myself weeping aimlessly and sense- 
lessly. The psychological effect of such a rigid isoiation 
was that I, Just as all the others in our house, finally sat 
down in front of a typewriter and began to write down 
confessions hundreds of pages in length. I took the hint 
to recite the facts about everything that I knew and did. 


our work, our cares, our activity. Anyone might read It 
It was all patent and well-known. I had only to leave it 
to my Communist masters to construe misdeeds from these 

I turn now to a consideration of the so-called 
confessions extorted by their Communist captors 
of A.merican prisoners of war in their hands. It 
is difficult to approach this question without a 
feeling of strong emotion and resentment. There 
of course can be no doubt that a captor, hardened 
to use of methods such as I have described, would 
not hesitate to turn these helpless men into tools 
for their propaganda machine. 

Mr. Vyshinsky has recently circulated to the 
members of this Committee two recent alleged 
confessions of American military personnel. He 
is the same Mr. Vyshinsky who stated on Novem- 
ber 10, 1952, in this same Committee: 

Under conditions of war imprisonment, there is not and 
cannot be the most minimum conditions for the free ex- 
pression of the will of any war prisoner. 

These so-called confessions are false in their 
general assertions and in their specific allegations. 
They are of course in no event entitled to credence. 
They should be presumed to be false against the 
background of the circumstances in which they are 
extorted. However, we need not rely upon a mere 
presumption of their falsity. We have specific 

These military officers have allegedly identified 
a certain directive from the Joint Chiefs of Staff 
of the United States which is supposed to have 
instituted a plan for bacteriological warfare in 
Korea. They have allegedly identified certain 
military personnel who are said to have partici- 
pated in meetings for carrying this plan into 

There was no such directive, and there were no 
such meetings. 

Statements by American Military Officers 

Mr. Chairman, I read to this Committee a state- 
ment by Gen. Omar N. Bradley, Chairman of the 
Joint Chiefs of Staff of the United States. The 
statement was written on March 25. I quote : 

(1) The Joint Chiefs of Staff have never made a plan 
for bacteriological warfare in Korea. 

(2) The Joint Chiefs of Staff liave never sent a directive 
to the Commanding General, Far East Command, or any 
other individual in the Far East, by any means directing 
the initiation of bacteriological warfare in Korea. 

(3) The Joint Chiefs of Staff cateirorically deny that 
any military forces of the United States have engaged in 
bacteriological warfare in that area including contiguous 
Chinese territory. 

Next, Mr. Chairman, I read this Committee a 
.statement by Maj. Gen. C. F. Schilt, who was 
Commanding General of the First Marine Air- 
craft Wing in Korea from July 1951 to April 1952. 
This is the responsible officer who commanded the 
organization which has been alleged, by these 
latest confessions, to have dropped germ bombs 
in Korea : 

Department of Sfate Bulletin 

I categorically aflBrm that the account of bacteriological 
warfare activity on the part of United Nations and/or 
United States forces contained therein are complete fabri- 
cations. In particular the activities of the First Marine 
Aircraft Wing which were a matter of intimate knowledge 
to me in my oflScial capacity at no time participated in 
bacteriological warfare. None of the statements on the 
subject attributed to me are true. At no time did I re- 
ceive or issue any instruction concerning bacteriological 
warfare nor did i ever attend any conferences or engage 
in any other planning activities connected with this sub- 
ject No special security measures were ever imposed 
upon the wing or any of its units and during all my 
service in Korea I never heard of the alleged code word 
super propaganda (SUPROP). 

Next, Mr. Chairman, I read this Committee a 
statement by Maj. Gen. Clayton C. Jerome who 
replaced INIajor General Schilt as Commanding 
General of the First Marine Aircraft Wing and 
served in that capacity to January 8, 1953 : 

It's all a damn lie, and I would like to go up to the U.N. 
and tell them so under oath. 

I categorically deny the truthfulness of the accusations 
contained in the alleged confessions of Col. Schwable and 
Major Bley that United Nations and/or U. S. Forces 
planned or participated in bacteriological warfare. As 
Commanaing General of the First Marine Aircraft Wing 
during the period 11 April 1952 to 8 January 1953, I posi- 
tively state that no orders were received by the First 
Marine Aircraft Wing or issued to subordinate units of 
the Wing which related to bacteriological warfare. There 
were no plans for bacteriological warfare prepared by 
the First Marine Aircraft Wing. The allegations that 
I discussed such matters with the 5th Air Force and 
conducted conferences within the First Marine Aircraft 
Wing relating to bacteriological warfare are completely 

Other statements in the two alleged confessions 
are equally false. I will not burden the Committee 
by reading the sworn statements of the persons 
mentioned" in these two alleged confessions. I 
have these statements here, and I now request the 
Secretary-General to circulate them to the mem- 
bers of the United Nations for their inspection.^ 
In the greatest detail, persons, places, meetings, 
and activities referred to in the so-called confes- 
sions are denied and refuted. The "confessions" 
emerge as cleverly forged and contrived documents 
with no substance whatever. 

I have described the nature and origins of this 
Soviet plot. The whole apparatus of a police- 
state system, centering in the Kremlin, is being 
used to manufacture and distribute a total lie — 
false in all its parts, both general and particular. 
How should the General Assembly meet this 
assault upon the United Nations and upon the 
effort of the United Nations to resist aggression 
in Korea? 

Repeated offers of an impartial investigation of 
the charges have been made by the United States, 
by the International Committee of the Red Cross, 
and by the U.N. Security Council itself. These 
offers have been ignored, rejected, or vetoed. 

' U.N. doc. A/C.IA'.ST, dated Mar. 27. 
April 27, 1953 

How the U.N. Should Meet the Assault 

Despite this fact — or indeed, because of it — it 
seemed to us fitting to submit this question to the 
General Assembly. It is the U.N. Charter itself 
which is being subverted by Soviet actions, and 
we are assembled here as custodians and trustees 
of the Charter. 

I have introduced a resolution on this matter, 
so that the moral weight and dignity of the Gen- 
eral Assembly may be brought to bear. This does, 
after all, embody the collective judgment of the 
world community. 

We propose, along with all the other nations 
whose forces are engaged in repelling aggression 
in Korea, that the General Assembly do now for- 
mally take note of the accusations which have been 
made and repeatedly denied by the Unified Com- 
mand. We think the Assembly should record the 
fact that offers of impartial investigation have 
been rejected by the very persons who originate 
and disseminate the false charges. 

We propose that the General Assembly should 
now call upon the Governments and authorities 
concerned to cooperate with a Commission estab- 
lished by the Assembly itself to conduct an im- 
partial investigation of the charges that have been 
made. The Commission should be allowed to 
travel freely throughout such areas of North and 
South Korea, the Chinese mainland, and Japan, 
as the Commission may think necessary in the 
performance of its task. It should have freedom 
of access to such persons, places, and documents as 
it considers necessary. And it should be free to 
examine any witness, including prisoners of war. 
A special problem is presented by reason of the 
base Communist practice, which I have described, 
of using the device of extorted confessions. We 
feel there is a right way to deal with this matter. 
The General Assembly should ask the Commu- 
nists whether they will submit the so-called con- 
fessions to impartial investigations. 

We challenge the Communist authorities con- 
cerned to permit all United States military per- 
sonnel, whose so-called confessions have been pub- 
lished, to be brought to a neutral area. There they 
should be given a fair chance to tell the truth to 
an impartial U.N. Commission. I ask that they 
be brought to an area in some country which is 
neither a participant in the U.N. Command in 
Korea nor whose Government has supported or 
approved the action of the aggressors in Korea. 
There they would remain under the responsibility 
and custody of the Commission and would be 
interned until the conclusion of hostilities in order 
to preclude fear of later reprisals by their Com- 
munist captors. After an adequate period of rest 
and recuperation, they would be informed of the 
propaganda use which has been made of their 
alleged "confessions" and asked by the Commis- 
sion to verify or deny the facts contained therein. 


It is for the Soviet delegate to accept this offer, 
in the name of truth. 
We await his reply. 


U.S. /U.N. press release dated April 8 

Several days ago, in introducing the subject of 
this debate, the U.S. delegation made clear what 
our objective was and what it has been from the 
moment when these false charges became a part 
of the established Communist propaganda pol- 
icy. We have since then heard statements by the 
Soviet representative and by several of the mem- 
bers of the Soviet bloc. 

One of the points which has been stressed in all 
the statements made by the Soviet group, al- 
though with varying degrees of emphasis, has 
been the alleged fault of this Committee in failing 
to invite the Chinese Communist regime and the 
North Korean authorities to attend our meetings 
for the purpose, as it has been put again this after- 
noon by the Polish representative, of participating 
in our discussions. 

Mr. Chairman, the question has been asked by 
other speakers before me and I think it only appro- 
priate to ask again what purpose would be served 
by inviting the Chinese and the North Korean 
authorities to come here to propagate a lie ? There 
are not two sides to a lie. A lie is an empty thing. 
It has only one side, an outside. This lie, as we 
have demonstrated by our highest authorities, by 
the most responsible officials of the U.S. Govern- 
ment speaking for themselves within their respon- 
sibility as representatives of the U.N. Command 
in Korea, is false in all its generalities and in every 

The Chinese Communists and the North Korean 
authorities have never at any time requested or 
suggested that an impartial investigation be con- 
ducted into the grave charges which they have 
persisted in leveling against the United States and 
the United Nations. I do not think it is neces- 
sary to speculate concerning the nature of the 
propaganda and lying testimony which these au- 
thorities would engage in if invited to attend our 

On March 30, and I must note as a matter of 
tragic irony and coincidence, on the same day 
when Chou En-lai issued a statement regarding 
the prisoners of war in Korea, on that same day 
when the hopes of the world were raised, the 
Peiping Radio commented upon the proposal 
which I laid before this Committee on behalf of 
the 16 cosponsors. I should like to explain to 
the Committee in the words of the Peiping broad- 
cast the attitude which the Chinese Communist 
authorities take in what I think may fairly be 
characterized as a desperate attempt to evade an 
impartial investigation. 


Speaking before the Political Committee had 
before it tlie proposed composition of the com- 
mittee of investigation, before any names had 
been suggested for inclusion in the draft resolu- 
tion, Peiping Eadio characterized the proposal 
that the General Assembly set up a commission 
to conduct what it called a so-called impartial 
investigation and a commission which would have 
free access to areas necessary to its investigation, 
and said such a so-called commission — and I point 
out that the membership of the Commission had 
not then yet been suggested — that such a so-called 
commission could more suitably be termed a special 
detachment of the United States intelligence to 
collect information about germ warfare waged 
by the American Forces. And the Peiping Radio 
went on to say that it is quite obvious tliat the 
U.S. Government, which is still continuing bac- 
teriological warfare, is in urgent need of first- 
hand information concerning the results of this 

This is the manner in which the Peiping Radio 
characterized a solemn and dignified proposal for 
the creation of an impartial commission and at- 
tacked and undermined a commission whose com- 
position had not even at that point been suggested. 

With regard to our proposal, which is contained 
in this draft resolution, to turn over to the com- 
mission the prisoners of war who are alleged to 
have made confessions, the Peiping Radio on that 
same day characterized this proposal as a des- 
perate attempt — to use their language — to get 
these prisoners of war handed over to a commis- 
sion which is in the exclusive service of the U.S. 
Government. Again I remind the Committee the 
members of the commission had not even then 
been named or proposed. 

The Peiping Radio went on to say that the 
"United States Gestapo" — to use their language — 
could then employ threat and persuasion for the 
so-called repudiation of these prisoners of war. 
In other words, it is a move directed toward co- 
ercing them to repudiate their own depositions. 
By this attempt to use such a shameful dodge, 
Peipmg Radio said, to get a repudiation of the 
confessions made by the captured U.S. Air Force 
officers the U.S. Government fools nobody. On 
the contrary, it only proves that the U.S. Gov- 
ernment is at its wits end and can find no way 
of evading the grave responsibility for using bac- 
terial weapons. 

This is the language of the Chinese Communist 
authorities on March 30. Do we need to speculate 
further concerning the nature of the statements 
which would be made if their representatives were 
invited to participate in our deliberations? 

Mr. Chairman, what the U.S. Government has 
proposed from the beginning and what we now 
urgently continue to maintain is not a discussion, 
not a debate, but an investigation. Impartial 
experts who would be selected by the commission 
proposed in this resolution would work with mi- 

Departmenl of State Bulletin 

ci'oscopes, not with microphones. This is not a 
propaganda maneuver. This is an honest and 
practical device to expose charges which I think 
all the world knows to be false. 

Reference has been made to what I think has 
been called the moderate tone of the Soviet repre- 
sentative in dealing with this subject yesterday. 
Mr. Chairman, it is somewhat startling that when 
the Soviet representative whispers, to hear the 
echoes shout back. The tone which we have heard 
from other spokesmen has not been as moderate 
and restrained as the whispers of the Soviet repre- 
sentative. However, we feel that a lie is just as 
false whether it is whispered or shouted. 

In an attempt to evade the investigation — and 
this repeats a performance with which we have 
become familiar and which we saw last summer 
in the Security Council — the Soviet representative 
and his louder echoes have referred to the Geneva 
Protocol and to the desirability of ratifying the 
Geneva Protocol. 

Mr. Chairman, whose good faith is on trial 
here? We are urging an impartial investigation 
and an honest method which we Imow — and say 
with a sense of responsibility — will expose a lie. 
Now, why does the Soviet representative intro- 

duce the subject of the Geneva Protocol? It has 
nothing to do with the truth or the falsity of the 
charges of germ warfare. It is, therefore, an eva- 
sion of the point at issue here, a pretext for evad- 
ing our suggestion for an investigation. The 
question of the ratification of the Geneva Protocol 
relates to a quite different, although a very im- 
portant matter; that is, what is the most practical, 
effective, and honest method of eliminating bac- 
teriological weapons and other weapons of mass 
destruction from national arsenals. 

The Geneva Protocol does not meet the need of 
the present difficult world for security against the 
use of bacteriological weapons. The protocol 
merely collects promises not to use poison gas 
and bacteriological weapons first. If every mem- 
ber of the United Nations were to sign the Geneva 
Protocol and ratify it today, the Soviet Govern- 
ment having already hurled the lie about the 
United Nations use of germ warfare in Korea 
would be free under its own reservations to the 
Geneva Protocol to use germ warfare against any 
U.N. member. There is no security in such an 

The Geneva Protocol permits the continued 
manufacture and stockpiling of bacteriological 

Draft Resolution on Impartial Investigation 
of Germ Warfare Charges* 

U.N. doc. A/C. 1/L, 36/Rev. 2 
Adopted April 8, 1953 

The General AsscmMy, 

Noting that accusations have been made by cer- 
tain governments and autliorities charfrfng the use 
of bacteriological warfare by United Nations forces, 
and that the Unified Command for Korea has re- 
peatedly denied such charges, 

Recallinf! that when the charges were first made 
the Unified Command for Korea requested that an 
impartial inve.stigation be made of them. 

Noting that tlie Central People's Government of 
the People's Republic of China and the North Korean 
authorities have so far refused to accept an offer 
by the International Committee of the Ked Cross 
to carry out an investigation, 

Noting that the draft resolution submitted in the 
Security Council by the Government of the United 
States proposing an investigation of these charges 
by the International Committee of the Red Cross 
failed to carry because of the negative vote of the 
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, 

Desiring to serve the interests of truth, 

1. Resolves that, after the President of the Gen- 
eral Assembly has received an indication from all 
the governments and authorities concerned of their 
acceptance of the investigation proposed in this 
resolution, a Commission composed of Brazil, Egypt, 
Pakistan, Sweden, and Uruguay shall be set up and 
shall carry out immediately an investigation of the 
charges that have been made ; 

2. Calls upon the governments and authorities 
concerned to enable the Commission to travel freely 
throughout such areas of North and South Korea, 
the Chinese mainland, and Japan as the Commission 
may deem necessary in the performance of its task 

and to allow the Commission freedom of access 
to such persons, places and relevant documents as 
it considers necessary for the fulfillment of its task 
and to allow it to examine any witness Including 
prisoners of war under such safeguards and con- 
ditions as the Commission shall determine : all 
prisoners of war who are alleged to have made con- 
fessions regarding the use of bacteriological war- 
fare shall, prior to examination by the Commission, 
be taken to a neutral area and remain under the 
responsibility and custody of the Commission until 
the end of the Korean hostilities ; 

3. Requests the President of the General As- 
sembly to transmit this resolution immediately to 
the governments and authorities concerned re- 
questing them to indicate their acceptance of the 
investigation proposed in this resolution ; 

4. Requests the President of the General Assem- 
bly to report to the General Assembly at the earliest 
practicable date on the results of his efforts ; 

5. Directs the Commission, when set up, to enlist 
the aid of such scientists of international reputa- 
tion, especially epidemiologists, and such other 
experts as it may select ; 

6. Directs the Commission, after acceptance of 
the investigation proposed In this resolution by aU 
the governments and authorities concerned, to re- 
port to the Members of the General Assembly 
through the Secretary-General as soon as possible 
and no later than 1 September 1953 ; 

7. Requests the Secretary-General to furnish the 
Commission with the necessary staff and facilities. 

*Sponsored hy Australia, Belgium, Canada, Co- 
lombia, Ethiopia, France, Greece, Luxembourg, 
Netherlands, New Zealand, Philippines, Thailand, 
Turkey, Union of South Africa, United Kingdom, 
and the United States; adopted by Committee I on 
April 8 by a vote of 52-5-3. 

April 27, 1953 


wenpons. It does not provide for international 
control to prevent facilities for waging mass germ 
warfare from becoming a part of the armaments 
of nations. 

U.S. Proposal on Disarmament 

We think, and we have advised the Disarma- 
ment Commission of our view in this regard and 
this view has been supported, that the Disarma- 
ment Commission should continue its work for 
the development by the United Nations of com- 
prehensive and coordinated plans providing for 
the elimination and prohibition of all major 
weapons, including bacteriological, adaptable to 
mass destruction.' That is what the General As- 
sembly resolution provides, which we voted on 
this very morning.* Within the Disarmament 
Commission we have repeatedly stated our desire 
to provide for effective, honest international con- 
trol of bacteriological weapons. We have pointed 
out that safeguards must be devised to insure the 
elimination of bacteriological weapons, their fa- 
cilities and appliances for their production and 
their use. We regard it essential that there be 
an effective and continuous system of disclosure 
and verification of all armed forces and arma- 
ments, including the weapons of mass destruction. 

This is our program laid before the Disarma- 
ment Commission, a program to which my Gov- 
ernment is pledged and dedicated to further and 
to develop, we hope, to a successful conclusion. 

It, therefore, seems clear to my Government as 
we come close to a vote on the draft resolution 
before us that the procedure we suggest is honest, 
that the commission we propose is fair, and that 
there is no logical or sensible reason to be found 
in evasions. 

I challenge the Soviet representative, remind- 
ing him that these charges have been made in 
Moscow, have been disseminated by Moscow, to 
state whether his Government is prepared to sup- 
port an impartial investigation of the charges 
which the Moscow Eadio and the Communist 
newspapers of the Soviet Union have propagated 
and disseminated. And I ask him whether the 
countries proposed for the commission to conduct 
this impartial investigation — Brazil, Egypt, 
Pakistan, Sweden, and Uruguay — can be stigma- 
tized and slandered? 

I believe, Mr. Chairman, that we should proceed 
with the resolution. I am confident that the over- 
whelming majority of the members of this Com- 
mittee will support a procedure which we know 
will result in an exposure of an infamous lie. 

' For a r^sum$ of U.S. proposals on disarmament, see 
ibid., Mar. 30, 1953, p. 477. 
* Ibid., Apr. 20, 1953, p. 584. 

Trygve Lie's Work Praised; 
Welcome Extended to his Successor 

Statements by Henry Cahot Lodge, Jr. 
U.S. Representative to the General Assembly 

Tribute to Trygve Lie 

U.S. /U.N. press release dated April 7 

On behalf of the Government of the United 
States, I wish to express appreciation for the work 
of the retiring Secretary-General, Trygve Lie.' 
Duriii" his more than 7 years of service to the 
United Nations he has given of himself unreserv- 
edly to promote the ideals of the Charter. His 
difficult task he has carried out with courage, with 
energy, and with devotion. 

Mr. Lie has generally been regarded as a symbol 
of the United Nations. The Preparatory Com- 
mission in London in 1945 prophesied that the 
United Nations could not prosper nor its aims be 
realized without the active and steadfast support 
of the peoples of the world, and that the Secretary- 
General more than anyone else would stand for 
the United Nations as a whole in the eyes of the 
world. Mr. Lie has recognized the responsibility 
that this concept placed upon his shoulders and he 
said, himself, some years later: "The office I hap- 
pen to hold — the office of Secretary-General — 
stands for the hopes for peace and civilization 
that are bound up in the United Nations." 

It was Mr. Lie's task to set up the organization 
at the very stai't and to make it a going concern. 
His was the task of establishing uie precedents 
which might guide his successors. He has done 
this in a manner which has enhanced the dignity 
of his office. He has not failed to look beyond 
the immediate problem to the future and he has 
taken the initiative in presenting his views on 
long-range planning for the United Nations. 

The great test of the United Nations itself came 
when the organization was faced with the attack 
in Korea. The issue was whether the organiza- 
tion itself should survive or should perish. 
Within 15 hours after the Secretary-General was 
informed that a conflict appeared to have broken 
out in Korea, he courageously stated his views to 
the Security Council. Having asked for a report 
from the U.N. Commission in Korea, he told the 
Security Council on June 25, 1950, that the situa- 
tion was in his view a serious one and a threat to 
international peace, and he said : "The Security 
Council is, in my opinion, competent to deal with 
it. I consider it is the clear duty of the Security 
Council to take steps necessary to re-establish 
peace in that area." 

The 7 years of Mr. Lie's Secretary-Generalship 
have presented him with the problems of moving 

' Dag Hammarskjold of Sweden was elected by the Gen- 
eral Assembly on Apr. 7 to succeed Mr. Lie as Secretary- 


Department of State Bulletin 

the headquarters of the organization from one tem- 
porary location to another — from the Henry Hud- 
son Hotel to Hunter College, then to Lake Success, 
and finally to the new Headquarters building in 
which we sit. It was a long way from Church 
House in London, where the Preparatory Commis- 
sion met, to this Headquarters building. It could 
be said that in a way this headquarters is a monu- 
ment to Mr. Lie, because under his guidance it 
came into being. 

However, I suggest that a monument to his work 
lies not in stone and glass and mortar. The 
United Nations is neither one building nor another. 
It is the peoples of the world here meeting through 
their representatives on the basis of Charter prin- 
ciples. From his first report to the General As- 
sembly to his last, Mr. Lie has seen what the 
United Nations really is. He said in June of 1946 ^ 
that it is a machinery through which nations can 
cooperate; that it can be used and developed in 
the light of its activities and experience to the 
untold benefit of humanity or it can be discarded 
and broken. And in his last report to us in Sep- 
tember of 1952 he stated that so long as the United 
Nations exists and functions we can keep alive 
the hope and continue the effort for peaceful ad- 
justments, for workable bases of coexistence, and 
even ultimately for the reconciliation of what to- 
day may seem unreconcilable. 

I suggest that the true monument to Mr. Lie is 
his stated conviction and belief in the principles 
of the U.N. Charter. 

It could not be an easy task for a man of prin- 
ciple and integrity to attempt to administer an 
organization composed as it is today of 60 mem- 
bers. Differences of opinion are bound to arise 
and are to be expected. Mr. Lie's position re- 
minds me of the two lines in John Gilpin's ride : 

And those behind cried "Forward," 
And those in front cried "Back." 

As he takes leave of us, Mr. Lie should have 
the satisfaction of knowing that his is a job well- 
done. He has not only the grateful thanks of the 
U.S. Government — the best wishes of the Ameri- 
can people go with him also. 

Welcome to Dag Hammarskjold 

n.S./U.N. press release dated April 10 

It is a pleasure to welcome on behalf of the 
United States, Dag Hammarskjold as Secretary- 
General. He is, of course, no stranger to the 
United Nations, having represented his Govern- 
ment here at this very session. 

As Secretary-General he will hold a key posi- 
tion in an organization to which my Government 
attaches the greatest importance. The Secretary- 
General, together with his staff, comprises what 
the charter calls a principal organ of the United 

' U.N. doc. A/2141. 
ApriJ 27, 1953 

Sweden has a great tradition of service by her 
citizens in international affairs. Mr. Ham- 
marskjold's father, in addition to serving his coun- 
try as its Prime Minister and as a judge, has 
worked, written, and taught in the field of inter- 
national law and international organization. His 
father is also the President of the Nobel Founda- 
tion, that body which carries on the aspirations of 
another great Swede, Alfred Nobel. We all cher- 
ish the memory of Count Folke Bernadotte who, 
as a U.N. Mediator, laid down his life in the serv- 
ice of the United Nations. 

In keeping with this tradition, it is most appro- 
priate that Mr. Hammarskjold, himself a most 
distinguished citizen of Sweden, should be Secre- 
tary-General of the United Nations. 

The role of the United Nations and therefore 
the role of the Secretary-General is as broad as the 
entire field of human endeavor. We are fortunate 
that Mr. Hammarskjold brings to it not only his 
skill as a diplomat and as a minister, but also his 
broad experience in economic and financial mat- 
ters. All these talents directly relate to important 
fields of U.N. work. 

As Mr. Hammarskjold takes up his duties he 
becomes part of a living organization which has 
gone further toward organizing peace and organ- 
izing security than any other body in modern his- 
tory, and this result has occurred at a time of 
great threats to the peace and the security of the 
international community. 

Today no state can be an island. A web of 
interrelations must exist between it and other 

Today an international organization must rep- 
resent different cultures and different races, al- 
though a little over 100 years ago the Council of 
Europe was conceived as a group of sovereigns, 
products of the same civilization and background, 
maintaining the stability of Europe. 

Today, as then, we must expect conflict among 
people and among states. But that does not mean 
that this conflict need be physical. Shifting tides 
of power among men and among nations can be 
tested by quick access to world public opinion. 
That is what the United Nations provides. 

From his post the Secretary-General will be 
able to see whether the technical advances of pure 
science can be balanced through corresponding 
advances in the means by which men and nations 
can live in peace with their neighbors. To this 
quest he can contribute. 

No one would tell Mr. Hammarskjold that his 
work will be easy. His problems will be even 
more numerous than the 60 members of the United 
Nations, and as one problem is resolved, others 
will appear to take its place. . . . 

Mr. Secretary-General ... my Govern- 
ment is happy to have cast its vote in favor of 
placing this organization— this instrumentality 
for peace and security — in your custody. 


Maintaining Charter Standards for International Civil Servants 

Statement hy Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. 

U.S. Representative to the Geiieral Assembly ■ 

U.S./U.N. press release dated March 28 

Let US begin by paying tribute to Secretary- 
General Lie and to the important and efficient 
work done by the staff members of the Secretariat 
in this, as well as in past, Assemblies. In 1950, 
and again in this General Assembly, I have ob- 
served the fine efforts of the men and women who 
selflessly and anonymously serve us in our search 
for peace. 

It is sometimes forgotten that the task under- 
taken by Mr. Lie in the organizational period of 
the United Nations was nothing short of monu- 
mental. That he brought together a staff wliich 
met the needs of governments, which were holding 
hundreds of meetings, stands to his everlasting 
credit. I have every confidence that the U.N. 
Secretariat will continue to provide for the needs 
of this international organization with increasing 

Mr. Lie, in his statement before this Assembly j^^ 
gave a full report on the problems he has had to 
face in a period of world trouble. He dealt in 
some detail with his relationships with some of 
the member goverimients. My own remarks will 
deal less with the past than with the present and 

The position of the U.S. Government on this 
question is determined by the importance of the 
United Nations in American foreign policy. Pres- 
ident Eisenhower in his inaugural speech described 
the United Nations as "the living sign of all peo- 
ples' hopes for peace .... We shall strive to 
make it not merely an eloquent symbol but an 
effective force." This is the basic instruction of 
the U.S. delegation. 

If the United Nations is to be an effective force, 
it must have the full support of world public 

" Made on Mar. 28 in plenary session on the Report of 
the Secretary-General on Personnel Policy. 

' For a summary of Trygve Lie's statement of Mar 10 
see Bulletin of Mar. 23, 1953, p. 452. 

opinion. Public opinion and moral force are the 
strength of the Organization. We have seen, in 
the past, the weight of public opinion in bringing 
questions to issue and settlement in the United 

World public opinion is, in large part, the com- 
bined public opinion in the several member states. 
Public opinion in the United States is concerned 
that the effectiveness of the United Nations may 
be impaired because of the existence of a serious 
personnel problem. Senator Wiley, chairman of 
the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, summed 
up the general view in the United States when he 
said, "There is absolutely no place in the inter- 
national secretariat for a single American Com- 
munist or any American of doubtful loyalty." 
And later on, "the United Nations should not 
become a haven for disloyal Americans or for 

As I said upon presenting my credentials to the 
Secretary-General, this essentially administrative 
problem has been one of the principal obstacles in 
the United States to increased confidence in the 
United Nations. 

The Secretary-General has demonstrated that 
he, also, is fully cognizant of the fact that the 
United Nations effectiveness is profoundly influ- 
enced by the extent of public faith and confidence 
in the Secretariat. 

It is because of the fundamental importance of 
this problem that the following steps have been 
taken : 

First: The Secretary-General has dismissed the 
individuals whose actions he regarded as a failure 
to meet the fundamental obligations of interna- 
tional civil servants. 

Second: He asked the U.S. Government to fur- 
nish him with full information concerning both 
present and prospective U.S. members of his staff 
so that he can insure that the Charter standards 
are met. 


Department of State Bulletin 

Third: The U.S. Government has agreed to un- 
dertake investigations necessary to supply the 
needed information. 

Fourth: These investigations are now in 

You have before you in the Report of the Secre- 
tary-General ' the procedures which are being fol- 
lowed by the U.S. iTOvernment in conducting these 
investigations. Although some modification may 
be necessary from time to time to assure that U.S. 
employees or applicants for the United Nations 
are accorded the same protection as employees of 
or applicants for the U.S. federal service, the pri- 
mary concern here is that the advice provided to 
the "Secretary-General by the U.S. Government 
will be based on a thorough inquiry into the facts 
and that the U.S. Government regards the infor- 
mation provided only as advice. While we hope 
that the information so provided will prove ade- 
quate to permit the Secretary-General responsibly 
to reach conclusions similar to those reached by 
the U.S. Government, we recognize that the re- 
sponsibility for final judgment in the matter rests 
solely with the Secretary-General. 

The investigations are proceeding rapidly. 
Nearly 1,800 investigation forms have been filed, 
and investigators are currently working on most 
of these cases. I am confident that most of these 
investigations will have been completed in the 
next few months and that the Secretary-General 
will have been furnished the information he has 
asked of the U.S. Government by the next regular 
session of the General Assembly. 

The U.S. Government considers that the issues 
raised in the last few months can be satisfactorily 
met within the spirit of the Charter by the proce- 
dures which the Secretary-General indicates m 
his report he will follow in reviewing the infor- 
mation to be supplied and by the action he pro- 
poses to take on cases where the information dis- 
closes the individual is engaging in or is likely 
to engage in subversive activities. 

Protecting Individual Employees 

These procedures do not lose sight of the neces- 
sity of protecting the individual employee from 
unjust accusation and arbitrary action. We fully 
share the concern that many of you have expressed 
both privately and publicly that the independence 
of the Secretariat must be maintained. We recog- 
nize that, in order to do so, employees cannot be 
penalized simply because they do not personally 
agree with the policies of the particular regime m 
power in their country of citizenship. We have 
no interest in knowing whether any American m 
the Secretariat is Republican or Democrat or 
Independent, so long as he meets the Charter 
standards of efficiency, competence, and integrity. 
However, we do have an interest in knowing 

' U.N. doc. A/2364 dated Jan. 30. 

ApiW 27, 1953 

whether he is a member of a conspiracy dedicated 
to the forcible overthrow of our democratic form 
of government — and undoubtedly most of you have 
a similar interest. 

Since the power of selection resides solely in the 
Secretary-General and since it seems clear to us 
from the Secretai-y-General's Report that the 
standards he proposes to apply will protect staff 
members against inadequately supported or un- 
reliable representations from member govern- 
ments, there should be no doubt as to the continued 
independence of the Secretariat or the safeguard- 
ing of individual rights. 

Consequently, the U.S. delegation believes the 
Secretary-General should continue to apply the 
policies outlined in his report. 

Of course, it is probable that all delegations find 
certain points of emphasis or detail in the Report 
of the Secretary-General with which they may 
disagree. There are a number of aspects which 
the United States believes could be improved by 
amendments. But we consider the Report as a 
whole to be acceptable. 

Further, some delegations have expressed the 
view that there should be a full discussion of the 
possibility of a fundamental revision of the Char- 
ter provisions relating to the Secretariat. We cer- 
tainly are not opposed to such a discussion. But 
such a discussion has no direct bearing on the 
practical situation we face, which is that tlie Sec- 
retary-General is meeting the problem before him 
in an effective and forthright manner and should 
not be prevented from working out a full solution. 
The U.S. delegation believes this Assembly 
should take no action which will hinder the Sec- 
retary-General in taking whatever action may be 
necessary to deal with the existing situation. But, 
of course, the United States has no objection — in 
fact we welcome it — a further discussion of this 
question at the Eighth Session of tlie General 
Assembly, such discussion to take fully into ac- 
count the developments during the intervening 

In order to accomplish these two purposes, the 
U.S. delegation has joined with other delegations 
in sponsoring a draft resolution which is before 
you for consideration.^ The U.S. delegation for 
the same reasons will vote against the resolution 
proposed by several other delegations, which pro- 
poses to suspend any further action on personnel 
questions while a detailed study is made by a 
committee of 15 members. We consider that such 
action by the General Assembly would make it 
impossible for the Secretary-General to deal ade- 
quately with the personnel problems confronting 
the Organization. 

Reverting to the Secretary-General's Report for 
a moment, there are two questions which have been 

' U.N. doc. A/L. 146, dated Mar. 28. The resolution is 
sponsored, in addition to the United States, by France and 
the United Kingdom. 


directed to me in private discussion on which com- 
ment might be appropriate. 

A question has been raised about the conclusion 
of the Secretary-General's Report that a refusal, 
on the ground of possible self-incrimination, to 
testify before public investigatory bodies may be 
held to be inconsistent with the obligations of staff 
members. Let me, therefore, speak briefly about 
the privilege against self-incrimination. 

Resolution on Personnel Policy* 

U.N. doc. A/Resolution 95 
Adopted April 1, 1953 

The General Assemily, 

Recalling the following provisions of Articles 100 
and 101 of the Charter : 

Article 100 

"1. In the performance of their duties the Secre- 
tary-General and the staff shall not seek or receive 
instructions from any government or from any other 
authority external to the Organization. They shall 
refrain from any action which might reflect on their 
position as international oflicials responsible only to 
the Organization. 

"2. Each Member of the United Nations under- 
takes to respect the exclu.sively international char- 
acter of the responsibilities of the Secretary-General 
and the staff and not to seek to influence them in 
the discharge of their responsibilities. 

Article 101 

"1. The staff shall be appointed by the Secretary- 
General under regulations established by the General 

"3. The paramount consideration in the employ- 
ment of the staff and in the determination of the 
conditions of service shall be the necessity of secur- 
ing the highest standards of efficiency, competence 
and integrity. Due regard shall be paid to the im- 
portance of recruiting the staff on as wide a geo- 
graphical basis as possible", 

Having reviewed and considered the report of the 
Secretary-General on personnel policy (A/2364), 

1. Expresses its confidence that the Secretary- 
General will conduct personnel policy with these 
considerations in mind ; 

2. Requests the Secretary-General to submit to 
the General-Assembly at its eighth session a report 
on the progres.s made in the conduct and develop- 
ment of personnel policy, together with the com- 
ments of the Advisory Committee on Administrative 
and Budgetary Questions thereon ; 

3. Invites the Secretary-General and the Advisory 
Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Ques- 
tions to submit, after appropriate consultations with 
the administrative heads of the specialized agencies, 
their recommendations as to any further action 
that may be required of the General Assembly ; 

4. Calls upon all Members of the United Nations 
to assist the Secretary-General in the discharge of 
his responsibilities as chief administrative officer 
of the United Nations. 

*Adopted by the General Assembly on Apr. 1 
by a vote of 41-13-4- 

The Privilege Against Self-incrimination 

Many of the nations represented here share with 
my country a common tradition of the rule of law 
and of jealous concern for the protection of the 
rights of individuals against invasion by arbitrary 
governmental power. But the conditions and the 
manner in which this protection is provided often 

The privilege of witnesses to refuse testimony to 
legislative bodies is a case in point. In many, 
perhaps in a number of countries legislative bodies 
are not generally granted the power to compel the 
attendance of witnesses and the jsroduction of rec- 
ords and to compel testimony under oath in aid of 
independent investigations. Where such powers 
are rare, or unknown, the refusal of a citizen to 
cooperate in an investigation may well be regarded 
as an assertion of a simple right. In such a situa- 
tion, to draw inference from the refusal to testify 
may appear questionable. 

In the United States, however, the position of an 
uncooperative witness is quite different. The 
power of the legislature and its committees to 
make independent investigations and to exercise 
the ancillary powers necessary thereto is well estab- 
lished and fully recognized both in the written 
Constitution and by custom. This power is a 
necessary consequence of our constitutional system 
with its strict separation of executive, legislative, 
and judicial powers. To exercise its responsibili- 
ties, the legislature must be able to assure itself of 
access to the information it needs directly from the 
community. Lacking the power of parliamentary 
legislatures where executive and legislative func- 
tions coexist in the same people, it need not rely 
merely on information made available to it by the 
Cabinet. This independent power of the legisla- 
ture to ascertain facts has been recognized to be not 
an invasion of liberty, but an essential guaranty of 
that liberty and of democracy. It is in jpact 
broader and less limited than the corresponding 
powers vested in the executive. It springs from 
our system of separation of powers which, I 
believe, exists in no other nation to the extent that 
it exists here. 

Accordingly, the obligation to cooperate with 
legislative investigations and to make available the 
information required by legislative bodies is recog- 
nized as a fundamental obligation of American 

The privilege against self-incrimination is di- 
rected primarily at court proceedings and does not 
excuse the citizen from his obligation to disclose 
information to a legislative committee. The main 
purpose of the privilege is the protection of the 
individual against being compelled to disclose 
facts which may put him in jeopardy of criminal 
prosecution. But it may not be invoked as a 
means of giving effect to a general objection to any 
given investigation, its subject matter, its methods, 
or the persons conducting it. 


Department of Stale Bulletin 

Thus it is no violation of any "right" of Ameri- 
cans in the Secretariat if the Secretary-General 
takes a grave view of failure to respond to legiti- 
mate questions by U.S. legislative bodies, particu- 
larly if the inquiry is concerned with possible 
subversive activities affecting the very safety of 
the United States. We do not think any citizen 
has a "right" to hold public oflBce ; we consider such 
tenure to be a privilege. 

In liis Report, the Secretary-General does not 
propose to ignore the nature of the questions asked 
or to disregard the other information conceiuiing 
the individual which may have been made avail- 
able to him in determining the consequences of a 
refusal to testify. I hope that what I have said 
about the obligation of Americans to cooperate 
with public investigations may have helped to 
demonstrate that the Secretary -General's position 
is not only consistent with law but is a policy which 
fairly takes into account these considerations about 
Americans who fear self-incrimination when asked 
about subversion in the United States. 

Estimating Personnel Performance 

The second question relates to paragraphs 97, 98, 
and 99 which state in part : "The Secretary-Gen- 
eral should not retain a staff member in the 
employment of the United Nations if he has 
reasonable grounds for believing that that staff 
member is engaging or is likely to engage in sub- 
versive activities against the government of any 
member state." Wliile this statement and the 
accompanying test seem to me to be clear and 
unequivocal, I have heard reservations about the 
policy of refusing employment to individuals on 
grounds of "the likelihood of engaging in subver- 
sive activities." This is because it is held to be 
almost impossible to make such a determination 
with any degree of accuracy. The U. S. Govern- 
ment believes that, as in the case of judging any 
other factor of probable personnel performance, 
one must look at the individual's past record. 
Admittedly it is a difficult decision but no more 
difficult than an attempt to appraise the courage 
and leadership qualities of a soldier or the ability 
of a diplomat to respect confidences. All human 
actions which include an appraisal of the future 
are estimates of likelihood. No one is ever hired 
for any job without an estimate of his probable 
future performance. There are no absolutes of 
judgment, but, if the guide is past performance, 
the prediction is likely to be accurate. The pro- 
cedures established by the U. S. Government and 
by the Secretary-General assure objectivity and 
fairness in reaching these decisions. It is for this 
purpose that the U. S. Government is investigat- 
ing the background, employment history, and 
character of present and prospective U. S. citizen 
staff members not only as regards loyalty but also 
the probability of competent performance. We 

wish to provide the Secretary-General with in- 
formation on the basis of which he can make as 
informed a judgment as possible on this point. 

In summary, Mr. President, the position of the 
United States is: The U. S. Government does not 
believe that persons engaged or who, based on 
their past and present record, seem likely to en- 
gage in subversive activities against any member 
state should be employed in an international 
organization. We will do all in our power to 
provide the Secretary-General with the informa- 
tion necessary to enable him to make a determina- 
tion on this matter. This does not constitute, nor 
is it intended to constitute, dictation to the Sec- 
retary-General or other member governments. It 
is a service to the United Nations in the interest of 
maintaining a Secretariat which measures up to 
standards established in the Charter for inter- 
national civil servants. 

We, therefore, commend the policies adopted by 
the Secretary-General as measures designed to 
strengthen the Secretariat and the United Nations 
itself to meet the challenges which face us in the 
unknown future. In our view, these policies de- 
serve a fair trial. The Secretary-General and the 
U. S. Government will require time and support 
to make them effective. The General Assembly 
will be able to judge the value of the policy by 
their results. World public opinion as well as 
U. S. public opinion will have an opportunity to 
judge the results. I am confident that these pol- 
icies will prove themselves in the main test. They 
will serve to make the United Nations an effective 

Accordingly, I urge you to approve the draft 
resolution of which my delegation is a co-sponsor. 

Greece Unifies Exchange System 

The Government of Greece has consulted the 
International Monetary Fund on unification of its 
exchange system. 

Effective April 9, Greece eliminated all multiple 
currency practices and adjusted the official ex- 
change rate from 15,000 drachmas per U.S. dollar 
to 30,000 drachmas per U.S. dollar. 

The Fund welcomes and concurs in the action 
proposed by the Greek Government to unify its 
exchange system by the elimination of its multiple 
currency practices and adjustment of the Greek 
official exchange rate. 

The Fund notes that this unification of the ex- 
change system has been made possible by the de- 
termination of the Greek Government to achieve 
monetary stability through the pursuance of an 
internal stabilization program. The Fund con- 
siders that these policies should contribute to the 
further development of the Greek economy, but 
wishes to emphasize the importance of continuing 
firm anti-inflationary measures. 

April 27, J 953 


The United States in tlie United Nations 

[April 2-16] 

General Assembly 

By a secret vote of 57-1-1, the General Assem- 
bly on April 7 confirmed the Security Council's 
recommendation for the appointment of Dag 
Hammarskjold of Sweden as the new U.N. 
Secretary-General. He was sworn in on April 10. 

At the April 7 meeting, V. K. Krishna Menon 
of India referred to the developments in Korea 
and expressed the hope that the U.N. Command 
would keep the United Nations informed of the 
status of negotiations. At tlie request of President 
Pearson, Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., 
reported briefly on behalf of the Unified Command 
on the recent events that had encouraged "all of 
us who seek peace in Korea." (For text, see 
Bulletin of Apr. 20, 1953, p. 574.) 

On April 8 the Assembly voted 52-5 (Soviets) -3 
to continue the Disarmament Commission, after 
accepting a Soviet amendment deleting from the 
text a commendation of the Commission's work. 
Anotlier Soviet proposal to omit a reference to 
the General Assembly resolution establishing the 
Commission was rejected by a vote of 10-33 

The Czechoslovak resolution condemning al- 
leged U.S. interference in the internal affairs of 
certain states was rejected, 5-41-14. 

Committee I {Political and Security) — By a 
vote of 52-5 (Soviet bloc)-3 (Burma, India, In- 
donesia), the Committee on April 8 adopted the 
joint resolution establishing a commission com- 
posed of Brazil, Egypt, Pakistan, Sweden, and 
Uruguay to make an impartial inquiry into charges 
of the use of germ warfare. ( For text, see p. 617.) 

General debate on the Polish omnibus item 
opened on April 9, with Stanislaw Skrzesewski 
(Poland) as first speaker. He explained that the 
recent Communist Chinese and North Korean pro- 
posals offered a basis for the solution of the 
Korean and related problems, and he therefore 
introduced a revised text of the original Polish 
draft to take into account the changed state of 
affairs. The revised version recommended "the 
immediate resumption of truce negotiations . . . 
it being understood that . . . the parties will 


exert every effort to reach agreement on the ques- 
tion of the exchange of sick and wounded prison- 
ers of war and . . . of prisoners of war as a whole, 
endeavoring thereby to remove the obstacles 
preventing the termination of the war in Korea." 

Andrei Vyshinsky (U.S.S.R.) then made a 
lengthy speech during which he declared that the 
Soviet Union still adhered to the principle that all 
prisoners must be repatriated, regardless of their 
desires. He further stated that the U.S.S.R. rec- 
ognized the fairness and justice of Chou En-lai's 
proposal that prisoners resisting repatriation 
should be sent to a neutral country (Bulletin of 
Apr. 13, 1953, p. 526). He emphasized his coun- 
try's desire for peace and the incompatibility of 
Nato with this objective, as had the Polish repre- 
sentative. Mr. Vyshinsky also endorsed the re- 
maining part of the Polish resolution, which 
called for a one-third reduction of all armed forces 
and unconditional prohibition of atomic weapons; 
called upon states which had not done so to ac- 
cede to or ratify the Geneva Protocol of 1925; 
asked the General Assembly to declare participa- 
tion m Nato incompatible with U.N. membership; 
and called for a five-power "peace" pact. 

Commenting briefly, Ernest A. Gross (U.S.) 
said the Vyslunsky speech was reminiscent of a 
past which the new Soviet leaders profess was a 
bygone past. The Soviet intervention seemed to 
him stale, dull, and regressive. As for the Po- 
lish text, it contained only all the old slogans 
which the Soviet Union had offered at previous 
sessions — no more and no less. 

Speaking again on April 10, Ambassador Gross 
told the Committee that U.N. debate on a Korean 
armistice at the present time would not facilitate 
the Panmunjom negotiations. He attributed the 
current conciliatory Soviet gestures to the West's 
policy of strength and unity and declared the 
Polish proposals would contribute nothing to the 
quest for agreement. 

On April 14, the Brazilian delegation circulated 
a draft resolution noting with satisfaction that 
agreement had been reached on the exchange of 
sick and wounded prisoners of war in Korea, ex- 
pressing hope that the exchange would promptly 
be effected and that further negotiations at Pan- 

Department of Sfafe BuHetin 

munjoni would result in an early armistice, and 
proposing to recess the present session after com- 
pletion of current agenda items until the signing 
of an armistice or other developments in Korea 
require Assembly consideration. 

Henrique de Souza Gomes (Brazil) on April 15 
offered a clarification of the motives behind his 
delegation's proposal. In view of the recent 
change in the international atmosphere, it seemed 
necessary to reevaluate the situation and to explore 
every possible means likely to alleviate pi'esent 
world tensions. He cautioned, however, that it 
would be futile to ignore the very serious diver- 
gencies still prevalent. 

The Brazilian draft singled out the problem of 
the Korean armistice because the delegation 
thought this was the most "burning" question, 
which at the same time held the highest hopes of 
settlement, he explained. He added that this 
settlement was an essential step in preventing a 
new world war or the extension of present con- 
flicts. A "modest" approach between despair and 
unwarranted optimism guided the delegation in 
its desire to enunciate certain points which had 
found unanimous support. 

Mr. Vyshinsky, after renewing his delegation's 
attack on Nato and on Western disarmament pro- 
posals and noting that the U.N. commander in 
Korea had not yet replied to the Communists' re- 
quest for the resumption of peace talks, said that 
the Brazilian draft was worthy of the most care- 
ful study and attention. 

Ambassador Gross (U.S.) refuted the familiar 
charges as to Nato and disarmament; he then 
welcomed Mr. Vyshinsky's apparent intention to 
support the Brazilian proposal, which the United 
States also endorsed. 

Economic and Social Council 

The Council on April 2 adopted in four separate 
votes the U.S. resolution requesting the Secretary- 
General to invite Libya, Spain, Nepal, and the Re- 
public of Korea to attend the Conference on the 
Limitation of the Production of Opium scheduled 
to begin May 11. The invitations to Libya and 
Nepal were approved unanimously ; that to Spain 
by a vote of 13-4 (U.S.S.R., Poland, Uruguay, 
Yugoslavia)-l (India) ; and that to the Republic 
of Korea by a vote of 14-2 (U.S.S.R., Poland)-2 
(India, Yugoslavia). 

Walter Kotschnig (U.S.) on April 6 introduced 
a resolution on international cooperation on car- 
tography, noting the Secretary-GeneraPs report 
and the efforts made by governments to stimulate 
accurate surveying and mapping of their terri- 
tories. The draft requested continuance of the 
Secretary-General's consultations regarding the 
holding of regional cartographic conferences and 
also the submission in due course of a report to 

the Council on such consultations. Mr. Kotsch- 
nig explained that the United States felt that 
priority should be given to poorly mapped areas, 
especially Asia, the Far East, and the Middle 
East. "Work already under way by a Pan Amer- 
ican body met the needs of Latin America, he 
added, indicating that this region would not re- 
quire U.N. interest. 

India suggested an amendment to the U.S. text 
which would provide for the Secretary-General's 
consultations to cover also the adoption of a 
standard method of writing geographic names on 
maps. Following U.S. acceptance of the Indian 
amendment, the draft was approved by a vote of 
15-2 (U.S.S.R., Poland)-! (Belgium). 

Other resolutions adopted on April 6 included 
a U.K. draft asking further work on the Inter- 
national Map of the World on the Millionth Scale 
and a proposal that Ecosoc should grant the free- 
dom-of-information rapporteur's request for 
access to communications dealing with freedom of 

On April 9 the Council completed action on the 
trade-union-rights item by approving a five-part 
U.K.-Swedish proposal providing, among other 
things, for automatic referral of complaints con- 
cerning Ilo members to the Ilo Governing Body 
for consideration, noting the U.S.S.R. failure to 
cooperate in answering allegations, reiterating a 
request to Spain and Rumania to cooperate, dis- 
missing the allegation concerning Trieste as not 
meriting further examination, and inviting the 
competent authorities of the Saar to submit 
observations on a new allegation. 

At the same session, Mr. Wadsworth announced 
that the United States was unable to grant per- 
mission to representatives of the Women's Inter- 
national Democratic Federation and the World 
Federation of Trade Unions to enter the United 
States for the purpose of attending U.N. sessions. 
Following is the text of his statement : 

I am instructed by my Government to state that it has 
found it impossible to grant the recent application of 
Mrs. Margarette Lucliock, a representative of the Wom- 
en's International Democratic Federation, and Mr. Jan 
Dessau, a representative of the World Federation of 
Trade Unions, for admission to the United States to 
attend sessions of United Nations bodies, including the 
Economic and Social Council, at United Nations Head- 
quarters in Nevp York. In denying these applications, 
my Government has found it necessary to invoke the 
right to safeguard its security which it reserved to itself 
in Section 6 of the Joint Kesolution (Public Law 357) 
of the 80th Congress, which authorized the United States 
to enter into the Headquarters Agreement, and in the 
note of its Representative, dated November 21, 1947, bring- 
ing the Headquarters Agreement into effect. My Govern- 
ment is communicating with the Secretary-General of 
the United Nations in reply to his inquiry dated March 
19. 1953 concerning the application of Mrs. Luckock. 

I wish to assure you that, in denying these visa ap- 
plications, my Government has acted only after the most 
careful consideration and in full recognition of the re- 
sponsibilities which it has assumed towards the United 

April 27, 1953 


A U.S. draft resolution deferring decision on a 
U.N. narcotics laboratory pending study before 
Ecosoc's 18th session by an expert committee and 
the Narcotics Commission was approved on April 
10. At the same meeting, the Commission con- 
firmed members of functional commissions and 
agreed unanimously to invite Italy to accede to 
the Convention on the Death of Missing Persons. 

Eugene Black, president of the International 
Bank for Reconstruction and Development, pre- 
sented the bank's annual report on April 14, and 
five resolutions relating to the Population Com- 
mission's work were approved. At the next day's 
meeting, the Council considered two reports of 
the Technical Assistance Committee and ap- 
proved the resolution deciding that the new 
method of obtaining payment toward the living 
costs of experts recommended by the Tag should 
be substituted for the existing one not later than 
January 1954. 

Proposals for Agreement 
on Cartel Practices 

Press release 17,5 dated April 6 

The Ad Hoc Committee on Restrictive Business 
Practices of the U.N. Economic and Social Council 
(Ecosoc) has released its report containing the 
Committee's proposals for an international agree- 
ment to prevent harmful cartel practices.^ The 
report, which has been under preparation for over 
a year, will provide the basis for further dis- 
cussions by the Council at its 16th session this 

Tlie Conimittee proposes that countries agree 
to take action and cooperate with each other to 
prevent restrictive business practices affecting in- 
ternational trade having demonstrably harmful 
effects. These practices would be subject to in- 
quiry upon complaint to determine whether such 
harmful effects were present. Practices involved 
would, for example, include agreements among 
competing business firms to abide by certain prices, 
not to make or sell more than specified amounts, or 
not to sell in specified geographic areas. 

The Committee, operating as a group of experts, 
has had the assignment of preparing these pro- 
posals for the consideration of governments. The 
Ecosoo discussions should reveal whether these 
proposals form the basis for the negotiation of an 
international agreement acceptable to govern- 
ments. Governments will use the interval between 
now and the summer session of Ecosoc to review 
the report. This interval will provide an oppor- 
tunity for discussion of its contents with interested 
U.S. groups. 

The Committee was established by resolution of 
Ecosoc in the summer of 195 1.^ This resolution, 

' U.N. doc. E/2380, E/AC. 37/3. 
Bulletin of Oct. 8, 1951, p. 595. 


which was introduced by the United States, rec- 
ommended to members of the United Nations that 

they take appropriate measures and cooperate with each 
other, to prevent . . . business practices affecting inter- 
national trade which restrain competition, limit access to 
niarliets, or foster monopolistic control, whenever such 
practices have harmful effects on the expansion of pro- 
duction or trade, on the economic development of under- 
developed areas, or on standards of living. 

The Committee, consisting of representatives of 
Belgium, Canada, France, India, Mexico, Paki- 
stan, Sweden, the United Kingdom, the United 
States, and Uruguay, was established to develop 
proposals as to methods to be adopted by interna- 
tional agreement to implement this recommenda- 

The U.S. position has been that this sort of 
trade restriction should be eliminated. Healthy 
and active competition provides a spur for lower 
costs, lower prices, and higher productivity, which 
in turn lead to greater trade and increasing stand- 
ards of living. In this Government's view, re- 
strictive business practices can have harmful ef- 
fects on international trade similar to those of 
governmental barriers such as quotas and excessive 
tariffs. In proposing to Ecosoc that this action 
be taken, the United States had in mind that such 
practices often cannot be dealt with effectively by 
one nation alone under its own domestic laws, and 
that therefore supplementary international action 
IS needed to cope with the portions of the problem 
wliich he beyond a single country's jurisdiction. 

The Committee held sessions in January, April, 
and September of last year. Its final session 
started on January 12 of this year and continued 
through February 21. In summary, the plan 
which the Committee has developed provides that, 
on the complaint of any country, a practice al- 
leged to have harmful effects would be subject to 
inquiry in order to determine whether such effects 
actually exist. This determination would be made 
m the light of facts submitted by governments. 
These facts would be obtained by each government 
in accordance with its own procedures and would 
be assembled for analysis. Representatives of 
governments participating in the agreement would 
determine on the basis of this analysis wliether the 
practice complained of had a harmful effect in the 
light of the objectives of the agreement. If they 
so found, the governments concerned would be 
requested to take remedial action. 

The governments participating in the agreement 
would undertake to adopt measures by legislation 
or otherwise to carry out the purposes of the 
agreement. Each government would further agree 
to take full account of the findings and recom- 
mendations transmitted to it concerning specific 
business practices, to take the action it considered 
appropriate, having regard to its obligations under 
the agreement, and, if in any instance it did not 
act, to state the grounds for its inaction. 

The agreement would apply to the business prac- 
tices of commercial enterprises whether publicly 

Department of State Bulletin 

or privately owned. It would not apply to busi- 
ness practices specifically required by govern- 
ments, but, where some governments impose such 
a requirement and others do not the agreement 
might be applied at the discretion of the partici- 
pating countries. Moreover, the effects of such 
aovernmentally imposed restrictive practices 
might be brought to the attention of countries that 
had imposed the requirement. 

Copies of the Committee's report may be ob- 
tained from U.N. Headquarters. The Govern- 
ment will be glad to receive the views of those 
interested in the report and to answer inquiries 
directed to it. Any interested groups which desire 
to discuss the proposals of the Committee with the 
Government will be given an opportunity to do so. 
Requests may be addressed to the Secretary of the 
Interdepartmental U.N. Economic Committee, 
Department of State. Views which are received 
will be taken fully into account when a position 
is formulated for the Council discussions. 

Adult Education Seminar 

To Convene at Ciudad Trujillo 

Press release 188 dated April 10 

The U.S. Government has accepted the invita- 
tion of the Government of the Dominican Eepub- 
lic to send a representative to a Seminar on Adult 
Education which will be convened at Ciudad Tru- 
jillo on April 14, 19&3. Dr. Bess Goodykoontz, 
who is the Director of Comparative Education, 
Division of International Education, Office of 
Education, Federal Security Agency, has been 
designated U.S. representative at the seminar. 

The purpose of the seminar is to provide an 
opportunity for specialists from the American 
Eepublics to review recent progress and consider 
specific aspects in the education of adults. The 
participants will discuss the fundamental educa- 
tion of the adult, including techniques for teach- 
ing adults how to read and write, and national 
literacy campaigns; the primary school and its 
role in the prevention of adult illiteracy ; expand- 
t ing cultural opportunities for adults, by such 
' means as night schools, educational motion pic- 
tures and radio and television broadcasts, and 
public libraries; programs and means for im- 
proving, adult life in industry and agriculture as 
well as in the home and the community ; and the 
relation of adult education to international peace. 
The seminar is being convened on the initiative 
of the Government of the Dominican Eepublic, 
pursuant to a 1952 resolution of the U.N. Educa- 
tional, Scientific and Cultural Organization which 
recommended that member governments develop 
activities in adult education in their respective 
countries and that they hold regional and national 
meetings on the subject. 

April 27, 1953 

Current United Nations Documents: 
A Selected Bibliography ' 

General Assembly 

Report of the Secretary-General on Personnel Policy. 
Note bv the Secretarv-General. A/2366, Mar. 4, 1953, 
3 pp. liimeo and A/2367, Mar. 4, 1953, 11 pp. mimeo. 

Korea (a) Reports of the United Nations Commission 
for the Unification and Reliabilitation of Korea, (b) 
Reports of the United Nations Agent General for 
Korean Reconstruction. Supplementary report of the 
First Committee. A/2368, Mar. 9, 1953. 6 pp. mimeo. 

Methods Which Might Be Used To Maintain and 
Strengthen International Peace and Security in Ac- 
cordance With the Purposes and Principles of the 
Charter: Report of the Collective Measures Com- 
mittee. Report of the First Committee. A/2370, 
Mar. 17, 1953. 3 pp. mimeo. 

Regulation, Limitation and Balanced Reduction of All 
Armed Forces and All Armaments: Report of the 
Disarmament Commission. Report of the First Com- 
mittee. A/2373, Mar. 23, 1953. 5 pp. mimeo. 

Question of Impartial Investigation of Charges of Use 
by United Nations Forces of Bacteriological Warfare. 
Letter dated 5 March 19.53 from the Head of the dele- 
gation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics 
addressed to the President of the General Assembly. 
A/C.1/L.28, Mar. 12, 1953. 17 pp. mimeo. 

Security Council 

Letter Dated 28 February 1953 From the Minister for 
Foreign Affairs of Syria Addressed to the Secretary- 
General Concerning the Report Dated 30 October 1952 
of the Chief of Staff of the Truce Supervision Organ- 
ization (S/2S33). S/2956, Mar. 12, 1953. 10 pp. 

mimeo. , ^ ._^ c -4. 

Decisions Taken and Resolutions Adopted by the becurity 
Council During the Year 1952. S/INF/7, Feb. 20, 
1953. 7 pp. mimeo. 

Trusteeship Council 

United Nations Visiting Mission to Trust Territories in 
West Africa 1952. Report on Procedures of Visiting 
Missions. T/1044. Mar. 16, 1953. 9 pp. mimeo. 

List of Documents Circulated by the Secretary-General 
Pursuant to Rules 24 and 85, Paragraph 2 of the Rules 
of Procedure. Memorandum prepared by the Secre- 
tariat. T/C.2/L.27, Mar. 5, 1953. 19 pp. mimeo. 

Economic and Social Council 

Allegations Regarding Infringements of Trade_ Union 
Ri-'hts Received Under Council Resolution 2(7 (X). 
Communications received from the General Workers 
Union of British Honduras. E/2333/Add.27, Feb. 24, 

19.53. 5 pp. mimeo. ^ ^ i:< /oq-i / 

Report of the International Monetary Fund. l<./2dol/ 
Add.l, Jlar. 5, 1953. 7 pp. mimeo. 

» Printed materials may be secured in the United States 
from the International Documents Service, Columbia 
University Press. 2960 Broadway, New York 2i, N. y. 
Other materials (mimeoffraphed or processed documents) 
may be consulted at certain designated libraries in the 

United States. . , . v,,- i ., „„ 

The United Nations Secretariat has established an 
OflBcial Records series for the General Assembly, the 
Security Council, the Economic and Social Council, the 
Trusteeship Council, and the Atomic Energy Commission, 
which includes summaries of proceedings, resolutions, and 
reports of the various commissions and committees. In- 
formation on securing subscriptions to the series may be 
obtained from the International Documents Service. 


Senate Begins Consideration of NATO Treaties 

On April 7 the Senate Committee on Foreign 
Relations began its consideration of three NATO 
treaties: The Status of Forces Agreement, the 
Protocol thereto on International Military Head- 
quarters, and the Agreement on the Status of 
NA TO Forces. 

Expressions of support for the treaties came in 
the form of a statement made before the Com- 
mittee by Under Secretary Smith and in a letter 
addressed by Ambassador William H. Draper, Jr. 
U.S. special representative in Europe, to Senator 
Alexander Wiley, Chairman of the Committee on 
t oreign Relations. 

Fotlowing are the texts of Under Secretary 
kmiths statement; President Eisenhower'' s mes- 
sage transmitting to the Senate the Protocol on 
MUitary Headquarters, together with Secretary 
Dulles'' letter forwarding the Protocol to the Presi- 
dent; and Ambassador Draper's letter to Senator 


Press release 177 dated April 7 

I am here to support three documents which 
you are now considering: The Nato Status of 
-borces Agreement/ the Protocol thereto on Mili- 
tary Headquarters/ and the Agreement on the 
btatus of the North Atlantic Treaty Or^aniza- 
tion.3 ■' *= 

Secretary Dulles has asked me to express his 
regrets that, because of the arrival of Chancellor 
Adenauer today, he cannot appear before you 
1 know that he would have liked to have per- 
sonally expressed his strong support for the early 
ratification of these three treaties. 

We have here three treaties designed to trans- 
late policy into action. These are multilateral 
treaties, consonant with our obligations under the 
U.N. Charter and under the North Atlantic 
Treaty. T hey were negotiated within the North 

' S. Rxec. T, 82(1 Cong., 2d sess 
S. Exec. B, 83d Cong., 1st sess. 
S. Kxeo. U, 82d Cong., 2d sess. 


Atlantic Treaty Organization in order to estab- 
lish a uniform basis for dealing with a large num- 
ber of the legal and administrative problems 
which have naturally arisen in connection with 
operations of the Organization. The United 
States was one of the leaders in developing the 
text of these treaties. I hope that the United 
States will, by adopting these treaties, continue to 
evidence its support of this vital collective-se- 
curity effort and its leadership in seeking prac- 
tical solutions for practical problems. 

The treaties under consideration provide for 
the operations of Nato forces, Nato headquarters, 
and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization it- 

First, there is the Agreement on the Status of 
Forces, signed at London on June 19, 1951. This 
agreement is intended to establish a uniform basis 
of responsibilities, rights, and privileges appli- 
cable to the forces of the respective Nato coun- 
tries and related civilians while in the territory of 
other Nato countries. 

The second agreement is a protocol to the Status 
of Forces Agreement. It establishes the entity of 
the integrated military headquarters of N.ato and 
creates certain responsibilities, rights, and privi- 
leges necessary for their operations within the 
territory covered by the North Atlantic Treaty. 

The third agreement deals with the North At- 
lantic Treaty Organization itself, its international 
staff and national representatives thereto and es- 
tablishes the responsibilities, rights, and privile"-es 
that will govern them. I should like to speak 
briefly about the major aspects of each of these 
documents m turn. 

Status of Forces Agreement 

Turning first to the Agreement on the Status 
of Nato Forces, it is noteworthy that this ao-ree- 
ment, like the North Atlantic Treaty effort itself, 
is precedent-making. Never before have peace- 
loving nations dedicated themselves to a peace- 
time effort which would integrate their defense 
preparations. This concept of integrated defense 
planning gives greater defensive strength for the 
same amount of expenditure in manpower, mate- I 
nel, and money. Naturally, it involves the poten- 

Department of State Bulletin 

tial stationing and movement of forces of each of 
the North Atlantic Treaty nations in the territory 
of any one of them, as Nato phxns are directed 
toward the defense of the whole North Atlantic 
Treaty area. 

The administrative problems connected with the 
stationing of foreign forces in the territory of any 
member Nato state are manifold. An orderly 
basic system of rights, responsibilities, and proce- 
dures must be established for the following 
reasons: (1) to reduce the administrative burden 
on the troop commanders ; (2) to reduce to a mini- 
mum the area of possible dispute between countries 
who send troops and countries who receive them ; 
(3) to insure that the people of the countries who 
receive troops are protected as to life, limb, prop- 
erty, and security from acts of foreign troops or 

We have had arrangements concluded in war- 
time on these legal and administrative subjects 
governing our troops abroad both in World War I 
and World War II. Such arrangements are quite 
different from the treaties before you, which are 
intended to govern deployments for the indefinite 
period of the cold war. Provisions that were 
proper for agreements negotiated in wartime 
obviously could not be expected to be applied to 
this different operation. We have secured the best 
possible terms for these circumstances. They ai'e 
very good terms. They will provide a firm and 
uniform base in lieu of the varied informal, 
interim, and ad hoc arrangements which have gov- - 
erned our present deployments abroad pending 
action on this treaty. 

Each country, of course, has had to reconcile its 
desires to have maximum rights for its troops 
abroad with its natural inclination to grant mini- 
mum privileges to other troops coming to its terri- 
tory. The controlling idea has been to provide a 
reasonable and just basis that would serve the pur- 
poses I have just outlined. 

The resulting agreement therefore represents, 
as do all three agreements, a giving and a taking 
on the part of all. Insofar as it affects the United 
States, I believe that it both protects our interests 
as a nation sending troops abroad and as a nation 
receiving foreign troops here. 

This agreement covers all members of the armed 
forces of any Nato nation, civilians employed by 
those armed forces and serving with them, and 
their immediate dependents, while in other Nato 
nations under orders. It establishes very clearly 
that these persons must respect the law of the 
foreign country in which they may be stationed. 

It then deals with a number of aspects of rights, 
responsibilities, and privileges, and with your 
permission I should like to refer to certain of the 
most important aspects which are covered. 

We had to develop arrangements that would 
permit ready movement of military forces in 
peacetime across international borders. At the 
same time, those procedures could not overlook 

Apri7 27, 1953 

the security interests of the nations receiving 
forces. Although the result has been to exempt 
military personnel from passport and visa regu- 
lations and immigration inspection as well as from 
alien registration control laws, this does not mean 
that security will be neglected. Military person- 
nel must be appropriately identified, of course. 
I can assure the Committee that screening proce- 
dures are being established and that an interim 
procedure has been adopted for immediate appli- 
cation which all interested agencies of the execu- 
tive branch are agreed on as appropriate and 
adequate for that purpose. If the circumstances 
require, any state may arrange the removal of 
any individual from its territory. 

The problem of jurisdiction in cases of criminal 
offenses had to be settled. Even as this country 
did not wish to surrender all of its rights with 
respect to criminal jurisdiction for offenses com- 
mitted by foreign forces here, other countries 
were reluctant to totally surrender their rights. 
At the same time, it was fully appreciated that 
the government which sends persons abroad would 
wish to insure that any trials of its personnel 
were appropriately conducted. 

The result was the creation of a system of juris- 
diction that provides that offenses committed in 
performance of duty, or treason, or espionage 
against his own country, will subject a person to 
trial by his own authorities. Other offenses 
against the law of the foreigri country where a 
man is stationed will be subject to trial in the 
foreign courts, but the foreign government must 
give sympathetic consideration to requests for 
waiver of that right. The normal safeguards of 
fair trial— the right of counsel, the right to a 
fair and speedy trial, the right to procure wit- 
nesses, and protection against double jeopardy- 
are expressly covered. 

The Committee is aware that under the adniin- 
istrative agreement with Japan we agreed to im- 
mediately conclude with Japan, at its option, once 
we have ratified this Status of Forces Agreement, 
an agreement on criminal jurisdiction similar to 
the provisions of this agreement. 

The subject of claims is a complex and technical 
one. Again, we had to resolve these problems on 
a basis of practicality and equity. The provisions 
on claims had to be clearly established in order 
that the rights of the citizenry as well as the 
states covered by the agreement would be pro- 
tected. The procedures adopted result in the 
sharing of liability in cases of normal military 
operations and the appropriate determination of 
responsibility on an equitable basis in other cases. 

The treaty sets forth a number of procedures 
designed to safeguard the economy of the country 
receiving foreign forces from the impact of uncon- 
trolled local purchasing, and similar operations. 
Reasonable and practical channels of dealing with 
the civilian community are established. 

I know that the Congress has been interested 


in the subject of tax relief. The treaty neither 
provides nor precludes general tax relief on ex- 
penditures for the common defense. The execu- 
tive brancli has concluded a series of arrangements 
with pertinent Nato countries, parties to this 
agreement, which provide for relief from taxes 
upon such U.S. expenditures. Copies of these 
arrangements are available. 

The treaty provides for the contingency that 
operations in time of hostilities may require dif- 
ferent arrangements. Provision is made for 
necessary moclifications. 

The grant and receipt of certain customs exemp- 
tions and of freedom from certain customs pro- 
cedures are covered, and other administrative 
privileges and immunities are set forth in the 

In summation of this agreement then, we find 
that procedures are established which will reduce 
possible areas of frictions and eliminate the 
worries of governments and populations as to the 
conduct of foreign troops upon their soil. Some 
such procedures are essential. These procedures 
appear reasonable, equitable, and just. In con- 
sidering them from a practical point of view, the 
Senate will also wish to recall that the stationing 
of large numbers of foreign forces in the United 
States is probably not indicated, whereas we have 
many people abroad. 

Protocol on Military Headquarters 

I should like to turn now to the Protocol on 
Military Headquarters. This protocol is neces- 
sary because of the international character which 
necessarily attaches to the military headquarters 
of an integrated force. 

This protocol will apply to the respective head- 
quarters of the Supreme Allied Commanders of 
Nato. These will include General Ridgway's 
Headquarters in Paris, Admiral McCormick's 
Headquarters at Norfolk, Va., and the Headquar- 
ters of the Commanders-in-Chief of the Channel 
Command in England. It will also cover head- 
quarters immediately under them and such other 
subordinate headquarters as the North Atlantic 
Council determines. 

Because it is desirable to consider these head- 
quarters as separate entities, they are given the 
right to acquire property, make contracts and 
the capacity to sue and be sued. 

In general, persons attached to these headquar- 
ters by the respective Nato nations and their 
civilian components and employees are given 
rights and responsibilities parallel with those 
created in favor of individuals and forces covered 
by the Nato Status of Forces Agreement. 

A few points of difference are noteworthy. 
The International Headquarters are given no ju- 
risdiction to handle criminal cases, certain claims 
matters, and certain other administrative matters 
in their own right — these remain the responsi- 

bility of the state attaching the individual to the 
headquarters. For obvious reasons of military 
security, the records of the headquarters are de- 
clared to be immune from process. 

And, as in the case of the Status of Forces Agree- 
ment, provision is made for change in the protocol 
in case of actual hostilities. 

Again, and before leaving our consideration 
of the protocol, we should note that this action 
is precedent-making. We know of no peacetime 
situation where integrated international head- 
quarters of a military nature have been estab- 
lished. Friction between headquarters and the 
countries where they are situated, over adminis- 
trative matters, would deter sorely the Nato de- 
fense effort. The procedui^es established in this 
agreement present a sound basis to eliminate that 

Agreement on NATO 

The third agreement is the one dealing with the 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization itself. The 
provisions of the agreement give to the Organiza- 
tion legal stature with powers and obligations 
consistent with its functions. In many respects 
it assimilates the Organization to a diplomatic 
mission and provides appropriate status for the 
international staff and members of delegations 
to the Organization. 

The agreement is necessary if the respective 
delegations and representatives to the Nato and 
their staffs, together with the international secre- 
tariat and subordinate bodies of the Organization, 
are to perform their functions. 

The Council and the subsidiary bodies concerned 
are the entities covered by the treaty. Most of 
these are situated at Paris. A few others are 
situated elsewhere in Europe. At the present 
time the only entities covered by this treaty and 
situated in the United States are the Standing 
Group of the Military Committee and the Mili- 
tary Kepresentatives Committee which are located 
in Washington. The Military Headquarters, as 
we have already noted, are covered by the special 
protocol dealing with them. 

The agreement includes safeguards to assure 
cooperation and respect for local laws. Provision 
is made for waiver of immunity from process, and 
each nation retains an unabridged right to require 
any person who abuses any privilege to leave its 

There are provisions in this agreement, as in 
the case of the Protocol on Military Headquarters, 
which authorize the United States to enter into 
an arrangement with the Organization providing 
that the United States may employ and tax its 
own citizens. The United States has entered into 
such arrangements. 

I have mentioned the most important parts of 
these agreements. They deal with matters of 
interest to various government agencies and have 


Departmenf of Sfaie Bulhfin 

oeen negotiated in consultation with the Depart- 
ments of Justice, Defense, and Treasury, whose 
representatives are also present here. 

A bill to implement the claims provisions of 
the treaties has been transmitted to the Congress.* 
The interested agencies are agreed that they do 
not require, and do not plan to submit, further 
legislation to implement any of the proposed 

I would like to refer to the respective messages 
of the President transmitting these agreements to 
the Senate, as well as to the letters of the Secre- 
tary of State forwarding them to the President, 
and to say that I support the statements contained 
therein. . . 

In conclusion I want to express my appreciation 
for this opportunity to appear before this Com- 
mittee, to assure you of the desire of the Depart- 
ment of State to be as helpful as possible in ex- 
plaining any matters connected with these 
proposals, and to submit to this Committee my 
personal belief that the early ratification of these 
agreements will be a step forward in the integra- 
tion of the North Atlantic Treaty area. 

The Nato nations are agreed that the early rati- 
fication of these agreements is desirable. Already 
there are three ratifications of the Status of Forces 
and Civilian Agreements, and one of the protocol. 

In the interest of setting up fair and equitable 
ground rules under which nationals of one country 
can be stationed in and work in the territory of 
other countries, in furtherance of the vital Nato 
defense effort, I consider these agreements desir- 
able and in the best interests of the vital foreign 
policy of the United States. 


The White Hottse, 

February 27, 1953. 
With a view to receiving the advice and consent 
of the Senate to ratification, I transmit herewith 
a certified copy of a protocol on the status of Inter- 
national Military Headquarters set up pursuant 
to the North Atlantic Treaty, signed at Paris on 
August 28, 1952. This document is a protocol to 
the agreement regarding status of forces of parties 
of the North Atlantic Treaty, and is related to the 
agreement on the status of the North Atlantic 
Treaty Organization, both previously transmitted 

* Reference here is to draft legislation transmitted by 
the Department of Defense on Jan. 19 entitled "A Bill 
To Provide for the Orderly Settlement of Certain Claims 
Arising Out of Acts or Omissions of Civilian Employees 
and MUitary Personnel of the United States in ForeigQ 
Countries and of Civilian Employees and Military Per- 
sonnel of Foreign Countries in the United States, and for 
other purposes." 

" S. Exec. B, 83d Cong., 1st sess. President Truman s 
Messages to the Senate and forwarding letters sent to him 
by Secretary Acheson are contained in S. Exec. T, 82d 
Cong., 2d sess., and S. Exec. U, 82d Cong., 2d sess. 

AprW 27, J 953 

to the Senate in the second session of the 82d 

The Status of Forces Agreement of 1951 and the 
present protocol, as well as the companion agree- 
ment relating to the status of the North Atlantic 
Treaty Organization itself, are necessary parts of 
the new machinery we need to carry forward the 
vital program for the integrated defense forces of 
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. These 
are multilateral agreements and thus provide that 
basis of uniformity in these fields which is essential 
for Nato and its integrated operations. While 
these agreements do not in every respect reflect the 
maximum desires of each country, and to that 
extent represent certain compromises on the part 
of all, it is my considered belief that they provide 
a workable, equitable, and desirable framework 
for Nato activities and peacetime Nato military 
operations. The early acceptance of these agree- 
ments by the Nato nations is very important to the 
furtherance of the Nato collective-defense effort. 

I also transmit, for the information of the 
Senate, the report made to me by the Secretary of 
State regarding this protocol. 

DwiGHT D. Eisenhowek 


Department of State, 

February 25, 1953. 

I have the honor to submit to you a certified 
copy of a protocol on the status of International 
Military Headquarters set up pursuant to the 
North Atlantic Treaty, signed at Paris on August 
28, 1952, with the recommendation that it be trans- 
mitted to the Senate for its advice and consent to 
ratification. . . 

The protocol has as its purpose the definition ot 
the status of any Supreme Headquarters or Allied 
Headquarters, and members of their staffs, which 
may be established in the territory of any of the 
parties to the North Atlantic Treaty. Supreme 
Headquarters is defined in the protocol to mean 
Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers in Europe, 
Headquarters of the Supreme Allied Commander 
Atlantic, and any equivalent international mili- 
tary headquarters set up pursuant to the North 
Atlantic Treaty. Allied Headquarters is defined 
to mean any Supreme Headquarters and any 
international military headquarters which is 
immediately subordinate to a Supreme Head- 

The status of an Allied Headquarters and its 
personnel is determined primarily by setting forth 
in the protocol the principles which shall govern 
the application thereto of the agreement between 
the parties to the North Atlantic Treaty regard- 
ing the status of their forces, signed at London 
June 19, 1951 (S. Ex. T, 82d Cong., 2d sess.) . Sub- 

' S. Exec. B, 83d Cong., 1st sess. 


ject to the provisions of the protocol, the agree- 
ment is to apply to Allied Headquarters in the 
territory of a party to the protocol in the North 
Atlantic Treaty area, and to the military and civil- 
ian i)ersonnel of such Headquarters and their de- 
pendents. The basic points covered with respect 
to applying the status of forces agreement of 1951 
may be summarized as follows: 

1. The rights and obligations which the agree- 
ment gives to or imposes upon the sending state 
or its authorities in respect of its forces or their 
civilian components shall, in respect of an Allied 
Headquarters and its personnel, be vested in or at- 
taclied to the appropriate Supreme Headquarters 
and the authorities responsible under it, subject 
to certain exceptions enumerated in article 4 of the 

2. The obligations to waive claims imposed on 
the contracting parties by article VIII of the 
agreement shall be attached both to Allied Head- 
quarters and to any party to the protocol con- 
cerned. The claims to which paragraph 5 of ar- 
ticle "VIII of the agreement applies shall include 
claims arising out of acts or omissions of any of 
the employees of an Allied Headquarters, or out 
of any other act, omission, or occurrence for which 
an Allied Headquarters is legally responsible, and 
causing damage in the territory of a receiving state 
to third parties other than to any of the parties 
to the protocol. 

3. The exemption from taxation accorded under 
article X of the agreement to members of a force 
or civilian component in respect of their salaries 
and emoluments shall apply, as regards personnel 
of an Allied Headquarters, to salaries and emolu- 
ments paid to them as such personnel by the armed 
service to which they belong or by which they are 
employed, except that they shall not be exempt 
from taxation imposed by a state of which they are 
a national. 

4. An Allied Headquarters shall have, subject 
to the same conditions, the rights granted to a 
force under article XI of the agreement with re- 
spect to customs laws and regulations of a receiv- 
ing state. 

In addition to prescribing how the status of 
forces agreement of 1951 shall apply, the protocol 
accords to an Allied Headquarters special privi- 
leges and benefits. These include : 

1. For the purpose of facilitating the establish- 
ment, construction, maintenance, and operation of 
Allied Headquarters, such Headquarters are to be 
relieved so far as practicable from duties and taxes 
affecting expenditures by them in the interest of 
common defense and for their official and exclusive 
benefit, and each party to the protocol is to enter 
into negotiations with any Allied Headquarters 
operating in its territory for the purpose of con- 
cluding an agreement to give effect to this pro- 


2. No measure of execution or measure directed 
to the seizure or attachment of its property oFh 
funds shall be taken against any Allied Headquar- ■ 
ters, except for the purpose of paragraph 6 (a) ii 
of article VII and article XIII of the agreement . 

3. To enable it to operate its international ■ 
budget, an Allied Headquarters may hold currency \ 
of any kind and operate accounts in any currency. 

4. The archives and official documents of an 
Allied Headquarters kept in premises used by 
those Headquarters or in the possession of any 
properlj- authorized member of the Headquarters ' 
shall be inviolable, unless the Headquarters has 
waived this immunity. Allied Headquarters 
shall, however, at the request of the receiving state 
and in the presence of a representative of that 
state, verify the nature of any of such documents 
to confirm they are entitled to such immunity. 

The protocol further provides that each Su- 
preme Headquarters shall possess juridical per- 
sonality and recognizes the capability of a Su- 
preme Headquarters, under certain conditions, to 
conclude contracts and to acquire or dispose of 
property. A Supreme Headquarters may also, 
subject to the provisions of article VIII of the 
agreement, engage in legal proceedings as claim- 
ant or defendant. 

Under the protocol, any assets acquired from 
the international funds of an Allied Headquarters 
under its capital budget and no longer required by 
the Headquarters are to be disposed of under 
arrangements approved by the North Atlantic 
Council and the proceeds distributed among or 
credited to the parties to the North Atlantic 
Treaty in the proportions in which they have 
contributed to the capital costs of the Headquar- 
ters. Any land, buildings, or fixed installations 
provided for the use of an Allied Headquarters 
by the receiving state without charge to the Head- 
quarters are to be handed back when no longer 
needed to the receiving state, and any increase or 
loss in the value of such property resulting from 
its use by the Headquarters shall be determined 
by the North Atlantic Council and distributed 
among or credited or debited to the parties to the 
North Atlantic Treaty in the proportions in which 
they have contributed to the capital costs of the 

With respect to taxation of employees of an 
Allied Headquarters of categories agreed by the 
North Atlantic Council, a formula has been pro- 
vided in the protocol that is similar to the one 
evolved in the agreement on the status of the 
North Atlantic Treaty Organization, signed at 
Ottawa on September 20, 1951 (S. Ex. U, 82d 
Cong., 2d sess.), concerning taxation on the sala- 
ries and emoluments jiaid by the Organization to 
its officials. This formula provides exemption for 
employees who are paid directly by Allied Head- 
quarters, but enables those states which desire to 
conclude an arrangement with Allied Headquar- 

Department of Sfate Bulletin 

tcis to employ and assign all of its nationals who 
are to serve on the staff of Allied Headquarters, 
to pay the salaries and emoluments of such persons 
from its own funds at a scale fixed by it, and to 
charge income tax on the salaries and emolu- 
ment's so paid. In accordance with this provision, 
the United States is about to sign an agreement 
with the North Atlantic Council, acting on behalf 
of International Military Headquarters, whereby 
this Government will employ and assign to such 
Headquarters all United States nationals who are 
to serve on the staff thereof and pay the salaries 
and emoluments of such persons from its own 
funds at a scale fixed by it. This arrangement 
will be similar to the one transmitted to the Senate 
for its information in connection with the agree- 
ment on the status of the North Atlantic Treaty 
Organization and printed in Senate Executive U, 
82d Congress, 2d session. 

This protocol is related to the agreement regard- 
ing tlie status of forces of parties to the North 
Atlantic Treaty, and the agreement relating to 
the status of the North Atlantic Treaty Organiza- 
tion, transmitted to the Senate in the second ses- 
sion of the 82d Congress. The former agreement 
also relates to the administrative agreement with 
Japan, insofar as that agreement provides that 
upon the coming into force with respect to the 
United States of the "Agreement between the 
Parties to the North Atlantic Treaty Kegarding 
the Status of Their Forces," signed at London 
June 19, 1951, the United States will immediately 
conclude with Japan, at the option of Japan, an 
agreement on criminal jurisdiction similar to the 
corresponding provisions of that agreement. 

These agreements provide for the basic uni- 
formity in these fields which is required in the 
interest of integrated operations. They repre- 
sent a successful reconciliation of the views of 
the various countries concerned and establish 
basic rights and responsibilities which, though not 
fully satisfying the views of all countries in every 
respect, nevertheless represent a reasonable, prac- 
tical, and realistic formula for these areas from 
the point of view of the United States, both as 
a nation sending troops abroad under these agree- 
ments and as a nation which may be receiving 
foreign troops here under their terms. 

It is considered important, from the point of 
view of furthering the Nato collective defense 
effort, that these agreements be accepted by the 
Nato nations at the earliest possible date. 

It is hoped that the Senate will give favorable 
consideration to the protocol at the same time 
that it considers the agreement on the status of 
forces of 1951. 

I am authorized to state that the Secretary of 
Defense concurs in the necessity for the early 
ratification of these agi'eements. 
Respectfully submitted- 

John Foster Dulles 

April 27, 1953 


Press release 178 dated April 7 

Paris, France, 

March 6, 1953. 
Mr Dear Senator Wiley: I understand that 
your committee is presently considering the Status 
of Forces Agreement, the protocol on the status of 
International Military Headquarters, and the 
agreement on the status of the North Atlantic 
Treaty Organization itself. 

As United States special representative in 
Europe, and as the United States permanent rep- 
resentative to the North Atlantic Council, I urge 
prompt approval of these agreements by your com- 
mittee ancl by the Senate of the United States. 
During the past two years the fourteen nations of 
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, in view 
of the existing threat of armed aggression and in 
the interest of their own individual and collective 
security have placed large forces under Interna- 
tional Command, many of them outside their own 
country. Common military headquarters have 
been created and are now functioning in several 
Nato countries. It is obvious, in these circum- 
stances, that solutions on some permanent and 
mutually acceptable basis had to be found for a 
whole series of problems concerning the relation- 
ship of the forces and the international military 
headquarters to the countries in which they are 

These day-to-day problems concerning customs, 
jurisdiction, claims, and many other similar mat- 
ters can only be solved in a spirit of mutual good 
will. Nato military cooperation in peacetime can- 
not be effective unless these many troublesome 
questions are the subject of common agreement. 

It is a tribute to the spirit of intimate coopera- 
tion which now prevails among the members of 
the alliance that all of them have been able to 
reach common agreement on the principles which 
should control the relationship of armed forces 
and of international military headquarters to the 
countries in which they are located. 

The Status of Forces Agreement now before 
the Senate is the result of patient and friendly 
negotiations over a period of months. It pro- 
vides for uniform treatment of all Nato forces 
and makes possible equal treatment for United 
States forces regardless of the country in which 
they may be stationed. It appropriately safe- 
guards tiie interests of the United States and of 
each of our other Nato partners. I recommend 
its approval without reservation or amendment. 
It will, when ratified, make possible satisfactory 
solution of the problems raised by the presence 
of national forces in countries outside their own. 
Approval by the Senate will be further evidence 
of the continued support of the American people 
for the principle of collective security and their 
confidence in friendly peacetime collaboration 
with our treaty partners. Without such an agree- 


ment the task of the Nato military commanders 
would be infinitely more difficult and the steady 
development of common training, and planning 
of the Nato armed forces would be seriously 

The agreement on the status of the North 
Atlantic Treaty Organization itself giving appro- 
priate status to its staff and to the fourteen na- 
tional delegations accredited to it, is indispensable 
for the proper operation of the organization. It 
deals appropriately with the variety of problems 
yrhich emerge whenever an international organ- 
ization is created. It gives the organization a 
legal standing, defines its privileges and immuni- 
ties, and the status of the staff of the organization 
and that of the national delegations to Nato. 
This charter for the organization follows closely 
similar agreements relating to international 

The military headquarters protocol adapts the 
appropriate provisions of the Status of Forces 
Agreement to the personnel assigned to interna- 
tional headquarters and gives the necessary legal 
status to the headquarters themselves. 

Approval of these documents by the United 
States Senate and by the other Nato governments 
will, in my opinion, mark a milestone in the field 
of international cooperation and the continued 
progress of Nato. The fact that these agreements 
are necessary is eloquent testimony to the fact 
that Nato has progressed from an organization 
which existed only on paper a few years ago to a 
functioning peacetime political and military 
organization in which fourteen nations are act- 
ually pooling their strength in the interest of 
their own security. 

Respectfully yours, 

William H. Draper, Jr., 
U.S. Special Representative in Europe. 

Recommendation for Extension 
of Trade Agreements Act 

Message of the President to the Congress ^ 

In my State of the Union message I recom- 
mended that "the Congress take the Reciprocal 
Trade Agreements Act under immediate study 
and extend it by appropriate legislation." 

I now recommend that the present act be re- 
newed for the period of 1 year. I propose this 
action as an interim measure. As such, it will 
allow for the temporary continuation of our pres- 
ent trade program pending completion of a thor- 
ough and comprehensive re-examination of the 
economic-foreign policy of the United States. 

I believe that such a re-examination is impera- 
tive in order to develop more effective solutions 
to the international economic problems today con- 

' S. doc. 38, 83d Cong., 1st sess. 


fronting the United States and its partners ii 
the community of free nations. It is my inten 
tion that the executive branch shall consult witl 
the Congress in developing recommendations 
based upon the studies that will be made. 

Our trade policy is only one part, although a 
vital part, of a larger problem. This probleir 
embraces the need to develop, through coopera- 
tive action among the free nations, a strong and 
self-supporting economic system capable of pro- 
viding both the military strength to deter aggres- 
sion and the rising productivity that can improv? 
living standards. 

No feature of American policy is more impor- 
tant in this respect than the course which we set 
in our economic relations with other nations. The 
long-term economic stability of the whole free 
world and the overriding question of world peace 
will be heavily influenced by the wisdom of oui 
decisions. As for the United States itself, its 
security is fully as dependent upon the economic 
health and stability of the other free nations as 
upon their adequate military strength. 

The problem is far from simple. It is a com- 
plex of many features of our foreign and domestic 
programs. Our domestic economic policies cast 
their shadows upon nations far beyond our 
borders. Conversely, our foreign-economic pol- 
icy has a direct impact upon our domestic econ- 
omy. "We must make a careful study of these 
intricate relationships in order that we' may chart 
a sound coui-se for the nation. 

The building of a productive and strong eco- 
nomic system within the free world, one in which 
each country may better sustain itself through 
its own efforts, will require action by other gov- 
ernments, as well as by the United States, over 
a wide range of economic activities. These must 
include adoption of sound internal policies, crea- 
tion of conditions fostering international invest- 
ment, assistance to underdeveloped areas, progress 
toward freedom of international payments and 
convertibility of currencies, and trade arrange- 
ments aimed at the widest possible multilateral 

In working toward these goals, our own trade 
policy as well as that of other countries should 
contribute tothe highest possible level of trade on 
a basis that is profitable and equitable for all. The 
world must achieve an expanding trade, balanced 
at high levels, which will permit each nation to 
make its full contribution to the progress of the 
free world's economy and to share fully the bene- 
fits of this progress. ■ 
The solution of the free world's economic prob- * 
lems is a cooperative task. It is not one which the ; 
United States, however strong its leadership and 
however firm its dedication to these objectives, can 
effectively attack alone. But two truths are clear : 
the United States' share in this undertaking is so 
large as to be crucially important to its success — 
and its success is crucially important to the United 

Department of State Bulletin 

States. This last truth applies with particular 
force to many of our domestic industries and es- 
pecially to agriculture with its great and expand- 
ing output. 

I am confident that the governments of other 
countries are prepared to do their part in working 
with us toward these common goals, and we shall 
from time to time be consulting with them. The 
extension for one year of the present Reciprocal 
Trade Agreements Act will provide us the time 
necessary to study and define a foreign economic 
policy which will be comprehensive, constructive, 
and consistent with the needs both of the American 
economy and of American foreign policy. 

Mr. DeMille To Confer 
With Mr. Johnson 

Press release 19S dated April 18 

Kobert L. Johnson, Administrator of the Inter- 
national Information Administration, has asked 
Cecil B. DeMille, outstanding leader in the film 
industry, to come to Washington to confer with 
him on tlie use of motion pictures in the overseas 
information program. 

Motion pictures are one of five means of commu- 
nication used by our overseas information pro- 
gram which also includes the worldwide use of 
press, radio, Usis libraries, and the Educational 
Exchange Program. This conference with Mr. 
DeMille, starting April 20, is pai't of Mr. John- 
son's overall plan to invite leading experts in 
various fields to give him the benefit of their 
advice and thinking. 

Alfred H. Morton To Become 
Consultant on Telecommunications 

Press release 197 dated April 17 

Robert L. Johnson, Administrator of the Inter- 
national Information Administration, has asked 
Alfred H. Morton, Deputy Administrator and 
head of the Voice of America in New York, to 
come to Washington to serve as his chief con- 
sultant in "the all-important field of telecommuni- 

Mr. Johnson said he is determined to create a 
stronger, more effective, and more efficient Inter- 
national Information and Educational Exchange 
Program because "'this activity is vitally impor- 
tant to the United States Government." 

Mr. Johnson, President Eisenhower's choice to 
revitalize U.S. overseas information activities, 
said "the program which the new administration 
envisages requires careful thought, study, and 
long-range planning." 

The Administrator pointed out that Mr. Mor- 
ton's 30 years' experience in radio and active in- 
terest in television since its inception would be in- 
valuable to him at this time, and added, "I am 

asking him to make that experience more readily 
available to me by serving as my chief consultant 
on those matters here in Washington." 

Mr. Morton, well-known leader in the radio in- 
dustry who has directed the Voice of America 
since October 1, 1952, stated that he agreed to 
assume these new responsibilities at Mr. Johnson's 
request and plans to take over his duties in Wash- 
ington on Monday, April 20. 

Robert J. Francis will be Acting Deputy Ad- 
ministrator of the Voice of America in New York 
until such time as a new director is appointed. 


Recent Releases 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, Oovern- 
ment Printing Oflicc, Wasldngton 25, D. C. Address re- 
guests direct to the Superintendent of Documents, except 
in the case of free publications, ichich may be obtained 
from the Department of State. 

Telecommunications. Treaties and Other International 
Acts Series 24S9. Pub. 4685. 113 pp. 30{S. 

Agreement between the United States and American 
Republics replacing Inter-American radio agreement 
of Jan. 26, 1940. 

Safety at Sea, North Atlantic Ice Patrol. Treaties and 
Other International Acts Series 2507. Pub. 4719. 16 pp. 

Interim arrangement between the United States and 
Other Governments revising the scale of contribu- 
tions under article 37 of the International Convention 
on Safety of Life at Sea — Signed at London May 31, 

Regulation of Production and Marketing of Sugar. 

Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2526. Pub. 
4725. 7 pp. 10«!. 

Protocol between the United States and Other Gov- 
ernments (prolonging the international agreement of 
May 6, 1937)— Signed at London Aug. 31, 1951. 

Consular OflBcers. Treaties and Other International Acts 
Series 2J94. Pub. 4729. 25 pp. 10<f. 

Convention with protocol of signature between the 
United States and the United Kingdom — Signed at 
Washington June 6, 1951. 

Mutual Defense Treaty. Treaties and Other Interna- 
tional Acts Series 2529. Pub. 4733. 8 pp. 10«>. 

Treaty between the United States and the Republic 
of the Philippines — Signed at Washington Aug. 30, 

Eradication of Foot-and-Mouth Disease in Mexico. 

Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2404. Pub. 
4736. 47 pp. 20«f. 

Exchange of notes between the United States and 
Mexico — Signed at Washington Mar. 17 and 18, 1947 ; 
Feb. 9 and Mar. 28, 1949 ; and at Mexico City Sept. 26 
and Oct. 3, 1947 ; Nov. 24 and 26, 1947 ; and Dec. 15, 
1947 ; agreement dated at Mexico City Feb. 3 and 12, 

April 27, 1953 


April 27, 1953 


Vol. XXVIII, No. 722 


Technical assistance to Iraq for land develop- 
ment program 610 

American Principles 

Maintaining Charter standards for International 

civil servants (Lodge), text of resolution . 620 

The chance for peace (Elsenhower) 599 

The first 90 days (Dulles) 603 

American Republics 

Adult education seminar to convene at Cludad 

TrujUlo 627 


JAPAN: U.S. interest in stability of Japan's 

economy 611 


Full truce talks to reopen at Panmunjom . . . 608 
The Soviet germ warfare campaign: A case 

history (Gross) 612 


Libby Dam and reservoir 611 


Recommendation for extension of trade agree- 
ments act (Elsenhower) 634 

Senate begins consideration of Nato treaties . . . 628 
Specified exemption laws for escapee program . , 611 

GREECE: Unifies exchange system 623 

YUGOSLAVIA: MsA grant to Yugoslavia 610 

U. S. S. R. : The Soviet germ warfare campaign: 

A case history (Gross) 612 


Greece unifies exchange system 623 

International Information 

Alfred H. Morton to become consultant on tele- 
communications 635 

Mr. DeMille to confer with Mr. Johnson 635 

International Meetings 

Adult education seminar to convene at Ciudad 

Trujillo 627 

Mutual Aid and Defense 

Senate begins consideration of Nato treaties . . 628 
Mutual Security 

MsA grant to Yugoslavia 610 

The chance for peace (Elsenhower) 599 

The first 90 days (Dulles) ' ' 603 

Near and Middle East 

IRAQ: Technical assistance for land develop- 
ment program 610 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization 

Senate begins consideration of Nato treaties . . . 628 

Presidential Documents 


for extension of trade agreements act .... 634 
Specified exemption laws for escapee program . . 611 
Prisoners of War 

Pull truce talks to reopen at Panmunjom .... 608 
Recent Releases 635 

Technical Cooperation and Development 

Technical assistance to Iraq for land develop- 
ment program 610 


Proposals for agreement on cartel practices . . . 626 
Recommendation for extension of trade agree- 
ments act 634 

United Nations 

Adult education seminar to convene at Ciudad 

Trujillo g27 

Maintaining Charter standards for international 

civil servants (Lodge), text of resolution . . 620 

Proposals for agreement on cartel practices . . . 626 

The chance for peace (Eisenhower) 599 

The Soviet germ warfare campaign: A case his- 
tory (Gross) 612 

Trygve Lie's work praised; welcome extended to 

his successor (Lodge) 618 

U.N. Documents: A selected bibliography . ' '. 627 

U.S. in the U.N ........ 624 

Name Index 

DeMille, Cecil B 53= 

Draper, William H., Jr 633 

Dulles, Secretary .'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'. 603 631 

Eisenhower, President 599 611 631 634 

Goodykoontz, Dr. Bess ' 527 

Gross, Ernest A !!!!!! 612 

Hammarskjold, Dag ."..'.'.'.'. . . .' 619 

Harrison, General 608 

Johnson, Robert L 635 

Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 618 620 

Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr ' " ' 6I8' 620 

Lie, Trygve '. ' ' 'gin 

Morton, Alfred H gog 

Smith, Walter Bedell g^B 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: April 13-18, 1953 

Releases may be obtained from the Office of the 
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department 
of State, Washington 25, D. C. 

Press releases issued prior to April 13 which 
appear in tliis issue of the BtrLLETiN are Nos. 175 
of Apr. 6, 177 of Apr. 7, 178 of Apr. 7, 187 of Apr. 
10, 188 of Apr. 10, and 190 of Apr. 11. 


Rubottom : Pan Americanism 
Swiss-German property agreement 
Auerbach : Visa function 
Morton : U.S. trade policy 
Linder : House dairy committee 
Text of German bond agreement 
Morton : Chief consultant, Mr. Johnson 
Mr. DeMille to confer with Iia 
Ministerial meeting of Nac 
Dulles : The first 90 days 

tHeld for a later issue of the Bulletin. 
*Not printed. 
























^Uie/ Q)efia^t'meni/ o^ t/iate^ 



by /Assistant Secretary Morton 


PEACE • by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr 658 


AND NATIONALITY ACT • by Frank L. Auerbach . 642 


Letter to Congressional Leaders 639 

Exchange of Letters With Queen Juliana 639 

Letter to Migration Committee 641 

For index see back cover 

Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

JUN 1-1953 

Me Qje/iwic^e^ ^/ y^a^ JOllllGtin 

Vol. XXVIII. No. 723 • Publication 5051 
May 4, 1953 

For sale by the Snperlntendent of Docnments 

U.S. OovernmeDt Printing Office 

Washington 26, D.O. 


(2 Issues, domestic $7.60, (oreign $10.26 

Single copy, 20 cents 

The printing of this publication has 
been approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 1962). 
note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and items contained herein may 
be reprinfd. Citation of the Depaetmkni 
o? Statu Bdlletdj as the source will be 

The Department of State BVLLETIN, 
a weekly publication compiled and 
edited in the Division of Publications, 
Office of Public Affairs, provides the 
public and interested agencies of 
the Government with information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the work of the De- 
partment of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes 
selected press releases on foreign pol- 
icy issued by the While House and 
the Department, and statements and 
addresses made by the President and 
by the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as well as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, as 
u>ell as legislative material in the field 
of international relations, are listed 

President Favors Increased Aid to Migrants From Europe 

Following are the texts of an identical letter 
which the President sent on April 22 to Vice Presi- 
dent Nixon, President of the Senate, and Joseph 
W. Martin, Jr., Speaker of the House of Repre- 
sentatives, recommending the enactment of emer- 
gency immigration legislation for the special ad- 
mission of European immigrants; a letter dated 
March 18 from Queen Juliana of the Netherlands 
to the President and his reply, dated April k, re- 
garding the problem of aid to refugees; and a let- 
ter from the President dated April 11 to Hugh 
Gibson, Director of the Intergovernm.ental Com- 
mittee for Migration from Europe, regarding an 
intematioruil program to aid migrants. 


White House press release dated April 22 

We are all aware of the tragic developments of 
the past several years which have left countless 
thousands of individuals homeless refugees in the 
heart of Europe. In recent months, the number 
of refugees has been increased by the steady flow 
of escapees who have braved death to escape from 
behind the Iron Curtain. These refugees and 
escapees searching desperately for freedom look 
to the free world for haven. 

In addition, the problem of population pres- 
sures continues to be a source of urgent concern 
in several friendly countries in Europe. 

It is imperative that we join with the other 
nations in helping to find a solution to these grave 
questions. These refugees, escapees, and dis- 
tressed peoples now constitute an economic and 
political threat of constantly growing magnitude. 
Tliey look to traditional American humanitarian 
concern for the oppressed. International political 
considerations are also factors which are involved. 
We should take reasonable steps to help these 
people to the extent that we share the obligation 
of the free world. 

Therefore, after consideration of all the points 
of view which have been presented, I recommend, 
within the framework of the immigration laws, 
the enactment of emergency inamigration legisla- 

May 4, 1953 

tion for the special admission of 120,000 immi- 
grants per year for the next two years. 

In order to help resolve this current immigra- 
tion and refugee problem in the tradition of our 
American policy, I urge that the Congress give 
this recommendation its earliest consideration. 

DwiGHT D. Eisenhower 


White House press release dated April 23 

April 4, 1953 

My Dear Queen Juliana : 

Prince Bernhard has given me your letter of 
March 18, 1953 and an accompanying memoran- 
dum ' concerning the plight of refugees through- 
out the world. Your preoccupation with the 
challenge which refugees present to the free world 
at a time when your own country and people are 
facing so nobly the burdens of over-crowding and 
the disastrous effects of the recent floods, demon- 
strates again the compassion which Your Majesty 
has always shown for those in distress beyond her 
own borders. I share this concern with you. The 
United States Government stands ready at any 
time to consider constructive international meas- 
ures to alleviate the problems presented so sympa- 
thetically in your letter and memorandum. 

The refugees in Germany constitute a substan- 
tial proportion of the German population. The 
United States Government, in planning economic 
measures of assistance with the authorities of the 
German Federal Eepublic, has always taken the 
refugees into account. Along with the indigenous 
population, they have in large part contributed to 
and benefited from the rising level of the German 
economy. The achievement of economic balance 
and the expansion of employment opportunities 
in Germany have been primary objectives of 
United States measures of assistance to the Ger- 
man economy. The United States Government 
will persist in these efforts in collaboration with 

' The memorandum is not printed here. 


the German Federal authorities. This collabora- 
tion has been particularly close and continuous in 
recent months since the flow of refugees into Berlin 
has increased. 

Your letter points out that emigration may also 
play a role in relieving population pressures in 
Germany and other countries whose governments 
also provide asylum for refugees. To provide 
opportunities for decent livelihood in countries of 
immigration for migrants and refugees, the United 
States Government has given active support to 
the Intergovernmental Committee for European 
Migration. At its forthcoming session in Geneva, 
the Migration Committee will give further atten- 
tion to ways and means of expanding oppor- 
tunities for emigration overseas. 

The United States Government, under its 
Escapee Program, is also providing assistance in 
assimilation and resettlement for those who are 
currently fleeing from Eastern European countries 
into German_y, Trieste, Austria, Turkey, Italy and 
Greece. Tlus assistance is supplementary to that 
provided by these countries of first asylum and 
the voluntary agencies which provide the essen- 
tial human touch in their services to refugees. 

Present efforts to re-establish refugees either 
through integration in their present countries of 
residence or emigration, should be intensified. 
I am confident that the free world will respond 
to meet the challenge which the refugees present 
not only because they are human beings whose 
dignity and self-respect are at stake, but because 
they desire with us to play their part in achieving 
peace and order in the world. 

With expressions of great respect and warm 
personal esteem. 

DwiGHT D. Eisenhower 

March 18, 1953 

My Dear Mr. President, 

The people of the United States have magnifi- 
cently shown their warmhearted sympathy for 
those in our country who through the flood lost 
their homes and are in great distress. American 
help came pouring into our stricken land. Help 
came indeed, from all over the world, to relieve 
us in our dire need. With profound gratitude in 
our hearts we see the problem of our homeless 
solved on a world basis by one spontaneous move 
of generosity from peoples and governments alike. 
This generous support has been of great material, 
and also of immeasurable moral help to us. 

Sympathy for the victims of distress is well 
known to be a great American tradition. I feel 
justified, therefore, to ask for your warm attention 
to the problem of those who became homeless by 
persecution : the refugees of the entire world. 

I appeal to you for personally taking the lead in 
solving this ever increasing world problem on a 


world basis. I strongly feel that this problem is 
one of the most dangerous and tragic elements 
in an uncertain future. 

I am aware that in the past year, through inter- 
national effort generously supported by the United 
States Government, a great many refugees have 
found a new home, but the problem is still far from 
solved. Thousands of new refugees, mostly in 
circumstances of great distress and often in a state 
of mental despair, are in need of our help. 

There are still over 400,000 refugees living in 
camps in Europe. Tens of thousands of refugees 
are fleeing from the Eastern Zone of Germany 
into West Berlin. There are still many thousands 
of refugees elsewhere in the world. A concerted 
international action is therefore indicated. 

The problem of the refugees can only be solved 
if they are given opportunities to resettle in new 
countries, or if they are assimilated in their coun- 
tries of present residence. 

Mass resettlement schemes, however, are seri- 
ously hampered at the present time, because in 
various countries of immigration refugees are not 
given enough economic opportunities. Moreover, 
in certain European countries, like my own, the 
pressure of surplus population leaves little room 
for absorbing them. 

Unless legislation in the countries of immigra- 
tion specifically permits the entry of refugees and 
their families, including those in destitute circum- 
stances, it is to be feared only very small numbers 
of refugees will get a chance to emigrate. 

A new approach is necessary, therefore, which 
opens large opportunities for immigration and 
also creates the necessary economic conditions per- 
mitting the assimilation of refugees in the coun- 
tries of their present residence. 

Efforts to stimulate this assimilation are at the 
present time being made in several countries, in 
particular through the operation of an important 
grant from an American foundation, in close co- 
operation between the Governments concerned 
and the Voluntary Agencies working on behalf 
of the refugees. However, private agencies do 
not dispose of the necessary resources. Govern- 
mental action will be necessary to open credit 
facilities for all those refugees who are only too 
willing to support and house themselves if they 
are given the initial opportunity to regain their 

These aspects should receive due attention when- 
ever plans are made to promote the economic de- 
velopment and stability of the world. Neglecting 
them means that tens of thousands of refugees 
are condemned to live in camps without any hope 
for the future for many more years. Such a 
tragedy, if it were to occur, would destroy the 
faith in the privileges of freedom not only of the 
refugees themselves, but also of their kinsmen 
whom they have left behind. 

Discontentment, frustration and even despair is 
felt by millions of uprooted people, dislocated all 

Department of State Bulletin 

over the world. The free world cannot tolerate 
so rrmch suffering in its midst without having to 
suffer itself. 

To preserve their human dignity and restore 
their self-respect, the right psychological and 
spiritual approach is of overriding importance. 
How could refugees ever trust free society if it 
shows interest only for trained muscles or brains, 
but lacks respect for the higher values of life ; if 
it looks at refugees only as labor potential, and 
refuses those who cannot work; if it separates 
tliem from their families ? 

It is my conviction that the refugee problem 
should be tackled in the shortest possible time in 
its entirety. 

The Netherlands will be glad to cooperate in 
any planning and, within the practical limits of 
its capacities, in any constructive effort to arrive 
at results. 

Although I fully understand the multitude and 
magnitude of the problems confronting you, I had 
to lay this matter of ever-growing importance 
before you, conscious of the responsibility of all 
for all, a responsibility which in the plight of the 
Netherlands the entire world has accepted and 
lived up to in such an impressive way. In all 
humility we saw the lesson of loving one's neigh- 
bor being observed in a world otherwise so deeply 
disturbed by international strife. 

I am confident you will find the right approach 
to this problem. May it be given you to solve it. 
Thus world peace will gain. 
Yours sincerely, 



April 11, 1953 

Dear Mr. Gibson : 

Recalling your recent conference with me at the 
White House at which you so ably set forth the 
gravity and extent of population pressures in 
certain countries in Europe and the additional 
burdens assumed by many of these countries in 
the reception of new refugees from Eastern 
Europe, I welcome the opportunity afforded by 
the Fifth Session of the Intergovernmental Com- 
mittee for European Migration to respond to your 
presentation on behalf of the Committee. 

I am fully aware of the need for international 
action and collaboration in developing opportuni- 
ties in many countries of the world for those in 
Europe who desire to emigrate. By emigration 
they may achieve self-dependence through useful 
employment and live with their families in dignity 
and self-respect doing their part to contribute to 
peace and order in the world. The Migration 
Committee, organized in Brussels in 1951, has 
taken important initial steps to facilitate the 
movement of migrants and refugees from Europe. 
The United States Government notes with satis- 

faction not only the financial support which the 
member governments have given to the Commit- 
tee, but the manner in which these governments 
have assisted by receiving migrants and refugees. 

You stated that the results to date have been 
modest. I believe that greater achievement is 
possible and will depend upon sound and modest 
beginnings. The task before the Committee calls 
for intensive effort and resourcefulness in finding 
step-by-step the best ways and means of develop- 
ing and applying available international resources 
in assistance to the emigration and immigration 
countries in resolving their mutual problems. 
The United States Government fully supports the 
efforts which the Committee is making to assist 
those in Europe seeking opportunities for a liveli- 
hood in other countries which are in a position to 
receive them. The problems which face the Com- 
mittee are under constant examination by the 
competent agencies of the United States Govern- 
ment and, as the work of the Committee develops, 
consideration will be given to the manner in which 
the United States, in concert with other govern- 
ments, can most helpfully assist the Committee 
in its further efforts. 

I wish the Committee every success in its de- 
liberations at the Fifth Session. 

DwiGHT D. Eisenhower 

The Honorable Hugh Gibson 

Director, Intergovernmental Committee for 
European Migration 
63 rue des Paquis 

Geneva, Switzerland 

U.S. Expresses Sympathy 
for People of Laos 

At a news conference on April 17 Michael J. 
McDerviott, Special Assistant for Press Relations, 
made the following statement: 

The Royal Government of Laos has issued a 
statement drawing attention to the attack upon the 
territory of the Kingdom by Viet Minh troops and 
stating the determination of the Government, the 
army, and the people of Laos with the aid of 
French Union troops to resist this aggression. 

The Government of the United States is follow- 
ing developments with the closest attention. It 
expresses its sympathy with the people of Laos 
in their present emergency and its fervent wishes 
to them, to their troops, and to those of the French 
Union in their efforts to resist and turn back the 
invaders. The United States will continue to pro- 
vide and will study ways and means of making 
more effective its assistance to the Associated 
States of Indochina and to France in the struggle 
to destroy Communist aggression in Laos, Cam- 
bodia, and Vietnam. 

May 4, 7953 


The Visa Function Under the Immigration and Nationality Act 

iy Frank L. Auerhach ^ 

Press release 193 dated April 15 

I am glad to be here today and to review with 
you some of the more important changes the Im- 
migration and Nationality Act has brought about 
in relation to the visa function of the Department 
of State. 

The new law, commonly referred to as the 
McCarran-Walter Act, became effective on Decem- 
ber 24, 1952, and thus has been in operation for less 
than 4 months, a rather brief period to assess its 
effect in any thorough fashion. But compared 
with the old law, the new act has brought about 
certain changes in our immigration laws and con- 
sequently in implementing regulations, the effect 
of whicli can already clearly be recognized in the 
day-by-day operations. I should like to discuss 
with you some of these changes. 

One of the most important changes, if not the 
most important change brouglit about by the new 
law, is that it eliminates racial discrimination 
frorn naturalization and makes aliens of all races 
eligible for immigration into the United States. 

Before the new act became operative on Decem- 
ber 24, 1952, the Immigration Act of February 
5, 1917, provided for the so-called Asiatic barred 
zone, natives of which, with few exceptions, could 
not come to the United States as immigrants. In 
addition the Immigration Act of 1924 made in- 
eligible for immigration all persons who under 
our nationality laws were barred from naturali- 
zation. These provisions of the 1924 act made 
ineligible for immigration, among others, natives 
of Korea and Japan. In recent years this resulted 
in many unfortunate situations, particularly in 
the case of American servicemen who married 

"Address made at New York City before the Federal 
Bar Association of New Torlc. New Jersey, and Con- 
necticut on Apr. 16. Mr. Auerbach is a foreign affairs 
officer in the Visa Office. For an article entitled -'Visa 
Work of the Department of State and the Foreign Serv- 
ice," see BULLETIN of Feb. 2, 1953, p. 195, and Feb. 9, 1953, 
p. 232 (also available as Department of State publication 
4you ) . 


Japanese or Korean girls only to discover that 
under the then applicable immigration laws they 
could not bring their wives into the United States. 

In providing for the immigration of persons 
of Asian ancestry the Immigration and Nation- 
ality Act follows, generally speaking, the pattern 
set up in 1943 when the Congress upon the urging 
of President Roosevelt repealed the Chinese Ex- 
clusion Act and set up a quota for Chinese persons. 
Different from the case of other immigi-ants 
whose quota is determined by place of birth, the 
law provided in the case of Chinese persons that 
ancestry rather than place of birth was to be the 
determining factor in establishing an alien's quota. 
A similar formula was followed in 1946 when 
Congress set up a quota for East Indians. 

As stated already, the new law follows in gen- 
eral the formula of the 1943 act as to the determi- 
nation of quota chargeability of Asian peoples 
with some very significant liberalizing exceptions. 
Under the old law the East Indian husband, wife, 
or child and the Chinese husband and child of an 
American citizen could enter the United States 
only as quota immigrants, which mostly meant 
many years of waiting due to the smallness of and 
the heavy demand on these quotas. The new law 
accords nonquota status to any child, wife, and 
husband of an American citizen, regardless of 
their ancestry or race. 

The sahitory effect of this liberalization can be 
observed in the day-by-day work in the Visa Office 
of the Department of State. 

Quota Chargeability of Asian Immigrants 

The quota chargeability of an Asian immigrant 
who is not entitled to nonquota status is de- 
termined by his place of birth if he is born within 
the so-called Asia-Pacific Triangle, covering 
roughly all Asian countries from India to Japan 
and all Pacific Islands north of Australia and New 
Zealand. In other words, a Japanese person born 
in Korea is chargeable to the Korean quota while 

Department of State Bulletin 

an East Indian born in Japan is chargeable to 
the Japanese quota. If an immigrant who is 
attributable by as much as one-half of his an- 
cestry to a people or peoples indigenous to the 
xVsia-Pacific Triangle is born outside of the Tri- 
angle his quota is determined by his ancestry 
rather than by his place of birth. Due to specific 
statutory provisions Chinese persons who are 
quota immigrants are always chargeable to the 
Chinese quota regardless of whether they are born 
within or without the Asia-Pacific Triangle. 

Apart from the provisions relating to the immi- 
gration of Asian peoples the national origins sys- 
tem in allocating immigration quotas has by and 
large been continued in the new act from the 
Immigration Act of 1924. 

A new provision in the Immigration and Na- 
tionality Act places a ceiling of 100 on the number 
of quota visas which may be issued to natives of 
colonies and dependencies who are chargeable to 
the quota of the governing country. For example, 
natives of Malta, Hong Kong, Bermuda, or Trini- 
dad who are chargeable to the quota of Great 
Britain may not be issued in any one year more 
than 100 visas each of the total quota of Great 
Britain. This new provision has particular sig- 
nificance in the Portuguese and Spanish quotas 
where the colonies may absorb all of the mother 
country's quota. 

In order to facilitate the administration of this 
provision of the law the Department of State has 
established by regulation so-called subquotas of 
100 each. The term subquota designates that 
portion of the quota of a governing country which 
may be made available, subject to a limitation of 
100 annually, to quota immigrants born in any 
colony or other component or dependent areas 
overseas from the governing country. Charge- 
able to such subquotas is, as a rule, any quota im- 
migrant born in a colony, component, or dependent 
area. The Department has determined that there 
are at present a total of 78 subquotas of 8 coun- 
tries : the quota for Great Britain and Northern 
Ireland has 44 subquotas; France 16 subquotas; 
Portugal 8 subquotas ; Spain and the Netherlands 
3 subquotas each ; India 2 subquotas ; and Belgium 
and Denmark 1 subquota each. Nine of the 44 
subquotas of Great Britain are allocated to British 
colonies and dependent areas in the Western Hem- 
isphere. They are the Bahamas, Barbados, Ber- 
muda, British Guiana, British Honduras, Ja- 
maica, Leeward Islands, Trinidad, and Windward 

Change in Preference Quotas 

Another significant change brought about by 
the new law is the system of preferences within 
quotas. Under the old law the first 50 percent of 
a quota was available to parents, and to husbands 
by marriage since January 1, 1948, of American 
citizens and, in the case of quotas over 300, to 

May 4, 1953 

so-called skilled agriculturists. The next 50 per- 
cent of the quota was available to the wives and 
children of permanent resident aliens. Those 
portions of a quota not used by either preference 
group were available to all other immigrants some- 
times referred to as new seed immigrants because 
they had no close ties in the United States. 

Under the new law relative preferences have 
been expanded and in addition a system of selec- 
tive immigration has been introduced. The first 
50 percent of each quota is first available to so- 
called skilled aliens whose services are needed 
urgently in the United States because of their high 
education, technical training, specialized experi- 
ence, or exceptional ability. The next 30 percent 
of each quota is available to parents of American 
citizens and the remaining 20 percent to spouses 
and children of aliens lawfully admitted for per- 
manent residence. 

Any portion not used by any of these three pref- 
erence groups is first available to aliens in any of 
the other preference groups and if not required by 
them becomes available to nonpreference quota 
immigrants. Twenty-five percent of this portion 
of the quota not used by the first three preference 
groups, however, is made available to a so-called 
fourth preference quota group consisting of 
brothers and sisters of American citizens, and to 
the sons and daughters of American citizens who 
do not qualify for nonquota status because they 
are married or over 21 years of age. 

Up to this time the number of aliens who have 
been found qualified for the so-called first prefer- 
ence quota has been rather small, probably due to 
the fact that this new preference for skilled aliens, 
which it is expected will eventually benefit Amer- 
ican economy and industry, has not yet become 
well-known. There has been a considerable de- 
mand for fourth preference quota visas particu- 
larly by brothers and sisters of American citizens 
who through this new preference find their cases 
considered ahead of those aliens without such 
close family ties in the United States. 

Protection of American Labor 

The introduction of the system of selective im- 
migration was accompanied by another significant 
change in our immigration law. The new law 
did not re-enact the so-called contract labor pro- 
visions but has substituted provisions designed to 
safeguard American labor more effectively and 
more flexibly. The contract labor provisions of 
the old law, with few exceptions, excluded from 
admission into the United States aliens who \yere 
promised or had a contract for labor in the United 
States which was predominantly manual in charac- 
ter. The purpose of this provision was to protect 
American labor from competition of immigrant 
labor. The new law approaches this problem dif- 
ferently. Immigrants who seek to enter the 
United States to perform skilled or unskilled labor 


are barred from admission only if the Secretary 
of Labor certifies to the Secretary of State and 
the Attorney General a sufficiency of workers in 
the United States wlio are able, willing, and quali- 
fied to perform at the place to which the alien 
is destined such skilled or unskilled labor as the 
alien is seeking to perform, or that the employ- 
ment of certain immigrants will adversely affect 
the wa^es and workinn; conditions of the workers 
in the United States similarly employed. In the 
absence of such certification by the Secretary of 
Labor this provision is inoperative. So far, the 
Secretary of Labor has not made a certification 
as contemplated by the law. The scope of this 
potential ground for exclusion is limited. Even 
after the Secretary of Labor has made a certifica- 
tion as to the sufficiency of labor in a given locality 
the resulting excluding provision applies only to 
nonpreference quota immigrants and immigrants 
entitled to nonquota status as natives of the West- 
ern Hemisphere or as former American citizens. 
It does not apply to any of the other nonquota 
immigrant categories or to preference quota 


The abolition of the contract labor provisions of 
the old law has a significance which affects 
another important requirement of the law. Both 
under the old and new law an immigrant may be 
issued a visa only if he can show that he will not 
become a public charge in the United States. 
Unless the alien had at his disposal in this country 
funds of his own, proof that he was not likely to 
become a public charge under the old law usually 
was presented by the submission of a so-called 
affidavit of support from a relative or close friend 
in the United States who expressed his willingness 
and showed his ability to take care of the alien 
in such way that he would not become a public 
charge. The presentation of a work contract in 
this connection was unacceptable unless the alien's 
vocation was predominantly mental. The pre- 
sentation of a work contract for manual employ- 
ment not only did not overcome the likelihood of 
becoming a public charge but led mandatorily to 
the denial of a visa under the contract labor j)ro- 
visions. Under the new law the presentation of 
a work contract may in some cases very well be 
the sole proof required by the consul to satisfy the 
requirement of the law that the alien is not likely 
to become a public charge. 

The law contains another new provision which 
permits an immigrant in certain cases to over- 
come a likelihood of becoming a jniblic charge. 
In the case of an alien ineligible to receive a visa 
because he is likely to become a public charge a 
bond may be posted with the Attorney General. 
Under the Department of State visa regulations 
the posting of such bond with the Attorney Gen- 
eral will be accepted by the consular officer as 
satisfactory proof that the alien is not likely to 
become a public charge in the United States. 

At this point I should like to comment briefly 

on the public charge provision of the statute as 
it is implemented by the regulations of the De- 
partment of State. In the language of tlie statute 
an alien is ineligible to receive a visa if in the 
opinion of the consular officer at the time of ap- 
plication for a visa, the alien is likely at any time 
to become a public charge. Under the Depart- 
ment's regulations any conclusion that an alien, 
eligible to receive a visa, is likely to become a pub- 
lic charge must "be predicated upon the existence 
of facts or circumstances which indicate a reason- 
able probability that the immigrant will become 
a charge upon the public after entry into the 
United States." 

Another provision of the new law relating to 
the issuance of visas to immigrants is of consid- 
erable significance. Since the Alien Registra- 
tion Act became law in 1940 and until the new 
law took effect, not only present but also former 
members of proscribed organizations were ex- 
cluded from admission into the United States. In 
other words, under the old law an alien who was a 
member of the Communist Party some 20 years 
ago but had long since terminated his membership 
could not be issued an immigration visa even if 
he had become one of the most outspoken and 
effective fighters against communism. 

For the first time an escape clause for former 
voluntary members of proscribed organizations is 
provided by the new act. It contains a defector 
clause which permits the issuance of an immi- 
grant visa to former voluntary members of pro- 
scribed organizations if the alien since the termi- 
nation of his membership, and for at least 5 years 
before the date of his visa application, has been 
actively oj>posed to the doctrine, program, prin- 
ciples, and ideology of the proscribed organiza- 
tion to which he belonged. The issuance of a 
visa to such an alien is conditioned on a finding 
that his admission into the United States would 
be in the public interest. Visa regulations of the 
Department of State provide that in the interest 
of a coordinated and uniform interpretation of 
what constitutes the public interest in issuing or 
refusing visas to political defectors, all such cases 
will be referred by the field to the Secretary of 
State for possible consultation with the Attorney 

Elimination of Sex Discrimination 

Another change in our immigration laws which 
affects the visa function of the Department of 
State should be mentioned. The new law elimi- 
nates the discrimination between sexes which could 
be found both in the Immigration Act of Febru- 
ary 7, 1917, and in the act of 1924. Under the old 
law an American citizen could bring to this coun- 
try his alien wife as a nonquota immigrant; but 
an American woman could bring her alien hus- 
band by marriage since January 1, 1948, only as 
a preference quota immigrant. An alien law- 
fully admitted for permanent residence could 


Department of State Bulletin 

brin<^ his wife to this country as a preference 
quota immigrant while an alien woman lawfully 
admitted to this country could bring her alien 
husband only as a nonpref erence quota immigrant 
which in the case of smaller quotas meant consid- 
erable and often indefinite delay. .If an immi- 
grant husband and wife were born in two diller- 
Int countries and the wife was chargeable to an 
oversubscribed quota while the husband was 
chargeable to an open quota, under the old law 
the wife could be charged to her husband s quota. 
But the reverse did not apply. In other words, 
a husband chargeable to an oversubscribed quota 
could not be charged to the open quota ot his ac- 
companying wife. These and many other pro- 
visions of the old law which discriminated against 
women have all been eliminated under the Immi- 
gration and Nationality Act. Wives have been 
aiven the same status in all respects as are granted 
to husbands. In other words, an alien husband 
of an American woman may be issued a nonquota 
visa as can the alien wife of an American citizen; 
and an alien lawfully admitted for permanent 
residence may bring his spouse as preference quota 
immigrant regardless of whether the preceding 
spouse is the husband or the wife. 

One new feature of the Immigration and JNa- 
tionality Act which refers both to immigrants and 
nonimmigrants is the requirement that visa peti- 
tions be filed with the Immigration and Natural- 
ization Service in the case of aliens coming tem- 
porarily to the United States for employment or 
training and in the case of all preference quota 
and nonquota immigrants except those who are 
nonquota immigrants due to their birth m the 
Western Hemisphere. 

The petition procedure in these cases rests ex- 
clusively with the Immigration and Naturaliza- 
tion Service. Upon the approval of a petition by 
the Immigration and Naturalization Service the 
Department of State is notified and m turn for- 
wards to the consular offices abroad the Attorney 
General's classification of the alien. 

Visas for Business Visitors 

Some questions have arisen as to whethex cer- 
tain nonimmigrant aliens coming to the United 
States temporarily are to be considered tem- 
porary workers requiring petitions, or visitors tor 
business in whose case a nonimmigrant visa may 
be issued without the prior approval of a petition. 
Since it was obviously the intent of the law to 
protect by the petition requirement American 
labor, the Department of State and the Immigra- 
tion and Naturalization Service have agreed that 
certain classes of nonimmigrant aliens who are 
coming to the United States temporarily for non- 
compensatory and noncompetitive employment 
or instruction may properly be classified as visi- 
tors for business. For example, various American 
firms who have purchased abroad machinery or 

May 4, 1953 

other equipment and have arranged for expert per- 
sonnel to install in this country such machinery 
and to instruct the American personnel m its 
operation. These aliens, it has been agreed, will 
be considered visitors for business and may, there- 
fore, be issued visitors' visas without a prior peti- 
tion if they continue to draw their pay from their 
foreign employer and receive from the American 
firm not more than a subsistence allo^yance and 
reimbursement for other expenses incidental to 
their temporary stay in this country. . 

Another example is that of a group ot minis- 
ters of religion who for years have been coming 
from England in exchange with American min- 
isters going to England during the summer 
months. These ministers coming from England 
continue to draw their salary in England and are 
the guests in this country of the American church 
at which they serve, or of its members Here 
a<rain it has been held that a visitor-for-busmess 
visa may properly be issued rather than a visa 
requiring a visa petition. 

A third group of aliens is considered qualified 
for classification as visitors for business rather 
than as temporary workers. These are aliens 
brouo-ht to the United States temporarily by 
American exporters who are selling American 
goods abroad and who bring these aliens to this 
country in order to familiarize them with the 
manufacture, service or sales methods of the Amer- 
ican product. The Immigration and Natural- 
ization Service and the Department of State have 
ao-reed that these aliens may be classified visitors 
for business if the nature of their instruction is 
predominantly mental; if securing this instruc- 
tion benefits the American national interest; and 
if these aliens continue to draw their pay from 
their foreign employer who may be a, foreign 
branch of an American firm, and receive from 
the American firm not more than a subsistence 
allowance and reimbursement for other expenses 
incidental to their temporary stay. 

In view of the concern sometimes expressed 
about the allegedly unlimited power of consular 
officers in refusing visas, as a final point I should 
like to discuss the administrative procedures sur- 
rounding the refusal and revocation of immigrant 

^^ Wiien an immigrant visa is refused by a con- 
sular officer a memorandum of refusal is prepared 
and retained in the consular file. The action of 
refusing an immigrant visa by a consular officer 
has to be reviewed by the consular officer in charge 
of visa work at the foreign post. If this superior 
officer concurs in the refusal he has to counter- 
sign the memorandum of refusal. If he does not 
concur in the refusal the case is referred to the 
Department for an advisory opinion. 

Once an immigrant visa is issued it may be re- 
voked only under the following circumstances: 
( 1 ) The consular officer knows, or after investiga- 
tion is satisfied, that the visa was procured by 


fraud, willingly false or misleading representa- 
tion, the willful concealment of a material fact, 
or other unlawful means; or (2) the consular offi- 
cer obtains information establishino; the alien was 
otherwise ineligible to receive the particular visa 
at the time it was issued. 

Notice of revocation, if practicable, is to be 
given to the alien at his last known address before 
his departure for the United States. Whenever 
circumstances permit the alien will also be given 
opportunity to show why he believes revocation 
to be, or to have been, unwarranted. 

Once an immigrant visa has been revoked a full 
report concerning the revocation has to be sub- 
mitted to the Department of State for transmis- 
sion to the Attorney General. If it was not 
practicable to give the alien notice of revocation 
before his departure for the United States, the 
report submitted to the Department of State has 
to explain all the pertinent circumstances in the 

In addition to this procedure prescribed by 
regulations it has long been the administrative 
practice of the Visa Office to entertain inquiries 
by attorneys and other interested persons in the 
United States concerning the disposition of visa 
cases. If there is no case record in the Depart- 
ment on the case in which an inquiry is received 
a request for a report on the case will be directed 
to the field. If on the basis of the facts available 
in the Department or upon the report received 
from the field it is found that the handling of the 
case by the consular officer is not consistent with 
the Department's interpretation of law and regu- 
lations an appropriate advisory opinion will be 
despatched to the consular officer having juris- 
diction in the case. 

In this connection, I should like to refer to the 
provision of the Immigration and Nationality 
Act which establishes that determination and 
ruling by the Attorney General with respect to 
all questions of law are controlling for all agen- 
cies entrusted with the administration of this Taw. 
Therefore, the interpretation of the Immigration 
and Nationality Act by the Department of State 
is not only guided by pertinent court decisions but 
also by rulings and requested opinions of the 
Attorney General. 

These are some of the provisions of the Immi- 
gration and Nationality Act which hare been 
given little if any publicity, but which are of con- 
siderable importance to those administering the 
law and particularly to those who are affected by 
the law, the immigrant, the nonimmigi-ant, and 
their sponsors and representatives in this country. 
Of course, it is unavoidable that a new law deal- 
ing with a subject matter as complicated as that 
of immigration will raise problems, many of 
which cannot be recognized until the law has'been 
in operation for some time. As far as the first 
4 months of the law's operations are concerned, 
it has not presented any serious operational diffi- 


culties in the visa field which could not be re- 
solved by reasonable interpretation or adjustment 
of administrative procedures. 

The Visa Office of the Department of State, by 
the issuance of instructions and advisory opinions, 
IS doing all in its power to assist consular officers 
throughout the world to achieve as uniform an 
interpretation of the law as is possible. . 

Secretary Dulles Departs 
For NAC Ministerial Meeting 

Statement by the Secretary ' 

Press release 206 dated April 21 

I believe the forthcoming meeting of the Nato 
ministers will be a very important one. This wiU 
be the first time that representatives of the Eisen- 
hower administration have participated directly 
in Nato ministerial meetings. There are a num- 
ber of matters which we will wish to discuss with 
allied governments, and there are several impor- 
tant decisions to be taken. 

Our principal immediate objective will be to 
reach agreement on broad Nato defense programs 
for 1953. I believe such an agreement will be at- 
tained and will provide for a substantial increase 
in Nato's defensive strength. In addition, we will 
wish to examine the current world situation, 
especially in the light of the proposals of Presi- 
dent Eisenhower in his speech of April 16 before 
the American Society of Newspaper Editors.^ "We 
also wish to lay the groundwork for the develop- 
ment of plans for future years— long-range plans 
which will enable us to deter military attack from 
without while maintaining our inner economic and 
political strength. 

In our discussions in Paris, we will naturally 
wish to consider recent statements and actions by 
the Soviet Government, in which all Nato peoples 
have a common interest. However, I do not be- 
lieve that our present security planning can be 
modified by recent Soviet moVes. As I said in 
my address to the editors last Saturday ,3 nothing 
that has happened so far justifies any relaxation 
of effort nor any weakening of Nato defenses. 
Instead, there is good reason to believe that the 
growing strength of the free world may influence 
the Soviet Union decisively in the direction of 
peace. The commonsense course for nations of 
the Atlantic community is to move forward 
steadily toward greater .strength and unity, main- 
taining always an appropriate balance between 
our military defenses and the basic economic sta- 
bility upon which both our defenses and our entire 
social order depend. 

' Made at the Washington National Airport on Apr 21 
' Bulletin of Apr. 27, 19.53, p. 599. 
' Ibid., p. 603. 

Department of State Bulletin 

At the Crossroads in U.S. Trade Policy 

hy Thruston B. Morton 

Assistant Secretary for Congressional Relations ^ 

Since this city, the State of Louisiana, and as 
a matter of fact the entire Mississippi Valley, has 
Buch an important stake in international trade, i 
am sure that you would like to know how the 
administration feels about your theme, Balance 
Trade, Reduce Aid." „ • i ^ j ^i 

I can assure you that the President and the 
executive branch of the Government agree that it 
is in our national interest and m the interest ot 
the entire free world that we increase trade and 
thus reduce the need for aid. But we are, in Wb6, 
at the crossroads in U.S. trade policy. 

This administration is going to be assailed witn 
two lines of argument. On the one hand, im- 
portant groups will be saying: "We must keep the 
\merican market for American products. Why 
should we want to engage in foreign trade and 
thus make ourselves dependent upon other na- 
tions over whom we have no possible means ot 
control Wliy should we share our incompar- 
ably rich and extensive markets with other na- 
tions and allow foreign goods to compete with the 
products of American workers?" 

They will also argue that we must keep out the 
goods of foreign countries produced by 'cheap 
labor in order to avoid lowering our standard ot 
living They will claim that if we permit im- 
ports from abroad we will be faced with unem- 
ployment in our industries and the closing down 
of productive facilities. 

Then as a final argument, the opponents ot any 
measures to lower barriers to trade will note that 
our tariffs are the lowest they have ever been in 
our history, lower than many other nations ot the 
free world. AVliy, they conclude, should we lower 
them any further? . 

On the other side we have those groups which 
will contend that without a solid economic foun- 
dation the mutual-defense effort in the free world 

• Address made before the 8th Mississippi Valley World 
Trade Conference at New Orleans, La., on Apr. 17 (press 
release 194 dated Apr. 16). 

Moy 4, 1953 

is built on quicksand. They will point out that 
we cannot have international political cooperation 
and economic isolation. They will say that with 
our storehouses piling up with butter, cheese, 
dried milk, cotton, grains, and other products, it 
does not take much imagination to realize how 
dependent we are on export markets. It we try 
to keep the American market for our products, 
foreigners are going to keep theirs for their 

products. , , ., 1 

This side also will point out that it makes no 
sense to say that low labor costs abroad can cut 
our standard of living if we import. 

They will note that American automobile tac- 
tory workers get higher wages than those of any 
other country and better pay than most worlcers 
in other American nonexport industries. ISut 
American cars are cheaper than foreign cars and 
can undersell them in open competition. The im- 
portant factor in trade isn't the wage per day; 
it's the wage per unit of product. Our workers, 
with the mechanized means of production and 
highly developed technology, are able to produce 
a greater number of products per hour, thus re- 
sulting in lower costs per unit even though their 
wages per hour are high. 

Furthermore, they will note, the U.S. economy 
has developed on the basis of the theory that 
competition is what keeps our system dynamic 
and progressive. Give in to the protection senti- 
ment, they say, and you destroy the ingredient m 
American society that makes it grow. 

And lastly, they will reply that our tariffs may 
be the lowest in our history, but that there are still 
many, many rates ranging from 50 to 400 percent 
ad valorem. 

And so the battle rages. Although the argu- 
ments of those who recognize the need for lower- 
ing barriers to trade may be more persuasive m 
the abstract, the troops with special interests are 
infinitely more effective in getting their views pre- 
sented where it counts the most^before our legis- 


Jators. If we are ever to get a foreign-trade policy 
capable of serving as the foundation for a strong 
free world defense effort, it is incumbent upon 
groups such as yours to stimulate a broader under- 
standing of the issues involved. 

I'd like to take myself out of this crossfire and 
give you some of the facts which reveal the dan- 
gers to the United States of pulling back from 
our policy of international cooperation in the field 
of trade. 

Gone are the days when diplomacy was a mat- 
ter of ambassadors influencing individuals in 
power in foreign countries and dealing solely in 
the political plane. Economic and trade policy 
are very much a part of our diplomacy and our 
defense effort. President Eisenhower put it very 
well in his inaugural address : ^ 

... we are linked to all free peoples not merely by 
a noble idea but by a simple need. No free people can 
for long cling to any privilege or enjoy any safety in 
economic solitude. For all our own material might, even 
we need markets in the world for the surpluses of our 
farms and our factories. Equally, we need for these 
same farms and factories vital materials and products 
of distant lands. This basic law of interdependence, so 
manifest in the commerce of peace, applies with thousand- 
fold intensity in the event of war. 

Trade Restrictions: An Aid to the Kremlin 

A most important part of our leadership is how 
to provide an economic foundation for a healthy 
free world — how to build strength and security 
to counter both the Communist threats of aggres- 
sion and the Communist efforts to divide the free 
world. This problem is just as real today as it 
was 3 weeks or a month ago, when the Commu- 
nists launched on the newest zig of their zigzag 
policy. If we don't come up with the right an- 
swers it isn't going to matter to any of us how 
much cheese, glassware, silk scarves, tuna fish, 
and shrimp enter the United States in 1953, 1954, 
or any other year. 

The Kremlin's policy is to create weakness and 
disunity in the free world. Those who tend to 
pass off lightly the part that U.S. trade policy 
plays in our over-all foreign policy should read 
the article that Stalin wrote before his death in 
the Russian magazine Bolshevik for October 1952 : 

The most important result of the Second World War 
in its economic consequences must be considered the dis- 
integration of a united, all-embracing world market. 
This circumstance determined further the deepening of 
the general crisis of the capitalist system . . . 

. . . idleness of enterprises in these countries will in- 
crease. In this, properly speaking, there consists a deep- 
ening of the general crisis of the world capitalist system 
in connection with the disintegration of the world market. 

Stalin saw that crisis in terms of an "inevitable" 
trade conflict between the nations of the free 
world. He assured his readers that this conflict 
meant the certain disintegration of free world 

' Bulletin of Feb. 2, 1953, p. 168. 


unity and the ultimate world triumph of com- 

"We need not worry," was the essence of his 
remarks. "The free nations will destroy them- 
selves. They haven't got what it takes to work 
and prosper together." 

And those who thought that perhaps with 
Stalin's death we might get a different Commu- 
nist line should read the speech delivered on March 
14 by the Polish representative to the Economic 
Commission for Europe. 

E. Milnikiel, Polish Minister to Sweden, told 
the Western European countries at a meeting of 
the U.N. unit not to expect any help from the 
United States in solving its economic problems 
by "trade, not aid." 

Milnikiel's speech would not have been remark- 
able had it not revealed the complete coverage that 
Communist information services are currently 
giving to every evidence of what we may broadly 
call "protectionism" in the West — everything 
from "Buy American" to the escape-clause actions 
which are invoked in an attempt to keep out im- 
ports from the United States. 

Those who are anxious to avoid providing the 
Communists with a weapon to beat us over the 
head are concerned by the introduction of many 
restrictionist bills in this session of Congress. 

At least 38 bills have already been introduced 
this session to cut imports from our friends and 

At least 22 bills have been presented in the 
House and 2 in the Senate to cut imports of fuel 
oil. Two bills would put a 35 percent ad valorem 
duty on imported shrimp. Three bills would 
double the duty on Swiss watches. One bill to 
put a 5-cents-per-pound duty on fresh or frozen 
tuna would really hit Japan hard. 

And one bill would give to a Cabinet officer the 
power to shut off imports when he considered 
them "excessive." 

Communist Use of the Trade Issue 

To cite an example of how the Communists use 
the trade issue, I would like to tell you about the 
time our restrictions on cheese imports were im- 
posed, when a tariff quota was imposed on al- 
monds, when minor escape-clause actions were 
taken which affected Italy. 

The Communists in Southern Italy and Sicily 
went into action. Hardly had our restrictions 
gone into effect than a Soviet ship appeared in 
southern Italian ports accompanied by wide- 
spread publicity that the Soviet Union intended 
to buy Italian products. It was a very effective 
gesture, especially when they bought some boat- 
loads of lemons and almonds. 

One American official who traveled in Southern 
Italy at this time reported that the Communists 
were also using our trade actions to attack the 
Nato defense effort. The Communists plastered 

Department of State Bulletin 

wallposters far and wide and repeated by word 
of mouth, "The United States is ready to take 
our sons, but she won't take our goods." 

Clearly, if we want our allies to throw their 
economic lot in with us and abandon their his- 
toric markets to the East, we must assure them 
that we will be a responsible and reliable leader. 
Not just now and then, but consistently. 

Of course, we'll need cooperation from the other 
countries of the free world if we are to build a 
strong economic foundation. 

Countries of the free world must take measures 
to control inflation; restrictive business and labor 
practices must be curbed ; competition in industry 
encouraged; productivity increased; and a better 
climate provided for foreign investment. All 
these measures would strengthen the economies 
of the free world. 

Another danger which would result from our 
failure to encourage the free world to reduce bar- 
riers to trade is that the Soviet bloc could make 
big gains in the battle of production. 

The Kremlin can, by decrees, eliminate the 
national economies of the satellites and merge 
them all into a Soviet economy covering the entire 
heartland of Europe and Asia. 

If we look at a map and trace the outlines of the 
Soviet bloc, we can see that the major part of 
Europe and Asia is combined under the iron con- 
trol of the Soviet Union. The Soviet bloc, with 
its potential resources and a potentially huge in- 
ternal market, can maximize its production with- 
out much international trade. Conceivably, by 
dictation from the Kremlin, every part of the 
Soviet bloc could be directed to produce the things 
it is best suited to produce. It could thus assure 
that the best possible use of its resources, plants, 
and manpower is being made. 

The remainder of Europe, Asia, and the West- 
ern Hemisphere, on the other hand, is frag- 
mentized into over 50 individual countries, each 
with its own economic structure, each lacking raw 
materials, resources, plants, and key skills found 
only in otiier countries. Each is separated from 
the others by numerous currency and trade bar- 
riers that impede the flow of trade among these 
various free countries. 

To compensate, the free world needs to lower 
barriers to trade among its member countries. 

Not only does the lowering of barriers to trade 
strengthen the free world by permitting each 
country to obtain needed materials at the lowest 
cost, by permitting each to achieve top efficiency 
from large-scale production, but it also raises the 
standard of living of all countries of the free 

The world took a big step forward when man- 
kind decided that division of labor enabled all 
the villagers to live better. "When the shoemaker 
stopped making his own clothes and concentrated 
on making shoes, when the farmer concentrated on 
raising crops instead of trying to build his own 

equipment, the whole community benefited. That 
same principle holds for the nations of the free 

The Tariff Curtain and the Iron Curtain 

Today one of Western Europe's most pressing 
problems is that of trade. Figuratively speaking, 
her shoemakers can't sell their shoes to pay for 
the agricultural and other products they need 
from us. 

This problem has intensified since the historic 
trade between Eastern and Western Europe has 
been cut down. Formerly, up until World War 
II, nearly one-third of Western Europe's com- 
'merce was conducted with Russia, Poland, Hun- 
gary, Bulgaria, Rumania, and Czechoslovakia. 
Broadly, the countries behind the Iron Curtain 
supplied Western Europe with cereals, metals, 
timber, hides, and other raw materials in exchange 
for textiles, hardware, machinery, electrical equip- 
ment, chemicals, and other manufactured goods. 
The cutback of East- West trade to prevent strate- 
gic materials from going to the Soviet bloc has 
sharply cut down a key source of raw materials 
for Western Europe and has shrunk drastically 
a major market for its manufactured goods. 
Moreover, Western Europe's whole trading pat- 
tern with Asia and other less developed areas was 
disrupted during World War II and has not been 
altogether restored since. 

This situation spotlights another danger which 
a restrictionist U.S. trade policy would create. 
Western Europe must find new markets. A re- 
strictive trade policy by us would crush our allies 
between the tariff curtain and the Iron Curtain. 

We seem to our friends to be very inconsistent 
when we ask the countries of Western Europe to 
refrain from East- West trade and then shut the 
door to trade with the United States by our own 
restrictions on the importation of foreign goods. 

Furthermore, such restrictions are not in our 
own self-interest. If we do not give the people 
of Western Europe the opportunity to earn 
dollars, how can we expect them to buy our goods? 
Restrictions on imports that deny the right to our 
customers to earn dollars mean lost markets for 
American business. 

We should permit access to our markets from 
abroad, or else that segment of business and agri- 
culture which sells abroad must become accustomed 
to diminishing markets. You are undoubtedly 
familiar with the restrictions imposed by Congress 
on the importation of cheese which has cut the 
sale of foreign cheese in the United States. This 
has resulted, specifically in the case of France, in 
the cancellation of contracts for the purchase of 
citrus fruit, because the dollars were not available 
due to French inability to earn dollars in the 
American market. We must recognize that for 
every dollar of sale prevented in the United States 
there is a dollar of American exports lost abroad. 

May 4, 1953 


We are really in a very peculiar situation. 
After having helped to build up the production 
of our allies and our former enemies so that the 
countries of the free world can stand on their own 
feet in competitive world trade, we have not at 
the same time been able to lower our trade barriers 
to make it possible for them to sell to us. 

Take the case of Japan — a bulwark against 
communism in the Far East. The 80 million 
people crowded into the island of Japan, an area 
smaller than California, must trade in order to 
live. We have spent hundreds of millions of dol- 
lars a year to keep Japan alive and to rebuild her 
economic strength. Japan in return has cut off 
most of her once rich trade with China, although 
this has meant paying higher prices for raw ma- 
terials and losing an important market. 

If we are going to keep Japan on the free 
world's side, she must expand her trade with the 
free world or go on being subsidized by the Amer- 
ican taxpayer. There is, of course, one other 
possibility. She could tie her economy in with 
the Soviet bloc, but that isn't the solution that we 
would like to see. 

Stalin, before his death, predicted that the free 
world could not absorb the export capacities of 
Germany and Japan. It is incumbent upon the 
free world to prove him wrong in this, as in his 
other predictions. 

There is still another danger if we withdraw 
from international cooperation in the trade field. 
This is a danger to our economy. 

In the postwar period from 1946 to 1952, the 
cumulative dollar deficit of the United States with 
the rest of the world amounted to approximately 
$34 billion. It was covered by aid from the 
United States and the use of gold and dollar re- 
serves. With the reduction of foreign aid, which 
has made possible a large part of U.S. shipments 
abroad of agricultural and manufactured prod- 
ucts, exports will drop sharply, unless we increase 
our imports and permit other countries to earn the 
dollars needed to maintain their purchases of 
American products. 

In this dilemma the United States faces three 
choices in its trade policy : 

1. We can cut exports and accept defaults on 
payments of loans ; 

2. We can meet the trade deficit with money 
from the public treasury — the taxpayer's pocket; 

3. We can face the economic facts of life and 
recognize that the only way we can receive pay- 
ment for goods is in the form of imports of goods 
and services. 

President Eisenhower, recognizing the dangers 
and aware of the need for trade to strengthen the 
economic foundations of the free world, has rec- 
ommended to Congress the extension for 1 year of 
the present Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act as 

an interim measure.' He also recommended that 
we revise our customs regulations to remove ad- 
ministrative barriers to trade; encourage the flow 
of private American investment abroad; utilize 
facilities overseas for the production of articles 
which are needed for mutual defense ; and import 
greater amounts of important raw materials 
which we do not ourselves possess. 

The right answers in the field of foreign eco- 
nomic policy are not easy to come by, and there 
is one thing of which we can be certain — none of 
them are easy to adopt. 

You are probably all aware that hearings vtill 
begin on April 22 before the House Ways and 
Means Committee to decide which of the cross- 
roads the United States shall take in its trade 
policy. The hearings will be held on a bill which 
would tear the vitals out of the present Reciprocal 
Trade Agreements Act. Adoption of such a bill 
would create consternation among countries of 
the free world and would lend credence to the 
Communist theme that the United States wants 
to sell but it does not want to buy. 

The Need for a Customs Simplification Bill 

Hearings will also be held in the near future on 
a customs simplification bill. Such a bill is long 
overdue. We haven't had any real changes since 
1930, despite the rapid strides we have made in 
technology. This has led to some strange devel- 
opments in the Customs Houses around the coun- 
try. I'd just like to cite a few strange situations 
which arise from our present law. 

Take paragraph 1559 for example. It provides 
for the classification of those imported articles 
not specifically provided for in the Tariff Act of 
1930. It's called the "general basket clause." It 
specifies that each and every article not named in 
the tariff shall be assessed the duty charged for 
the product it most resembles. Where an article 
that isn't listed by its own name resembles two 
other named articles, on which different rates 
apply, it is assessed at the rate for the article 
paying the highest duty. This rule has caused 
some fantastic results. 

For example, staple fiber nylon yarn is classi- 
fied under the wool schedule if the yarn has a 
crimp or crinkle in it. Exactly the same yarn is 
classified under the silk schedule and charged a 
different rate if there is no crimp in it. 

Since the enactment of the 1930 tariff, many 
new products have been developed, and when any 
of these products are imported the question of tar- 
iff classification arises at once. That's when the 
customs collectors run into the "rule of similitude." 
Collectors of customs are given no latitude by 
paragraph 1559 to use their good judgment, ex- 
perience, or common sense. This paragi-aph says 
if they find that an imported article resembles 

' Ibid., Apr. 27, 1953, p. 634. 


Department of State Bulletin 

more than one enumerated article, the classifica- 
tion must blindly follow the rule of highest rate. 

Under this rule, radar equipment was classified 
as clocks until the Customs Court reversed the 
decision many months later. The Court held that 
the clock paragraph was intended by Congress to 
apply to instruments desi^ied to provide a more 
accurate measurement of time than a radar device 

I have also heard, but I can't vouch for it, that 
interpretations under our complicated customs 
rules brought a young collector widespread re- 
nown in the Customs Service. He had to figure 
out how to rule on a body in a coffin. The body 
was that of an American being shipped home for 
burial. This bright collector's solution was to 
classify the body as "an American product, not 
advanced in value or improved in condition." 
Under that legitimate customs-law classification 
it could come in duty free. The collector also 
admitted the coffin without charge, on the theory 
that it was the "usual container" for such goods. 

Unfortunately I didn't bring along my crystal 
ball, so I am not going to try to predict what 
course of action Congress is going to take with 
regard to trade policy and how it will affect the 
theme of this conference, "Balance Trade, Reduce 
Aid." However, I do know that our Senators and 
Representatives try to reflect the views of their 
constituents. We can, therefore, expect no prog- 

ress in legislation to help balance trade unless 
there is general public understanding and support 
throughout the country for such a move. 

For that reason, as well as to develop a forward- 
looking foreign economic policy which will be in 
the best interest of the entire country. President 
Eisenhower has announced that he plans to ap- 
point a commission to undertake a fundamental 
study of U.S. foreign economic policy. 

I am certain that the study will consider realis- 
tic measures which are required to face up to 
present-day problems. And I am sure that the 
realism of this commission will not fit the descrip- 
tion which Disraeli, the great British Prime Min- 
ister of the last century, gave of a realist. He said, 
"A realist is a man who insists on making the same 
mistakes his grandfather made." 

Up to the present time the United States has 
failed to adopt a policy adequate to the needs of 
a creditor nation — a creditor nation which wants 
to be paid for its exports. The renewal of the 
present Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act and 
the passage of a customs simplification act, as 
requested by the President, are not the final meas- 
ures which need to be taken to meet the demands 
of these perilous times, but they are what is needed 
to keep the situation from deteriorating until we 
can have a thorough study which will result in 
recommendations which the American people and 
the Congress will support. 

Problems of American Agriculture and Foreign Trade 

Statement hy Harold F. hinder 
Assistant Secretary for Econoirdc Affairs ^ 

Press releases 186, 189 dated April 10 

I was very glad to receive the Committee's in- 
vitation to comment, on behalf of the Department 
of State, on the relation of our agricultural im- 
ports and exports to our domestic agricultural 

This is a subject which, all too frequently, is 
dealt with in bits and pieces as emergency situa- 
tions arise. It is timely, it seems to me, for these 
problems to be reviewed in some systematic way, 
so that we can find the course most in harmony 
with our national objectives. I think that such a 
course can be found and that reviews of the sort 
your Committee is conducting are needed to help 
find it. 

On the surface, it might appear that there was 
no need for Americans to worry very much either 

' Made before the Senate Committee on Agriculture and 
Forestry on Apr. 10. 

about exports or imports. Superficially, we seem 
to have a fairly self-sufficient economy. When 
we look at the figures in the aggregate neither our 
imports nor our exports seem to bulk very large 
compared to what we produce at home. For every 
dollar of domestic production, we import only 3 
cents worth and we export only 4 cents worth of 
goods. Except for the Soviet Union, these figures 
are lower than those of any major country in the 

Yet, like so many figures of this kind, the im- 
pression they give is deceptive. The fact is that 
critical parts of our economy are geared to doing 
a substantial amount of business with foreign 
countries. This is especially true, as you know, in 
tlie field of agriculture. We sell a great deal of 
our cotton, wheat, tobacco, and rice overseas ; last 
year, for example, just under 40 percent of each 
of these crops was marketed abroad. To a lesser 
extent, we market a good manj^ of our specialty 

May 4, J953 


crops abroad as well. Our apple, orange, raisin, 
and prune producers have always relied on foreign 
markets to provide the extra margin of profit that 
makes the ditference between a lean year and a 
prosperous one. Taken all together, these exports 
require the use of about CO million acres of Amer- 
ican farmland, an area larger than the cultivated 
areas of all our Southeastern States. 

The importance to the farmer of his export 
markets is something of which he himself is not 
always aware. As far as the farmer is concerned 
his contact is with domestic merchants, not with 
foreign users. What he is not in a position to see 
is that these crops are resold by these merchants 
for export abroad. Once these foreign markets 
dry up, the pipline is clogged and the domestic 
buyers disappear. 

Effects of a Reduction in Foreign Markets 

Another point that needs to be stressed is the 
fact that when foreign markets for our export 
crops are reduced, it is not the cotton or wheat or 
tobacco farmer alone who is affected. Our whole 
agricultural economy feels the effect, through a 
number of different channels. Perhaps the most 
important result is that farmers tend to turn over 
some of their land from export crops to domestic 
crops, from cotton to cattle grazing, from tobacco 
to truck farming, from wheat to dairying, and so 
on. And the resultant pressures are felt through- 
out the whole range of agricultural production. 
Prosperity for our export-crop producers, there- 
fore, is inseparably tied in with prosperity for 
the farmer producing for the home market. 

This brings me to the next stage of our problem. 
How can we maintain a situation in which our 
overseas markets remain willing and able to buy 
American agricultural products? The Marshall 
plan answered this problem to some extent. Of 
course, the Marshall plan was conceived for a 
much larger purpose and accomplished a great 
deal more than simply providing an overseas mar- 
ket for American farmers. But it did serve the 
incidental purpose of providing foreign countries 
with dollars, some of which were used to buy our 
American export crops. 

This means of disposing of American farm 
products, however, is one which none of us wants 
to continue for any longer than necessary, neither 
the American taxpayer nor the American farmer, 
nor even the foreign governments who receive our 
aid. Foreign buying must be placed on a basis 
on which it pays its own way. The only practical 
way of achieving this is to make sure that the 
foreign countries have every reasonable oppor- 
tunity to earn the dollars that they need to buy 
our Arnerican products. This means that foreign 
countries should have every reasonable chance to 
sell their goods in our markets. 

It is at this point that American agriculture 
is faced with a dilemma. Some of the products 


which other countries have been selling to us and 
want to keep on selling to us are items which we 
can produce for ourselves, provided domestic 
prices are high enough. And one way of helping 
to keep these prices high, in addition to govern- 
ment buying, is to reduce or eliminate the imports 
we have been receiving from foreign producers. 

A reduction of imports is often an attractive 
and seemingly painless solution, when one segment 
or another of American agriculture is demanding 
some action. Yet when we apply restrictions to 
keep out the normal imports of foreign producers, 
we clearly are running serious risks. Foreigners, 
finding that their American market is gone, will 
be forced to cut back on their purchases of our 
export crops as a result. And some of the farmers 
who previously raised export crops will turn to 
production for the home market, thereby adding 
to home competition and adding to the pressure 
on our support programs. Everybody may lose; 
our cotton farmers may lose their markets over- 
seas, and foreign producers may lose their domes- 
tic markets in the United States. We balance our 
trade with the rest of the world in the worst pos- 
sible way, by restricting it both ways. 

I do not pretend to have any easy answers for 
this dilemma which American agriculture faces. 
As long as we recognize the equity of support 
prices for the American farmer, we shall always 
be faced with the problem of reconciling the 
farmer's interest in maintaining these programs 
and his interest in maintaining his overseas mar- 
kets. We may never be able to achieve a perfect 
balance between these two interests. But I feel 
sure that we can achieve a better balance than 
our present policies now provide. 

I have had occasion to make these points to 
a good many groups in the recent past and from 
time to time I have been told : "This is all very 
well, but isn't it true that countries abroad are 
imposing more and more restrictions on American 
products and that their current dependence on our 
cotton, wheat, tobacco, and so forth, is no more 
than a flash in the pan?" 

Foreign Demand and tlie Scarcity of Dollars 

To begin with, I want to point out that the 
reasons that countries maintain their present re- 
strictions on some American products is precisely 
because they are buying other American products 
so heavily. In other words, the demand of for- 
eigners for American exports has grown much 
faster than the dollars that they have been able 
to earn; as a result, foreign governments have 
had to ration their supply of scarce dollars for 
the various competing demands which have been 
made upon them. And in rationing their scarce 
dollars, many of these countries have tried to re- 
duce their purchases of apples, peaches, and other 
less basic products as a way of meeting part of the 
cost of their increased purchases of cotton, wheat, 

Department of State Bulletin 

and tobacco. Far from reducing their overall 
purchases of American agricultural products they 
have greatly increased these purchases. 

The fio-ures present a striking story. 1 he rest 
of the world, which bought about 700 million 
dollars of our agricultural products annually m 
the years just before the war, has been buying 
from us at an annual rate of about 3,500 million 
dollars since the end of the war. This increase 
in our exports is much greater than the rise m 
our imports of agricultural products; before the 
war we imported about 600 million dollars an- 
nually of the kinds of products American agri- 
culture can produce, whereas since the war the 
ficrure has risen to only 1,600 million dollars 
annually. It should be pointed out that tlie 
world's increased purchases of American agri- 
cultural products have been reflected m a relatively 
laro-e number of the individual commodities in- 
volved For some crops, both quantities and 
prices of exports have gone up; for others, the 
increase has been principally m the price. The 
only quantity decreases in exports of important 
crops have been in fruits. 

There has been considerable speculation on how 
long the increased dependence of the rest of tlie 
world on American agriculture is likely to last. 
No one, of course, can speak with certainty about 
the lono--run prospects. But as nearly as can be- 
iudo-ed from the facts, there is every reason to' 
suppose that the demand by foreign countries tor 
American export crops will remain high over the 
years, provided foreign countries have the dollars 
to buy these crops. 

The Increased Emphasis on Industrialization 

There are a number of reasons why this is to be 
expected. In the period immediately following 
the war, it was generally thought that our ab- 
normal exports of agricultural products simply 
reflected the effects of overseas war destruction. 
But as time went on and our agricultural exports 
were maintained and expanded we began to see 
other causes for this extraordinary development. 
One major cause was the increased emphasis ot 
a threat many countries on industrialization. Ar- 
gentina, for example, followed a deliberate policy 
of attracting workers from the farms to the cities. 
As a result, wheat acreage in Argentina has 
dropped to about 20 percent below its prewar level, 
and wheat production in Argentina has been 
equally depressed. Countries which previously 
relied upon Argentine wheat exports have had to 
turn to other sources. In addition to the loss of 
Argentine wheat, other normal prewar sources 
of wheat, such as Eastern Germany, the Balkan 
countries and the Soviet Union, also have shrunk. 
The loss of these sources, like the loss of Argentine 
wheat, has largely been due to the policy of forced 
industrialization, which has sharply reduced the 
amounts of agricultural products available for 

May 4, 1953 

foreign buyers. The forces that have tended to 
diminish prewar sources of wheat have also re- 
duced the supplies of other agricultural products. 
The result has been that many countries have had 
to turn to the United States and Canada to till 
the gap created by the loss of supplies from other 

areas. . , . , , • v j.- 

The emphasis on continued industrialization 
around the world gives American farmers every 
right to anticipate that the rest of the world is 
o-oing to remain a good customer for American 
products in the years ahead, always provided these 
countries are allowed to earn the dollars that are 
needed for that purpose. America's best custom- 
ers are the countries with expanding production 
and expanding incomes. These are the countries 
which develop the internal needs for American 
essentials and the desires for American luxuries. 
As long as incomes in any country are on the 
increase, demands for one or another of America s 
diverse export crops are bound to increase as well ; 
if not for wheat, then for cotton ; and if not for 
cotton, then for peaches. But in order to translate 
this growing demand into actual purchases, we 
must be willing to give these countries the chance 
to earn dollars; we must be willing, in short, to 
have trade run on a 2-way street. 

These are some of the facts which it seems to 
me this Committee will have to take into account 
in considering the problems of American agricul- 
ture and foreign trade. I am sure that similar 
considerations will be elaborated and analyzed 
in the study which the President has initiated of 
our overall foreign economic policy.' Only if 
such facts are fully appraised can we move ahead 
with a mutually consistent agricultural policy 
and trade policy which will advance our total 
national interests. 

At the close of his main statement, Mr. Linder 
made the following additional remarks: 

Section 22 of the Agricultural Act 

It is our understanding that, at yesterday's 
hearin"-, suggestions were made for amending sec- 
tion 22 of the Agricultural Act so that restrictions 
could be imposed on agricultural imports before 
the Tariff Commission had come to a conclusion 
as to whether or not such imports were interfering 
with domestic agricultural programs. I believe 
that this proposed amendment came up in connec- 
tion with the proposal supported by the adminis- 
tration for the removal of section 104 of the De- 
fense Production Act, which now imposes severe 
restrictions on imports of dairy products as well 
as certain other products.^ Some fear was ex- 

= For text of the President's message announcing this 
study and requesting the Congress to extend the Recipro- 
cal Trade Agreements Act for 1 year pending its comple- 
tion, see Bulletin of Apr. 27, 1953, p. 634. 

» For text of a statement made by Mr. Linder relating 
to section 104, see ibid., Apr. 13, 1953, p. 554. 


pressed that in view of the prospective expiration 
of section 104 on June 30 of this year the Tariff 
Commission mij^ht not act promptly enou<^h in 
deciding upon sucli restrictions as might prove to 
be necessary to prevent imports from interfering 
witli tlie domestic dairy products pro";ram. 

The Department of State has not had an op- 
portunity to consider all the implications of the 
proposed amendment to section 22. Our prelim- 
inary view, however, is that such an amendment 
would fundamentally alter the present procedures 
by placing restrictions on imports before a con- 
sidered judgment had been reached as to whether 
or not such restrictions were in fact necessary to 
prevent impairment of domestic programs. I am 
not at all sure that restrictions imposed in this way 
would not create for us many of the international 
difficulties which we have had in connection with 
section 104. It may be that some change in sec- 
tion 22 will prove to be necessary. It is our view, 
however, that any substantial changes in our for- 
eign-trade policy should be undertaken only after 
the careful and comprehensive study contemplated 
in the President's recent message to Congress on 
the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act. As you 
know, the President in his message asked that the 
Trade Agreements Act be extended, in its present 
form, for a period of one year pending a complete 
and comprehensive review of our foreign-eco- 
nomic policy. Such a review would include a 
study of the relationship between our foreign- 
trade policy and our domestic agricultural pro- 
grams with the idea of finding more effective solu- 
tions to the problems which confront us. Basic 
changes in the operation of section 22 at this time 
would, in our judgment, tend to prejudice the out- 
come of this study. 

The proposed amendment under section 22 
would not appear to be necessary in connection 
with the removal of 104 restrictions. Since yes- 
terday's hearing, the President has requested the 
Tariff Commission to institute immediately an 
investigation under section 22 with respect to 
commodities now subject to restriction under 104. 
In his letter to the Tariff Commission he has asked 
that the Tariff Commission report back to him 
not later than June 1, that is to say a full 30 days 
before the scheduled expiration of section 104. 

Submission of U.S. Claims 
on German Property 

Press release 192 dated April 15 

The Department of State has been informed 
that the agreement between Switzerland and the 
Federal Republic of Germany concerning German 
assets in Switzerland became effective March 20, 

' See Bm-LETiN of Sept. 8, 1952, p. 363 for (1) Synopsis 
of the Swiss-German Agreement of Aug. 26; (2) Text of 
tlie related Swiss-Allied agreement of Aug. 28 and sum- 
mary of letters annexed thereto. 

Under article 5 of the Swiss-German agreement, 
protection is afforded to persons having interests 
in German assets in Switzerland, in general, as 
follows : 

1. Persons having assets of a total value of less 
than 10,000 Swiss francs. 

2. Persons who, on February 10, 1945, were dual 
U.S. -German nationals, provided that the United 
States supports their claim. 

3. Persons deprived of life or substantially of 
liberty or of full citizenship rights under Nazi 
discriminatory laws. 

4. Persons who can prove by certain certified 
statements that their property in Switzerland was 
returned to tliem pursuant to the laws in Germany 
on restitution. 

5. Non-German persons having a 25 percent or 
more interest in firms organized under German 
law, which firms have assets in Switzerland. 

6. Non-German beneficiaries of a family foun- 

Under article IS and the related letter, protec- 
tion is afforded American interests of 25 percent 
or more in firms organized outside of Germany 
and Switzerland, in which Germans participate to 
the extent of 50 percent or more and which have 
assets in Switzerland. 

Under article 7 of the Swiss-German agreement 
the Swiss Compensation Office, an agency of the 
Swiss Government, is required to "despatch re- 
quests in an appropriate manner to all owners of 
property in Switzerland asking them to apply, 
personally or through agents, within 2 months 
from publication of such request for the unblock- 
ing of their property according to Article 5." By 
article 13 the Swiss Compensation Office is to un- 
block the properties specified in article 5 if a 
request by the owner has been filed within 2 
months of the announcement referred to in 
article 7. 

It is suggested that claimants in the United 
States not await receipt of notice from the Swiss 
Compensation Office but instead communicate im- 
mediately with the Swiss Compensation Office re- 
questing the unblocking of their property. The 
address of the Swiss Compensation Office is Tal- 
strasse 62, Ziirich, Switzerland. 

In a letter of August 26, 1952, the Federal Re- 
public of Germany advised the United States that 
it would afford protection to U.S. nationals (and 
certain other non-German nationals) who had 
funds in Switzerland deposited through a Ger- 
man bank, if the German bank had advised the 
U.S. national that the funds received were depos- 
ited with a specified Swiss bank in a specified 
account and if the account exists today. Any U.S. 
national having funds in this category should 
communicate with the Department of Stata 
regarding the procedure to obtain protection. 


Department of Sfafe Bulletin 

Questions Relating to 
Korean Settlement 

Press Conference Remarks hy Secretary Dulles 


Press release 203 dated April 20 

When ashed at a press conference on April 20 
whether there had been dLscussion within the ad- 
ministration of a possible political frontier being 
established at the toaist of Korea, the Secretary 
made the follotving response: 

No. The waistline has always been one of the 
lines which has been given important considera- 
tion in terms of the military position in Korea. 
That line is a fairly short line of about 100 miles, 
I think, as against the present line of about 120, 
and as against the northern line which would be 
about 600 miles. So the waistline has for a long 
time been one of the lines which has been con- 
sidered from a military standpoint. 

From a political standpoint there has been no 
renunciation of the goal of a United Korea, which 
was the goal which was laid down by the United 
Nations. It was first laid down in 1947 when I 
handled the matter as a member of the U.S. dele- 
gation. It was reaffirmed in 1948 in Pans when 
I was also on the U.S. delegation handling the 
matter. It was again reaffirmed in 1950 when I 
was a delegate to the United Nations. That posi- 
tion was expressed by the President last Thursday 
and so expressed by me on Saturday.^ 

Secretary Dulles replied as follows lohen ashed 
about proposals that a political solution be made 
a condition to a military truce in Korea: 

I believe that we should try as far as is practi- 
cable to assure that a political discussion shall as 
nearly as possible coincide with the military armi- 
stice discussions, and that we should not face a 
long period of debate about an armistice which 
would postpone indefinitely political discussions. 
We have been through nearly 2 years of that, and 
I hope that if, and as, armistice negotiations are 
renewed, as they probably will be next Friday, 
that they will be quick and to the point, and not 
for long postpone political discussions. 

Of course, the armistice agreement,^ which is 
not just a U.S. document but a U.N. document, 
has already been formulated in the sense that it 
provides by article IV, section 60, that it will be 
recommended that within 3 months after the ar- 
mistice agreement is signed a political conference 
be held. So to that extent, the order of events 
has already been fixed by a document which the 
United States alone is not at liberty to change. 

' Bulletin of Apr. 27, 1953, pp. 599 and 603. 
' rx doc. A/222S, dated Oct. IS, 1952. 

May 4, 1953 

But I believe that we can expedite the armistice 
negotiations and, if they are successful, bring 
about a prompt political discussion. 

Asked whether he loould favor going ahead with 
the armistice first and then go into politkal discus- 
sions, the Secretary replied: 

Yes, I think we are committed to that by the 
agreement as drawn and, which, I say, is not just 
a U.S. document, but a U.N. document. It was 
reported to the United Nations on October 18, 

Asked whether the United States at the truce 
negotiations intended to sound^ out the Commu- 
nists as to their views on a political settlement, the 
Secretary replied: 

I doubt that that would be an appropriate forum 
for such a sounding, because that is a military 
discussion by military leaders and the armistice 
is a military' document. It could be done through 
some other means but that doesn't mean to say it 
will be. I just say it could be. 

Asked whether he thought the Communists 
would permit free elections and how the country 
could be unified toithout free elections throughout 
Korea, Secretary Dulles replied: 

I mean the kind of thing which was envisaged 
by the U.N. resolutions of '47 and '48 which did 
contemplate elections under neutral auspices. 
There was a commission, you know, sent out there. 
The United States was not represented on the 
commission. It was largely a commission of so- 
called neutrals. And they did supervise elections 
in part of the area but they were not allowed to 
proceed into the northern part of Korea. But 
refusals are not always permanent. We have been 
hoping for changes, and sometimes they come 

You take what is happening today, the exchange 
of sick and wounded prisoners of war, that is 
something which the Government had sought a 
good many times over the past couple of years. It 
has always been rejected. WHien under President 
Eisenhower's and my suggestion the proposal was 
renewed again last February 22, it was accepted. 
There are oftentimes unpredictable changes in the 
point of view and attitude of the Soviet Commu- 
nist regime, and it is never wise to abandon hope 


Bulletin of April 20, 1953, page 575, first column : 
Tlie lieading should read: Letter from General 
Nam II to General Harrison, April 9. 



Calendar of Meetings' 

Adjourned During April 1953 

International Wheat Council: 11th Session 

International Wheat Council: Reconvening of 8th Session 

Indian Railways Exhibition 

U. N. (United Nations) : 

Commission on Status of Women: 7th Session 

Commission on Narcotic Drugs: 8th Session 

Consultative Group in the Field of Prevention of Crime and Treatment 
of Offenders — Latin American Regional. 

Economic Commission for Latin America: 5th Session 

Economic Commission for Europe: East- West Trade Conference . . 

General Assembly: Reconvening of 7th Session 

Fag (Food and Agriculture Organization) : 

Committee on Relations with International Organizations: 14th 

Technical Advisory Committee on Desert Locust Control 

Wmo (World Meteorological Organization) : Commission for Synoptic 

Meteorology: 1st Session. 
UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural 
Organization): Executive Board: 33d Session. 

Milan International Trade Fair 

Conference on Caribbean Timbers, Their Utilization and Trade Within 

the Area. 
IcEM (Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration) : 

Finance Committee 

5th Session of Committee 

6th International Film Festival 

Rice Consultative Committee: 6th Meeting 

South Pacific Conference: 2d Session 

Paso (Pan American Sanitary Organization): Executive Committee: 

19th Meeting. 
Nato (North Atlantic Treaty Organization): Ministerial Meeting of the 
North Atlantic Council. 

Washington . 
Washington . 
New Delhi . 

New York. . 
New York. . 
Rio de Janeiro 

Rio de Janeiro 
Geneva . . , 
New York. 

Jan. 30-Apr.2 
Feb. 2-Apr. 13 
Mar. 4- Apr. 17 

Mar. 16-Apr. 3 
Mar. 30-Apr. 24 
Apr. 6-19 

Apr. 9-17 
Apr. 13-18* 
Feb. 24-Apr. 23 

Rome Mar. SO-Apr. 2 

Rome. . . 

Paris . . . 

Milan . 

Apr. 21-24 
Apr. 2-29* 

Apr. 8-20 

Apr. 12-29 
Apr. 13-18 

Geneva Apr. 13-15 

Geneva Apr. 16-25 

Cannes Apr. 15-29 

Singapore Apr. 15-16 

Noumea Apr. 16-28 

Washington Apr. 20-30 

Paris Apr. 23-25 

In Session as of April 30, 1953 

Washington Feb. 

Paris Mar. 

International Materials Conference 

Oeec (Office of European Economic Cooperation): European Inland 

Transport Conference. 
U.N. (United Nations): 

Economic and Social Council: 

15th Session of the Council New York Mar. 31- 

Commission on Human Rights: 9th Session Geneva Apr. 7- 

Fisoal Commission: 4th Session New York Apr. 27- 

Ad Hoc Committee on Forced Labor: 4th Session Geneva Apr. 17- 

High Commissioner's Advisory Committee on Refugees Geneva Apr. 27- 

Inter-American Council of Jurists: 2d Meeting Buenos Aires Apr. 20- 

South Pacific Commission: 11th Session Noumea Apr. 25- 

26, 1951- 


Scheduled May 1-July 31, 1953 

Itu (International Telecommunication Union): 

Administrative Coimcil: 8th Session Geneva May 2- 

International Telegraph Consultative Committee: 8th Plenary As- Arnheim May 26- 


International Cotton Advisory Committee: 12th Plenary Meeting . . . Washington May 4- 

' Prepared in the Division of International Conferences, Department of State, Apr. 23, 1953. 
tentative dates. 

Asterisks indicate 


Departmenf of State Bulletin 

iOpu (Universal Postal Union): Meeting of the Executive and Liaison 

UN. (United Nations): 

Social Commission: 9th Session ... •••■•. 

Ad Hoc Commission on Prisoners of War: 4th Session ._ . • • • ■ • 
International Conference to Adopt Protocol on Limitation of the 1 ro- 
duction of Opium. 
■ International Law Commission: 5th Session ... . . ... • . ■ 

I Economic Commission for Europe: 3d Regional Meeting of European 

Trusteeship Council: 12th Session. . . _ 

Economic and Social Council: 16th Session 

Ad Hoc Committee on Administrative Unions 

Committee on Non-Governmental Organizations 

Technical Assistance Committee . • • - • ■ • .• • • •. ■ .■ : ■ ■ 
Ad Hoc Committee on Factors (Non-Self-Governing Territories) . . 

International Sugar Conference 

Who (World Health Organization) : 

6th World Health Assembly 

Executive Board: 12th Session _. 

IcAO (International Civil Aviation Organization) : . 

Standing Committee on Aircraft Performance: 4th Session .... 

Assembly: 7th Session 

North Atlantic Ocean Weather Stations 

Ilo (International Labor Organization) : 

Permanent Agricultural Committee: 4th Session 

Governing Body (and Committees) 

Annual Conference of the Ilo: 36th Session •■■•.•••••■• 
Meeting of Experts on Systems of Payment by Results in Construction 

Caribbean Commission: 16th Meeting ■ ,• • .- 

International Rubber Study Group: 10th Meeting 

International Svmposium on Neurosecretion . ... •.••.■•.• • „\ 
International Commission for the Northwest Atlantic Fisheries: 3d 

Fag (Food and Agriculture Organization): 

Latin American Seminar on Land Problems 

Committee on Commodity Problems: 21st Session 

Council: 17th Session „V^ 

International Seed Testing Association: 10th Congress . . ... • • 
UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organ- 

International Center for Workers Education 

Executive Board: 34th Session . . . . ... • • • • •. •. •„•,•• 

International Conference on the Role and Place of Music in Educa- 

2d Extraordinary Session 

International Chestnut Commission 

Horticultural Congress and Exposition 

International Traffic and Safety Exhibition ••■•.• 

Pan American Highway Congress, Provisional Committee . . . ■ ■ ■ 
Meeting of Directing Council of the American International Institute 

for the Protection of Childhood. 
8th Pan American Railway Congress 

13th International Dairy Congress and Exposition 

International Whaling Commission, 5th Meeting . . . • • ■ •„;;•, 
International Commission for Criminal Investigation: 22d General 


20th International Aeronautical Exposition . 

Icsu (International Council of Scientific Unions): 

Committee on the International Geophysical Year 19&/-a» .... 

Executive Board: 5th Meeting . ..... . . • • ■ :„ : ^ ■ • . • 

Ad Hoc Committee on Quarantine Regulations (South Pacific Commis- 

Comm°ission of International Union of Pure and Applied Physics on Cos- 
mic Ravs. 

16th International Conference on Pubhc Education 

International Film Festival \ ■„'■ ' i A„o„^;ot;^'r, for 

Wmo (Worid Meteorological Organization): Regional Association tor 

South America. „ ■ ■ t Ttr„™o„ 

9th General Assembly of the Inter- American Commission of Women . . 

Bern May 4- 

New York May 4- 

New York May 11- 

New York May 11- 

Geneva June 1- 

Geneva June 15- 

New York June 16- 

Geneva June 30- 

New York June 

Geneva June 

New York June 

New York July 21- 

London* June or July* 

Geneva May 5- 

Geneva May 25- 

Paris May 6- 

Brighton, England . . . June 16- 
Brighton, England . . . July 8- 

Geneva May 6- 

Geneva May 2fr- 

Geneva June 3- 

Geneva July 21- 

Paramaribo, Surinam May 11- 

Copenhagen May 11- 

Naples May 18- 

New Haven May 25- 

Sao Paulo May 25- 

Rome June 3- 

Rome June 15- 

Dublin May 25- 

Compilgne, France . . May 30- 

Paris June 8- 

Brussels June 29- 

Paris July 1- 

Spain-Portugal .... May- 
Hamburg May- 
Milan May- 
Washington June 1- 

Montevideo June 2 

Washington and Atlan- June 12- 
tic City. 

The Hague June 22- 

London June 22- 

Oslo June 24- 

Paris June 26- 

Brussels June 30- 

Strasbourg July 6- 

Noum^a June- 

Bagnferes-de-Bigorre . . July 5- 

Geneva July 6- 

Rio de Janeiro July- 
Rio de Janeiro July- 
Washington* Juiy- 

May 4, 1953 


The United Nations: A Place To Promote Peace 

by Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. 

U.S. Representative to the United Nations 

U.S./D.N. press release dated April 15 

I come to you tonight from that interesting, 
novel, hopeful, primitive, sometimes exasperating 
but always essential contrivance known as the 
United Nations. Calvin Coolidge once said that 
politicians are men who are twice spoiled — by 
extravagant praise on the one hand and extrava- 
gant abuse on the other. I do not think the 
United Nations is spoiled but it certainly suffers 
from extravagant hopes which have inevitably 
led to extravagant disappointments. 

I personally approached the United Nations 
convinced of its essentiality but with some ex- 
asperation and without great expectations. I 
recognized that most Americans were troubled 
about it for two principal reasons : First, because 
of the reports of American employees of the 
United Nations who were subversive, and second, 
because of the impression that the Soviet Union 
was using the United Nations as a device to help 
it win the cold war. 

Let me assure you tonight that the personnel 

Eroblem in the United Nations is in process of 
eing solved. On the day that I presented my 
credentials I told the Secretary-General of the 
importance of this problem to American public 
opinion. The next day I called again with 2,000 
forms, each of 6 pages in length— to be filled out 
by each employee, and that very afternoon, at the 
suggestion of the Secretary-General, the Amer- 
ican employees had lined themselves up in the 
corridors for fingerprinting. All forms have 
been filled out and are being processed by the Fbi 
and the Civil Service Commission. The Secre- 
tary-General has cooperated. I think this prob- 
lem is well on its way to satisfactory solution and 
should be cleaned up in a matter of months. 
As far as the cold war is concerned, we can set 

' Address made at the Women's National Press Club 
dinner honoring the American Society of Newspaper Edi- 
tors at Washington on Apr. 15. 


down the following thoughts about the Unitec 
Nations : 

It is a place where we can see what the Com 
munists are doing in the war of ideas and some- 
times in other ways. Without it we could not set 
nearly as much. 

It is a place where Americans can see how theii 
American public servants are conducting th( 
American side in the cold war, and it therefon 
enables us to correct our mistakes. If it were no( 
for the United Nations I do not know how wf 
would ever become speedily aware of whether oui 
conduct of the cold war was adequate or not. 

It is a place — and we as newspapermen will par- 
ticularly appreciate this — where you can get au- 
thoritative reactions quickly on the state of 
opinion in almost any pai't of the world, which it 
would take you days if not weeks, to get other- 
wise. For example, a few weeks ago Mr. Vyshin- 
sky turned to me and with upraised hand shouted: 
"You Americans have lost Asia anyway." My 
answer, of course, was that we Americans were not 
trying to get Asia, that we did not think of Asia 
as some prize inhabited by slaves but as a place 
inhabited by human beings who wanted to live 
their own lives, and that 9ie way to regard Asia 
was as a place to be helped rather than as a pawn 
in the game of power politics.^ 

Within 5 minutes after I said this there werej 
representatives from Far Eastern nations who,' 
knowing the public opinion in their own countries, 
said that my statement would be of such interest 
that it should be translated into many oriental 
languages and broadcast on the Voice of America. 
This, of course, was immediately done. It is use- 
ful for the United States to have a place where 
that kind of quick reaction can be obtained. 

It is a place where is located the greatest sound- 

^Por text of Ambassador Lodge's General Assembly 
statement of Mar. 11, see Bulletin of Mar. 23, 1953, p. 446. 

Department of State Bulletin 

ing board in the world — where public opinion is 
developed for the world — and never forget that 
public opinion is basic in the modern world today 
in spite of iron curtains. 

It is a place where the free world gets consoli- 
dated. Being free, the non-Communist nations 
naturally tend to go their own way and to drift 
apart. But sooner or later some Communist 
spokesman will make some statement that is so 
monstrous and so outlandish and so offensive that 
you can almost see the free nations getting together 
before your very eyes. This more than counter- 
balances whatever advantages the Communists 
may get out of their propaganda. 

It is a place where representatives of nations 
can meet informally without raising considera- 
tions of prestige and thus settle disputes. The 
Berlin airlift, for example, was brought to an end 
as the result of an American and a Soviet repre- 
sentative more or less "bumping into each other" 
in the corridors of the United Nations. It is the 
best place in the world for this kind of contact — 
which can prevent such enormous quantities of 
human bloodshed. 

It is a place where we have developed allies — 
certainly not as many as we should have liked. 
But, equally certain, whatever allies we have are 
welcome and are that much clear gain. 

U.N. Divisions on tlie Korean Battleiine 

One gets a sense of how utterly real the value of 
the United Nations is when it is recalled that in 
Korea, only 5 of 15 divisions in the line are Ameri- 
can. Of a 155-mile-long battlefront, 60 percent 
is held by Eok (Republic of Korea) troops, 15 per- 
cent by units from other U.N. countries, and 25 
percent by Americans. And the Republic of 
Korea, over and above its own divisions, is giving 
us still more fighting help in the form of Katusa's 
(Korean Augmentation to U.S. Army). Of the 
American divisions in the line, roughly one- fourth 
of the men consist of such Koreans. 

All of this, added to the fact that the American 
percentage is undoubtedly decreasing, gives the 
United Nations some very poignant value in actual 
terms of flesh and blood. Sixteen nations, in ad- 
dition to Korea, have proved by actually sending 
their manhood that they believe in the principle 
of collective security. To me, these nations- 
Australia, Belgium, Canada, Colombia, Ethiopia, 
France, Greece, Luxembourg, New Zealand, the 
Netherlands, the Philippines, Thailand, Turkey, 
the Union of South Africa, and the United King- 
dom — should have a special place in the affec- 
tions of the American people. If we did not have 
their help and that of the Koreans, we would need 
10 more U.S. divisions in the line. 

It is a place in which hypocrisy can be exposed. 
Wlioever has ever served in Congi-ess knows that 
there is nothing like face-to-face debate to reveal 
a stuffed shirt to public gaze. The United Na- 

fAay 4, 7953 

tions fills a similar place in revealing hypocrisy 
among nations. 

It is a place where the threat of war in Iran in 
1946 was moderated and gradually extinguished; 
it is a place from which the initiative was taken, 
with substantial American backing, to prevent 
Communist encroachment on Greece in 1947; it is 
a place which enormously facilitated the advent of 
Israel into the family of nations and prevented 
that advent from causing extensive hostilities; it 
is a place which, working with the Netherlands 
and the Indonesians, found the way to give full 
independence to the 76 million people inhabiting 
Indonesia ; it is a place which means much to the 
independence of Libya and will undoubtedly 
mean much to the independence of Somaliland. 

It is a place in which the age-old American be- 
lief that a meeting of minds produces more yris- 
dom than the single opinion of even a brilliant 
mind is often demonstrated. The United States 
frequently brings proposals before the United Na- 
tions which have been extensively studied and 
prepared. Yet on many occasions these proposals 
have been altered and improved as a result of the 

It is a place in which six of the member nations 
consist of peoples who were under alien control 
when the Charter was signed. Of the 800 million 
people in the free world who were dependent 10 
years ago, some 600 million, or three- fourths, have 
won full independence since 1945, and many more 
have been placed under U.N. trusteeship. The 
newly independent countries include the U.N. 
member states of India, Pakistan, Burma, the 
Philippines, Indonesia, and Israel. They also 
include such nonmember states as Ceylon, Jordan, 
the Associated States of Indochina, and Libya. 

It is a place which at this moment is exerting a 
strong influence to prevent the dispute over Kash- 
mir between India and Pakistan from breaking 
out into open war. 

It is a place in which a veto-proof method has 
at last been evolved for bringing a real collective- 
defense program into being. When, as, and if 
aggression occurs in the future we will no longer 
be paralyzed by the Communist abuse of the veto. 

A Glass House Without Secrets 

It is a place which makes it hard for those who 
want to divide and rule. The strategy of Genghis 
Khan and, after him, Tamerlane, was to cajole 
one nation with false favors while attacking a 
neighbor nation. Sometimes I think that this is 
one of the more striking instances in modern times 
of inherited characteristics. But certainly it is 
true that it is much harder to play this kind of a 
game when the entire free world is looking in on 
the glass house on the East River, where there 
are no secrets and everyone can see what you're 

It is a place which, from the point of view of the 


Kremlin, must be a real headache. They camiot 
control it; they camiot break it up; they do not 
dare leave it. 

All this is not to blind our eyes to the failures; 
the United Nations has appeared at times to be 
engaged in a stodgy routine instead of being the 
arena where the world struggle is dealt with most 
boldly ; and the United Nations has not prevented 
the Communist victory in China — a victory which 
achieved what imperialist Japan was seeking and 
wliich we risked war in order to avert. Although 
Soviet communism has suffered one serious setback 
in Yugoslavia and has been held back in Western 
Europe at the cost of great exertions, there have 
been Communist successes in other places which 
we would be foolish not to admit. 

There are a few other things which the United 
Nations is not. The United Nations is not a 
place which in any way destroys U.S. sovereignty. 
The charter specifically prohibits its intervention 
in domestic matters. Your representative at the 
United Nations is not called Congressman or Sen- 
ator but Ambassador, and for the simjDle reason 
that he represents a sovereign state. 

It is not a place which threatens the destruction 
of our Constitution. The Supreme Court in the 
case of Afiakura vs. The City of Seattle has said 
that the treaty-making "power does not extend as 
far as to authorize what the Constitution forbids." 
Any treaty, whether drafted in the United Na- 
tions or not — and I am one who thinks that too 
many treaties have originated there — needs a two- 
thirds vote of the Senate as well as the signature 
of the President, and almost all treaties need con- 
gressional legislation later. 

It is not a nest of Communist spies, for the 
simple reason that there is nothing to spy on in 
the United Nations. The Russians haven't even 
filled their quota of employees at the United Na- 
tions. No U.S. citizen employed by the United 
Nations has ever been prosecuted for espionage. 

It is not a place which is controlled by Soviet 
Russia and the Communists. It is a rare day 
when the Soviets can count on more than 5 votes 
out of the 60. 

It is not a snare which dragged the United 
States into the Korean war. The United States 
asked the United Nations to take action after the 
Korean war had broken out. 

It is, of course, not a place which can send 
American boys to fight anywhere. This power is 
a wholly American power. Moreover, the United 
States has the right to veto any action of the Se- 
curity Council of the United Nations dealing with 
armed force. 

The United Nations is, of course, not a place 
which can prevent great powers from fighting if 
they want to fight. But, as Secretary Dulles has 

It can help them to avoid fighting when they really 
do not want to fight but feel that, unless there is some 
face-saving device, use of force may be the only alterna- 

tive to a disastrous loss of prestige. World organization 
provides a lap into which even the great powers may 
choose to drop their disputes. It provides a better way 
as against the alternatives of humiliating surrender and 
violent defiance. 

In the words of the charter, it is a "center for 

None of the 60 Nations comprising the United 
Nations, except for the Soviet Union, is able to 
maintain its economic and strategic existence 
alone — and the Soviet Union can only do it by 
requiring the harshest kind of slave labor. It is 
particularly true that the United States cannot 
stand alone. Our country cannot maintain itself 
without supplies far in excess of what we produce 
here — metals, tin, copper, nickel, chrome, man- 
ganese, cobalt, etc., and ultimately oil. If we 
were denied as few as 20 essential materials we 
would be completely crippled. 

Tlie only answer to this dilemma is to strengthen 
the bonds of enlightened self-interest and of mu- 
tual self-respect with other nations. 

To conclude, the United Nations is a place where 
world communism can see us at close range and 
that suggests this observation : 

Recent Changed Appearance of Soviet Policy 

There are probably several reasons for the re- 
cent clianged appearance of Soviet policy. For 
one thing, it is the kind of change of pace which 
a nation can use when it has the initiative. Hav- 
ing the initiative enables a nation on one day to 
anger and alert its rival and cause him to "tool 
up" — and then, just as he is beginning to get 
strong, to use honeyed words on some other day 
and cause the rival to "tool down." One reason for 
the changed appearance of Soviet policy is the 
strength of America under the leadership of Pres- 
ident Eisenhower as this has been reflected at the 
United Nations where the Soviets have had a good 
chance to observe it. I think we are giving the 
impression of a people united as they have not 
been in a long time behind a leader who has at his 
command many, many strong tools which he can 
use to regain the initiative and to build a peaceful 

For the future, therefore, we should look at 
deeds and not at words. Words have become so 
debased by communism that they are inaccurate 
guides to the truth of world strategy. We should 
watch for results and, when one action has been 
completed, then watch for the next. We will meet 
the Soviets halfway at any time, in the realm of 
deeds, and it is only deeds which can bind up the 
wounds of the world. 

The United Nations is not in any sense a finality. 
It is in a primitive stage, but, primitive though it 
is, we know that if it disappeared, war would seem 

With all its faults, the United Nations is a liv- 
ing organization which has gone further toward 


Department of State Bulletin 

Ijrganizing peace and organizing security than any 
jther body in modern history— and this result has 
occurred at a time of great threats to the peace 
and the security of the international community. 

I have said that war would seem inevitable if 
the United Nations disappeared. If, on the other 
hand, the United Nations continues and we do 
have armed aggression, then it would be the in- 
dispensable vehicle for repelling that aggression. 
This is undoubtedly one reason why the Commu- 
nists don't leave it. 

We can also be sure that if the United Nations 
did not exist, even in its present imperfect form, 
men of good will throughout the world would be 
straining every nerve to create what we have now. 
It was possible to get along without a place like 
the United Nations in the days when the 4y2-day 
boat to Europe was the quickest way to travel 
across the seas. But now a place like the United 
Nations is just as necessary in international poli- 
tics as an airport is in international travel and 
for many of the same reasons. 

You ladies and gentlemen who play such a de- 
cisive role in molding the opinions of your fellow 
citizens have a great responsibility in this field. 
Tlie issue of war and peace depends on the exist- 
ence of a consensus of moral judgment as to what 
is right and just. You play a decisive part m 
developing that consensus. But this is not all. 
Remember tliat when the Wright brothers in- 
vented the first airplane and caused it to fly a few 
hundred yards at Kitty Hawk, N.C., they did not 
immediately chop it to pieces with hatchets and 
burn it up with a blow torch because it had not 
flown further. They set about to improve it and 
so we have the wonderful airplanes of today. Let 
us work together to improve what we have, and 
in this work no single group can play as decisive 
a part as can this gathering of American news- 
paper editors. 

Adoption of Resolution 
on Korean Question 

Stateinent by Ernest A. Gross 

U.S. Representative to the General Assembly ^ 

U.S. /U.N. press release dated April 18 

We have just repeated in the Assembly an un- 
precedented step which was taken earlier this week 
in the Political and Security Committee. We 
have adopted unanimously a resolution on the 
Korean question. The resolution expresses the 
hope that the exchange of sick and wounded pris- 
oners of war will be speedily completed and that 
the further negotiations at Panmunjom will re- 
sult in achieving an early armistice in Korea con- 
sistent with U.N. principles and objectives. 

" Made on Apr. 18 in plenary session. 

May 4, 1953 

Text of General Assembly's 
Resolution on Korea 

U.N. doc. A/Resolution 99 
Adopted April 18, 1953 

Tlie General Assembly, 

Reaffirming its unswerving determination to 
spare no efforts likely to create conditions favour- 
able to the attainment of the purposes of peace 
and conciliation embodied in the Charter of the 
United Nations, , 

Noting, following the United Nations Command 
initiative for the exchange of sick and wounded 
prisoners of war, the communication by the Min- 
ister for Foreign Affairs of the Central People's 
Government of the People's Republic of China dated 
31 March 1953 to the President of the General 
Assembly, and the exchange of communications be- 
tween the United Nations Command and the Com- 
manders of the Chinese People's Volunteers and 
the Korean People's Army in regard thereto, 

Confident that a just and honourable armistice 
in Korea will powerfully contribute to alleviate the 
present international tension, 

1 Notes with deep satisfaction that an agreement 
has been signed in Korea on the exchange of sick 
and wounded prisoners of war; 

2. Expresses the hope that the exchange of sicK 
and wounded prisoners of war will be speedily 
completed and that the further negotiations at 
Panmunjom will result in achieving an early armi- 
stice in Korea, consistent with the United Nations 
principles and objectives ; 

3 Decides to recess the present session upon com- 
pletion of the current agenda items, and requests 
the President of the General Assembly to recon- 
vene the present session to resume consideration 
of the Korean question (a) upon notification by 
the Unified Command to the Security Council of 
the signing of an armistice agreement in Korea; 
or (b) when in the view of a majority of Members 
other developments in Korea require consideration 
of this question. 

This is an impressive development. It expres- 
ses a real striving for peace. It is a response to 
the desire of the peoples of the world for a lessen- 
ing of tensions. , o • . /-> 

We are pleased to see that the Soviet (jovem- 
ment, and those who vote with it, for the first time 
have voted today with the overwhelming i«a]ority 
of the United Nations in the General Assembly on 
a resolution dealing with Korea. It remains to 
be seen whether this action warrants the hope and 
optimism that has been engendered by this vote 
and by some recent Communist statements. It is 
easy enough for the Soviets to talk for peace. 
They have done that only too frequently before. 
It remains to be seen whether they really want 
peace and whether this promise will be reflected 
in constructive performance around the confer- 
ence table at Panmunjom. 

This strikes us as a solemn moment of hope 
rather than of gratitude. While these develop- 
ments are encouraging, this is not in our judgment 
a moment for elation. It is a time for sober re- 
flection, for further practical action at Panmun- 
jom which can result in an armistice. 


Let there be no misunderstanding. Progress 
has been made. We realize it and we are glad. 
The U.N. Command negotiators and the Connnun- 
ist commanders have agreed to exchange sick and 
wounded prisoners of war, a humanitarian task 
which is scheduled to begin on April 20. I am 
sure that all of us will be watching carefully in 
the hope that this important agreement will be 
carried out expeditiously. 

On April 7 last, the chairman of the U.S. dele- 
gation, Ambassador Lodge, gave a report to this 
Assembly regarding developments which had 
taken place in Panmunjom up to that time.= A 
supplementary report of the communications ex- 
changed since April 7 is being transmitted to the 
President of the General Assembly for the infor- 
mation of the members of the United Nations. 

We are hopeful that the exchange of sick and 
wounded will be completed shortly. We are 
hopeful also that the letter of April 16 [17] of the 
U.N. Command^ will lead to a resumption of 
negotiations on the overall question of prisoners 
of war. 

My Government, which bears the responsibility 
for the Unified Command, will continue to seek 
peace by every honorable and decent means. The 
true initiative for peace has been with the United 
States and other loyal supporters of the United 
Nations. As President Eisenhower said on April 
16, the first great step toward peace must be the 
conclusion of an honorable armistice in Korea. 

U.S. Delegations 

to International Conferences 

Ministerial Meeting of NAC 

The Department of State announced on April 
18 (press release 199) that a Ministerial Meeting 
of the North Atlantic Council will be held at 
Pans beginning April 23, 1953. The U.S. delega- 
tion to the meeting will be as follows : 

U.S. Representatives 

John Foster Dulles, Secretary of State 

George M. Humphrey, Secretary of the Treasury 

Charles E. Wilson, Secretary of Defense 

Harold E. Stassen, Director for Mutual Security 

U.S. Permanent Representative 

William H. Draper, Jr. 


0. Douglas Dillon, American Ambassador to France 

W. Randolf Burgess, Consultant and Deputy to the Sec- 
retary of the Treasury 

Omar N. Bradley, General of the Army, Chairman, Joint 
Chiefs of Staff 

Carl W. MeCardle, Assistant Secretary of State for Pub- 
lic Affairs 

Livingston T. Merchant, Assistant Secretary of State for 
European Affairs 

' Bulletin of Apr. 20, 1953, p. 574. 
tbid., Apr. 27, in.'ia, p. G08. 


Douglas llacArthur, 2d, Counselor, Department of State 
Andrew N. Overby, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury 
Frank C. Nash, Assistant Secretary of Defense 
Frederick L. Anderson, Deputy U.S. Special Representa- 
tive in Europe 
David K. E. Bruce, U.S. Observer to the Interim Commit- 
tee of the European Defense Community and U.S. 
Representative to the European Coal " and Steel 
John Ohly, Deputy to the Director for Mutual Security 

il embers I 

Charles W. Adair, Jr., William Batt, Royden E. Beebe, Jr., 
Brig. Gen. Usaf, Henry E. Billingsley, James S. Bii- 
lups, Lt. Col., UsA, Arthur C. Davis, Vice Adm., Usn, 
C. Burke Elbrick, Roger Ernst, Russel Fessenden, 
Luke W. Finlay, Richard B. Freund, William Gal- 
loway, Harrison A. Gerhardt, Col., Usa, C. Dillon 
Glendinuing, Lincoln Gordon, John C. Hughes, Fred 
W. Jandrey, Helen P. Kirkpatriek, Jeffrey C. Kitchen, 
Willis S. Mathews, Brig. Gen., Usa, Ben T. Moore, 
Roderic O'Connor, William N. Tomlinson, George H. 
Willis, Robert J. Wood, Brig. Gen., Usa, James K. 
Woolnough, Jr., Col., Usa 

Executive Secretary 
Millard L. Kenestrick 
Assistant Executive Secretaries 
John E. Fobes, Joseph Slater 

Mineral Resources Development (ECAFE> 

The Department of State announced on April 20 (press 
release 205) that the U.S. Government had accepted the 
invitation of the U.N. Economic Commission for Asia 
and the Far East (Ecafe) to participate in a Regional 
Conference on Mineral Resources Development which 
will be held at Tokyo from April 20 to 30, 1953. The U.S. 
delegation to this conference is as follows : |i 

Chairman ' 

Peyton Kerr, Economic Officer, American Embassy, Tokyo 

Members I 

David A. Andrews, Assistant Chief, Foreign Geology 
Branch, Geological Survey, Department' of the In- . 
terior ■ 

Wesley Clifford Haraldson, Economic Officer, American 
Embassy, Tokyo 

Earl Irving, Senior Mining Consultant, Special Technical 
Economic Mi.ssion. Manila 

K. P. Wang, Chief, Far East Branch, Foreign Minerals 
Division, Bureau of Mines, Department of the In- 

The conference at Tokyo has been called by Ecafe to 
provide an opportunity for experts on mineral resources 
to exchange views on and discuss techniques for the de- 
velopment of the mineral resources of the countries of 
the Far East. In addition to discussions concerning 
mineral resources exploration and exploitation in con- 
nection with the overall economic development of the 
region, the conference will be concerned with status re- 
ports by country exiierts regarding specific minerals. 
Activities undertaken under the technical cooperation 
program, the United Nations Expanded Technical Assist- 
ance Program, and other programs of technical assistance 
in the field of mineral resources development will also be 

Department of State Bulletin 

The United States in tlie United Nations 

[April 16-23] 

General Assembly 

The Assembly on April 18 unanimously adopted 
Committee I's resolution noting with satisfaction 
the agreement on the exchange of sick and 
wounded, expressing hope for an early Korean 
armistice, and providing for recessing the present 
session after completion of the current agenda 
items. In an explanation of vote, Ernest A. Gross 
(US.) expressed his Government's pleasure at 
seeing the U.S.S.R. and those who voted with it 
join The overwhelming majority for the first time 
on a General Assembly resolution dealing with 
Korea. It remained to be seen, he went on, 
whether this action warranted the hope and op- 
timism that had been engendered by this vote 
and by some recent Communist statements. It 
was easy enough for the Soviets to talk of peace ; 
whether they really wanted peace, and whether 
this promise would be reflected around the Pan- 
muniom conference table, was another matter. 

The United States, Ambassador Gross con- 
tinued, was hopeful that the exchange of sick and 
wounded prisoners of war would be completed 
shortly and that negotiations on the overall pris- 
oner question would be resumed. The true initia- 
tive for peace, he went on, was with the United 
States and the other loyal supporters of the United 

Earlier in the meeting. President Lester Pearson 
explained that since Committee V (Administrative 
and Budgetary) was not meeting during the second 
half of the session, the Secretary-General had pre- 
pared a report on the fiscal implications of Com- 
mittee I's report on the bacteriological-warfare 
item. He requested unanimous consent for a pro- 
posal that the Assembly examine the estimates 
itself, without reference to Committee V. Andrei 
Vvshinsky (U.S.S.R.) objected to the proposal on 
tlie grounds that it was contrary to the rule requir- 
ing study of all financial implications by Com- 
mittee V and that, in any event, the investigatory 
body was unnecessary inasmuch as the germ-war- 
fare charges already had been investigated by 
what he called impartial groups. 
Because of tliis objection. President Pearson 

May 4, 1953 

said Committee V would be called into session and 
that its report would be taken up at the next 
plenary meeting.^ » -i oq 

The Assembly completed its agenda on April ^5, 
by adopting Committee I's resolutions on the bac- 
teriological-warfare item and on the Burmese 
complaint, and went into recess. Under the terms 
of the resolution on Korea adopted on April 18, it 
will reconvene to resume consideration of the 
Korean question after conclusion of an armistice 
in Korea or if other Korean developments require 

it to do so. . ,,. J! 

The vote on the resolution calling for an impar- 
tial investigation of germ-warfare charges was 
51-5 (Soviet bloc) -4 (Burma, India, Indonesia, 
Saudi Arabia) . The Saudi Arabian delegate ex- 
plained his abstention on the ground that prior 
agreement had not been reached by the parties 

cUrectly concerned. , . ,, ^ rani 

On the Burmese complaint, the vote was 5y-U-l 
( China ) . The representative of Burma, who had 
abstained from voting on the resolution m Com- 
mittee I, this time cast an affirmative vote on in- 
structions from Rangoon; his Government, he 
said, had been impressed by the efforts made to- 
ward reaching general agreement on the question. 
Committee I {Political and Security)— Ihe re- 
vised Brazilian resolution on Korea was adopted 
unanimously on April 16. The Committee voted 
after the Polish delegate, Stanislaw Skzreszewski, 
announced that he would withdraw the Korean 
section of his resolution, in view of the new 
initiative" by the Chinese Communists and North 
Koreans: his delegation would vote for the Bra- 
zilian proposal. On instructions from his Gov- 
ernment, he also would not insist on a vote on the 
remaining sections of his resolution, dealing with 
disarmament and Nato, since the debate indicated 
that those two problems needed further discussion 
He reserved the right to raise them at the next 
regular session of the Assembly. 

At the next day's meeting, debate began on the 
Burmese complaint of aggression by the National 
Government of China, a new item which the Gen- 

^On April 21 Committee V voted 32-5 (Soviet bloc M 
to inform the Assembl.v that the adoption and implementa- 
tion of the Committee I resolution would involve about 
$65,000, to be financed out of the Working Capital Fund. 


eral Committee on March 31 had recommended for 
inclusion on tlie Assembly's agenda. 

U Myint Thein (Burma) charged that Chinese 
Nationalist forces which had retreated into Burma 
in 1950 were committing aggression against his 
country. Dr. Tingfu Tsiang (China) denied tliat 
his (jovernment had any control over the Chinese 
troops in Burma. However, if Burma wanted the 
National Government to further Burmese wishes 
on the matter, the National Government stood 
ready to cooperate ; but the resolution was neither 
just nor helpful. 

Following is the te.xt of a statement which Am- 
bassador Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. (U.S.) made 
during the debate on April 21 : 

The problem before the Committee is essentially one 
of achieving a peaceful settlement of Burma's complaint 
concerning the presence of Chinese irregular troops in 
Burma contrary to tie wishes of the Burmese Govern- 
ment. Some of these troops settleil in the Kengtung area 
at the end of World War II, and others have drifted into 
Burma since then. Some 1,700 troops under General 
Li Ml retreated into Burma in 1950 and have since then 
been joined by stragglers from neighboring regions. The 
total number of Chinese irregular troops presently on 
J^iirmese soil is estimated by the Burmese Governmeiit at 

_ The United States believes that Burma is entirely 
justified in its desire to eliminate from its territories these 
troops in view of the fact that they do not submit to its 
authority and that elements of them have been engaged 
in depredations against peaceful Burmese villages It is 
in the common interest of Burma and China, and of the 
United Nations, that eflfective steps be taken to remove 
through pacific means this challenge to Burma's 

Since Burma and the Republic of China do not main- 
tain diplomatic relations, some intermediary which has 
relations with both has been needed. At the request of 
Burma, the United States has acted as this intermediary. 
Within the last few months, my government has been 
engaged in a vigorous efifort to bring the parties to 
agreement on a method of meeting the situation. 

We believe that the fundamental basis for any negotia- 
tions is an agreement in principle by the Chinese Govern- 
ment to cooperate to the best of its ability in effecting a 
withdrawal of Li Mi's troops from Burma. After this 
there should be a ces.sation of hostile activities and an 
examination of feasible methods of withdrawing the 
troops. This in turn should be followed by a laying down 
of arms and departure of the troops from Burma It is 
toward this type of solution that the United States is 

We consider that progress has been made in these ef- 
forts and we have ground for belief that with cooperation 
along these lines tangible results will be forthcoming. In 
his statement the Representative of China gave certain 
assurances concerning the cessation of support and supply 
of the troops. And we noted with special interest the 
statement of the Delegate of Thailand that his government 
stands ready to facilitate the evacuation of the Chinese 
irregular troops through his country, if agreement is 
reached on this course. It is only through such helpful 
moves as this that a solution can be found. We are in 
constant contact with both parties; and our efCorts are 
continuing and will continue as long as they are desired 
and there is a prospect of useful results. 

The problem is not an easy one. It appears doubtful 
to us that a full solution— that is, the departure of all 
these irregular troops— will be feasible. Many of the 
troops seem to be common bandits posing as Chinese Na- 
tionalists. Numerous others are not under the control 


of anyone and have long looked upon certain parts of the 
Kengtung area as their home. We hope, however, that if 
the present negotiations are successful, a substantial num- 
ber can be induced to leave Burma, thus reducing the 
problem to manageable proportions for the Government of 

The United States Delegation does not believe that the i 
draft resolution proposed by Burma, in its present form, ' 
is the best approach to this problem. Adoption of such 
condemnatory language by the Assembly would be likely 
to retard rather than promote the agreement which is 
clearly needed. Moreover, we do not believe that the 
procedure established in the Burmese draft resolution- 
action in the General Assembly calling for subsequent 
and essentially duplicate consideration in the Security 
Council— would be desirable as a general practice or 
helpful in this case. We think that, instead, the Assembly 
should address itself to the promotion of eftorts for a 
peaceful and practical settlement. . . . 

Two additional resolutions were introduced 
April 21 A proposal by Argentina requested 
Burma, China, and others directly concerned to 
enter into negotiations, especially "to bring about 
the immediate withdrawal" of the troops A 
Mexican draft provided that the General Assem- 
bly should call upon the foreign troops whose 
presence, hostile activities, and depredations it 
considered a violation of Burmese sovereignty, 
to submit to disarmament and agree to internment 
or to leave Burma at once. The text also con- 
demned the hostile acts of the forces and affirmed 
that assistance to them was contrary to the charter. 
It invited Burma to report on the situation to the 
next Assembly. 

n^7 \ Proposal introduced by Argentina and 
Chile, the Mexican draft was amended to recom- 
mend that the negotiations in progress through 
the good offices of other states be continued. The 
Mexican draft was further amended by Lebanon 
and was adopted on April 22 by a vote" of 58-0-2 
Because the Committee, on a motion by Iran' 
decided to give the Mexican draft priority in the 
voting, the Burmese text did not come up for a 
vote. The Burmese delegate, explaining his ab- 
stention, expressed regret that the Committee had 
not seen eye to eye with it on the dispute. 

As the Committee ended its work, Chairman 
Joao Carlos Muniz (Brazil) said that in his view 
the meetings had been marked by a high level of 
debate. After several speakers had paid warm 
tributes to the chairman, Andrei Vyshinsky, 
speaking for the "so-called Soviet bloc— which was 
a figment of the imagination," remarked that 
Chairman Muniz had done a good job on the whole. 

Economic and Social Council 

Discussion of the world economic situation be- 
gan on April 16. In general, the speakers agreed 
that current prospects for peace did not threaten 
the international economy. Delegates from Bel- 
giuni, India, and Sweden, however, urged that 
studies be made of the problems involved in recon- 
version and possible economic recession. Sir 
Gladwyn Jebb (U.K.) expressed apprehension 

Department of State Bulletin 

over the continued imbalance of payments and 
warned that any increase in obstacles to U.S. im- 
ports would have "very serious" consequences. 
Speaking for the United States, James J. Wads- 
worth stressed the importance of encouraging 
individual incentive and said his Government 
would have a "cooperative approach" to the prob- 
lem of building a productive, strong economic sys- 
tem within the free world. 

On April 17 the Council adopted unanimously 
an Argentine-Australian-French draft recom- 
mending continuance of international action for 
conservation and utilization of nonagricultural 
and water resources under previous Council 

Action on the world economic situation was com- 
pleted on April 23 with the adoption of a request 
that the Secretary-General include index numbei-s 
for marine freight rates in future reports. At 
the same meeting, the Council approved unani- 
mously a revised six-state resolution on rapid in- 
dustrialization of underdeveloped countries, thus 
concluding its consideration of integrated eco- 
nomic development. The revised draft author- 
ized the Secretary-General to consult experts 
(rather than to convene an expert group, as in the 
original text) in continuing his studies on the pro- 
cess and problems of industrialization, and re- 
quested that a report be submitted before the 
Council's eighteenth session opened. A U.S.- 
French amendment suggesting that such studies 
be carried out by subsidiary Council bodies was re- 
jected, 5-11-2. 


German Debt Settlement Agreements 
Transmitted to the Senate 

Message of the President to the Senate 

White House press release dated April 10 

I transmit herewith for the consideration of the 
Senate a copy of each of the following agree- 
ments : 

1. Agreement on German External Debts signed 
at London on February 27, 1953, by the Federal 
Republic of Germany and by the United States 
and 17 other creditor countries.^ 

2. Agreement between the United States and 
the Federal Republic of Germany regarding the 
Settlement of the Claims of the United States for 
Postwar Economic Assistance (other than sur- 
plus property) to Germany signed at London on 
February 27, 1953.^ 

' S. Exec. D, SSd Cong., Lst sess. 
' S. Exec. E, SSd Cong., 1st sess. 

3. Agi-eement between the United States and 
the Federal Republic of Germany relating to the 
Indebtedness of Germany for Awards made by 
the Mixed Claims Commission, United States and 
Germany, signed at London on February 27, 

4. Agreement between the United States and 
the Federal Republic of Germany concerning the 
Validation of German Dollar Bonds signed at 
Bonn on April 1, 1953.* 

I request the advice and consent of the Senate to 
the ratification of these four agreements. 

In addition, I transmit for the information of 
the Senate two related agreements between the 
Federal Republic of Germany and the United 
States and a report made to me by the Secretary 
of State covering all six of these agreements. One 
of the agreements is concerned with the settle- 
ment of the obligation of the Federal Republic of 
Germany to the United States for surplus prop- 
erty furnished to Germany. This agreement was 
signed at London on February 27, 1953, and was 
concluded under the authority of the Federal 
Property and Administrative Services Act of 
1949 (P. L. 152, 81st Cong.). The other agree- 
ment signed at Bonn on February 27, 1953, is an 
executive agreement relating to the establishment 
of procedures for the validation of dollar bonds 
of German issue.° 

The arrangements set forth in these several 
agreements provide for the orderly settlement of 
German external debts, including the prewar 
debts due mainly to private persons and the claims 
of the U.S. Goveriunent arising from postwar 
economic assistance to Germany. On the former 
of these categories, the effect will be to end the 
state of default which has existed for about 20 
years. The consideration of reparation and 
other governmental claims arising from World 
Wars I and II is deferred under the terms of the 

The complex documents transmitted herewith 
are the result of negotiations, extending over more 
than 2 years, in which all of the interests con- 
cerned have been represented. In particular, it 
is to be noted that the settlement terms and pro- 
cedures for debts due to private creditors were 
worked out by negotiations between representa- 
tives of private creditor interests and of the debt- 
ors. In the light of all of the circumstances, it is 
the view of the Executive Branch of the U.S. Gov- 
ernment that the settlement arrangements em- 
bodied in the Agreement on German External 
Debts and in the various bilateral agreements are 
reasonable, satisfactory, and equitable to the 
interests concerned. 

With regard to debts due to private creditors, 
maturity dates have been extended and the credi- 
tors are called upon to accept a reduction in in- 

" S. Exec. P, SSd Cong., 1st sess. 

' S. Exec. G, 83d Cong., 1st sess. For text, see below. 

" For text see Bulletin of Mar. 9, 1953, p. 376. 

May 4, 1953 


terest arrears and interest rates, but the principal 
of the debts is unchanged. With regard to the 
claims for economic assistance given to Germany 
in tlie postwar period, for which the U.S. Gov- 
ernment is by far the largest claimant, the settle- 
ment is comjoarable to the terms which other 
countries have received for similar assistance. On 
both categories of debt, the German Federal Re- 
public has undertaken to make very considerable 
payments, but these payments may reasonably be 
considered within the Federal Republic's capacity 
to pay. Should the German Federal Republic, 
however, get into payment difficulties, consulta- 
tive machinery to deal with the situation is pro- 
vided for. 

The elimination of the German state of default 
will contribute substantially and directly to the 
development of normal commercial relationships 
between the German Federal Republic and the rest 
of the free world. It will open up the possibili- 
ties of new credit, for both short-term trade 
financing and long-term investment. 

These agreements should be considered by the 
Senate not only in the light of the direct financial 
benefits to the United States but also in relation 
to the contribution they will make to the achieve- 
ment of the principal objective of U.S. policy 
toward Germany, that of restoring Germany to 
the position of a responsible nation in the com- 
munity of free nations. 

I recommend, therefore, that the Senate give 
early and favorable consideration to the Agree- 
ment on German External Debts and to the three 
bilateral agreements between the United States 
and the Federal Republic of Germany relating, 
respectively, to the settlement of claims for post- 
war economic assistance to Germany, to the in- 
debtedness of Germany for the Mixed Claims 
Commission awards, and to the validation of Ger- 
man dollar bonds, and give its advice and consent 
to their ratification, in order that the debt settle- 
ment arrangements may be made effective as 
promptly as possible. 

Text of U. S. -German Dollar Bond Agreement 

Press release 196 dated April 16 

The Department of State made public on April 
11 the final text of the agreement between the 
United States and the Federal Republic of Ger- 
many regarding certain matters arising from the 
validation of German dollar bo7ids. The agree- 
ment loas signed at Bonn on April i, 1953.^ 

The final text of the agreement is as follows: 

Aqkeement Between the United States of America and 
THE Federal Republic of Germany Uegarding Certain 
Matters Arising From the Validation of German 
Dollar Bonds 

Whereas the United States of America (hereinafter 
referred to as "the United States") and the Federal 

' For text of the Department's announcement of the 
signing, see ibid., Apr. 20, 1953, p. 569. 

Republic of Germany (hereinafter referred to as "tht 
Federal Republic") have agreed that it is in their com 
mou interest to provide for the determination of tlK 
validity of German dollar bonds in view of the possibilitj 
that a large number of such bonds may have been unlaw- 
fully acquired during hostilities in Germany or soon 
thereafter ; 

Whereas they have agreed on procedures for accom- 
plishing this purpose in the Agreement Between the Gov- 
ernment of the United States of America and the Govern- 
ment of the Federal Republic of Germany Regarding the 
Validation of Dollar Bonds of German Issue (hereinafter 
referred to as "the Agreement on Validation Procedures") 
signed at Bonn on February 27, 1953 ; 

Whereas the Federal Republic on the one hand and 
the United States and other countries on the other signed 
the AsTeement on German External Debts at London on 
February 27, 1953, for the settlement of Germany's ex- 
ternal obligations, including German dollar bonds, the 
benefits of which will apply only to bonds which have 
been duly validated ; and 

Whereas the United States and the Federal Republic 
agree that further measures are required to permit 
debtors and creditors to proceed to the orderly settlement 
of the obligations arising from German dollar bonds with 
confidence in the stability of the procedures regarding 
validation and with assurance that claims prejudicial to 
such settlement will not be asserted on the basis of bonds 
which were unlawfully acquired : 

Therefore, the United States and the Federal Republic 
have agreed as follows : 

Article I 

Except as may be agreed between the Federal Republic 
and the United States, the Federal Republic will not 
amend, modify, or repeal its Law for the Validation of 
German Foreign Currency Bonds of August 2.5, 1952 
(Bundesgesetzblatt 1952, Part I, page 553) (hereinafter 
referred to as "the Validation Law") or the Schedule 
thereto insofar as they relate to bonds, debentures, or 
other obligations (hereinafter referred to as bonds) listed 
in the said Schedule or in the First Implementing Ordi- 
nance under the said Law of February 21, 1953 (Bundes- 
gesetzblatt 19,53, Part I, page 31) and in respect of which 
the Schedule or the said Ordinance describes the United 
States as the Country of Offering, or to coupons, dividend 
warrants, renewal certificates, subscription warrants or 
other secondary instruments issued in connection with 
such bonds. Except as may lie so agreed, the Federal 
Republic will not extend the provisions of the said Law 
to bonds offered in the United States and not listed in 
the said Schedule or the said Ordinance. 

Article II 

No bond, coupon, dividend warrant, renewal certificate, 
subscription warrant or other secondary instrument re- 
ferred to in the first sentence of Article I above shall be 
enforceable unless and until it shall be validated either 
by the Board for the Validation of German Bonds in the 
United States established by the Agreement on Validation 
Procedures, or by the authorities competent for that pur- 
pose In the Federal Republic. 

Article III 

The members of the Board for the Validation of Ger- 
man Bonds in the United States are authorized and bound 
to waive all immunity from service of process issuing from 
courts in the United States in proceedings brought to 
determine whether the requirements for validation of 
bonds under the Validation Law have been met. Such 
proceedings must be brought within three months from 
receipt of the decision of the Board by the party seeljing 
validation of the bond. It is agreed that such "members 
will comply with any judgments, orders or decrees that 
such courts may issue in such proceedings. The term 
"members'" as used in this Article includes the chairman 
and the deputies of the members when acting as members. 


Department of State Bvlletin 

Article IV 

For the purpose of all proceedings in the United States, 
the English texts of the Validation Law and of the Sec- 
ond Implementing Ordinance thereunder of March 7, 1953 
(Bundesanzeiger Nr. 50 of March 13, 1953) which are 
annexed to the Agreement on Validation Procedures shall 
be authentic. 

Article V 

This Agreement shall be ratified by the TJnited States 
and the Federal Republic in accordance witli their re- 
spective constitutional procedures. The Agreement shall 
enter into force upon (a) the excliange of instruments of 
ratification at Washington, and (6) the entry into force 
of the Agreement on German External Debts between the 
Federal Republic on the one hand, and France, the United 
Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, the 
United States and other countries on the otlier hand. 

Done in duplicate, in the lOnglish and German lan- 
guages, both authentic, at Bonn, this 1st day of April, 

For the United States of America: 
James B. Conant 

For the Federal Republic of Qermany: 



Recent Releases 

For sale by the Svperintendcnt of Documents, Qovemment 
Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C. Address requests 
direct to tlie Superintendent of Documents, except in the 
case of free publications, which may be obtained from the 
Department of State. 

United States Educational Foundation in Finland. Trea- 
ties and Other International Acts Series 2555. Pub. 4811. 
13 pp. 10<t. 

Agreement between the United States and Finland — 
Signed at Helsinki July 2, 1952 ; entered into force 
July 2, 1952. 

Progress in the War of Ideas. International Information 
and Cultural Series 30. Pub. 4858. 6 pp. Free. 

Address by Wilson Compton, broadcast Dec. 23, 1952. 

Ninth Semiannual Report of the Secretary of State to 
Congress on the International Information and Educa- 
tional Exchange Program. International Information 
and Cultural Series 31. Pub. 4867. 42 pp. 25«f. 

Reviews the activities carried on, the effectiveness 
achieved, and the expenditures incurred by Iia during 
the period Jan. 1-June 30, 1952. 

Health and Sanitation, Cooperative Program in Uruguay. 

Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2453. Pub. 
4745. 10 pp. 10^. 

Exchange of notes between the United States and 
Uruguay — Signed at Montevideo Oct. 4, 1950, and 
Mar. 7, 1951 ; agreement between Government of 
Uruguay and the Institute of Inter-American Af- 
fairs — Signed at Montevideo Mar. 8, 1951. 

Technical Cooperation, Supplementing Agreement of Feb. 
9, 1951. Treaties and Other International Acts Series 
2506. Pub. 4766. 4 pp. 5<t. 

Agreement between the United States and Pakistan — 
Signed at Karachi Feb. 2, 1952. 

Vocational Education Mission to El Salvador, Modifying 
and Extending Agreement of Jan. 27 and Feb. 12, 1951. 

Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2523. Pub. 
4767. 4 pp. 5^. 

Exchange of notes between the United States and 
El Salvador — Signed at San Salvador Feb. 19 and 28, 

Relief Supplies and Packages for the United Kingdom, 
Payment of Transportation Charges, Amending Agree- 
ment of Dee. 1, 1948. Treaties and Other International 
Acts Series 2473. Pub. 4829. 3 pp. 5^ 

Exchange of notes between the United States and the 
United Kingdom — Signed at London Feb. 23, and 
Apr. 7, 1951. 

Economic Cooperation, Guaranties Under Public Law 
472, 80th Congress, as Amended. Treaties and Other In- 
ternational Acts Series 2500. Pub. 4832. 4 pp. 5^. 

Exchange of notes between the United States and 
Turkey — Signed at Ankara Nov. 15, 1951. 

Economic Cooperation, Relief Supplies and Packages for 
the United Kingdom, Terminating Agreement of Dec. 1, 
1948, as Amended. Treaties and Other International Acts 
Series 2474. Pub. 4855. 2 pp. 5(t. 

Exchange of notes between the-United States and the 
United Kingdom — Signed at London June 1, 1951. 

Point 4 — What It Is and How It Works. Economic Co- 
operation Series 39. Pub. 4868. 12 pp. 5<S. 

This booklet deals with our Government's program 
of assistance to other countries in developing re- 
sources and in giving technical training. 

Double Taxation, Taxes on Estates of Deceased Persons. 

Treaties and Other International Acts Series 2595. Pub. 
4897. 23 pp. 10^. 

Convention between the United States and Finland — 
Signed at Washington Mar. 3, 1952. 

Check List of Department of State 
Press Releases: Apr. 20-24, 1953 

Releases may be obtained from the Office of the 
Special Assistant for Press Relations, Department 
of State, Washington 25, D.C. 

Press releases issued prior to Apr. 20 which ap- 
pear in this issue of the Bulletin are Nos. 186 of 
Apr. 10, ISO of Apr. 10, 192 of Apr. 15, 193 of Apr. 15, 
194 of Apr. 16, 196 of Apr. 16, and 199 of Apr. 18. 

No. Date Subject 

Exit visa for Pvt. Bergen 

Cale: Latin American trade 

Dulles : Possible Korean settlement 

Dulles: Private organizations «& Pt. 4 

Mineral resources (Ecafe) 

Dulles: 11th meeting of Nac 

Kimball, Carolan appointed to Iia 

Fsi graduates Pt. 4 technicians 

Curtailment of Iia staff 

de Mille to assist Iia 

Prewar treaties with Japan 

Fiscal Commission (Ecosoc) 

Smith : Advance text of address in N. H. 

* Not printed. 

t Held for a later issue of the Bulletin. 



























May 4, 7953 


May 4, 1953 


Vol. XXVIII, No. 723 


Problems of American agriculture and foreign 

trade (Under) 651 

American Principles 

At the crossroads In U.S. trade policy (Morton) . 647 
The United Nations: A place to promote peace 

(Lodge) 658 


Adoption of resolution on Korean question 

(text of resolution, Gross statement) . . 661 

Questions relating to possible settlement of 

Korean question (Dulles) 655 

LAOS: U.S. expresses sympathy for people . . . 641 

Claims and Property 

Submission of U.S. claims on German Property . 654 


German debt settlement agreements transmit- 
ted to the Senate (Elsenhower), text of 
agreement 665 



Debt settlement agreements transmitted to 

the Senate (Elsenhower) 665 

Submission of U.S. claims on German prop- 
erty 654 

President favors increased aid to migrants from 

Europe 639 


German debt settlement agreements transrait- 
ted to the Senate (Elsenhower), text of 
agreement 665 

Foreign Service 

The visa function under the Immigration and 

Nationality Act (Auerbach) 642 

Immigration and Naturalization 

President favors Increased aid to migrants from 

Europe 639 

The visa function under the Immigration and 

Nationality Act (Auerbach) 642 

International Meetings 

Calendar of meetings 656 


Mineral resources development (Ecafe) . . . 862 
Ministerial meeting of Nac 662 

North Atlantic Treaty Organization 

Ministerial meeting of Nac 662 

Secretary Dulles departs for Nac ministerial 

meeting 646 

Presidential Documents 

German debt settlement agreements trans- 
mitted to the Senate 665 

President favors increased aid to migrants from 

Europe 639 

Prisoners of War 

Adoption of resolution on Korean question (text 

of resolution, Gross statement) 661 


Recent releases 667 

Refugees and Displaced Persons 

President favors Increased aid to migrants from 

Europe 639 

State, Department of 

The visa function under the Immigration and 

Nationality Act (Auerbach) 642 


At the crossroads in U.S. trade policy (Morton) . 647 
Problems of American agriculture and foreign 

trade (Under) 651 

Treaty Information 

Text of U.S. -German dollar bond agreement . . 665 

United Nations 

Adoption of resolution on Korean question (text 

of resolution. Gross statement) .... 661 

Questions relating to possible settlement of 

Korean question (Dulles) 655 

The United Nations: A place to promote peace 

(Lodge) 658 

The United States In the United Nations . . . 663 

Name Index 

Auerbach, Frank L 642 

Dulles, Secretary 646, 655, 662 

Eisenhower. President 639, 665 

Gibson, Hugh 641 

Gross, Ernest A 661 

Humphrey, George M 662 

Juliana, Queen 639 

Kerr, Peyton 662 

Linder, Harold F 651 

Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr 658 

Martin, Joseph W., Jr 639 

McDermott, Michael J 641 

Morton, Thruston B 647 

Nixon, Vice President 639 

Stassen, Harold E 662 

Wilson, Charles E 662 


jAe/ ^efia^tmeni/ /O^ CHaie^ 

Vol. XXVIII, No. 724 
May 11, 1953 


Address by Secretary Dulles 671 

Text of Final Communique 673 




James J. tf'adsivorth 683 


POLICY • by Clare Boothe Luce 679 


Smith 675 

For index see back cover 

Boston Public Library 
Superintendent of Documents 

JUN 1-1953 

^.^,wyr^ bulletin 

Vol. XXVIII, No. 724 • Publication 5053 
May 11, 1953 

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents 

U.S. Qovernment Printing OfHce 

Washington 25, D.C. 


62 issues, domestic $7.S0, foreign $10.25 

Single copy, 20 cents 

The printing of this publication has 
been approved by the Director of the 
Bureau of the Budget (January 22, 1962). 

Note: Contents of this publication are not 
copyrighted and items contained herein may 
be reprinted. Citation of the Department 
or State Bulletin as the source will be 

The Department of State BULLETIN, 
a weekly publication compiled and 
edited in the Division of Publications, 
Office of Public Affairs, provides the 
public and interested agencies of 
the Government ivith information on 
developments in the field of foreign 
relations and on the it'orfc of the De- 
partment of State and the Foreign 
Service. The BULLETIN includes 
selected press releases on foreign pol- 
icy issued by the White House and 
the Department, and statements and 
addresses made by the President and 
by the Secretary of State and other 
officers of the Department, as icell as 
special articles on various phases of 
international affairs and the func- 
tions of the Department. Informa- 
tion is included concerning treaties 
and international agreements to 
which the United States is or may 
become a party and treaties of gen- 
eral international interest. 

Publications of the Department, as 
well as legislative material in the field 
of international relations, are listed 

Results of North Atlantic Council's Eleventh Meeting 


Last Monday [April 27] I returned from 5 work- 
ing days in Em-ope with Secretary Humphrey, 
Secretary Wilson, and Governor Stassen. We 
went to attend the meeting of the Council of 
Nato. We have reported to the President and 
to the Congress and now I report to you. 

First let me, for background, recall what Nato 
is. Nato is the grand alliance of 14 nations that 
was created under the North Atlantic Treaty. 
That treaty was adopted 4 years ago as a biparti- 
san act to prevent a third world war coming out 
of Europe. The administration was then Demo- 
cratic, but Republicans in the Senate, of which I 
was then one, took an active part in bringing about 
Senate consent to ratification. Then, in 1950, 
General Eisenhower was called to be the first 
Supreme Commander of the Nato forces in Eu- 
rope. So he knows a great deal about it. It was 
indeed his vision, energy, and inspiration which 
largely converted this organization from a paper 
blueprint into a solid bulwark which already has 
tremendous protective value to the United States. 

Let me recall what this value is. Suppose, for 
example, that Western Europe were overrun by tlie 
Red armies so that the Soviet world included all 
of Europe. That would so shift the balance of 
industrial power that we would be in great peril. 
Take steel production as an example, because steel 
is a basic commodity. Today we and our allies 
have an advantage of about three to one over the 
Communist world. But if Western Europe were 
shifted from the free world side to the Red side 
of the ledger, then the steel ratio would be about 
50-50. Under those circumstances the Soviet 
leaders would be much more likely to attack us 
than is the case today. 

Of course, our concern is much more than mate- 
rial. Europe is the cradle of our civilization and 
dear to many of us as the home of our ancestors. 
It would be a terrible blow, spiritually and mor- 
ally, if Europe's religion and culture were to be 
stamped out by ruthless atheism. 

We could not and would not sit idly by in the 
face of such an attack on Europe. So it is a case 

' Made over radio and television networks on Apr. 29 
(press release 225 ) . 

where we should seek prevention which is cheaper 
than cure, as two world wars have taught us. 
Nato is prevention, we hope, against a repetition 
of 1914 and 1939. 

Nato now has approximately 50 divisions in 
Western Europe and there are more than 25 di- 
visions in the southern flank of Greece and Turkey. 
Some of these units are not fully trained and 
equipped and there is still much to be done to 
get maximum combat effectiveness. Nevertheless 
the existing forces have great value as a deterrent 
to aggression. Europe is not yet fully secure, but 
it is no longer a "pushover," so weak that it is a 
temptation to others to seize it by an act of war. 

At last week's Nato meeting we tried to find 
practical ways of making Nato even stronger. We 
went at this with some new ideas, largely drawn 
from President Eisenhower's own personal experi- 
ence and judgment. 

Combat Effectiveness To Be Increased 

1. We sought military strength which would be 
borne out of economic health, not economic sick- 
ness. The European members have been strain- 
ing toward a theoretical goal and now they are 
beginning to get out of breath. Since we cannot 
foresee the year of greatest danger. President 
Eisenhower believes that it is safest to adopt a 
pace which can be maintained with growing 
strength, rather than run the risk of dropping 
exhausted by the wayside before the haven is 
reached. Therefore, at this Nato meeting we put 
our emphasis on getting greater strength by less 
costly methods. This can be done by improving 
quality, rather than by seeking an immediate large 
increase in quantity. In a world of toughness, it 
is better to be compact and hard rather than to be 
big and soft. There will be a steady Nato build- 
up, but in the main this year's and next year's 
adfled strength will come through im])roved 
quality. That will tend to relieve the excessive 
strain which has been placed upon the budgets and 
currencies of some of the countries, including our 
own. At the same time there will be a big lift in 
Nato's combat effectiveness. You can figure this 
to be as much as 30 percent this year. 

Alay 7?, 7953 


2. We sought to fill the big gap in European 
defense which is the present lack of (ierman 
forces. This gap in the center cannot be made 
good by any eO'ort, however great, put forward 
by tlie other countries. Further, I do not believe 
that Americans, or British, or French want to an- 
ticipate fighting to defend (iermany while the 
Germans look on as spectators. At present Ger- 
mans are only spectators because the surrender 
terms do not authorize Germany to have any 
armed forces. 

The continental Euroi)ean countries themselves 
thought out a solution which was to make agree- 
ments largely restoring West Germany's sover- 
eignty and permitting Germans to rearm not just 
as German national forces, which might serve na- 
tional ambitions, but as j^art of a single European 
Defense Community. This in turn would fit into 
Nato's defense plans. 

These agreements were signed almost a year 
ago, but still they have not yet been brought into 
force. At this Nato Council meeting I intro- 
duced a resolution calling for the prompt creation 
of the European Defense Community (Edc). 
This was unanimously adopted. 

All of the Edc governments are fully aware of 
the importance of early action. But in each of 
the countries there are parliamentary delays. 
This strains our patience. But it should not break 
it. There is no other good solution of the problem 
of establishing adequate strength and peace in 
Europe, as the cabinets realize and I trust that 
the parliaments too will accept that same view 
during the coming months. 

3. We put great emphasis on what is called "in- 
frastructure.'^ That is a strange new word, which 
has come to have great importance. It means the 
network of facilities in one country available for 
Nato forces drawn from different countries. This 
requires that airfields, pipelines, supply depots, 
radio communication, radar and the like, in each 
country, be made available to many national forces 
on a common basis. In past years, there has been 
long haggling about working this out. This time 
we foimd agreement on a 3-year program for de- 
veloping this "infrastructure." At moderate cost, 
it will add enormously to the efficiency of the exist- 
ing forces. For example, it will create 50 new air- 
fields in a year for common use in Europe. There 
can be a dispersion and deployment of aircraft on 
the ground, so that all will not be the concentrated 
target of a few bombs. And if some airfields are 
bombed out, there will be alternate fields, well 
equipped, on which planes aloft can land and take 
off. This will make Nato forces much more effec- 
tive and secure. 

4. We gave much thought to new tactical weap- 
ons, and to the increased power which they can 
give to the defense of Europe. We are starting 
some Nato training in these matters with due 
regard to security. 

Talks With Military Leaders 

Just before leaving Paris, I talked at length with 
two of the top military leaders of Nato, General 
Ridgway and his Chief of Staff, General Gruen- 
ther. Naturally, they would like more land and 
air strength and they are particularly anxious to 
see the defense forces rounded out with German 
contingents. However, they believe that today 
there is enough strength so that if the Soviets 
planned to overrun Europe, it would be necessary 
for tlieni first largely to re-enforce the Red armies 
now in or near Eastern Germany. This, they 
could not do without our knowledge. This fact 
alone is of great importance. It means that we 
would probably get the opportunity to bring into 
final readiness counter measures both in Europe 
and elsewhere, which might in fact deter the actual 
assault and preserve the peace. 

What I have said gives you a good idea of what 
went on at our formal Nato meetings. Outside 
of these meetings, we talked informally and di- 
rectly with most of the members. We did not 
talk to them as though Nato were just our re- 
sponsibility and not theirs. After all, Nato is a 
joint enterprise, and it has its primary location 
in Europe. 

Also we discussed with the British and the 
French, among others, the matter of general eco- 
nomic aid from the United States. Some call it 
a "hand-out." That is hardly fair, because the 
United States has gained intangible, if not specific, 

Americans have always generously responded to 
emergency needs. But outright grants ought to 
be reserved only for real emergencies. They are 
a kind of crutcli which may be needed from time 
to time. But as soon as there is economic health 
and the opportunity for a people to earn their way 
by their own efforts, then the crutch ought to be 
tlirown away. We believe that this is becoming 
increasingly possible. 

We talked over that viewpoint with our friends 
in Europe. We found that they welcomed a rela- 
tionship which would be dignified and self-respect- 
ing for all concerned. There are plenty of ways 
whereby the British and French and others 
can contribute in Europe or Asia to special efforts 
which are in the common interest. Then they will 
be more and more earning their way. 

We shall still be spending substantial sums, and 
these friendly countries do not need to anticipate 
too great reduction in their dollar income. But 
our Government will be specifically getting, for 
the dollars it spends abroad, what may enable it 
to save in other security measures and thus, on 
balance, get more security for less money. 

At this last week's Nato Council meeting, in 
the ways I indicated, there came into Nato a 
transforming spirit. The full effect will only be 
apparent in later years as we look back. But as 
we look forward, we can anticipate that Nato will 


Department of Slate Bulletin 

never grow into an organization which sucks the 
Ufe blood out of the member countries, but rather 
be the shield behind which confidence will grow to 
invigorate all of the protected nations. 

It has been said that the proper role of military 
strength is to give time for moral ideas to take 
root. The role of Nato is to enable the gieat 
moral and spiritual principles of Western civili- 
zation to take root and blossom again after the 
ravages of two world wars. That was the con- 
ception of those Americans who, without regard 
to party, joined with the other free peoples to 
create the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. 
That is the conception for which so many Ameri- 
cans, without regard to party, have given their 
dedicated efforts. That is the conception which 
we believe is now nearing realization. 

President Eisenhower, in the message which lie 
sent tlirough us to the Nato Council, said, "Nato 
has become a mighty force for peace and an in- 
strument of enduring cooperation among the At- 
lantic peoples." As such it greatly increases what 
the President, in his challenging address, called 
"the chance for peace." ^ 


1. The North Atlantic Council, meeting in Paris 
in Ministerial Session with the Ministers of For- 
eign Affairs, Defence, Economics and Finance 
present, and under the chairmanship of Lord Is- 
may, completed their work today. 

2. The Council agreed on short and long-term 
programmes for Nato. They established a firm 
military programme for 1953 and a provisional 
programme for 1954. In addition to the forces 
which Greece and Turkey are contributing, there 
will be a notable increase in the size of the forces 
assigned to Nato Supreme Commanders and a 
considerable improvement in their effectiveness. 
Training is being greatly improved at all levels. 
The series of large-scale manoeuvres held during 
the last year has appreciably raised the standard 
of co-operation of the forces of the member coun- 
tries ; units are being better equipped and the or- 
ganization of support forces is developing. The 
Nato military authorities consider that the at- 
tainment of the foi'ce goals in 1953, and the com- 
bined influence of these various factors, will add 
materially to the defensive strength of Nato dur- 
ing 1953. 

3. Agreement was reached not only on the com- 
mon financing of the second pai-t (£67,000,000) to 
the Fourth Slice of the Infrastructure Programme 
(the first part to the amount of about £80,000,000 
having been settled at a Ministerial Meeting in 
December), but also on a cost-sharing formula 
which would cover future programmes to be sub- 
mitted by the Supreme Commanders for the three- 
year period beginning in 1954, involving expendi- 

"A Mighty Force for Peace" 

Folloiriny is the text of a message from President 
Eisenhower tchteh Secretary Dulles read to the 
members of the North Atlantic Council at the open- 
ing of their eleventh meeting on April 23: 

On the occasion of this important meeting I send 
my iiersonal greetings to the North Atlantic Council. 
As you know, I have long held the deep conviction 
that the success of Nato's program was essential to 
world ijeaee and to the security and well-being of all 
Atlantic nations. My subsequent experience has re- 
inforced and strengthened this belief. Nato has 
become a mighty force for peace and an instrument 
of enduring cooperation among the Atlantic peoples. 
We deplore the fact that civilized nations are com- 
pelled at this stage of human history to devote so 
large a portion of their energies and resources to the 
purpose of military defense. I have already ex- 
pressed my hope that it will be possible in the fore- 
seeable future to devote part of these resources and 
energies to more constructive I know 
that this can be accomplished if all nations will co- 
operate sincerely in creating the necessary condi- 
tions for lasting peace. But until the conditions 
for genuine peace have been firmly established it 
would be foolhardy for us to delude ourselves about 
the dangers confronting us. It is still the foremost 
task of free governments to develop sutBcient eco- 
nomic, defensive, and moral strength to make cer- 
tain that our civilization is spared the horror and 
devastation of another world war. 

All honest men know that Nato has no intention 
of aggression and that we seek only enough strength 
to deter aggression by others. We cannot afford 
to .seek less. 

As this meeting opens there is an opportunity 
for mankind to move forward toward a new era of 
Ijeace and progress. The realization of this oppor- 
tunity will depend primarily upon the deeds of 
others. But our own task is clear. While we carry 
the hope of peace in our hearts unblemished by 
self-delusion or wishful thinking, we will also em- 
ploy the skill of our minds and hands to make this 
hope a living reality. Throughout the changing and 
unpredictable events of future months and years we 
will remain steadfast in purpose and imited in 

A quotation from Lincoln seems to have particular 
significance for our situation of today. We have 
malice toward none. We have charity for all peo- 
ples. But we vrill remain firmly determined to do 
the right as God gives us to see the right and will 
strive on to finish the work we have begun. 

' Bulletin of Apr. 27, 195."5, p. 599. 
Aioy J J, J953 

ture of up to £250,000,000, subject to the approval 
of Parliaments. These programmes will include a 
wide range of projects such as airfields, telecom- 
munications, naval bases and port facilities, pipe- 
lines and radar installations. The military 
authorities of Nato now have a financial planning 
figure to which they can work for over three years. 
In addition, an improved system is ready to be put 
into operation to ensure closer financial super- 
vision over the expenditure of common infrastruc- 
ture funds. 

4. The Council gave close attention to various 
economic and financial factors affecting the rate of 
expansion of the defence efforts. It wiis agreed 
that the development of sound national economies 


and the increase of military forces should be pur- 
sued concurrently ; in certain fields the establish- 
ment of long-term joint military production 
programmes appeared to be the least costly and 
the most efficient solution. 

5. It was on these lines that the Member Gov- 
ernments and the International Staff developed 
a method for preparing correlated production pro- 
grammes. The object of this is both to ensure that 
the defence production undertaken by European 
countries within their own budgets is on the most 
economic lines and to make defence production 
in Europe more effective. The participation of 
the United States, through off-shore procurement, 
adds to the contribution of the European coun- 
tries and plays a very important part in these 
achievements. The additional fighter aircraft 
production programme, which has recently been 
announced is a first important result of this. 
It will facilitate the expansion of the aircraft in- 
dustries in five European countries while at the 
same time strengthening the air defence capacity 
of the Alliance. Other programmes are being con- 
sidered. Nato is also studying the means of de- 
veloping production in Europe of spare parts for 
the maintenance of eqviipment of American and 
Canadian origin. 

6. The Secretary General's Progress Report to 
the Council stressed the close collaboration be- 
tween the civilian and military agencies of Nato, 
and outlined the current work of the International 
Staff. It emphasised the importance of develop- 
ing a better public understanding of the aims 
and achievements of Nato, a matter to which Gov- 
ernments should give their constant attention. 
The Report described the progress made in the 
many and varied technical studies by Committees 
of the Council in a mmiber of widely different 
fields, such as civil defence and other aspects of 
civil organization in time of war. 

In the course of discussion on the Report, the 
Council re-emphasised their interest in the Nato 
countries' co-operation in the economic, cultural 
and social fields. They noted with satisfaction 
the initiative taken by the President of the United 
States of America, recently announced, with a 
view to fostering the solution of over-population 
problems in certain countries.'' 

7. The Council continued their regular practice 
of exchanging views on political matters of com- 
mon concern. In reviewing the international sit- 
uation they were in full agreement. This agree- 
ment included their estimate of the recent Soviet 
moves and gestures. To the extent that these 
moves and gestures are proved by events to be 
genuine efforts to reduce international tension, 
they will be welcomed by Member Governments, 
whose policy has always been to seek every oppor- 
tunity for world peace. 

8. Nevertheless, the Council found that there had 
not yet in fact been any change in the funda- 

" Ibid., May 4, 1953, p. 6.39. 

mental threat to the security of free peoples. The 
most striking evidence of this continuing threat 
is the huge and constantly strengthened military 
force maintained by those nations whose policies 
have been responsible for the present tension, and 
who are still promoting aggressive war in several 
parts of the world. The most recent example is 
the extension of hostilities in Laos. This serious 
development has increased the burden of France 
in the struggle against aggression and has given 
rise to deep concern on the part of other Member 

9. The Council, therefore, reaffirmed the policy 
of collective defence which has proved fully justi- 
fied, and which has been responsible for the grow- 
ing confidence of the free world in the future. 
The Council felt that there was every prospect 
that this policy, continued with firmness and pa- 
tience, will create a basis for a just settlement of 
unresolved international problems. 

10. The Council considei'ed it essential that 
Member Governments should continue to develop 
the free Atlantic Community which should in- 
clude a European Defence Community to be estab- 
lished as soon as possible in an ever more closely 
united Europe. 

11. The Council reaffirmed their fundamental de- 
sire to build for peace. They looked forward 
to the day when a greater share of the resources 
of their countries would be devoted to national 
and international reconstruction and development. 
Convinced that in unity lies their greatest 
strength, they are resolved to broaden co-operation 
in every field, economic, political and social, as 
well as military, and so to make the Atlantic 
Community a lasting reality. 


The North Atlantic Council, 

Recalling its previous resolutions of May 26th 
and December I7th, 1952, concerning the treaty 
establishing the European Defence Community 
and the Additional Protocol to the North Atlantic 
Treaty on guarantees to members of the European 
Defence Conununity ; ^ 

Taking note of the progi-ess which has been 
made since the previous session, including sub- 
mission of the Treaty to the parliaments of all 
signatory countries and the fact that five signa- 
tories have now completed parliamentary action 
on the Additional Protocol to the North Atlantic 
Treaty on the guarantees given by the Parties to 
the North Atlantic Treaty to members of the 
European Defence Conmiunity; 

Taking note of the progress of the Interim 
Committee, created by the governments signatory 
to the Trea ty establishing the European Defence 

'For text of the additional protocol, see ibid., .Tune 9, 
1952, p. 89a; for text of the Nac resolution of Dec. 17, 
1952, see ibid., .Tan. 5, 1953, p. 4. 


Department of State Bulletin 

Community, in connection witli tlie technical 
planning and other steps necessary to the Treaty's 
coming into force, inchiding the completion of the 
Additional Protocols and agreements proposed by 
the Interim Committee and designed to facilitate 
the carrying out of certain important provisions 
of the Treaty ; 

Stresses that the Atlantic Community continues 
to attach paramount importance to the rapid entry 
into force of the Treaty establishing the European 
Defence Community, and, consequently, to its 
ratification by all signatories, as well as to the 
ratification of the Additional Protocol to the 
North Atlantic Treaty. 

Practicalities of Power 

ly Under Secretary Smith ^ 

The Chinese philosopher who lived and wrote 
about 3,000 years ago said once, "It is not only 
that at times certain men are dangerous to society, 
but that at times certain societies are dangerous to 
all honest and decent men." We still confront the 
most dangerous of those societies as we have in 
the past confronted a series of them. Those which 
are dangerous today are represented by Soviet 
Russia and Communist China. 

Now this morning at about one o'clock I was 
awakened by the news yesterday that Pravda 
had published in full the text of President 
Eisenhower's recent speech on foreign relations. 
The fact that any other newspaper in the world 
published the full text of President Eisenhower's 
speech would arouse no comment at all. The fact 
that Pravdcu in a totalitarian state, publishes such 
a speech approaches a major stature of a miracle, 
and you see in that one little vignette the difference 
between our free society and that which exists in 
the Soviet Union.^ 

I recall about 8 years ago the Manchester Guard- 
ian, I think it was, published a cartoon which im- 
pressed me enormously. The ordinarily four-by- 
four cartoon square was divided into 16 little one- 
inch squares and in the first of those squares the 
world, depicted as a cringing little dog, was get- 
ting a pat on the back from a benign, pipe-smoking 
Stalin and the little animal was wriggling all over 
with pleasure. In the next square the same little 
animal was getting a kick from Molotov, the stars 
were flying m all directions and, of course, it was 

'Address made at the University of New Hampsliire, 
Durham, X. H., on Apr. 25 (press release 21.3). 

' For a White House statement on this subject, see p. 67S. 

May II, 1953 

yowling with anguish. The third square was a 
repetition of the first, the fourth of the second, 
and so on over the whole 16 squares— alternate 
pats and kicks— alternate wriggles of pleasure and 
yowls of anguish, but a constant repetition of the 
same thing. 

Under these circumstances I think it will help 
us remain oriented if we can keep constantly m 
mind the real fundamentals of present world con- 
ditions. One such real fundamental is power, and 
I mean by power, military power, regrettably. 
With a full understanding of the place of power m 
world relationships, we can better adjust our- 
selves to the requirements which have been im- 
posed upon us and we can resolve satisfactorily in 
our own minds what might appear to be contra- 
dictions in American foreign policy. 

For instance, there seems to be a contradiction 
when in all sincerity we advocate disarmament 
while we're spending billions of dollars to rearm 
ourselves and to rearm our allies. There seems 
to be a basic conflict in our unremitting efforts for 
peace while we go ahead with the development of 
more effective and destructive weapons. But ac- 
tually, there isn't any contradiction at all. The 
necessity for this derives from the place of power 
in the world situation. We didn't inject this fac- 
tor into it— it was and it has been there for many 
centuries. But the fact that we're not responsible 
for its presence does not permit us to ignore it. To 
do so would be the height of folly, and that is my 
theme today. 

Since we cannot ignore the ix)wer factor, then 
obviously we have to deal with it, and if we're to 
deal with it successfully it must be understood both 
in its origin and in its evolution. The lessons of 


history are too well known on this campus for me 
to repeat them. It is sufficient for me to remind 
you that within the memory of a good many of you 
here, there were some governments that were in- 
clined to look on an expeditionary force or on a 
cruiser as a convenient instrument for the conduct 
of international negotiations. 

Today most members of the world community 
have abandoned some earlier, essentially primitive 
patterns of international beliavior — and since 
World War II we and like-minded nations have 
joined in an effort to replace force as the decisive 
factor in the relationship between states with a 
more civilized mechanism. The cause of this 
evolution and our ideas regarding the application 
of military strength in world affairs are very 
simple. We realize that man's capacity to destroy 
himself and his works have increased almost be- 
yond the scope of imagination. The thoughtful 
man of today lives with the sobering knowledge 
that weapons exist which could bring modern 
civilization to an explosive end. Consequently the 
United States and like-minded nations have broken 
witli the historic and primitive ])attern of power 
politics. We're trying to resolve international dif- 
ferences and tensions by economic, political, and 
diplomatic negotiation. 

Possibly the tragedy enacted in Geneva in the 
1920's was a necessary, if painful, lesson to the 
people of the world, l)ut the failure of the League 
of Nations hasn't deterred us from making a new 
and much more pi'omising effort. We now have 
an international organization to which disputes 
can be brought for discussion and arbitration, and 
there isn't one of you here that would dispute the 
fact that this procedure is the right and possibly 
the only road to a just and peaceful world order. 
We know very well tlie futility of seeking solutions 
through violence. We would discard force in 
favor of the peaceful methods of negotiation and 
compromise. Now if this fact were univer-sally 
accepted, our worries and our present danger 
would be reduced to zero. Unfortunately it is not 
universally accepted. A very large segment of 
the peoples of the world are under the complete 
control of leaders who prefer to rely on military 
power as the definitive factor in their relationship 
with other nations. 

Now in this tragically simple fact are the im- 
plications of immense consequences. Every time 
I think of it I think of an aphorism, attributed, 
I believe, to Chesterton, who said, "Christianity 
is mankind's gi'eatest and finest thought — the only 
trouble is it has never really been tried.'' We 
have a situation, many of the aspects of which 
are those of peace, and yet we really have no 
peace. We want to be rid of the burden of arma- 
ments, yet we have to spend billions for arms and 
are likely to have to continue to spend billions for 
arms. We and our allies yearn for peace and 
we're fighting in Korea and we're fighting in Indo- 
china and we're fighting in Malaya. 

The Soviet Obsession 

The root of the paradox lies in the Soviet ob- 
session witli the power factor, which I don't think 
any of you should ever forget. Because of this 
obsession we're compelled to create strength of 
our own as a counterweight to the strength of 
the Soviet Union. I^ven though we reject force 
as an instrument in our relationship with other 
nations, we've learned through bitter experience 
that Soviet intransigence reaches a peak when the « 
negotiator across the table lacks power. If the I 
Kremlin .should as a temporary expedient make 
conmiitments, we can look forward to the likeli- 
hood that they maj' be violated before the ink is 
dry on the document if the commitments are made 
to an associate or another nation which lacks 
power. On the other hand, we've learned that 
it's possible to negotiate with the Soviet Union if 
our negotiating position has solid strength 
behind it. 

Nothing that has liajipened in the past weeks 
can be construed as evidence of lessening the Soviet 
preoccupation with the power factor. Since 1919 
there have been a great many twists and turns in 
Soviet policy, but as far as we know and as far 
as we can tell today, the fundamentals on which 
Russian policy is based have really not altered in 
any significant way. To understand this we 
should recognize that those fimdamentals have 
existed for a long time and they were really not 
changed by the Bolshevik Kevolution. 

I have often quoted Lord Pahnerston, a British 
statesman of the last centui-y, a man who was ex- 
tremely well-informed and a perceptive observer 
of Russia. Pahnerston said : 

It h;is always been tlie pnlicy and the practice of the 
Ru.ssian government to expand its frontiers as rapidly as 
the apathy or the tinjidity of its neighbors would permit, 
but usually to halt and often to recoil when confronted 
by determined opposition, then to await the next favorable 
opportunity to spring upon its intended victim. 

Now that analysis fits the postwar action of the 
Soviet Union very well indeed. 

The Kremlin tried to keep troops in Northern 
Iran, then withdrew them in the face of deter- 
mined opposition. The legitimate Greek Gov- 
ernment after tlie war looked rij^e for overthrow. 
Tlie Kremlin in.stigatcd revolt and later aban- 
doned the rebels when they were met with deter- 
mined opjiosition, Berlin had all the earmarks of 
a soft touch. I was in Moscow at that time. I 
had very little hope for the situation. Soviet mil- 
itary forces blockaded the city and then when 
they encountered really determined op])osition — 
and it wasn't military opposition either; it was 
moral and economic opposition backed up by an 
airlift — they lifted tlie blockade. Now each of 
these withdrawals was effected when determined 
opposition was met and not before. 

Stalin spelled the thing out in a speech which 
I have read many times. It is included also in 
his famous work, Problem.^ of Lemmsm. He was 


Department of State Bulletin 

describing the mishaps of the Czarists' govern- 
ment and he said : 

The history of Russia of the olden days was that she 
was always getting defeated for her backwardness. Such 
is the law of the exploiters to beat those who are back- 
ward and weak. If you are backward, if you are weak, 
that means you are wrong. That means that you can be 
defeated and enslaved. 

Now he was using that argument as a spur to tlie 
5-year phm and for increasing enormously the 
heavy industry of Russia to support a military 
potential, but quite obviously those were his 
thoughts and he applied those ideas equally to 
other and to weaker nations than the Soviet Union. 
We know very well that the Kremlin has never 
visualized a world of coequals. Lenin himself 
said : 

We great Rus.sians have never been able to make anything 
but slaves of captive peoples. We have visualized a 
dominant Russia among a galaxy of satellites and armed 
might is the first requisite for attaining such a globe- 
girdling objective. 

In addition to the means of reducing the strength 
of the intended victim, military force and sub- 
versive tactics are also a necessity to weaken that 
strength before brute force is applied. 

Now our own aspirations, as all of you know, 
are very different, but different though they are, 
we cannot disregard for a moment the Soviet re- 
liance on force as a main means to get what it 
wants. Fortunately there have been several fac- 
tors which have exerted a restraining influence 
on Eussia's aggressive tendencies. One was the 
apparent belief that the mere existence of great 
strength can exert pressure enough so that the 
victim may give way without war, as in the case 
of Czechoslovakia. The second is related to the 
Soviet thory that capitalism bears the seeds of its 
own destruction. They think that time is on their 
side. I think that time is on ours. 

Reasons for Conciliatory Moves 

From their point of view, if they were convinced 
that a major move would be confronted by de- 
termined opposition, it's reasonable to assume they 
would switch to a more conciliatory line. On the 
other hand, of course, as you have seen, that doesn't 
mean that a small war which possibly doesn't in- 
volve the risk of global conflict may not, from 
the Soviet point of view, be entirely logical and 
extremely profitable. That's one of the reasons 
wliy we're fighting in Korea and one of the reasons 
wjiy our allies are fighting in Indochina and 

In recent weeks we've witnessed what appears 
to be a reversal of the Soviet line. Naturally 
there has been great speculation as to the reasons 
for this change. I have given you one. Another 
is that the new Soviet directorate recognizes the 
necessity of time for consolidating its position. It 
may be that the Kiemlin realizes that it is over- 
extended and requires a breathing spell. The 

men in the Politburo are thoroughly aware of 
the facts of history and they know that several 
times in the past Russia has swallowed more than 
she could digest and has had to disgorge in a 
welter of bloodshed and confusion. And it can- 
not be said that the satellite states are yet digested. 

But, as I have said, it .seems more probable that 
the new regime is reacting to the effectiveness of 
Western methods in the face of danger; in other 
words, that there is a realization that they will 
be confronted by determined opposition and if a 
new policy is really developing we cannot of course 
afford to lose siglit of the fact that it may be de- 
signed to split our developing coalition and 
weaken our capability for providing determined 

We certainly won't reject the fact that the 
Kremlin may be willing to negotiate East- West 
differences in at least temporary good faith. As 
President Eisenhower said : 

We're waiting for deed.s — we care nothing for mere 
rhetoric. We care only for sincerity of peaceful purpose 
attested by acts. 

I wonder if you are aware of the real importance 
of the President's speech in Washington on April 
16? "^ Not only at home here, but throughout the 
world? It brought about what is really a dra- 
matic change in the political climate almost every- 
where. Within hours of its delivery we began to 
receive cables from all parts of the world reflecting 
the approbation of chiefs of state and diplomatic 
chanceries. In Western Euroi^e it was gi'eeted as 
marking the beginning of a new initiative — in the 
Near and Middle East it has lieen warmly wel- 
comed — in the Far East and particularly in Japan 
it has been widely praised. 

We don't know exactly how it has affected the 
people who live behind the Iron Curtain. We do 
know that it was taken very seriously in many 
places. In the satellite countries where it was 
heard over the Voice of America, it was received 
with great emotion — in some cases, by tears. 

As a whole, then, at this moment, the peoples 
of the world seem to me to be more united in a 
desire for the settlement of differences and diffi- 
cidties than they have been for a long time indeed. 
But this climate will not endure indefinitely. So 
we watch and wait for signs that the Soviet Union 
will respond in good faith, and while waiting for 
deeds not words, we must indeed follow a policy 
which might be described as the "open hand and 
the closed fist."' The open hand of course is al- 
ways extended as a sincere gesture for peace — the 
fist must be clenched in readiness because we're 
dealing with a regime which we know is still 
wedded in an archaic concept of power. The 
choice rests with the leaders of the Soviet Union. 
It's up to them to choose which hand. 

Now during this 3-day convocation of yours, 
you have heard a great many wise words and much 

" BtJLLETiN of Apr. 27, 1953, p. .599. 

May 11, 1953 


about the full and thoughtful life on a college 
campus where the ideas and policies of the grow- 
ing generation which will control this country dur- 
ing the years to come are being molded. Perhaps 
what I have just said may be a rather drab climax, 
but you people of New Hampshire have a reputa- 
tion for facing facts and I have given some of them 
quite simply to you as I see them. 

One of these facts is that the world has so 
slirunk in terms of life and space that we are in 
a way living under conditions such as the countries 
of Central Europe lived under for a great many 
centuries. That is, the oceans which protected our 
eastern and western coasts are no longer formid- 
able or impassable obstacles. In terms of time 
and space they can be passed now in a matter of 
hours and thus they are like the geographic fron- 
tiers of the countries of Central Europe — a river, 
or a mountain range — which might be crossed in 
a day or in a matter of hours. Those nations for 
centuries faced across those frontiers a potential 
enemy, as today we face a jx)tential enemy across 
ours, and we may live under that state of tension 
for a long time to come. 

If you on this campus live up to the traditions of 
your school and of your State and of your ances- 
tors, there is no reason why, if we have to do it, we 
should not face such a condition with calm confi- 
dence in our country and in its future and I have 
complete confidence that you will. 

U.S. To Assist Victims 
of Viet MinFi Aggression 

Statement hy Secretary Dulles 

Press release 238 dated May 2 

Ever since the invasion of Laos began, we have 
been following developments there with the 
closest attention and grave concern. Here is an- 
other case of ruthless and unprovoked attack upon 
a country peacefully ruled by a duly constituted 
government recognized by 35 other nations. 
When the Communist talk of a Laotian "libera- 
tion army" and of "Vietnamese volunteers," they 
are using the classic Communist phrases which 
were invented to cloak aggression and which now 
identify aggression. 

We have encouraging reports that the people of 
Laos are rallying around their King and ai-e co- 

operating with the forces of the French Union in 
the defense of their capital. Their efforts are an 
integral jDart of the struggle of the entire free 
world against enslavement and are recognized as 
such here. 

We are maintaining close contact with the Gov- 
ernments of Laos and of France regarding the 
special requirements of the situation. We have 
already taken steps to expedite the delivery of 
critically needed military items to the forces de- 
fending Laos. 

We are especially concerned at the plight of the 
Laotian people who have been driven from their 
homes by the invaders. The Msa Mission in Laos 
is arranging to be of help to the Laotian Govern- 
ment in the furnishing of the funds and supplies 
needed to care for these victims of Viet Minh 

Soviet Reaction to 
President's Speech 

On April 25 Pravda devoted its front page to a 
reprint of the Presidenfs April 16 address on 
world peace (Bulletin of April 27, 1953, p. 599) 
and to an editorial stating that the Soviet Union 
was ready to enter into ^^iti^inesslilce'''' discussions 
tvith the West to end outstanding controversies. 
James Hagerty, the Presidents -press secretary, 
on April 25 made the following statement on the 
Soviet reaction to the Presidenfs speech: 

white House release dated April 25 

I have talked with the President about the 
Pravda editorial. Its milder tone is a welcome 
change from the usual vituperation against the 
United States and the free woi'ld. It is also sig- 
nificant that the worldwide interest in the Presi- 
dent's peace speech caused the Soviet leaders to 
reprint it in full for the Russian people. 

Of course, the Pravda editorial cannot be con- 
sidered a substitute for an official action by the 
Soviet leaders. 

Maybe this editorial is a first step toward some- 
thing concrete. If so, the free world will continue 
to wait for the definite steps that must be made if 
the Soviet leaders are sincerely interested in a co- 
ojDerative solution to world problems. 

If the Soviet leaders take such steps they will 
find tlie United States and the other free nations, 
as always, ready to work unceasingly for peace. 


Department of State Bulletin 

The Foreign Service as an Arm of U. S. Policy 

hy Clare Boothe Luce 
Ambassador to Italy ^ 

Tlie Foreign Service is the overseas arm of our 
President and Seci'etary of State. Our Govern- 
ment, in the carryina; out of its foreign policy, can 
be no stronjier tlian the strenjith of that arm. 

As you know, to do the tremendous job of keep- 
ing Amei'iciins and American interests safe at 
home and abroad, there are now about 10,000 
Americans in the Foreign Service — from ambassa- 
dors and ministers to clerks and stenoorraphers. 

At the present time there are slightly less than 
1,500 Foreign Service officers, all commissioned 
by the President, like Army, Navy, Air Force, and 
Marine Corps officers. Like their Service col- 
leagues, these Foreign Service officers look to a 
career dedicated in the same way to the service of 
their country. 

Too often, when people think of the work of the 
Amei'ican Foreign Service, they think of assign- 
ments to big, glamorous Embassies such as Paris, 
Rome, London, or Rio. They forget that our 
country has about 300 diplomatic and consular 
posts in 75 countries throughout the world. Most 
of these posts are small and many extremely un- 
pleasant. Tihwa, for example, which was closed 
when the Communists seized Northern China, was 
1.500 miles from the nearest contact with civiliza- 
tion. There was only one bathtub in the entire 

Or take Jidda, in Arabia, where the year-round 
temperature is as hot or hotter than our hottest 
day here in New York, where there are frequent 
sandstonns, where there are no organized public 
facilities for sports or other entertainment, where 
all drinking water must lie boiled, and where such 
things as telephone service and public transporta- 
tion services are virtually nonexistent. Or again, 
take Accra on the West Coast of Africa, where 
nearly all food must be imported, where sewage 
is carried beside the streets in open ditches, where 
the average humidity at davni is 93 percent, and 

' Excerpts from an address made before the America 
Italy Society at New York on Apr. 8. 

where it is often necessary to wear mosquito boots 
whenever one leavas the house for a visit to friends. 

Finally, let's look at one of our consulates at a 
remote outpost in South America. In this town 
the temperature is from 80 to 90 degrees all year 
round. No water, milk, or fresh vegetables may 
be consumed without boiling. There are no suit- 
able hospital or first aid facilities, and it is often 
impossible to find a doctor of any kind. Two- 
thirds of the population have no sewers or run- 
ning water, and nearly 90 j)ercent of the popula- 
tion are infected by some form of internal parasite. 
Malaria, syphilis, yaws, junta, and tetanus are 
prevalent. These are only a few examples of the 
many posts where thousands of men and women 
of the Foreign Service surrender the privileges 
and comforts of American life in order to help 
maintain that way of life for the rest of us. 

Not the least of the hardshij^s suffered by Amer- 
ican Foreign Service personnel is that of being 
compelled to become, to a great extent, strangers 
to their own country. It is not pleasant to serve 
one's country by accepting exile from it. But the 
love of America remains. It should be remem- 
bered that the song "Home, Sweet Home" was not 
written by a man sitting safely at his fireside, but 
by an American Foreign Service officer stationed 
in Tunis. 

Undercover Work in World War II 

There are many dramatic pages in the history of 
the Foreign Service. Consider the part played 
by about a dozen officers in helping to pave the 
way for the American landings in North Africa 
in 1942. These Foreign Service officers not only 
provided a vast amount of military information 
about fortifications and other defense ai'range- 
ments in North Africa but also worked quietly to 
organize anti-Nazi resistance groups among the 
French. Discovery of some of their activities 
would have meant imprisoiunent or death, and 
they were in peril day and night. However, their 
undercover operations were performed so effec- 
tively that German agents were almost completely 

May 71, 7953 


fooled. Captured Nazi files later revealed that 
some of the most effective American Foreign Serv- 
ice officers had been lifrhtly dismissed by the Nazis 
as "draftdodgcrs" and "playboys."' 

It would be impossible to review all the excitinjr 
and dangerous adventures which befell these For- 
eign Service officers, but a few may be illustrative. 
There was one night when one oflicer smuggled 
into a hotel, in full sight of Nazi officers, a radio 
beacon wrapped in a gunny sack for use in guid- 
ing American transports carrying parachutists. 
There was the evening, shortly before the North 
African landings, when two American Foreign 
Service officers pretended to conduct a drunken 
card game with a French friend while Gen. Mark 
Clark, who had landed secretly from an Allied 
submarine, hid in the cellar and while the house 
was being raided by Vichy French police. Then, 
there was the officer who was seized and held in- 
communicado for 5 days after the Allied landings 
but who escaped and made his way through Ger- 
man lines to Algiers, where he was able to furnish 
Allied Military Headquarters much valuable in- 

The Foreign Service officers in North Africa 
had advance information as to the time of the in- 
vasion but could not leave their offices and hotels 
without attracting attention. Therefore, they de- 
liberately exposed themselves to bombing, artillery 
fire, and machinegun fire in order to avoid any 
tipoff to the enemy. 

It is difficult to estimate the number of American 
lives saved by the work done by these Foreign 
Service officers in "softening" North Africa for 
the invasion. For example, resistance groups 
with whom thase officers worked virtually para- 
lyzed Algiei-s during the fii-st 6 hours of the Allied 
Jandings. Another prize example was the com- 
mander 'of a defending French regiment who 
issued only three rounds of ammunition to his men 
and ordered them to surrender when the anmiuni- 
tion was exhausted. All told, French resistance 
to the Allied invasion was greatly reduced by the 
courage and ingenuity shown by these Foreign 
Service officers during the long months of 

The skills and capabilities of American Foreign 
Service officers are nowhere more widely recog- 
nized than among our senior military commanders. 
Top commanders such as General Eisenhower, 
General Ridgway, General Clark, Admiral 
McCormick, Admiral Carney, etc., have repeatedly 
sought the services of experienced American diplo- 
mats for their personal staffs. Recognizing the 
need for such services, the Department of State 
has assigned some of its best Foreign Service offi- 
cers to these jobs. Their advice and assistance 
has proved itself of value on many occasions and 
has helped to assure the closest coordination of our 
diplomatic policy with our military strategy. 

During these last minutes in Washington I've 
had the very illuminating and thrilling experience 

of encountering, for the first time, a number of the 
members of this Foreign Service on duty in Wash- 
ington. ... I have been gi'eatly impressed by 
the experienced, intelligent, and dedicated civil 
servants with whom I have been brought into 
touch as a result of my new job. 

I am convinced that our Foreign Sei-vice should 
be staffed with Americans who, in terms of char- 
acter and intelligence, are typical of the best of 
the various sections of the United States and who 
are highly qualified specialists, professionallj' 
trained in all aspects of relations between nations. 
I am convinced that this is the kind of staff we 
have if the Foreign Service people I have met in 
the Department are typical examples of the 
Foreign Service. 

I think, my friends, it is high time the Ameri- 
can people began to realize that they have been, 
may I say frankly, very unappreciative, very 
grudging in their recognition and applause of this 
tremendous corps of loyal and dedicated men. 

Why? Well, somehow the false idea has got 
about that our Foreign Service men are political 
jobholders; that they, let me put it bluntly, ought 
to be ):ioliticians. and as politicos, they ought to be 
fired for following the orders and directives given 
to them by previous presidents and secretaries. 

Now it is true that when an administration's 
foreign and domestic policies no longer reflect the 
will of the people, the people change their ad- 
ministration in their national election. But let 
us also remember, by and large what we intend to 
change is the policy and the policymakers. The 
great body of our administration civil servants 
remain. If they did not government itself would 
collapse, because the new administration would 
not have the political troops with which to govern. 

Again, in the army, in war or in peace, when a 
general is replaced we do not demand the de- 
mobilization of his troops. Even in the event he 
were court-martialed for losing a battle, we cer- 
tainly would not expect the general who took his 
place to shoot all his junior officers. Nevertheless, 
many people talk today as though a change of the 
Secretary and Under Secretaries — and the policy- 
makers — should be followed by a wholesale change 
of our Foreign Service officers. 

Well, let us imagine that all our Foreign Service 
officers overseas were ordered to pack their bags 
and come home within a few weeks after the elec- 
tion of a new President, simply because they had 
done what their oath of office requires of them — 
obeyed the directives and orders of the previous 
Secretary and his President. Can you possibly 
imagine the effect such a procedure would have on 
America's interests abroad and on our diplomatic 
relations? It would be catastrophic. 

I hope I am not being too subtle, my friends. 
I am just trying to say that because there have 
been in the State Department and the Foreign 
Service a fraction of men who have been unworthy 
of our trust is no reason for us to withhold from 


Department of Slate Bulletin 

the loyal and dedicated many in onr Foreign Serv- 
ice the great confidence and the jDraise the vast 
majority of them so richly deserve. 

And now in closing, I address myself to the 
real ambassadors, who are you the people. Sound 
diplomacy, it has been said, is simply Christian 
charity and prudence operating in international 

But we live in a world — at least on our side of 
the Iron Curtain— where neither presidents, nor 
secretaries, nor cabinet members, nor generals, nor 
ambassadors can accomplish much without the 
vigorous support of the people and informed 
public opinion. . . . 

Role of Private Organizations 

in Technical Assistance Programs 

Press release 204 dated April 20 

Secretary Dulles, at his press conference on 
April 20, made the following reply to questions 
conceriiing whether his testimony lief ore the House 
Appropriations Suhcommittee on March 18^ in- 
dicated that private organizations would he ex- 
pected to conduct programs of assistance to under- 
developed countries shoidd the goal of Presiderit 
Eisenhower, to bring about a general reduction in 
armaments, he accom^plished? 

No, I would not think so. In the first place, 
there has grown up a slight misapprehension as to 
what I said about private organizations handling 
the Point Four Program. I did say that the type 
of activity which is represented by the Point Four 
Progi-am is one which has in the past been to a 
very considerable extent carried on by private 
corporations, foundations, and the like. I felt 
that it would be healthy if they felt a gi-eater re- 
sponsibility in those respects and did not feel that 
the U.S. Government was pre-empting the field 
and that, therefore, they did not need to exert 
themselves to carry on activities relating to the 
development abroad of greater technical 

I believe that in all of these matters it is health- 
ier that the activities, if feasible, should be con- 
ducted by private organizations rather than by 
government. Of course, under present condi- 
tions it cannot be totally conducted by private 
operations, and if there was an operation of the 
magnitude which is contemplated by the Presi- 
dent in his address, that would obviously go far 
beyond the capability of any private 

' "Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee 
on Appropriation.?, House of Representatives, 83d Cong., 
1st sess.. Department of State," p. .5. 

" President Eisenhower outlined his views on disarma- 
ment in his address before the American Society of News- 
paper Editors on Apr. 16. For test of the address, see 
Bulletin of Apr. 27, 195.3, p. 599. 

Export-Import Bank Credits 
to Spain, Japan 

The Export-Import Bank announced on April 
13 that it has authorized the establishment of 
a short-term credit of $12 million to assist in 
financing Spain's imports of U.S. raw cotton and 
spinnable waste. The credit is to be extended to 
the following Spanish commercial banks with the 
guarantee of the Bank of Spain : 

Banco Hispano Americano 
Banco Exterior de Espana 
Banco Espanol de Credito 
Banco de Vizcaya 
Banco Central 
Banco de Bilbao 

Cotton purchased under contracts entered into 
subsequent to April 9, 1953, and shipped subse- 
quent to the date of the contract will be eligible 
for financing under the line of credit. At cur- 
rent market prices approximately 55,000 bales of 
cotton can be financed by the credit. Financing 
will be done through letters of credit under which 
18-month drafts bearing an interest rate of 31/2 
percent per annum will be drawn on the Bank of 
Spain as agent for the Spanish commercial banks. 
The credit will be available through September 30, 

Final details with respect to the operation of the 
credit are yet to be negotiated and a further an- 
nouncement will be made when arrangements have 
been completed. 

The Export-Import Bank on April 14 an- 
nounced that it has authorized a short-term credit 
of $40 million to assist in financing Japan's im- 
ports of U.S. raw cotton from the 1952 crop. The 
credit will be in favor of the Bank of Japan and 
it will operate through U.S. and Japanese com- 
mercial banks and cotton marketing channels 
which customarily finance and handle cotton trade 
between the United States and Japan. At current 
market prices, approximately 200,000 bales of 
cotton can be financed by this credit. 

The credit will bear interest at 3i/^ percent per 
annum and will be repayable within 15 months. 

Final details with respect to the operation of 
the credit are yet to be negotiated and a further 
announcement will be made when arrangements 
have been completed. At that time, all inquiries 
relating to details of its operation should be ad- 
dressed by the American cotton shipper to his 
bank or banks in the United States, or to his 
agents or customers in Japan. 

The Bank pointed out that facilitation of the 
cotton trade, which is the purpose of the credit, 
is one of the most important factors in U.S.- 
Japanese economic relations. In recent years 
Japan has been the largest export market for 
U.S. cotton, and hence is of great significance 

May J J, J953 


to our cotton economy, the prosperity of wliich 
is highly dependent on exports. On the other 
hand, the Japanese cotton-textile industry is of 
central and basic importance to the economy of 
that country. Japan is dependent upon foreign 
trade for maintenance of its economy and living 
standards. The Japanese textile industry con- 
tributes about half the value of all Japanese ex- 
ports but it must import all its requirements of 
raw cotton. 

Guaranty Issued for Private 
Investment in Haiti 

Harold E. Stassen, Director for Mutual Secu- 
rity, on April 15 announced the signing of the 
first U.S. Government investment-guaranty agree- 
ment with an American Republic. 

The agreement witli the Kepublic of Haiti 
makes jiossible Mutual Security Agency (Msa) 
guaranties protecting new American investors in 
that country against currency inconvertibility and 
loss by expropriation. The agreement was con- 
cluded in an exchange of notes between John M. 
Cabot, Assistant Secretary of State for Inter- 
American Affairs, and Jacques Leger, Haitian 
Ambassador to the United States. 

"Private investment in a friendly country can 
be a major economic benefit to that country and 
an important step in President Eisenhower's pro- 
gram of gaining peace and progress with pros- 
perity for tlie free world," Mr. Stassen said. "I 
am delighted that the Msa investment-guaranty 
program can now encourage United States firms 
and individuals to invest capital in another coun- 
try of tlie Western Hemisphere." * 

MsA has authority to extend guaranties to U.S. 
investors in any of the 57 mutual-security-pro- 
gram countries after the conclusion of guaranty 
agreements between tlie U.S. Government and the 
country involved. The jjrogram originally was 
limited to AVestern European countries participat- 
ing in the Marshall plan and their dependent 

Pointing out that Haiti is the 16th nation to 
enter into such an agreement, Stassen said that he 
hoped the other American Republics would follow 
the lead of the Caribbean country. Invitations to 
discuss the program have been extended to other 
countries in the Western Hemisphere, Mr. Stassen 

"The investment of United States capital can 
help to promote industrial diversification, provide 
new employment, and stimulate other industries 
which may produce raw materials or other prod- 
ucts used by the newly created enterprise," Mr. 

Stassen said. "These investments often provide 
more consumer goods at lower cost, effect a saving 
in foreign exchange and make possible new earn- 
ings for the country through increasing its export 
potential," he added. 

A currency convertibility guaranty would pro- 
vide that, if the investor should be unable to con- 
vert local currency receipts from the investment 
into dollars through regular banking channels, 
the U. S. Government would provide the dollar 

A guaranty against loss by expropriation would 
provide for reimbursement of the investor b.v the 
U.S. Government for loss of investment property 
due to expropriatory action. n 

Haiti has taken other steps during the past few n 
years to encourage new industries. For instance, 
legislation has been passed exempting from import 
duties machinery, equipment, and raw materials 
necessary for new industries. A similar exemp- 
tion has been extended recently to raw materials 
necessary for the production of handicrafts to be 

Another imjiortant step encouraging new in- 
vestment in Haiti was a reduction of the national 
income tax by 50 percent during the first year of 
an enterprise and 20 percent during the next four. 

A recent partial listing by the Government of 
Haiti showed 2o industries for which raw ma- 
terials are available in Haiti, including leather 
and shoes, glass, salt, tropical-fruit ])rocessing, 
dairy products, paper, fish, cotton textiles, rubber 
products, metals, transport, soap, chemicals, lime- 
stone, grain, cliocolate, fiber products, vegetable 
oils, talc, lumber, and beverages. 

The agreement between the United States and 
Haiti defines the treatment to be accorded by the 
Government of Haiti to currency or claims which 
the U.S. Government might acquire if any Msa 
guaranties should be invoked by an investor in 

If a convertibility guaranty should be invoked 
and the U.S. Government thus acquired local cur- 
rency, Haiti would recognize the transfer of own- 
ership of the currency, under the intergovernment 
agreement. Such currency would then be avail- 
able for administrative expenses of U.S. Govei'n- 
ment representatives in Haiti. 

Under other terms of the agreement, any claims 
to ownershi]) of property acquired by the U.S. 
Government by paying off an investor's expropri- 
ation loss would also be recognized. Such claims 
would be negotiated on the diplomatic level rather 
than through the local courts. If no settlement 
were reached through diplomatic channels, the 
next stej) under the agreement would be arbitra- 
tion of the claims by a person selected by mutual 
agreement, or by an arbitrator selected by the 
president of the International Court of Justice. 


Departmenf of Sfafe Bulletin 

The World Economic Situation 

Statement hy James J. Wadsworth 

U.S. Representative in the V.N. Economic and Social Council ^ 

0.S./D.N. press release dated April 16 

To begin with I want to express my pleasure 
at being able to Join in this discussion of the world 
econoinic situation. Many of you have partici- 
pated before. For me, this is the first time. 

I need not emphasize the importance of this 
annual debate. This Council is the only world- 
wide forum on economic matters where the views 
of the world, on the problems of the world, can 
be thoroughly aii'ed. 

The studies of world economic conditions sub- 
mitted to us each year in connection with this de- 
bate are among the less spectacular but most con- 
structive achievements of the United Nations. 
The three regional reports of the Economic Com- 
mission for Latin America, the Economic Commis- 
sion for Asia and the Far East, and the Economic 
Commission for Europe,- combined with the an- 
nual World Econoinic Report and its supplements 
on Africa and the Middle East, provide unique 
sources of information on economic developments 
in various parts of the world. 

The most comprehensive of these studies is, of, the World Econoinic Report.^ It is also 
the most difficult to prepare. The more it aims 
at universality of coverage, the more it runs into 
the great differences in the availability of data 
from country to country. In the absence of ade- 
quate officialdata for such countries as Communist 
China, there is great temptation to use unverified 
data obtained from questionable sources. 

I am not suggesting that the authors of the 
World Econoinic Report should simply omit any 
reference to countries whose governments consist- 
ently refuse to let their own people, or the, world, 
know about the true economic conditions in their 
territories. I do suggest, however, that the report 

' Made in the Eeonomi<? and Social Council on Apr. 16. 

' For a review of the Ece report, see Bttlletin of Apr. 
13, 195.3, p. 534. ^ ^^ ^^ ^^ 

'Preliminary World Economic Report for 1951-54, U.N. 
doc. E/2353. 

May n, 7953 

should make it clear, much clearer than is the case 
at present, that they are obliged to operate with 
altogether inadequate data and that any con- 
clusions drawn from them can at, best be only 

Notwithstanding these shortcomings, I consider 
the report, taken as a whole, a well-written, illumi- 
nating survey. It offers an excellent basis for a 
discussion of world econoinic conditions. 

Economic Effects of Armament Programs 

It is now nearly 3 years since the outbreak of 
hostilities in Korea imposed upon us the cruel 
necessity of a sharp acceleration of our defense 
efforts. During that period defense programs 
have been a major force in shaping trends in the 
free world's economies. I propose later to con- 
sider these trends in relation to my own country. 
For the moment, however, I should like to confine 
myself, drawing largely on the World Econoinic 
Report, to a brief review of the main course of the 
economy of the free world under the impact of 
rearmament needs. The report gives virtually no 
consideration to tlie impact of armament produc- 
tion in the Soviet Union and the so-called people's 
democracies. Accordingly, it does not permit of 
a similar review of the effect of their armament 
programs on their economies. It is a well known 
fact, however, that the levels of production cited 
in the report for these countries include continu- 
ous and heavy armament expenditures maintained 
at the expense of the standards of living of their 

For nearly a year and a half the armament ef- 
fort which came with the Korean war engendered 
an econoinic upswing. The demand for many 
basic materials soarecL Fears of impending short- 
ages in consumer goods led to scare-buying. 
Pi-ices, particularly of primary products, rose 
sharply. Inflationary pressures were intensified. 
Governments endeavored, with varying degrees of 
success, to restrain these pressures. Taxes were 


increased and credit ti<rlitened. In some instances 
more direct measures were taken, such as i)rice 
controls, allocations, and limitations upon raw 
material end uses. Meanwhile, there was a sh