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Professuk of History in Columbia University 


Adjunct Professor of Politics in Columbia Universit'/ 

Volume II 



Entered at Stationers' Hall 

Copyright, 1908, by 

Jambs Harvey Robinson and Charles 

A. Beard 

ALL rights reserved 



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C6e fltftenggm 3grc« 



Chapter Pagb 

XVII. Europe after the Congress of Vienna 

49. The Restoration in France and tiie Revolution of 


50. Establishment of the Kingdom of Belgium 

51. Formation of the German Confederation 

52. Restoration in Spain and Italy 

53. The Spanish-American Colonies and the Revolu 

tion of 1820 

XVIII. The Industrial Revolution 

54. Invention of Machinery for Spinning and Weaving 30 

55. The Steam Engine ....... 39 

56. The Factory System 44 

XIX. Revolution of 1848 in France 

57. Unpopularity of Louis Philippe's Government 53 

58. The Second French Republic 57 

59. Louis Napoleon and the Second French Empire . 66 

XX. Revolution of 1848, — Austria, Germany, Italy 

60. The Fall of Metternich 72 

61. Failure of the Revolution in Bohemia and Hungary 80 

62. Austria regains her Power in Italy .... 84 

63. Outcome of the Revolution of 1848 in Germany . 86 

XXI. The Unification of Italy 

64. Cavour and Italian Unity ..... 90 

65. The Kingdom of Italy since 1861 .... 99 

XXII. Formation of the German Empire and the 


66. Prussia assumes the Leadership in Germany . . 109 

67. War of 1866 and the Formation of the North Ger- 

man Federation 115 

68. The Franco-Prussian War and the Foundation of 

the German Empire 118 

69. Austria- Hungary since 1866 . . . . .123 


iv The Development of Modern Europe 

Chapter Page 

XXIII. The German Empire 

70. The German Constitution 130 

71. The Kulturkampf 134 

72. Bismarck and State Socialism 137 

73. Germany's Policy of Protection and Colonization . 142 

74. Reign of William II 145 

XXIV. France under the Third Republic 

75. Establishment of the Third French Republic . .151 

76. The Third French Republic since 1875 : The Drey- 

fus affair 161 

77. The Separation of Church and State . . . 166 

78. Political Parties in France 172 

79. Expansion of France 175 

XXV. Political Reforms in England 

80. Parliamentary Reform . . . ... . 181 

81. The English Cabinet 193 

82. Reform of Local Government in England . . 198 

XXVI. Social Reforms in England 

83. Freedom of Discussion and Religious Toleration . 201 

84. Humanitarian Legislation 206 

85. Free Trade . .213 

86. Educational Reform 218 

87. The Irish Question 220 

XXVII. The British Empire in the Nineteenth Cen- 

88. The Extension of British Dominion in India 

89. The Dominion of Canada 

90. The Australasian Colonies 

91. Growth of the British Empire in Africa . 

92. Imperial Federation .... 


XXVIII. The Russian Empire in the Nineteenth Cen- 

93. The Reigns of Alexander I and Nicholas I . . 261 

94. The Freeing of the Serfs and the Growth of the 

Spirit of Revolution 270 

95. The Industrial Revolution in Russia . . . 280 

96. The Struggle for Liberty under Nicholas II . . 283 

Contents v 

Chapter Page 

XXIX. Turkey and the Eastern Question 

97. The Greek War of Independence .... 303 

98. The Crimean War 307 

99. Revolts in the Balkan Peninsula .... 309 
100. The Independent Balkan States .... 315 

XXX. The Expansion of Europe in the Nineteenth 

loi. The Growth of International Trade and Competi 

tion : Imperialism 

102. Relations of Europe with China 

103. How Japan became a World Power 

104. War between Japan and China and its Results 

105. The Boxer Rising. The Russo-Japanese War 

106. Occupation of Africa by the European Powers 

107. Influences favoring Universal Peace 


XXXI. Some of the Great Problems of To-day 

108. The Responsibilities of Modern Government . ^ilTi 

109. The War on Poverty 386 

no. Progress and Effects of Natural Science . . 405 

APPENDIX I, List of Rulers 423 

APPENDIX II, List of Books 429 

INDEX 435 



23 Distribution of the Races in Austria-Hungary . . . 74-75 

24 Italy in 1859 90-91 

25 The Unification of Italy 98-99 

26 Sketch Map of the Zollverein m 

27 Sketch Map of Prussia's Annexations in 1866 . . . 117 

28 Austria-Hungary. . 124-125 

29 The German Empire since 1871 ...... 130-131 

30 The British Empire 234-235 

31 Australia .......... 246-247 

32 The Western Portion of the Russian Empire . . . 262-263 
2^ Southeastern Europe 306-307 

34 European Advance in Asia ...... 332-333 

35 The Far East To-day 33^-339 

36 Africa 356-357 

37 Europe To-day . 376-377 


VII Distaff and Spindle 32 

VIII Warp and Weft ^^ 

IX Spinning Jenny 35 

X Sir Richard Arkwright (full page) ..... 36 

XI Newcomen's Steam Engine, 1704 41 

XII James Watt (full page) ....... 42 

XIII Form of Watt's Engine in 1784 ..... 42 

XIV English Caricature of Louis Napoleon (1848) ... 65 
XV Count Cavour (full page) 92 

XVI Pope P,ius IX (full page) 100 

XVII Bismarck (full page) 136 

XVIII Caricature, Dismissing the Pilot 146 

XIX Li Hung Chang (full page) 346 

XX Karl Marx (full page) . 396 

XXI Charles Darwin (full page) 410 









The Restoration in France and the Revolution 
OF 1830 

49. When, in 1792, the Austrian and Prussian armies had 
advanced toward Paris with the object of freeing Louis XVI 
from the restrictions placed upon him by the National Assem- 
bly, the French, roused to fury, had deposed and executed a 
ruler who was convicted of plotting with foreign powers to 
maintain his authority. In 181 4 the allies placed on the 
throne the brother of Louis XVI, a veteran emigre, who had 
openly derided the Revolution and had been intriguing with 
other European powers for nearly twenty years to gain the 
French crown. Yet there was no demonstration of anger on 
the part of the nation, no organized opposition to the new 
king. The French were still monarchical at heart and had 
quietly submitted to the rule of Napoleon, which was no less 
despotic than that of Louis XIV. 

There was, however, no danger that Louis XVIII would undo 
the great work of the Revolution and of Napoleon. He was 
no fanatic like his younger brother, the count of Artois. In 
his youth he had delighted in Voltaire and the writings of the 
philosophers ; he had little sympathy for the Church party, and 
six years' residence in England had given him some notion of 
liberal institutions. His sixty years, his corpulence, his gout, 

The French 
do not 
oppose the 
restoration of 
the Bourbons 
in 1814 

Louis XVIII 
is not 
tempted to 
undo the 
work of 
and the 

The Development of Modern Europe 

The Consti- 
granted to 
France by 
Louis XVIII, 
June, 1814 

of the 
Charter to 
the English 

and a saving sense of humor prevented him from undertaking 
any wild schemes of reaction which might be suggested to him 
by the emigrant nobles, who now returned to France in great 
numbers. Even if he had been far more inclined to absolutism 
than he was, he could hardly have been tempted to alter the 
administration which Napoleon had devised with a view of 
securing control of everything and everybody. The prefects 
and subprefects, the codes, the Church as organized under 
the Concordat of 1801, the Legion of Honor, the highly cen- 
tralized University, even the new nobility which Napoleon had 
created, were all retained with little or no change. 

The Constitutional C/iarter which he issued in June, 18 14, 
was indeed a much more liberal form of government than that 
which Napoleon had permitted the French to enjoy. It is true 
that it shocked the sensibilities of the liberals by declaring 
that the whole authority in France resided not in the people, 
but in the person of the king. The constitution was therefore 
not an expression of the wishes of the nation, but was granted 
to his subjects by the king of his own free will " in view of the 
expectations of enlightened Europe." Nevertheless the king 
bound himself by a solemn oath to observe the limitations on 
his power which it prescribed. 

In the organization of the government the Charter suggests 
in some ways the English constitution. The power of making 
laws was vested in the king and a parliament consisting of two 
chambers, a house of peers chosen by the king, and a cham- 
ber of deputies elected by the wealthier citizens. The king 
alone could propose laws, but the chambers were empowered 
to petition the sovereign to lay before them any specific meas- 
ure which they thought desirable. Provision was made for the 
annual assembling of the chambers, and they were given the 
right to impeach the royal ministers. Limited as this legis- 
lature was, it nevertheless possessed a greater control over 
taxation and lawmaking than any which had existed under 
Napoleon's rule. 

Europe after the Congress of Vienna 3 

In addition to establishing representative government, the Some of the 
Charter guaranteed almost all the great principles of reform MaiT" guar- 
laid down in the first Declaration of the Rights of Man. It the^d?arter 
proclaimed that all men were equal before the law and equally 
eligible to offices in the government and the army ; taxation 
was to be apportioned according to the wealth of each citizen ; 
personal and religious liberty w^as assured, although the Roman 
Catholic faith was to be the religion of the State ; freedom of 
the press was guaranteed, but subject to such laws as might be 
passed for the purpose of checking the abuses of that freedom. 

In view of what France had suffered it might have been The origin 
supposed that the moderation of the restored monarch and his ° ^^"^ ^^^ 
enlightened measures would have pacified the distracted king- 
dom; but the granting of a constitution could not bring back 
that quiet submission to the royal will that had existed in the 
days of Louis XV. The interest of the people in public ques- 
tions had been aroused by the Revolution, and quite naturally 
they differed among themselves on current issues, such as the 
amount of power the king should really be permitted to exer- 
cise, the extension of the right to vote to the poorer classes, 
the authority of the clergy, the position of the ancient nobility, 
and the like. In this way political parties developed. 

The reactionary group, known as the ultra-royalists, was The ultra- 
composed largely of emigrant nobles and clergy, who believed b°/the^ count 
that their personal and sacred rights had been outraged by of Artois 
the revolutionists. They therefore wished to undo the work of 
the past twenty-five years and to restore the old regime in its 
entirety. They clamored for greater power for the clergy, for 
the restriction of the liberal press, for the king's absolute con- 
trol over his ministers, and for the restoration of the property 
that they had lost during the Revolution. This party, though 
small in numbers, was composed of zealots whose bitterness 
had waxed strong through long nursing abroad and, with the 
king's brother, the count of Artois, at their head, they consti- 
tuted an active and influential minority. 


The Development of Modem Europe 

The moder- 
ate royalists 

The liberals 

The irrecon- 

The Bona- 


The most valuable and effective support for the king, how- 
ever, came from a more moderate group of royalists who had 
learned something during the last quarter of a century. They 
knew that the age of Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette could 
not return, and consequently they urged the faithful observance 
of the Charter and sought, on the one hand, to induce the 
reactionary nobility and clergy to accept the results of the 
Revolution and, on the other hand, to reconcile the people to 
the restored monarchy. These moderates did not propose, 
however, to weaken the power of the king in any way by 
allowing the chamber of deputies to control the ministers, as 
the House of Commons did in England, or by extending the 
franchise. The two royalist parties — extreme and moderate 
— doubtless made up the greater portion of the nation ; at all 
events, they carried the election of 1815 by a large majority. 

A third party was composed of liberals who, though loyal to 
the king, did not regard the Charter as containing the last 
word on French liberties. They favored a reduction of the 
amount of property which a man was required to own in order 
to vote, and they maintained that the king should be guided 
by ministers responsible to the chambers. 

Finally there was a large group of persons who were irrecon- 
cilable enemies of the Bourbons and everything savoring of 
Bourbonism. Among them were the Bonapartists, soldiers of 
Napoleon, who remembered the glories of Austerlitz and Wag- 
ram and were angered by the prestige suddenly given to hun- 
dreds of Frenchmen who had borne arms against their country, 
but who now crowded around the king to receive offices, 
rewards, and honors.^ While Napoleon lived they longed for 
his return, and after his death in 182 1, they placed their hopes 
upon his youthful son,^ " Napoleon II," as they called him. 

1 See Readings^ sect. 49. 

2 The son of Napoleon and Maria Louisa, bom in 181 1, to whom his father gave 
the title King of Rome, was taken to Vienna after Napoleon's overthrow, and 
given the title of Duke of Reichstadt. He Hved at his grandfather's court until his 
death in 1832, and is the hero of Rostand's popular drama, Z,'^jf^/o« (The Eaglet) 

Europe after the Congress of Vienna 5 

On the other hand, there were the repubHcans, who de- The repub- 
tested Bonapartism no less than Bourbon ism and longed to see 
a restoration of the republic of 1792. In 1824 they formed a 
secret society for the purpose of overthrowing the monarchy, 
declaring that might was not right, and that the nation was 
entitled to choose its own ruler, whereas I.ouis XVIII had 
been foisted on the French people by the armed powers of 

As long as Louis XVIII lived, the party loyal to him grew views of 
stronger. Though a thorough believer in divine right, he was (1824-1830) 
determined not to endanger his crown by arbitrary measures 
which would increase the numbers in the opposing parties, 
and at the time of his death in 1824 the restored Bourbon line 
seemed to have triumphed completely over its enemies. Had 
his brother, who succeeded him as Charles X, been equally 
wise he, too, might have retained the throne until his death. 
But he frankly declared that he would rather chop wood than 
be king on the same terms as the king of England. He had 
already shown his real character by the zeal with which he 
labored for the ultra-royalist cause during his brother's reign, 
and had received the name of " King of the Emigres." The 
high office to which he was called meant to him merely an 
opportunity to restore the crown, the nobles, and the clergy 
to the rights and powers which they had enjoyed before the 

An old-fashioned law was passed in 1826, providing a pen- Charles X's 
alty of death for offenders guilty of profaning the sacred ves- Svor"orthe 
sels in a church or of insulting the Host. Though this law was ^^^""gy 
not enforced and was principally designed to show that the 
State was a defender of the Church, it aroused great bitter- 
ness. A bishop was made Grand Master of the University and 
teachers were subjected to the oversight of the clergy. Monas- 
tic corporations were still prohibited by law,^ but thousands 
of monks had flocked back to France and the Jesuits were 
1 See above, Vol. I, pp. 243-244 and note. 

The Development of Modern Europe 

The nobles 
partially in- 
demnified for 
the loss of 
their lands 
during the 

show dissat- 
isfaction with 
Charles X's 

The July 
July 25, 1830 

especially active under the favor and encouragement of the 
king. A royal edict restoring rigid supervision of the press was 
designed to stifle opposition to the new measures. The duke 
of Wellington declared that " Charles X is setting up a gov- 
ernment by priests, through priests, and for priests." 

Seeing the clergy rapidly regaining their former prestige, the 
nobles who had suffered losses during the Revolution set about 
recovering their estates. But these had long been broken up 
and sold, often in very small parcels, so that a restoration 
of the ancient family domains would have displaced enough 
peasants and landlords to constitute a formidable political 
party. Under these circumstances they had to content them- 
selves with forcing through a measure appropriating a thou- 
sand million francs as indemnity for their losses. 

As might have been anticipated, these measures aroused 
violent antagonism. At the elections of 1827 the opposition 
party, composed of the various discontented elements, was 
victorious ; but this ominous warning was not heeded by the 
king. Charles X confided the direction of the government to 
ultra-royalist ministers and prorogued the chambers for remon- 
strating. This only served to strengthen popular resistance, 
and the elections of 1830 resulted in a decided addition to the 
number of deputies opposed to the king's policy. 

Before this newly elected parliament met, Charles deter- 
mined upon a bold stroke. Acting under a provision of the 
Charter which empowered him to make regulations for the 
security of the realm, he and his ministers issued a series of 
ordinances infringing the freedom of the press and the political 
rights of the chambers and of the voters. The first ordinance 
suspended the liberty of the press and provided that no news- 
paper or journal should be published without the govern- 
ment's authorization. Other ordinances reduced the number 
of voters by making the payment of a land tax a qualification, 
thus excluding merchants and manufacturers; revived the 
clause of the Charter confining the initiation of laws to the 

Euivpe after the Congress of Vienna / 

king, — a provision which had been neglected in practice ; and 
dissolved the newly elected chamber before a single session 
had been held. These ordinances practically destroyed the 
last vestiges of constitutional government and left the French 
people without any guarantee against absolutism. 

The day following the promulgation of these ordinances,- The protests 
July 26, 1830, the Paris journalists published the following journalists 
protest, which became the signal for open resistance to the 
king : '' Since the government has violated the law, we are under 
no obligation to obey it ; we shall endeavor to publish our 
papers without asking permission of the censors. The govern- 
ment has this day lost the character of legality which gave it 
the right to demand obedience. For our part we shall resist 
it; it is for France to judge how far her resistance shall 
extend." The Paris deputies in the parliament also declared 
that the king's ordinances were illegal and calculated to throw 
the whole state into confusion. 

Protests, however, do not make a revolution. The journal- The RepubU- 
ists could print resolutions easier than carry them out, and the hisurrection" 
ensuing revolt which brought about the overthrow of Charles X V^^j^^"^' 
was not their work but that of the fearless though small repub- 
lican party which faithfully cherished the traditions of 1792, 
but had been regarded as insignificant by the government. On 
July 2 7 they began tearing up the paving stones for barricades, 
behind which they could defend themselves in the narrow 
streets against the police and soldiers. The king, who was at 
his country residence at St. Cloud, regarded the insurrection 
as a mere street fight which the troops could easily put down, 
and played whist in the evening according to his custom. 

But on July 29 the entire city of Paris was in the hands of A new candi- 
the insurgents. The king, now realizing the seriousness of the throne ^ 
situation, opened negotiations with the deputies and promised to appears 
repeal the obnoxious ordinances. It was, however, too late for 
concessions ; a faction of wealthy bankers and business men 
was busily engaged in an intrigue to place upon the throne 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Career of 



Charles X 

abdicates ; 






Louis Philippe, a prince of the royal house, who had long been 
known as a believer in the more moderate principles of the 

Louis Philippe was the son of that duke of Orleans who had 
supported the popular cause in the early days of the first revo- 
lution and had finally been executed as a " suspect " during 
the Reign of Terror. The son had been identified with the 
Jacobins and had fought in the army of the republic at Valmy 
and Jemappes. He was later exiled, but did not join the ranks 
of the allies against France because he could not get the officer's 
commission which he desired. He then visited America and on 
his return to England became reconciled with Louis XVIH. 
When he returned to France after the restoration he did not, 
however, join the reactionary party, but sought popular favor 
by professing democratic opinions, affecting the airs of a plain 
citizen, entertaining bankers and financiers at his home in Paris, 
and sending his children to ordinary schools instead of employ- 
ing private tutors. He was therefore the logical candidate of 
those who wished to preserve the monarchy and yet establish 
the middle class in power in place of the nobles and clergy. 

As the first step toward making Louis Philippe king, the 
deputies in Paris appointed him lieutenant general of the 
realm. Charles X, despairing of his ability to retain the crown 
for himself, abdicated in favor of his grandson, the duke of 
Bordeaux. He then charged Louis Philippe with the task of 
proclaiming the young duke as King Henry V, and fled with 
his family to England. Though this arrangement might very 
well have met the approval of the nation at large, Louis Philippe 
was not inclined to execute the order of Charles X. On the 
contrary, he began to seek the favor of the republicans who 
had done the actual fighting and had already formed a pro- 
visional government with the aged Lafayette at its head. 

This committee occupied the City Hall and was surrounded 
by the insurgents who supported it. Louis Philippe forced his 
way through the throng and, in a conference with Lafayette, 

Europe after the Congress of Vie7ina 


won him over to his cause by fair promises. The two men 
then went out on a balcony and Lafayette embraced his com- 
panion before the crowd as a sign of their good understanding, 
while the duke on his part showed his sympathy for liberal 
doctrines by waving the tricolored flag, — the banner of the 
Revolution, which had not been unfurled in Paris since the 
last days of Napoleon. The hopes of the republicans who had 
borne the brunt of the Revolution were now at an end, for they 
realized that they formed too small a party to prevent Louis 
Philippe's accession to the throne. 

The Bourbon Kings 

Henry //' (the first of the Bourbon line, died 1610) 

Louis XIII (d. 1643) 

Louis XIV (d. 1 715) 

Philip, duke of Orleans (d. 1701) 

Louis XV (d. 1774) 


the Regent (d. 1722) 

great-grandson of Louis XIV 

Louis (d. 1752) 

Louis the Dauphin (d. 1765) 



.ouis Philippe (d. 1785) 

Louis XVI Louis XVIII 




(d. 1793) (d- 1824) 

(deposed 1830) 


count of Provence 

count of Artois 


Louis XVII (d. 1795) 

Philippe I 






duke of 

duke of 




Duke of 

(d. 1844) 

(d. 1820^ 
(Duke of 


(d. 1842) 




later count 

of Paris 

of Chambord) 

(d. 1894) 

" Henry V " 



Louis Philippe, as lieutenant general, convoked the Chamber The Chamber 

of Deputies on August 3 and announced the abdication of callsTouS^ 

Charles X, carefully omitting any allusion to the fact that the SJ^' l^f P® *^ 
dethroned king had indicated his grandson as his successor. 

10 TJie Development of Modern Europe 

Four days later the Chamber of Deputies passed a resolution 
— which was ratified by the Chamber of Peers — calling Louis 
Philippe to the throne as King of the French; he accepted 
their invitation, declaring that "he could not resist the call 
of his country." 
The Charter The deposition of Charles X and the accession of Louis 
IS revise Philippe did not seem to require the convocation of a consti- 

tutional convention to draft a new constitution. So the parlia- 
ment undertook to make the necessary changes in the existing 
Charter which Louis XVIII had granted, and required the new 
king to accept it before his coronation. The preamble of the 
Charter was suppressed because it wounded " national dignity 
in appearing to grant to Frenchmen the rights which essen- 
tially belonged to them." The clause under which the July 
ordinances were issued was altered so that the king had no 
power to suspend the laws. Freedom of the press and the 
responsibility of the ministers to the Legislative Assembly 
were expressly proclaimed. Lastly, the provision establishing 
the Roman Catholic religion as the religion of the state was 
stricken out. 
The slight In reality, however, the revolution of 1830 made few inno- 

letolutioV^^ vations. One king had been exchanged for another who pro- 
fessed more liberal views, but the government was no more 
democratic than before. The right to vote was still limited to 
the few wealthy taxpayers, and government by clergy and 
nobility had given place to government by bankers, specu- 
lators, manufacturers, and merchants. The bishops were ex- 
cluded from the Chamber of Peers, as were also many nobles, 
because they would not take the oath of allegiance to the 
new sovereign. While no change was made in the Church as 
settled under the Concordat of 1801, the influence of the 
clergy in politics was greatly reduced. The tricolored flag of 
the Revolution was adopted as the national flag, instead of the 
white banner of the Bourbons, but France was still a monarchy, 
and the labors of the republicans in organizing the insurrection 
had gone for naught. 


Europe after the Congress of Vienna 1 1 

Establishment of the Kingdom of Belgium 

50. The revolution of 1830 in France was the signal for an Grievance of 
outbreak in the former Austrian Netherlands, where many against the 
grievances had developed since the Congress of Vienna united i^o"*Jr'j,n-,e,^t 
the region with the Dutch Netherlands under the rule of 
William of Orange. In the first place, the inhabitants of his 
southern provinces were dissatisfied with William's govern- 
ment. He had granted a constitution to his entire kingdom 
on the model of the French Charter, but many people objected 
to his making the ministers responsible to himself instead of 
to the parliament, and also to the restricted suffrage which ex- 
cluded all but the richest men from the right to vote. Although 
the southern provinces had over a million more inhabitants 
than the Dutch portion of the kingdom, they had only an 
equal number of representatives. Moreover the Dutch monop- 
olized most of the offices and conducted the government in 
their own interests. 

There were religious difficulties, too. The southern prov- Religious 

^ , ,. , , • 1 -r. <-T^i 1 • dissensions 

nices were Catholic, the northern, mainly Protestant. 1 he kmg ^rise between 
was a Protestant, and took advantage of his position to convert ^iJ2 caUiolks 
Catholics to his own faith ; he instituted Protestant inspectors 
for Catholic schools and founded a college of philosophy at 
Louvain, where all candidates for the priesthood were com- 
pelled to study. 

Louis Philippe had been seated on his throne only a few The inde- 
days when the agitation over these grievances broke out into dom of Bel- 
open revolt at Brussels. The revolution spread ; a provisional f^^ "^lished 
government was set up ; and on October 4, 1 830, it declared : 
" The province of Belgium, detached from Holland by force, 
shall constitute an independent state." The declaration was 
soon followed by the meeting of a congress to establish a per- 
manent form of government. This assembly drew up a consti- 
tution based on the idea of the sovereignty of the people, and 
decided that the head of the new government should be a 


The Development of Modern Europe 

king constrained by oath to observe the laws adopted by the 
people. The Belgians were therefore very much in the same 
position as the English in 1688 when they made William of 
Orange their king on their own terms. They finally chose as 
their sovereign Leopold of Coburg, and in July, 1831, he was 
crowned king of the new state.^ 

Formation of the German Confederation 

Three chief 
results of 
influence in 

I. Disap- 
pearance of 
most of the 
little states 

2. Advanta- 
geous posi- 
tion of 

51. The chief effects of the Napoleonic occupation of Ger- 
many were three in number. First, the consolidation of terri- 
tory that followed the cession of the left bank of the Rhine to 
France had, as has been explained, done away with the eccle- 
siastical states, the territories of the knights, and most of the free 
towns. Only thirty-eight German states, including four free 
towns, were left when the Congress of Vienna took up the 
question of forming a confederation to replace the defunct 
Holy Roman Empire. 

Secondly, the external and internal conditions of Prussia 
had been so changed as to open the way for it to replace 
Austria as the controlling power in Germany. A great pa-.t 
of the Slavic possessions gained in the last two partitions of 
Poland had been lost, but as an indemnity Prussia had received 
half of the kingdom of Saxony, in the very center of Germany, 

1 Inasmuch as the Belgian revolution undid a part of the Vienna settlement, 
it formed the subject of long negotiations among the powers, which did not come 
to an end until 1837. The constitution which the Belgians drew up for themselves 
in 1831, with some modifications, is the basis of their government to-day, and 
Leopold II, the son of their first king, Leopold I, is now their sovereign. The 
principal problems of the little realm have been the contest for nonsectarian 
education, the extension of the suffrage, and the growth of socialism. The loss 
of Belgium made no important change in the government of the Netherlands. 
In 1848 King William II was forced to grant his subjects a new and enlightened 
constitution in place of the charter which he had issued some thirty years before. 
On the death of William HI in 1890 his daughter, Wilhelmina, came to the throne, 
and as the grand duchy of Luxemburg was hereditary only in the male line it 
passed to a relative of the deceased king, the duke of Nassau. See Seignobos, 
Political History of Europe since 1814, pp. 238-255, and the Statesman'' s Year- 
book (1907), pp. 752-773> 1227-1264. 

Europe after the Congress of Vienna 1 3 

and also the Rhine provinces, where the people were thor- 
oughly imbued with the revolutionary doctrines that had pre- 
vailed in France. Prussia now embraced all the various types 
of people included in the German nation and was comparatively 
free from the presence of non-German races. In this respect 
it offered a marked contrast to the heterogeneous and mongrel 
population of its great rival, Austria. 

The internal changes in Prussia were no less remarkable. 
The reforms carried out after Jena by the distinguished minister 
Stein and his successor, Hardenberg, had done for Prussia 
somewhat the same service that the first National Assembly 
had done for France. The abolition of the feudal social castes 
and the liberation of the serfs made the economic development 
of the country possible. The reorganization of the whole mili- 
tary system prepared the way for Prussia's great victories in 
1866 and 1870, which led to the formation of a new German 
Empire under her headship. 

Thirdly, the agitations of the Napoleonic period had aroused 3. Demand 
the national spirit.^ The appeal to the people to aid in the free- uonaTgoV"' 
ing of their country from foreign oppression, and the idea of ^rnment 
their participation in a government based upon a written con- 
stitution, had produced widespread discontent with the old 
absolute monarchy. 

When the form of union for the German states came up The German 
for discussion at the Congress of Vienna, two different plans fion^ofYsis 
were advocated. Prussia's representatives submitted a scheme 
for a firm union like that of the United States, in which the 
central government should control the individual states in all 
matters of general interest. This idea was successfully opposed 
by Metternich, supported by the other German rulers. Austria 
realized that her possessions, as a whole, could never be in- 
cluded in any real German union, for even in the western 
portion of her territory there were many Slavs, while in Hun- 
gary and the southern provinces there were practically no 
1 See above, Vol. I, pp. 355-357. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

The German 
tion a union 
of rulers and 
free towns 

The insignifi- 
cance of the 
diet at 

Weakness of 
the German 

Germans at all. On the other hand, she felt that she might 
be the leader in a very loose union in which all the members 
should be left practically independent. Her ideal of a union 
of sovereign princes under her own headship was almost 
completely realized in the constitution adopted. 

The confederation was not a union of the various countries 
involved, but of " The Sovereign Princes and Free Towns of 
Germany," including the emperor of Austria and the king 
of Prussia for such of their possessions as were formerly 
included in the German Empire ; the king of Denmark for 
Holstein ; and the king of the Netherlands for the grand 
duchy of Luxemburg. The union thus included two sover- 
eigns who were out-and-out foreigners, and, on the other hand, 
did not include all the possessions of its two most important 

The assembly of the confederation was a diet which met at 
Frankfort. It was composed (as was perfectly logical), not of 
representatives of the people, but of plenipotentiaries of the 
rulers who were members of the confederation. The diet had 
very slight powers, for it could not interfere in the domestic 
affairs of the states, and the delegates who composed it could 
not vote as they pleased, since they had to obey the instruc- 
tions of the rulers who appointed them, and refer all impor- 
tant questions to their respective sovereigns. So powerless and 
so dilatory was this assembly that it became the laughing-stock 
of Europe. 

The members of the confederation reserved to themselves 
the right of forming alliances of all kinds, but pledged them- 
selves to make no agreement prejudicial to the safety of the 
union or of any of its members, and not to make war upon 
any member of the confederation on any pretense whatsoever. 
The constitution could not be amended without the approval 

1 Observe the boundary of the German Confederation as indicated on the 
map, Vol. I, pp. 352-353. Important portions of the German constitution of 1815 
are given in the Readings^ sect. 51. 

Eitrope after the Congress of Vienna 1 5 

of all the governments concerned. In spite of its obvious 
weaknesses, the confederation of 18 15 lasted for half a century, 
until Prussia finally expelled Austria from the union by arms, 
and began the formation of the present German federation. 

The liberal and progressive party in Germany was sadly Political 
disappointed by the failure of the Congress of Vienna to weld orcerman^ 
Germany into a really national state. They were troubled, students 
too, by the delay of the king of Prussia in granting the con- 
stitution that he had promised to his subjects. Other indica- 
tions were not wanting that the German princes were not yet 
ready to give up their former despotic power and adopt the 
principles of the French Revolution advocated by the liberals. 
The ''League of Virtue" which had been formed after the 
disastrous battle of Jena to arouse and keep alive the zeal of 
the nation for expelling the invader, began to be reenforced, 
about 1 8 15, by student associations organized by those who 
had returned to their studies after the war of independence. 
The sttidents denounced the reactionary party in their meet- 
ings, and drank to the freedom of Germany. 

On October 18, 18 1 7, they held a celebration in the Wartburg The Wart- 
to commemorate both Luther's revolt and the anniversary of tbn^ i8iV^" 
the battle of Leipzig. Speeches were made in honor of the 
brave who had fallen in the war of independence, and of the 
grand duke of Weimar, who was the first of the North German 
princes to give his people a constitution. The day closed with 
the burning of certain reactionary pamphlets. 

This innocent burst of enthusiasm excited great apprehen- The murder 
sion in the minds of the conservative statesmen of Europe, 
of whom Metternich was, of course, the leader. The murder 
by Sand, a fanatical student, of a journalist, Kotzebue, who 
was supposed to have influenced the Tsar to desert his former 
liberal policy, cast further discredit upon the liberal party. It 
also gave Metternich an opportunity to emphasize the terrible 
results which he anticipated would come from the students' 
associations, liberal governments, and the freedom of the press. 

of Kotzebue 

1 6 The Development of Modern Europe 

The " Carls- The extreme phase in the progress of reaction in Germany 
tions," 1819 was reached when, with this murder as an excuse, Metternich 
called together the representatives of the larger states of the 
confederation at Carlsbad in August, 1819. Here a series of 
resolutions were drawn up with the aim of checking the free 
expression of opinions hostile to existing institutions, and of 
discovering and bringing to justice the revolutionists who were 
supposed to exist in dangerous numbers. These " Carlsbad 
Resolutions" were laid before the diet of the confederation 
by Austria and adopted, though not without protest. 

They provided that there should be a special official in each 
university to watch the professors. Should any of them be 
found " abusing their legitimate influence over the youthful 
mind and propagating harmful doctrines hostile to the public 
order or subversive of the existing governmental institutions," 
the offenders were to lose their positions. The General Stu- 
dents' Union, which was suspected of being too revolutionary, 
was to be suppressed. Moreover no newspaper, magazine, or 
pamphlet was to go to press without the previous approval of 
government officials, who were to determine whether it con- 
tained anything tending to foster discontent with the govern- 
ment. Lastly, a special commission was appointed to investigate 
the revolutionary conspiracies which Metternich and his sympa- 
thizers supposed to exist throughout Germany.^ 

The attack upon the freedom of the press, and especially 
the interference with the liberty of teaching in the great insti- 
tutions of learning which were already becoming the home of 
the highest scholarship in the world, scandalized all the pro- 
gressive spirits in Germany. Yet no successful protest was 
raised, and Germany as a whole acquiesced for a generation 
in Metternich's system of discouraging reform of all kinds. 
The southern Nevertheless important progress was made in southern 
ermansa s Q^^^^^^viy^ ^g g^rly as 1818 the king of Bavaria granted his 

receive con- 

stitutions, people a constitution in which he stated their rights and 

1 See Readings, sect. 51 

Europe after the Congress of Vienna 17 

admitted them to a share in the government by establishing 

a parhament. His example was followed within two years by 

the rulers of Baden, Wiirtemberg, and Hesse. Another change Formation 

for the better was the gradual formation of a customs union, union — 

which permitted goods to be sent freely from one German .ffthTn'ssk 

state to another without the payment of duties at each boundary at its head 

line. This yielded some of the advantages of a political union. 

This economic confederation, of which Prussia was the head 

and from which Austria was excluded, was a harbinger of the 

future German Empire.^ 

Restoration in Spain and Italy 

52. The restoration in Spain was more violent and thorough- State of 
going than in any other country involved in the revolutionary jos^Jph^Bona- 
conflicts. Napoleon's efforts to keep his brother Joseph on the P^*"^^ 
Spanish throne had led to a war which had continued to bring 
misery and demoralization upon the country until the autumn 
of 181 2, when Wellington drove the invaders beyond the Pyre- 
nees. During this entire period the Spanish people steadily 
resisted French dominion and maintained the semblance of an 
independent government in the form of 2ijimta, or improvised 
assembly, which was loyal to the Bourbon, Ferdinand Vll, one 
of the most despicable of modern princes.^ However, it was 
impossible for the Junta to maintain intact the system which 
had existed prior jto the Revolution. In the disorder, press 
censorship was relaxed, Spanish officers and soldiers came into 
contact with Frenchmen and Englishmen, and political ques- 
tions were discussed in Spain as never before. Napoleon him- 
self had struck a severe blow at the old regime, as has already 
been noted, by abolishing the feudal dues and the internal 
customs lines, reducing convents to one third their former 
number, suppressing the Inquisition, and establishing freedom 
of industry. 

^ See below, pp. 109 sqq. 2 See above, Vol. I, p. 329 and note. 

1 8 The Development of Modem Europe 

Spanish It was under these conditions that the Spanish people, de- 

Franirthe prived of their legitimate sovereign, undertook to frame a consti- 
constitution tution of their own. The Junta in 1 809 summoned the Cortes, 

of 1012 

or national parliament, which met in the autumn of the follow- 
ing year and adopted, in 181 2, a constitution on the model 
of the French constitution of 1791. Knowing the devotion of 
the people to the monarchy, it did not abolish the kingly power, 
but proclaimed the sovereignty of the nation and reduced royal 
authority to a shadow by requiring that it be exercised through 
a ministry. The legislature was to consist of a single chamber 
to be elected biennially by universal suffrage. While declaring 
Catholicism to be the only religion of the nation, the con- 
stitution abolished press censorship, feudal obligations, and 
the privileges of the nobility. 
Ferdinand When Ferdinand VII (who had spent the previous six years 

the^con^tT- ^^ ""^ France surrounded by Napoleon's guards) was, in 1814, re- 
tution stored to power by the strength of English arms, he repudiated 

entirely this liberal government. He declared that the Cortes 
which had drawn up this instrument had usurped his rights by 
imposing on his people '' an, anarchical and seditious con- 
stitution based on the democratic principles of the French 
Revolution." He accordingly annulled it and proclaimed those 
who continued to support it guilty of high treason and worthy 
of death. With the old absolute government, he restored the 
Inquisition, feudal privileges, and the religious orders. The 
Jesuits returned, the press was strictly ceifsored, free speech 
repressed, monastic property returned to the former owners, 
and the liberals were imprisoned in large numbers, or executed. 
Italy only "a The Congress of Vienna left Italy, as Metternich observed, 


expression" merely " a geographical expression " ; it had no political unity 
after 1815 whatever. Lombardy and Venetia, in the northern part, were 
in the hands of Austria, while Parma, Modena, and Tuscany 
belonged to members of the Austrian family. In the south 
the considerable kingdom of Naples was ruled over by a branch 
of the Spanish Bourbons. In the center, cutting the peninsula 


EtLrope after the Congress of Vienna 19 

in twain, were the Papal States, which extended north to the 
Po. The presence of Austria, and the apparent impossibility 
of inducing the Pope to submit to any government but his own, 
seemed to preclude all hope of making Italy into a true nation. 
Yet fifty years later the kingdom of Italy, as it now appears on 
the map of Europe, came into existence through the final 
exclusion of Austria from the peninsula and the conquest of 
the States of the Church by Victor Emmanuel. 

Although Napoleon had governed Italy despotically he had Reforms 

, , . -. n^i • r 1 introduced 

mtroduced many important reforms. Ihe vestiges ot the in Italy 
feudal regime had vanished at his approach ; he had estab- ^"""fgo^ic 
lished political equality and an orderly administration, and occupation 
had forwarded public improvements. Moreover he had held 
out the hope of a united Italy, from which the foreign powers 
who had plagued and distracted her for centuries should be 
banished. But his unscrupulous use* of Italy to advance his 
personal ambitions disappointed those who at first had received 
him with enthusiasm, and they came to look for his downfall as 
eagerly as did the nobility and the dispossessed clergy, whose 
hopes were centered in Austria. It became clear to the more 
thoughtful Italians that Italy must look to herself and her own 
resources if she were ever to become an independent European 

The king of Sardinia, Victor Emmanuel I, entered his capital Abolition of 
of Turin on May 20, 18 14, amid great rejoicing, but immediately piedmont 
proceeded to destroy with a stroke of his pen all the reforms 
which the Revolution had accomplished in Piedmont during 
his absence. He gave back to the nobility their ancient feudal 
rights and jurisdictions, and reinstated them in their former 
military commands ; he restored to the clergy their property, 
their courts, and their press censorship. The penalty of death 
for profaning the sacrament was revived ; religious freedom 
abolished ; the university placed under clerical supervision ; 
and books savoring of liberal philosophy locked up in the 
libraries. So bitter was the hatred of revolutionary principles 


The Development of Modern Europe 

The clergy 
return to 
power in the 
Papal States 

The restora- 
tion in 

The Austrian 
An Italy 

influence in 

that a botanical garden at Turin was destroyed because it had 
been planted by the French; and the municipal council was 
able to save a bridge which the French had built only by 
erecting a church near by. 

The same reactionary policy was adopted in the States 
of the Church, where, in 1814, an edict was issued which 
abolished French legislation and restored the old order. In 
the zeal to destroy the work of the French, root and branch, 
vaccination and street lighting at Rome were abolished as 
revolutionary innovations. The government which had been 
placed in the hands of laymen was again turned over to the 
ecclesiastics. The Inquisition was reintroduced and over two 
thousand monasteries and convents reestablished. 

The restoration in the kingdom of Naples was not so thor- 
ough as in other parts of Italy. French law was retained ; the 
nobles were not reinvested with their feudal rights ; the number 
of bishoprics and convents remained reduced ; and the Church 
was given back only that part of its former property which 
had not been sold. The king, however, refused to drive along 
a street that Murat had laid out, and stopped the Pompeian 
excavations which French scientists had been carrying on. 

In Lombardy and Venetia, where Austrian sovereignty was 
established, the reforms instituted during the Napoleonic 
Period were practically nullified. In order securely to fasten 
their government on these provinces, the Austrians instituted 
a public and secret police system which constantly interfered 
with individual liberty in the most arbitrary fashion ; moreover 
the courts and the administration were largely in the hands of 
the hated " Germans." Although the Austrian sovereign did 
not restore the ancient feudal exactions of the nobility, he 
introduced customs duties which were regarded by his Italian 
subjects as quite as galling. 

In addition to his Lombardo- Venetian kingdom in the north- 
ern part of Italy, the Austrian emperor enjoyed a protectorate 
over Modena ; by treaty the duke of Tuscany practically 

Europe after the Congress of Vienna 2 1 

surrendered his duchy to him ; Maria Louisa of Parma turned 
the administration of her domain over to his officers ; and Ferdi- 
nand of Naples was bound to him in a defensive and offensive 
aUiance. In short only Sardinia and the Papal States retained 
their freedom from " German " domination. 

Though dismembered and subjected to a foreign yoke, the The work of 
Italy of 1 815 was not the Italy which Napoleon had found when ^ot entirely 
he first entered it at the head of the French army in 1796. ^"^one 
Despite the restoration, traces of the Revolution were every- 
where apparent, not only in law and government but, above all^ 
in the minds of men. National aspirations had been awakened 
which the Austrian police could not stamp out ; Italians, high 
and low, came to know and appreciate French reforms at first 
hand, though they might loathe the memory of Napoleon as a 
conqueror and a tyrant. 

The Spanish-American Colonies and the 
Revolution of 1820 

53. The very thoroughness with which Metternich's ideas 
were carried out in the Mediterranean states led to renewed 
attempts on the part of the liberals to abolish despotism. It 
was not, therefore, in Germany or France, as the allies had 
feared, but in Spain and then in Italy, that the spirit of revo- 
lution was first to reawaken. 

Spain itself was, of course, but a small part of the vast The Spanish 
Spanish empire, which included Mexico (and the regions to North and 
the northwest later acquired by the United States), Central South Amer- 

^ J n ica begin to 

America, and large portions of South America, besides her dream of in- 
island possessions. The Spanish colonies had from the first 
been the victims of the selfish commercial policy of the 
mother country, which forced them to carry on all their trade 
with one or two favored Spanish ports. That enlightened des- 
pot, Charles III, had somewhat reduced the restrictions upon 
trade by permitting free intercourse between the colonies 


The Development of Modem Europe 

Revolt of 
the Spanish 

opposes re- 
conquest of 
the Spanish 

tion of the 
of 1812 in 
Spain, 1820 

and all the Spanish ports; as a result, the commerce of the 
Spanish dependencies increased nearly sevenfold from 1778 
to 1788. The advantages of greater freedom and the suc- 
cess of the North American colonies in throwing off the yoke 
of England both served to suggest ideas of independence ; 
these suddenly developed into downright revolt when the news 
reached the colonies that Napoleon had placed his brother on 
the Spanish throne and proposed to control the Spanish 
commerce in his own interests. 

Beginning in 18 10, the colonies of Mexico, New Granada 
(now Colombia), Venezuela, Peru, Buenos Ayres, and Chile, 
while they still professed to be loyal to Ferdinand VII, took 
their government into their own hands, drove out the former 
Spanish agents, and finally rejected Spanish rule altogether. 
At first the revolt was put down with great cruelty, but in 
18 1 7, under the leadership of Bolivar, Venezuela won its inde- 
pendence, and during the following five years the Spaniards 
lost New Granada, Peru, Ecuador, Chile, Mexico, and lastly 
(1825) Upper Peru, which was renamed Bolivia after its hberator. 

Ever since his restoration Ferdinand VII had been sending 
thousands of men to die of fever and wounds in the vain 
attempt to subdue the insurgents. He had called upon the 
other powers to help him, on the ground that his colonies 
were guilty of the revolutionary crimes which it was to the 
interest of all the allied monarchs to aid in suppressing. He 
was disappointed however. England did not wish to lose the 
profitable trade which had grown up with the South American 
ports since they were freed from the restrictions of the mother 
country. The Tsar expressed his sympathy for Ferdinand, but 
gave him no further aid than to sell him a fleet of unseaworthy 

At last (January, 1820), the soldiers who were waiting in 
Cadiz to be sent to America, well aware of the sufferings of the 
regiments which had preceded them, were easily aroused to 
revolt by two adventurous officers who had become disgusted 


Europe after the Congress of Vieima 23 

with Ferdinand's tyranny and incapacity. The revolutionists 
proclaimed the restoration of the constitution of 1812, which 
Ferdinand had abolished on his return. Their call was an- 
swered by the liberals in the larger towns, including Madrid, 
where a mob surrounded the palace (March 9), and forced the 
king to take the oath to the constitution. The people also 
broke into the prison of the reestablished Inquisition, and 
destroyed the instruments of torture that they found there. 
But Ferdinand had no idea of keeping his oath, and simply 
bent before what he believed to be a passing storm. 

News of the Spanish revolt spread quickly throughout Italy, News of 
where the spirit of insurrection had been at work among the ohrtkln^'^^ 
secret societies which had everywhere been organized. These reaches Italy 
societies assumed strange names, practiced mysterious rites, 
and plotted darkly in the name of Italian liberty and inde- 
pendence. By far the most noted of them was that of the 
Carbonari, i.e. charcoal burners. Its objects were personal 
liberty, constitutional government, and national independence 
and unity ; these it undertook to promote by agitation, con- 
spiracy, and, if necessary, revolution. 

The Italian agitators had a superstitious respect for a con- A constitu- 
stitution ; they appear to have regarded it not so much as a clahileci in 
form of government to be carefully adapted to the needs of a Naples 
particular country and time, as a species of talisman which 
would bring liberty and prosperity to its happy possessor. So 
when the Neapolitans heard that the king of Spain had been 
forced by an insurrection to accept a constitution, they made 
the first attempt on the part of the Italian people to gain 
constitutional liberty by compelling their king (July, 1820) to 
agree to accept this same Spanish constitution of 1812.^ How- 
ever, at the same time that he was invoking the vengeance of 
God upon his own head should he violate his oath of fidelity, 

1 Even in the New World men did honor to this famous constitution, for in 
St. Augustine, Florida (which was not transferred to the United States until 
1819), a monument still stands in the Plaza de la Constitucidn, erected to com- 
memorate its adoption in 1812. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

regards revo- 
lution as a 

The powers 
at Troppau 

The Laibach 
and Austrian 
in Italy 

the king of Naples was casting about for foreign assistance to 
suppress the revolution and enable him to return to his former 

He had not long to wait. The alert Metternich invited 
Russia, Prussia, France, and England to unite, in order to 
check the development of " revolt and crime." He declared 
that the liberal movement would prove " not less tyrannical 
and fearful " in its results than that against which the allies 
had earlier combined. " Revolution " appeared to him and 
his conservative sympathizers as a fearful disease that not only 
destroyed those whom it attacked directly, but spread conta- 
gion wherever it appeared. Therefore, prompt and severe 
measures of quarantine, and even of violent extirpation, were 
justified, in view of the necessity of stamping out the devas- 
tating plague. In addition to his detestation of revolution, 
Metternich entertained an especial contempt for the Nea- 
politans. He exclaimed on hearing the news of the revolt, 
" A semi-barbarous people, of absolute ignorance and bound- 
less credulity, hot-blooded as the Africans, a people that can 
neither read nor write, whose last word is the dagger — such 
a people offers fine material for constitutional principles ! " 

Under these circumstances a congress of the powers was 
called at Troppau in October, 1820, to consider the European 
situation. England and France refused to participate formally 
on the ground that the revolutions were domestic concerns and 
did not justify international intervention. Austria, Russia, and 
Prussia, however, drew up a protocol in which they declared 
the indisputable right of the powers to take common measures 
of safety against states in which government was overthrown 
by rebellion. 

Another conference was called at Laibach in January, 182 1, 
for the purpose of taking practical measures to restore abso- 
lutism in southern Italy. To this conference King Ferdinand 
of Naples was summoned. After taking renewed oaths to 
maintain the constitution which he had granted his people, 

Europe after the Congress of Vienna 2 5 

he started northward, but on the way to Laibach he repudi- 
ated his promises to his subjects, and at the conference 
heartily concurred in the plan to send an Austrian army to 
Naples to abolish the noxious constitution. In March this 
decision was carried out with no considerable resistance on 
the part of the Neapolitan revolutionists, who were thoroughly 
disorganized. The leaders of the revolt were executed, im- 
prisoned, or exiled, and the king freed from the embarrass- 
ments of the constitution. 

While the Austrian forces were moving southward toward An insurrec- 
Naples an insurrection broke out in Piedmont. The Italian j^ont fails 
patriots there planned to combine with the discontented sub- 
jects of Austria in Lombardy and free their country by attack- 
ing the rear of the Austrian army. There were, however, 
plenty of Austrian troops in Venetia to suppress this movement 
promptly. All hopes for reform in Italy now seemed at an end. 

Meanwhile the revolution in Spain had developed into a The Congress 
civil war. Ferdinand VII was supported in his opposition to 1822^^°"^' 
reform by the clergy and other friends of the old system. The 
representatives of the great powers, Russia, Austria, Prussia, 
France, and England, met at Verona in 1822 to discuss their 
common interests and decide what should be done about 
Spain. The Tsar was eager to send an army into Spain to aid 
Ferdinand to rid himself of the obnoxious constitution which 
had been forced upon him, but France made it clear that she France aids 
would not permit a Russian army to cross her territory. Eng- vii to sup- 
land refused to interfere in any way ; so finally it was left to 182^1^32"^"^' 
Louis XVIII, urged on by the clerical and ultra-royalist party, 
to send an army across the Pyrenees '' with the purpose of 
maintaining a descendant of Henry IV on the throne of Spain." 
This interference in the affairs of a neighboring nation which 
was struggling for constitutional government disgusted the 
French liberals, who saw that France, in intervening in favor 
of Ferdinand VII, was doing just what Prussia and Austria had 
attempted in 1792 in the interests of Louis XVI. But, unlike 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Question of 
the revolted 

The Monroe 




of some 



the duke of Brunswick, the French commander easily defeated 
the revolutionists and placed Ferdinand in a position to stamp 
out his enemies in such a ferocious and bloodthirsty manner 
that his French allies were heartily ashamed of him. 

While France was helping to restore absolutism in Spain 
the Spanish colonies, as we have seen, were rapidly winning 
their independence, encouraged by the United States and 
England. At the Congress of Verona all the powers except 
England were anxious to discuss a plan by which they might 
aid Spain to get the better of her rebellious colonies, since it 
was the fixed purpose of the allies to suppress " rebellion in 
whatever place and under whatever form it might show itself." 

The threats of Metternich and his friends led President 
Monroe, in his message to Congress, December, 1823, to call 
attention to the dangers of intervention as practiced by the 
European alliance of great powers, and clearly stated what has 
since become famous as the " Monroe Doctrine," namely, "We 
owe it therefore to candor and to the amicable relations exist- 
ing between the United States and these powers to declare 
that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend 
their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous 
to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or de- 
pendencies of any European power we have not interfered 
and shall not interfere. But with the governments who have 
declared their independence and have maintained it, and 
whose independence we have on great consideration and on 
just principles acknowledged, we could not view any interposi- 
tion for the purpose of oppressing them or controlling in any 
other manner their destiny, by any European power, in any 
other light than a manifestation of an unfriendly disposition 
towards the United States." 

About the same time the English foreign secretary. Canning, 
informed the French ambassador in London that any attempt 
to bring the Spanish colonies again under their former sub- 
mission to Spain would prove unsuccessful, and that while 

Etirope aft 67' tJie Congress of Vienna 27 

England would remain neutral in the troubles between the 
mother country and her American dominions, the intervention 
of a third party would constitute a cause for action on the 
part of the English government. Toward the close of 1824 
England recognized the independence of Buenos Ayres, Mex- 
ico, and Colombia and paid no heed to the remonstrance of 
the continental powers that such an action *' tended to en- 
courage the revolutionary spirit which it had been found so 
difficult to restrain in Europe." 

A word may be said here of Spain's little neighbor Portugal. Portugal 
It will be remembered that when Napoleon dispatched his 
troops thither in 1807 the royal family fled across the Atlantic 
to their colony of Brazil. After the expulsion of the French 
by the English, the government was placed in the hands of an 
English general, Beresford, who ruled so despotically that he 
stirred up a revolt in 1820, at the time when the insurrection 
in Spain was in progress. The insurgents demanded the return 
of the royal family from Brazil and the granting of a consti- 
tution. The king, John VI, accordingly set sail for Portugal, 
leaving his elder son, Pedro, to represent him in Brazil.^ 

King John died shortly after his return, and Pedro, yielding 
his rights to his daughter, Maria da Gloria, granted the Portu- 
guese a charter in 1826. Pedro's brother, Miguel, then started 
a civil war to gain the throne for himself, but after several years 
of discord he was driven out of the kingdom in 1834.^ 

1 In 1822 Pedro proclaimed the independence of Brazil and took the title of 
Emperor. In 1831 he abdicated in favor of his son, who retained the crown until 
he was deposed by the revolution of 1889, which established the United States of 
Brazil as a republic. 

2 Queen Maria retained the throne for twenty years in spite of no less than 
half a dozen revolutions. She married Ferdinand, a prince of Coburg-Gotha, and 
thus founded a new line of Portuguese rulers, the Braganza-Coburg, whose third 
representative in the person of her grandson, Carlos I, now occupies the throne of 
Portugal. The government of Portugal, still based on the charter of 1826 with 
subsequent modifications, provides for a chamber of peers and a house of deputies 
chosen by popular vote. Of her ancient colonial dominion Portugal still retains 
Goa in India, Macao in China, Portuguese Timor in Ambeno, Pulo Cambing in 
the Malay Archipelago, the Cape Verde islands, the Islands of St. Thome and 
Principe, Guinea, Angola, and Portuguese East Africa in Africa. 

28 The Development of Modern Europe 

Metternich's It will have become apparent that Metternich's international 
police system police system, designed to prevent innovation and revolution, 
^^'^^ was for all practical purposes a failure. The action of Great 

Britain and the United States had weakened it. The struggle 
of the Greek revolutionists against Turkey for independence,^ 
which finally involved Russia in a war with the Sultan and ended 
in victory for the Greeks, demonstrated that even Russia would 
not hesitate to aid and abet revolution if she could thereby 
advance her own interests. The climax was reached in 1830 
by the revolution in France described above, which deposed 
the older Bourbon line and established a liberal government, 
thus violating the fundamental principles for which Metter- 
nich had fought with so much determination. In fact the Holy 
Alliance, as such, never accomplished any great work, and it 
went to pieces as much through its own inherent weakness as 
through the growth of revolutionary spirit. 


The Restoration in France : Cambridge Modern History^ Vol. IX, 
chap, xviii, pp. 559-571 ; Phillips, European History^ 181S- 
i8gg, pp. 22-36 ; Andrews, The Historical Develop?nent of 
Modern Europe, Vol. I, pp. 134-157 ; Fyffe, History of Modern 
Europe, pp. 375-380 ; Seignobos, Political History of Europe 
since 18 13, pp. 1 03-1 21. 

The Revolution of 1830 in France : Cambridge Modern Histo?y, 
Vol. X, chap, iii, pp. 71-103; Phillips, pp. 168-185; Fyffe, 
pp. 603-621 ; Andrews, Vol. I, pp. 157-179. 

The Revolution of 1830 in Belgium : Ca?nbridge Modern History, 
Vol. X, chap, xvi, pp. 5 1 7-544 ; Fyffe, pp. 620-624 ; Seignobos, 
pp. 229-238; Phillips, pp. 186-198. 

The German Confederation and Metternich's Policy : Phillips, 
chap, iii, pp. 37-56 ; Seignobos, chap, xii, pp. 374-386 ; An- 
drews, Vol. I, chap, vi, pp. 229-241 ; Cambridge Modern History, 
Vol. X, chap, xi, pp. 340-382. 

1 See below, sect. 97. 

Europe afte?' the Congress of Vienna 29 

Reestablishment of Absolutism in Italy : Cainbridge Modern 
History^ Vol. X, chap, iv, pp. 104-130; Andrews, Vol. I, chap. 
V, pp. 180-228; Seignobos, pp. 326-333. 

The Restoration and Revolution in Spain : Cavibridge Modern 
History, Vol. X, chap, vii, pp. 205-233 ; Fyffe, pp. 478-485 ; 
Seignobos, pp. 286-295. 

The Spanish American Colonies : Cavibridge Modern History, 
Vol. X, chaps, viii, ix, pp. 244-309. 

Metternich and the European Congresses : Cambridge Modern 
History, Vol. X, chap, i, pp. 1-39; Phillips, pp. 57-134; Seig- 
nobos, pp. 747-762. 




Invention of Machinery for Spinning 
AND Weaving 

The Indus- 54. In the preceding chapters we have reviewed the startling 

tiondueto changes and reforms introduced by the leaders of the French 
Revolution and by Napoleon Bonaparte, the reconstruction of 
Europe at the Congress of Vienna, and finally the chief modi- 
fications of these arrangements which occurred during the 
following generation. These were mainly the work of states- 
men, warriors, and diplomats, — who have certainly done their 
part in making Europe what it is to-day. But a still more 
fundamental revolution than that which has been described 
had begun in England before the meeting of the Estates 
General. The chief actors in this never stirred an assembly 
by their fiery denunciation of abuses, or led an army to victory, 
or conducted a clever diplomatic negotiation. On the contrary, 
their attention was concentrated upon the homely operations 
of everyday life, — the house-wife drawing out her thread 
with distaff or spinning wheel, the slow work of the weaver 
at his primitive loom, the miner struggling against the water 
which threatened to flood his mine. They busied themselves 
perseveringly with wheels, cylinders, bands, and rollers, patiently 
combining and recombining them, until, after many discourage- 
ments, they made discoveries destined to alter the habits, ideas, 
and prospects of the great mass of the people far more pro- 
foundly than all the edicts of the National Assembly and all 
the conquests of Napoleon taken together. 

The Greeks and Romans, notwithstanding their refined civi- 
lization, had shown slight aptitude for mechanical invention, 


The Industrial RevohUion 3 1 

and little had been added to their stock of human appli- Few new 
ances before the opening of the eighteenth century.^ In the added to the 
time of Louis XIV, when inventors were already becoming ^^^ ^J°^^ ^^' 
somewhat numerous, especially in England, the people of eighteenth 
western Europe for the most part continued to till their fields, 
weave their cloth, and saw and plane their boards by hand, 
much as the ancient Egyptians had done. Merchandise was 
still transported in slow, lumbering carts, and letters were as 
long in passing from London to Rome as in the reign of Con- 
stantine. Could a peasant, a smith, or a weaver of the age of 
Caesar Augustus have visited France or England eighteen 
hundred years later, he would have recognized the familiar 
flail, forge, and hand loom of his own day. 

Suddenly, however, a series of ingenious devices were importance 
invented, which in a few generations eclipsed the achieve- ofmechrnS 
ments of ages and revolutionized every branch of industry, inventions 
These serve to explain the world in which we live, with its 
busy cities, its gigantic factories filled with complicated ma- 
chinery, its commerce and vast fortunes, its trades unions 
and labor parties, its bewildering variety of plans for bettering 
the lot of the great mass of the people. The story of the sub- 
stitution for the distaff of the marvelous spinning machine 
with its swiftly flying fingers, of the development of the loco- 
motive and the ocean steamer which bind together the utter- 
most parts of the earth, of the perfecting press, producing a 
hundred thousand newspapers an hour, of the marvels of the 
telegraph and the telephone, — this story of mechanical inven- 
tion is in no way inferior in fascination and importance to the 
more familiar history of kings, parliaments, wars, treaties, and 

1 Roger Bacon, in the thirteenth century (see Vol, I, p. 15 and note), firmly- 
believed that the lot of mankind could be greatly improved by mechanical inven- 
tions. In his century spectacles first began to be used, and in the fourteenth and 
fifteenth centuries gunpowder was introduced, the-printing press invented, and a 
method discovered by which iron could be not merely softened, but melted so 
that it could be cast. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

spinning with 
the distaff 
and spindle 

The spinning 

The revolution in manufacture during the past two centuries 
may perhaps be best illustrated by the improvements in the 
methods of spinning and weaving wool and cotton, which are 
so important to our welfare and comfort. The main opera- 
tions had remained essentially the same from the time when 
men first began to substitute coarse woven garments for the 
skins of animals, down to the eighteenth century. 

The wool was first "carded," that is, cleaned and straight- 
ened out by means of " cards," or wooden combs some five 
inches long. The next step was to twist it into thread, fine or 
coarse as the quality of the cloth demanded. 
This was accomplished by means of the distaff 
and spindle, — two very simple implements 
which may be seen in almost any historical 
museum, or even in actual use in out-of- 
the-way places of Europe. The spinner held 
under her arm a bunch of carded wool fixed 
to the distaff ; then with her fingers she drew 
out and twisted a few inches of the fiber, and 
attached it to a hook, or notch, in the end of 
a short stick called the spindle, which 
she permitted to swing down freely, 
whirling like a top as it went. 
She fed out the fiber gradually, 
and when three or four feet were 

properly twisted she would un- 
Distaff and Spindle ^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^j ^^^ ^^^^^ j^^^ 

the top of the spindle and wind the thread on the lower 
part of it. She would then begin a new length at the 
point where the finished thread merged into the loose fiber 
on her distaff. 

Compared with this slow method, the spinning wheel of our 
great-grandmothers was a wonderful contrivance ; but the 
process was still very much the same. The wool was fixed on 
a distaff, a little of it was drawn out to make a beginning and 

The Industrial Revolution 


attached to a small spindle driven by a wheel worked by a 
treadle. As the lengths of thread w^ere spun they were wound 
on a bobbin. This one-thread wheel appears to have been in 
general use in England in the days of Queen Elizabeth, though 
the distaff was still employed by women in the fields or on the 
way to market where the wheel was not available. As late as 
1757 an English poet wrote : 

And many yet adhere 
To the ancient distaff at the bosom fixed, 
Casting the whirling spindle as they walk. 
At home, or in the sheep fold, or the mart, 
Alike the work proceeds. 


If one examines a bit of cloth, whether it be the finest silk Weaving 
or the coarsest burlap, he will find that it is made up of 
threads running length- 
wise, known as the warp, 
and shorter threads called 
the weft, running in and 
out across the warp and 
at right angles to it. 
Weaving had from time 
immemorial been carried 
on by means of a very 
simple loom constructed 
as follows : Two rollers were fixed horizontally, some four or The primi 
five feet apart, in a frame, and the threads of the warp, laid 
close together, were wound on one of the rollers. The 4oose 
ends were then attached to the second roller, fixed in the 
frame near the stool where the weaver sat. The cross thread, 
or weft, was then wound on a stick called the shuttle, which, in 
the seventeenth-century loom, was simply a notched piece of 
wood. This primitive shuttle required two men to work it, one 
to start it on one side, and another to -pull it out and start it 
back again from the other side. 

Warp and Weft 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Method of 
the threads of 
the warp and 
those of the 

Kay, of Bury, 
invents the 
" fly-shuttle," 

and the 
jenny, about 

Now in order to interlace the threads of the weft with those 
of the warp, the long threads composing the warp were attached 
alternately to two wooden bars, i.e. every other thread was 
attached to one of the bars, and the remaining threads to the 
other bar. This enabled the weaver to raise the alternate 
threads by lifting one of the bars ; then the shuttle would be 
thrown across ; he would then lower this set of threads and 
raise the other, and the shuttle would be thrown back. In 
this way the first thread of the weft went over the first thread 
of the warp, under the second, and so on. The next thread 
of the weft went under the first thread of the warp, over 
the second, and so on, thus producing the fabric. There was 
a simple device for pushing the threads of the weft close 
together as the work progressed. 

Early in the eighteenth century a number of English work- 
men were busy trying to improve the implements for making 
cloth and finally, in 1738, John Kay, of Bury in Lancashire, 
invented a contrivance which enabled a weaver, without any 
assistant, to drive the shuttle back and forth, even through a 
wide strip, by means of a handle placed conveniently in front 
of his stool. By this invention one weaver could now do the 
work of two, and consequently the demand for woolen and 
cotton thread to be worked into cloth rapidly increased ; indeed, 
the weavers could now work much faster than the spinners who 
supplied them with yarn and thread, and it became imperative 
to discover some quicker method of spinning. 

The Society for the Encouragement of Arts and Manufac- 
tures offered in 1761 two prizes for improvements in the 
spinning wheel. Their hopes were abundantly fulfilled by the 
ingenuity of a Blackburn weaver and carpenter, James Har- 
greaves, who about 1767 contrived a novel spinning machine 
known as the jenny (probably named after his daughter), 
which drove eight spindles^ instead of one and enabled a child 

1 Hargreaves later increased the number of spindles to sixteen and finally, 
before his death, he succeeded in raising the number to eighty. 

TJie hidiistrial RevoltLtion 


to do the work of eight or ten spinners using the old-fashioned 
wheel. The machine was a very simple one, — a rectangular 
frame mounted on four legs. At one end were the spindles, 
standing in a row and revolved by a wheel. In front of them 
was a frame, moving back and forth, through which the threads 
gathered from the prepared cotton, or '* rovings," ^ were drawn, 

Spinning Jenny 

and attached to the ends of the spindles. The frame was then 
drawn back, stretching out four or five feet of the rovings, 
when the spindles rapidly revolved, twisting the fibers into firm 
threads. By a little device the twisted threads were then 
loosened from the top of the spindles, dropped down, and 
wound about the base of the spindles as the frame moved 
back towards them. Before his death in 1778, Hargreaves 

1 In preparing cotton for weaving it was drawn out into loose rolls about the 
size of a large candle wick, known as " rovings." These rovings were wound on 
bobbins, and then spun into thread. The old-fashioned spinner was sometimes 
forced to spin his thread two or three times in order to draw it out to the 
necessary fineness. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Ark Wright 
introduces a 
method of 
spinning by 
means of 
rollers, 1768 

the father of 
the factory 

devises the 
mule, 1779 

had the satisfaction of seeing some twenty thousand of his 
jennies in operation. 

Many workmen were busy with projects for improving the 
machinery used in spinning, but it was reserved for a barber 
of Preston, Richard Arkwright, to establish the first great 
factories filled with power-driven machines. He is accused of 
having stolen the inventions which he patented, and there 
seems to be much truth in the charges ; at all events a genius 
for turning other men's ideas to practical account on a large 
scale. In 1768 he patented a device which consisted essen- 
tially of two pairs of rollers placed a little distance apart. 
When the rovings were fed between these, the second pair, 
by reason of its higher speed, drew out the cotton or wool into 
thread, which was wound on bobbins as it passed from the 

Arkwright took out many other patents for improvements 
in textile machinery and established a number of factories, 
run at first by water power and later by steam. He was a 
shrewd, hard-headed business man and accumulated a for- 
tune of two and a half million dollars, an achievement which 
would have been impossible so long as the old hand machin- 
ery was used. He is therefore known as the father of the 
factory system. 

Arkwright's device had one serious drawback. While it 
would spin threads for warp or coarse fabrics, it would not 
twist the fiber tightly enough to make the finer threads. This 
defect was remedied in 1779 t>y Crompton, who made a happy 
combination of Hargreave's spinning jenny and Arkwright's 
roller machine, which was named the " mule." The system of 
rollers was used to reduce the rovings, while the movable 
frames and spindles were used to stretch and twist the thread. 
This invention quickly supplanted other machines and gave a 
great impetus to the cotton trade, although Crompton, like so 
many inventors, enriched others rather than himself by his 
brilliant achievement. 


The Industrial Revolutiori 37 

With these machines as a basis improvements were con- Modem 
stantly made mitil, before the end of the eighteenth century, ^P^""'"^ 
two hundred spindles were operated on a single mule. The 
spinning machine of to-day, the combination of many hundred 
separate patents, has a thousand spindles, each revolving at 
an almost incredible speed, drawing, twisting, and winding 
automatically, and requiring the attention of only one or two 
boys to mend broken threads. 

It was now necessary that improvements in weaving should Cartwright's 
overtake those in spinning, for the spinners could furnish i^g; ' 

yarn and thread more rapidly than the weavers could work it 
up into cloth. In 1784 a clergyman of Kent, Dr. Cartwright, 
took the first steps in the construction of a loom, all the opera- 
tions of which could be performed mechanically by revolving 
a single wheel. Happening to meet some gentlemen from 
Manchester who were talking about Arkwright's extraordinary 
invention, he suggested that some one should try to contrive a 
loom which could be run by water or steam power, but his 
listeners unanimously agreed that the thing was impossible. 
Nevertheless three years later (1787) he patented a new and 
workable power loom.^ While hand weaving still held its own 
for a quarter of a century, it afforded a more and more pre- 
carious existence for the workmen who tried to compete with 
Cartwright's new machine. In 18,13 there were already twenty- 
four hundred power looms in England, and a quarter of a 
century later the number had increased to more than one 
hundred thousand. 

Other machines for cheapening the production of cloth New methods 
were gradually invented ; for example, a new device for print- caUco" ^"^ 
ing calico. This cheap cotton fabric came originally from India, 
and derives its name from Calicut, whence it was first imported 
into England. Its brilliant color and its cheapness made it very 
popular. The Huguenots, who appear to have introduced the 
calico industry into England shortly after the revocation of the 
1 Cartwright's loom was too complicated to be explained here. 


The Development of Modern Europe 


cotton gin, 

increase of 
due to the 
new machin- 

Edict of Nantes, colored the white cloth by means of blocks 
which were inked and then stamped on the goods by hand. 
In 1783 this slow method was superseded by the use of rollers 
upon which the designs were cut, one roller being devoted to 
each color used. The cloth was run between the rollers at a 
very high rate of speed, so that one man could turn out as much 
calico in a day as two hundred persons could do with the old 
hand blocks. 

About the same time it was discovered that it was possible 
to bleach cloth by using acid instead of relying principally 
upon the light of the sun. In this way a process which formerly 
had required several months was reduced to a few days. 

With all these contrivances for spinning and weaving, nothing 
had been done to facilitate removing the seed from raw cotton. 
In the southern states of America, where most of the cotton 
was produced, it still took an old colored woman nearly a 
whole day to clean one pound of raw, green seed cotton, while 
the best of workers could prepare only five or six pounds a 
day. Eli Whitney, a young Yankee who was studying law in 
the South, recognized the difficulties with which the planters 
had to deal and, having a genius for mechanics, he set to work 
to make a cotton cleaner. In 1792 he announced the success 
of his efforts, and when his " gin," as it was called, was 
perfected, one man by its aid could clean upwards of a 
thousand pounds a day. 

The effect of these inventions in increasing the amount of 
cloth which was manufactured was astonishing. In 1764 
England imported only about four million pounds of cotton. 
In 1 84 1 she used nearly five hundred million pounds annually. 
At the close of the Napoleonic wars, Robert Owen, a distin- 
guished manufacturer and philanthropist, declared that his two 
thousand workmen at New Lanarck could do as much work 
with the new machinery which had been invented during the 
previous forty years as all the operatives in Scotland could 
do without it. 

The Indiistj'ial Revolution 39 

The Steam Engine 

55. In order that inventions should further develop and iron and 
become widely useful, two things were necessary : In the first sary for the 
place, there must be a sufficiently strong material available ^nnachiner* 
out of which to construct the machinery, and for this purpose 
iron and steel have, with few exceptions, proved the most sat- 
isfactory. In the second place, some adequate power had to 
be found to propel the machinery, which is ordinarily too heavy 
to be run by hand or foot. Of course windmills were common, 
and waterfalls and running streams had long been used to turn 
water wheels, but these forces were too restricted and uncer- 
tain to suffice for the rapid development of machinery which 
resulted from the beginnings we have described. Conse- 
quently while Hargreaves, Arkwright, and Crompton were 
successfully solving the problem of new methods of spinning 
and weaving, other inventors were endeavoring to supply the 
material for making the machinery and to discover an ade- 
quate power to run it. 

Iron and steel had, of course, been used for hundreds and Expansive 
even thousands of years for tools, weapons, and armor ; and gte^m ob- 
the expansive power of steam was known before the opening served by the 
of the Christian era, but had not been put to any useful pur- 
pose. So, although the eighteenth-century inventors could base 
their new devices upon older discoveries, they were forced to 
find some means for greatly cheapening the production of iron 
and steel, and for applying steam to everyday uses. 

If one examines a modern steam engine, he will find the Principle of 

, . 1 T 1 /< 1 1 1 the steam 

prmcipal parts very simple. In the first place, there are the engine 
furnace and boiler for generating steam. The boiler is filled 
about two thirds full of water, which is heated by the furnace. 
In the second place, there is the engine proper, which consists 
of a hollow cylinder, a piston, a crank, and a fly wheel. The 
piston rod has a head which fits snugly in the cylinder, and as 
'the steam is automatically turned first into one end of the 


The Development of Modern Europe 

steam engine, 

James Watt 
invents the 
modern form 
of the steam 

cylinder and then into the other, it forces the piston back and 
forth. The end of the piston rod which projects from the 
cyHnder is attached to an arm, which is jointed in such a way 
as to drive a wheel.^ 

No single genius contributed all the parts that go to make 
up the steam engine, simple as they may seem. Huyghens, a 
Dutchman, who lived in the latter part of the seventeenth 
century, appears to have been the first to suggest that a piston 
could be moved up and down in a cylinder by the explosion 
of gas or gunpowder.^ A little later an Englishman, Newcomen, 
profiting by the discoveries of earlier inventors, devised a 
workable steam engine which could be used for pumping. The 
figure given on the opposite page will explain its design. The 
steam generated in the boiler d, by fire in the furnace n^ was 
turned into the cylinder a, and pushed the piston head s up to 
the top of the cylinder. The steam was then turned off, cold 
water injected from the reservoir g into the steam to condense 
it, and the pressure of the air on the piston head drove it 
down to the bottom of the cylinder again. The motion of the 
piston up and down worked the beam /, connected with the 
rod k, which raised and lowered in turn the sucker of the pump. 
This device contains all the essential elements of the steam 
engine except the appliance for turning a wheel. 

Newcomen's engine, crude and imperfect as it was, prepared 
the way for the inventions of James Watt, to whom we largely 
owe the practical and economical steam engine, which has for 
mor^ than a century been the main source of power used in 
our factories, and has proved equally suitable for propelling 

1 There are several important accessories which should be noted : a steam 
gauge for registering the pressure of the steam in the boiler, a water gauge indi- 
cating the amount of water in it, and a pump to keep up the supply of water as 
it is transformed into steam. Above the stationary engine are the revolving iron 
balls, which automatically regulate the amount of steam admitted to the cylinder, 
and thus preserve a uniform speed for the engine. 

2 This idea has in recent times been ingeniously applied so that gas engines 
are used for a great variety of purposes, such, for instance, as driving automobiles 
and boats, and pumping water. 

The hidustrial Revolution 


ships and railroad trains. Watt showed very early in life a 
fondness for mathematics and mechanics. When a young man 
he obtained an appointment in the University of Glasgow as 
maker of mathematical instruments, and it was while he held 

Newcomen's Steam Engine, 1704 

this position that, as he was engaged (during the winter of 
1 763-1 7 64) in repairing a model of Newcomen's engine, he 
was first struck with the great waste caused by the necessity 
of cooling the cylinder after every upward stroke, in order 
to condense the steam and permit the piston head to fall 
back. In 1768 Watt, who was himself a poor man, went into 


The Development of Modern Europe 

partnership with Matthew Bolton, of Birmingham, who was 
able to supply the necessary funds to carry on his experiments. 
The following year (1769) Watt took out his first patent, which 
is described as a project for "diminishing the waste of steam 

Form of Watt's Engine in 1784 

and heat in steam engines," and from that time until his death 
in 1 81 9 he continued to work on this problem. 
Principle of His great achievements may be summarized briefly. Instead 
engine ^^™ of leaving one end of the cylinder open, as Newcomen had 
done, in order that the pressure of the air might push down 
the piston head, Watt closed both ends and introduced a 




y -y 



TJie I7idnst7'ial Revolution 43 

clever system of valves which admitted the steam automat- 
ically first into one end of the cylinder and then into the other, 
thus moving the piston up and down. He invented the revolv- 
ing balls, or "governor,"^ to control the speed of the engine, 
thus making it entirely automatic and insuring the regularity 
of its motion. Taking up the projects of other inventors, he 
devised a simple arrangement of a rod and crank by which he 
made it possible to drive a wheel that could be connected 
by a belt with machinery for spinning. In 1785 steam was first 
used to run spinning machines in a factory at Papplewick in 
Nottinghamshire. Arkwright adopted it in 1790, and by the 
end of the century steam engines were as common as wind 
and water mills. 

These inventions reacted powerfully on the iron industry Older meti.od 

,.,,,,,, . . . , . . .- „,, . of working 

which had hitherto been relatively msignincant. Ihe impor- iron 
tance of this metal can scarcely be overestimated. Its quali- 
ties of durability, malleability, and strength, and the manifold 
uses to which it can be adapted make it the very foundation 
of all mechanical industry. Though it had been in use for 
ages before the day of Arkwright and Watt, it was still worked 
up in the crudest fashion. A huge pair of bellows, operated 
by hand or water power, was used to supply the blast required 
to melt the metal for casting ; charcoal made from wood was 
used for fuel in the smelting furnace ; and the metal was ham- 
mered out either by hand or by heavy iron blocks fixed on the 
ends of levers worked up and down by horse or w^ater power. 

When the manufacturers of the new spinning machines Smelting 
began to demand more and better iron, the smiths at their ^ew methods 
forges turned their attention to the improvement of their ^^'r?''^^^^ 

° ^ and handling 

crude tools. About 1750 the process of smelting by coal iron 
became available, and at once led to a rapid development of 
the industry. Ten years later the bellows were supplanted by 
Smeaton's cylinder blowing apparatus, and in 1790 the advan- 
tage of a steady and continuous blast was secured by the 

1 In the accompanying illustration the governor (0 is not shown in position. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

adoption of steam as a motor force. About the same time a 
great improvement was made in the machinery for handling 
heavy castings, and in the methods for changing cast, or brittle, 
iron into wrought, or malleable, iron.^ 

The " domes- 
tic " system 
of industry 

Defoe's de- 
scription of 
about 1725 

The Factory System 

56. Having seen how machinery was introduced into England 
in the latter part of the eighteenth century and how steam came 
to be utilized as a motive power, we have now to consider the 
important results of these inventions in changing the condi- 
tions under which people lived and worked. Up to this time, 
the term " manufacture " still meant, as it did in the original 
Latin (ifianu facere) , "to make by hand." Artisans carried on 
a trade with their own tools in their own homes or in small 
shops, as the cobbler does to-day. Instead of working with 
hundreds of others in great factories and being entirely depend- 
ent upon his wages, the artisan, in England at least, was often 
able to give some attention to a small garden plot, from which 
he derived a part of his support. This " domestic system," as 
it is called, is graphically described by the journalist, Defoe, 
as he observed it in Yorkshire during a journey through 
England in 17 24-1 7 2 6. 

" The land was divided into small enclosures of from two 
acres to six or seven acres each, seldom more, every three or 
four pieces having a house belonging to them ; hardly a house 
standing out of speaking distance from another. We could 
see at every house a tenter and on almost every tenter a piece 
of cloth, or kersie, or shalloon. At every considerable house 
there was a manufactory. Every clothier keeps one horse at 
least to carry his manufactures to market, and every one gener- 
ally keeps a cow or two, or more, for his family. By this means 

1 Grooved rolling for working out the semimolten mass was introduced in 
1783; hot air was substituted for cold in the blast in 1828; and in 1842 
Nasmyth patented the steam hammer, which he had invented some years before. 

The Industrial Revolution 45 

the small pieces of enclosed land about each house are occu- 
pied, for they scarce sow corn [i.e. grain] enough to feed their 
poultry. The houses are full of lusty fellows, some at their 
dye vat, some at their looms, others dressing the cloth; the 
women and children carding or spinning, all being employed 
from the youngest to the eldest." 

As the Industrial Revolution progressed, these hand workers Principle of 
found themselves unable to compete with the swift and tireless system^" 
machines. Manufacturing on a small scale with the simple 
old tools and appliances became increasingly unprofitable. 
The workers had to leave their cottages and spend their days 
in great factories established by capitalists who had enough 
money to erect the huge buildings, and install in them the 
elaborate and costly machinery and the engines to run it. As 
an English writer has concisely put it, " The typical unit of 
production is no longer a single family or group of persons 
working with a few cheap, simple tools upon small quantities 
of raw material, but a compact and closely organized mass of 
labor composed of hundreds or thousands of individuals co- 
operating with large quantities of expensive and intricate ma- 
chinery through which passes a continuous and mighty volume 
of raw material on its way to the consuming public." 

One of the principal results of the factory system is that it Chief results 
makes possible a minute division of labor. Instead of giving duction'^or 
his time and thought to the whole process, each worker concen- machinery 
trates his attention upon a single stage of it, and by repeating i. Division 
a simple set of motions over and over again acquires wonder- 
ful dexterity. At the same time the period of necessary appren- 
ticeship is shortened, because each separate task is comparatively 
simple. Moreover the invention of new machinery is increased, 
because the very subdivision of the process into simple steps 
often suggests some way of substituting mechanical action for 
that of the human hand. 

An example of the greatly increased output rendered possi- 
ble by the use of machinery and the division of labor is given 


The Development of Modem Europe 

2. Examples 
of tlie in- 
creased pro- 
duction of 
goods by 


3. Growth 
of great 
ing towns 

by the distinguished Scotch economist, Adam Smith, whose 
great work. The Wealth (?/ Nations, SiTppesired in 1776. Speak- 
ing of the manufacture of a pin in his own time, Adam Smith 
says : "To make the head requires two or three distinct opera- 
tions ; to put it on is a peculiar business, to whiten the pin is 
another. It is even a trade by itself to put them into the 
paper, and the important business of making a pin is, in this 
manner, divided into about eighteen distinct operations." 
By this division, he adds, ten persons can make upwards of 
forty-eight thousand pins in a day. This was when machin- 
ery was in its infancy. A recent writer reports that an English 
machine now makes one hundred and eighty pins a minute, 
cutting the wire, flattening the heads, sharpening the points, 
and dropping the pin into its proper place. In a single fac- 
tory which he visited seven million pins were made in a day, 
and three men were all that were required to manage the 

Another example of modern mechanical work is found in 
printing. For several centuries after Gutenberg printed his 
first book, the type was set by hand, inked by hand, each 
sheet of paper was laid by hand upon the type and then printed 
by means of a press operated by a hand lever. Nowadays 
our newspapers, in the great cities at least, are printed 
almost altogether by machinery, from the setting up of the 
type until they are dropped, complete, and counted out by 
hundreds, at the bottom of a rotary press. The paper is fed 
into the press from a great roll and is printed on both sides 
and folded at the rate of five hundred or more newspapers 
a minute. 

Before the coming of machinery industry was not concen- 
trated in a few great cities, but was scattered more or less evenly 
over the country in the hands of small masters, or independent 
workmen, who combined manufacturing with agriculture on a 
small scale. For example, the metal workers of West Brom- 
wich and the cutlers of Sheffield (already famous in Chaucer's 

The Industrial Revolution 47 

day) lived in cottages with small plots of land around them, 
and in dull seasons, or to change their occupation, engaged in 
gardening. The factory system put an end to all this. The 
workmen now had to live near their work ; long rows of 
houses, without gardens or even grass plots, were hastily built 
around the factory buildings, and thus the ugly tenement 
districts of our cities came into existence. 

This great revolution in the methods of manufacturing pro- 4- Appear- 
duced also a sharp distinction between two classes of men ftaSt'cksr^ 
involved. There were, on the one hand, the capitalists who 
owned the buildings and all the mechanism, and, on the other, 
the workmen whom they hired to operate the machines. Pre- 
vious to the eighteenth century, those who owned large estates 
had been, on the whole, the most important class in political 
and social life. But, alongside of the landed aristocracy, a 
powerful mercantile class had arisen, whose wealth, gained by 
commerce and trade, gave them influence in the affairs of the 
nation. With the improvements in machinery there was added 
the new class of modern capitalists, who amassed fortunes by 
establishing great manufacturing industries.^ 

The workingman necessarily became dependent upon the few 5. The work- 
who were rich enough to set up factories. He could no longer dependent 
earn a livelihood in the old way by conducting a small shop to "Salist 
suit himself. The capitalist owned and controlled the neces- 
sary machinery, and so long as there were plenty of workmen 
seeking employment in order to earn their daily bread, the 
owner could fix a low wage and long hours. While an indi- 
vidual employee of special ability might himself become a 
capitalist, the ordinary workman would have to remain a work- 
man. The question of the proportion of the product which 
should go to the workers, and that which may properly be Problem of 
taken by the capitalist, or manager, who makes a successful capital 

1 The industrial capitalist began to appear even before the days of Arkwright 
and Watt, since there were employers earlier, who in some cases collected ten, 
twenty, or more looms in a town and employed workmen who had no tools of 
their own, thus creating something like the later factory system. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

6. Women 
and children 
in the 

business possible, lies at the basis of the great problem of 
capital and labor. This matter, especially the solution advo- 
cated by the socialists, will be discussed later.^ 

The destruction of the domestic system of industry had also 
a revolutionary effect upon the work and the lives of women 
and children. In all except the heaviest of the mechanical 
industries, such as iron working or ship building, the introduc- 
tion of simple machines tended greatly to increase the num- 
ber of women and children employed compared with the men. 
For example, in the textile industry in England during the 
fifty years from 1841 to 1891, the number of males employed 
increased fifty-three per cent, and the number of females two 
hundred and twenty-one per cent. Before the invention of 
the steam engine, when the simple machines were worked by 
hand, children could be employed only in some of the minor 
processes, such as preparing the cotton for spinning. But in 
the modem factory, labor is largely confined to watching 
machines, piecing broken threads, and working levers, so that 
both women and children can be utilized as effectively as 
men, and much more cheaply. 

Doubtless the women were by no means idle under the old 
system of domestic industry, but their tasks were varied and 
performed at home, whereas under the new system they must 
former duties flock to the factory at the call of the whistle, and labor monot- 
onously at a speed set by the foreman. This led to many 
grave abuses which, as we shall see, the State has been called 
upon to remedy by factory legislation, which has served to 
save the women and children from some of the worst hard- 
ships, although a great deal still remains to be done. On the 
other hand, thousands of women belonging to the more fortu- 
nate classes have been relieved of many of the duties which 
devolved upon the housewife in the eighteenth century when 
many things were made at home which can now be better and 
more cheaply produced on a large scale. 

1 See sect. 109. 

The Indus- 
trial Revolu- 
tion relieves 
some women 
of their 

The Industrial Revolution 49 

Before the Industrial Revolution there had been no sudden 7. Broaden- 
change in the life and habits of the people, since the same mfchankal* 
tools had been used in the same way, often by the same progress on 

•' ' ■' the working- 

family, from generation to generation. When invention began man 

change began, and it seems likely to become more and more 
rapid, since new and better ways of doing things are discov- 
ered daily. Old methods give way to new ones, and the work- 
man of to-day may successively engage in a considerable 
variety of occupations during his life as industries rise, are 
transformed, and decline under the stress of competition and 
invention. This serves to shake the workingman out of the 
old routine, encourages him to move from place to place as 
circumstances dictate, and so widens his experience and 
broadens his mind. He has also learned to combine with his 
fellows into national unions, and even international congresses 
of workingmen are held to consider their common interests. 

To these changes still another may be added, i.e. the 8. Expan- 
expansion of commerce. In spite of the development of trade merce ^°"^' 
before the eighteenth century, a great part of the goods pro- 
duced were destined to be consumed in the neighborhood, 
whereas, after the invention of machinery, it became custom- 
ary to manufacture goods which might be sold in any part of 
the world ; so that one would find the products of Manchester 
or Birmingham in Hongkong, Melbourne, or Bulawayo. Ac- 
cording to official estimates, the exports of England, which 
amounted to less than fourteen million pounds sterling in 1783, 
exceeded twenty-nine millions thirteen years later. 

Although England had been the first to develop the modern France begins 
industrial system, it was, of course, impossible for her to pre- \^^^''^ dow*n- 
vent the gradual introduction of the new inventions on the ^^^ *^ follow 
Continent. Napoleon, in his effort to ruin England's commerce example 
by excluding her from the European markets, was led to 
foster and protect French industries. He encouraged a society 
for the promotion of national industry, and called to the direc- 
tion of the internal affairs of France, Chaptal, a manufacturer, 


The Development of Modern Europe 

ment of in- 
dustry in 
France be- 
tween 1815 
and 1848 

inventor, and active administrator, who organized an exposi- 
tion at Paris as early as 1801, and invited manufacturers to 
send their products for exhibition. Nevertheless, it can hardly 
be said that the Industrial Revolution began on the Continent 
until after Napoleon's fall. It is true that steam engines from 
the works of Bolton and Watt in Birmingham had long been 
used for pumping water, but not until the year in which Napo- 
leon suffered his terrible reverse in Russia was a small engine 
of ten horse power set up in a cotton factory at Mlilhausen 
in Alsace. The backward state of French industry was due 
to the lack of capital and operatives, for Napoleon's mili- 
tary enterprises drained the country of millions of francs and 
drafted hundreds of thousands of men into his armies who might 
otherwise have proved industrious and efficient workmen. 

After the final establishment of peace in 18 15 French in- 
dustry rapidly underwent the revolution that had been accom- 
plished in England half a century before. By 1847 there 
were in France nearly five thousand steam engines with a 
capacity of sixty thousand horse power. The consumption of 
raw cotton was multiplied fivefold in thirty years, and in 1847 
there were over one hundred thousand spinning machines 
with three and a half million spindles at work. Cotton 
thread, which sold for nearly fifteen francs a kilogram when 
Louis XVIII came to the throne, fell to three francs by 1850. 

It was during this period that the iron industry was revolu- 
tionized by the use of coal instead of wood for smelting. 
About 1825 there was a general reequipment of French iron 
works with cylinder blast apparatus and improved machinery 
for casting and handling heavy bars. In 1841 the steam 
hammer was introduced at the great Creusot works.^ But 
perhaps the best test of the development of industry in France 
is the number of patents issued. In spite of the efforts of Napo- 
leon and the prizes offered by the government and industrial 

1 Schneider, the proprietor of the great iron works at Creusot, got the idea 
from Nasmyth, the English inventor, while on a visit to England in 1840. 

The Industrial Reiwliition 


Growth of 
French man- 

societies, the number issued was not over one hundred a 
year during the Empire. Under the Restoration it increased 
rapidly and in 1834 reached five hundred. Ten years later it 
was nearly fifteen hundred, and after the patent law reform of 
1844 it immediately rose to two thousand annually. 

The change in the methods of production had a marked 
effect on the development of the towns and on the growth 
of an industrial class as distinguished from the peasantry. 
Between the years 1836 and 1846 the population of France 
increased by about two millions, and the towns of over two 
thousand inhabitants absorbed the entire increment, that is, 
the country population remained stationary, while the manu- 
facturing towns drew to themselves about two millions, mostly 
belonging to the working class. Paris alone had three hun- 
dred and forty-two thousand working people of both sexes 
in 1847, ^i^d other cities, such as Lyons, Marseilles, Lille, 
Bordeaux, and Toulouse, had their great factories and whole 
quarters peopled by the factory laborers. 

After the July revolution of 1830 the workingmen began to 
form unions, in spite of the fact that the law forbade all asso- 
ciations designed to force employers to pay higher wages. 
While it is true that employers were likewise forbidden to 
form associations to control wages or prices, they could more 
readily conceal their agreements on account of their small 

Notwithstanding the law and the frequent prosecutions for Strikes 
its violation, the workingmen continued to organize in order 
to enforce their' demands for higher wages. For example, in 
1833 there was a general strike among the carpenters, who 
demanded four francs a day and attempted to coerce those 
who were willing to continue at the old wages. When the 
leaders were arrested they were warned that only prisons 
and poverty awaited trade unionists ; nevertheless strikes, dis- 
orders, and arrests seem to have continued, for among the 
unions brought before the courts in the year 1 843-1844 were 

Labor unions 
in France 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Hostility of 




to the labor 


the weavers of Bernay and Rennes ; the hat makers of Lyons ; 
the carpenters of Bourges; the lightermen, masons, trench 
diggers, carpenters, and leather dressers of Paris. In addition 
to punishing workmen for forming unions and quitting work 
in a body, the government refused to listen to their demands 
for legislation to protect women and children in the factories. 
Discontented with their lot, they continued to meet in secret 
clubs, where they listened to socialist schemes for bettering 
their condition and planned the overthrow of Louis Philippe's 


Introduction of Machinery into Textile and Iron Industries : 
HoBSON, Evolution of Modern Capitalism, chap, iii ; Cheyney, 
Industrial a7id Social History of England, pp. 203-212. 

Ancient and Mediaeval Experiments with Steam : Thurston, 
A History of the Growth of the Steam Engine, pp. 1-19. 

Steam Engines before Watt's Inventions: Thurston, pp. 19- 

James Watt and the Development of the Modern Engine : Thurs- 
ton, pp. 79-143. 

The Organization of Industry before Machinery: Hobson, 
chap, ii ; Cheyney, pp. 220-232. 

The Organization of Industry after Machinery.: Hobson, 
chap, iv ; Cheyney, pp. 232-239. 

Development of the Industrial Town : Hobson, chap. xiii. 

Employment of Women in Industry : Hobson, chap, xii ; Sam- 
UELSON, The Civilization of Our Day, pp. 182-195. 


Unpopularity of Louis Philippe's Government 

57. The revolution of 1830 gave the final blow in France Louis 
to the divine right of kings. The sovereignty of the people the^ bourgeois 
was proclaimed in the revised Charter which Louis Philippe ^^"^ 
accepted from the parliament. He added to the former title, — 
" King of the PYench by the Grace of God," — the significant 
phrase '' and the Will of the Nation." The white flag, the old 
banner of the Bourbons and the symbol of absolutism, was 
replaced by the tricolor, the flag of the Revolution. But in spite 
of these externals, only a small fraction of the nation had any 
part in the new go^■ernment. The two hundred and nineteen 
deputies from whom Louis Philippe accepted his crown repre- 
sented only about eighty thousand voters out of a population 
of thirty million ; and the revised election law under the new 
Charter, which- reduced the voting age from forty to thirty years 
and the property qualification by one third, still excluded the 
majority of Frenchmen from political life. In short, both the 
republicans and the old reactionary aristocracy had been forced 
to give way before the wealthy middle class, — the bourgeoisie. 

The king himself announced that his policy would be the Character of 
golden mean between conservatism and liberalism. He was phuippe 
himself an excellent bourgeois ; he lived without the pomp of 
royalty and was fond of going shopping, almost unattended, 
carrying his green umbrella under his arm. He was cautious 
and not inclined to risk any innovations ; grasping and ava- 
ricious, he regarded his kingdom as a kjnd of business enter- 
prise which interested him mainly for the sake of the profits to 
be derived from it. As time wore on he grew more and more 



The Developmeftt of Modem Europe 

The legiti- 

Tlie republi- 

The govern- 
ment takes 
measures to 
suppress the 

conservative, and his reign of eighteen years was a period of 
pohtical stagnation. 

The so-called " July monarchy " was therefore stoutly op- 
posed by two types of extremists, — the adherents of the older 
Bourbon line, or ''legitimists," as they were called, and the 
republicans. As for the former, the flight of Charles X from 
his kingdom had not deprived them of all hope of again 
coming into power, for Charles had left a grandson whom, 
under the title of Henry V, they regarded as their lawful king. 
This party was numerically small ; it was mainly recruited from 
the nobility and the clergy, and found its chief supporters 
among the peasants of the Vendee, where traditional faithfulness 
to the royal family was still the rule. The legitimists were not, 
however, given to violent measures, such as throwing up barri- 
cades and seizing public buildings, and Louis Philippe did not 
feel his throne greatly endangered by them. 

It was an altogether different matter with the republicans, 
who cherished the memories of 1 793 and continued to threaten 
France with another violent revolution. This party carried on 
its work mainly through secret societies, similar to the Car- 
bonari in Italy, which spread rapidly in the new manufacturing 
towns. The most powerful of these organizations was the 
" Society of the Rights of Man," which was divided into lodges 
of twenty members each. Remembering the ease with which 
they had overturned the throne in 1830, the republicans made 
several futile attempts to organize insurrections, which were 
easily put down, however, by Louis Philippe's troops. 

In addition to their other efforts to destroy the monarchy, 
the republicans published a number of papers which attacked 
the government and even ventured to make sport of the king. 
The administration therefore determined to suppress entirely 
this revolutionary party. A law was passed forbidding the 
formation of any association whatever which had not previously 
submitted its rules and by-laws to government officials for 
approval, and members as well as leaders of unauthorized 

Revolntion of 1848 in France 5 5 

societies were made liable to severe penalties. Exceptional 
measures were also taken against the press, including a censor- 
ship of drawings and caricatures. It was made a crime to 
attack the institution of private property or the established 
government, or to incite the people to revolt. The most violent 
paper, The Tribune, was prosecuted one hundred and eleven 
times ; its editor was condemned to prison on twenty different 
occasions, and fines aggregating 157,000 francs were imposed 
upon him. By these vigorous methods the republicans, as a polit- 
ical party, were reduced for the time being to insignificance. 

Meanwhile there was growing up in the large industrial The socialists 
cities a socialistic party, which no mere change of rulers or 
extension of the suffrage would satisfy. Its members had seen 
the republic, the empire, and the Bourbon monarchy come and 
go, and constitutions made and unmade, leaving the poverty 
of the peasants and workingmen unalleviated. On the other 
hand, they had seen the nobles deprived of their privileges and 
the clergy of their property, and it was only natural that bold 
thinkers among them should demand that the triumphant 
middle class, who owed their wealth to commerce and the 
new machinery, should in turn be divested of some of their 
riches and privileges in the interest of the working classes. 

Denunciations of private property and of the unequal distri- Baboeuf ad- 
bution of wealth had been heard during the first French Revo- socraUstk 
lution and even earlier, but they had attracted little attention, pysteni dur- 

^ ing the Keign 

Baboeuf (i 760-1 797) had declared in the days of the Terror of Terror 
that a political revolution left the condition of the people 
practically unchanged. "When I see the poor without the 
clothing and shoes which they themselves are engaged in 
making, and contemplate the small minority who do not work 
and yet want for nothing, I am convinced that government is 
still the old conspiracy of the few against the many, only it has 
taken a new form." His proposal to transfer all property to 
the State and so administer it that every one should be assured 
employment, speedily found adherents, and a society was formed 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Aims of the 

tion of 
Labor, 1839 

to usher in the new order. The organization was soon suppressed 
and Baboeuf himself executed ; but his writings were widely 
circulated, and after the July revolution in 1830 some of his old 
followers began to renew their agitation against private property. 

In addition to the followers of Baboeuf there were other 
writers and agitators, who all advocated more or less complete 
abolition of private property, although they disagreed funda- 
mentally as to the methods to be employed in order to achieve 
their ends. The general aims of these various groups were set 
forth in a manifesto of 1832 as follows: "We have in view 
not so much a political change as a social reformation. The 
extension of political rights, electoral reform, universal suffrage, 
may all be excellent things, but simply as means to an end. 
Our object is the equal division of the burdens and benefits of 
society, the complete establishment of the reign of equality." 

The work of formulating a practical program for these con- 
tentious factions was undertaken by Louis Blanc, whose volume 
on The Organization of Labor, published in 1839, g^ve defi- 
niteness to the vague aspirations of the reformers. Blanc pro- 
claimed the right of all men to employment and the duty of 
the State to provide it. He proposed that the government 
should furnish the capital to found national workshops which 
should be managed by the workmen, who were to divide the 
profits of the industry among themselves, thus abolishing the 
employing class altogether. The "organization of labor" 
became the battle cry of the labor leaders ; it was heard even 
in the Chamber of Deputies, for as early as 1840 Arago de- 
clared in that body that the organization of labor was necessary 
in order to put an end to the miseries of the working classes. 
A journal called Reform was founded by Louis Blanc, and the 
agitation in favor of a social revolution was actively carried on, 
especially among the workingmen. Nevertheless there was no 
well- organized party ready to enter the political field or to work 
for a definite aim ; there were plenty of theories and agitators, 
but discipline and leadership were wanting. 


Revolution 0/1848 in France 57 

The political power at this time was really in the hands of views of 

r ^ -, ^ ^ r^^ • 111 Thicrs and 

two groups of statesmen, one headed by Thiers, and the other cuizot 
by Guizot, both famous as historians and men of letters. Thiers 
wished to have a constitution like that of England, where, as 
he was wont to say, "the king reigns but does not rule." 
Guizot wished the king to exercise real power ; he did not 
want the throne to become an "empty armchair," and re- 
garded further change in the constitution as undesirable. He 
resisted all compromise with republicans and radicals and 
labored to strengthen the monarchy as established and to 
conciliate the powers of Europe, who looked askance at revolu- 
tionary France. In 1840 he became prime minister, and he 
and the king together ruled France for eight years. 

In order to keep up the pretense of government by parlia- Corrupt and 


mentary majority, Guizot resorted to a regular system of policy of 
corruption which recalls the practices of Walpole. Owing to 
the centralized administration established by Napoleon, all of 
the government officials throughout France — the mayors, 
prefects, and subprefects — were appointed and dismissed 
by him, and he could thus use them to coerce the voters. 
Though personally honorable, Guizot placed the government 
on a thoroughly corrupt basis and then attempted to stifle 
protest by police measures and the prosecution of newspaper 
editors. Having made himself master of the kingdom, he 
steadily refused to undertake any legislation for the benefit 
of the working classes and opposed all efforts to extend the 
suffrage, maintaining that there were not more than one 
hundred thousand persons in all France "capable of voting 
with good judgment and independence." 

The Second French Republic 

58. Thiers and the other politicians who were opposed to Political ban- 
Guizot devised a plan of holding banquets where, over their ^"^j.^^ j|^3 
cigars and wine, the enemies of the unpopular minister could 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Fall of 

The Febru- 
ary revolu- 
tion in Paris 

denounce his policy and dwell on the great things they would 
do if they were in power. Invitations had been issued to one 
of these banquets to be held in Paris on February 22, 1848. 
The government, however, intervened and forbade the guests 
to assemble. After some hesitation they decided to obey, but 
a crowd of workingmen and republicans gathered in the neigh- 
borhood of the banqueting hall and before long there was 
trouble between them and the police. As the excitement in- 
creased the national guard was summoned, but the soldiers 
sympathized with the people and joined in their cry for reform. 
Barricades were built and gunsmiths' shops ransacked for arms. 

The king was now thoroughly frightened and agreed to the 
formation of a new ministry. The next day (February 23) 
Guizot tendered his resignation in the Chamber of Deputies 
and Louis Philippe called to office the politicians of the oppo- 
sition. But it was too late. He and Guizot had calmly ignored 
the vast mass of the nation, and in the next few days they 
were to learn what intense hatred their irresponsible rule had 

What seemed to be the happy ending of a popular demon- 
stration was really the beginning of a revolution. The poli- 
ticians were satisfied with getting rid of Guizot, but the 
leaders in the street disturbances wanted far more than a 
change in the ministry. During the evening of the twenty-third 
they made an attack upon the Foreign Office, where the un- 
popular minister resided ; thereupon the soldiers on guard 
fired upon and killed several of the rioters. This roused the 
anger of the populace to fever heat ; the bodies of the vic- 
tims were placed on a cart and carried through the boulevards 
in a weird torchlight procession. Before the dawn of Febru- 
ary 24 the eastern part of the city was covered with barri- 
cades. In the narrow winding streets a cart or two and a heap 
of cobblestones formed an effective fortification, while the tall 
houses on either side enabled a few defenders to check a 
considerable body of soldiers. 

Rcvohition 0/1848 in France 59 

With a disloyal national guard and an insufficient police Abdication 
force the entire city was soon in the hands of the insurgents, phiUppe, 
and Louis Philippe in despair abdicated in favor of his grand- ^^bmary 24, 
son, the count of Paris. The Chamber of Deputies was power- 
less to check the rising tide of revolution. Both the republicans 
and the labor party seized the occasion to institute provisional 
governments ; but they soon saw the necessity of uniting their 
forces in order to oppose the supporters of the monarchy. 
Determined, at any rate, to have no more royalty, they pro- A republic 
claimed a republic on the afternoon of the twenty-fourth, P''^*^^*"''^ 
subject to the ratification of the people in a national assembly 
to be summoned immediately. 

In spite of the momentary victory, the success of the pro- How the 

. . , , 1 -r T • 1 1 labor party 

Visional government was by no means assured. It was divided was able to 
against itself, for it consisted of two factions whose aims were provSViIai 
really entirely different. The moderate republicans were quite government 
satisfied with merely abolishing the monarchy, whereas the 
workingmen, whose active cooperation had put the revolu- 
tionists in power, had set their hearts on introducing the 
whole scheme advocated by Louis Blanc. Thus by a peculiar 
combination of circumstances the radical leaders of the work- 
ing classes, though a mere minority, were able to force upon 
the provisional government measures for which the people of 
France were not prepared. 

On the day after the proclamation of the republic the rad- Decrees in 
icals compelled the government to assume the obligation of laboring 
guaranteeing employment to all citizens and to recognize the ^l^^ses 
right of workingmen to form unions, — a right which had 
hitherto been denied them. A decree soon followed ordering 
the establishment of national workshops and charging the 
minister of public works with carrying the plan into execution. 
This measure was accepted by the majority of the provisional 
government in order to avoid a division in their ranks, which 
at that moment might have led to a renewal of disorder 
in Paris. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

A labor com- 
mission es- 
tablislied at 
the Luxem- 

The labor 
assembles in 
the hall 
hitherto occu- 
pied by the 
House of 

Slight results 

Louis Blanc's 
not fairly 

As a further concession to the labor element the provisional 
government declared that it was necessary without delay to 
assure to the people the legitimate fruits of their labor, and 
established in the Luxembourg palace a committee charged 
with the special task of looking after the interests of the work- 
ing classes. This was really a shrewd move on the part of the 
opponents of the " socialists," for it sent them away from the 
City Hall to waste their time in making fine speeches and ex- 
pounding theories for the execution of which no money had 
been appropriated. 

The Luxembourg committee, headed by Louis Blanc and 
a leader of the workingmen named Albert, began its sessions 
on March i, and at once proceeded to organize a labor par- 
liament composed of delegates from each craft. This was 
opened on March lo with a speech by the eloquent Blanc. 
He declared that as he beheld the workmen assembled in the 
Hall of the Peers, hitherto the sanctuary of privilege, in which 
so many laws directed against them had been made, he felt 
an emotion which he could with difficulty repress. " On these 
same seats," he exclaimed, " once glittering with embroidered 
coats, what do I see now? Garments threadbare with honor- 
able toil, some perhaps bearing the marks of recent conflict." 

The labor parliament, however, accomplished very little. 
It temporarily persuaded the provisional government to re- 
duce the working hours from eleven to ten in Paris, and from 
twelve to eleven in the country, and to abolish the payment of 
wages in goods instead of money. 

As the government had furnished them with no capital, 
Louis Blanc and his supporters were powerless to carry out 
their plan for cooperative workshops, which they regarded as 
the most vital of all their reforms. Only some exceptional 
circumstances permitted even a partial trial of their theories. 
As the government needed clothing for the soldiers and 
saddles for the cavalrymen, some associations of tailors, 
saddlers, and spinners were formed to supply this demand. 

Revohitioji 0/1848 in France 61 

Although fairly successful as long as they lasted, they fur- 
nished no real test of Blanc's doctrines, because they were 
engaged on special work for which there was an assured de- 
mand rather than in regular trades dependent upon the 
general market. 

The provisional government had, it is true, ordered the The national 
establishment of national workshops and issued a decree guar- mere tempo- 
anteeing employment to all, but with very different motives dtenAm-^ 
from those of the labor committee. Louis Blanc and his follow- worthy the 


ers sought to organize the various trades into permanent, self- 
supporting cooperative industries, financed in the beginning by 
the State, but managed by the workingmen themselves. The 
provisional government, on the contrary, merely desired to 
allay the restlessness of the unemployed by fair promises. It 
opened relief works accordingly, which offered more or less 
useless occupation to the idle men who thronged to Paris. 
The minister of public works was a determined opponent of 
Louis Blanc and the socialists. He made no attempt to assign 
the workmen to their proper trades or to establish factories. 
He merely organized into brigades those who applied for work, 
and set them to digging ditches and building forts at a uniform 
wage of two francs a day. 

This crude temporary expedient was put into operation 
March i , and in fifteen days six thousand men had enrolled in 
the government employ. In April the number reached a hun- 
dred thousand, and several million francs were being expended 
to pay these labor gangs. The plan, however, realized the orig- 
inal object of the government, — it kept the idle busy and pre- 
vented disorder until the conservative classes could regain 
their usual ascendency. 

On May 4 the provisional government gave way to a The National 
National Assembly elected by practically universal manhood exhTbTtsno 
suffrage, which was called upon to draft a new republican con- sympathy for 
stitution for the country. The majority of the deputies were 
moderate republicans who were bitterly opposed to all socialistic 


The Development of Modern Europe 

The National 
to close the 

The terrible 
" June days" 
of 1848 

tendencies. The rural districts which had taken no part in 
the Revolution could now make themselves felt, and it was 
clear enough that the representatives of the peasants did not 
sympathize in any way with the projects and demands of the 
Paris workingmen. 

Before it could proceed to consider seriously the form of 
the new constitution the National Assembly was forced to 
take decisive measures in regard to the " national workshops," 
to which crowds continued to flock, draining the treasury to 
pay for their useless labor. When Louis Blanc proposed in 
the assembly that a minister of labor should be created 
to deal with the situation, he was met with the cry of, " No, 
no socialism for us." In vain did he urge that the sudden 
discharge of so many idle men would mean bloodshed, and 
perhaps revolution, unless some provision were made for their 
employment. The assembly decided on closing the " work- 
shops," and ordered the men either to join the army or leave 
the city. 

The people at once set up the cry of "bread or lead," 
and the most terrible street fighting that Paris had ever wit- 
nessed ensued. The streets of the districts inhabited by the 
working classes were again torn up for barricades, and from 
Friday, June 23, until the following Monday a desperate conflict 
raged. The assembly, fearing the triumph of the labor party, 
invested General Cavaignac with dictatorial power to crush 
the revolt. Victory was inevitably on the side of the govern- 
ment troops, who were well disciplined and well equipped, -while 
the insurgents fought irregularly and were half-starved. In its 
hour of triumph the government's retaliation was most unjus- 
tifiably severe ; about four thousand citizens were transported 
without trial, thirty-two newspapers were suppressed, and the 
leading writers among the radicals imprisoned. Order was 
restored, but the carnage of the " June days " left a heritage 
of undying hatred between the workingmen and the capitalists 
of Paris. 

Revoliitio7i of 1848 in Fraftce 63 

After this "solution" of the labor problem the assembly The constitu- 

turned with more freedom to the work of drawing up a consti- second 

tution. In spite of a strong royalist minority, the assembly ^[^^^^^^^ 

had declared itself in favor of a republic on the very first day pieted, No- 

r T -1 T^ ■,. -, vember, 1848 

of meeting. It revived the motto of '' Liberty, Equality, and 
Fraternity," and urged all Frenchmen to forget their former 
dissensions and " to constitute henceforth but a single family." 

After six months of debate a new constitution was pro- 
mulgated. It proclaimed the sovereignty of the people and 
guaranteed religious freedom and liberty of the press. The 
government was vested in a single chamber of seven hundred 
and fifty members elected by popular vote, and a president 
to be chosen, also by popular vote, for a term of four years. 
The only trace of the violent labor agitation was embodied in 
a clause of the preamble, which declared that the republic, 
within the limit of its resources, was bound to assure the main- 
tenance of indigent citizens by furnishing them with work or 
aiding those unable to work. 

After the establishment of the constitution, interest centered The candi- 
in the first presidential election, held on December 10, 1848. presidency 
Three leading candidates entered the contest, Ledru-Rollin, 
representing the labor party. General Cavaignac, who had so 
ruthlessly suppressed the June insurrection, and Louis Napo- 
leon, a nephew of Napoleon I. 

The last of these candidates had up to this time led a varied Checkered 
and interesting life. He was born in Paris while his father, Louis 
Louis Napoleon, was king of Holland, and the great emperor Napoleon 
had stood as his godfather at his baptism. After his uncle's 
downfall, when he was six years old, he was expelled from 
France with his mother, who wandered about with him for 
some time, and then settled down in Augsburg, where his edu- 
cation was begun in a German school. Later they moved to 
the shores of Lake Constance, where the young Louis began a 
special study of the French Revolution under a Swiss tutor. 
His mother continually impressed upon his youthful mind 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Louis Napo- 
leon's work 
on Napo- 

the fact that one who bore the great name of Bonaparte was 
destined to accomplish something in the world, and he came 
firmly to believe that it was his mission to reestablish the 
Napoleonic dynasty on the throne of France. 

After the death of Napoleon I's son in 1832 ^ he put himself 
forward as the direct claimant to the imperial crown, and four 
years later he attempted to provoke a military uprising at 
Strassburg, designed to put him on the throne of France. 
This proved a miserable failure, and only the clemency of 
Louis Philippe saved him from being punished as a traitor. 
He then settled in England, where he published in 1839 ^ 
volume on Napoleonic Ideas, in which he represented Napoleon 
as the servant of the principles of the Revolution, his empire 
as the guardian of the rights of the people, and his fondest 
desire, the progress of democracy. In short, he created a fic- 
titious Napoleon who hoped and labored only for the good of 
the people, and who was overthrown by tyrants. 

This volume proved very opportune, for the next year the 
remains of the emperor were brought back to France from the 
lonely island of St. Helena and entombed with great pomp on 
the banks of the Seine. It seemed to Louis Napoleon that the 
time was ripe for another attempt to win the coveted crown. 
He landed with a few companions at Boulogne, bringing with 
him a tame eagle as an emblem of the empire. This second 

1 Chief members of the Napoleonic House. 

Carlos Buonaparte 

I \ I \ I 

Joseph Napoleon I Louis Caroline Jerome 

king of Spain | king of Holland m. Murat, king of Westphalia 

I [ king of Naples I 

Napoleon II* Napoleon III | 

king of Rome | Napoleon Joseph 

d, 1832 Eugene Louis (Plon Plon) 

(killed in Zululand, 1 

1879) I 


* See above, p. 4, note. 

The caricaturist rep- 
resents Louis Napoleon 
fallen upon evil times. 
But as he sits in his Lou- 
don lodgings despondent 
over his past faih(res to 
make himself master of 
France, his pet eagle 
alights upon the bust of 
his famous uncle, Napo- 
leon I, and prophesies 
a great future for his 

English Caricature of Louis Napoleon (1848) 



The Development of Modern Europe 

Louis Napo- 
leon returns 
to France in 

He concili- 
ates the favor 
of all classes 
and is elected 
president of 
the French 

enterprise, like the first, proved a fiasco, and this time Louis 
Napoleon was shut up in the fortress at Ham, from which, in 
1846, he escaped to England to await the good fortune to 
which he still firmly believed himself destined. 

The insurrection in 1848 offered just the opportunity he 
desired, and four days after the proclamation of the republic he 
announced his presence in Paris to the provisional government, 
pledged himself to support it, and declared that he had no 
other ambition than that of serving his country. Shortly after- 
ward he was elected a member of the National Assembly and 
soon found favor with the populace. 

He had for years professed himself a democrat and pro- 
claimed his belief in the sovereignty of the people. He had 
written several essays in which he had expressed sympathy 
with the working classes and he was known to have interested 
himself in the projects of Louis Blanc. He now offered him- 
self as a candidate for the presidency and issued a campaign 
manifesto, as adroitly worded as many of his famous uncle's 
proclamations, in which he promised the working classes special 
laws for their benefit; but, on the other hand, he distinctly 
repudiated all socialistic schemes and reassured the middle 
classes by guaranteeing order and the security of property. 
He did not forget the soldiers, to whom he recalled the glories 
of the empire and offered an assured existence in return for 
their long and faithful services to their country. This time 
his plans worked admirably, for he was elected president by 
an overwhelming majority of five and a half million votes to 
less than one and a half millions cast for the two other can- 
didates combined. 

Louis Napoleon and the Second French Empire 

How the 
fell into 

59. It soon became clear that the man whom the French 
had put at the head of their second republic was bent on 
making himself emperor. His first step was to destroy the 

Revolution of 1848 in France 6y 

republican party itself ; this was the more easily done because 
the peasantry and shopkeepers had been turned against it by 
the hard times and the disorders of 1848. As a result of their 
discontent almost two thirds of the deputies elected in 1849 
were monarchists, so that the president's plans coincided with 
the sentiments of the assembly. The newspapers of the repub- 
licans were closely watched and their public meetings pro- 
hibited. A new electoral law was then passed on May 31, 1850, 
which was cleverly arranged to exclude from the suffrage 
nearly three million workingmen, — the class most interested 
in maintaining the republic. 

President Napoleon now began to work for a revision of the How Louis 
constitution that would extend his term of office from four to gan^to^vork^ 
ten years. He selected his ministers from among his personal toward rees- 
friends, courted the favor of the army and the government the empire 
officials, and by journeys through the country sought to arouse 
the enthusiasm of the people for the restoration of the empire. 
Nevertheless his proposition to revise the constitution was 
defeated in the assembly, whereupon he endeavored to gain 
popularity by declaring that he had never sympathized with 
the electoral law of May 31, restricting the suffrage, and 
demanded its repeal. 

As the Assembly refused to cooperate in his plans he finally Coup d'etat 
determined to risk a coup d'etat which he had been meditating j_2^ 185T 
for some time. After a social function held in his palace on 
the evening of December i, 1851, he gathered about him 
a few of his most trusted advisers and confided his designs to 
them. One of his supporters, whom he charged with the publi- 
cation of a series of decrees, immediately repaired with 
an armed force to the government printing office and com- 
pelled the workmen to print the required proclamations. 
Another confidential agent was instructed to see that a number 
of the president's chief opponents in the Assembly were 
arrested and imprisoned before sunrise. A third was intrusted 
with the task of preventing any trouble in the army. When 


The Development of Modern Europe 

The presi- 
dent appeals 
to the people 

And is given 
power by a 

character of 
the revolu- 
tion of De- 
cember, 1851 

the morning of December 2 — the anniversary of the glori- 
ous victory of Austerlitz — broke, the walls of Paris were pla- 
carded with copies of a decree issued by the president, dissolving 
the Assembly, reestablishing universal suffrage, and ordering a 
new election. 

This decree was accompanied by an appeal to the people, 
in which the president declared that the assembly had become 
the " center of conspiracies where weapons of civil war were 
being forged," and added that it was his duty to "preserve 
the republic and save the country." He stated that he no 
longer desired an office which he was powerless to use for 
good. He appealed, consequently, to the people, and proposed 
certain fundamental constitutional changes, including an in- 
crease in the president's term of office to ten years and the 
establishment of a ministry responsible to the president alone. 
(Like his distinguished uncle, he was willing to allow every- 
body to vote if he could retain the right of initiating all laws 
himself through his council of state.) 

Finally he submitted to the people of France the following 
proposition : " The French people desire the maintenance of 
the authority of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte and delegate to 
him the necessary powers in order to make a constitution on 
the basis announced in his proclamation of December 2." 
Every Frenchman twenty-one years of age was permitted to vote 
" yes " or " no " on this proposition, and the result was officially 
estimated at 7,740,000 for the measure and 646,000 against 
it. The coup d'etat was thus approved by the people, and 
what may be called the constitutional absolutism of the first 
Napoleon was again introduced into France. 

Save for a little bloodshed in Paris on December 4, this 
revolution was accomplished very quietly. About a hundred 
thousand opponents of Napoleon throughout the country, in- 
cluding the leaders of the opposition in the assembly, — Thiers, 
Cavaignac, and Changarnier, — were arrested, and nearly ten 
thousand were deported, but the people at large accepted the 


RevohUion of 1848 in France 69 

situation without protest. As Victor Hugo said : " Workingmen 
read the appeal and went quietly to work. Perhaps one in a 
hundred took the trouble to say : ' The law of May 3 1 , abol- 
ished? — that is good. Universal suffrage again restored? — 
that is fine. The reactionary majority driven out? — excellent! 
Thiers imprisoned? — splendid! Changarnier collared? — 
Hurrah ! ' " In short the workingmen merely rejoiced in the 
overthrow of the politicians who had waged war on them in 
the bloody June days of 1848. 

The president was now master of France. He appointed Reestabiish- 
officers, initiated laws, declared war, made peace, and in fact empire, No- 
himself constituted the real power in the government. Though member, 1852 
already an emperor in reality he was not satisfied until he 
secured the title, and it was evident that the country was 
ready for the fulfillment of his hopes, for wherever he went he 
was greeted with cries of '' Long live the Emperor." Part of 
this public sentiment was doubtless inspired by the president's 
officials, but the name of Napoleon awakened glorious memories 
and there was a genuine desire throughout France to see the 
empire reestablished. 

Toward the close of 1852 Louis Napoleon, in a speech at 
Bordeaux, at last openly announced his belief that France was 
ready for the abolition of the second republic. The final step 
was easy, for the constitution which he had devised after the 
coup d'etat oi 185 1 empowered the senate to regulate everything 
that had not been provided for by the constitution, and fur- 
thermore to propose constitutional amendments. Now, since 
the members of the senate were chosen by Louis Napoleon 
himself they readily agreed to pass a decree making him 
Napoleon HI, emperor of the French. This decree was sub- 
mitted to popular vote (November, 1852) and ratified by an 
overwhelming majority. The dream of Louis Napoleon's life 
was at last realized, — the Napoleonic dynasty was restored. 

For almost ten years his government was a thinly veiled 
despotism. Though the imperial constitution confirmed the 


The Development of Modem Europe 

character of 
Ill's govern- 

Prosperity of 
France under 
the second 
empire, 1852- 

great principles of the Revolution, a decree abolishing the 
liberty of the press was immediately issued. No periodical or 
newspaper treating of political or social economy could be 
published without previous authorization on the part of the 
government. Papers of such character published abroad could 
not be circulated without the consent of the government, 
and lithographs, engravings, and prints could not be exposed 
for sale without the approval of the police authorities. More- 
over the government officers could suppress journals at will. 
Napoleon III had promised liberty of instruction, but he com- 
pelled the teachers in the university to take an oath of alle- 
giance to himself. Instruction in history and philosophy was 
discouraged, and the university professors were ordered to shave 
their mustaches " in order to remove from their appearance, 
as well as from their manners, the last vestiges of anarchy." 

Though the forms of a democratic government were main- 
tained, the will of the emperor was really supreme. While all 
citizens could vote, the government took care to secure the 
election of its own candidates for parliament. The representa- 
tives of the people met every year in Paris, but they could 
introduce no bills, for that was reserved to the emperor's 
council of state, and their debates were rarely open to the 
pubHc when anything of interest was under consideration.^ 

Notwithstanding this autocratic regime, the country was 
prosperous and the people generally contented. If the emperor 
was a despot, he endeavored — and with no little success — to 
be an enlightened one. Benevolent institutions increased in 
number. Railway construction was rapidly pushed forward, and 
great trunk lines which had been begun under Louis Philippe 
were completed. The city of Paris was improved and beautified ; 

1 After ten years of this personal rule the emperor had aroused so much oppo- 
sition that he was compelled to moderate the laws against the press and political . 
meetings, and in 1870 he consented to a revision of the constitution demanded 
by the liberals. This reform changed the senate from an imperial council into 
a second legislative chamber and made ministers responsible to the national 

Reiwbition of 1848 in France 7 1 

the narrow streets were widened and broad avenues laid out. 
The great exposition of 1855 testified to the industrial and 
scientific advance of France ; and if little of all this progress 
is to be attributed to the emperor's initiative, it nevertheless 
remains a fact that it was accomplished under his rule. If it 
had not been for a series of foreign events which weakened his 
prestige at home, Napoleon III might have remained securely 
on his throne until his death. 


The Character of Louis Philippe's Government : Seignobos, 
Political History of Europe since 1814, pp. 1 32-136; Fvffe, 
History of Modern Europe, pp. 699-703 ; Andrews, Historical 
Developnieut of Modern Europe, Vol. I, pp. 276-314; Cambridge 
Modern History, Vol. X, chap, xv, pp. 475-490; Muller, Polit- 
ical History of Recent Times, pp. 182-186. 

Growth of the Republican and Labor Parties: Seignobos, pp. 
136-142; Andrews, Vol. I, pp. 315-319; Cambridge Modern 
History, Vol. X, chap, xv, pp. 490-493. 

The Guizot Ministry and Development of Opposition : Seignobos, 
pp. 145-152; Andrews, Vol. I, pp. 320-336. 

The February Revolution: Seignobos, pp. 155-159; Fyffe, 
pp. 703-706; Andrews, Vol. I, pp. 336-345; Muller, pp. 

The Labor Party and Its Overthrow : Seignobos, pp. 1 59-164 ; 
Fyffe, pp. 729-734; Andrews, Vol. I, pp. 345-358; MUller, 
pp. 192-197. 

The Second Republic and Louis Napoleon: Seignobos, pp. 164- 
170; Fyffe, pp. 734-737, 810-823; Andrews, Vol. II, pp. 7- 
41 ; MtJLLER, pp. 197-202. 

The Empire of Napoleon III: Seignobos, pp. 170-184; 
Andrews, Vol. II, pp. 146-188. 


The Fall of Metternich 

The issues 6o. When Mettemich heard of the February revolution in 

Sution 0^1848 France all his old fears were revived. " Europe finds herself 
tho^^^thT" to-day," he declared, "in the presence of a second 1793." 
first French Great changes had, however, taken place during the fifty-five 
years which had elapsed since France first offered to aid other 
nations to free themselves from their " tyrants " and throw off 
the trammels of feudalism. In 1848 the principles proclaimed 
in the Declaration of the Rights of Man were accepted by the 
liberal parties which had come into existence in every state of 
Europe, and which were actively engaged in promoting the cause 
of popular government, a free press, equality of all before the 
law, and the abolition of the vestiges of the feudal system. 
Moreover the national spirit which had awakened during the 
Napoleonic Period ^ was at work, and served more than any- 
thing else to excite opposition to the existing order. Lastly, 
the Industrial Revolution was quickening the thought and 
rousing the aspirations of the great mass of the population. 
Those who lived by the labor of their hands and were em- 
ployed in the new industries which were rapidly developing 
now had their spokesmen, especially in France, and claimed 
the right to vote and to mold the laws to meet their particular 
interests. So in 1848 the rights of nations and of the laborer 
were added to the rights of man, which had constituted the 
main issue in 1793. 

In nearly every European country the liberals were encour- 
aged by the successful February revolution in Paris to undertake 

1 See above, Vol. I, pp. 355 sqq. 

Revolution of 1848 ^ — Austria, Germany, Italy 73 

to win, by violence if necessary, the reforms which they had The agitation 
so long been advocating. In England a body of workingmen, eral through- 
known as " Chartists," 1 made a desperate though futile effort^pe*^'^" 
to wring from Parliament the right to vote. A liberal ministry 
in Belgium was forced to reduce the amount of property 
which voters were required to possess, so that larger numbers 
of the people could participate in elections. The king of the 
Netherlands, in order to allay the discontent in his realm, 
agreed to a new and more democratic form of government. 
The Swiss, who had just passed through a civil conflict, swept 
away the constitution which had been adopted in 1814, and 
drew up a new one.^ The chief agitations of 1848, — if we 
except that in France, described in the preceding chapter, — 
occurred, however, in Germany, Italy, and the Austrian do- 
minions,^ and it seems best to consider first the disturbances 
in Vienna, where Metternich had for forty years been doing 
his best to prevent any hint of change. 

1 The Chartist movement will be considered later. See sect. So. 

2 The settlement of 1815 in Switzerland, like that in Germany, Italy, and 
other European countries, met with opposition from the liberals. It had left the 
internal government of each canton in the hands of a small minority of the 
wealthy classes, and had modeled the diet on that of Germany, making it merely 
a congress of ambassadors with slight powers. Agitation for a revision of this 
system was begun immediately after its establishment, but it was opposed espe- 
cially by the Catholics, who were in a slight minority and feared that a stronger 
central government would be used by the Protestants to restrict their rights. In 
1841 the government of Aargau precipitated a civil conflict by suppressing the 
monasteries within its jurisdiction. Although the Swiss constitution guaranteed 
the monasteries in their rights, the federal government refused to interfere with 
the domestic concerns of Aargau. Thereupon the Catholic cantons, under the 
leadership of Lucerne, Uri, and Zug, formed a Catholic alliance, or Sonderbufid, 
which defied the entire democratic and nationalist party. After some skirmishes 
which scarcely deserve the name of war, this party of disunion was suppressed, 
and in 1848 a new federal constitution drawn up. Instead of a diet of ambas- 
sadors it provided for a senate representing the states, and for deputies elected 
by the people at large on the plan of the government of the United States. This 
constitution was revised in 1874, when still larger powers were given to the 
federal government. For the initiative and " referendum," see below, p. 378. 
For further details see Seignobos, Political History of Europe since 1814, 
pp. 256-285. 

3 Spain escaped a revolution in 1848, largely owing to the strong measures of 
General Narvaez, who just then enjoyed dictatorial powers. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

under Aus 
trian rule 

Extraordi- But before proceeding it will be necessary to consider more 

ofS^ople^s*"*^^ carefully than we have hitherto done the singular composition 
of the realms of the House of Hapsburg. The regions west of 
Vienna, extending to Switzerland and Bavaria, were inhabited 
chiefly by Germans. To the south, in the provinces of Carniola, 
Styria, Carinthia, Goerz, Gradiska, and Istria, there were many 
Slavs, and to the north, in Bohemia and Moravia, were the 
Czechs, interspersed among twice their number of Germans. 
On the borders of Russia dwelt the Poles, whose territories the 
emperor had received at the partition of their kingdom, and 
the Ruthenians who had once been subjects of the Sultan of 
Turkey. The inhabitants of the kingdom of Hungary included, 
besides the Magyars, or Hungarians proper, who dwelt in the 
vast plains of the Danube valley, Roumanians in the south and 
east, and the independence-loving Croats (Croatians) in the 
south and west. Beyond the Alps was the Lombardo-Venetian 
kingdom inhabited by Italians. Among this mass of people of 
different tongues and traditions, the most important were the 
Germans of Austria, the Czechs of Bohemia, the Magyars of 
Hungary, and the Italians in Lombardy and Venetia. 

In the provinces of the Austrian Empire, Ferdinand I ruled 
personally through ministers whom he appointed and dis- 
missed. Laws were made, taxes levied, and revenues spent 
without consulting the people. Newspapers, books, theaters, 
and teachers were under close police surveillance to prevent 
the introduction of any new ideas. Travel abroad was re- 
stricted by a decree which required every citizen leaving the 
realm to have a government passport. Scholars were therefore 
largely cut off from the thought of western Europe, and Met- 
ternich boasted that the scientific spirit had been kept out of 
even the universities. The nobles still enjoyed their ancient au- 
thority over their serfs, including the right to mete out justice 
to them in the manorial courts, to prevent their leaving the 
villages without permission, and to exact from them the old 
feudal services. The clergy were as powerful as they had been 

The govern 
ment of 

Revolution of 1848 ^ — Aiistfia, Germany, Italy 75 

before the French Revolution, and non-CathoHcs were excluded 
entirely from government offices. 

The only vestige of popular government was to be found in The kingdom 
the diets of the provinces, and among them only that of audits 
Bohemia was formidable enough to hamper in any way the "gpSrations 
officials dispatched from \'ienna. The Bohemians had never 
ceased to remember that theirs was once an independent king- 
dom ^ with a glorious past, and, as in other races, a strong spirit 
of nationalism awakened among them at the opening of the 
nineteenth century. Napoleon had appealed to that spirit in 
1809 when he sought to prevent their aiding Austria against 
him. " Your union with Austria," he urged, " has been your 
misfortune. Your blood has been shed for her in distant lands, 
and your dearest interests have been sacrificed continually to 
those of the hereditary provinces. You form the finest ])ortion 
of her empire, and you are treated as a mere province to be 
used as an instrument of passions to which you are strangers. 
You have national customs and a national language ; you pride 
yourself on your ancient and illustrious origin. Assume once 
more your position as a nation. Choose a king for yourselves, 
who shall reign for you alone, who shall dwell in your midst and 
be surrounded by your citizens and your soldiers." This stir- 
ring appeal failed to arouse the Bohemians at the time, but 
native poets and writers soon began to recall the independence 
of the past and to sing the praises of the Bohemian nation, 
and the Czech language, which had been supplanted among 
the educated classes by the German tongue, was revived. 

In the kingdom of Hungary the government was under the Hungary 
control of the proud and tyrannical Magyar nobles, who still by^tiie 
enjoyed their old feudal privileges and excluded their depend- Magyar 
ents from all participation in public affairs. There was a diet, 
or parliament, composed of an upper house of nobles, and a 
lower house of representatives chosen by the smaller landlords. 

1 The Bohemian diet had freely chosen Ferdinand I of Austria as their ruler 
after the death of their king, Louis, at the battle of Mohics in 1526. 


The Development of Moderti Europe 

Demands for 
reform in 

from Vienna 


Although the Magyars, or Hungarians proper/ constituted less 
than one half of the population, they held their neighbors, 
the Croats, Roumanians, and Slovaks in contempt, and denied 
them all national rights. 

While Hungary enjoyed a considerable degree of independ- 
ence, there were two important groups of malcontents. On the 
one hand, there were the ardent Magyar patriots, who demanded 
that their diet should meet at Pesth instead of at the German 
town of Pressburg (not far from Vienna), and that the emperor' 
should choose Hungarian advisers who should be responsible 
to the diet. On the other hand, there were the enlightened 
liberals, whose programme included : the admission of the public 
to the discussions in the diet ; a parliamentary journal in which 
the debates should be published in full ; triennial elections, and 
regular yearly meetings of the diet ; increase of the represent- 
atives chosen by the towns ; equal taxation of all classes ; the 
abolition of the forced labor required of the peasant, and all 
other vestiges of serfdom. 

For many years there had been warnings of impending 
changes in Hungary. In 1832 speakers in the diet began to 
substitute their own native tongue for the barbarous Latin 
which had for centuries been used as the official language. 
The reformers complained that their king spent too much of 
his time in his German capital and requested him to recognize 
the importance of Hungary by more frequent visits to their 
country. The government at Vienna replied to these reason- 
able suggestions by insisting on the continued use of Latin 
instead of Magyar, which the emperor's ministers would scarce 
have understood. The publication of reform speeches was 
forbidden, and a prominent Hungarian leader, Kossuth, was 
imprisoned for circulating them in manuscript. Undaunted by 
this punishment, however, Kossuth, on his release, established 

1 The Hungarians — who belong to a very different race from the Slavic peoples 
and speak the Magyar tongue — invaded the Danube valley in the year 895, and 
wedged themselves in between the Slavic Russians and Poles on the north and 
the Slavic Croats, Slovaks, and Servians on the south. 

Revolution of 1848, — Austria, Germany, Italy y/ 

a newspaper at Pesth and began to advocate radical reforms 
in the Hungarian government itself, as well as greater freedom 
from Austrian interference. With fiery zeal he wrote and spoke 
on the abolition of feudal privileges, the introduction of trial 
by jury, revision of the barbarous criminal law, and similar 
questions which had long agitated the rest of Europe. 

The Italians in Lombardo-Venetia w^ere no less dissatisfied Causes of 
than the Hungarians. The Austrian government there was in Lombardo-^" 
the hands of police officials and judges who arrested and im- Venetia 
prisoned freely all advocates of Italian rights. Tariffs were so 
arranged as to enrich the emperor's treasury and check Italian 
industries in favor of those of Austria. The forts were garri- 
soned with Austrian troops which the government employed to 
suppress any violent demonstrations. 

The ground was therefore thoroughly prepared for the March revo- 
seeds of insurrection when the overthrow of Louis Philippe Vienna 
encouraged the opponents of Metternich in Germany, Aus- 
tria, Hungary, and Italy to hope that they could destroy his 
system at once and forever. On March 13, 1848, a number 
of students proceeded to the assembly hall in Vienna where 
the local diet was in session, and, supported by the crowd 
that quickly gathered, invaded the building. Outside the mob 
continued to increase, barricades were built, street fighting 
began, and shouts of ''Down with Metternich" penetrated 
the imperial palace. The aged minister, convinced that it Fall of 
was no longer possible to check the rising torrent of revo- ^"^'"'^^c 
lution, tendered his resignation. He fled from Austria and 
found refuge in England, where he was heartily welcomed 
by his old friend, the duke of Wellington, who was himself 
occupied with a threatened uprising in London. After the 
flight of Metternich a new ministry was formed, w^hich began 
to draft a constitution. 

T^'O days after the uprising in Vienna the Hungarian diet Reform 
at Pressburg, by a unanimous vote, dispatched a delegation to Smf^ry ^" 
the emperor demanding a responsible ministry, freedom of the 


Tlie Development of Modern Europe 

in Prague 

Italy, March, 

press, trial by jury, and a national educational system. The 
Hungarian representatives were received in Vienna with tre- 
mendous cheering, and the emperor acceded to most of their 
demands. Thereupon the Hungarian diet, under the influence 
of the zealous patriot, Kossuth, swept away the old offices 
through which the emperor had ruled in Hungary, and estab- 
lished its own ministries of finance, war, and foreign affairs, — 
a first step toward independence. It also emancipated the peas- 
ants without providing compensation to the landlords, leaving 
that as a "debt of honor" to be paid in the future. The 
king, owing to the insurrection in Vienna, was in no position 
to reject even these revolutionary measures. 

His troubles were, moreover, not yet at an end, for on 
March 15 the patriotic Czechs in the city of Prague held a 
mass meeting at which a petition for civil liberty, racial 
equality, and the abolition of serfdom was drawn up. Solemn 
mass was then said, and a delegation bearing the petition left 
by special train for Vienna amid the cheers of the crowd and 
the waving of Czech flags. The Bohemian representatives, like 
those from Hungary, were received in the capital with enthu- 
siasm. The emperor addressed them, to their great joy, in 
their own language, and approved most of their proposals. 
It will be observed that so far neither in Hungary nor in 
Bohemia had the patriots showed any desire to throw off 
their allegiance to their Austrian ruler. 

In Italy, however, the Austrian rule was thoroughly hated. 
Immediately on hearing the news of Metternich's fall the Mi- 
lanese expelled the imperial troops from their city, and the Aus- 
trians were soon forced to evacuate a great part of Lombardy.^ 

1 The revolutionists in Italy had not waited for the February revolution in 
Paris, or the fall of Metternich, to begin a movement for reform. In September, 
1847, a little uprising had taken place in Sicily which resulted in the death of 
several champions of Italian unity and constitutional government. Disorder was 
renewed in both Sicily and Naples four months later, and in January, 184?, Fer- 
dinand II, king of the Two Sicilies, granted his Neapolitan subjects a constitution, 
and in February another to the people of Sicily. Trouble was meanwhile brewing 
in Milan, and the presence of Austrian troops alone postponed the outbreak. 

Revolution of 1848, — Austria, Germany, Italy 79 

The Venetians followed the lead of Milan and set up once more 
their ancient republic which Napoleon had suppressed. The 
Milanese, anticipating a struggle, appealed to Charles Albert, 
king of Sardinia, for aid. By the middle of March a great 
part of Italy was in revolt, and constitutions had been granted 
by the rulers in Naples, Rome, Tuscany, and Piedmont. The 
king of Sardinia was forced by public opinion to assume the 
leadership in the attempt to expel the interloping Austria and 
ultimately perhaps to found some sort of an Italian union 
which would satisfy the national aspirations of the Italian 
people. Pope Pius IX, who was just beginning his long and 
celebrated pontificate of more than thirty years, and even the 
Bourbon king of Naples, were induced to consent to the arming 
of troops in the cause of Italian freedom, and thus Italy began 
her first w^ar for independence. 

The crisis in Vienna and the war in Italy now made it im- The Pms- 

., . r . . . . , . , sians demand 

possible tor Austria to continue to exercise the control over the a constitution 

German states which she had enjoyed for more than thirty years. 

Consequently there were almost simultaneous risings in Baden, 

Wiirtemberg, Bavaria, and Saxony. The news of the February 

revolution in Paris caused great excitement also in Berlin, 

where deputations were sent to the king asking him to grant 

Prussia a constitution. On March 18 a crowd before the royal 

palace came into serious collision with the police ; some street 

fighting ensued, and barricades were constructed after the 

Paris fashion in the districts in which the working people 

lived. Frederick William IV, hoping to avoid more disorder 

and bloodshed, promised to summon an assembly to draft the 

desired constitution. 

Now that Metternich was overthrown there was some hope A National 
of reorganizing the weak German confederation and forming a con^voked at 
new and firm union which would at last make a real nation Frankfort to 

draw up a 

of the Germans. Indeed, before the rising in Vienna, a self- new constitu 
appointed committee of liberals had called together an assem- Germany, 
bly to which several hundred delegates from the diets of the ^^^' ^^^^ 

8o The Development of Modern Europe 

various German states came on March 30. At their instigation 
the diet of the confederation convoked a national assembly made 
up of representatives chosen by popular vote in all the states. 
This met at Frankfort, May 18, 1848, amid high hopes, and 
proceeded to take up the difficult question of drafting a con- 
stitution which should please at once the German princes and 
their liberal-minded subjects. 

Failure of the Revolution in Bohemia 
AND Hungary . 

Bright out- 6i. By the end of March, 1848, the prospects of reform 

reform^in seemed bright indeed. Hungary and Bohemia had been 
March, 1848 granted the local rights which they had so long desired ; a 
committee in Vienna was busy drawing up a constitution for 
the Austrian provinces ; Lombardy and Venetia had declared 
their independence; four other Italian states had obtained 
their longed-for constitutions ; a Prussian convention to re- 
form the government had been promised ; and lastly, a great 
National Assembly was about to be convened at Frankfort to 
prepare a constitution for a united Germany. 
How the The reformers who had gained these seeming victories had, 

theirVant'^of however, Only just reached the most difficult part of their 
^"rP^h^*^^'^ task. They were opposed by two parties, who abhorred each 
treme de- Other, but who effectually, if unconsciously, combined to frus- 
the conserva- trate the plans of the moderates. These were, first, the con- 
thdr^^owir" servatives, represented by the rulers and nobles, who were 
naturally reluctant to see popular constitutions established; 
and secondly, the radicals of various degrees, from those who 
only wanted universal suffrage, to the socialists, who wished to 
overturn the whole existing economic system in favor of the 
working classes. The discontent of the latter was not without 
some justification, for everywhere it had been their demon- 
strations that had frightened the rulers into concessions, and 
now those who had risen to power by their aid showed little 

views of the 
Czechs and 
Germans in 

Revolution of 1848, — Austria, Germany, Italy 8 1 

disposition to heed their demands. For example, the ministers 
who drafted the new Austrian constitution put such restric- 
tions on the right to vote for members of the lower house as 
to exclude the workingmen altogether. As in France, so also 
in the other countries, the revolutionists were divided among 
themselves, and this division enabled the reactionary rulers 
and their supporters to recover from the extraordinary humil- 
iations which they had suffered during the various uprisings 
in March. 

The first notable victory for the reaction was in Bohemia, Divergent 
where race rivalry proved favorable to the reestablishment of 
the emperor's former influence. The Czechs hated the Ger- 
mans, while the Germans, on their part, feared that they would 
be oppressed if the Czechs were given a free hand. They 
therefore opposed the plan of making Bohemia practically 
independent of the government at Vienna, for it was to Ger- 
man Vienna that they were wont to look for protection against 
the enterprises of their Czechish fellow-countrymen. The Ger- 
man element also wanted to send delegates to the Frankfort 
Convention and were very anxious that Bohemia should not be 
excluded from the reorganized German confederation, to which 
they quite naturally desired to belong in the future as in 
the past. 

The Czechs, on the other hand, determined to offset the The Pan- 
movement toward German consolidation by a Pan-Slavic con- gress^forced 
gress which should bring together the various Slavic peoples 
comprised in the Austrian Empire. To this assembly, which German 
met at Prague early in June, 1848, came representatives of 
the Czechs, Moravians, and Ruthenians in the north, and the 
Servians and Croatians in the south. Unfortunately the several 
Slavonic languages differ from one another quite as much as 
English, Swedish, Dutch, and German, and after trying French 
as a common tongue, the delegates had to fall back upon 
German, which was the only language with which they were 
all familiar. 

to carry on 
its debates in 


The Development of Moderfi Europe 

gratz puts an 
end to the 
June 1 8, 1848 

gratz bom- 
bards and 
takes Vienna, 
October 31, 

The congress accomplished nothing beyond fraternal decla- 
mations, and was about to dissolve on June 12, when some of 
the more radical students and workingmen began singing 
Bohemian songs and denouncing General Windischgratz, a 
Bohemian nobleman in command of the troops in Prague,' 
who was especially hated on account of his aristocratic bear- 
ing and sentiments. (He was reputed to have said, " No one 
below the rank of baron should be considered a human being.") 
A street fight broke out between the crowd and his soldiers, 
which was followed by an attack on his residence. On June 17 
he retaliated by bombarding the town, which caught fire. The 
next day he entered the flaming streets, proclaimed martial 
law, and announced that the revolution in Bohemia was at an 
end. This was Austria's first real victory over her rebellious 

In Vienna affairs were going from bad to worse. The 
promised constitution had been issued on April 25, but it proved 
to be far too conservative to meet the demands of the people 
and only served to increase the general dissatisfaction and 
uneasiness. Frightened by the growing disorder, the incom- 
petent emperor fled to Innsbruck (May 18). A provisional 
government was set up and an assembly called to draft a new 
constitution, but nothing was accomplished. Meantime the 
turmoil increased ; the minister of war was brutally murdered 
for ordering troops to march against the Hungarians who were 
fighting for independence, and for a time there was almost a 
reign of terror in the capital. The emperor's government was 
helpless, and finally Windischgratz announced his intention of 
marching on Vienna and, with the emperor's approval, putting 
an end to revolution there as he had done in Prague. The Vien- 
nese attempted to defend the city and were supported by a 
Hungarian army which marched to their aid, but all in vain. 
After a cruel bombardment Windischgratz entered the capital 
on October 31, and once within the walls, he showed little 
mercy on the people. 

and Slavs 

Revolution 0/1848, — Austria, Germany, Italy 83 

A reactionary ministry was soon formed, and a new Metter- Francis 
nich discovered in the person of Schwartzenberg, who forced comes em- 
the weak Ferdinand to abdicate, December 2, in favor of perorof 

' Austria 

his youthful nephew, Francis Joseph, who still (1907) sits on 
the Austrian throne. 

It will be remembered that after the fall of Metternich the Dissension 
emperor had not been in a position to refuse the demands of Magyars 
the Hungarians, and that they had succeeded in gaining prac- 
tical independence for their kingdom. The new Hungarian 
government forbade its officials to receive orders from Vienna 
and instituted a Hungarian army and a national currency. 
But the spirit of independence had also been awakened in the 
other races which the Magyars had so long dominated. The 
Slavs in Hungary, southern Austria, and the neighboring Turkish 
Empire had long meditated on the possibility of a united Slavic 
kingdom in the south, and when the Magyars attempted to force 
their language on the Croats, one of the Slav leaders hurled back 
at them : " You Magyars are only an island in an ocean of Slavs. 
Take heed that the waves do not rise and overwhelm you." 

The Croats and Servians were, on the whole, friendly to the Role of 
Vienna government, which was quick to take advantage of 
their antagonism to Hungarian rule. In March, 1848, a few 
days after the Hungarian delegation had been dismissed with 
fair promises, the emperor appointed as governor in Croatia, 
Colonel Jellachich, who was known to be a bitter enemy of 
everything Magyar. As soon as he was installed in office he 
drove the Magyar officials out of Croatia, convoked a Croatian 
diet, and actively championed Austrian unity against Magyar 
separatism. While the emperor publicly repudiated the action 
of the Croatian governor he secretly encouraged him, and on 
September 11, 1848, Jellachich, with the support of the Aus- 
trian ministry, led an army of Servians and Croats into Hungary. 

Kossuth now adopted an attitude of uncompromising hostility 
toward the Austrian government and denounced its duplicity. 
The emperor also threw off the mask and, in a manifesto on 


84 The Development of Modern Europe 

Austria, with October 3, declared the Hungarian parliament dissolved and 
crushes\he ' its acts void. In December Windischgratz, the conqueror of 
^belF"^" Prague and Vienna, crossed into Hungary at the head of an 
August, 1849 army, and on January 5 entered Pesth. The war seemed for a 
time at an end, but the Hungarians rallied in a mighty national 
uprising against the Austrians, and on April 19, 1849, they 
declared their complete and eternal separation from the 
Vienna government. They might have succeeded in maintain- 
ing their independence had not the Tsar, Nicholas I, placed 
bis forces at the disposal of Francis Joseph. Attacked by an 
army of a hundred and fifty thousand Russians, who marched 
in from the east, the Hungarians were compelled, by the middle 
of August, to give up the contest. Austria took terrible ven- 
geance upon the rebels. Thousands were shot, hanged, or im- 
prisoned, and many, including Kossuth, fled to the United 
States or elsewhere. The ancient kingdom of Hungary seemed 
about to be reduced to the state of an insignificant Austrian 
province, but, as we shall see, within less than twenty years 
she was able to secure the coveted independence. 

Austria regains her Power in Italy 

Defeat of 62. Austria was no less successful in reestablishing her 

underCharies power in Italy than in Hungary. The Italians had been unable 
Albert of ^o drive out the Austrian army which, under the indomitable 

Sardinia, ■' 

July, 1848 general, Radetzky, had taken refuge in the so-called Quadri- 
lateral, in the neighborhood of Mantua, where it was protected 
by four great fortresses. Charles Albert of Sardinia found him- 
self, with the exception of a few volunteers, almost unsupported 
by the other Italian states. The best ally of Austria was the 
absence of united action upon the part of the Italians and the 
jealousy and indifference that they showed as soon as war had 
actually begun. Pius IX decided that his mission was one of 
peace, and that he could not afford to join in a war against 
Austria, the stanchest friend of the Roman Church. The king 

Revolution 0/1848, — Austria, Germany, Italy 85 

of Naples easily found a pretext for recalling the troops that 
public opinion had compelled him to send to the aid of the 
king of Sardinia. Charles Albert was defeated at Custozza, 
July 25, and compelled to sign a truce with Austria and to 
withdraw his forces from Lombardy. 

The Italian republicans, who imputed to Charles Albert Policy of the 
merely personal motives in his efforts to free Italy, now republicans 
attempted to carry out their own program. Florence fol- 
lowed the example of Venice and proclaimed itself a republic. 
At Rome the liberal and enlightened Rossi, whom the Pope, 
had placed at the head of affairs, was assassinated in November 
just as he was ready to promulgate his reforms. Pius IX fled 
from the city and put himself under the protection of the king 
of Naples. A constitutional assembly was then convoked by 
the revolutionists, and in February, 1849, under the influence 
of Mazzini, it declared the temporal power of the Pope abol- 
ished, and proclaimed the Roman Republic. 

While these local insurrections were weakening the already Austria 
distracted Italy, the truce between Piedmont and Austria king of 
expired, and in March, 1849, Charles Albert renewed the war ^^J^am^^* 
which had been discontinued after the disaster at Custozza. March, 1849 
The campaign lasted but five days and closed with his crush- 
ing and definitive defeat at Novara (March 23), which put an Accession 
end to the hopes of Italian liberty for the time being. Charles Emmanuel 11 
Albert abdicated in favor of his son, Victor Emmanuel II, who ^^ king of 

' Sardinia 

was destined before many years to exchange the title of King 
of Sardinia for that of King of Italy. 

After bringing the king of Sardinia to terms, Austria pushed Austria 
southward, reestablishing the old order as she went. The the former 
ephemeral Italian republics were unable to offer any effectual Jtaly'^exceT 
resistance. The former rulers were restored in Rome,^ Tuscany, in Piedmont 
and Venice, and the new constitutions were swept away from 

1 In order to secure the support of the clergy and the conservative party in 
France, Louis Napoleon, president of the new French republic, had dispatched 
troops to the Pope's assistance. 


TJie Developme7it of Modern Europe 

one end of the peninsula to the other, except in Piedmont, 
the most important part of the king of Sardinia's realms. 
There Victor Emmanuel not only maintained the representa- 
tive government introduced by his father, but, by summoning 
to his councils d'Azeglio and others known throughout Italy 
for their liberal sentiments, he prepared to lead Italy once 
more against her foreign oppressors. 

Question of 
the extent 
of tlie pro- 
posed Ger- 
man union 

of a German 
state which 
should in- 
clude both 
Austria and 

Outcome of the Revolution of 1848 
IN Germany 

63. In Germany, as elsewhere, Austria profited by the dis- 
sensions among her opponents. On May 18, 1848, the National 
Assembly, consisting of nearly six hundred representatives of 
the German people, had met at Frankfort. It immediately 
began the consideration of a new constitution that should 
satisfy the popular longings for a great free German state, to 
be governed by and for the people. But what were to be the 
confines of this new German state? The confederation of 18 15 
did not include all the German inhabitants of Prussia, and did 
include the heterogeneous western possessions of Austria, — 
Bohemia and Moravia, for example, where many of the people 
were Slavs. There was no hesitation in deciding that all the 
Prussian territories should be admitted to the new union. As 
it appeared impossible to leave out Austria altogether, the 
Assembly agreed to include those parts of her territory which 
had belonged to the confederation formed in 18 15. This deci- 
sion rendered the task of founding a real German state practi- 
cally impossible ; for the new union was to include two great 
European powers which might at any moment become rivals, 
since Prussia would hardly consent to be led forever by Austria. 
So heterogeneous a union could only continue to be, as it had 
been, a loose confederation of practically independent princes. 

The improbability that the Assembly at Frankfort would 
succeed in its undertaking was greatly increased by its unwise 

Revolution 0/1848, — Austria, Germany, Italy 87 
conduct. Instead of proceeding immediately to frame a new The Assem- 

. . -11 1 1 1 r 1 bly at Frank- 

form of government, it devoted several months to the formula- fort gives 

tion of the general rights of the German citizen. This gave a ^"^eJover'"^ 
fine opportunity to the theorists, of whom there were many in 
the Assembly, to ventilate their views, and by the time that 
the constitution itself came up for discussion, Austria had 
begun to regain her influence and was ready to lead the con- 
servative forces once more. She could rely upon the su])port 
of the rulers of southern (Germany, for they were well satisfied 
with the old confederation and the independence that it gave 

In spite of her partiality for the old union, Austria could The Assem- 

, . 1 1 r 1 • • ■ • '^b' asks the 

not prevent the Assembly from completmg its new constitution, king of 
This provided that there should be an hereditary emperor at tJ become 
the head of the government, and that exalted ofiice was emperor of 


tendered to the king of Prussia, Frederick \\'illiam IV had 
been alienated from the liberal cause, which he had at first 
espoused, by the insurrection in Berlin. He was, moreover, 
timid and conservative at heart ; he hated revolution and 
doubted whether the National Assembly had any right to 
confer the imperial title. He also greatly res])ected Austria, Frederick 

1 r 1 1 -11 1-1 Ti 1 T 1 WilHam IV 

and lelt that a war with her, which was likely to ensue if he refuses the 
accepted the crown, would not only be dangerous to Prussia, ^^^^^.^ 
since Francis Joseph could rely upon the assistance of the 
Tsar, but dishonorable as well in Austria's present embarrass- 
ment. So he refused the imperial title and announced his 
rejection of the new constitution (April, 1849). 

This decision rendered the year's work of the National The National 
Assembly fruitless, and its members gradually dispersed, wnth disperses and 
the exception of the radicals, who made a last desperate effort J^restored* 
to found a republic. Austria now insisted upon the reestablish- 
ment of the old diet, and nearly came to war with Prussia 
over the policy to be pursued. Hostilities were only averted 
by the ignominious submission of Prussia to the demands of 
Schwartzenberg in 1850, when Austria had once more, in spite 


The Development of Modem Europe 

Decline of 
after 185 1 

granted a 
by Frederick 
William IV 

The Prussian 
the liberals 

of the greatest obstacles, established the system of Metternich. 
But this victory was of short duration, and it was her last. 
Five years later the encroachments of Russia in Turkey brought 
on the Crimean War.^ In this war Austria observed an inglori- 
ous neutrality; she thereby sacrificed much of her prestige 
with both Russia and the western powers and encouraged 
renewed attempts to free both Italy and Germany from her 

Amid the meager results of the revolution of 1848 there 
was one gain of great significance for the future of Germany ; 
Prussia emerged from the turmoil of the period with a written 
constitution which established a legislative assembly and ad- 
mitted a portion of the people to a share in the government. 
As we have seen, the news of the revolution in France caused 
great excitement in Berlin, and the king, fearing a continuance 
of violence, promised to convoke an assembly to formulate a 
constitution. This convention met at Berlin in May of the same 
year and, amid prolonged debates, advocated many radical 
measures which displeased the king. It proposed to abolish 
the nobility and to strike from the royal title the phrase " King 
by the Grace of God." Meanwhile there was disorder in the 
quarters occupied by the working class, and on June 14 a mob 
stormed the arsenal. This situation frightened the king and 
he withdrew to Potsdam. He then ordered the assembly to 
adjourn to Brandenburg, and on its refusal^ he dissolved it in 
spite of its protests. After getting rid of the popular assembly, 
the king, in 1849, submitted a constitution of his own to a 
more tractable convention of carefully selected subjects. This 
document, which was promulgated in January, 1850, remains, 
with some minor changes, the constitution of Prussia to-day. 

It proved, however, a great disappointment to the liberals, 
who had hoped for a really democratic form of government. 
It contains forty articles enumerating the rights of Prussians, 
but makes no provision for enforcing them. It provides for «. 

1 See below, pp. 307 sqq. 

RevohUion of 1848, — Austria^ Germany, Italy 89 

ministry, but makes it responsible to the king rather than to 
the diet. I'he latter comprises a house of lords {Herretihaus)^ 
— consisting of princes, nobles, life peers selected by the king, 
representatives of the universities, and burgomasters of the 
large towns, — and a house of deputies {Abgcoj'diietmhaiis). 

All men over twenty-five years of age may vote for the elec- System of 
tors, who in turn select the deputies to the lower house, but gWesl^re-^ 
the constitution carefully arranges to give the rich a predom- dominating 
inating influence in the election. Those who stand first on the the rich 
tax list, and pay together one third of the total taxes, are per- 
mitted to choose one third of the electors. The second third 
on the list also choose a third of the electors, and finally, the 
great mass of the poorer people, whose small contributions to 
the treasury make up the remaining third of the revenue, are 
entitled to cast their votes for the remaining third of the elec- 
tors assigned to the district. It may happen, therefore, that a 
single wealthy man, if he pay a third of the taxes, has as much 
influence in sending representatives from the district to Berlin 
as the whole number of working people combined. 


The Austrian Empire on the Eve of the Revolution of 1848 : 
Seignobos, Political History of Europe since 18 14, pp. 401-412. 

The March Revolution in Austria: Seignobos, pp. 412-419; 
Phillips, European History, i8is-i8gg, pp. 273-281 ; Andrews, 
Historical Development of Modern Europe, Vol. I, pp. 363-373. 

Prussia and the Revolution of 1848 : Seignobos, pp. 424-451 ; 
Phillips, pp. 282-284 ; Andrews, Vol. I, pp. 379-384. 

Revolution and Restoration in Italy: Seignobos, pp. 335-346; 
Andrews, Vol. I, pp. 384-395. 

The Frankfort Assembly and German Unity: Seignobos, 
PP- 391-399; Andrews, Vol. I, pp. 418-448. 

General View of the March Revolution in Europe : Fyffe, History 
of Modern Europe, pp. 707-728 ; Phillips, pp. 273-292. 

Reaction after the Revolution of 1848 : Fyffe, pp. 738-823 ; 
Phillips, pp. 293-331. 


Cavour and Italian Unity 

Italy in 1850 64. The efforts of the Italian liberals to expel Austria from 
the peninsula and establish constitutional governments in the 
various Italian states had failed, and after the battle of Novara 
it seemed as if the former political conditions were to be re- 
stored. The king of Naples broke all the promises which he 
had made to his subjects, revoked the constitution which he had 
granted, and imprisoned, exiled, or in some cases executed the 
revolutionists. The Pope, with the assistance of Prance, Aus- 
tria, Naples, and Spain, was able to destroy the Roman Repub- 
lic which had been set up, and place the government again in 
the hands of the ecclesiastics. In northern Italy Austria was 
once more in control, and she found faithful adherents in the 
rulers of Modena, Parma, and Tuscany, who looked to her for 
continued support. The leading spirits of the revolution who 
had escaped prison or death fled to foreign countries to await 
a more auspicious opportunity to secure their ends, for they 
did not surrender the hope that Austria would some time be 
driven from their country, and all the Italian states brought 
together into a federation, or perhaps united into a single 
monarchy or republic. 
Divergent However, those who, since the fall of Napoleon I, had been 

Tntent^on unf- interested in promoting Italian independence and liberty dif- 
fying Italy fered from one another as to the best way in which to make 
Italy a nation. There were the republicans, who became more 
and more disgusted with monarchy and believed that nothing 
could be accomplished until the various rulers should give way 
to a great democratic republic, which should recall the ancient 


1,2 ton^tud( 


in 1859 

( before the 
Auatro-Sardinlan War) 
5,0 10 

Scal,e of Miles 
East l'4 trom Oreenvich 16 

TJie Unification of Italy 91 

glories of Rome ; others were confident that an enlightened 
Pope could form an Italian federation, of which he should be 
the head ; lastly, there was a practical party, whose adherents 
placed their hopes in the king of Sardinia, who seemed to them 
to be the natural leader in the emancipation of Italy. Little as 
the revolution of 1848 had accomplished, it had at least given 
Sardinia a young and energetic king and a new constitution. 

Among the republican leaders the most conspicuous was Mazzini, 
the delicately organized and highly endowed Giuseppe Mazzini. ^ °^~^ ''^ 
Born in 1805, he had, as he tells us, become a republican from 
hearing his father discuss the achievements of the French Rev- 
olution, and had read eagerly the old French newspapers 
which he found hidden behind the medical books in his 
father's library. He joined the secret society of the Carbonari, 
and in 1830 was caught by the police and imprisoned in the 
fortress of Savona, west of Genoa. Here he arranged a secret 
code, which enabled him to keep in communication with the 

Becoming disgusted with the inefficiency and the silly "Voimg 
mystery of the Carbonari, Mazzini planned a new association, 
which he called " Young Italy." This aimed to bring about 
the regeneration of Italy through the education of young 
men in lofty republican principles. Mazzini had no confi- 
dence in princes or in foreign aid. " We are of the people, 
and will treat with the people. They will understand us," he 
said. He believed that every nation was destined by the laws 
of God and humanity to form a community of free and equal 
brothers, and that true sovereignty resided essentially in the 
people. He urged that all the Italians should be brought to- 
gether into a single republic, for he feared that any form of 
federation would leave the country too weak to resist the con- 
stant interference of neighboring nations. Mazzini was not a 
man to organize a successful revolution, but he inspired the 
young Italians with almost religious enthusiasm for the cause 
of Italy's liberation. His writings, which were widely read, 



The Development of Modern Europe 

Gioberti ad- 
vocates union 
under the 

Pius IX at 
first adopts a 
liberal policy 

of Victor 

created a feeling of loyalty to a common country among the 
patriots who were scattered throughout the various Italian states. 

The priest and theologian Gioberti, while he dreamed of a 
new Italy, placed his hopes, not in a republic in which the 
common man should have a voice in the conduct of the gov- 
ernment, but in a federation of princes under that most an- 
cient of all Italian princes, the bishop of Rome.^ And when 
Pius IX, upon his accession in 1846, immediately began to 
consult the interests and wishes of his people by admitting 
laymen to his councils and tribunals, subjecting priests to tax- 
ation, granting greater liberty to the press, and even protest- 
ing against Austrian encroachments, there seemed to be some 
ground for the belief that the Pope might take the lead in the 
regeneration of Italy. But he soon grew suspicious of the 
liberals, and the revolution at Rome and his temporary exile 
from the city in 1848 completely alienated him from the 
popular movement. 

The future, however, belonged neither to the republicans 
nor to the papal party, but to those who looked to the king 
of Sardinia to bring about the salvation of Italy. Only under 
his leadership was there any prospect of ousting Austria, and 
until that was done no independent union could possibly be 
formed. Practical men therefore began to turn to the young 
Victor Emmanuel, whose devotion to the cause of freedom in 
the war with Austria in 1848, and whose frank acceptance of 
the principles of constitutional government, distinguished him 
from all the other rulers of Italy. His father, Charles Albert, 

1 Some notion of the fervid eloquence and vague ideas of Gioberti may be 
gained from the following : " Let the nations then turn their eyes to Italy, their 
ancient and loving mother, who will be the source of their regeneration, Italy is 
the organ of the supreme reason, . . . the fountain, rule, and guardian of reason 
and eloquence everywhere ; for there resides the Head that rules, the Arm that 
moves, the Tongue that commands, and the Heart that animates Christianity at 
large. ... As Rome is the seat of Christian wisdom. Piedmont is to-day the 
principal fortress of Italian military strength. Seated on the slopes of the Alps 
as a wedge between Austria and France, and as a guard to the peninsula of 
which it is the vestibule and peristyle, it is destined to watch from its mountains, 
and crush in its ravines every foreign aggressor." 


The Unification of Italy 93 

had granted Piedmont a constitution in 1848, which provided 
for a parliament with two houses and a responsible ministry. 
This constitution (which was later to become that of a united 
Italy) Victor Emmanuel maintained in spite of Austria's de- 
mands that he suppress it. 

Though not a man of great brilliance or energy, Victor Count 
Emmanuel was possessed of good judgment and no little 1810-1861 
administrative capacity. He was wise enough to call to his 
aid one of the most distinguished of modern statesmen, Camille 
Benso, better known as the count of Cavour, who had long 
been an advocate both of constitutional government and of 
Italian unity. Cavour, who was born in 18 10, had given much 
attention to the improvement of agriculture and to the study 
of political economy. In pursuance of these interests he had 
visited France and then spent some time on an English estate 
studying agricultural methods. He visited the factories, in- 
spected the latest machinery, studied the operation of the 
English poor laws and prison reforms, and became in the 
process a warm admirer of the English system of government. 

Upon his return to Piedmont Cavour had begun immedi- Cavour be- 

ately to advocate those reforms which alone could secure the fdwcate 

unity and independence of Italy. He proposed a great network J^f^g^j^^' 

of railways, radiating from the city of Rome and binding Piedmont 
V . ^ .,,,/, , „ , and Italy 

together the entire penmsula. He founded a newspaper called 

The Resurrection^ for the purpose of furthering the cause of 
independence and reform. Although an object of hatred to 
the conservatives, he gained a large following among the 
liberal-minded. He was not discouraged by the outcome of 
the conflict with Austria in 1848 and became a member of 
the chamber of representatives under the new constitution. In Cavour prime 
1852 he was selected by the king as prime minister and now ' 

found himself at last in a position to carry out his convictions. 
Sardinia was a rather insignificant kingdom when compared 
with the more important countries of Europe. It had a popu- 
lation of less than five millions and consisted of four distinct 


The Development of Modern Europe 

The kingdom 
of Sardinia 
composed of 
four quite 

How the king 
and Cavour 
sought to 
the kingdom 
of Sardinia 




regions which were more or less hostile to one another. The 
heart of the kingdom was Piedmont, an agricultural district 
inhabited by a haughty aristocracy and a mass of ignorant 
peasantry, who spoke a peculiar Italian dialect and were re- 
garded by the remainder of Italy as a half-foreign people. To 
the northwest of Piedmont lay Savoy, consisting mainly of a 
lofty Alpine range, the valleys of which were inhabited by 
French-speaking peasants who were thoroughly under the 
control of the clergy and nobility and would feel no natural 
interest in Italian unity, or even in the reform of the kingdom 
of Sardinia to which they seemed hardly to belong. Lying 
along the shores of the Mediterranean were the former posses- 
sions of the republic of Genoa, whose people had never become 
reconciled to their annexation to Piedmont in 1 8 1 5 . And lastly, 
far away in the Mediterranean lay the island of Sardinia, a 
barren region in a backward state of civilization. 

The task, therefore, which confronted Victor Emmanuel 
was a complicated one. He must endeavor to bind together 
the various parts of his own kingdom, and encourage the 
growth of a commercial and industrial class, in order to 
balance the conservatism of the nobility and clergy, while at 
the same time he sought to strengthen his army for the inev- 
itable war against Austria. He and his minister, Cavour, deter- 
mined to raise the kingdom to a position of importance in 
European affairs. They encouraged trade by concluding favor- 
able commercial treaties, reduced the number of monasteries, 
steadily promoted the construction of railways, increased the 
army, and improved its discipline. 

Yet Cavour did not sympathize with those enthusiasts who 
hoped that Italy would achieve unity without foreign aid. He 
knew that it was impossible to disregard the other powers of 
Europe, who had so long interfered freely in Italian affairs. 
He early declared, " Whether we like it or not, our destinies 
depend upon France; we must be her partner in the great 
game which will be played sooner or later in Europe." 

The Unification of Italy 95 

An opportunity soon offered itself for Sardinia to become Sardinia 
the ally of France. The Crimean War ^ had broken out in 1 854 in the 
between England and France on the one side, and Russia on ^'rimean \\ ar 
the other, and in 1855 Cavour signed an offensive and defen- 
sive alliance with France and sent troops to her aid in the 
Crimea. This gave him an opportunity to take part in the 
European congress which met in Paris in 1856 to conclude a 
peace. There he warned the powers that Austrian control in 
northern Italy was a menace to the peace of Europe and 
succeeded in enlisting the interest of Napoleon III in Italian 
affairs ; — it will be remembered that in his younger days the 
French emperor had sympathized with the Carbonari, and he 
had a number of Italian relatives who besought his aid in 
forwarding the cause of Italian unity. 

There were other reasons, too, why Napoleon was ready to Position and 
consider intervention in Italy. Fike his distinguished uncle, Napoleon ill 
he was after all only a usurper. Fie knew that he could not 
rely upon mere tradition, but must maintain his popularity by 
deeds that should redound to the glory of France. A war with 
Austria for the liberation of the Italians, who like the French 
were a Latin race, would be popular, especially if France 
could thereby add a bit of territory to her realms and perhaps 
become the protector of the proposed Italian confederation. 
A conference was arranged between Napoleon and Cavour. 
Just what agreement was reached we do not know, but Napoleon 
no doubt engaged to come to the aid of the king of Sardinia, 
should the latter find a pretense for going to war with Austria. 
Should they together succeed in expelling Austria from north- 
ern Italy, the king of Sardinia was to reward France by ceding 
to her Savoy and Nice, which belonged to her geographically 
and racially. 

By April, 1859, Victor Emmanuel had managed to involve Victories 
himself in a war with Austria. The French army promptly Emmanuel 
joined forces with the Piedmontese, defeated the Austrians at f"^ ^'f p°' 

•* ' leon III over 

1 See below, pp. 307 sq. Austria 

96 The Development of Modern Europe 

Magenta, and on June 8 Napoleon III and Victor Emmanuel 
entered Milan amid the rejoicings of the people. The Austrians 
managed the campaign very badly and were again defeated 
at Solferino (June 24). 
Napoleon III Suddenly Europe was astonished to hear that a truce had 
consents^to ^ been concluded and that the preliminaries of a peace had 
a truce \i^^xi arranged which left Venetia in Austria's hands, in spite 

of Napoleon Ill's boast that he would free Italy to the Adriatic. 
The French emperor was shocked, however, by the horrors of 
a real battlefield ; he believed, moreover, that it would require 
three hundred thousand soldiers to drive the Austrians from 
their strongly fortified Quadrilateral, and he could not draw 
further upon the resources of France. Lastly he had begun to 
fear that, in view of the growing enthusiasm which was showing 
itself throughout the peninsula for Piedmont, there was danger 
that it might succeed in forming a national kingdom so strong 
as to need no French protector. By leaving Venetia in the pos- 
session of Austria and agreeing that Piedmont should only be 
increased by the incorporation of Lombardy and the little 
duchies of Parma and Modena, Napoleon III hoped to prevent 
the consolidation of Italy from proceeding too far. He had, 
however, precipitated changes which he was powerless to check. 
Italy was now ready to fuse into a single state. 
Parma, When war had broken out between Austria and Sardinia, 

TuscaS and ^^^ liberals in the duchies of Parma, Modena, Tuscany, and 
the Romagna the Romagna (that portion of the papal possessions which lay 
annexed to farthest from Rome) had formed provisional governments 
of^Sardfnia" with a view of supporting Sardinia. During the months of 
Se"t^mber August and September, 1859, the people in the three duchies 
1859) declared in favor of the permanent expulsion of their respec- 

tive rulers and for annexation to the kingdom of Sardinia. 
An assembly in the Romagna repudiated the temporal rule of 
the Pope and also expressed the wish to be joined to Sardinia. 
The customs lines were thereupon abolished between these 
several countries ; they adopted the Sardinian constitution, 

TJie Unification of Italy 97 

and placed their postal service under the control of Sardinian 

The king of Naples stubbornly refused either to form any Garibaldi, 
kind of an alliance with the king of Sardinia or to grant his ^ °^~^ 
people a constitution. Garibaldi thereupon determined to 
bring him to terms and prepare the way for the union of 
southern Italy and Sicily with the expanding Sardinia. This 
bold sailor, warrior, and ardent revolutionist had long been 
following an adventurous career as a champion of republican 
liberty. He was born in Nice in 1807 ; while still a youth he 
joined Mazzini's '' Young Italy " and later took an active part 
in all the revolutionary risings in Italy. As a sailor he visited 
various parts of the world and became interested in the 
political struggles in South America, where he spent ten years 
fighting in the interests of the people, as he believed. After 
the fall of the Roman Republic which he helped to establish in 
1848, he went to the United States, where for a year or so he 
associated himself with an honest Florentine candle maker on 
Staten Island ; but he was back in Italy in time to lead a band 
of faithful followers against Austria in the war of 1859. 

After the premature conclusion of the war he determined to Garibaldi 
carry on the work of unifying Italy on his own responsibility, 2if dictator 
and accordingly set sail from Genoa for Sicily in May, 1 860, with °^ ^jv^^^, 
a band of a thousand " Red Shirts," as his followers were called (May-Sep- 
from their rough costume. He gained an easy victory over the ' 

few troops that the king of the Two Sicilies was able to send 
against him, and made himself dictator of the island in the 
name of Victor Emmanuel. He then crossed over to the 
mainland, and after a slight skirmish he was received in 
Naples with enthusiasm on September 6. 

While Garibaldi's conquest of the kingdom of the Two The Sar- 
Sicilies in the name of Victor Emmanuel was by no means invades^th? 
distasteful to Cavour, he was very apprehensive lest the policy ^^P^^ ^he*^^' 
of the radical republicans whom Garibaldi represented should i860 
lead Napoleon and Catholic Europe to interfere in the interests 

9^ The Development of Modern Europe 

of the Pope, whose territories Garibaldi proposed next to 
occupy. He therefore determined to intervene at this point, 
and dispatched an army into the Papal States with a view of 
getting control of the situation (September ii). The Pope's 
forces, which were composed of Austrians, Irish, Belgians, and 
French, under a French commander, made only a feeble stand 
and were quickly dispersed. Nevertheless Victor Emmanuel 
did not send his army to Rome itself, since it was too clear 
that Napoleon III, in view of the strong Catholic sentiment 
in France, could not possibly permit the occupation of the 
The Marches Pope's capital. The French emperor agreed, however, to Sar- 
annexed to^ dinia's annexation of the Marches and Umbria, that is, all of the 
Sardinia papal possessions except the Eternal City and the region im- 

mediately surrounding it. 
The kingdom When the Sardinian army moved on into the kingdom of 
Sicilies vot*es the Two Sicilies it easily overcame the slight resistance which 
to te united ^^ young king, Francis II, could offer. Victor Emmanuel and 
October, i860 Garibaldi met in Naples, and on November 7, i860, held a 
memorable conference. The king of Sardinia refused to grant 
the request of the revolutionist leader that he be made his 
representative in southern Italy. Garibaldi thereupon resigned 
his dictatorship and, refusing all honors and gifts, retired to 
his house and garden on the island of Caprera. A vote had 
already been taken, and the people of southern Italy had 
expressed their desire to have the kingdom of the Two Sicilies 
added to that of Victor Emmanuel. 
The first In February, 1861, the first Italian parliament was opened at 

menTpro-'^ *^' Turin. Its first act was to proclaim Victor Emmanuel King of 
daims Victor Italy. Yet the joy of the Italians over the realization of their 

Emmanuel ^ ■' ■' 

II King of hopes of unity and national independence was tempered by 
the fact that Austria still held Venice, one of the most impor- 
tant and famous of the Italian provinces, while the city of 
Rome and the neighboring district, which especially recalled 
Italy's former greatness, were not yet included in the new 



50 100 150 200 

S' Longitucie East from 

The Unification of Italy 99 

The Kingdom of Italy since 1861 

65. The fact that Itahan unification was not complete did Question of 
not cause the patriots to lose hope. In a debate in the very Rome 
first parliament held in the new kingdom of Italy, Cavour 
directed the thoughts and energies of the nation to the 
recovery of the " Eternal City and the Queen of the Adri- 
atic." ''Opportunity," he said, "matured by time, will open 
our way to Venice. In the meantime we think of Rome. . . . 
To go to Rome is for the Italians not merely a right, — it is 
an inexorable necessity." 

Meanwhile Pius IX stoutly resisted the pretensions of the Attitude of 
newly established kingdom and entered a formal protest when towarcHhe 
the Italian Parliament proclaimed Victor Emmanuel King of "ew Italian 

^ ° knigdom 

Italy. He declared that the ruler of Sardinia had forgotten 
every religious principle, despised 'every right, trampled every 
law under foot, and deprived the head of the Church of the 
most flourishing portions of his legitimate possessions. He 
therefore excommunicated the king and his ministers and 
declared the new constitution to be a creation of revolution, 
which was a thing to be struck down like a mad dog wherever 
it showed itself. Any temptation, however, that the Italians 
may have felt to add Rome to the kingdom of Italy was dis- 
couraged by the intervention of Napoleon III, who, at the 
instigation of the French Catholics, sent a French garrison to 
Rome with a view of protecting the Pope from attack. On the 
other hand, Napoleon sought to placate the Italians by advis- 
ing the emperor of Austria to cede Venetia to the new king- 
dom ; but Francis Joseph not unnaturally refused his assent 
to a proposition which he regarded as dishonorable. 

Help, however, soon came from an unexpected quarter. In HowVenetia 
the early months of 1866 Prussia and Austria were on the the\tngdom'' 
eve of war, and in order to gain the support of Italy, Prussia "^ ^*^^y' ^^^^ 
concluded a treaty with Victor Emmanuel in April of that 
year. When the war came in July the Italians as well as the 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Rome occu- 
pied by the 
king of Italy, 

Rome be- 
comes the 
capital of 
the kingdom 
nf Italy, 1871 

The Italian 

Prussians attacked Austria. The Italians were worsted in the 
battle of Custozza, but the Prussians more than made up for 
this defeat by their memorable victory at Sadowa. Thereupon 
Austria consented to cede Venetia to Napoleon III, with the 
understanding that he should transfer it to Italy. The efforts 
of the Italians to wrest Trent and Trieste from Austria failed, 
however, for their fleet was defeated, and they were forced to 
content themselves with Venetia, which they owed rather to 
the victories of others than to their own. 

Four years later, when war broke out between France and 
Prussia, Napoleon III was forced to withdraw the French gar- 
rison from Rome, and Victor Emmanuel, having nothing 
further to fear from French intervention, dispatched an ulti- 
matum to Pius IX demanding that he make terms with the 
kingdom of Italy. The Pope refused, whereupon the Italian 
troops blew open the gates of the city and, without further 
violence, took possession of Rome, while the Pope withdrew 
to the Vatican and proclaimed himself the prisoner of the 
Italian government. The inhabitants, however, welcomed the 
invaders and, by a vote of one hundred and thirty thousand 
to fifteen hundred, Rome and the remaining portions of the 
Papal States were formally annexed to the kingdom of Italy 
in January, 187 1. 

Italy was at last free and united from the Alps to the sea, 
and, as King Victor Emmanuel said at the opening of the par- 
liament of 1 87 1, " It only remains to make our country great and 
happy." The capital was transferred from Florence to Rome 
in 187 1, and the king made his solemn entry into the city, 
announcing to the people, " We are at Rome and we shall 
remain here." 

The constitution which had been drawn up for Sardinia in 
1848 was adopted in succession by all the former Italian states. 
The king governs through a ministry responsible to a chamber 
of deputies elected by the people. Like the English mon- 
arch, he has the power to veto measures, but never exercises 


the Pope 

The Unification of Italy lOi 

it, and, as a rule, takes no active part in the business of gov- 
ernment, which he leaves to his ministers. He makes his influ- 
ence felt, however, in the selection of his cabinet and in foreign 
affairs. Besides the Chamber of Deputies, there is a Senate, 
composed of the princes of the royal family and an indefinite 
number of men, of at least forty years of age, whom the king 
appoints for life from among those persons who have distin- 
guished themselves in the State, the Church, the army, the 
navy, or in letters and science. The real power is vested in 
the Chamber of Deputies which, like the English House of 
Commons, really controls the appointment of ministers, deter- 
mines the policy of the cabinet, and formulates all important 

It was a difficult problem to determine the relations which Position of 
should exist between the new government and the head of the 
Christian Church, who for a thousand years had regarded the 
city of Rome as his capital. By a law of May, 187 1, the Pope 
was declared to enjoy perfect freedom in all his spiritual func- 
tions, and his person was made sacred and inviolable like 
that of "the king. He was to continue to enjoy the honors and 
dignity of a sovereign prince, and to send and receive diplo- 
matic agents like any other sovereign. Within the trifling 
domain which was left to him, — the Vatican and Lateran pal- 
aces, Castel Gondolfo and the gardens attached to them, — 
he may live as an independent ruler, since no officer of the 
Italian government is permitted to enter these precincts on 
any business of State. In order to indemnify him decently 
for the loss of his possessions, the Italian government assigned 
him something over six hundred thousand dollars a year from 
the State treasury. The Pope, however, has not only always 
refused to accept this sum, but he persistently declines, down to 
the present day, to recognize the Italian government, and con- 
tinues to consider himself the prisoner of a usurping power. 

The wars and disasters which had preceded the unification 
of Italy had left the country in serious financial straits. The 


The Development of Modern Europe 

ment of the 
finances and 
extension of 
the suffrage 

Italy becomes 
a European 

deficit and the question of properly organizing an army suit- 
able to the new kingdom, which had now become a European 
power, occupied the main attention of the parliament for 
several years. By 1881 the treasury could show a favorable 
balance instead of a heavy deficit, and in the next year a law 
was passed greatly extending the suffrage. According to the 
original charter of Sardinia, which had been adopted as the 
constitution of the kingdom of Italy, the suffrage was limited 
to men over twenty-five years of age, who paid at least eight 
dollars a year in direct taxes. Under this restriction there 
were only about six hundred thousand voters. The law of 1882 
reduced the age limit to twenty-one years, cut down the tax 
qualification by one half, and made some other changes ; these 
modifications increased the number of voters to over two mil- 
lions. The suffrage was still further extended by the law of 
1895, but even now less than one third of the adult males 
enjoy the right to vote. 

Italy could hardly have avoided assuming the responsibilities 
of a great European power, even if she had wished to do so. 
The desertion of the cause of Italian unity by Napoleon III 
had left bitter memories, and the Italians were justified in sus- 
pecting that France regarded with disfavor the establishment 
of a powerful and independent government on her confines. 
Italian hostility to France was aggravated by a clashing of 
interests in northern Africa. The Italians were anxious to 
obtain control in Tunis and thereby recall the days when their 
Roman ancestors had conquered Carthage. They attempted to 
gain special concessions from the Bey of Tunis, but their efforts 
were frustrated by the French, who occupied the province and 
established a protectorate there. 

These designs led the Italian government to embark on the 
expensive policy of rapidly increasing its army and navy. 
Modern warships were constructed, the principle of universal 
military service was introduced, and the army reorganized on 
the Prussian model. This nearly doubled the military expenses 

The Ufiification of Italy 1 03 

and served to produce a deficit which amounted in 1887 to 

In 1882 the government conckided the famous triple aUiance The triple 
with Germany and Austria-Hungary in which the powers ^ '^"'^^' ^ 
guaranteed one another in the possession of their recently 
acquired territories. Alsace-Lorraine was assured to Germany, 
Bosnia and Herzegovina to Austria-Hungary, and Rome to 

Disappointed in their hopes of securing a foothold in north- Italy's colo- 
ern Africa, the Italians turned their attention to Abyssinia, Abyssinia^ '" 
near the outlet of the Red Sea. An army of occupation was 
dispatched thither in 1887, and after some fifteen years of in- 
termittent warfare, treaties, negotiations, and massacres of the 
Italian troops by the natives, the Italians were able to make 
themselves masters of an area about twice the size of the 
state of Pennsylvania, inhabited by half a million of nomad 
peoples. The new colony received the name of Eritrea. The Eritrea 
coast region south from Cai)e Guardafui to British East Africa 
and the equator was also made an Italian protectorate, known 
as Italian Somaliland. This has an area of about one hundred Italian 
thousand square miles, and a population, almost entirely 
native, of four hundred thousand. Neither of these colonial 
enterprises has proved profitable to Italy. It has cost much to 
secure them, and, owing to their tropical climate, only a few 
thousand Italians, including the army of occupation, have 
settled there. 

It is clear that the old ideals of Cavour and King Victor Political 
Emmanuel have been left far behind. The heavy burden of i5y^^ '" 
taxation which the Italians have had to bear, in order to play 
the part of a European power and pay for the very expensive 
luxury of colonization, have roused deep discontent among 
the peasants and workingmen. The patriotic feelings which had 
nerved the people to heroic service in behalf of unity and 
independence gave way later to a spirit of selfishness in the 

1 This triple alliance was renewed in 1902. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Ministry of 



Chief public 
questions in 
Italy to-day 

Progress of 

various provinces, the interests of which were by no means iden- 
tical, for the conditions in Naples were essentially different 
from those in Venetia or Piedmont. The republicans who still 
clung to the ideas of Mazzini and Garibaldi continued to 
oppose the monarchy, while the ideals of socialism, as else- 
where in Europe, appealed strongly to the workingmen. Lastly 
there were the defenders of the Pope's political power, who 
were among the bitterest enemies of the new government. 

During most of the period from 1887 to 1896 Crispi was 
prime minister and exercised, with the support of the middle 
classes, a power bordering upon that of a dictator. He opposed 
with energy and success the real or supposed enemies of the 
monarchy, whether republicans, socialists, adherents of the 
papal party, French, or Abyssinians. He dissolved the social- 
istic and republican societies, and scandalized the Church by 
permitting the erection at Rome of a monument to Giordano 
Bruno, a philosopher and scientist who had been burned as a 
heretic in the sixteenth century. Crispi lost his power in 1896 
in consequence of the disastrous defeat of the Italian troops 
in Abyssinia, for which he was held responsible. 

It would be unprofitable to follow the rise and fall of Italian 
ministries since Crispi's retirement. Instead of two great par- 
ties, such as exist in England and in the United States, there 
are numerous factions in the Italian parliament, which are 
constantly combining and recombining, for in no other way 
can a majority be obtained for any specific measure. The real 
interest of Italian affairs lies in the solution of the great 
national questions of reduction of taxation, disarmament, man- 
agement of the state railways, improvements in the educational 
system, colonial policies, troubles between capital and labor ; 
these remain to be faced year after year by each cabinet that 
comes into power. 

Notwithstanding the seeming instability of the Italian gov- 
ernment, the kingdom has made remarkable progress during 
the last generation. Italy is rapidly becoming an industrial 

The Unification of Italy 1 05 

state, and to-day more than one third of its population is en- 
gaged in industrial and commercial pursuits. Silk, cotton, 
and woolen mills export large quantities of goods to foreign 
markets. Cars and locomotives are produced at Milan and 
Turin for the railways, w^hich are now for the most part owned 
and managed by the government. In the ten years from 1890 
to 1900 the tonnage of ships entering and clearing Italian 
seaports was tripled. Though Italy has no city as yet of over 
a million inhabitants, Rome, Milan, and Naples have passed 
the half million mark, and are rapidly growing. 

Many laws have been passed for the improvement of the improve- 
public schools, in the hope of diminishing the illiteracy which education 
is a reproach to the kingdom. In districts where there are ele- 
mentary schools children are compelled to attend them from 
the age of six to twelve. In 1904 three thousand additional 
school buildings were ordered to be erected, and the illiterate 
recruits entering the army were required to obtain an ele- 
mentary education. The republicans and socialists are not 
satisfied, however, with the amount of money voted for edu- 
cation ; they admit that there has been a steady reduction 
in the number of persons over twenty years of age who are 
unable to read and write, — from 73 per cent in 1862, to 
52 per cent in 1901, — but they contend that it is a disgrace 
for the nation to spend eighty millions of dollars a year on 
the army and navy, and less than one sixth that amount for 
the schools.^ 

Italy has suffered more from strikes and riots than her Burden of 
neighbors ; this is doubtless partly attributable to the fact that 
the sources of discontent are particularly obvious. In propor- 
tion to its wealth, the Italian nation has the largest debt and 
the heaviest taxation of any country in Europe. There are the 
land tax, the income tax, the house tax, the inheritance tax, the 

1 In 1901, 28 per cent of the population of northern Italy over six years of age 
could not read or write, and in southern Italy, from whence a large proportion of 
the American immigrants come, 70 per cent were illiterate. 



TJie Development of Modern Europe 

tion of King 

from Italy- 

stamp tax, the excise, the customs duties, in addition to the gov- 
ernment monopolies of tobacco, lotteries, salt, and quinine. 
These are so distributed that the most burdensome of them 
fall on the workingmen and the peasants, who receive very low 
wages,^ so that it is estimated that the poor pay over one half 
of the revenue of the government. 

The heaviest taxes are imposed on the necessities of life, 
such as grain and salt ; and in times of scarcity this has been 
a source of serious bread riots in the towns. As for the salt, 
the government in 1900 was charging eight dollars for a quintal 
(two hundred and twenty pounds) of salt, which cost it only 
thirty cents. An Italian economist estimated in 1898 that the 
family of a Florentine workingman was forced to pay in local 
and national taxes no less than one fourth of its income, whereas 
in England the government demanded less than one twentieth 
of the earnings of a workman in a similar position. 

Victor Emmanuel died in 1878. His son and successor, 
Humbert I, although personally courageous and faithful to the 
constitution, was not the man to undertake the reforms neces- 
sary to relieve the prevailing discontent. He was not the con- 
trolling factor in the government either for or against reform ; 
nevertheless the anarchists marked him as one of their victims, 
and on July 29, 1900, he was assassinated while distributing 
prizes at a great public meeting in Monza. He was succeeded 
by his son, Victor Emmanuel HI, who has continued the general 
policy of his father. 

The discontent continues, and if emigration can be taken as 
in any sense a measure of it, the year after the assassination of 
Humbert was a period of exceptional distress. In 1888 Italy 
lost by emigration one hundred and nineteen thousand sub- 
jects ; this had increased by 1900 to three hundred and fifty- 
two thousand, and in 1901 to over half a million. Italy had 
never come into possession of any of those new territories which 

1 The average annual income in Italy is forty dollars per head, as compared 
with one hundred and fifty-five dollars in Great Britain. 

The Unification of Italy 107 

her sons, Columbus, Cabot, and Verrazano had laid claim to in 
the name of other European nations, and her recent acquisi- 
tions in Africa were entirely uninviting to her discontented 
peasants and workingmen. Those who leave Italy, therefore, 
go to foreign lands, — some twenty thousand annually to Brazil, 
fifty thousand to Argentina, Uruguay, and Paraguay ; w^hile 
hundreds of thousands settle in the United States.^ 

This enormous emigration does not appear to relieve the Sociali 
discontent. The workingmen in the towns and the peasants in 
the country are organized into powerful unions and listen with 
favor to the principles advocated by the socialists. In 1897 the 
socialists entered the election as a distinct party and have 
made steady progress since that day, polling over three hun- 
dred thousand votes in 1904. They have been able to elect 
over thirty members out of the five hundred and seven which 
constitute the Chamber of Deputies, and with their working 
allies, the republicans and radicals, they constitute an influ- 
ential minority. 

In 1905 the strength of the socialists became so alarming 
that Pope Pius X instructed faithful Catholics to aid in the 
struggle against socialism by taking part in the elections, from 
which they had hitherto been admonished by the Church to 
abstain. Indeed it seems not impossible that the Pope may 
forget his grievance against the Italian State in his anxiety to 
combat the common enemy. Others, on the contrary, have 
reached the conclusion that the socialist party is an effect- 
ive instrument for arousing the more conservative people to 
undertake important reforms. As the prime minister, Giolitti, 
recently said, the socialists owe their entire influence to the 
miserable state of the workingman, and constitute the only 
party that consistently occupies itself with the condition of 
the people. 

1 It must not be overlooked, however, that large numbers of these, after 
accumulating a small capital, return to Italy. An Italian statistician estimated 
that the permanent emigration in 1903 was only two hundred and thirty thousand 
out of five hundred and seven thousand who left Italy. 

io8 The Development of Modern Europe 


Mazzini and Young Italy : Andrews, Historical Development 
of Modern Europe, Vol. I, pp. 205-213; Stillman, The Union 
of Italy, i8is-i8g5, pp. 44-48. 

Piedmont and Cavour: Andrews, Vol. II, pp. 91-114; Seig- 
NOBOS, Political History of Europe since 1814, pp. 346-351; 
Stillman, pp. 242-280 ; Cesaresco, Cavour (Foreign States- 
men Series) ; Fyffe, History of Modern Europe, pp. 866-876. 

Napoleon III and the Italian War : Andrews, Vol, 11, pp. 115- 
129; Seignobos, pp. 792-796; Phillips, European History, 
iSis-iSgg, pp. 361-375; Stillman, pp. 281-297; Fyffe, 
pp. 876-884. 

Establishment of Italian Unity: Andrews, Vol. II, pp. 130- 
145,391-405; Seignobos, pp. 351-359; Phillips, pp. 375-389; 
Stillman, pp. 297-358 ; Fyffe, pp. 886-908. 

Development of the Italian Kingdom: Andrews, Vol. II, 
pp. 405-414; Seignobos, pp. 359-372; Stillman, pp. 359-393. 

The Government of Italy : Lowell, Governments and Parties 
in Continental Europe, Vol, I, pp. 146-231. 



Prussia assumes the Leadership in Germany 

66. The failure of the liberals to bring about the unity of industrial 
Germany at the congress at Frankfort in 1848 was largely due in^Germany 
to the tenacity with which the numerous German rulers clung 
to their sovereignty and independence. No fond aspirations 
for national union formulated by an assembly of lawyers and 
professors could destroy the spirit of state sovereignty. How- 
ever, industry and commerce were silently but surely welding 
the German people into a nation. In 1835 the first railway line 
had been built, and the era of steam transportation inaugu- 
rated ; a network of telegraph lines quickly brought the sepa- 
rate states into close and constant touch with one another ; 
and the growth of machine industry compelled them to seek 
wider markets beyond their borders. A solid foundation for 
unity was thus laid by steam, electricity, and machinery, and 
the development of common interests. 

Statesmen as well as leaders in commerce and industry Commercial 
began shortly after the settlement of 181 5 to realize the disas- tages^oTthe 
trous effects of the existing division of Germany into numer- division of 

° •' Germany mto 

ous independent countries. Each of the thirty-eight states had practically 

,. ,., . -^ . •/-, -1 independent 

its own customs Ime, which cut it oii from its Cjerman neigh- states 
bors as well as from foreigners. How this hampered trade 
can be readily seen by examining the map of Germany at that 
time. The duchy of Anhalt was almost completely surrounded 
by the territory of Prussia ; the grand duchy of Oldenburg 
lay like a great wedge driven into the kingdom of Hanover, 
having its only outlet on the North Sea ; the grand duchy of 


no The Development of Modern Europe 

Hesse was broken in twain by a narrow strip of the electorate 
of Hesse ; and the important kingdom of Wiirtemberg was 
surrounded by Baden and Bavaria. Had one traveled in a 
straight line from Fulda to Altenburg, a distance of some one 
hundred and twenty-five English miles, he would on the way 
have crossed thirty-four boundary lines and have been in the 
dominions of nine sovereign and independent monarchs. A 
merchants' association complained to the diet of the Confed- 
eration in 1 819 that in order to trade from Hamburg to 
Austria, or from Berlin to Switzerland, one had to cross ten 
states, study ten different customs systems, and pay ten tariff 
charges. They called attention to the fact that a French mer- 
chant, on the contrary, could trade from the Rhine to the 
Pyrenees, and from Holland to Italy, without being troubled 
by a single collector of duties. 
The customs The first Step toward remedying these evils was taken by 
{Zollverein) Prussian ministers, who swept away the customs lines which 
separated the different parts of the kingdom, and introduced 
uniform rates. Having improved their own system, these min- 
isters opened negotiations with those neighboring states which 
. were entirely or partially surrounded by Prussian territory. The 
independent state of Schwarzburg-Sondershausen was forced to 
turn over its customs administration to Prussia in 18 19, and 
other minor states soon yielded to the same pressure. In Jan- 
uary, 1834, a Zollverein, or tariff union, was formed, which was 
composed of seventeen states with a combined population of 
twenty-three millions. Goods were allowed to pass freely from 
one of these states to another, while the entire group was pro- 
tected against all outsiders by a common tariff frontier. Aus- 
tria, after some hesitation, decided not to join this union, but 
other German states were from time to time compelled by 
their own interests to do so. The marvelous effect of this 
tariff union was celebrated by a popular writer in some verses, 
in which he declared that matches, fennel, lampreys, cows, 
cheese, madder, paper, ham, and boots had served to bind 

Formation of the German Empire 

1 1 1 

together German hearts more effectively than all the political 
ties which had been formed at the Congress of Vienna. This 
commercial unity was the forerunner of political union. 

As the center of this commercial reorganization of Germany, 
Prussia gathered strength for the coming conflict with her great 
rival, Austria, and with the accession of William I in 1858,^ a 
new era dawned for Prussia. A practical and vigorous man was 
now at the helm, whose chief aim was to expel Austria from the 



Scale of Miles 

50 100 150 200 

I ZoUverein in 1834 

|!^1| Later additions 

Accession of 
William I, 
1858 (1861) 

The ZoUverein 

German Confederation, and out of the remaining states to 
construct a firm union under the leadership of Prussia, which 
would then take her place among the most powerful nations 
of Europe. He saw that war must come sooner or later, and 
therefore made it his first business to develop the military 
resources of his realms. 

1 He ruled until 1861 as regent for his brother, Frederick William IV, who 
had become incapacitated by disease. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

The strength- 
ening of the 

Bismarck and 
his struggle 
with the 

The German army, which owes much of its fame to the 
reforms of William I, is so extraordinary a feature of Europe 
to-day that its organization merits attention. Fifty years be- 
fore, the necessity of expelling Napoleon had led Scharnhorst 
to revolutionize the military strength of the kingdom by mak- 
ing military service a universal obligation for all healthy male 
citizens, who were to be trained in the standing army in all the 
essentials of discipline, and then retired to the reserve, ready 
for service at need. The first thing that William I did was to 
increase the annual levy from forty to sixty thousand men, and 
to see that all the soldiers remained in active service three 
years. They then passed into the reserve, according to the 
existing law, where for two years more they remained ready 
at any time to take up arms should it be necessary. William 
wished to increase the term of service in the reserve to four 
years. In this way the State would claim seven of the years of 
early manhood and have an effective army of four hundred 
thousand, which would permit it to dispense with the service 
of those who were approaching middle life. The lower house 
of the Prussian parliament refused, however, to make the 
necessary appropriations for thus increasing the strength of 
the army. 

The king proceeded, nevertheless, with his plan, and in 1862 
called to his side the most commanding figure among the states- 
men of modem times. Otto von Bismarck. The new minister 
conceived a scheme for humiliating Austria and exalting Prussia, 
which he carried out with startling precision. He could not, 
however, reveal it to the lower chamber ; he would, indeed, 
scarcely hint its nature to the king himself. In defiance of 
the lower house and of the newspapers, he carried on the 
strengthening of the army without formal appropriations, on 
the theory that the constitution had made no provision in case 
of a deadlock between the upper and lower house, and that 
consequently the king, in such a case, might exercise his former 
absolute power. In one of his first speeches in Parliament he 

Fonnation of the German Empire 1 1 3 

said with brutal frankness, ''The great questions of the time 
are to be decided not by speeches and votes of majorities, but 
by blood and iron." For a time it seemed as if Prussia was 
returning to a pure despotism, for there was assuredly no more 
fundamental provision of the constitution than the right of the 
people to control the granting of the taxes. Yet Bismarck was 
eventually fully exonerated by public opinion, and it was gen- 
erally agreed in Germany that the end had amply justified 
the means. 

Prussia now had a military force that appeared to justify the The Schles- 
hope of victory should she undertake a war with her old rival, affair 
In order to bring about the expulsion of Austria from the Con- 
federation, Bismarck took advantage of a knotty problem that 
had been troubling Germany, known as the Schleswig-Holstein 
affair. The provinces of Schleswig and Holstein, although in- 
habited largely by Germans, had for centuries belonged to the 
king of Denmark. They had been allowed, however, to retain 
their provincial assemblies and were not considered a part 
of Denmark any more than Hanover had been a part of 
Great Britain. 

In 1847, when the growing idea of nationality was about to 
express itself in the revolution of 1848, the king of Denmark 
proclaimed that he was going to incorporate these provinces 
into the Danish kingdom in spite of the large proportion of 
Germans in the population. This aroused great indignation 
throughout Germany, especially as Holstein was a member of 
the Confederation, and Frederick William IV attempted by 
force of arms to prevent this absorption of the provinces. The 
controversy over their relation to Denmark continued, however, 
and finally, in 1863, Schleswig was definitely united with the 
Danish kingdom. 

" From this time the history of Germany is the history of Bismarck's 
the profound and audacious statecraft and of the overmastering pi^n for the 
will of Bismarck ; the nation, except through its valor on the ^pulsion of 
battlefield, ceases to influence the shaping of its own fortunes. Germany 

114 The Development of Modem Europe 

What the German people desired in 1864 was that Schleswig- 
Holstein should be attached, under a ruler of its own, to the 
German Federation as it then existed ; what Bismarck intended 
was that Schleswig-Holstein, itself incorporated more or less 
directly with Prussia, should be made the means of the destruc- 
tion of the existing federal system, and of the expulsion of 
Austria from Germany. . . . The German people desired one 
course of action ; Bismarck had determined on something 
totally different ; with matchless resolution and skill he bore 
down all the opposition of people and of the [European] 
courts, and forced a reluctant nation to the goal which he 
himself had chosen for it." ^ 
Character of Bismarck was forty-seven years old when, in 1862, he was 
called to the presidency of the Prussian cabinet, and he had 
already won a reputation as a shrewd diplomat and an ardent 
champion of the Prussian monarchy. He was an aristocrat of 
the aristocrats, — a pure type of the conservative landed pro- 
prietor of the old regime in Germany. He entertained a pro- 
found and sincere contempt for all the revolutionary and liberal 
ideas that had come into the world since the age of Frederick 
the Great ; he had refused to join in a vote of thanks to the 
Prussian king when he promised his subjects a constitution in 
1848, and he taughed at the liberals who tried to establish Ger- 
man unity at the Frankfort congress. In short, his policy was 
akin to that of the benevolent despots of the eighteenth cen- 
tury ; Germany was to be united not by the will and the coop- 
eration of the German people, but only by the aggrandizement 
of Prussia and the exaltation of the Prussian king. He was, 
moreover, a stanch believer in divine Providence, and declared 
that " Each State that wishes to secure its own permanence, or 
even if it merely desires to prove its right to existence, must 
act upon religious principles. The words ' By the grace of 
God,' which Christian rulers add to their names, are for me no 
mere empty sound. On the contrary, I recognize in them the 

1 Fyffe, History of Modern Europe^ pp. 936-937. 

Formation of the German Empire 1 1 5 

confession that princes desire to wield the scepter with which 
God has invested them according to his will." Firmly believ- 
ing in the destiny of the German nation, justifying the means 
by the end, and frankly disregarding the humanitarian and 
democratic aspirations of the liberals, Bismarck nevertheless 
proved himself just the leader needed to weld the nation by 
the heat and violence of war. 

War of 1866 and the Formation of the North 
German Federation 

67. Bismarck's first step was to invite Austria to cooperate The working 
with Prussia in settling the Schleswig-Holstein difficulty. As marck's 
Denmark refused to make any concessions, the two powers P'^" 
declared war, defeated the Danish army, and forced the king 
of Denmark to cede Schleswig-Holstein to the rulers of Prussia 
and Austria jointly (October, 1864).^ They were to make such 
disposition of the provinces as they saw fit. There was now no 
trouble in picking a quarrel with Austria. Bismarck proposed 
a plan by which the duchies should be left nominally inde- 
pendent but which would bring them virtually under Prussian 
control. This plan was of course indignantly rejected by Aus- 
tria, so it w^as arranged that, pending an adjustment, Austria 
should govern Holstein, and Prussia, Schleswig. 

Bismarck now obtained the secret assurance of Napoleon III Prussia 
that he would not interfere if Prussia and Italy should go to 
war with Austria. In April, 1866, Italy agreed that, should federation 
the king of Prussia take up arms during the following three June, 1866 
months with the aim of reforming the German union, it too 

1 After the war with Austria and Prussia, the king of Denmark, sadly in want 
of money, was compelled in 1866 to conciliate the taxpayers by reestablishing the 
constitution which had been drawn up in 1849 ^^"^ set aside during the reaction 
that followed. This constitution, which is in force to-day, provides for an upper 
house composed of senators, part of whom are chosen by the king and part by 
indirect election, and a lower house of representatives chosen by the people. The 
ministry is responsible to the legislature. See Seignobos, Political History of 
Europe since 1814, pp. 566-577, and the Statesman's Year-Book (1907), pp. 857-871. 

declares the 
German Con- 


The Development of Modern Europe 

War declared 
Austria and 

Prussia wins 
the battle of 
July 3, 1866 

The North 



would immediately declare war on Austria, with the hope, of 
course, of obtaining Venice.^ The relations between Austria 
and Prussia grew more and more strained, until finally in June, 
1866, Austria induced the diet to call out the forces of the 
Confederation for the purpose of making war on Prussia. 
Prussia's representative in the diet declared that this act put 
an end to the existing union. He accordingly submitted Prus- 
sia's scheme for the reformation of Germany and withdrew 
from the diet. 

On June 14 war was declared between Austria and Prussia. 
With the exception of Mecklenburg and the small states of the 
north, all Germany sided with Austria against Prussia. Bis- 
marck immediately demanded of the rulers of the larger North 
German states — Hanover, Saxony, and Hesse-Cassel — that 
they stop their warlike preparations and agree to accept Prus- 
sia's plan of reform. On their refusal, Prussian troops imme- 
diately occupied these territories and war actually began. 

So admirable was the organization of the Prussian army that, 
in spite of the suspicion and even hatred which the liberal 
party in Prussia entertained for the despotic Bismarck, all 
resistance on the part of the states of the north was promptly 
prevented ; Austria was miserably defeated on July 3 in the 
decisive battle of Koniggratz, or Sadowa, and within three 
weeks after the breaking off of diplomatic relations the war 
was practically over. Austria's influence wab at an end, and 
Prussia had won the right to dictate to the rest of Germany. 

Prussia was aware that the larger states south of the river 
Main were not ripe for the union that she desired. She there- 
fore organized a so-called North German Federation, which 
included all the states north of the Main. Prussia had seized 
the opportunity considerably to increase her own boundaries 
and round out her territory by annexing such of the North 
German states, with the exception of Saxony, as had opposed 
her in the war. Hanover, Hesse-Cassel, Nassau, and the free 
1 See above, p. 99. 


Forniatioji of the German Empire 


city of Frankfort, along with the duchies of Schleswig and 
Holstein, all became Prussian. 

Prussia, thus enlarged, summoned the lesser states about her Require- 
to confer upon a constitution that should accomplish four ends, the proposed 
First, it must give to all the people of the territory included in constitution 
the new union, regardless of the particular state in which they 
lived, a voice in the government. A popular assembly satisfied 

)^ ) ( BOHEMI 

Prussia ■beforel866 
Annexations ln,1866 


Prussia's Annexations in 1866 

this demand. Secondly, the predominating position of Prussia 
must be secured, but at the same time, thirdly, the self-respect 
of the other monarchs whose lands were included must not 
be sacrificed. In order to accomplish this double purpose the 
king of Prussia was made '•'■ president " of the federation but 
not its sovereign. The chief governing body was the Federal 
Council (^Bundesrath). In this each ruler, however small his 
state, and each of the three free towns — Hamburg, Bremen, 
and Liibeck — had at least one vote ; thus it was arranged 

1 1 8 The Development of Modern Europe 

that the other rulers should not become subjects of the king of 
Prussia. The real sovereign of the North German Federation 
was not the king of Prussia, but "all of the united govern- 
ments." The votes were distributed as in the old diet, so that 
Prussia, with the votes of the states that she annexed in 1866, 
enjoyed seventeen votes out of forty-three. Lastly, the consti- 
tution was so arranged that when the time came for the south- 
ern states — Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, Baden, and South Hesse — 
to join the union, it would be adapted to the needs of the 
widened empire. The union was a true federation like that of 
the United States, although its organization violated many of 
the rules which were observed in the formation of the Ameri- 
can union. It was inevitable that a union spontaneously de- 
veloped from a group of sovereign monarchies, with their 
traditions of absolutism, would be very different from one 
in which the members, like the states of the American union, 
had previously been governed by republican institutions. 

The Franco-Prussian War and the Foundation 
OF THE German Empire 

Foreign 68. No one was more chagrined by the abrupt termination 

Napoleon III ^^ ^^ ^^^ *^^ \^(i(i and the victory of Prussia than Napoleon 
III. He had hoped that both combatants might be weakened 
by a long struggle, and that in the end he might have an 
opportunity to arbitrate, and incidentally to gain something for 
France, as had happened after the Italian war. His disappoint- 
ment was the more keen because he was troubled at home by 
the demands of the liberals for reform, and had recently suf- 
fered a loss of prestige among his people by the failure of 
a design for getting a foothold in Mexico.^ Napoleon was 
further chagrined by his failure to secure the grand duchy of 

1 This Mexican episode is one of the most curious incidents in the checkered 
career of Napoleon III. He desired to see the Latin peoples of the western world 
develop into strong nations to offset the preponderance of the Anglo-Saxons in 
North America, and furthermore, like his uncle, he cherished imperial designs 

Formation of the German Empire 119 

Luxemburg, which its sovereign, the king of Holland, would have 
sold to him if it had not been for the intervention of Prussia. 
In other diplomatic negotiations also it was believed that Napo- 
leon had been outwitted by Bismarck, and a war fever developed 
both in France and Germany, which was fostered by the sen- 
sational press of Paris and Berlin. Frenchmen began to talk 
about " avenging Sadowa," and the Prussians to threaten their 
" hereditary enemy " with summary treatment for past wrongs. 

In the midst of this irritation, a pretext for war was afforded Question of 
by the question of the Spanish throne then vacant as the result to the throne 
of the expulsion of Queen Isabella in 1868. She had succeeded ^^ ^P^^" 
to the crown as a child, on the death of her father, Ferdinand 
VII, in 1833, and, notwithstanding the attempts of her uncle, 
Don Carlos, to secure the crown, which he claimed could not 
legally descend to a woman, ^ she had succeeded in retaining 
her position, through many dictatorships, revolutions, and palace 

outside of the confines of Europe. What appeared to him to be an excellent 
opportunity to build up a Latin empire under his protection was afforded by dis- 
orders in Mexico. In the summer of 1861, at the opening of the great Civil War 
in America, the republic of Mexico suspended payments on its debts. England, 
France, and Spain made a joint demonstration against Mexico in favor of their 
subjects who held Mexican bonds. Napoleon then entered into negotiations with 
some Mexicans who wanted to overthrow the republic, and he offered to support 
the establishment of an empire if they would choose as their ruler Archduke 
Maximilian, brother of the Austrian emperor, to which they agreed. Little realiz- 
ing how few of the Mexican people wanted him for their ruler, Maximilian landed 
in his new realm in 1864, strongly supported by French troops. As soon as the 
Civil War in the United States was brought to a close, the American government 
protested, in the name of the Monroe Doctrine, against foreign intervention in 
Mexican affairs, and as Napoleon III was in no position to wage war with so 
formidable a power, he withdrew his soldiers and advised Maximilian to abdicate 
and return to Europe. The new emperor, however, refused to leave Mexico, and 
shortly afterward he was captured and shot (June, 1867). The whole afTair cost 
France a great deal of money and the lives of many soldiers, and discredited 
Napoleon's ability as a statesman. 

1 According to the old Bourbon family law, the heir to the throne after the 
death of Ferdinand VII, who had no son, was his brother Don Carlos. The 
excluded brother found support among the clergy, the mountaineers of northern 
Spain, the army, and the cities of Castile, and from 1833 to 1840 they waged a 
civil war against the young queen who, being a mere child, was in the care of her 
mother, Christina. The party of the queen, Christinos^ as they were called, were 
at last victorious over the Carlists, but the latter party was not completely broken 
up until after the reestablishment of the Bourbon line in 1874. 

1 20 The Development of Modern Europe 

intrigues, until 1868, when all her discontented subjects — 
liberals who wanted a constitution with responsible ministry, 
democrats who wanted universal suffrage, and republicans who 
wanted to overthrow the monarchy altogether — united in an 
insurrection which forced Isabella to flee to France. 

After the flight of the queen a national Cortes was sum- 
moned to determine upon a form of government, and as the 
majority of the assembly believed that Spain was not yet ready 
for a republic, they voted in favor of establishing a monarchy, 
but drew up at the same time the most liberal constitution that 
Spain had ever had. After long deliberations they finally ten- 
dered the crown to Leopold of Hohenzollern, a very distant 
relative of William I of Prussia. This greatly excited the jour- 
nalists of Paris, who loudly protested that this was only an 
indirect way of bringing Spain under the influence of Prussia. 
The French minister of foreign affairs declared that the can- 
didacy was an attempt to reestablish the empire of Charles V. 
This belief was entirely unfounded, for, in spite of the appre- 
hensions of the French, the mass of the Spanish people were 
more anxious to see the restoration of the Bourbon line in the 
person of Alfonso, the son of Queen Isabella, than they were 
to have as their ruler Leopold of Hohenzollern, or Amadeus 
(the son of the king of Italy), who was finally induced in 1870 
to accept the crown.^ 

1 Amadeus was an enlightened prince, and endeavored to rule according to the 
wishes of his new subjects, but he found himself opposed by the Carlists, who sup- 
ported a grandson of Don Carlos as their candidate ; by the clergy, who opposed 
the new constitution because it granted religious liberty ; and by the moderate 
royalists, who favored placing Isabella's son Alfonso on the throne. After little 
more than two years' experience, Amadeus laid down his crown, and the revolution- 
ists proclaimed a republic (February 12, 1873) which lasted only about a year. At 
last, in 1875, the crown was given to Isabella's son, who took the title of Alfonso XII, 
and after a short civil war with the Carlists a new constitution was drawn up in 
1876 providing for a parliament of two houses — a senate composed of grandees, 
appointed dignitaries, and elected persons, and a lower house of representatives 
chosen by popular suffrage. (By the electoral law of 1890 all male Spaniards 
twenty-five years of age are entitled to vote.) This is the present constitution of 
Spain. Alfonso XII died in 1885, and was succeeded by the present king, 
Alfonso XIII, who was born a few months after his father's death. 

Formation of the German Empire 


But the war parties in France and Prussia were looking for 
a pretext for a conflict, and consequently the candidacy of 
Prince Leopold was given an exaggerated importance. In 
June, 1870, with the consent of the king of Prussia, he ac- 
cepted the proiTered crown ; but when the French government 
protested he withdrew his acceptance, also with the appro- 
bation of the Prussian king. The affair now seemed to be 
closed, but the French ministry was not satisfied with the out- 
come and demanded that the king of Prussia should pledge 
himself that the candidacy should never be renewed. This 
William refused to do, and Bismarck, with gleeful malice, so 
edited the account given to the German newspapers of the 
refusal as to make it appear that the French ambassador had 
insulted King William, and had been rebuffed. This excited the 
" jingoes " in both countries to a state of frenzy, and although 
the war party in France was a small minority, France never- 
theless declared war against Prussia on July 19, 1870. 

The French minister proclaimed that he entered the conflict 
with a " light heart," but it was not long before he realized the 
folly of the headlong plunge. The hostility which the South (xer- 
man states had hitherto shown toward Prussia had encouraged 
Napoleon III to believe that so soon as the French troops 
should gain their first victory, Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, and Baden 
would join him. But that first victory was never won. War 
had no sooner been declared than the Germans laid all 
jealousy aside and ranged themselves as a nation against a 
national assailant. The French army, moreover, was neither 
well equipped nor well commanded. The Germans hastened 
across the Rhine and within a few days were driving the French 
before them. In a series of bloody encounters about Metz, one 
of the French armies was defeated and finally shut up within 
the fortifications of the town. Seven weeks had not elapsed 
after the beginning of the war before the Germans had cap- 
tured a second French army and made a prisoner of the emperor 
himself in the great battle of Sedan, September i, 1870. 

Attitude of 
toward can- 
didacy of 
Leopold of 

declares war 
on Prussia, 
July 19, 1870 

opening of 
the war for 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Siege of Paris 
and close of 

Cession of 
Alsace and 
Lorraine to 

of the Ger- . 
man Empire, 
January i, 

The Germans then surrounded and laid siege to Paris. 
Napoleon III had been completely discredited by the disasters 
about Metz and Sedan, and consequently the empire was 
abolished and France for the third time was declared a repub- 
lic.^ In spite of the energy which the new government showed 
in arousing the nation against the invaders, prolonged resist- 
ance was impossible. The capital surrendered on January 28, 
1 87 1, and an armistice was concluded. 

In arranging the treaty of peace Bismarck deeply humiliated 
France by requiring the cession of two French provinces 
which had formerly belonged to Germany, — Alsace and north- 
eastern Lorraine.^ In this way France was cut off from the 
Rhine, and the crest of the Vosges Mountains was established 
as its boundary. The Germans further exacted an enormous 
indemnity for the unjustifiable attack which the French had 
made upon them. This was fixed at five billion francs, and 
German troops were to occupy France till it was paid. The 
French people made pathetic sacrifices to hasten the payment 
of this indemnity, in order that the country might be freed 
from the presence of the hated Germans. The bitter feeling 
of the French for the Germans dates from this war, and the 
longing for revenge has by no means disappeared. For many 
years after the war a statue in Paris, representing the lost city 
of Strassburg, was draped in mourning. 

The attack of France upon Prussia in 187c, instead of hin- 
dering the development of Germany, as Napoleon III had hoped 
it would, only served to consummate the work of 1866. The 
South German states, — Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, Baden, and South 

1 See below, p. 151. 

2 Alsace had, with certain reservations, — especially as regarded Strassburg 
and the other free towns, — been ceded to the French king by the treaty of 
Westphalia at the close of the Thirty Years' War. Louis XIV disregarded the 
reservations and seized Strassburg and the other towns (1681), thus annexing 
the whole region to France. The duchy of Lorraine had fallen to France in 1766, 
upon the death of its last duke. It had previously been regarded as a part of the 
Holy Roman Empire. In 1871 less than a third of the original duchy of Lor- 
raine, together with the fortified city of Metz, was ceded back to Germany. 

Fo?ynation of tJie German Empire 123 

Hesse, — having sent their troops to fight side by side with the 
Prussian forces, consented after their common victory over 
France to join the North German Federation. By a series of 
treaties it was agreed, among other things, that the name 
" North German Federation " should give way to that of " Ger- 
man Empire," and that the king of Prussia, as president of 
the union, should be given the title of German Emperor. Sur- 
rounded by German princes, William, king of Prussia, and 
president of the North German Federation, was proclaimed 
German Emperor in the former palace of the French kings at 
Versailles, January 18, 1871. The long conflict for unity was 
now at an end ; it only remained for Germany to assert its 
place among the great nations of the world. 

Austria-Hungary since 1866 

69. The defeat at Sadowa and the formation of the North Problems 
German Federation had served to cut off Austria from Crermany Austfia in 
altogether, and she was left to solve as best she might the prob- ^^^^ 
lems of adjusting her relations with Hungary, reconciling the 
claims of the various races within her borders, and meeting the 
demands of the liberals for constitutional government and 
reforms in general. 

An attempt had been made in 1861 to unite all the posses- The Austro- 
sions of Francis Joseph into a single great empire with its parlia- dual mon- 
ment at Vienna, but the Hungarians obstinately refused to take fj'^^ed i?i867 
part in the deliberations and, by encouraging the Bohemians, 
Poles, and Croats to withdraw, brought the plan to naught. 

Soon after the defeat of Austria by Prussia in 1866 the rela- 
tions between the Austrian Empire and the kingdom of Hun- 
gary were finally settled by a compromise {Ausgkich, as the 
Germans call it). PVancis Joseph agreed to regard himself as 
ruling over two separate and practically independent states : 
(i) the Austrian Empire, which includes seventeen provinces, 
— Upper and Lower Austria, Bohemia, Moravia, Carinthia, 


The Development of Modern Europe 

The govern- 
ment of the 
dualism con- 
sists of a 
three minis- 
tries, and the 

The Austrian 

Carhiola, and the rest; and (2) the kingdom of Hungary, in- 
cluding Croatia and Slavonia. While each of these had its own 
constitution and its own parliament, one at Vienna, and the 
other at Pesth, and managed its own affairs under the guid- 
ance of its own ministers, the two governments, in dealing with 
foreign nations, declaring war, and concluding treaties, were to 
appear as one state, to be called Austria-Hungary. They were 
to have a common army and navy and to be united commer- 
cially by using the same coins, weights, and measures, and 
agreeing upon a common tariff. Although this particular kind 
of union between two states was a new thing in Europe, it has 
so far proved a permanent one. 

In order to manage the affairs common to the two states, 
their joint monarch appoints three ministers, — a minister of 
foreign affairs, a minister of war, and a minister of finance. 
These ministers are responsible to a curious kind of joint par- 
liament, called the Delegations^ one of which is chosen by the 
Austrian parliament, and the other by the Hungarian diet. 
These Delegations consist of sixty members each and hold their 
sessions alternately at Vienna and at Pesth, in order to avoid 
all jealousy. They sit as separate bodies, one carrying on its 
discussions in German and the other in Hungarian, and ordi- 
narily communicate with each other in writing, except in cases 
of disagreement, when the two Delegations come together and 
vote as a single body, but without debate. 

While the relations were thus being adjusted between Aus- 
tria and Hungary, the Austrian Empire itself was reorganized 
by five constitutional laws passed in 1867. The protests of 
the Poles, Slovenians, Bohemians, and Italians were unheeded, 
and all the provinces were made subject to the parliament 
at Vienna, which was to consist of a House of Lords and 
a Chamber of Deputies, the members of the latter to be 
selected by the diets of the seventeen provinces. The em- 
peror promised to choose ministers who enjoyed the confi- 
dence of the parliament, to conciliate the various nationalities, 


IG" Longitude East 


> ,: 






10 20 31' 40 50 

due to the 
mixture of 

Formation of the German Empire 1 2 5 

and to insure equal rights to all in the schools and in appoint- 
ments to government offices. 

In Hungary the liberal constitution of 1848 was revived. The Hun- 
The king appoints the ministers but they are responsible to the constitutio 
diet, consisting of two houses. The Chamber of Magnates is 
an aristocratic body made up mainly of hereditary nobles. 
The members of the Chamber of Deputies, on the other hand, 
which, like the House of Commons in England, is the predom- 
inant body, are chosen by the people. Every man over twenty 
years of age who pays a small tax ^ is permitted to vote, and in 
the case of professional men even the tax requirement is waived. 

The problem of satisfying the various races, with their differ- Continued 
ing languages and their national aspirations, has been the most 
characteristic difficulty which both Austria and Hungary have 
had to face. There were in Austria in 1867, 7,100,000 Ger- 
mans, 4,700,000 Czechs, 2,440,000 Poles (in Galicia), 2,580,- 
000 Ruthenians (in eastern Galicia), 1,190,000 Slovenians 
(principally in Carniola), 520,000 Croats (in Dalmatia and 
Istria), 580,000 Italians (in Trieste and southern Tyrol), and 
200,000 Roumanians (in Bukovina). The Germans held that 
the German town of Vienna, the old seat of the court, was the 
natural center of all the provinces, and that the German lan- 
guage, since it was spoken more generally than any other in 
the Austrian provinces and was widely used in scientific and 
literary works, should be given the preference everywhere by 
the government. The Czechs and Poles, on their part, longed 
for their old freedom and independence, wished to use their 
own language, and constantly permitted their dislike of the 
Germans to influence their policy in the parliament at Vienna.^ 

If each language were spoken by all the inhabitants in a 
particular province the difficulties would be lessened, but the 

1 This requirement, moderate as it seems to be, excludes about three fourths 
of the adult males and has given rise to serious agitation for reform. 

2 In the newspapers we read of the " Young " Czechs, who agree with the 
" Old " Czechs in working for Bohemian independence, but are more progressive 
than their fellow-representatives. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Power of the 
Church re- 
duced in 
Austria, 1868 

various races are hopelessly intermingled, especially the Czechs 
and the Germans in Bohemia. While the majority of the in- 
habitants of Austria belong to some branch of the Slavic race, 
the Czechs, Poles, Croats, Ruthenians, and Slovenians cannot 
understand one another's language. Consequently the Austrian 
government seemed forced to order that all commands to its 
soldiers be given in German, for if each were to be addressed 
in his native tongue disastrous confusion would result. But if 
a Slovenian kills an Italian, what language shall be employed 
in his trial? Where there are two or three different languages 
spoken in a single parish, shall there be a school for each, or 
shall the language of the majority prevail ? Shall officials be re- 
quired to speak the several languages or dialects used within 
their provinces? These and a hundred similar questions vex 
the Austrian parliament, cause ill feeling and party divisions, 
and hinder progress in general reform. 

The two most noteworthy achievements in Austria during 
the past forty years have been perhaps the readjustment of the 
relations between Church and State, and the extension of the 
suffrage. Austria has always been specially faithful to the Cath- 
olic Church, and consented to maintain its ancient supremacy 
longer than any other European power. But after the settle- 
ment of 1867 the German liberal party forced through the 
parliament a series of laws which restricted the time-honored 
prerogatives of the Catholic clergy. Every individual was given 
the right to choose his own religion and to worship as he 
pleased. Government offices and positions in the schools were 
thrown open to all citizens, regardless of creed ; the State, not 
the Church, was thereafter to manage the schools ; civil mar- 
riage was instituted for those who did not wish to have a priest 
officiate at their marriages, as well as for those whom the priests 
refused to unite. The Pope vigorously condemned the con- 
stitutional laws of 1867, which had guaranteed complete re- 
ligious liberty ; the laws of 1868 he pronounced " abominable," 
and rejected them as null and void. Nevertheless the reforms 

Formation of the Gennan Empire 127 

which Joseph II had striven to introduce before the French 
Revolution were at last secured. 

Austria, like the other European states, has been profoundly Question of 
affected by the Industrial Revolution. The ever-increasing 
numbers of workingmen began to urge that the old system of 
voting, which permitted the richer classes to choose the mem- 
bers of the parliament, should be changed so as to allow the 
great mass of the people to send representatives to Vienna.-^ 
At last, in 1906, the suffrage was extended to all males over 
twenty-four years of age. The first election under the new 
law took place in May, 1907. The socialists gained over 
fifty seats, many of which they secured at the expense of the 
Czechs. But, on the other hand, the conservative clerical party 
also gained. It remains to be seen whether the various little 
parties formed on race issues will give way in time to those 
representing grave economic and social problems such as exist 
in the other European states. 

The history of Hungary since 1867 has resembled that of The Magyars 
Austria in some respects. The Magyars have, however, been fn^Hu'ngary^ 
more successful than the Germans in maintaining their su- 
premacy. The population of Hungary proper in 1900 was 
about seventeen millions, of which the Magyars formed some- 
thing over half. Croatia and Slavonia had together less than 
two and a half millions. In the lower house of the diet four 
hundred and thirteen deputies are chosen in Hungary, and 
only forty in Croatia and Slavonia.^ Magyar is naturally the 
language chiefly used in the diet, and by government officials, 
and railway employees, and in the universities. The govern- 
ment encourages the migration of the people to the cities, 

1 The system adopted in 1867, according to which the local diets of the prov- 
inces elected the deputies, was later abolished, and the right to select the 425 
deputies was put into the hands of four classes : the landowners were assigned 
85 seats; the chambers of trade and commerce, 21 ; the towns, 118; the rural 
districts, 129. The adult males were permitted to choose the remaining 72. 

2 In 1900 there were in round numbers 9,000,000 Magyars, 2,000,000 each 
of Germans and Slovaks, 1,500,000 Croats, 1,000,000 Servians, and 400,000 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Race discon- 
tent in 

toward its 
union with 

of Bosnia and 

especially to Budapest,^ for it is the rapidly growing cities which 
are the strongholds of the Magyars, and the number of those 
who speak their language is steadily increasing. 

Croatia and Slavonia do not consider that they have their 
proper weight in the national parliament at Budapest. The 
Servians are discontented, and some of the extremists among 
them would like to have the region they inhabit annexed to 
the kingdom of Servia ; while the Roumanians look longingly 
to the independent kingdom of Roumania, of which they feel 
they should form a part. 

As for the relations of Hungary with the Austrian half of 
the union, the Magyars are divided among themselves. Some 
of them accept the present arrangement as final, others de- 
mand that the whole system of common government be done 
away with, and that a merely personal union with the Austrian 
Empire be established. Both countries would then have the 
same king, but would otherwise pursue an entirely independent 
policy in their relations with foreign powers, and in the organ- 
ization of their military forces. Indeed it appears to be one of 
the chief grievances in Hungary that the commands in the 
army are given in German. To offset Magyar influence the king 
agreed in 1904 to support a measure for introducing universal 
suffrage, which would greatly weaken the Magyar majority and 
give the Slavic elements more weight. Race antagonism occa- 
sionally gives rise to violent demonstrations in the diet. For 
example, in December, 1904, the Magyar deputies expressed 
their disapproval of an unpopular minister of Francis Joseph's 
by wrecking the furniture in the Chamber of Deputies and 
thus preventing the regular opening of the parliament. 

One matter of importance to the whole monarchy was the 
practical annexation in 1878 of two new provinces, Bosnia and 
Herzegovina. These had formed a part of the Turkish domin- 
ions, but the population, consisting mainly of Slavs akin to the 

1 Buda, which lies on the right bank of the Danube, was united to Pesth 
across the river in 1872. 

Formation of the German Empire 1 29 

Servians and Croats, aroused by the atrocities of Mohammedan 
rule, revolted against the Sultan. The Austrian emperor man- 
aged to secure from the Congress of Berlin which settled the 
Eastern question in 1878 permission to occupy the provinces 
and restore order in them. Hungary, however, opposed this 
on the ground that there were already Slavs enough in the 
Austro-Hungarian union. Nevertheless the emperor had his 
way ; the minister of finance of the Austro-Hungarian mon- 
archy continues to administer the two provinces, and there is 
little prospect that they will ever be returned to the Sultan, 
who is still, however, their nominal ruler. 


The Zollverein: Seignobos, Political History of Europe since 
J814, pp. 451-454 ; Andrews, Historical De7>elopinent of Mode7'n 
Europe, Vol. I, pp. 252-257. 

Bismarck and the Rise of Prussia: Seignobos, pp. 456-466; 
Andrews, Vol, H, pp. 189-213; Phillips, Modern History, 
pp. 390-407; Fyffe, History of Mode?' fi Europe, pp. 909-920. 

The Schleswig-Holstein Question and Dissolution of the Confeder- 
ation : Seignobos, pp. 466-472 ; Andrews, Vol. II, pp. 213-252 ; 
Phillips, pp. 407-448 ; Fyffe, pp. 934-963. 

Formation of the North German Federation : Seignobos, 
pp. 472-481 ; Andrews, Vol. II, pp. 252-261. 

The Establishment of the Empire: Seignobos, pp. 482-484 ; 
Andrews, Vol. II, pp. 261-277 ; Phillips, pp. 449-485 ; Fyffe, 
pp. 968-1019. 

Formation of Austria-Hungary: Seignobos, pp. 518-529; An- 
drews, Vol. II, pp. 278-296; Leger, History of Austro-Hun- 
gary, pp. 572-588. 

Political Development of Austria-Hungary : Seignobos, pp. 529- 
553; Andrews, Vol. II, pp. 415-435 ; Leger, pp. 589-637. 

The Government of Austria and Hungary : Lowell, Governments 
and Parties ijt Continental Europe, Vol. II, pp. 70-179. 

Spain after the Revolution of 1820 : Seignobos, pp. 293-308. 

The Spanish Revolution of 1868 : Seignobos, pp. 308-315. 

The Reestablishment of the Spanish Monarchy: Seignobos, 
PP- 315-325. 



The German Constitution 

The constitu- 
tion of the 

The Bundes- 
rath, or Fed- 
eral Council 

70. It will be remembered that the constitution of the North 
German Federation had been drawn up in 1866 with the hope 
that the southern states, Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, Baden, and South 
Hesse, would later join the union ; consequently little change 
was necessary when the empire was established four years 
later. The title of German Emperor {Deutscher Kaiser) was 
bestowed on King William I of Prussia and his successors, but 
it did not carry with it any authority which he had not enjoyed 
as president of the North German Federation. In the empire, 
as in the federation, the sovereignty is not vested in the ruler, 
but in the Bundesrath^ or Federal Council, which is made up 
of representatives of the twenty-two monarchs and the three 
free cities included in the union.^ The emperor does not possess 
the right to veto laws passed by the imperial parliament, but 
nevertheless he exercises many of the powers which would 
naturally fall to a monarch. He appoints and dismisses the 
imperial chancellor, — the chief minister of the empire, — as 
well as other imperial officials. Though he cannot declare an 
offensive war without the consent of the Bundesrath, he com- 
mands the unconditional obedience of all German soldiers and 
sailors, and appoints the chief officers in the army and all those 
in the navy.^ 

The Bundesrath, like the Senate of the United States, 
represents the various states of the union, but its members 
are not free to vote as individuals. On the contrary, the 

1 See above, pp. 117 sq. 

2 As king of Prussia the emperor controls seventeen votes in the Bundesrath, 
which would usually enable him to block measures which he disapproves. 


TJie German Empire 


delegates from each state must vote together, and according 
to instructions received from their resjjective governments on 
every question. Unlike the American system, the various states 
in the German union are not given equal representation in the 
Bundesrath ; Prussia, which includes more than one half of 
the territory and population of the empire, sends seventeen 
delegates, Bavaria six. Saxony four, Wiirtemberg four, Baden 
and Hesse three each, Mecklenburg-Schwerin and Brunswick 
two each, and all the others one each.^ 

The democratic element in the government is the Reichstag::;, The Reichs- 
or House of Representatives, which was established at the House of 
instance of Bismarck, not because he believed in popular J^ygPg'^^^^"*^" 
government, but because such a body was necessary in order 
to insure the loyalty of the people to the new union. The 

1 CoMrosrrioN of the German Empire 

Names of the States 


IN Dec. I, 1905 

(in Round 


Number of 
IN the 

Present Num- 
ber of Reprk 



Kingdom of Prussia 

Kingdom of Bavaria 

Kingdom of Saxony 

Kingdom of Wiirtemberg 

Grandduchy of Baden 

Grandduchy of Hesse 

Grandduchy of Mecklenburg-Schwerin 
Grandduchy of Saxe-Weimar .... 
Grandduchy of Mecklenburg-Strelltz . 
Grandduchy of Oldenburg .... 

Duchy of Brunswick 

Duchy of Saxe-Meiningen 

Duchy of Saxe-Altenburg 

Duchy of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha .... 

Duchy of Anhalt 

Principality of Schwarzburg-Sonders- 


Principality of Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt 

Principality of Waldeck 

Principality of Reuss, elder line . . . 
Principality of Reuss, junior line . . 
Principality of Schaumburg-Lippe . . 

Principality of Lippe 

Free town of Liibeck 

Free town of Bremen 

Free town of Hamburg 

Imperial territory of Alsace-Lorraine . 









































58 1 397 

132 The Development of Modern Europe 

Reichstag consists of about four hundred members distributed 
among the various states according to their population. The 
constitution provides that every German citizen twenty-five 
years of age may vote for members of the Reichstag. The 
representatives are elected for a term of five years, but the 
house may at any time be dissolved by the emperor with 
the consent of the Bundesrath. Members of the Reichstag 
under a law of May, 1906, are now paid for their services. 

The Chan- The chief minister of the empire is the chancellor, who is 

appointed by the Kaiser from among the Prussian delegates in 
the Bundesrath and may be dismissed by him at will without 
regard to the rise and fall of parties in the Reichstag. The 
chancellor is not bound by any resolutions or votes of the 
Reichstag ; he is entirely at the command of the emperor from 
whom alone he derives his authority. He presides over the 
Bundesrath, appoints the federal officers in the name of 
the emperor, and supervises the discharge of their duties. 
The departments of the empire, such as the foreign office, 
post office, and department of the interior, are simple bureaus 
under the control of the chancellor, and their heads are not 
ministers in the English sense, or cabinet officers in the 
American sense. They are not colleagues of the chancellor, 
but are responsible to him, not to the Reichstag ; consequently 
the fate of political parties does not affect their tenure of 

No cabinet In short, Germany has never introduced the cabinet system 

German" *^® of government which prevails in other European countries. 

Empire fhe Kaiser exercises, through the chancellor, and in view of 

his position as king of Prussia, a power unrivaled by any of 
the constitutional rulers of Europe; the general tone and 
policy of the government is determined by his personal views 
and character, and the Reichstag serves rather as a critic of, 
and a check on, the government than as the directing force. 

When German unity was finally achieved in 187 1 by the 
formation of the empire, the new nation was very much in the 


The German Empire 133 

position of the United States after the adoption of the consti- Necessity of 

„ . . , -111 1 • 1 uniform laws 

tution in 1789. A federation had been entered into by states for the whole 
bound together by ties of a common race and language, but ^^P^*"^ 
its permanence was by no means assured. The various German 
rulers were zealous in safeguarding their dignity and their own 
particular rights, and they were not altogether pleased with the 
preeminence assumed by the king of Prussia. Each common- 
wealth had its own traditions as an independent state, ^ its 
own peculiar industrial interests, and its own particular form of 
government. Some were Protestant, others Catholic; in some 
agriculture predominated, in others, mining or manufacturing ; 
some wanted protective tariffs for grain, others for textiles, 
and still others wanted no tariff at all. Realizing that the new 
union might not bear the continued strain of these disruptive 
tendencies, the imperial government undertook to establish 
stronger national ties through the introduction of uniform 
laws for the whole German people to supplant the diverse 
laws of the various commonwealths. 

The leadership in this nationalizing movement fell naturally Powers of the 
to Bismarck, chancellor of the empire and president of the government 
Prussian ministry. Fortunately for him, the constitution con- 
ferred on the imperial legislature wide powers in regulating 
matters which in the United States are reserved entirely to 
the states. The imperial parliament is authorized to regulate 
commerce and intercourse between the states and with foreign 
nations, to coin money, fix weights and measures, control the 
banking system, the railways, telegraph, and post office, besides 
other general powers. But, more than this, the federal govern- 
ment in Germany is empowered by the constitution to make 
uniform throughout the empire the criminal and civil law, the 

1 As a concession to the feelings of the previously sovereign states of southern 
Germany, the constitution assures them a few special rights. The most important 
of these is the special postal system which both Bavaria and Wiirtemberg are 
permitted to maintain. The result is that a stamp of the empire, if put on a letter 
to be mailed in Munich or Stuttgart, is as worthless as a French or English stamp 
would be. 


The Development of Modern Europe 


organization of the courts, and judicial procedure, whereas in 
the United States each state defines crimes, regulates the form 
of contracts, and so forth. In one important matter the two 
constitutions agree, — the citizens of each state are entitled to 
the civil rights of the citizens of all the other states. 

The parliament at once set to work to carry into effect the 
important powers conferred upon it. In 1873 a uniform 
currency law was passed, and the bewildering variety of coins 
and paper notes of the separate states was replaced by a 
simple system of which the mark (about twenty-five cents) is 
the basis. The new coins bore on one side the effigy of the 
emperor, and on the other the arms of the empire, " to preach 
to the people the good news of unity." Two years later the 
Prussian bank was transformed into a federal bank, and a 
financial center for the empire was established at Berlin. In 
1871 a uniform criminal code was introduced ; in 1877 a law 
was passed regulating the organization of the courts, civil and 
criminal procedure, bankruptcy, and patents; and from 1874 
to 1887 a commission was busy drafting the civil code which 
went into effect in 1900. 

The Kulturkampf^ 

Attitude of 
the ultramon- 
tane party 
toward the 
new German 

71. In his endeavor to strengthen the government in the 
empire and in Prussia, Bismarck came into collision with the 
ancient rival of the secular power, the Church. At the first 
imperial election in 1871 the Catholics returned sixty-three 
members to parliament, and the chancellor saw, or pretended 
to see, a conspiracy of clerical forces against the State. The 
Jesuits were charged with having stirred up France to attack 
Prussia, and although there was little or no evidence in support 
of this theory, Bismarck professed to believe in it. It was also 
alleged that the Pope and the Catholic bishops in eastern and 

1 It is said that Virchow, the famous scientist, suggested this name, commonly 
applied to the conflict between Bismarck and the Vatican. It may be translated 
" War in defense of civilization." 

The German Empire 135 

southern Germany had sought to prevent the estabhshment of 
the empire under the leadership of a Protestant king. 

It was undoubtedly true that some Catholics held opinions 
which conflicted with the chancellor's views on the supremacy 
of the civil government. The decrees of the Vatican Council 
issued in 1870 definitely asserted that the secular government 
might not interfere with the Pope in his relations with the 
clergy or with lay Catholics. German bishops received with 
favor a work by a Jesuit author in which he affirmed the right 
of the Pope to sus}. -nd and alter the civil law, and even went 
so far as to say that " Peace and national unity are an unquali- 
fied good only for a people in possession of the true faith. If 
they have not the tnie faith, then national division is incom- 
parably less an evil than persistence in religious error." 

There was ther fore a clear conflict, in theory at least. Question of 
between the doctrines maintained by Catholics and the views catholics" 
of the chancellor n the supremacy of the civil government. 
The open contest, however, was precipitated by divisions among 
the Catholics themselves. The doctrine of papal infallibility 
ratified by the Vatican Council in 1870 had been rejected by 
some of the former adherents of the Roman faith, who now 
assumed the name of "Old Catholics" to distinguish them- 
selves from the majority who accepted the Vatican decree. 
The bishops who remained faithful to the Pope demanded that 
Old Catholic teachers should be removed from their places in 
the universities and schools, on the ground that they had 
refused to obey the dictates of the Church. The Prussian 
government declined to accede to this demand, alleging as a 
reason the fact that the decree in question had never been 
ratified by the State. 

The Catholics antagonized the government by their denun- imperial 
ciations of its policy, and in 1872 a law was passed expelling the Omrch 
the Jesuits and their affiliated orders from the German Empire. 
The following year the Redemptorists, the Lazarists, the Con- 
gregation of Priests of the Holy Ghost, and the Society of the 

1 36 The Development of Modern Europe 

Sacred Heart were likewise suppressed. Civil marriage was 
made compulsory in 1876, and civil registration of births and 
burials was established. To repress criticism on the part of the 
clergy, it was made a punishable offense for them to utter in 
public or to print anything designed to discredit the govern- 
ment. The German ambassador was withdrawn from .Pome, 
and Bismarck, recalling the famous controversy eight hdndred 
years earlier between the German emperor, Henry IV, and the 
Pope, which had ended in Henry's going to Italy to seek the 
Pope's forgiveness, declared, ''We will not go to Canossa." 
The May In addition to his imperial anti-Catholic measures, Bismarck 

I 73 jjjg|.j|-y^g(j ^ repressive policy in Prussia which, in spite of its 
Protestant ruler, had granted liberty to Catholics ever since 
( the days of the Great Elector. In May, 1873, important 

measures were passed which bear the name of the "May 
laws." One of them provided that no priest might undertake 
his functions until he had passed through a German preparatory 
school, spent three years in a German university, and passed 
an examination in three other faculties besides that of theology. 
Hence no priest could officiate without a government certifi- 
cate of his training in the government schools, which were 
decidedly anti-Catholic, and a bishop who appointed a priest 
not properly qualified was liable to a heavy fine. 
Compromise As might have been expected, these measures aroused 
Church^ powerful opposition. The Pope declared them contrary to the 

constitution of the Church, the clergy in general refused to obey 
them, and the Catholics, as a result of these laws, were welded 
into a strong political party which secured the election of 
ninety-one members to the Reichstag in 1874. Even the 
more conservative Protestants did not approve of the harsh 
policy toward the Catholics, and in spite of his proud boast 
that he would never come to terms with the Church, Bismarck 
was at length forced to yield. He was wise enough to see that 
the Catholics were really less dangerous adversaries of absolu- 
tism and militarism than the national liberals who wanted a 


The German Empire 137 

ministry responsible to the Reichstag, or the rapidly growing 
socialist party which demanded radical reforms on behalf of the 
working classes. Pius IX died in 1878 and Leo XIII, in noti- 
fying the Kaiser of his elevation to the holy see, expressed 
his regret at the strained relations existing between Rome and 
Berlin. Bismarck made this an excuse for withdrawing the 
repressive laws, and the liberals said, " He has, after all, gone 
to Canossa." One after another all the measures directed 
against the clergy, excepting the civil-marriage law, were abol- 
ished, and at length cordial relations w^ere again established with 
the Vatican. The Catholic political party — whose represent- 
atives in the Reichstag are called the Center — was not, how- 
ever, broken up by the reversal of the government's policy, 
and the attempt to destroy the socialist party, which Bismarck 
was now free to make, proved no more successful. 

Bismarck and State Socialism 

72. The socialist party had grown up in Germany practically Beginnings 
within Bismarck's own time. In 1842 a German professor had [^n Germany 
declared that Germany had nothing to fear from that move- 
ment since the country had no distinct working class. But 
within less than a quarter of a century Germany, like England 
and France, underwent a radical industrial revolution. Large 
manufacturing towns sprang up ; railways were built ; the work- 
ing classes inevitably combined to protect and advance their 
own interests ; and all the problems of capital and labor were 
suddenly thrust upon the German people. 

The socialist view of the labor problems and their solution Karl Marx 
had been elaborated by a German scholar, Karl Marx, before 
the revolution of 1848,^ but it was not until nearly twenty 
years later that a party championing his doctrines entered 
German politics. Under the leadership of Lassalle, a radical Lassalle 

1 See below, pp. 393 sqq., for general development of socialism in Europe. 

138 The Development of Modern Europe 

thinker and a brilliant orator, a General Workingmen's Associa- 
tion was formed at a labor congress in Leipzig in 1863. The 
purpose of this organization was to work for universal suffrage, 
in order that through their votes the workingmen might force 
the government to furnish capital for the foundation of work- 
shops like those which Louis Blanc had sought to establish 
during the French Revolution of 1848. After more than a 
year's vigorous agitation Lassalle had, however, mustered less 
than five thousand members for his association, and he was 
thoroughly discouraged when he met his end in a duel over a 
love affair in 1864. 
The social Notwithstanding the death of Lassalle, the campaign which 

organize in he had begun continued to be prosecuted with greater vigor 
^^^9 than before, although by no means all of the workingmen 

believed in his programme. Some of the more radical among 
them, under the influence of the teachings of Marx, founded 
at Eisenach, in 1869, a new association, which bore the name 
of the Social Democratic Labor Party of Germany. The two 
groups worked side by side until 1875 when, at a general labor 
congress held at Gotha, they combined and issued an impor- 
tant statement of the views and purposes of the party. In the 
elections of that year for the Reichstag the socialists polled 
three hundred and forty thousand votes and began to arouse 
the apprehension of the government, which was naturally sus- 
picious of them. They not only advocated a fundamental 
social revolution but had opposed the continuance of the war 
with France after Napoleon III had been overthrown and the 
French republic established, on the ground that the burdens of 
war always fall most heavily upon the laboring classes. They 
had even expressed the hope that Germany might, like France, 
become a republic. 
Bismarck Bismarck resented the attitude of the socialists, and after 

c?ush"i\?r*^ two unsuccessful attempts upon the life of the emperor, which 
socialism, he ascribed without justification to socialist conspiracies, he 
had a law passed in 1878 designed to suppress socialistic 

TJie German Empire 139 

agitation altogether. It prohibited meetings, publications, and 
associations having for their purpose " the subversion of the 
social order " or the promotion of socialistic tendencies dan- 
gerous to the public peace, and authorized the government to 
proclaim martial law in any city threatened by labor disturb- 
ances. This repressive law remained in force for twelve years 
and completely disorganized the party as far as national politics 
were concerned. It failed, however, in accomplishing its full 
purpose, for the socialists continued to form local societies in 
spite of the precautions of the police, and to spread their doc- 
trines by means of papers smuggled in principally from Swit- 
zerland. Their leaders declared that the law only made their 
agitation the more dangerous, and many even of their oppo- 
nents championed its repeal. 

While these attempts were being made to suppress the Origin of 

. , , ^ ^1 • • /" the "state 

social democrats, there was growmg up \\\ Germany a new 
school of political economists who maintained that the govern- 
ment should adopt a number of the socialistic proposals for 
the benefit of the working classes in order to remove the 
causes of their discontent. The members of this new school, 
among whom Professors Wagner and Schmoller, both of the 
University of Berlin, were the most distinguished, repudiated 
the idea that there were any rules in economic affairs which 
could be applied at all times and under all conditions. They 
advocated so strongly the duty of the government to legislate 
on behalf of the working classes that the name '* state social- 
ists " was applied to them, although they were far from approv- 
ing of the thorough-going measures desired by the regular 
sociahsts. The purpose of state socialism is defined by 
Schmoller as '* the establishment of a friendly relationship 
among the different social classes, the removal or reduction 
of injustice, a nearer approach to fairness in the distribution 
of wealth, and social legislation promoting progress and the 
moral and material elevation of the lower and middle classes." 
To Wagner it seemed not only unchristian but inhuman to 



The Development of Modern Europe 

of the state 

Attitude of 
toward social- 
ism and the 

regard labor merely as a commodity to be bought and sold in 
the market, and wages as its price. 

The practical proposals of the state socialists were exceed- 
ingly numerous. They advocated providing steady employ- 
ment for the working classes, reduction of the hours of labor, 
improvement of the sanitary and moral conditions in factories, 
restriction of the labor of women and children, and adequate 
precautions against accidents and sickness. They proposed to 
equalize the distribution of wealth by taxing those whose in- 
comes were derived from rents, interest, or speculation, and 
favored government ownership of railways, canals, and all means 
of communication and transport, water and gas works, markets, 
and the business of banking and insurance. 

Bismarck himself took a deep interest in the theories of the 
state socialists, and from 1878 to the close of his administra- 
tion, he advocated a number of reforms for the benefit of the 
working people and carried out a few of them. In undertak- 
ing these measures he frankly admitted that he was only 
renewing the old Brandenburg policy of paternal interest in 
the welfare of the people and in increasing the power and 
prosperity of the State. As he once declared : " For me there 
has been but one compass, one pole star, by which I have 
steered : Salus publica. Since I entered public life I have often 
perhaps acted rashly and imprudently. But when I have had 
time for reflection I have always asked myself the question. 
What is most beneficial, most expedient, and desirable for 
the dynasty I serve (so long as I was concerned only with 
Prussia), and, nowadays, for the German nation? I have never 
been committed to any set of doctrines. All the systems . . . 
are of secondary importance to me." He accepted the capi- 
• talist system of industry and the division of society into rich 
and poor as a natural and permanent arrangement, but con- 
sidered it the duty of the State to better the condition of the 
working people by special laws, as well as to encourage industry 
by protective tariffs. 

interest of the 


The German Empire 141 

He looked upon certain reforms in favor of the working 
classes as the best means of undermining the influence of the 
socialists. His views on this subject are summed up as follows 
in a speech he delivered in 1884 : "Give the workingman the 
right to work as long as he is healthy, assure him care when 
he is sick, and maintenance when he is old. Do not fear the 
sacrifice involved, or cry out at state socialism as soon as the 
words ' provision for old age ' are uttered ; — if the State will 
show a little more Christian solicitude for the workingman, 
then the socialists will sing their siren song in vain, and the 
workingmen will cease to throng to their banner as soon as 
they see that the government and the legislative bodies are 
earnestly concerned for their welfare." 

In 1882 the government introduced two bills providing for state insur- 
accident and sickness insurance which were given their final ^"^^ ^" 
form after two years of deliberation and did not go into effect 
until 1885. According to the provisions of the first law, em- 
ployers are obliged to provide a fund to insure their employees 
against accidents. From this fund the workmen are compen- 
sated when partially or totally disabled, and in case of death 
provision is made for the family of the deceased. The sickness 
insurance law compels workingmen and women to insure them- 
selves against sickness, but helps them to bear the burden by 
requiring the employer to pay a portion of the premium and 
to be responsible for carrying out the law. 

These measures were supplemented in 1889, after the acces- 
sion of the present Kaiser, by an old-age insurance law which 
compels every workman with an income under five hundred 
dollars a year to pay a certain proportion into a state fund 
which provides an annual pension for him after he has reached 
the age of seventy years. In case he is incapacitated earlier 
in life he may begin to draw the pension before he reaches 
that age. As in other forms of workingmen's insurance, the 
employers pay a portion of the premium, and the State also 
makes a regular contribution to every annuity paid. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

These three measures constitute the main results of Bis- 
marck's pohcy of aiding the workingman, for notwithstanding 
an early promise of the present emperor, no substantial addi- 
tion has been made to imperial labor legislation since 1889. 
Moreover these measures have failed to accomplish the purpose 
which Bismarck particularly had at heart, — that of checking 
the socialist influence. 

Demand for 
protection of 

views of 

Germany's Policy of Protection and 

73. Closely connected with Bismarck's paternal attitude 
toward the working classes was his policy of protecting Ger- 
man industries against foreign competition. The successful 
war with France, the establishment of the empire, and, above 
all, the payment of the French indemnity had created a great 
" boom " in Germany. New enterprises multiplied ; in Prussia 
alone the number of joint-stock companies increased from 
410 in 1870 to 2267 in 1874; wages rose rapidly and times 
were ''good" until the inevitable reaction due to overspecu- 
lation set in. Prices and wages then began to fall, companies 
failed, and factories closed. The manufacturers then com- 
menced to demand that they be protected from foreign compe- 
tition, and the farmers that a duty be placed upon the grain 
that was being shipped into the country from the United States 
and Russia. It was urged that the German "infant" industries 
(of which we have heard so much in the United States) could 
not maintain themselves without aid when rival nations, espe- 
cially England, were so much better equipped with machinery, 
experience, and natural resources. 

Bismarck, who had formerly seemed to favor free trade, 
declared in the Reichstag that he was convinced that it 
could never be universally adopted by the nations of the 
earth, as some economists hoped. Even England, he argued, 
could not continue her free-trade policy. " Both France and 

The German Empire 143 

America have completely forsaken free trade ; Austria, instead 
of reducing her protective duties, has increased them ; Russia 
has done the same. . . . Therefore no one can expect Ger- 
many to remain permanently the victim of its sincere belief 
in the theory of free trade. Hitherto we have thrown our 
doors wide open to foreign goods and so have made our coun- 
try the dumping ground for all the overproduction of other 
countries. . . . Let us close the door and erect the somewhat 
higher barriers that are proposed, and let us see to it that we 
secure at any rate the German market for the German manu- 

Bismarck had another motive in advocating higher customs Customs 
duties. He would thereby greatly increase the revenue of the to^trengthen 
empire, which had hitherto been largely dependent upon the ^'^^ empire 
contributions to the imperial treasury made by the individual 
states. The wisdom of his policy has since been amply demon- 
strated, for the empire now enjoys an independent income 
from customs duties amounting in 1906 to some two hundred 
million dollars, while it called on the states for contributions 
scarcely exceeding seventy million dollars. 

It was under these circumstances that the imperial chancel- Germany 
lor presented to the Reichstag in 1878 a programme of tariff pfjlectiv? ^ 
revision embodying two main points: (i) protective duties system in 
designed to give German industries the advantage over foreign 
producers; (2) a reduction of duties on raw materials not pro- 
duced within the empire. In the following year the Reichstag 
adopted the new tariff laws by a large majority and thus initi- 
ated a system under which Germany has become one of the 
greatest manufacturing countries in the world. 

German manufacturers were, however, not satisfied with African 
securing preference over foreign competitors in their domestic *^" omzation 
trade ; they soon began to demand government aid in finding 
new markets abroad. Even before the establishment of the 
empire a Central Union for Commercial Geography and the 
Advancement of German Foreign Interests, had been founded, 


The Developmejit of Modern Europe 








and in 1878 an African Society was established for the pur-, 
pose of carrying on explorations and educating public opinion 
in favor of colonial expansion. Numerous trading posts were 
built, especially along the western coast of Africa, and the 
agents at these centers began to urge the government not 
only to protect them but also to secure a firmer control over 
the natives and their trade by the seizure of territory. In spite 
of many misgivings about the ultimate value of distant colonies 
peopled by barbarous races, Bismarck was induced to take steps 
toward the acquisition of territory in Africa. 

He sent out Dr. Gustav Nachtigal in 1884 for the purpose 
of establishing German control at certain points along the 
western coast of Africa. The English Foreign Office was noti- 
fied that this enterprise was designed merely to gather infor- 
mation for the German government on the state of commerce. 
Before the English government was aware of the real charac- 
ter of the expedition, the German agent had induced native 
chiefs to acknowledge a German protectorate over two large 
provinces, Togoland in Upper Guinea, a region about the size 
of the state of Indiana, and Kamerun, adjoining the French 
Congo, — in all an area of over two hundred thousand square 

In the same year Herr Luederitz, a Bremen merchant, act- 
ing under orders from Bismarck, raised the German flag at 
Angra Pequena (a point on the west coast a short distance 
above the English possessions at the Cape), where German 
merchants and traders had been active for some time. This 
region had long been coveted by the Cape colonists, but the 
delay of the English government in taking action allowed it to 
fall into the hands of the Germans. By subsequent agreements 
with Portugal and England, who control the adjacent regions, 
the German government carved out a block of territory esti- 
mated at over three hundred and twenty thousand square miles, 
an area far greater than that of the entire German Empire. 
1 See map of Africa below, p. 356. 

The Ge?'mati Einph'e 145 

This colony bears the name of German Southwest Africa, but 
its entire European population is less than five thousand. 

Even larger territories were secured by Germany in East German East 
Africa. In 1884 the Society for German Colonization sent 
Dr. Karl Peters to determine what could be done in that re- 
gion. The sultan of Zanzibar was induced in 1888 to lease a 
narrow strip of territory over six hundred miles long to the 
Germans, and in two years transferred all his rights to the Ger- 
man Empire for a million dollars. The few German settlers 
then established plantations of cocoa palms, coffee, vanilla, 
tobacco, caoutchouc, sugar, tea, etc., and the government 
founded several experiment stations for determining the possi- 
bilities of profitable agriculture. Railways were begun and 
telegraphic communication established. 

At the same period German agents found their way into Germany in 
the Pacific and occupied a region in New Guinea to which 
the name of Kaiser Wilhelm's Land was given. The Caroline 
Islands (except Guam, which belongs to the United States) 
and a part of the Solomon group were also acquired.^ 

Reign of William II 

74. With the accession of the present emperor, William 11,^ Accession of 
in 1888, Prince Bismarck lost his power. He had been implic- jgss 
itly trusted by the old Kaiser, William I, who had been con- 
tent to leave the practical management of the empire largely 
in the hands of the chancellor. The new emperor proved a 
very different man. He is fond of making speeches in which 
he has much to say of the power which God has given him ; 

1 German merchants and investors are also developing railways in Asia Minor, 
Syria, and Mesopotamia with a view of opening up the natural resources. Their 
activities in Morocco brought them into conflict with the French, who believed 
that they possessed special rights there, and for a time there was talk of war, but 
matters were adjusted in 1906 at a congress of European powers held at Algeci- 
ras on the Strait of Gibraltar. See below, p. 362. 

2 William II is the eldest son of Frederick III (who succeeded his father, 
William I, in March, 1888, and died in June of the same year) and of Victoria, 
the daughter of Queen Victoria of England. 


The Development of Modem Europe 

March, 1890 

indeed, he seems to be a stout adherent of that conception of 
kingship which Bossuet extracted from the Holy Scriptures 
and urged upon the willing Louis XIV.^ On his accession to 
the throne he expressed himself as follows : '' Summoned to the 
throne of my fathers, I have taken up the reins of govern- 
ment, looking for aid to the King of kings. I have sworn 
to God to follow the example of my fathers and be to my 
people a just and firm ruler, to nurture piety and the fear of 

God, to cherish peace, 
and to be a helper of 
the poor and oppressed, 
and a faithful guardian 
of justice." To the army 
he said, "We belong to- 
gether, I and the army; 
indeed we are born for 
each other and we wnll 
act together, it matters 
not whether God wills 
peace or storm." 

It is not strange that 

Bismarck, who, with firm 

hand, keen vision, and 

unswerving devotion, 

had guided the ship of 

state through troubled 

waters for over a quarter 

of a century, should have 

found it hard to tolerate 

the intervention of the 

inexperienced young 

emperor. In March, 1890, he presented his resignation, and, 

amid a great demonstration of popular feeling, the " Iron 

Chancellor," the most extraordinary statesman Germany has 

1 See above, Vol. I, p. 7, note. 2 Caricature from Punchy 1890. 

Dismissing the Pilot ^ 


The German Empire 147 

ever produced, retired to private life. He had assumed no 
responsibility for the policies of William II, and may have 
cherished some bitterness against him. At any rate, upon 
his death in 1898 these simple words were carved upon his 
tomb, "Here lies Prince Bismarck, a faithful servant of Em- 
peror William I." Upon the announcement of Bismarck's 
resignation, William II declared, "I am as much afflicted as 
if I had lost my grandfather anew, but we must endure what- 
ever God sends us, even if we should have to die for it. The 
post of officer of the quarterdeck of the ship of state has 
fallen to me. The course remains unchanged. Forward, with 
full steam 1 " 

For a time it seemed as if William II proposed to conciliate Attitude of 
the socialist party, although he could not possibly have had any 
real sympathy with its aims. The legislation against the social- 
ists which Bismarck had inaugurated in 1878 was allowed to 
lapse in 1890, and they now carried on their agitation openly 
and with vigor and success. The emperor pledged himself to 
continue the social legislation begim by his grandfather, since 
he deemed it one of the duties of the State to relieve poverty, 
and declared that the welfare of the workingman lay close to 
his heart. He attempted to adjust strikes by arbitration, and 
in 1890 called together an international congress for the 
protection of labor, where he took occasion to make many 
lengthy addresses. Irritated, however, at his failure to check 
the expression of discontent on the part of the working classes, 
he grew angry and pronounced the social democrat as "nothing 
better than an enemy of the empire and his country." In 1894 
he proposed a bill to stop the " virulent machinations " of the 
socialists ; but this, like other measures aimed at the party, 
failed to pass the Reichstag. Of late the emperor has had 
less to say about helping the workingman, but he watches with 
no little uneasiness the steady increase of the number of 
socialist voters.^ 

1 See table below, p. 149, note. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Germany in 
the Far East 

value of Ger- 
many's ex- 
periments in 

United Germany, like united Italy, had embarked on a 
colonial policy, and William II has shown himself very ready to 
participate in world politics. At the close of the war between 
China and Japan, in 1895, he joined with Russia and France 
in preventing Japan from occupying the Liaotung peninsula. 
Two years later the Germans seized the port of Kiauchau on 
the Shantung peninsula opposite Korea. In an address to 
his brother. Prince Henry, when he assumed command of the 
Oriental fleet, the emperor said that the expedition was but 
the first expression of the transoceanic ambition of the newly 
united German people. "We simply wish equal rights for 
German commerce under the banner of the empire. Impe- 
rial power is sea power ; the two are mutually dependent, one 
cannot exist without the other. Our citizens abroad may rest 
absolutely assured that the protection of the empire will every- 
where be given them through the imperial navy. Should any 
one infringe our rights, then use the mailed fist and earn your 
laurel wreath." An excellent opportunity for employing *' the 
mailed fist" was afforded shortly afterwards; for in 1900 
Germany cooperated with the other great European powers in 
suppressing the Boxer uprising in China. 

Notwithstanding Germany's extensive colonial dominion 
and commercial adventures in the Far East, the whole enter- 
prise has been of doubtful value. None of the lands acquired 
are really suitable for settlement by German people who wish 
to emigrate from the fatherland,^ and there is a steadily 
increasing expenditure for new battleships and the mainte- 
nance of troops in the colonies. Especially in Africa, the native 
races under the German flag are very warlike, and in 1 905-1 906 
the government spent the sum of nine million dollars in sup- 
pressing local uprisings, while the value of the exports and im- 
ports of the provinces scarcely exceeded two million dollars. 

1 In 1905 there were only 216 Germans in Togoland, 738 in Kamerun, about 
4000 (mostly soldiers) in German South West Africa, 1324 in East Africa, and 
less than 500 in the Pacific Islands. 

The German Empire 149 

The whole question therefore remains one of the most hotly- 
contested in German politics and was made the leading issue 
in the elections for the Reichstag in 1907, when a majority was 
returned in favor of continuing the existing imperial policy. 

However, both the colonial policy and the system of auto- Sources of 

,,,--_. . , dissatisfac- 

cratic government represented by the Kaiser are not without tion on the 
powerful opponents, for in spite of the fact that the imperial iJJe*,.a^is a!ui 
government is founded on a written constitution and the socialists 
Reichstag is elected by popular vote, the German govern- 
ment is the least democratic in western Europe. The emperor 
is not controlled by a ministry representing the majority in 
parliament, and public criticism of the government is liable 
to cause the arrest and imprisonment of the offender. Fur- 
thermore, the Reichstag can scarcely be regarded as really 
representing the views of the nation. The government has 
refused to revise the apportionment of representatives as it 
was arranged in 1871, although great changes have taken 
place since that year. As a result Berlin, for instance, has only 
six members in the Reichstag, although its population of two 
million inhabitants would entitle it to twenty. This accounts 
for the relatively small number of socialists and the large 
number of conservatives in the parliament, for in 1907 the 
sociahsts, although they could muster 3,250,000 voters, returned 
only 43 members, whereas the conservatives secured 83 seats 
with less than 1,500,000 supporters, mainly in the country 

There is no large liberal party in Germany to advocate the 
more democratic institutions of responsible ministers, equal elec- 
toral districts, and retrenchment in military expenditures ; con- 
sequently the principal opposition to the methods of William 
II comes from the socialist party which steadily increases in 


steady increase 

of socialism is 

shown by the 

following table : 

Year of 



Year of 











150 The Development of Modern Europe 

numbers and in the effectiveness of its organization. It stoutly 
resists any increase in expenditure for colonial purposes, favors 
international peace, and scorns the "divine right" theories of 
the emperor. Whether it will be possible for the German gov- 
ernment to continue to adhere to its present methods in the 
face of the rising tide of democracy all over the world remains 
for the future to decide. 


The Government of Germany: Lowell, Governments and Par- 
ties in Continental Comitries^ Vol. II, pp. 1-8. 

Development of Parties in Germany: Lowell, Vol. II, pp. 

The Kulturkampf : Seignobos, Political History of Europe 
since 18 14, pp. 491-496 ; Rose, Developtnent of Modern Euro- 
pean Nations^ Vol. I, pp. 164-168 ; Andrews, Historical Devel- 
opment of Modern Europe^ Vol. II, pp. 370-375. 

The Conflict with the Socialists : Seignobos, pp. 496-498 ; 
Dawson, German Socialism and Ferdinand Lassalle, pp. 247- 
278; Andrews, Vol. II, pp. 375-378. 

Bismarck and Social Reform : Rose, Vol. I, pp. 1 78-183 ; Daw- 
son, Bismarck and State Socialism^ pp. 23-36, 72-127; An- 
drews, Vol. II, pp. 378-381. 

Bismarck and Tariff Reform : Dawson, Bisfnarck and State 
Socialism^ pp. 47-61 ; Rose, Vol. I, pp. 168-178. 

The Establishment of the Colonial Empire : Dawson, Bismarck 
and State Socialism, pp. 145-155 ; Rose, Vol. II, pp. 235-263. 

William II: Seignobos, pp. 502-510; Andrews, Vol. II, 
PP- 383-390- 



Establishment of the Third French Republic 

75. On September 3, 1870, Napoleon III telegraphed The third 
from Sedan to Paris, " The army is defeated and captured, Republic 
and I am a prisoner."^ This meant an immediate collapse of sgTtembe?' 
the empire which he had established some twenty years before. 18-0 
The Chamber of Deputies was invaded by a mob shouting for 
the republic, and a motion was made to dethrone Napoleon 
and his dynasty. Next day Gambetta and the deputies repre- 
senting the city of Paris betook themselves to the old revolu- 
tionary storm center, the City Hall, and there i)roclaimed the 
reestablishment of a republic. This was sanctioned by an 
overwhelming majority of the Parisians. Meanwhile other 
large cities, such as Bordeaux, Marseilles, and Lyons, took simi- 
lar action. 

The terrible defeat at Sedan and the capture of the emperor The Germans 
did not, as we know, bring the war to a close. The German j>ance and 
invaders pressed on ; city after city was taken ; the strongly ^y. siege to 
fortified Strassburg fell at the end of September after a terrific 
bombardment, and the fortress of Metz a month later. Paris 
itself was surrounded by an immense German army, and the 
king of Prussia took up his quarters at Versailles. Gambetta, 
the energetic republican leader, escaping from Paris in a 
balloon, floated safely over the lines of the besieging Ger- 
mans and reached Tours. Here he invoked the memories of 
1793 and sought to organize a national army of volunteers; 
but the raw French battahons were easily defeated by the 

1 After the conclusion of peace between France and Germany the Germans 
set Napoleon III free and he retired to England, where he died in 1873. 



The Development of Modern Etirope 

The National 
elected Feb- 
ruary, 1871, 
proves to be 


disciplined German regiments which had been set free by the 
surrender of Metz. In January, 187 1, the French made their 
last effort to bring the enemy to terms by endeavoring to cut 
off its communications with Germany, but the attempt failed 
and the remains of the French forces were compelled to take 
refuge in the neutral territory of Switzerland, whither the Ger- 
mans could not pursue them. Paris, reduced after a terrible 
siege to the point of starvation, capitulated on January 28, 
and an armistice was concluded. 

Since the dissolution of the government of Napoleon III 
early in September, France had had no opportunity to work 
out a new constitution, and had drifted on under a provisional 
" Government of the Public Defense " which Gambetta, Favre, 
and others among the former deputies had improvised. It 
was questionable whether this revolutionary body was author- 
ized to conclude a peace, and accordingly it was arranged, 
upon the surrender of Paris, that the French should elect a 
national assembly which would legally represent the nation in 
dealing with the victorious enemy. The result of the elections 
was surprising, for only two hundred republican candidates 
were chosen as against five hundred monarchists of various 
kinds, namely, legitimists, Orleanists, and a few Bonapartists. 
This was largely due to the fact that Gambetta and other 
prominent republicans had talked so fervidly of continuing the 
war at any cost that the mass of the people was fearful lest 
if put in power they might prolong the disastrous conflict 
which was ruining the country. The National Assembly, aware 
that Paris was strongly republican in its sentiments, deter- 
mined to meet in Bordeaux, where it held its first session on 
February 12 th. 

Foremost among the brilliant men who composed this body 
was Adolphe Thiers, the historian, journalist, and poHtician, 
who for more than forty years had been a prominent figure 
both in literature and in affairs of state. He had aided in the 
expulsion of Charles X in 1830 and had zealously championed 

France imder the Third Republic 153 

the cause of Louis Philippe, whom he had served as minister 
for some time. Amid the subsequent pohtical changes he man- 
aged by shrewd conduct, which his opponents often denounced 
as unscrupulous, to win a certain degree of favor even in the 
eyes of his political enemies. Though a critic of the second 
empire, his twenty- volume history of the Consulate and Empire 
elicited high praise from Napoleon III ; though a monarchist, 
he called himself "a son of the Revolution" and had long 
prophesied the inevitable establishment of a republic. In the 
grave crisis in which France found herself in February, 187 1, 
he appeared, therefore, to be the natural leader. His popu- 
larity was now demonstrated by the fact that in the elections 
for the National Assembly he had received over two mil- 
lion votes. 

The National Assembly therefore appointed Thiers " Head Thiers 
of the Executive Power of the French Republic" and pro- headoA^he 
vided that he should exercise his authority through ministers government 
of his own choice. This was, of course, a temporary arrange- 
ment, and the vital question whether France was to remain a 
republic or to be reconverted into a monarchy was deferred 
until the hated Germans should be got rid of. France, as 
Thiers urged with a statesman's insight, had been precipitated 
into a war without serious motive or adequate preparation ; 
she had seen her armies destroyed, half her territory occupied 
by the enemy, and hundreds of thousands of her children torn 
from their labors to defend the fatherland. In the face of 
such a situation surely all enlightened and patriotic citizens, 
whatever their individual views of government, should unite to 
free France from the invader and restore her to her former 

The first step in the realization of this policy was the con- The conclu- 
clusion of a final peace with the Germans, for the armistice with ^he'^^'^^ 
which had been agreed upon at the capitulation of Paris had Germans. 
almost expired. On February 21 Thiers hurried to Versailles Frankfort, 
to open negotiations with the German emperor and Bismarck, ' 

154 The Development of Modern Europe 

and on the 26th, after many stormy scenes, the terms of the 
preliminary treaty were formulated, France was to renounce 
Alsace and a part of Lorraine, which together included a popu- 
lation of almost 1,600,000; pay an enormous indemnity of 
five billion francs ; and submit to the presence of German 
troops until the last payment was made. When Thiers laid 
this proposal before the Bordeaux assembly for its approval 
the deputies wept aloud as the clauses containing the cessions 
of territory were read. Thiers, however, maintained that a con- 
tinuation of the conflict was impossible because their armies 
were now thoroughly disorganized, the capital in the possession 
of the enemy, and the treasury empty. In spite of the passion- 
ate declarations of the republicans that it would be better to 
fight to the end rather than to endure this new disgrace of sur- 
rendering French provinces, the Assembly, convinced that a 
renewal of the war would be futile, accepted the terms im- 
posed by the victorious Germans, and they were formally 
signed at Frankfort on May 10.^ 
The National As soon as peace had been duly concluded with Germany 
mov^eTto^ the republican minority urged that the National Assembly 
Mardi^'isVi should dissolve itself, since it had now fulfilled its purpose. 
The majority, however, insisted upon continuing to govern 
France and proceeding to draft a constitution. The Assem- 
bly refused to remove to Paris, the " headquarters of sedition 
and the center of revolution," w^here the monarchists had 
good reason to fear the strong republican sentiment, so they 
chose Versailles as their place of meeting.^ Louis Blanc 
warned the members that if they thus neglected the claims of 
Paris as the seat of government there might arise " from the 

1 The Germans were disappointed in their hope that the indemnity would 
seriously cripple France, for the first loan of two billion francs was secured in 
1871 with ease, and the next year the second loan of three billions was subscribed 
twelve times over, — thus demonstrating both the patriotism and the credit of the 
French people. In the autumn of 1873 ^^^ amount was paid in full and the last 
German soldier left the soil of France. 

2 Not until 1879 did the French legislature again return to Paris. 


France wider the Third Republic 155 

ashes of a horrible war with the foreigner a still more hor- 
rible civil conflict." His fears proved only too well founded, 
for Paris rose in revolt against an assembly which it regarded 
as made up of obstinate and benighted " rustics " who still 
clung to monarchy and had no sympathy with the needs of 
the great cities. 

Trouble had been brewing in Paris for several months. The Paris resolves 
siege had thrown tens of thousands out of work and had pro- ance to the 
duced general demoralization. During the war many men had 
received a franc and a half a day for acting as national guards- 
men, but the Assembly at Versailles now ordered that this pay- 
ment, upon which many workmen in enforced idleness were 
relying, be discontinued. The guardsmen thereupon chose a 
committee to defend their interests and those of the republic. 
This committee united with a newly elected city council, very 
revolutionary in its make-up, which determined to govern Paris 
as a practically independent city, and together they bade defi- 
ance to the National Assembly, which they charged with usurp- 
ing power that had not been delegated to it by the nation. 

The revolutionary group who now attempted to govern Paris Views of the 
included ardent republicans, socialists, communists, anarchists, 
and some who could scarcely be said to have had much interest 
in anything except disorder. Many of the leaders were men of 
unquestionable integrity, who were determined to defend the 
republic, even by the sacrifice of their lives, as the " only form 
of government compatible with the rights of the people and 
the development of a free society." They all agreed in demand- 
ing that every commune, or municipality, should be left free 
to manage its own affairs in the interests of its own people. 
France would then become a sort of federation of communes, 
each community electing its own officers and introducing freely 
such social reforms as suited local conditions. In this way 
"militarism," "officialism," and "privilege" would disappear. 
The idea of keeping all France under a single strong empire 
or monarchy was denounced as despotic and unintelligent. It 


The Development of Modern Europe 

The Com- 
mune sup- 
pressed with 
terrible loss 
of life and 

was this exalted confidence in the commune, or local govern- 
ment, that gained for the leaders the name of " communards." ^ 
The doctrines of the communards failed, however, to gain 
any considerable support in the other cities of France, and the 
Assembly at Versailles determined to reduce rebellious Paris 
to subjection. Toward the close of April Thiers ordered a 
bombardment of the fortifications on the outskirts of the city 
preparatory to its capture. This was the beginning of a des- 
perate struggle ; the Versailles troops, under orders, refused to 
accord to the communards the rights of soldiers, and shot, as 
traitors and rebels, all who fell into their hands. After three 
weeks of fighting on the outskirts, the forces of the Assembly 
entered Paris by an unguarded gate on May 21, and then 
began a terrible week of war, murder, and arson in the city 
itself. Beautiful public buildings, like the City Hall and the 
palace of the Tuileries, were destroyed by excited mobs ; resi- 
dence districts were raked with bursting shells, and the streets 
were filled with maddened soldiers, crying " no quarter," against 
whom the desperate communards struggled with passionate 
despair. For a whole week the fratricidal strife raged, until 
finally on May 28 Marshal MacMahon, who was in command 
of the troops, was able to announce the close of the conflict 
and the restoration of order. The slaughter, however, was not 
yet at an end, for the monarchists set up courts martial and, 
with scarcely the semblance of a trial, shot hundreds of the 
prisoners that had been taken. Unlike the government of the 
United States after the close of the Civil War, that of France 
under the leadership of Thiers — once a revolutionist himself — 
forgave no one. Seventy-five hundred of the insurgents were sent 
to the penal colony in New Caledonia and thirteen thousand were 
condemned to imprisonment with hard labor or sent into exile. 

1 The word " communist " is often unhappily applied to the communards. But 
" communist " is best reserved for those who advocate the more or less complete 
abolition of private property and maintain that society as a whole should own 
and control, in the interests of all, what is now left in the hands of individuals. 
Many of the communards were communists, but the terms are not synonymous. 

France tinder the Third Repiiblic 157 

The National Assembly was at last free to turn to the vexed Dissensions 
question of settling upon a permanent form of government for legitimists 
the distracted country. There would have been little difficulty fg^s jn'th^" 
in reestablishing the monarchy if the monarchists had not been National 
hopelessly divided among themselves. Some of them, known 
as the " legitimists " because they regarded the older Bourbon 
line as the lawful one, were in favor of bestowing the crown on 
the count of Chambord, a grandson of Charles X who had 
been deposed by the Orleanist revolution in 1830. The 
" Orleanists," who wished to see a restoration of the House 
of Orleans which had been overthrown in 1848, had a strong 
candidate in the person of the count of Paris, a grandson of 
Louis Philippe. These two groups of monarchists had nothing 
in common but their opposition to a republic ; their hatred of 
each other was bitter and uncompromising. The legitimists 
could not bring themselves to look upon the Orleanists as any- 
thing more than usurpers who had been responsible for the 
insurrection of 1830, while the Orleanists regarded the legiti- 
mists with scarcely less ill feeling. 

In view of these divisions all factions were willing to post- Thiers 
pone for a time the final solution of the problem, each hoping iden^t of th'e ^ 
meanwhile to gain strength by delay. This policy was sanctioned republic, 
by Thiers, who urged the assembly to devote its attention to 1871) under- 
the pressing task of strengthening the army and restoring the strengthen 
prosperity of France. Smarting under the humiliation of their army "^^"^^ 
defeat by the Germans, the Assembly passed a new army law 
modeled upon that of Prussia, which bound every Frenchman 
to military service for five years in the active service and 
fifteen years in the reserve force.^ The frontier defenses were 
strengthened, the army equipped with the most improved instru- 
ments of war, and the war department completely reorganized. 

At last, in December, 1872, Thiers, who had been an Orlean- 
ist, declared himself for the republic, arguing that its overthrow 

1 The term of service in the active army, from which no able-bodied man is 
exempted, is now two years, followed by eleven years in the reserve. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Thiers over- 
thrown and 
elected pres- 
ident, 1873 

The legiti- 
mists and 
agree on a 

The count 
of Chambord 
refuses to 
abandon the 
white flag of 
the Bourbon 

would mean a new revolution. His conservative republicanism, 
however, did not save him from attacks by Gambetta and the 
radical republicans of the extreme left ; while the monarchists, 
angered by his defection, determined on his downfall. In May, 
1873, ^^y secured a majority vote in the Assembly for a reso- 
lution condemning Thiers's policy, and he thereupon resigned, 
leaving the government in the hands of the monarchists, who 
chose Marshal MacMahon as president and formed a coalition 
ministry representing Orleanists, legitimists, and Bonapartists 
under the leadership of the duke of Broglie, a member of the 
Orleanist group. 

The various monarchist parties now agreed to combine for 
the purpose of overthrowing the republic. The large cities, 
especially Paris, were placed under martial law, republicans 
were dismissed from government positions, republican news- 
papers were watched by the police, and the clergy exhorted 
to use their influence in the cause of monarchy. In spite of 
these measures, when elections were held to fill vacancies 
in the Assembly, republican candidates were chosen for the 
most part, and the monarchists saw that they must arrange a 
compromise if they wished to restore the monarchy. Accord- 
ingly the Orleanists and legitimists agreed that the count of 
Chambord should be recognized as Henry V, and that since 
he had no children he should be succeeded by the count of 
Paris, the candidate of the Orleanists. The thorny question 
whether France should cling to the tricolored flag, which sug- 
gested revolution, or adopt the ancient white banner of the 
Bourbons was deferred until the monarchy should be securely 

In this adjustment of affairs the parties had not reckoned 
with the character of the count of Chambord. He was then 
over fifty years of age and had spent most of his life as an 
exile in Scotland, Germany, Austria, and Italy. He had been 
educated by pious Catholics and ardent supporters of the 
legitimist cause, who had imbued him with a passionate 

France imder the Tliird Republic 1 59 

devotion to the ancient rights of his house and with an equally 
passionate hatred of revolution in every form. Immediately 
after* the suppression of the Paris Commune he had issued a 
manifesto in which he declared, " France will come to me, 
and I to her, just as I am, with my principles and my flag." 
Though ardently desiring to be restored to the throne of his 
ancestors, he could not bring himself to agree to any com- 
promises with plans which he believed to be hostile to the 
supremacy of the elder Bourbon line and to the claims of the 
Catholic Church. He consented to negotiate w^ith the count 
of Paris only on condition that he himself should be recog- 
nized as the legitimate head of the family and the lawful king. 
He then published an open letter in which he declared that 
he would not renounce the white flag which had so long been 
the standard of his house. 

The Orleanists, enraged by the conduct of the fusion candi- MacMahon's 
date, determined that he should not ascend the throne upon longed to 
his own terms and took measures to prevent his coronation, ^^^^" y^^""^ 
although he had come to Versailles to superintend the prepa- 
rations. They turned to the Bonapartists and republicans 
with a proposition to prolong the term of Marshal MacMahon, 
as president of the republic, for a period of seven years, in the 
hope that by the time his term expired they might have gained 
sufficient strength to place their own candidate on the throne. 

The Assembly meanwhile continued its confused and heated The Assem- 
debates, the republicans demanding the establishment without agrees to 
further delay of a republican constitution ; the legitimists, the ^e^ubli" n 
retirement of Marshal MacMahon in favor of the count of form of gov- 
Chambord ; and the Orleanists, the president's continuance in January! 
office until 1880. Finally, at the beginning of the year 1875, ^ '^^ 
four years after the election of the Assembly, it at last took up 
seriously the consideration of a permanent form of govern- 
ment, and on January 29 a motion was carried by a majority 
of one providing that the president of the republic should be 
elected by the Senate and Chamber of Deputies meeting 

1 60 The Develop7ne7it of Modern Europe 

together in a single assembly. Thus the republicans at last 
carried the day by the narrowest possible margin. 
Peculiar form The restoration of the monarchy having now become im- 
constltudon" possible, for the time being at least, the Assembly proceeded 
of France ^^rith the work of completing a form of government, not by 
drafting an elaborate constitution but by passing a series of 
laws. These separate laws, supplemented by later amendments, 
form the constitution of the Third Republic, which conse- 
quently differs in many fundamental ways from all the previous 
French constitutions. It contains no reference to the sover- 
eignty of the people ; it includes no bill of rights enumerating 
the liberties of French citizens ; and it makes no definite pro- 
vision for maintaining a republican form of government. It is, 
in fact, by no means a logically arranged and finished docu- 
ment; on the contrary, it bears throughout the marks of 
hasty compilation, designed as it was to tide the nation over 
a crisis until one of the contending parties in the Assembly 
should secure a triumphant majority. Nevertheless, despite 
the expectations of many who took part in its making, it has 
lasted longer and provided a more stable government than any 
of the numerous constitutions France has had since 1789. 
Position of Under this new constitution the president of the French 

of^the?rench republic occupies a position rather more like that of the king 
republic of England than that of the president of the United States. 

He is elected for a term of seven years, not by the people at 
large but by the Senate and Chamber of Deputies which meet 
together as one body in Versailles for the purpose. There is 
no vice president, and in case of the death or resignation of the 
president a new one is immediately chosen for the full term of 
seven years. He must select his cabinet from among the 
members of the chambers, and the ministers thus chosen 
exercise a powerful control over his policy and appointments. 
The real head of the government is the prime minister, as in 
England. The president has no veto, but may return a measure 
to the Chamber and Senate for reconsideration. 

France wider the Third Republic i6i 

The parliament consists of two houses, differing in this The Senate 
respect from the legislative bodies established in 1791 and of Deputies 
1848. The members of the Chamber of Deputies (now 584 in 
number) are chosen for a term of four years directly by the 
people, and every man over twenty-one years of age — unless 
he be in active service in the army — is permitted to vote. 
The three hundred senators are chosen indirectly for a term 
of nine years by a small group of electors in each department.^ 

It will be observed that the French parliament is more Exceptional 
powerful than the Congress of the United States. It not only tii*rFrench 
elects the president, who is under the control of a ministry parliament 
representing the majority in the chambers, but it may by 
meeting in joint session amend the constitution without the 
necessity of submitting the changes to the people for their 
ratification. There is no supreme court in France to declare 
the measures of parliament unconstitutional, and the president 
cannot veto them. Like the members of the English cabinet, 
the French ministers resign when they find their policy is no 
longer supported by a majority in the Chamber of Deputies. 

The Third French Republic since 1875 : The 
Dreyfus Affair 

76. The National Assembly, after completing the laws which Strength of 
now serve France as a constitution, dissolved on December antran^p^^ 

ans causes 

31, 1875, ^^<^ ^ regular election was held throughout France MacMahon 
for the purpose of choosing the members of the Senate and 1879 
Chamber of Deputies. This resulted in an overwhelming 
majority for the republicans in the Chamber, while even in the 
Senate there were enough of them to give them the balance of 
power among the conflicting royalist factions. The Orleanist 

1 This electoral body is composed of the members of the various local councils, 
to which are added the senators and deputies representing the department. 
Originally there were seventy-five life senators chosen by the National Assembly 
before it dissolved, but in 1884 a law was passed providing that as these life 
members died they should be replaced by senators chosen in the regular way. 

1 62 The Development of Modern Europe 

president, Marshal MacMahon, found himself unable to work 
in harmony with the deputies, and in 1877 he dissolved the 
Chamber with the hope that by meddling in the elections and 
manipulating the returns he could secure at last a monarchical 
majority. This coup d'etat failed. The new election left the 
republicans still in power; they denounced the president's 
policy and refused to approve the budget that he presented. 
After continuing the struggle until 1879, MacMahon resigned 
and was succeeded by an unmistakable republican, Jules Gr^vy, 
who enjoyed the entire confidence of the Chamber. 
Freedom of Still further strengthened by the elections of 1881, the 

of^puWic ^" republicans undertook a number of urgent reforms. The press 
assemblies j^^^j been declared free in 1789 and in 181 5, but the govern- 
ment had constantly watched the newspapers and punished 
editors who offended it by too frank criticism. At last, in 1881, 
the licenses previously required of those who wished to under- 
take new publications were abolished, publishers were no 
longer forced to make deposits in order to insure their respect- 
ful treatment of the government, and the police courts were 
deprived of their right to try those accused of defaming 
government officials. The newspapers now enjoy almost as 
complete freedom as those of the United States or England. 
Akin to this reform was the right extended to any group of 
citizens to hold public meetings, on condition that they should 
merely announce their intention to the authorities. In 1884, 
after nearly a hundred years of harsh repressive legislation 
directed against all labor associations, a law was passed per- 
mitting workingmen to form unions. Finally, the government 
undertook a series of measures with a view of freeing the 
schools from the influence of the clergy, who were accused of 
undermining the loyalty of the children to the republic. 
These measures will be considered presently. 
Disappear- Year by year the French republic gained in the number of 

monarchical ^^^ adherents and in the confidence of the other powers of 
parties Europe. The death of the son of Napoleon III in 1879 was a 

France under the Third Republic 163 

fatal blow to the already declining hopes of the Bonapartists, 
and the death of the childless count of Chambord in 1883 
left the legitimist faction without a head. A few Orleanists 
clung to their candidate, the count of Paris, until his death in 
1894, but the elections of the preceding year, which resulted 
in the choice of only seventy-three royalist deputies — legiti- 
mists, Orleanists, and Bonapartists — had shown that France 
was at last irrevocably committed to the republic. 

Only twice since t4ie formation of the republic has it been Boulanger's 
seriously threatened by political disturbances. The death of ovei-tiirn the 
Gambetta in 1881 left the republicans, who naturally split up I'^P^^^iic 
into several factions, without any distinguished leader. En- 
couraged by this situation a popular officer, General Boulanger, 
began courting the favor of the army and the workingmen in 
somewhat the same way that Napoleon III had done when he 
was planning to make himself master of France. As minister 
of war in 1886, Boulanger talked of avenging the defeat that 
France had suffered in the conflict with the Germans — always 
a popular theme — and he won some distinguished adherents 
by his denunciation of party divisions and corruption. He 
declared himself in favor of calling a national' assembly to 
revise the constitution and do away with the Senate and the 
presidency, but what his further plans were he did not explain. 
In 1889 he was reelected to the Chamber of Deputies by an 
overwhelming majority, and it seemed for a time that he might 
be able to gain sufficient popularity to enable him to get con- 
trol of the government. His enemies, however, charged him 
with threatening the safety of the State, and he was tried and 
condemned to life imprisonment. He escaped from France, 
however, and in 1891 committed suicide, leaving his party 
to go to pieces. This episode served rather to discredit the 
monarchists than to weaken the republic. 

France had scarcely settled down after the Boulanger episode The opening 
before a singular incident rent the country into angry factions f^s affai/^^ 
and stirred up the most bitter animosity which had distracted ^^94 

1 64 

The Development of Modern Europe 

finds evidence 
pointing to 

roused to 
frenzy over 
the affair 

the nation since the Franco-German War and the suppression 
of the Commune. In 1894 Captain Alfred Dreyfus, an Alsatian 
Jew in the French artillery service, was charged with having 
delivered to a representative of the German government *'a 
certain number of confidential documents relating to national 
defense," which might enable Germany to undertake war 
against France. He was secretly tried by a military tribunal, 
condemned to life imprisonment, degraded from his rank, and 
sent into solitary confinement on the lonely Devil's Island off 
the coast of French Guiana. 

Dreyfus had consistently protested that he was entirely inno- 
cent of the charge, and his friends began to work for a new 
trial. In 1896 Colonel Picquart, head of the detective depart- 
ment of the army, received information which led him to 
believe that the real offender was not Dreyfus but a Major Es- 
terhazy. His superior officers, however, were determined that 
the Dreyfus affair should not be reopened for fear, apparently, 
that something discreditable to the army might be unearthed. 
Colonel Picquart was accordingly removed from office ; and 
his successor. Colonel Henry, at once charged him with hav- 
ing forged the evidence which had come to light in favor 
of Dreyfus. Esterhazy, after a farcical trial, was thereupon 
declared innocent. 

These charges and countercharges now began to attract 
general attention and to arouse bitter feeling. The supporters 
of Dreyfus charged the army officers with unscrupulousness 
and corruption ; his opponents, on the other hand, appealed 
to the country in the name of the honor of the army ; church- 
men attacked him as a Jew and as an enemy of Christian France. 
Government officials in general maintained his guilt, but many 
politicians, journalists, and prominent radicals declared their 
belief in his innocence and accused those in power of shielding 
criminal injustice. Monarchists cited the whole scandal as 
conclusive evidence of the failure of republican government. 
Thus the Dreyfus affair became a military, religious, and 

last secures a 
new trial, 

France tmder the Third Republic 165 

political question, which created a sort of frenzy in France and 
aroused the interest of the whole civilized world. 

The controversy reached a crisis in 1898 when the well- Dreyfus at 
known novelist, ^mile Zola, published an article accusing all the 
officials connected with the trial and conviction of Dreyfus not 
only of wanton injustice but of downright dishonesty. Zola's 
charges greatly increased the excitement, and distinguished 
scholars and men of letters raised their voices in defense of 
Dreyfus. Zola was scarcely tried and condemned for his bold 
indictment ^ when Colonel Henry was himself imprisoned on 
the charge of having forged evidence against Dreyfus ; later he 
was found dead in his cell, and this was construed as a con- 
fession of guilt. The reconsideration of the whole case could 
not be postponed any longer, and a new trial was ordered which 
began at Rennes in the summer of 1899. This resulted in the 
condemnation of Dreyfus to six years' imprisonment, but he was 
immediately pardoned by President Loubet. It was hoped that 
the credit of those who had originally condemned Dreyfus 
might in this way be saved and yet no penalty be imposed on 
an innocent man. 

Naturally enough, however, this did not satisfy Dreyfus, Dreyfus 
who wanted not freedom as a pardoned criminal but a judicial innocent 
declaration of his innocence and a restoration to his former ^9°^ 
rank. Consequently his numerous friends and sympathizers 
continued to work for a new trial, and finally, in June, 1906, 
a third trial began in the highest court in France (the 
Court of Cassation). The following month the court quashed 
the verdict of the court at Rennes ; the Senate and Chamber 
of Deputies concurred in a bill promoting Dreyfus to the rank 
of major; and on July 21, 1906, he was presented with the 
decoration of the Legion of Honor in the courtyard of the Ecole 
Militaire^ where eleven years before he had been degraded. 

The affair was thus at an end, but the effects of the contro- Effects of the 
versy on the political situation in France could not be undone. ^°" roversy 
1 He escaped punishment by retiring to England. 

1 66 

The Development of Modern Europe 

The forma- 
tion of the 
" bloc " 

It produced an alliance, called the " ^Z?^," among the re- 
publicans of all shades, including the socialists, for the purpose 
of reducing the political importance of the army and Church. 
The army was republican ized by getting rid of the royalist 
officers; the destruction of the political power of the clergy 
was by no means so easy a matter. 

The Separation of Church and State 

hostility of 
the clergy to 
the French 

77. The Catholic clergy had from the first been hostile to 
the republic, for they had every reason to fear that the new 
government, with its confidence in popular sovereignty, free- 
dom of the press, and public schools, would sooner or later 
undermine their authority. The head of the Church, Pius IX, 
in a solemn statement called the Syllabus of 1864, had de- 
nounced in no uncertain terms what he regarded as the great 
dangers and errors of the age. Among these were religious toler- 
ation, liberty of conscience, freedom of the press and of speech, 
separation of Church and State, and secular education. The re- 
publicans were, therefore, pledged to just those things which the 
Pope condemned ; indeed some of the most prominent among 
them regarded the Church as a serious impediment in the path 
of progress and, like Voltaire a hundred years before, would 
gladly have seen France abandon the Christian religion itself 
since they believed it opposed to reason and modern science. 
It was inevitable, therefore, that the clerical party should do 
all in its power to discredit the republic and bring about a 
restoration of the monarchy. The Jesuits and other religious 
orders who maintained schools roused in the children's minds 
a distrust of the government, and the clergy actively engaged 
in electioneering whenever there was hope of electing deputies 
who would favor their cause. The religious newspapers repre- 
sented the republic as an unfortunate accident which had put 
ungodly men in power but which would doubtless speedily give 
way to a more legitimate form of government. 

France under the Third Republic 167 

This attitude on the part of the clergy naturally made the re- The republic 
publicans more strongly anticlerical than ever. They came to anticlerical 
hate the clergy and all they stood for. Gambetta declared that 
clericalism was ^'' the enemy." In a letter to Pope Leo XIII in 
1883 President Gr^vy told his Holiness quite frankly that the 
denunciation of religion so common in France was due chiefly 
to the bitter hostility of the clergy toward the republic, which 
they had opposed from its advent, invariably siding with its ene- 
mies in all the struggles which it had faced in order to maintain 
itself. This letter seems to have had some eiTect at the Vatican, 
for the following year the Pope instructed the French clergy to 
moderate their opposition to the government. It was not until 
1892, however, that Leo XIII admonished the French bishops 
and priests to " accept the republic, that is to say, the estab- 
lished power which exists among you ; respect it and submit 
to it as representing the power which comes from God," 

In spite of this peaceful advice on the ])art of the head of Main objects 
the Church there has been no peace ; for during the past clericals dm- 
twenty-five years an extraordinary struggle between Church J"|^?-ffve^* 
and State has been in progress in France in which the republic years 
has proved the victor and has succeeded in depriving the Church 
of a great part of those sources of political influence which 
remained to it after the losses it suffered during the French 
Revolution. The opponents of the Church have had two main 
objects in view : (i) to free the schools from the influence of 
the clergy and thus prevent the children of France from being 
brought up as monarchists, and (2) to relieve the government 
from the burden of paying the salaries of the clergy and to 
bring about the complete separation of Church and State. 

The first step was to increase the number of public schools Establish- 
which might serve to attract pupils away from the convent public schools 
and other Church schools. Two hundred millions of dollars ge^^Jfi^.P^'^^y 
have been appropriated for this purpose during the past thirty influence 
years. By laws passed in 1881-1886 instruction was made 
absolutely free in the primary public schools, children were 

1 68 The Development of Modern Europe 

required to attend them from the age of six to thirteen, and 
no clergyman was to be employed as a teacher in them. The 
private schools were also placed under strict government 
Opposition Many of the monastic orders and various other religious 

gious associa- associations which had lost their property and then been 
tions abolished during the first revolution had been reestablished, 

and new ones had been created. Most of them were devoted 
to charitable work or to education. The Jesuits were accused 
of working, as always, in the interests of the Pope, and the 
Dominicans of preaching openly against the republic, while 
the innumerable schools in the convents and elsewhere were re- 
proached with instilling monarchical and reactionary ideas into 
the tender minds of the children committed to their charge. 
The Associa- From time to time some anticlerical deputy would propose 
i^i the abolition of all the religious associations, and finally, in 

1900, Waldeck-Rousseau, then prime minister, committed him- 
self and his cabinet to a measure for greatly reducing their 
number, declaring that " There are too many monks in poli- 
tics and too many monks in business." ^ The following year 
the Associations Law was passed. This provided that no reli- 
gious order could continue to exist in France without a specific 
authorization from the parliament, and that no one belonging to 
a nonauthorized association should be permitted to teach or to 
conduct a school. At the time of the passage of the law there 
were about one hundred and sixty thousand members (mainly 
women) in the various religious associations, which maintained 
about twenty thousand establishments. The parliament refused 
to grant most of the applications made by the many unauthor- 
ized associations, and as a result numerous teaching, preach- 
ing, and commercial societies which had been organized under 

1 Sometimes the orders carried on a little industry in the interests of their 
convent. For example, the monks of the great Carthusian monastery above Gre- 
noble manufactured the famous liqueur known as Chartreuse. The labor parties 
denounced the monks for thus going into business and competing with other 

France under the Third Republic 169 

the auspices of the Catholic Church were broken up, and within 
two years ten thousand religious schools were closed. In the 
year 1 904-1 905 there were over five million French children 
in the public and other secular schools and only about five 
hundred thousand enrolled in those connected with religious 
associations. A law of 1 904 provides that within ten years all 
teaching by religious associations shall cease. 

The attack on the religious orders was only the prelude to The Con- 
the complete separation of Church and State which had been established T 
advocated for a century by the opponents of the Church. It ?^°^^ relation 
will be remembered that the French Convention proclaimed Church and 
this separation in 1795 ^"^^ refused longer to pay the salaries 
of the clergy, or in any way to recognize the existence of the 
Church except as a voluntary association which should be sup- 
ported by those who wished to belong to it. Bonaparte, how- 
ever, partially restored the old system in the Concordat which 
he arranged with the Pope in 1801. This, with a supplemen- 
tary act, remained the basis of the relations between Church and 
State in France down to 1906.^ Bonaparte did not give back 
the property of the Church of which it had been deprived by 
the first French Assembly in 1789, but he agreed that the 
government should pay the salaries of the bishops and priests 
whose appointment it controlled. Although the Catholic reli- 
gion was recognized as that of the majority of Frenchmen, the 
State also helped support the Reformed and Lutheran churches 
and the Jewish religious community. 

From the standpoint of the government this was in many Power of the 
ways an excellent arrangement, for it was thus enabled pro- the^nme"""^ 
foundly to influence public opinion through its control over *g^"*^ 
the clergy. Consequently, amid all the later political changes, 
the settlement reached by Bonaparte was retained essentially 

1 The policy of the leaders of the French Revolution and of Bonaparte in 
regard to the clergy and the religious associations has already been carefully 
described with a view of preparing the way for an understanding of the recent 
important legislation in France affecting the Church. See above, Vol. I, pp. 243 
sgq., 257 and 310 sgq. 

1 70 The Development of Modern Europe 

unaltered. Louis XVIII, Charles X, Louis Philippe, and Napo- 
leon III had no desire to do away with the Concordat which 
afforded them such great political power, and under them 
the Church so throve that a Catholic clergyman of our day 
could say with much truth : " Thirty years ago, in this our 
land of France, the Catholics were in power. They had on 
their side money and influence, the judges, the army, a 
great majority in parliament, the ministers, and the chief 
of the State. The anticlericals were a minute and feeble 
Final separa- But with the establishment of the republic all this was 
Church and changed, Owing to the strong monarchical sympathies of the 
state in 1905 clergy. There are, moreover, large numbers of Frenchmen 
who, if not actively opposed to the Church, have no interest in 
religion. To this class it seemed absurd that the government 
should be paying forty million francs a year to clergymen for 
teaching the people what seemed to them nonsense and for 
stirring up hostility to the government. Nevertheless it was 
no easy task to put asunder Church and State, which had been 
closely associated with one another from the times of Constan- 
tine and Theodosius the Great. It was not until 1904 that 
Premier Combes boldly announced his intention to undertake 
this separation. His plans were defeated, but his successor, 
Rouvier, continued the work he had begun, and after almost a 
year of heated debate the Separation Law was promulgated, 
December 9, 1905. 
Main provi- The main provisions of the new law are relatively simple. It 

sions of the ,i ^ • ^' r ^^ ■ 

Separation suppresses all government appropriations for rehgious purposes 
^^^ but provides pensions for clergymen of long service and the 

gradual extinction of the salaries of others. It declares that 
cathedrals, churches, the residences of bishops, and other 
ecclesiastical buildings belong to the government, but shall be 
placed at the disposal of congregations and their pastors free 
of charge. The management of these edifices and the control 
of other property of the Church are vested in Associations for 

Fra?ice iindei' the Third Republic 1 7 1 

Public Worship ^ {associations adtuelles') composed of from 
seven to twenty-five persons according to the size of the com- 
mune. The Concordat concluded in 1801 is, of course, ex- 
pressly abolished. 

A period of twelve months was allowed to the various The Pope 
churches to form these associations and prepare for the full oppose^tfi 
execution of the law ; but it soon became evident that the ^^^^ ^^^^' 
Pope and a large Catholic party were determined not to accept 
its provisions. Crowds collided with the soldiers sent to guard 
the churches while inventories were being made of the prop- 
erty to be handed over to the Associations for Public Worship. 
In February, 1906, the Pope condemned the entire law in a 
long encyclical letter to the archbishops and bishops of France 
in which he protested especially against the religious associa- 
tions for which it provided. As they are really associations of 
private persons in whom is vested the management of Church 
property and finances, the Pope regarded them as not assuring 
the ''divine constitution of the Church, the immutable rights 
of the Roman pontiff and of the bishops, and their authority 
over the necessary property of the Church, particularly over 
the sacred edifices." Moreover he considered the repeal of 
the Concordat without consulting him as a violation of inter- 
national law and a breach of faith. Unfortunately he did not 
advise the French clergy just how to get out of the predica- 
ment in which they found themselves. 

T-he clergy, obedient to the commands of the head of the National 
Church, refused to countenance the formation of associations, uphold the 
and many of them declined the proffered pensions. The nation government 
at large, however, evidently supported the government in its 
plans, for the elections held in May, 1906, returned a large 
majority of radicals, socialists, and progressives committed to 
the full execution of the law. 

1 These closely resemble the various Church associations, both Catholic and 
Protestant, in the United States, which are, from the standpoint of the law, 
merely religious societies on the same footing as social, literary, or scientific 

iy2 The Development of Modern Europe 

The govern- When the year allowed for the formation of the religious asso- 
the"continu-^ ciations expired in December, 1906, the Church property which 
^wsWp^by a^ had no legal claimants passed into the hands of the govern- 
new law, ment. However, the minister of public worship, M. Briand, a 
December, ^ ^ 
1906 socialist, unwilling to stop religious services, took steps to 

allow the churches to remain open in spite of the failure to 
comply with the law. At his instigation the P'rench parliament 
passed a very important supplementary measure which provides 
that buildings for public worship and their entire furniture 
shall remain at the disposal of priests and their congregations 
even if the associations required by the original law are not 
The situation In January, 1907, the Pope again denounced the govern- 
»n 1907 ment, which, he declared, was confiscating Church property and 

attempting to destroy Christianity in France. And it is quite 
clear that the Republic means to render permanent the sepa- 
ration of Church and State. Subsidies to the clergy are no longer 
provided, although the promised pensions are paid to such 
clergymen as apply for them. The government leaves the 
Church to choose its own bishops and priests and hold con- 
ventions when and where it wishes. It has converted the 
palaces of the bishops, the parsonages, and the seminaries into 
schools, hospitals, or other public institutions, although it still 
permits the churches to be used for public worship. 

Political Parties in France 

Parties in 78. The parties and factions in the French parliament are 

parliament bewildering in number. The election of 1906 sent to the 
Chamber of Deputies representatives of the following groups : 
radicals, socialist radicals, dissident radicals, independent 
socialists, unified socialists, republicans of the left, progress- 
ivists, nationalists, monarchists and Bonapartists, and a few other 
minor groups. With the exception, of course, of the monarch- 
ists and Bonapartists, they all agree that the republic shall be 

France imder the Third Republic 173 

maintained, and they have been able to unite upon many im- 
portant measures, such as those relating to education and the 
relations of the State to the Church, but they differ on other 
questions of reform which are constantly coming up. Some 
are pretty well satisfied with things as they are, while others, 
especially the various socialist groups, would like to see the 
government undertake a complete social and economic revolu- 
tion for the benefit of the laboring classes. The State should, 
they believe, take possession of lands, mines, mills, and other 
sources of wealth and means of production, and see that they 
are used for the benefit of those who do the work and no 
longer serve to enrich men who seem to them to sit idly by 
and profit by the labor of others. 

The socialistic party, which figured so prominently in the Socialism 
Revolution of 1848 and the revolt of the Paris Commune, dis- unTer^^he 
appeared for a time after the suppression of the insurrection Jg^^^^i^ij 
in 1871, but again reappeared shortly after the final establish- 
ment of the republic. In 1879 ^^^ socialists held their first 
congress under the republic at Marseilles, where they may be 
said to have initiated the present socialist movement in France. 
The following year a general amnesty was granted to all who 
had been connected with the Commune, and a great labor 
convention was immediately held in Paris, where, under the 
inspiration of Jules Guesde, the doctrines of Karl Marx were 
accepted as the fundamental principles of French socialism. 
The congress declared in favor of separation from all other 
parties and the organization of a workingman's party designed 
to secure by the ballot the public ownership of all the means 
of production. As a practical program they proposed freedom 
of the press, of public meetings, and of labor associations, 
reduction of the hours of labor, one holiday a week, free 
instruction, state aid for the old and infirm, employers' liability 
for injuries to their workmen, and the transformation of indirect 
taxes into an income tax. A number of these measures were 
carried through in the following years, as has been said above. 

Marxians and 

1 74 TJie Developmeiit of Moderti Europe 

Divisions Notwithstanding their general agreement as to their ends, 

socialfsts,— the French socialists have from the very first been divided 
over the question of the best methods of attaining their aims. 
Broadly speaking, there have been two groups, each with 
varying shades of opinion. In the first place there are the 
Marxians, — who are in general strongly opposed to voting 
for candidates of other parties, though willing to wring conces- 
sions from them in the Chamber of Deputies, — who expect 
socialism to be ushered in by a crisis in which the workingmen 
will seize the supreme power and use it for their own benefit, 
as the middle class did in the previous revolutions. The second, 
and more numerous, socialist group goes by the name of the 
" possibilists," because they do not believe that socialistic 
ideas can be carried into effect as the result of a violent 
revolution, but hope to see them realized by a gradual process 
in which the government will assume control and ownership 
of one industry after another. 
The socialists The various socialistic factions, numbering six or seven at 

Idgcoitig 3. 

political times, united at the general election in 1893, and by remarkable 

factor energy succeeded in returning about fifty members to the 

Chamber of Deputies, thus inaugurating a new era in French 
politics. The socialist vote steadily increased until in 1899 the 
prime minister, Waldeck-Rousseau, was forced to accept a 
socialist, M. Millerand, as Minister of Commerce in order to 
control enough votes in the chamber to carry on the govern- 
ment. Since then the possibilists have from time to time 
been represented in the cabinet, and they have worked for 
their ends by combining with other parties, in spite of those 
among their socialist brethren who scorn all fusion and com- 
Contrast In England and the United States there are two great 

uGtwGGn the 

French par- parties, one of which is ordinarily in unmistakable control. In 
irf En"hnd^^ France there are so many parties that no single one can ever 

and the long command a majority of votes in the Chamber of Deputies. 

UnitedStates ,° , ^ ^ , .-,.-,, , 

As a result measures cannot be carried simply because the 

Frajice imdcr the Third Republic 1 7 5 

leaders of one party agree on them, but they must appeal 
to a number of groups on their own merits. Minorities, conse- 
quently, have an opportunity to influence legislation in France, 
and there is little chance for machine politics to develop. It is 
true that French ministries rise and fall at very short intervals, 
but nevertheless the laws which do pass receive more careful 
attention, perhaps, than they would if pushed through as party 

The opponents of a ministry in the Chamber of Deputies take " inter- 

1 ^ , ... r 1 • 1 • • pellation " 

advantage of the privilege of asking the ministers to answer 
questions in regard to their policy and to explain their motives. 
When a deputy formally announces that he is going to " inter- 
pellate " the ministers, he must be given an opportunity to do 
so within a month at a regular session of the Chamber. These 
*' interpellations" are more common in France than elsewhere, 
but are not unknown in other governments. 

Expansion of France 

79. While solving grave problems at home the Third Repiib- French 
lie has pushed forward its commercial, exploring, and military dominion in 
enterprises until it has built up a colonial dominion vaster ^^''° 
than that lost during the eighteenth century in the conflicts 
with England, though less valuable and less inviting to French 
emigrants. When the Third Republic was established French 
colonial possessions consisted of Algeria in northern Africa, 
the Senegal region on the west coast of Africa, some minor 
posts scattered along the Gulf of Guinea down to the Congo 
River, a foothold in Cochin China, and a number of small 
islands in various parts of the world. The basis of territo- 
rial expansion had thus been laid, and after the quick recov- 
ery which followed the reverses of the German War, the 
French government frankly committed itself to a policy of 

1 For the influence of the labor unions in French politics, see below, p. ■y.p. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

The French 



A protector- 
ate estab- 
lished over 

While the national assembly was deliberating on the form of 
government at home, a revolt in Algeria forced France to formu- 
late a colonial policy. That province had been seized in 1830 
on account of the refusal of the native ruler to give satisfaction 
for having slapped the French consul general in the face at a 
public reception. After the defeat of France by Germany in 
1870 the Algerians rose in a serious insurrection that was not 
put down until more than two hundred battles and skirmishes 
had been fought. The last of the rebellious chieftains was 
defeated in 1874. 

The great province of Algeria thus acquired is only slightly 
smaller than France itself, and has a population of over four 
millions, of whom only about five hundred thousand are of 
European origin. It is divided into three departments, each 
sending one senator and two deputies to Paris ; it has a rail- 
way system of nearly two thousand miles, and a large number 
of institutions for primary, secondary, and higher education, and 
it carries on a lively traffic, especially in grain, wine, olives, and 
metals. Nevertheless the receipts derived from taxes and other 
sources of revenue "fall greatly below the cost of maintaining 
the civil and military government.-^ 

To the east of Algeria lies the province of Tunis, equaling 
in area the state of New York and having a population akin to 
that of Algeria in race and religion. For a long time after the 
conquest of Algeria France maintained friendly relations with 
the ruling Bey of Tunis and secured from him important 
concessions for building railways, telegraph lines, and other 
public works. A pretext for a further advance was finally found ; 
Tunisian tribes were accused of disturbing the peace of the 
Algerian border, and it was rumored that Italy was contempla- 
ting the annexation of the region.^ In 1881, therefore, France 
dispatched troops into Tunis, and after some serious fighting 

1 The French have also been mapping out and occupying the vast desert to 
the south, and the Algerian Sahara is now a French dependency of about the 
extent of Algeria itself, but with a population of only sixty-two thousand. 

2 See above, p. 102. 

France 2mder the Third Republic 177 

occupied the province. The Bey was forced to sign a treaty 
binding himself to conduct his government according to the 
wishes of the French, and thus virtually surrendered the admin- 
istration of his possessions to French officials. 

While these enterprises were bringing northern Africa under The French 
French dominion , a series of daring explorations and conquests in '" ^"^^^ 
western and central Africa were adding vast regions and millions 
of African natives to the French colonial domain. France had 
taken formal possession of the province of Senegal on the west 
coast as early as 1637, but no serious efforts to extend her control 
inland were made until the annexation of Algeria called atten- 
tion to the possibility of joining the two provinces. The Senegal 
River afforded special opportunities for advancing inland, and 
by 1865 one of the most distinguished of the French governors 
and explorers was able to announce that all the upper Senegal 
region had been occupied. The steady pressure inland still 
continued, however, and Timbuktu was conquered in 1894. 

Four years later Marchand, a French explorer, pressed The Fashoda 
eastward across the desert and reached the Nile region, where 
he raised the French flag at Fashoda over lands claimed by 
the English. An English force, however, compelled Marchand 
to lower the flag, and for a time it looked as if the two coun- 
tries might come to blows. Fortunately, however, the French 
withdrew, and the two nations arranged the disputed boundaries 
between them, thus closing the " Fashoda incident," as it 
was called. 

A post on the equator at the mouth of the Gabun River, French 
bought in 1839, became the base for celebrated expeditions ""^^ 
headed by du Chaillu and de Brazza, which added a vast region 
north of the Congo River more than twice the size of France 
and now known as French Congo. ^ The vast extent of the 
French possessions in northwestern Africa will become apparent 
as one glances at the map, p. 356, below. 

1 In addition to their larger African dependencies the French control French 
Guiana, south of Senegal, the Ivory Coast, and the native kingdom of Dahomey- 


The Development of Modem Europe 

The annexa- 
tion of 

of Frencli 
enterprise in 

While the French explorers were pushing their way through 
the jungles of the Senegal and Congo regions, or braving the 
sand storms of the Sahara/ French missionaries and commercial 
agents were preparing the way for the annexation of the island 
of Madagascar. That island, larger in area than all France, and 
rich in agricultural, textile, and mineral products, had been the 
object of attention on the part of France since the age of 
Louis XIV. Using as a pretext the murder of some French 
citizens by the natives, the French waged war on the ruler of 
Madagascar (1882-1885), and succeeded in establishing a pro- 
tectorate over the entire island. Later they accused Queen 
Ranavalona III of bad faith and of inability to suppress brig- 
andage. A second war which broke out in 1895 ended in the 
deposition and expulsion of the queen. 

The Third Republic also has extensive colonial dominions 
in Asia, where French missionaries and traders had been at- 
tracted under Colbert's administration. Though still retaining 
the five towns which remained to them in India after the close 
of the disastrous Seven Years' War, France was precluded from 
further gains in the peninsula of Hindustan by the success of 
the English. As the Dutch remained powerful in the islands 
to the eastward, the most promising field for the French lay 
in the crumbling empire of China. The vast peninsula, washed 
on the westward by the Gulf of Siam and on the eastward by the 
China Sea, was occupied in part by kingdoms and provinces 
over which the emperor of China exercised a vague sort of 
suzerainty. On the eve of the Revolution French missionaries 
had found an excellent opportunity to extend their influence in 
Anam by persuading Louis XVI to intervene in a dispute over 
the succession to the throne, and certain lands were received 
as a reward from the successful contestant for the crown. 

1 In the contest for the east coast of Africa the French have taken little part. 
In 1862 they purchased from a native chief the post of Obock, but it was not 
actually occupied until 1884. Since that time, however, slight additions of land 
have been made, and the post has grown into French Somaliland, a province of 
about twelve thousand square miles. 

France under the Third Republic 1 79 

Interest in the province of Anam was renewed about 1850 Advance of 
when some French missionaries were murdered there. Napo- asS^ 
leon III waged war on the king in 1857, forcing from him the 
payment of an indemnity and the cession of a small portion of 
his territory. The foothold thus obtained formed the basis for 
rapid expansion in every direction ; a protectorate was extended 
over the kingdom of . Cambodia in 1864 ; and in 1867 Cochin 
China was entirely annexed. An attempt in 1873 to force the 
opening to navigation of the Red River in Tonkin led to a 
war with the ruler of that province which resulted in the exten- 
sion of a protectorate over all of Anam, of which Tonkin 
was a district. This defiance of the Chinese emperor's claims 
at length stirred him to resistance ; but the war of 1884 which 
resulted cost him all his rights over Tonkin and the remainder 
of Anam. In 1893 France extended her authority over the 
territory of Laos to the south. The French possessions are thus 
in close contact with the provinces of southern China into 
which French influence is already j)enetrating in the form of 
railways and mining concessions. France is therefore deeply 
involved in the rivalry of the powers of the world in the Far 
East, among which the United States must now be reckoned 
on account of its possession of the Philippine Islands lying 
just eastward from the coast of French Indo-China. 


In Asia: Five towns in India, Anam, Cambodia, Cochin-China, 
Tonkin, and Laos. Total area, 254,000 square miles, with 21,500,000 

In Africa : Algeria, Tunis, Sahara, Senegal, Senegambia and Niger, 
French Guinea, Ivory Coast, Dahomey, Congo, Somaliland, Mada- 
gascar, the islands of Reunion and Mayotte, and the Comoro Isles. 
Total area, 3,932,000 square miles, with 34,000.000 population. 

In America : Guiana, Guadeloupe, Martinique, St. Pierre, and 
Miquelon. Total area, 31,600 square miles, with 425,000 population. 

In Oceania : New Caledonia and dependencies. Various stations 
in Pacific. Total area, 9000 square miles, with 82,000 population. 

1 80 The Development of Modern Europe 


The Commune : Seignobos, Political History of Europe since 
18 1 4, pp. 187-194; Rose, Development of Modern European 
Nations, Vol. I, pp. 126-134 ; Coubertin, The Evolution of France 
under the Third Republic, pp. 17-22; Andrews, Historical De- 
velopment of Modern Europe, Vol. II, pp. 343-349. 

Establishment of the Third Republic : Seignobos, pp. 194-204 ; 
Rose, Vol. I, pp. 135-152; Coubertin, pp. 1-52; Andrews, 
Vol. II, pp. 349-355- 

The Government of France : Lowell, Governments and Parties 
in Continental Europe, Vol. I, pp. 1-68; Bodley, France. 

Political Parties in France: Lowell, Vol. I, pp. 69-145; 
Seignobos, pp. 205-221. 

The Struggle between Church and State : Paul Sabatier, 
Disestablishment in France; Bodley, The Church in France, 
pp. 13-114; Coubertin, pp. 272-307. 

The French Colonial Empire: Coubertin, pp. 162-197; The 
Statesman's Year-Book (1907), PP- 927-972. 


Parliamentary Reform 

80. In the eighteenth century the Enghsh government had Backward- 
been extolled by Montesquieu and others as by far the most i^^^ ^t the^" 
liberal and enlightened in Europe. But the reforms of the °fe"\"n^^^ 
French Revolution made England appear almost mediaeval in teenth 
its backwardness. Its Parliament was, after all, only a council 
of wealthy landlords and nobles who often gained their seats 
by bribery and could not be said to represent the nation, which 
had, indeed, little to do with their election. The English law 
was still shockingly brutal ; citizens who did not accept the 
Thirty- Nine Articles were excluded from office ; and education 
was far from the reach of the masses. When the downfall of 
Napoleon left the English free to turn their attention to the 
problems which faced them at home, they were forced to 
undertake a thorough modernization of their institutions almost 
as radical as that which was being effected with more turmoil 
on the Continent.^ 

The leading issue was the reform of Parliament, — a matter Origin of the 
which had begun to attract the attention of English liberals boroughs" 
before the opening of the French Revolution. It is a cardinal 
principle of modern democratic government that at least one 
of the houses in the legislative body shall be made up of 
representatives of the people, fairly apportioned among the 

1 The important reforms which England carried through during the nineteenth 
century with httle bloodshed or disorder are sometimes cited as showing the 
superior political genius of the English. It should be remembered, however, that 
the supremacy of the Parliament over the king had only been established after a 
bloody civil war, the execution of one king, and the expulsion of another. Louis 
XIV's minister, Torcy, regarded the English of his time as fickle and incompetent 
in governmental matters. 



The Development of Modern Europe 

unfairness of 
the appor- 
tionment of 

Few persons 
permitted to 

various election districts. In England, however, such towns as 
had in earlier times been summoned by the king to send their 
two representatives to Parliament, still continued to do so at 
the opening of the nineteenth century, regardless of the number 
of their inhabitants, and no new boroughs had been added to 
the list since the reign of Charles II. Mere villages had grown 
into great cities, and the newer towns which had developed 
under the influence of the Industrial Revolution, like Birming- 
ham, Manchester, and Leeds, had no representatives at all. On 
the other hand, Dunwich, which had been buried under the 
waters of the North Sea for two centuries, was duly represented, 
as well as the famous borough of Old Sarum, which was only a 
green mound where a town had once stood. There were only 
twenty-three voters in Truro, nineteen in Helston, and thirteen 
in Malmesbury ; yet each of these places sent two members to 
the House of Commons to help determine the policy of the 

Moreover, it was not only in the towns that representa- 
tion was wholly unequal. Ten southern counties of England 
which contained less than three million inhabitants sent 237 
members to Parliament, while thirty other counties with over 
eight million inhabitants returned only 252 members. The 
county of Cornwall, with a population of a quarter of a mil- 
lion, had forty-four representatives, while all Scotland, with 
eight times that population, was entitled to only one more 

A second cardinal principle of modern democracy was 
violated by the restrictions on the right to vote. In the towns 
there was no uniform rule. In some boroughs all taxpayers 
had the right to take part in elections, but in one of these — 
Gatton — there were only seven voters. In other boroughs the 
right of choosing the members of Parliament was exercised by 
the mayor and town council, who were often not elected by the 
people at all.-^ 

1 See below, p. 198. 

Political Reforms in Enghuid 183 

Many of the boroughs were owned outright by members of Many seats 
the House of Lords or others, who easily forced the few voters members of 
to choose whatever candidate they proposed. The duke of Nor- LorS""^^ ^^ 
folk chose eleven members of the House of Commons, Lord 
Lonsdall, nine, and Lord Darlington, seven ; Avhile other peers 
had one or more representatives in the Commons. In 1828 
the duke of Newcastle evicted over five hundred of his tenants 
because they refused to vote for his candidate, and when this 
led to a protest in Parliament he replied, " Have I not a right 
to do as I like with my own ? " Some of the lords sold the seats 
they controlled to the highest bidder, receiving sometimes as 
much as five thousand pounds from those eager to gain the 
privilege of membership in the House of Commons. 

Li the country districts matters were no better. It is true Situation in 
that every person owning land which brought in forty shillings a districts 
year was permitted to vote for members of Parliament, but the 
disappearance of most of the small farmers had reduced the 
voters to the few who owned large estates. In the Scottish 
county of Bute, with its population of fourteen thousand inhab- 
itants, there were twenty-one voters of whom all but one were 
nonresidents. In 1831 the Lord Advocate declared : "At an 
election in Bute, not beyond the memory of man, only one 
person attended the meeting except the sheriff and the return- 
ing officer. He, of course, took the chair, constituted the 
meeting, called over the roll of freeholders, answered to his 
own name, took the vote, and elected himself." 

Bribery was prevalent and was fostered by the system of Prevalence of 


public balloting which will be described presently. By long- 
established custom the price of a vote at Hull was two guineas 
(something over ten dollars), at Stafford, seven. By his own 
confession, Lord Cochrane paid ten guineas to each of the 
voters in Honiton and sent the town crier around to inform 
them where they could get their money. 

Thus, through the gross inequalities in apportioning the votes, 
the curious methods of balloting, open bribery, and ownership 

1 84 

The Development of Modern Europe 

really gov- 
erned by an 

Proposals for 
reform before 
the nine- 

The French 
puts an end 
for a time to 
hopes of 
reform in 

of boroughs, the House of Commons was ordinarily under the 
control of a comparatively few men. It was alleged in 1792 
that one hundred and fifty-four patrons, forty of whom were 
peers, returned a majority of the house. A very cautious scholar 
of our own day estimates that not more than one third of the 
representatives in the House of Commons were fairly chosen. 
In short, Great Britain was governed by an oligarchy as little 
in sympathy with democracy as the courtiers who crowded 
around Louis XVI. 

The whole system was so obviously preposterous that it is 
not surprising that objections to it had long been common. 
As early as 1653 Cromwell attempted parliamentary reform 
by increasing the number of county members and striking 
small boroughs from the list. This measure was revoked, 
however, on the restoration of the Stuarts, and for nearly 
a hundred years was almost forgotten. About the middle of 
the eighteenth century the abuses were again brought for- 
ward, and during the democratic agitation which preceded 
and accompanied the French Revolution several attempts 
were made to induce Parliament to reform itself. The elder 
Pitt (Lord Chatham), in 1770, and later his distinguished 
son, the younger Pitt, proposed changes which were, however, 
successfully opposed by those who were well content with the 
existing system. 

The excesses of the French Convention during the Reign of 
Terror put an end to all hope of reform for some time. Even 
the more cool headed and progressive among the English 
statesmen were discouraged by the apparently disastrous results 
in France of permitting the people at large to vote. Burke 
wrote a furious attack upon the Revolution, and the English 
government adopted harsh measures to prevent all agitation 
for reform. The publishers of Thomas Paine's works were 
many times prosecuted, and the stamp duties on publications 
were increased to prevent the circulation of cheap literature. 
The editors of a newspaper were punished for declaring that 

Political Reforms in E7igla7id 185 

" The Emperor of Russia is rendering himself obnoxious to his 
subjects by various acts of tyranny, and ridiculous in the eyes 
of Europe by his inconsistency." Scores of honorable men 
were fined, imprisoned, or exiled for advocating annual elections 
and universal suffrage, and it became increasingly difficult for 
them to get a hearing while the nation was engaged in a death 
struggle with Napoleon. 

The demand for reform was not, however, wholly stifled William 
and found a remarkable spokesman in William Cobbett, the (i;62-i835) 
son of a yeoman in Surrey. In early life he was an ardent 
defender of the rights of king and lords, but was drawn into 
the path of the reformer by a keen realization of the misery 
of the people and the existing political abuses. He founded a 
newspaper to forward his views but was soon imprisoned for 
venturing to denounce the horrible practice of flogging which 
prevailed in the army. After his release he spent some time 
in the United States, where he continued to write articles and 
pamphlets advocating reform. On his return to England after 
the close of the Napoleonic wars he became the most formi- 
dable adversary of the Tory party and reached a wide circle of 
readers through his newspaper. The Weekly Register^ which 
he sold for three cents, an extraordinarily low price for this 

Meanwhile other orators, writers, and agitators were busy The " Peter- 
arousing the working classes to action. Hampden clubs were ere," 1819 
founded to propagate reform doctrines, and monster demon- 
strations and parades were organized to prove to the govern- 
ment the strength of the popular feeling. At one of these 
meetings in Manchester in 1819, the police and soldiers 
charged the populace without provocation and killed and 
wounded a large number.^ The government followed this up 
by a series of laws known as the Six Acts, which restricted the 
rights of free press, free speech, and public meeting. 

1 This assault, known as the " Peterloo massacre," occurred in St. Peter's 
Field, then on the outskirts, but now in the heart of Manchester. 

1 86 The Development of Modern Europe 

Merchants This attempt at repression proved unavailing, for it was 

facturers not Only the working classes but the rich and powerful mer- 
reSrm " """^^ chants and manufacturers as well who demanded the revision 
of a system which excluded them from political power. Under 
the leadership of Lord John Russell parliamentary reform 
was again and again urged in the Commons. The revolution 
of 1830 in France added impetus to the agitation in England, 
and that stanch Tory, the duke of Wellington, was led to 
resign his premiership under pressure of a growing public 
opinion that seemed verging on open violence. 
The passage A new ministry was organized, and in March, 1 83 1 , Lord 
Bill of 1832 John Russell introduced a reform bill into the House of Com- 
mons. The violent opposition which the measure encountered 
at the outset led to a dissolution of Parliament and a general 
election. The result was a triumph for the reform party, which 
then carried the bill through the Commons by a substantial 
majority. It was, however, rejected by the House of Lords. 
The Commons then replied by passing another bill of the 
same character as the first, and the country awaited with 
breathless anxiety the action of the peers. Finally, King 
William IV granted permission to the prime minister " to 
create such a number of peers as will insure the passage of 
the reform bill." The lords, realizing that further opposition 
was useless, gave way, and in June, 1832, the long-debated 
bill became a law. 
Provisions of According to its provisions fifty-six " rotten boroughs," each 
Bill containing less than two thousand inhabitants, were entirely 

deprived of representation ; thirty-two more, with less than 
four thousand inhabitants, lost one member each; and forty- 
three new boroughs were created with one or two members 
each, according to their respective populations. The counties 
were divided into election districts and assigned a representa- 
tion corresponding more nearly than heretofore with the num- 
ber of their inhabitants. The suffrage was given in the towns 
to all citizens who owned or rented houses worth ten pounds a 

Bill of 1832 
far from a 

Political Ref onus in England 187 

year, and to renters as well as owners of lands in the country. 
In this way the shopkeepers and manufacturers and some of the 
more prosperous people in the country were given the right to 
vote, but nearly all workingmen and agricultural laborers were 
still excluded from the franchise. 

The great Reform Bill of 1832 was therefore not really a The Reform 
triumph for democracy. It was estimated from official returns 
in 1836 that out of a total number of 6,023,752 adult males 
there were only 839,519 voters. The thousands whose parades 
and demonstrations had frightened the duke of Wellington 
and the king into yielding were naturally dissatisfied with the 
outcome. The fact that those who came into power under the 
new bill showed little inclination to relieve the condition of 
the working classes, whose wages were pitiably low and whose 
homes were miserable hovels, added bitterness to their dis- 

The Reform Bill had scarcely been signed before a veritable Agitation for 
flood of pamphlet literature appeared, proposing more radical reforms 
measures. Translations of Magna Carta and reprints of the 
Bill of Rights and the acts of the Long Parliament abolishing 
the House of Lords and the kingship were circulated as leaf- 
lets among the working classes. One pamphleteer cited the 
United States as a model for England, saying, " In republican 
America, members of parliament are chosen by universal suf- 
frage ; few taxes and no tithes are imposed ; hereditary pau- 
perism, pensions, and plunder are not suffered; and the chief 
magistrate lives with dignity on an income from the public 
of five thousand pounds a year." Another prefaced his leaflet 
with these lines from Byron, — 

I have seen some nations, like o'erloaded asses, 
Kick off their burden, — meaning the high classes. 

1 The death rate is the most eloquent evidence of the condition of the work- 
ing classes. In the country it was 18.2 per thousand ; in Birmingham and Leeds, 
27.2; in Manchester, 33.7 ; in Liverpool, 24.8. In the last named city forty thou- 
sand people were found living " in cellars, dark, damp, dirty, and ill-ventilated." 
Report of Royal Commission in 1843. 

1 88 The Development of Modern Europe 

Demands of In 1 832 a little book ^ was issued which gives an excellent 
Ifterfss?^''^ notion of the demands of a large class of the poorer English- 
men. These were: (i) The abolition of aristocratic and ex- 
clusive, plundering and inefficient government and the 
substitution of representative and liberal, cheap and efficient 
government; (2) the aboHtion of all taxes on paper, printed 
and unprinted ; (3) the establishment of a system of national 
education, unfettered and untainted by religious tenets; (4) 
the abolition of hereditary peerage; (5) the abolition of 
hereditary nobility, titles, honors, and distinctions; (6) the 
prevention of the monstrous extravagance of the king; (7) 
the abolition of the State Church and State religion, leaving 
priests, parsons, preachers, and ministers to be paid by those 
who choose to employ them ; (8) the establishment of a new 
code of laws, just, simple, and clearly expressed, so that all 
may understand them, with a catalogue of every legal cost 
fixed at the lowest farthing, as in the French code; (9) the 
abolition of the standing army and the substitution of a 
national militia; (10) the limitation of the extent of landed 
property; (11) the abolition of imprisonment for debt; 
(12) the discharge of the national debt; and (13) free press, 
universal suffrage, vote by ballot, and annual parliaments. 
The Chartist The reformers at last agreed on pressing six of these demands 
which they embodied in a charter ; to wit, universal suffrage, 
vote by secret ballot, annual parliaments, payment of members 
of Parliament, abolition of property qualifications for members 
of Parliament, and equal electoral districts. This charter soon 
won thousands of adherents to whom the name of " Chartists" 
was given. Local Chartist clubs were founded in every manu- 
facturing town, and in 1840 a national Charter Association was 
organized for the purpose of federating the various clubs. 
Leaders of remarkable oratorical ability sprang into promi- 
nence ; papers were established ; Chartist songs and poems 
were composed, and national conventions assembled. Great 

1 The People's Charter, London, 1832. 


Political Reforms iri England 1 89 

meetings and parades were held all over England ; the charter 
was transformed into a petition to which it was claimed that 
over a million signatures were obtained. This petition was 
presented to Parliament in 1839 only to be rejected by a 
large vote.^ 

Despairing of securing reforms by peaceful means, many of Some of the 
the leaders began openly to advocate revolutionary violence, advocate^ 
and rioting spread to such an extent that the government had violence 
to resort to extraordinary police measures to suppress it. Bir- 
mingham was for a time in the hands of revolutionists, and at 
Newport in 1839 twenty Chartists were shot in an attempt to 
seize the town and start an insurrection. Though the police 
were successful in quelling these armed uprisings, agitation con- 
tinued, several Chartist members were elected to Parliament, 
and another petition submitted to that body. 

The Revolution of 1848 in France and the establishment of Final Chart- 
the Second Republic gave the signal for the last great outburst ^li ^^^^ ^°" 
of Chartist enthusiasm. Owing to the hard times in that year, 
thousands of workmen were unemployed, and the poor were 
roused to bitter hatred for a government that replied to 
demands for reform by police measures. Preparations were 
made to present another gigantic petition to the House of 
Commons to which it was claimed that six million names had 
been secured ; and the Chartist leaders determined to overawe 

1 The Chartists were violently attacked by the opponents of their democratic 
proposals, which seem harmless enough to-day. In 1840 the Reverend E. Jen- 
kins issued a book called Charlism Unmasked, in which he made the follow- 
ing observations : " What would you gain by universal suffrage ? I am certain 
that you would gain nothing but universal confusion, universal setting of work- 
men against each other. . . . All workmen would then become politicians — 
they would neglect their vocations in life — spend their time, their strength, 
their talents in what would increase their poverty. Vote by ballot would be 
nothing but a law for rogues and knaves, notliing but a cloak for dishonesty, 
insincerity, hypocrisy and lies. . . , With respect to having members of Parlia- 
ment paid and void of property qualifications — really this is too absurd for an 
idiot to be the author of it. . . . The famous Chartist doctrine of Equality is 
diametrically opposed to Nature and the word of God; it is a doctrine taught 
only by lying prophets — men who are of their father the Devil, for his works 
they do." 


The Development of Modern Europe 

espouses the 
cause of 
tary reform 
in 1866 

as leader of 
the House of 

Parliament by a march on London. Though this show of force 
was frustrated by Metternich's friend, the duke of WeUington, 
then commander of the forces policing London, the petition 
was finally presented to the House of Commons. It was there 
referred to a committee, which reported that there were less 
than two million names and that many of these were evident 
forgeries, such as *' Victoria Rex," '' the Duke of Wellington," 
"Pugnose," and "Snooks." The petition was thereby greatly 
discredited, and Parliament refused to take any action on it. 
Chartism, as an organized movement, thereupon collapsed. 

The cause of parliamentary reform was not, however, lost 
with the failure of the Chartist movement. The doctrines of 
democracy had been spread among the people by the agita- 
tion, and from time to time advocates were found to introduce 
reform measures in the House of Commons. Although these 
proposals were easily defeated, there was a steadily growing 
recognition that some changes were inevitable, and at length 
in 1866 Gladstone, as leader of the House of Commons, made 
the question an issue of practical politics. Mr. Gladstone was 
then fifty-seven years old. He had entered Parliament as a 
Tory at the first election after the Reform Bill of 1832, and 
had quickly shown himself a commanding orator and a capable 
politician. At the end of a few years his views on public ques- 
tions began to change, and at length he broke with the con- 
servative traditions of his youth. In a debate on parliamentary 
reform in 1864 he maintained that the burden of proof rested 
on those **who would exclude forty-nine fiftieths of the work- 
ing classes from the franchise." The very next year the veteran 
reformer of 1832, Lord Russell, now elevated to the peerage, 
was called upon to form a new ministry, and he selected 
Gladstone as leader of the House of Commons. 

At the opening of Parliament in 1866 Gladstone proposed 
a moderate extension of the franchise, which was still based on 
property qualifications, and added only four hundred thousand 
voters out of the five millions of adult males excluded under 

Political Reforms in England 191 

the law of 1832. This measure displeased many of Gladstone's 
followers because it went too far, and others because it did not 
go far enough. Consequently the cabinet felt compelled to 
resign, and a Conservative ministry was formed under the 
leadership of Lord Derby, who was represented in the House 
of Commons by Benjamin Disraeli (afterwards created Lord 
Beaconsfield), one of the most striking figures in the political 
life of England during the nineteenth century. When a young 
man of twenty-two he had sprung into prominence as the 
author of a successful novel, Vivian Grc\\ and at the age of 
thirty-three he entered upon his political career as a Conserva- 
tive member of Parliament. His Jewish origin, his obtrusive 
style of dress, and his florid oratory immediately brought him 
into conspicuous notoriety ; but those who laughed at him at 
first soon came to recognize him as a leader of great force 
and a politician of remarkable ability. 

The Conservatives, as the old Tory party had come to be Disraeli's 
called, were alarmed by the general demand for reform and i867™oubles 
some rioting which took place in Hyde Park, but Disraeli ^j'^^^^'j"^^'' 
undertook to secure the passage of a reform bill in spite of 
the denunciations of some of his fellow-Conservatives and the 
smiles of the Liberals, who taunted him with advocating 
changes which he had long opposed. The new law of 1867 
granted the right to vote to every adult male in the larger 
towns who occupied for twelve months, either as owner or 
tenant, a dwelling within the borough, and paid the local poor 
tax ; also to lodgers who paid ten pounds or more a year for 
unfurnished rooms. In the country it permitted those to vote 
who owned property which produced an income of at least 
five pounds net a year, and all renters paying at least twelve 
pounds annually. This served to double the previous number 
of voters.^ 

1 It may be said here, once for all, that in England, as in most European 
countries, it is customary to exclude from the suffrage all paupers, criminals, the 
insane, and certain other classes of persons. 


The Development of Modem Europe 

method of 
public voting 

The Aus- 
trahan ballot 
introduced in 
England in 

Extension of 
the franchise 
in 1884 

The Reform Bill of 1867 did not remedy the abuses con- 
nected with the system of voting, — an incredibly rude and 
disorderly practice which had come down from barbarous 
times and was largely responsible for the bribery and intim- 
idation at the polls. According to this ancient method the 
election was held in the open air ; the sheriff proposed the 
names of the candidates one after the other, and the voters 
indicated their preference by shouting and raising their hands. 
If the defeated candidate was not satisfied he could demand a 
roll call, and each voter then had to register his name in a 
poll book so that every one might know how he voted. This 
registration was not only a long and tedious process, but it 
enabled those wlio had bought votes to see that the " goods " 
were really delivered. 

The system had been defended against the attacks of reform- 
ers on the ground that a man should assert his independence 
by an open vote, and that if he sold his vote under a system of 
secret ballot he might be guilty of falsehood as well as corrup- 
tion. However, the Chartists had made a secret ballot one of 
their demands, and the idea found many supporters among the 
Liberals. It counted among its champions Grote, the famous 
historian of Greece, who began his advocacy of this reform 
in Parliament as early as 1833; but it was not until 1872 
that a measure was carried which introduced into England 
the secret-ballot system invented in the Australian colony of 

In 1884 the Liberal party, again under Gladstone's leader- 
ship, resolved to carry still further the reforms of 1832 and 
1867, for over two million men, chiefly agricultural laborers, 
were still denied the right to vote. By extending the suffrage 
to them the Liberals hoped to gain their support to offset the 
control of the rural districts which had hitherto been enjoyed 
by the Conservatives. The new law which they succeeded in 
passing provided that the franchise established for the larger 
towns in 1867 should be extended to all towns, and to the 

Political Reforms in Englaftd 193 

country districts as well, thus introducing general uniformity 
throughout the United Kingdom. While this measure seemed 
to establish something approaching the manhood suffrage 
already common on the Continent, many men are still ex- 
cluded from voting, especially unmarried laborers who, owing 
to the low rents in England, do not pay as much as ten pounds 
(fifty dollars) a year for unfurnished lodgings. 

In 1858 the property qualification for members of Parlia- Question of 

... , J salaries for 

ment was done away with, but no provision has yet been made the members 
for paying salaries to them. Consequently poor men or those ^^ commonr 
of moderate means cannot enter Parliament unless they are 
aided by the contributions of their sympathizers. In the case 
of the representatives of the laboring classes, of whom more 
than fifty were elected in 1906, the support of those without 
private means is provided from a large fund raised among the 
trade unions and by private subscription. The desirability of 
remedying this condition of aiTairs is recognized by the Liberal 
party at present ^ in power under the leadership of Sir Henry 
Campbell-Bannerman. A resolution in favor of the payment 
of members w^as adopted by the House of Com.mons in 1906, 
but this cannot be regarded as anything more than an expres- 
sion of opinion until a law is passed and the funds provided. 

The English Cabinet 

81. These reforms, which at last permit the people at large The position 
to select the members of the House of Commons, have left fSsh soveiSgn 
untouched, so far as appearances are concerned, the ancient 
and honorable institutions of the king and the House of Lords. 
The sovereign is crowned with traditional pomp ; coins and 
proclamations still assert that he rules '' by the grace of God " ; 
and laws purport to be enacted '' by the king's most excel- 
lent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the 
Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons in Parliament 

1 1907. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

really con- 
trols the 

The cabinet 

assembled." Justice is executed and the colonies governed 
in the name of the king. The term " royal " is still applied 
to the army, the navy, and the mail service, reserving, as a 
wit once remarked, the word " national " only for the public 

There was a time, of course, when the highest prerogatives 
were really exercised by the king of England. Henry VIII, 
for example, appointed his own ministers and dismissed them 
at will. He made war and peace at his pleasure and exer- 
cised such an influence on the elections that Parliament was 
filled with his supporters. The long struggle, however, between 
the king and the Parliament in the seventeenth century, 
and the circumstances of the revolution of 1688 which 
placed William and Mary on the throne, made Parliament 
the predominant element in the English government. The 
king is still legally empowered to veto any bill passed by 
Parliament, but he never exercises this power. He has in 
reality only the right to be consulted, the right to encourage, 
and the right to warn. He cannot permanently oppose the 
wishes of the majority in Parliament, for should he venture to 
do so, he could always be brought to terms by cutting off the 
appropriations necessary to conduct his government. 

The king of England must now act through a ministry 
composed of the important officers of the government, such 
as the first lord of the treasury, the foreign secretary, the 
colonial secretary, the secretary of the war department, with 
the prime minister as their head. The development of this 
ministry, which is known as the cabinet, has been described 
in an earlier chapter.^ It was pretty firmly established under 
George I and George II, who were glad to let others manage 
the government for them. While the king nominally appoints 
the members of the cabinet, that body is in reality a commit- 
tee selected from the party which has a majority in the House 
of Commons. The reasons for this were also explained earlier 
1 See above, Vol. I, pp. 198 sqq. 

Political Reforms in England 195 

in dealing with the English government in the eighteenth 
century and need not be repeated here. 

The party which secures the majority in a parliamentary How the 
election is entitled to place its members in all the important the cabinet 
government offices. The party leaders hold an informal caucus ^''^ chosen 
and agree on a prime minister, who then takes one of the 
cabinet offices. (For example, the Right Honorable Sir Henry 
Campbell-Bannerman is at present prime minister and first 
lord of the treasury.) After the party has chosen its leader 
he is appointed prime minister by the king, who charges him 
with the task of naming, with the advice of his political 
associates, the other occupants of cabinet positions, who may 
be selected from among the lords as well as the commons. 
Thus it comes about that, unlike the President of the United 
States and his cabinet, who must communicate with Congress 
through messages, reports, or other indirect means, the prime 
minister and the heads of departments in pjigland themselves 
sit in Parliament and can therefore present and defend their 
own proposals. 

The body of officials so constituted draft the more impor- Tlie cabinet 
tant measures to be laid before Parliament and decide on the 
foreign and domestic policy to be pursued by the government. 
At the opening of each session of Parliament the general pro- 
gram of the cabinet is laid before the House of Lords and the 
House of Commons in the form of the *' king's speech," which 
is read by the sovereign or his representative. In its secret 
sessions the head of each department presents to the cabinet 
the measures which he recommends in his particular branch 
of the government. If, after discussion, these are approved 
by a majority of the other members, they are submitted to the 
House of Commons. In all matters the cabinet acts as a unit, 
and whenever a member cannot agree with the majority on an 
important point he is bound to resign. The cabinet therefore 
presents a united front to Parliament and the country. An 
interesting illustration of this is to be found in the story told 


The Development of Modern Europe 

How minis- 
tries rise and 

The English 
more under 
the influence 
of public 
opinion than 
that of the 
United States 

of Lord Melbourne when prime minister. His cabinet was 
divided on the question of the duty on grain, and with his 
back against the door, he declared to them: "Now, is it to 
lower the price of corn, or isn't it? It does not matter much 
what we say, but mind, we must all say the same thing." 

Whenever the House of Commons expresses its disapproval 
of the policy of the ministry, either by defeating an important 
measure or by a direct vote of censure, the cabinet is bound 
to do one of two things. It may resign in a body and thus 
make room for a new ministry made up from the opposite 
party. If, however, the ministers feel that their policy has 
popular support outside of Parliament, they may " go to the 
country," that is to say, they may ask the king to dissolve the 
existing Parliament and order a new election in the hope that 
the people may indicate its approval of their policy by elect- 
ing their supporters. The further action of the ministry is then 
determined by the outcome of the election. The return of a 
majority of members in favor of the ministerial policy is taken 
as justification for retaining ofifice. On the other hand, a failure 
to gain a majority is the signal for the resignation of the entire 
ministry and the transference of power to their opponents. 

As the members of the House of Commons are not elected 
for a definite term of years (though according to law elections 
must be held at least every seven years), that body may be dis- 
solved at any time for the purpose of securing an expression 
of the popular will on any important issue. It is thus clear 
that the British government is more sensitive to public opinion 
than are governments where the members of the legislatures 
are chosen for a definite term of years. For example, in the 
United States, Congressmen are elected for two years and 
Senators for six; consequently when a crisis arises it usually 
has to be settled by men who were not chosen according to 
their views on that particular question, while in England a 
new election can be held with direct reference to the special 
issue at hand. 

Political Reforms in England 1 97 

Nevertheless, the reader will naturally ask, how is it that the The House 

_ . . , .J ... of Lords 

British government can be so democratic and yet retain, m its 
upper house, a body of hereditary peers responsible to no 
constituents ? The explanation is that the House of Commons, 
by reason of its ancient and exclusive right of initiating all 
money bills, can control the king and force him, if necessary, 
to create enough new peers to pass any measure blocked by 
the House of Lords. In practice the king does not have to do 
more than threaten such a measure to bring the House of 
Lords to terms. 

Although many bills have been defeated in the House of Unpopularity 

1 1 • , • , r ... of the House 

Lords during the nineteenth century, a sort of constitutional of Lords 
understanding has grown up that the upper house must yield 
to an unmistakable and definite expression of popular opinion - 
in favor of a measure which it has previously opposed. How- 
ever, the House of Lords is increasingly unpopular w^ith a large 
class in England. Its members for the most part take little 
or no interest in their duties and rarely attend the sessions. 
The opposition of the peers to the educational bill introduced 
in 1906 has again raised the question of the abolition or com- 
plete reorganization of the upper house. 

The smooth working of the English cabinet system may be English 
partially attributed to the fact that during the nineteenth cen- parties 
tury there were only two political parties represented in Parlia- 
ment, — the Conservatives, who dropped the name Tory after 
the first parliamentary reform, and the Liberals, who abandoned 
the name of Whig about the same time.^ The leaders of the 
former party came principally from the aristocracy and landed 
proprietors, while the latter found its chiefs among the middle 
classes. These two parties were alternately in power, and it was 
not until 1906 that their joint monopoly of politics was threat- 
ened by the election of over fifty labor members, some of whom 
are organized into a solid group acting independently. The 
Irish party, of course, stands firmly for home rule, but is willing 
1 See above, Vol. I, pp. 197 sqq. 

in the Eng- 
lish towns at 
the opening 
of the nine- 

1 98 The Development of Modern Europe 

to cooperate with other parties, especially the Liberals, to 
obtain its ends. At the present juncture it appears possible 
that England may develop a many-party system comparable to 
that existing in the countries of the Continent. 

Reform of Local Government in England 

82. Parliament was not the only branch of the English gov- 
ernment that was characterized by undemocratic features when 
the age of reform opened. Local government in town and 
country had grown up in a haphazard fashion during the 
preceding centuries and, like Parliament, was in the hands of 
small minorities. The towns usually had, it is true, a mayor, 
aldermen, and common councilors, but in most instances these 
dignitaries were not elected by the people. They had been 
appointed by the king when he chartered the borough some 
centuries before, and empowered to choose their successors 
forever. When Henry VIIT, for example, chartered a town he 
named the first governing body himself, and authorized it to 
select a new member whenever one died or surrendered his 
position through any other cause. In a few towns the gov- 
The freemen erning body was elected by so-called *' freemen," but these 
privileged persons formed a very small part of the inhabitants.^ 
Liverpool, with ^ population of one hundred and sixty-five 
thousand, had only five thousand freemen, and Ipswich, with 
twenty thousand inhabitants, had three hundred and fifty resi- 
dent and seven hundred and sixty nonresident freemen. The 
qualities, exemptions, and privileges of a freeman were secured 
by inheritance, marriage, purchase, apprenticeship to a free- 
man, or by a grant from the town government. 

Under this system municipal corruption and inefficiency were 
notorious. Paving and street lighting were neglected ; drainage 

1 In 1833, among one hundred and ninety-eight of the chief English towns, the 
freemen elected ihe governing body in only twelve, while in one hundred and 
eighty-six towns it was cooptative, that is, it perpetuated itself. 


Political Reforms in England 199 

and water supplies were bad ; municipal offices were often sold Parliament 
or made the reward for political work ; and town revenues were investigation 
frequently used by private persons for their own benefit. It °f mimkipar 
was declared in Parliament by Lord John Russell that some of govej-nment 
the town councils had borrowed money from year to year to 
divide among the members. All these rumors were substanti- 
ated by the parliamentary commission charged, in 1833, with 
investigating conditions in the towns. After presenting the 
long list of abuses they had discovered, the commission stated, 
"There prevails among the inhabitants of a great majority of 
the incorporated towns a general and, in our opinion, a just 
dissatisfaction with their municipal institutions, and a distrust 
of the self-elected municipal councils whose powers are subject 
to no popular control and whose acts and proceedings, being 
secret, are unchecked by the influence of public opinion." 

On the basis of this commission's report. Parliament, in The Munici- 
1835, passed a Municipal Corporations Bill which is scarcely 
less famous than the reform measure enacted three years before. 
This municipal reform act provided a uniform constitution for 
all municipalities ; it vested the government in a body consisting 
of the mayor, aldermen, and common councilors, and abolished 
the self-elected bodies entirely. It provided that the common 
councilors should be chosen every three years by those who 
paid local taxes in the borough, and that the common coun- 
cilors in turn should choose the aldermen to form a sort of 
second chamber. Finally, the mayor was to be elected annually 
by the council. 

Notwithstanding this establishment of democratic govern- Reform of 
ment in the towns, the administration in rural districts, counties, tration"in"the 
and villages remained in the hands of wealthy landowners who, f^^r^^'^ol-'o' 

° ^ ' tncts (1888- 

as justices of the peace appointed by the king, or as parish 1894) 
vestrymen, settled questions of roads, public buildings, reform- 
atories, and other matters which are usually under the super- 
vision of the county commissioners in the United States. It 
was not until after Mr. Gladstone's ministry enfranchised 

pal Corpora- 
tions Bill, 

200 The Development of Modern Europe 

the agricultural laborers in 1884 that this ancient system, 
which had originated in the Middle Ages, was abolished and 
rural government vested in the hands of councils elected by 
popular vote. 


Parliament at the Opening of the Nineteenth Century : Extract 
from Walpole, History of England since 18 ij, in Beard, Intro- 
duction to the English Historians^ pp. 538-548 ; Seignobos, 
Political History of Europe since 18 14, pp. 10-18. 

The Reform Bill of 1832 : Extract from Walpole, History of 
England since 181s, in Beard, pp. 549-565 ; Rose, Rise of 
Democracy in England^ pp. 9-52 ; Lee, Source Book of English 
History, pp. 5 19-529 ; Terry, A History of England, pp. 990-995. 

The Chartist Movement : Rose, pp. 84-146 ; Lee, pp. 530-539. 

The Reform Bill of 1867 : Extract from Paul, A History of 
Modern England, in Beard, pp. 566-581 ; Terry, pp. 1037-1042. 

The Enfranchisement of the Agricultural Laborer : Extract from 
MoRLEY, Life of Gladstone, in Beard, pp. 582-593. 

The Cabinet System : Extract from Bagehot, The English 
Constitution, in Beard, pp. 594-607. 


Freedom of Discussion and Religious Toleration 

83. While England was transforming herself into a democ- 
racy by modeling her Parliament and her local government, 
the people gradually gained the right freely to discuss political 
questions in the newspapers and in public meetings and to 
express religious opinions differing from those sanctioned by 
the government without thereby sacrificing the possibility of 
holding ofifice. 

Freedom of the press from governmental censorship is com- Taxes on 
monly regarded as having been established in 1695 by the "ndother^ 
refusal of Parliament to renew an old law providing for such publications 
control. However, in times of disturbance, the government 
adopted repressive measures, as for instance during the French 
Revolution and in 18 19, when there was extensive popular agi- 
tation. Moreover the stamp duties on newspapers and adver- 
tisements hampered the publication of cheap journals for the 
diffusion of political information among the masses and were 
systematically used by the government for this purpose. In 
1 8 19 the tax was extended even to leaflets and tracts which 
had hitherto been allowed free circulation. The necessity of 
paying an eight-cent tax on each copy made the average price 
of a newspaper fourteen cents, while the price of the London 
Times was eighteen cents. In addition to these stamp duties 
there was a special tax on paper, which increased its cost about 
fifty per cent. 

These " taxes on knowledge," as they were called, were Opposition 
attacked by those who advocated popular education, and also by ^^ knowi-^^^^ 
the political reformers who wanted cheap newspapers through edge" 


The Development of Modern Emvpe 

England at 
last given a 
free press 

of those who 
ventured to 
criticise the 

How Parlia- 
ment sought 
to check 

which to carry on their agitation. In 1830 a society was organ- 
ized in London for the purpose of conducting a campaign 
against stamp duties. Some reformers openly defied the law 
by issuing, political journals unstamped. The Poor Alan's 
Guardian bore the motto " established contrary to law to 
try the power of right against might." The publisher of this 
journal adopted the ruse of sending waste-paper parcels out 
at the front door to engage the attention of the police while 
the regular copies were rushed out of the back door to be 
distributed to the public. 

The laboring class was by no means alone in the struggle 
for a free press. Eminent men, such as Grote and Bulwer 
Lytton, the novelist, joined in the movement for the repeal of 
the obnoxious taxes. In 1833 the tax on advertisements and 
in 1836 the stamp tax were reduced, bringing the price of most 
of the London papers down to ten cents each. Twenty years 
later the attacks of Cobden and Bright on the stamp duty and 
the tax on advertisements resulted in their entire abolition ; and 
in 1 86 1 the duty on printing paper was removed, thus giving 
England a free press, although special privileges in the form of 
low postal rates are not afforded to the newspapers as in the 
United States. 

No less important to democracy than freedom of the press 
is the right of holding public meetings and criticising the policy 
of the government. In common with all othei European mon- 
archies, England, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, 
imprisoned, pilloried, and otherwise severely punished those who 
were bold enough to speak disrespectfully of the king and the 
government; and even after the revolution of 1688 Parliament 
occasionally ordered the flogging or imprisonment of critics. 

Moreover, on occasions, when there was deemed to be some 
extraordinary public danger, special laws were directed against 
those who attacked the policy of the king and Parliament. 
In 1795 a Treasonable Practices Bill was passed which made 
all adverse criticism of the government a high misdemeanor 

Social Reforms in England 203 

punishable by deportation to a penal colony for the second 
offense. This was followed four years later by a Corresponding 
Societies Bill which suppressed political societies propagating 
reform doctrines, required the registration of all printing estab- 
lishments, and even imposed penalties on lending books and 
papers for hire. Again, in 181 9, when renewed agitation had 
frightened the government, the reactionary Six Acts mentioned 
above ^ were passed subjecting public meetings, the press, and 
free speech to constant police surveillance. 

The growth of the democratic spirit among the working Freedom of 
classes, the numerical strength of the reform parties as demon- exShlg hi"^^ 
strated in the Chartist movement, and the utter impossibility ^"g'^"'^ 
of longer suppressing political discussion finally led the govern- 
ment to abandon the prosecution of political offenders. Freedom 
of discussion is therefore recognized in England, but in the 
language of a distinguished lawyer it is " little else than the 
right to write or say anything which a jury consisting of twelve 
shopkeepers think it expedient should be said or written." 

The contest for political rights and freedom of discussion Religious 
was accompanied by a successful struggle to remove those 
disabilities which had long been imposed on Dissenters and 
Catholics and thus permit any one to stand for Parliament or 
hold government offices, regardless of his opinion on baptism, 
the Trinity, or the Mass. 

The famous Toleration Act of 1689, which, as we have seen,"^ r3isabilities 
granted a certain liberty of worship to Dissenters, did not free 
them from the disabilities which rested on all persons who did 
not belong to the State Church, namely, exclusion from munici- 
pal offices and from all places of trust, civil and military, in 
the State, as well as from certain educational advantages. It 
was therefore only by connivance, or by special " indemnity " 
from Parliament, that Dissenters could take any office or place 
in the government, although, curiously enough, they were not 
prohibited from sitting in Parliament. 

1 See above, p. 185. 2 See above, Vol. I, pp. 155 sq. 

of Dissenters 

204 T^he Development of Modern Europe 

The Dis- At the close of the eighteenth century, however, the dis- 

test agamst senting sects were rapidly increasing in wealth, numbers, and 
disabilities influence, especially after the appearance of the Methodists. 
An able argument presenting their grievances was laid before 
Parliament in 1787; it pointed out that the successful mer- 
chant whose activities had helped to enrich the city might be 
punished for accepting an office in its government. It was 
forcibly argued that it was absurd to allow a Dissenter to enter 
Parliament and assist in the making of laws which he could 
not help to enforce by occupying the meanest office. 
Disabilities This plea was, however, disregarded, and Lord North declared 

removed" ^"^^ that the Test Act passed under Charles II, which had imposed 
^^^^ these disabilities, was " the bulwark of the constitution to which 

we owe those inestimable blessings of freedom which we now 
happily enjoy." Dissenters had to wait forty years longer for 
the granting of their claims to civil rights. It was not until 
1828 that Parliament was finally induced to pass an act repeal- 
ing the old laws against Dissenters and admitting them freely 
to public offices on condition that they took an oath " upon the 
true faith of a Christian " not to use their influence to injure 
or weaken the Established Church. 
Position of The Catholics during this period were not only excluded 

in England from municipal and state offices but from Parliament as well, 
and their religious worship was subject to serious limitations. 
By a harsh law of 1700 all adherents of the Catholic faith 
were compelled to abjure the doctrine of the Mass before 
reaching the age of eighteen years, under penalty of forfeiture 
of property for failure to comply ; and Catholic priests were 
forbidden to exercise their functions under pain of perpetual 

This law, which, if strictly enforced, would have extermi- 
nated the Catholic faith in England, was, however, practically 
disregarded, since there was, at the close of the eighteenth cen- 
tury, no longer any religious or political danger from Catholics, 
and in 1778 an act was passed removing these penalties on 

Social Reforms in England 205 

condition that priests and Catholic heirs of estates should abjure 
belief in the temporal power of the Pope, as well as in the right 
which he claimed of deposing princes. 

Though this law gave them certain rights of worship, Catholic 
Catholics were still excluded from public offices until 1828, tion^Act^^ 
when the Test Act was repealed. The next year the CathoHc ^^^9 
Emancipation Act was finally passed. This explicitly admitted 
them to both houses of Parliament and to municipal and state 
offices with three exceptions.^ They were, however, still re- 
quired to take an oath renouncing the temporal supremacy of 
the Pope and disclaiming any intention of injuring the Prot- 
estant religion or Protestant government established in the 
United Kingdom. This enlightened measure was violently 
denounced by members of the Established Church and Dis- 
senters alike, and there is reason to believe that it would not 
have passed a reformed Parliament representing the sentiments 
of the English people at large. 

Though Catholics and Dissenters thus obtained their political Position of 
rights in 1 828-1829, the Established Church did not entirely orEngland 
surrender the monopoly of religion which it had done all it 
could to retain since the time of Elizabeth.^ For instance, 
Dissenters and Catholics could be lawfully married only by the 
ceremony provided in the official Book of Common Prayer, 
and the legal registration of their children's births depended, 
strictly speaking, upon baptism by an Anglican clergyman. 
Furthermore, since subscription to the Thirty- Nine Articles 
of the Anglican faith was necessary to matriculation at the 
University of Oxford, Catholics and Dissenters were excluded 
from the privileges of that institution; and though admitted 
to the University of Cambridge, they could not receive degrees 
there. Finally, they were compelled to pay tithes for the sup- 
port of the State Church. 

1 Catholics were excluded from the offices of Regent, Lord Chancellor in 
England and Ireland, and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. 

2 See above, Vol. I, pp. 150 sqq. 


The Developme7it of Modern Europe 

Civil mar- The removal of these grievances was finally begun by the 

and abolition reformed Parliament in 1836, when provision was made for the 
?i868^^^ civil registration of births, marriages, and deaths. After pro- 

longed agitation, repeated introduction of bills into Parliament, 
and widespread refusal to pay the church tithes, these were 
abolished in 1868. The religious test at the universities was 
removed in 1870, making degrees and academic offices "freely 
accessible to the nation." Thus by no declaration of rights or 
general acts as in France, but by innumerable partial measures, 
religious disabilities have been removed and all inhabitants of 
the United Kingdom have secured equality before the law 
and in the government of the country. 

Humanitarian Legislation 

The barbar- 
ous criminal 
law of 
England at 
the opening 
of the nine- 

84. The spirit of enlightened humanity manifested in many 
instances by the reformers of the French Revolution was a 
long time in finding its way into English criminal law which, 
as an English writer has observed, sacrificed the lives of men 
with a reckless barbarity worthier of an eastern despot than of 
a Christian state. Strange to say, this drastic code, with its two 
hundred and fifty offenses for which the death penalty was 
meted out, was not entirely a relic of ancient savagery. 
Between the death of Cromwell and that of George III at 
least one hundred and eighty offenses were added to the list 
of capital crimes; indeed in George Ill's reign alone more 
than sixty offenses, including some of the most trivial, were 
made punishable by death. 

As late as 181 5 a young woman was executed because she 
stole a trifling article in the hope of getting herself trans- 
ported to Australia, where her husband had been sent for the 
same offense, the judge declaring that he wanted to make 
an example of the poor creature. Some twenty years later a 
boy nine years old was sentenced to death for breaking a win- 
dow and stealing twopence worth of paint from a shop. It is 

Social Reforms in England 207 

estimated that within thirty-five years there were fourteen 
hundred executions for acts which after 1845 ^vere no longer 
reckoned as capital offenses. 

The treatment of criminals was, generally speaking, in keep- Atrocities of 

... • • 1 1 r,M . ., . 1 r 1 • • the English 

mg with the crimnial law. Ihe jails, instead 01 being mam- prisons 
tained at public cost, were in the hands of private persons, 
who made as much as they could from the prisoners committed 
to their charge. The poor, therefore, suffered far greater priva- 
tions than those who could afford to pay for better treatment. 
There are a number of instances reported of debtors, unable to 
pay any fees to the prison keeper, being locked up with small- 
pox victims from whom they caught the fatal disease. Dr. 
Johnson estimated that there were twenty thousand debtors 
in prison in 1759 and that one fourth of them died of bad 
treatment. It was a common practice for jailers to exhibit to 
the public, for a small admission fee, notorious criminals about 
to be executed. Even more atrocious than the treatment of 
individual offenders was the common practice of putting men 
and women, old and young, hardened murderers and children 
who had committed trifling offenses, in the same cells. 

Beccaria's wonderful treatise on Crimes and PunisJunoUs'^ Slow progress 
had been translated into English and had served to open the 
eyes of its readers to the needless cruelty of the law. Protests 
had for a long time been made against a system so brutal and 
so vicious ; Burke had denounced it with his eloquent tongue ; 
John Wesley had pleaded for reform ; and year after year Sir 
Samuel Romilly had brought forward remedial measures in 
Parliament wuthout avail. When, in 18 13, he presented a bill 
proposing to transport to the penal colony in the southern hemi- 
sphere persons who stole five shillings from a shop rather than 
hang them, twelve judges, including the Chief Justice, solemnly 
protested to the House of Lords that such a measure would un- 
dermine the morals of the nation and the criminal code. The 
measure was therefore defeated, five bishops voting against it. 

1 See above, Vol. I, pjo. 177 sqq. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

reduction of 
the list of 

The prisons 

ness of life 
in the 

But the reformers were not discouraged ; they patiently con- 
tinued to educate public opinion, and in true English fashion 
one capital offense after another was removed from the list, while 
unfortunate persons continued to be hanged for light offenses. 
In 1820 the act making it a capital offense to steal the sum of 
five shillings or more from a shop was finally repealed \ in 1822 
four statutes removed about one hundred offenses from the 
number for which the death sentence was prescribed ; in 1823 
transportation was substituted for death in cases of making false 
entries on marriage registers; in 1832 Parliament repealed the 
death sentence for housebreaking, horse and sheep stealing, 
and counterfeiting; in 1834 hanging in chains was abolished; 
in 1837 a number of offenses, including smuggling and rioting, 
were removed from the list of capital crimes ; and at last, by 
1 861, Parliament had removed the death penalty from all 
offenses except murder, treason, and piracy. 

While some reformers were attacking the criminal law itself, 
others, like John Howard and Elizabeth Fry, were advocating 
a revolution in the management of prisons and the treatment 
of prisoners. Parliament appointed committees of investigation, 
which revealed the horrible conditions, and in 1835 a law was 
passed providing for government inspection of the prisons 
and for improving their administration. The government at 
length began to build its own large, airy prisons, assumed the 
support of the inmates, and classified them according to their 
offenses, thus adopting the modern view that imprisonment is 
for the protection of society and the reformation of the criminal 
rather than to wreak vengeance upon him. 

The cruelty of the criminal law had its origin in the Middle 
Ages, but with the coming of the Industrial Revolution in the 
reign of George III new forms of inhumanity had arisen. 
These were the result of the factory system, which brought 
untold misery to the working classes of England. Great factory 
buildings were hastily erected by men ignorant of the most ele- 
mentary principles of sanitary science, and often too avaricious 

Social Reforms in England 209 

to care for anything but space enough to operate the machines 
and Hght enough to enable the laborers to do their work. 
Around the factories there sprang up long, dreary rows of 
grimy brick cottages, where the workmen and their families 
were crowded together. To these industrial centers flocked 
thousands of landless and homeless men and women dependent 
upon the factory owners for the opportunity to earn their 
daily bread. Fluctuations in trade caused long periods of 
enforced idleness, which resulted in great uncertainty in the 
life of the workman. 

The introduction of steam-driven machinery had made Honors of 
possible the use of child labor on a large scale, and it was the 
condition of the children which first attracted the attention of 
philanthropists and reformers. Thousands of little paupers 
were taken from the poorhouses and nominally apprenticed, 
but practically sold, to the proprietors of the mills. According 
to Mr. Fielden, an enlightened manufacturer, the most heart- 
rending cruelties were often inflicted on these hapless children ; 
they were "flogged, fettered, and tortured," and sometimes 
" starved to the bone while flogged to their work." ^ Nor were 
pauper children the only ones to suffer. Necessity or greed on 
the part of parents, and the demand for '* cheap labor " on the 
part of the manufacturers, brought thousands of other children 
into industrial life. Parliamentary reports tell us of children 
under five years of age working in the mines, of coal drawers 
but little older crawling on hands and knees through narrow 
subterranean passages dragging heavy carts of coal, and of 
mere lads laboring in pin mills at high tension for twelve 
hours a day. These practices were even justified by a com- 
mittee of mine owners on the ground that, owing to the cramped 
conditions in the mines, children should begin work early 
while their backbones were flexible. 

1 In his memoirs of factory life of Robert Blencoe we read that girls. sus- 
pected of intending to escape "had irons riveted on their ankles, reaching by 
long links and rings up to their hips, and in these they were compelled to wallc 
to and from the mill, to work, and to sleep." * 


The Development of Modern Europe 

misery of the 
factory hands 
and opera- 
tives in the 

of economists 
and states- 
men to 

The conditions of adult labor, save in the most skilled 
classes, were almost as wretched as those of child labor. 
Women and girls were employed in great numbers in mills 
and even in the dark and dangerous recesses of the mines, 
which were badly ventilated and perilous to work in ; danger- 
ous machinery was not properly safeguarded, and the work- 
ing time was excessively prolonged. Indisputable evidence 
of this distressing state of affairs is to be found in the bulky 
volumes of various parliamentary reports on factory conditions, 
in the memoirs of many enlightened men who investigated the 
life of the new industrial centers, and also in the dry pages of 
the statutes which reveal the wrongs that Parliament sought 
to remedy. The misery of the poor is reflected in Mrs. Brown- 
ing's poem, " The Cry of the Children," in the bitter scorn 
which Car lyle poured out on the heads of the factory owners, 
in the impassioned pages of Kingsley's Alton Locke^ and in the 
vivid word pictures of Dickens. 

The working classes were excluded from representation in 
Parliament, they were denied opportunities for education, and 
the statesmen of the time refused to take action in their behalf 
until after long and violent agitation. In this refusal Parlia- 
ment was supported by the economic theorists, — Malthus, 
Ricardo, and others, — who defended the rights of mill owners 
as Bossuet had defended the divine right of kings. Acting 
on this theory, a select committee of the House of Commons 
reported in 1811 that "no interference of the legislature with 
freedom of trade or with the perfect liberty of every individual 
to dispose of his time and his labor in the way and on the 
terms which he may judge conducive to his interest can take 
place without violating general principles of the first impor- 
tance to the prosperity and happiness of the country, without 
establishing the most pernicious precedent, or even without 
aggravating, after a very short time, the pressure of the 
general distress, and imposing obstacles against that distress 
ever being removed." Five years later, when some starving 


Social Reforms in England 2 1 1 

workmen tried to destroy the new machinery to which they 
attributed their woes, Parhament did not hesitate to impose 
the death sentence on those who *' riotously broke mining 

Ardent reformers disregarding the advice of the theorists Parliament 
and discontented workmen filHng the country with riot at last \^ a^dopt^^^"^ 
forced Parliament to undertake to improve conditions. Indeed, reforms 
the bad ventilation, scanty food, long hours, and lack of 
sanitation led to the spread of epidemics in the factory dis- 
tricts, and action could not longer be delayed without endan- 
gering the health of the well-to-do. Parliament, however, at 
first refused to do more than assume some responsibility for 
the pauper apprentices, by passing an act (1802) reducing the 
hours of labor for such children to seventy-two per week, and 
in making some other regulations on their behalf, such as 
compelling employers to furnish at least one suit of clothes a 

An unselfish champion of the working class now appeared Robert 
in the person of Robert Owen, a successful manufacturer, who 
had shown by experiments the advantages of treating employees 
with consideration. Beginning in 181 5, he labored for four 
years to secure the passage of an effective measure in the 
interests of children. He declared to his brother cotton manu- 
facturers, "Deeply as I am interested in the cotton manufacture, 
highly as I value the extended political power of my country, 
yet, knowing as I do from long experience, both here in 
Scotland and in England, the miseries which this trade, as 
it is now conducted, inflicts on those to whom it gives employ- 
ment, I do not hesitate to say, ' Perish the cotton trade ! ' " His 
appeal to the manufacturers for support of his factory legislation 
was, however, unavailing, and the outcome of his efforts was 
the mutilation of his original bill beyond recognition in an act 
of 18 1 9, which merely forbade the employment in the cotton 
mills of children under nine, and limited the working time for 
those between nine and sixteen to twelve hours per day. 

212 The Development of Modern Europe 

The report New advocates of factory reform continued to urge addi- 

commissfon*^^ tional measures on Parliament. Among these were Richard 
pSment"^ Oastler, Thomas Sadler, John Fielden, and Lord Ashley, to 
in 1832 whose unselfish and untiring labors were largely due the pres- 

sure of public opinion which induced Parliament in 1832 to 
appoint a select commission for the purpose of investigating 
the whole question of factory legislation. The following year 
it made an unqualified report in favor of interference on behalf 
of children employed in factories, which resulted in a new bill 
still further reducing the working hours for children and pro- 
viding for the first time for regular factory inspectors. In 1842 
Lord Ashley carried through Parliament a mining law which 
forbade the employment of women and children in underground 
Agitation for These laws did not satisfy the reformers and they now began 
day for to work for radical measures, restricting the labor of women and 

dSwren^"^ children in mills to ten hours per day exclusive of meal times. 
This proposition gave rise to a heated contest in the House of 
Commons between manufacturers and landed proprietors. In 
vain did a distinguished economist defend the factory owners 
by declaring that their profit was made during the last hour 
and that its curtailment would ruin British industries ; in vain 
did John Bright (champion of the abolition of slavery in the 
United States) denounce the proposition as " most injurious and 
destructive to the best interests of the country," " a delusion 
practiced upon the working classes," and " one of the worst 
measures ever passed." Smarting under the action of the 
manufacturers in forcing free trade upon them,^ the landed 
proprietors rejoiced in this opportunity to retaliate, and in 
1847 the ten -hour bill for women and children became a law. 
In practice it applied to all adults as well, for the mills could 
not run after the women and children had stopped working. 

With this great victory for the reformers the general resistance 
to state interference was broken down, and year after year new 

1 See below, p. 216. 

Social Reforms in Eiigland 213 

measures were carried through Parliament, revising and sup- John Mor- 
plementing earher laws, until to-day England does more than tion of^^^^^^ 
any other European country to protect the factory operatives. England's 

^ ^ ■' ^ ^ ^ measures for 

In the language of John Morley, England has " a complete, protecting 
minute, voluminous code for the protection of labor ; buildings classes 
must be kept clear of effluvia \ dangerous machinery must be 
fenced ; children and young persons must not clean it while 
in motion ; their hours are not only limited but fixed ; con- 
tinuous employment must not exceed a given number of hours, 
varying with the trade, but prescribed by law in given cases ; 
a statutable number of holidays is imposed ; the children must 
go to school, and the employer must every week have a cer- 
tificate to that efi^ect ; if an accident happens, notice must be 
sent to the proper authorities ; special provisions are made for 
bake houses, for lacemaking, for collieries, and for a whole 
schedule of other special callings ; for the due enforcement 
and vigilant supervision of this code of minute prescriptions, 
there is an immense host of inspectors, certifying surgeons, 
and other authorities, whose business it is to ' speed and post 
o'er land and ocean ' in restless guardianship of every kind of 
labor, from that of the woman who plaits straw at her cottage 
door to the miner who descends into the bowels of the earth, 
and the seaman who conveys the fruits and materials of uni- 
versal industry to and fro between the remotest parts of the 

Free Trade 

85. From the fourteenth century onward England endeav- Policy of 
ored, by high tariffs, navigation laws, and numerous other England" *" 
measures, to protect her manufacturers, farmers, and ship ^^^J^ ^^^ 
owners against foreign competition.^ Special tariffs were im- century 
posed on the manufactured goods of other countries ; bounties 
were paid from the government treasury to encourage various 
forms of commercial enterprise ; Englishmen were obliged to 

1 See above, Vol. I, p. 118. 

214 '^^^^ Development of Modem Europe 

import their goods from the colonies in English ships, no mat- 
ter how much cheaper they could get them carried by Dutch 
merchantmen ; and high duties were imposed on grain coming 
from France and the other continental countries. At the open- 
ing of the nineteenth century statesmen still maintained that 
the best way to enrich English merchants and manufacturers 
was to secure to them as much as possible of the business of 
England. It was argued that all classes of the nation w^ould 
thus be benefited ; workmen would be paid higher wages and 
given steady employment; the number of merchant vessels 
and sailors would be increased, thus incidentally strengthen- 
ing the navy ; and English money would not be sent out of 
the realm to buy foreign goods. 
Adam Smith Critics of the system who advocated the doctrines of free 
trine of free trade and hiisscz /aire had, it is true, already appeared, 
trade Adam Smith, in his memorable work on the Wealth of 

Nations, published in 1776, attacked the whole protective 
policy, arguing that instead of enriching the country it really 
checked the increase of wealth. He maintained that it was 
poor policy to have goods manufactured at a high price in 
England if they could be bought cheaper from some other 
country; that English merchants would be more active and 
enterprising if they were compelled to face the competition of 
foreigners ; and finally, that by a system of free trade among 
nations, each would turn to those manufactures which by rea- 
son of its climate, soil, and natural products it could manufac- 
ture cheapest. Thus industries would not be fostered artificially, 
but would arise naturally where conditions were most favorable 
to the lowest cost of production. 
t!J?e"r"^^*^' Though Adam Smith's great treatise made a deep impression 

demand a on the younger Pitt, most of the statesmen of the time passed 
dEsoi*^^ ^^ ^y ^inheeded, and it was not until fifty years later that the 
grain practical application of his ideas was seriously considered. The 

immediate impetus to the movement for abolishing protective 
duties and opening British markets freely to the products of 

Social Reforms in England 2 1 5 

all nations was given by the objections of the owners of the 
new factories to the tariffs on grain, which they argued made 
the bread of their workmen dear and prevented undeveloped 
countries from procuring English manufactures in exchange 
for their breadstuffs. They contended, for example, that Rus- 
sians and Americans would be happy to buy English cloth, 
shoes, and cutlery, if they could freely send to England, in 
return, a portion of their great crops of wheat, rye, oats, and 
barley. Since the English manufacturers enjoyed a practical 
monopoly of the market, owing to their use of the new and 
marvelous machinery, their ideal was to make England the 
world's workshop, buying cheap grain from other countries and 
selling in exchange their finished products. Having little or no 
fear of foreign competition in their industries, and owning no 
farming land, they wanted no protection either for themselves 
or the farmers. 

The manufacturers began, therefore, to attack the Corn Laws,^ The Corn 
as the tariff acts protecting grain were called. The duties on '^^^^ 
grain had been made especially high after 181 5 when the fall 
of the inflated w^ar prices threatened to ruin the farmers. One 
measure even forbade the importation of wheat altogether 
whenever its price in England was below two dollars and a half 
a bushel, and later acts attempted to keep the price high by a 
sliding scale of duties according to which the tariff varied with 
the price. That is, w^hen the price of wheat rose too high in 
England, the tariff would be lowered to admit foreign grain, 
but when English prices were low the tariff would be raised to 
check foreign competition and so benefit the farmers. 

To secure the repeal of -these duties on grain and to The Anti- 
propagate the principles of free trade generally, the manu- League,^i8 
facturers founded in 1838 the Anti-Corn Law League, and for 
almost ten years this organization, under the brilliant leader- 
ship of Cobden and Bright, carried on the most thoroughgoing 

1 The term " corn," usually confined to Indian maize in the United States, 
is commonly used in England to mean grain in general. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Sir Robert 
Peel carries 
the repeal of 
the Corn 
Laws, 1846, 
and opens 
the way to 
free trade 

Free trade 



campaign of popular education in the history of democracy, 
expending in one year over a milHon dollars in publications 
and meetings. The attack was concentrated on the Corn Laws 
because it was easier to rouse feeling against the landlords 
than in favor of any abstract theories of political economy. 
It was a war on the landed aristocracy; in Cobden's words: 
" Was there ever an aristocracy so richly endowed? They have 
the colonies, the army, the navy, and the Church, and yet they 
condescend to contend for a slice from the poor man's loaf." 
On the other hand, a member of the aristocracy. Lord Essex, 
described the free traders as " the most cunning, unscrupulous, 
knavish, pestilent body of men that have ever plagued this 
country or any other." 

The agitation was brought to a crisis in 1845 by a failure of 
crops in England and a potato famine in Ireland, which raised 
the price of food stuffs enormously and brought thousands 
to the verge of starvation, especially in Ireland. In the midst 
of such distress it appeared to thinking men nothing short of 
criminal to maintain high prices of grain by law. Consequently 
Sir Robert Peel, then prime minister, determined that the Corn 
Laws must go, in spite of the fact that he had hitherto defended 
them, and in 1846 he succeeded in carrying through Parlia- 
ment a law which led to their practical repeal. Though com- 
pelled to resign immediately after the passage of this bill. Peel 
had given the whole protective system in England its death 
blow, since it was chiefly the tariff on grain that could claim 
any really active defenders. 

Within ten years all of the old navigation laws were abol- 
ished and English ports opened freely to the ships of other 
nations. Gladstone, as Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1852, 
removed the duties on one hundred and twenty-three articles 
entirely, and reduced them on one hundred and thirty-three 
more. On his return to office, some fifteen years later, he made 
a clean sweep of all protective duties, retaining, for revenue 
purposes, those on tea, wines, cocoa, and a few other articles. 

Social Reforms in England 217 

The tendency toward free trade was not confined to Eng- Tendency 

land. Indeed, until the seventies, it looked as if a network of trade in 

commercial treaties, combined with low tariffs, would carry all f'^™i'u^°^' 

Europe into a free-trade policy. The liberals in France under reaction in 

the seventies 

Napoleon III favored it, and, as we have seen, Germany had 
accepted it in a modified form until Bismarck's tariff law of 
1879.-^ At last, however, a reaction set in. The protectionists 
rose to power in the continental countries ; the United States 
converted what was once regarded as a temporary policy of 
encouraging infant industries and of increasing the revenue 
during the Civil War into a permanent policy of high protec- 
tion ; and foreign competitors, having free access to England's 
markets, began to undersell her at home as well as abroad. 

This radical change in the economic conditions in the conti- Growing dis- 
nental countries of Europe and the United States has con- ^^ith free 
vinced many Englishmen that some alteration will have to be ^^^^ ^"^ 
made in England's free-trade policy. In the election of 1906 
Mr. Chamberlain sought to make the establishment of some 
form of a protective tariff the leading campaign issue, and 
although the free traders carried the day, the arguments of the 
protectionists will doubtless continue to be urged with ever 
greater insistence. Their views are clearly summed up in a Lord Salis- 
political speech made by Lord Salisbury in 1892 : "We see 
now, after many years experience, how foreign nations are 
raising one after another a wall, a brazen wall, of protection 
around their shores which excludes us from their markets, and, 
so far as they are concerned, do their best to kill our trade. 
And this state of things does not get better. On the contrary 
it constantly seems to get worse. . . . We live in an age of a 
war of tariffs. Every nation is trying how it can, by agreement 
with its neighbors, get the greatest possible protection for its 
own industries and at the same time the greatest possible 
access to the markets of its neighbors. ... I want to point 
out to you that what I observe is that while A is anxious to get 

1 See above, p. 143. 


The Development of Modem Europe 

a favor of B and B is anxious to get a favor from C, nobody 
cares two straws about getting the commercial favor of Great 

" What is the reason of that? It is that in this great battle 
Great Britain has deliberately stripped herself of the armor 
and the weapons by which the battle has to be fought. . . . 
The weapon with which they all fight is admission to their 
own markets; that is to say, A says to B, ' If you will make 
your duties such that I can sell in your market, I will make 
my duties such that you can sell in my market.' But we 
begin by saying, ' We will levy no duties on anybody,' and 
we declare that it would be contrary and disloyal to the 
glorious and sacred doctrine of free trade to levy duty on 
anybody for the sake of what we can get by it. It may be 
noble, but it is not business." 

to public 
education in 
England at 
the opening 
of the 

Educational Reform 

86. When Burke appealed, in 1 792, to the " free and enlight- 
ened " people of England to take up arms against the French 
Revolution, by far the greater part of the population could not 
read or write. No statesman had ever considered it the duty 
of the government to educate the people at large; and when 
Samuel Whitbread proposed to Parliament in 1807 that parish 
schools should be supported at public expense, he was met by 
the objection that giving education to the working classes 
would be *' found prejudicial to their morals and their happi- 
ness ; it would teach them to despise their lot in life instead 
of making them good servants in agriculture and other labori- 
ous employments to which their rank has destined them ; 
instead of teaching them subordination it would render them 
fractious and refractory, as was evident in the manufacturing 
counties ; it would enable them to read seditious pamphlets, 
vicious books, and publications against Christianity ; it would 
render them insolent to their superiors." 

Social Reforms in E^igland 219 

After the overthrow of Napoleon a regular campaign for Parliament 
popular education was instituted by Lord Brougham, and at grfn't^money 
last, in 1833, the government voted twenty thousand pounds for education, 
to be distributed between two private associations for the 
advancement of primary schools. Six years later this grant was 
increased to thirty thousand pounds for the use of over three 
million children, while at the same time seventy thousand pounds 
were voted for the erection of royal stables for the new queen. 
This grant in aid of private schools was gradually increased, but 
it was not until 1870 that the government provided for the 
erection and equipment of schools at public expense. In that 
year a law was passed which authorized towns to create school 
boards elected by popular vote, to erect buildings, and maintain 
instruction. In time attendance at school was made comi)ulsory 
and all fees for instruction were abolished. 

The interference of the State in education met with stout The hostility 
opposition for many reasons. There were some who held that gi^^s schools 
public schools were socialistic institutions which the govern- *V'ir^^h 
ment had no business to undertake. The strongest opposition by the 
came, however, from the various religious bodies. Anglicans, 
Catholics, and Dissenters all had their own schools and objected 
to the encroachment of the government institutions ; but while 
all the sects agreed that education without religious instruction 
was bad, they differed hotly on the particular kind of religious 
instruction that should be given. 

The controversy among the different churches was intensi- The Educa- 
fied by a new education bill passed in 1902, which destroyed 
the old school boards. The public schools erected in towns 
under the law of 1870 were henceforward to be managed by 
a committee of the town council, and schools belonging to 
churches were to be in charge of boards composed of two 
members from the educational committee of the town council 
and four members representing the sect controlling the school 
in question. As the bill provided that the government should 
pay eleven twelfths of the running expenses of both public 




The Development of Modern Europe 

Hostility to 
the law leads 
to the defeat 
of the Con- 
party in 1906 

Decline of 
illiteracy in 

and sectarian schools, the result was that a particular sect was 
given a majority in the management of a school, while the cost 
of its maintenance was thrown upon the general taxpayer. 

Now there are in England about twenty thousand primary 
schools ; of these more than one half belong to the Anglican 
Church, about two thousand are under the control of Dissenters 
and Catholics, and less than seven thousand are nonsectarian, 
having been organized under the earlier law. The new bill was 
therefore denounced as a scheme to increase the power of the 
schools belonging to the Anglican Church because the greater 
portion of the money voted by the government went to their 
support. Many Dissenters refused to pay their school taxes; 
they began an agitation against the Conservatives, who had 
passed the bill and were influential in defeating that party in 
the election of 1906. The victorious Liberal party, which had 
made the educational question a campaign issue, then passed 
a new law, only to have it cut to pieces by the House of Lords. 
The educational problem still remains, therefore, one of the 
main issues of English politics at the present time. 

However, in spite of these controversies over education, the 
efficiency of the schools has steadily increased, and there has 
been a corresponding decline in illiteracy. In 1843 thirty-two 
per cent of the men and forty-nine per cent of the women had 
to sign their names in the marriage register with a cross. In 
1903 only two per cent of the men and three per cent of the 
women could not write their names in the register. 

Great im- 
portance of 
the Irish 
in English 

The Irish Question 

87. In addition to the important problems the English have 
had to solve at home, they have been involved in constant 
perplexities in their dealings with the Irish, who belong to 
the Celtic race and differ essentially from their English neigh- 
bors in their sentiments and traditions. Their little island, 
which is less than one half the size of Great Britain and could 

Social Reforms in England 221 

be put into the dominion of Canada one hundred times 
over, has caused the British government more trouble dur- 
ing the past century than all of the remainder of her vast 
empire put together. The grievances of the Irish have caused 
insurrections, incited to murder and riot, induced military- 
oppression, overthrown ministries, blocked the business of 
Parliament for days, contributed to the ancient ill will between 
England and the United States, and, in spite of volumes of 
statutes designed to remedy them, still remain to plague future 

The original source of Irish discontent is to be found in the The "Pale' 
repeated invasions of their island by the English, who long 
treated them as a subject race. For centuries after the earliest 
conquests under Henry II (1154-1189), the authority of the 
English sovereigns extended only to certain eastern districts 
known as the " Pale." To the north and west the wild Irish 
chieftains and their people dwelt in practical independence 
under Irish law and custom, constantly fighting among them- 
selves and against the invaders. Within the Pale and on its 
borders the English barons built great castles and reduced 
the peasants to serfdom. 

Henry VII (1485-1509) determined to get a firmer grip on Poynings' 
Ireland than his predecessors had secured and sent over an able 
administrator, Sir Edward Poynings, who forced the Irish parlia- 
ment which had been established within the Pale to accept 
certain measures which bore the name of their author, and 
which remained in vigor for four centuries. These provided 
that English statutes should have the same force in Ireland as 
in England, that no Irish parliament could be called without 
the English king's consent, and that no acts could be passed 
until first approved by king and council. While this new system 
did not work any great hardship so long as the authority of the 
Irish parliament was confined to the English Pale, it completely 
destroyed the independence of the Irish when it was later 
extended to the entire island. 



The Development of Modern Europe 

Henry VIII 
shocks the 
feelings of 

The Anglican 
forced upon 


Henry VIII (1509-15 47) took the title of King, instead of 
that of Lord, of Ireland, which his predecessors had borne, 
and ordered the Irish to adopt the English language, English 
dress, and even the English fashion of cutting the hair. This, 
however, was unimportant when compared with his attempt to 
force them to accept him instead of the Pope as head of the 
Church. Though the Irish people clung steadfastly to the Pope 
and their ancient faith, all government officials were compelled 
to take the oath acknowledging Henry as supreme head of the 
Church; the monasteries were suppressed, the monks driven out, 
and their lands seized and handed over to Henry's supporters. 

This interference in Irish religious matters was continued 
under Edward VI, when the Catholic clergy began to be expelled 
from their parishes and Protestant priests installed in their 
places to be supported by tithes collected from a people still 
loyal to the old faith. When the form of the English Church 
was finally fixed under Queen Elizabeth, it was forced in its 
entirety upon the Irish. They were compelled to accept 
Elizabeth as supreme governor in things spiritual as well as 
temporal and to attend Protestant services under pain of severe 

Although this religious settlement could be made really effect- 
ive only within the Pale, it was the source of great friction, and 
toward the close of Elizabeth's reign nearly all of Celtic Ireland 
made a united and desperate attempt under O'Neill to throw 
off English rule. This uprising was, however, cruelly suppressed 
and such havoc wrought in the island that a contemporary 
declared that " Nothing was more frequent in the ditches of 
the towns, and especially in wasted countries, than to see 
multitudes of these poor people dead, with their mouths all 
colored green by eating nettles, docks, and all things which 
they could rend up above ground." Vast areas, especially in 
the north, were declared forfeited and were handed over to 
English and Scotch settlers, thus adding to the bitterness which 
already existed between the natives and the foreign colonists. 

Social Reforms in E^igland 223 

This bitterness took the form of sullen resentment until the Cromwell 
quarrel between Charles I and Parliament gave the Irish suppresses a 
another excellent opportunity to revolt (1641). Hoping to "^V^y^^*, 
regain the lands which had been taken from them, as well as (1649) 
to shake off the hated English yoke, they savagely attacked the 
English and Scottish colonists, especially in the northern part 
of the island, and committed atrocities which repaid with 
interest the outrages of which the English had been guilty in 
the preceding century. After Cromwell and the Puritans 
executed Charles I in 1649, the Irish declared in favor of his 
son, Charles II, and Cromwell immediately crossed over into 
Ireland to put down resistance to his newly established Com- 
monwealth. With fire and sword he scourged the country. 
At Drogheda he put two thousand to the sword after the 
garrison had surrendered, saying, " I am persuaded that this is 
a righteous judgment of God upon those barbarous wretches 
who have embrued their hands in so much innocent blood ; 
and that it will tend to prevent the effusion of blood for the 
future — which are the satisfactory grounds to such actions 
which otherwise cannot but work remorse and regret." Within 
six months the whole island was reconquered. 

This conquest was the occasion of a new and more extensive Confiscation 
confiscation of Irish lands. Thousands of Irish landlords and j^y English 
peasants were driven from the soil to make room for large Protestants 
colonies of the English conquerors. Vast estates were appor- 
tioned out among the soldiers. It is estimated that before the 
uprising of 1641 the Protestants held only one third of the 
arable land in Ireland, while forty years later they owned 
about two thirds of it. 

But the woes of Ireland were not yet at an end, for that William in 
unhappy land became involved in the English Revolution of conquer 
1688 which resulted in the expulsion of the Catholic king, ^''eiand 
James II, who naturally found many supporters among his 
Irish subjects. They refused to recognize the Protestant king, 
William III, who thereupon undertook a new subjugation of 


The Development of Modern Europe 

against the 

measures of 
the English 

In the latter 
part of the 
begins to 
repeal the 
harsher laws 
the Irish 

Ireland. In this war the native Irish had again to bear the 
brunt of the conflict, for they alone were loyal to the Catholic 
James, while the colonists favored William. Two years of fight- 
ing brought Ireland once more under the English yoke. 

This renewed victory was followed by measures designed to 
stamp out Catholicism altogether and to make Irish industry 
and commerce subservient to the interests of English manu- 
facturers and farmers. Both public and private teaching by 
Catholics was prohibited, nor might children be sent out of the 
island to be educated. Parish priests were allowed to remain 
only under onerous conditions, while bishops, monks, and friars 
were ordered to leave the country. Catholics were forbidden 
to carry firearms ; they could not buy land or lease it for more 
than thirty-one years; and the son of a Catholic, by turning 
Protestant, could secure possession of his father's property. 

To prevent farmers in Ireland from competing with those in 
England, the English Parliament prohibited the importation 
of cattle, sheep, swine, beef, pork, mutton, butter, and cheese 
from Ireland. To crush the Irish woolen industry it prohibited 
the sending of woolen goods to any other country than Eng- 
land, from which they were practically excluded by high pro- 
tective duties. Moreover the landlords, many of whom lived 
in England and never even visited their estates, charged the 
peasants high rents and evicted them when they failed to pay. 

Quite naturally Ireland was filled with discontent from Cork 
to Sligo and from Dublin to Galway ; local disorders were 
chronic during the eighteenth century ; and by constant agita- 
tion the Irish finally managed to secure the reform of some of the 
old laws. Fearing that the Irish might break away during the 
American Revolution, England conceded to Catholics the right 
to buy land and relieved them of the necessity of stating under 
oath where they had last heard Mass. Again, in 1793, when the 
French Revolution was in progress and England was going to 
war with the new republic, the English government freed the 
Irish Catholics from the restrictions which had been imposed 

Social Reforms 271 Efigland 225 

upon their religion, gave them the right to vote for members 
of their Parliament, and opened important civil and military 
offices to them. 

These concessions did not, however, satisfy the Irish, and Irish rebel- 
hoping for assistance from the French, they planned another ^^^^^ ^^'^ 
desperate uprising. The rebellion of 1798, like all previous 
attempts, was put down with great loss of life, and the English 
government decided to destroy entirely the appearance of 
legislative independence by abolishing the Irish parliament 
altogether. This body, which had been under the complete The vices of 
control of the English crown since the passage of the Poynings' parliament 
Laws, was in no way representative of the Irish people. The 
House of Lords was composed of Anglican prelates and nobles, 
and the House of Commons, which was assumed to represent 
the people, was closed to Catholics, who made up nine tenths 
of the population. The Irish parliament also had every vice of 
the English system of rotten boroughs. Almost one half of the 
three hundred members were chosen by twenty-five landlords. 

Nevertheless it was not because the Irish parliament was Abolition 
corrupt and undemocratic that the English government deter- parliament, 
mined to abolish it, but because it enjoyed a larger measure of *^°^ 
independence than was deemed compatible with the security 
of the English rule. An Act of Union was accordingly passed 
in 1 80 1 suppressing it altogether and providing for the repre- 
sentation of Ireland in the Parliament of Great Britain. Ireland 
was assigned one hundred members in the British House of 
Commons, and twenty-eight temporal peers, chosen for life by 
the Irish baronage, were admitted to the House of Lords. This 
measure, by which the Irish representatives at Westminster 
were swallowed up in an overwhehiiing majority of English 
and Scotch, was stoutly opposed by Irish patriots, but by 
flagrant bribery, which Lord Cornwall is, who was charged with 
a portion of the negotiations, called " dirty business," the 
Irish parliament was induced to accept the proposed change 
and to put an end to its own existence. 

226 The Development of Modern Europe 

Catholic The agitation of the Irish question was now transferred to 

tion^AcTof the Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and 
1829 Ireland, and the first great contest took place over the provi- 

sions which excluded Irish, as well as all other Catholics, from 
that Parliament. Again and again the measure for admitting 
Catholics was introduced, debated, and defeated. Finally, in 
182 1, it wa:s passed by the House of Commons only to be 
rejected by the Lords. In 1828 Daniel O'Connell, although 
he well knew that he would not be admitted to Parliament, 
stood for the district of Clare and was triumphantly elected 
in the midst of great excitement. Convinced that civil war 
could be averted only by yielding, the duke of Wellington, 
then prime minister, consented to the introduction of a bill 
for relief. It was under these circumstances that the Cath- 
olic Emancipation Act, which we have described above, was 
passed,^ and the Irish Catholics were admitted to Parliament 
and to practically all civil and military offices, on condition 
that they would abjure the temporal power of the Pope 
and disclaim any intention of injuring the authority of the 
English Church. 
Sad condition The admisslon of Catholics to Parliament, however, did 
peopfe iTthe nothing to allay the state of chronic poverty and distress 
ninete^^th^^ among the peasants of Ireland. The report of a government 
century commission in 1836 showed that while English agricultural 

laborers received an average wage of eight to ten shillings a 
week (^2.00 to $2.50), those of Ireland got scarcely one fourth 
that small amount. Nearly one third of the entire population, 
which was nevertheless increasing rapidly, subsisted chiefly on 
potatoes, — commonly on an inferior coarse variety which had 
once been cultivated for swine alone. The census of 1841 re- 
vealed the startling fact that in the case of forty-six per cent 
of the population the entire family lived in a single-roomed 
cottage, and that seven tenths of these rooms were unfit for 
human habitation. 

1 See above, p. 205. 

Social Reforms in England 227 

In spite of this desperate and well-nigh universal wretched- Absentee 
ness, Ireland was drained of millions yearly to pay landlords 
whose ancestors had secured estates after the wars and confisca- 
tions of Cromwell and William III, — ^ landlords, moreover, 
who rarely set foot in Ireland and took little or no interest 
in their tenants beyond the collection of their rent. Money 
that should have gone to drain, improve, stock, and fertilize 
Irish land was spent in London or in traveling on the Con- 
tinent. The annual rent had to be wrested from the people 
by the landlord's agent at any cost ; and if it was not paid by 
a tenant he was speedily evicted from his cottage and lands, 
often without any compensation for such improvements as he 
had made with his own hands and at his own expense.^ 

The height of Irish misery seems to have been reached in Famine of 
the '* Black Year of Forty-Seven." In 1846 the potato crop, 
upon which one third to one half of the population depended 
for food, failed almost entirely, and the government was com- 
pelled to open temporary relief works (building roads, etc.) in 
which toward a million persons sought employment. At one 
time a third of the entire population was in receipt of charity, 
yet thousands died of starvation. 

According to the report of the census commissioners in 
185 I, ''No pen has recorded the numbers of the forlorn and 
starving who perished by the wayside or in the ditches, or of 
the mournful groups, sometimes of whole families, who lay 
down and died, one after another on the floor of their cabins, 
and so remained uncoffined and unburied until chance re- 
vealed the appalling scene." 

It was in the midst of this terrible famine that the stream The Irish 
of immigration began to flow toward America and a steady enfigrate to 
decrease in the Irish population set in. Within half a century 
four million emigrants left the shores of Ireland for foreign 

1 In 1847 the rent paid to absentee landlords was estimated at four million 
pounds, or about one third of the entire rental of Ireland. From 1839 to 1843, 
according to O'Connell, one hundred and fifty thousand peasants had been 

the United 


TJie Development of Modern Europe 

Trouble over 
the revenue 
collected by 
the Anglican 

The origin of 
the Fenians 

countries, principally the United States, but they did not 
leave behind them in the " old country " their bitter resent- 
ment against England, which they believe has wronged them 
so deeply. 

Through all these years of distress and famine the Angli- 
can Church, which had been established in Ireland under the 
Tudors, continued to draw ample revenues from the tithes and 
endowments. Though its members numbered but one tenth 
of the population, it was in possession of the ancient churches 
of the island ; its fourteen hundred benefices had a revenue of 
three million dollars a year ; its twenty-two bishops and arch- 
bishops enjoyed together an income of seven hundred and fifty 
thousand dollars a year ; and, not content with this, an extra 
cess, or tax, for general purposes, yielding about three hun- 
dred thousand dollars, filled the cup of bitterness against the 
Established Church to overflowing. The tithes were collected 
from the peasants only with the utmost difficulty, and pitched 
battles were often fought between them and the police when 
the latter undertook to drive off cattle to pay the tithe. 
The opposition grew into an organized movement ; a favorite 
amusement was to make the tithe proctor eat the paper author- 
izing him to seize property for the debt; and in one case a 
company of lancers and two companies of the Ninety-Second 
Highlanders, with two pieces of artillery, were detailed to keep 
order at the sale of one cow for a peasant's tithe. In 1833 
only about twelve thousand pounds out of the one hundred 
and four thousand due could be secured by the government, 
which had assumed the burden of collecting the money. 

For years this contest over the tithes continued and, with 
other grievances, led in 1858 to the formation of a powerful 
society known as the Fenians, from Fiana Eirean, or national 
militia. This society was especially strong in the United States, 
where enormous sums of money were collected to further the 
agitation carried on by the organization. A great convention 
was held in Chicago in 1863 to plan a special campaign in 

Social Reforms in Efigland 229 

Ireland, and at the same time Stephens, a leader in the move- 
ment, founded a paper in Dublin called The Irish People^ 
which openly advocated rebellion against British rule. Ste- 
phens was soon arrested for conspiracy, but he escaped to 
America, though many of his supporters were condemned to 
penal servitude. An attempt of the Fenians to blow up the 
Clerkenwell jail in London, where a conspirator was im- 
prisoned, resulted in the death of twelve and the injury of 
more than a hundred persons. The English government, thor- 
oughly alarmed, put down Fenianism by military force, but 
at the same time determined to remove some of the abuses 
which had given rise to the movement. 

Disestablishment and disendowment of the Anglican Church The Angli- 
in Ireland were made the great issues in the general election aisestab- 
of 1868, and the Liberal party, which favored these measures, J^^eland^iSG 
was carried into power by a huge majority. The Methodists 
and Baptists, who supported Gladstone, Bright, and the other 
Liberals, were heartily opposed to the Anglican Church in 
England itself, and therefore all the more desirous to see its 
destruction in Ireland ; and the workingmen, newly enfran- 
chised by th^ Reform Bill of 1867, had no marked sympathy 
for Irish landlords. Under these influences Parliament in 
1869 disestablished the English Church in Ireland and abol- 
ished its hated tithes, but allowed it to keep the beautiful 
buildings which had been seized in the period of the Refor- 
mation, and created a fund for the support of the Anglican 
clergy in Ireland. 

The land question, which always has been and still is a fun- The land 
damental one, remained unsolved. The tithe collector had Ireland" ^" 
gone, but the equally hated agent of the absentee landlord 
remained. Even in this age of manufacturing, three and one 
half out of the four and one half millions of the Irish people 
are still dependent upon the cultivation of the soil. A land 
commission has shown that between the landlord and the tenant 
there were often three middlemen who made their living from 

230 The Development of Modern Europe 

the necessities of the peasant, whom they had entirely at their 
mercy. The emigration to America had not reheved the intense 
competition for land, and as tenants generally held at the will 
of the landlord they could be driven from their holdings with 
little difficulty. And it was a terribly serious matter for the 
peasant to be evicted, for even a mud floor and a smoky peat 
fire were preferable to the open moor. 
Parnelland In 1 879 a great Land League, with Charles Stewart Parnell, 

Leagife" 1879 ^ member of Parliament, at its head, was established with the 
aim of securing three things for the Irish peasant, — fair rent, 
fixed holding, and fair sale ; that is to say, they asked for 
legislation providing that the rent should not be fixed by the 
landlord at any amount he thought he could get, but by a 
court taking into consideration the fair value of the land ; that 
the tenant should hold as long as he paid the rent so fixed ; 
and finally that, should he surrender his holding, he should be 
allowed to sell his improvements to the tenant who succeeded 
The Irish Parnell, with the support of the Irish members in Parlia- 

i88i-%o3 ment, resorted to "filibustering" until that body was forced 
in 1 88 1 to pass a land act granting these three demands. 
This measure has been supplemented by land-purchase acts 
by which the government puts at the disposal of the tenants 
money to buy their holdings, with the privilege of repayment 
on the installment plan. The last of these acts, passed in 1903 
during the administration of Mr. Balfour, appropriates a prac- 
tically unlimited amount for this purpose, and offers a consid- 
' erable inducement to landlords to sell, so that the land question 
seems in a fair way to be settled to the satisfaction of the 
Demand for All these concessions made by the English government have 
ome u e ^^^ ^^^ Settled the Irish question, for the demand for Home 

1 The Land-Purchase Act of 1885, passed by Lord Salisbury, set apart twenty- 
five million dollars ; that of 1888, a second sum of the same amount ; that of 1891 
devotod one hundred and seventy million dollars to the purchase of lands, and 
that of 1903 an almost unlimited sum. 

Social Ref 071113 in England 2 3 1 

Rule, or complete legislative indej^endence of Great Britain, 
is still extensively advocated and frequently debated in the 
House of Commons. As we have seen, the union of 1801 was 
really forced upon the Irish by bribing those who could in no 
way be regarded as representing that nation. The repeal of Daniel 
the Act of Union was warmly urged by Daniel O'Connell after 
the emancipation of 1829, and at the general election of 1834 
forty members of Parliament favored Home Rule. In 1842 
The Nation was founded to champion the cause, and a staff 
of brilliant writers were engaged to voice it. A Repeal 
Association was organized, monster meetings, said to have 
been attended by half a million people, were arranged by 
O'Connell, and the examples of Belgium and Greece in winning 
independence were cited as indications of what the Irish might 
do. All Ireland seemed on the verge of rebellion, and Irish 
Americans planned an invasion of Canada. The British gov- 
ernment met this agitation by stationing thirty-five thousand 
troops in the island, and O'Connell, in spite of his violent and 
inflammatory speeches, shrank from the test of civil war. 

O'Connell died in 1847, but the cause of Home Rule did Gladstone 
not perish with him, for it was taken up by the Fenians and cause o? Irish 
the Land League and thus kept steadily before the people. In ^°"^^ ^^"^^' 
1882 a decided impetus to the movement was given by the 
shocking murder of Lord Frederick Cavendish and Thomas 
Burke, the undersecretary for Ireland, in Phoenix Park, Dub- 
lin. This deed aroused the horror of the civilized world and 
convinced Gladstone that nothing short of Home Rule could 
solve the perennial Irish problem. After the parliamentary 
election of 1886, which gave him a small majority in the 
Commons and made him dependent upon the Irish members 
for their support, he undertook to secure the repeal of the 
Act of Union. Many of his followers, who did not believe 
in the policy of Home Rule, broke away from his leadership 
and formed the party of the Liberal Unionists, thus defeat- 
ing the bill by about thirty votes. Seven years later, when 

232 The Development of Modern Europe 

Gladstone was again in power, he brought forward a new Home 
Rule bill providing that the Irish should have a parliament of 
their own at Dublin and also retain representation in that of 
the United Kingdom. This bill, though passed by the Com- 
mons, was rejected by the House of Lords. For some years 
thereafter the issue almost dropped out of English politics, but 
the majority of the Irish members of Parliament have con- 
tinued to agitate the question, and the great Liberal victory 
in the elections of 1906 has again raised hopes for Irish 


The Establishment of Religious* Liberty in England: May, Con- 
stitutional History of England, chaps, xii-xiv ; Lee, Source Book 
of English History, pp. 497-518; Kendall, Source Book of 
English History, pp. 382-387. 

Factory Legislation : Cheyney, Social and Industrial History 
of England, pp. 244-260; Kendall, pp. 401-406. 

The Free Trade Movement: Kendall, pp. 406-413. 

The Religious Controversy and Disestablishment of the Anglican 
Church in Ireland: Johnston and Spencer, Ireland's Story, 

PP- 293-301, 313-323- 

The Land Question in Ireland: Johnston and Spencer, 
pp. 324-338. 

Home Rule Movement in Ireland : Kendall, pp. 391-400. 

The Irish in America: Johnston and Spencer, pp. 348-359- 



The Extension of British Dominion in 

88. While Lord Russell, Disraeli, and Gladstone were giiid- The British 
ing the forces which transformed the House of Commons into empire whiTe 
a democratic body, and humanitarians were carrying out the "''^^•"g 

■^ ' JO reiorms at 

reforms demanded by the enlightened spirit of the new age, home 
British soldiers far away on the frontiers of the British domin- 
ions were fighting Rajputs in India, Zulus in Africa, and Maoris 
in New Zealand, and widening the borders of the empire whose 
foundations had been laid in the eighteenth century. The 
story of the early contest for dominion — the rivalry with the 
Dutch in the Spice Islands, the wars for Spanish trade, the 
struggle with France in India and North America — we have 
brought down to the settlement at Vienna, which left England 
foremost among the commercial and colonial powers of all 
time. The task of developing the resources acquired in India, 
Africa, Canada, and Australasia was one of the important 
problems which the eighteenth century bequeathed to the 

Turning first to India, the British rule, in the opening years of British 
the nineteenth century, extended over the Bengal region and india"at"the 
far up the Ganges valley beyond Delhi. A narrow strip along "fg ^'j^l"^ 
the eastern coast, the southern point of the peninsula, and the teenth 
island of Ceylon had also been brought under England's con- 
trol, and in the west she held Bombay and a considerable area 
north of Surat. In addition to these regions which the Eng- 
lish administered directly, there were a number of princes, such 
as the Nizam of Hyderabad, over whom they exercised the 



The Development of Modern Etcrope 

The origin of 
the Mahratta 


in 1800 

right of "protection." They had secured a foothold which 
made it evident that the Mogul emperor, who retained but the 
shadow of power at Delhi, could never recover the shattered 
dominions of the great Aurangzeb. The French and Portuguese 
possessions had declined into mere trading posts, and in the 
heart of India only one power disputed the advance of the 
English toward the complete conquest of the peninsula. 

This one power was a union of native princes known as the 
Mahratta Confederacy.^ The country occupied by this con- 
federation extended inward from the Bombay coast and was 
inclosed on the western border by mountain ranges. When 
the Mohammedan invaders under Baber swept down into the 
peninsula they easily conquered the plains to the eastward, 
which were occupied by peaceful peasants, but to the westward 
the boldest of the native Mahrattas fled to the mountains, and 
from their strongholds there they frequently dashed down into 
the plains and harassed the Mohammedan rulers. These 
terrible warriors rode horses famed for their fleetness, and when 
attacked they easily took refuge in their inaccessible mountain 
fastnesses or in the wild jungles of the valleys. In the time of 
Louis XIV these occasional ravages grew into a war of con- 
quest and occupation under a powerful leader by the name of 
Sivaji, who carved out of the Mogul's dominions a realm for 
himself which was called Kokan. 

The kingdom thus founded grew in time into a vast realm, 
but its ruling family sank into "do-nothing kings," and the 
real power fell into the hands of a mayor of the palace called 
the Peshwa, who had his seat of government at Poonah. At the 
opening of the nineteenth century the kingdom had fallen apart, 
and beside the domains of the Peshwa there were four other 
great districts ruled by viceroys bearing the remarkable names 
of the Gaekwar of Baroda, Sindhia of Gwalior, Holkar of In- 
dore, and the Bhonsla of Nagpur. The Mahratta kingdom was 
therefore only a loose confederation, and the ruling princes 

1 See map above, Vol. I, p. 93. 

1 00 Longitude 80 West 60 from 40Gieeii\vicli20 

20Loiigitude40 East 60 Irom 

The British Empire in the NineteejitJi Century 235 

were usually warring with one another except when pressure 
from without compelled them to unite. The prevailing disorder 
was increased by the fact that scattered among their territories 
there were innumerable petty rulers who might be compared 
to the imperial knights of the Holy Roman Empire. 

If it had not been for the jealousy that existed among the Overthrow 
Mahrattas, they might have checked the growing power of Mahrattas 
the English and seized India for themselves as it fell from (^816-1818) 
the relaxing grasp of the great Mogul. As it was they consti- 
tuted a powerful barrier in the way of the extension of British 
dominion over central and western India, and by their restless 
and unsettled life kept the surrounding territories already under 
British control or influence in a constant state of turmoil. 'I'hey 
encouraged the wild native horsemen to attack Madras and 
ravage the Bengal frontier, and repeatedly put British military 
genius to a severe test. 

However, the lawless Mahrattas were unable in the long run 
to resist the steady and disciplined pressure of European war- 
fare, and in their last great conflict with the British (18 16-18 18) 
they were finally conquered. The office of the Peshwa of Poonah 
was abolished, a large part of his territories were annexed by the 
English, and the rulers of Baroda, Gwalior, and Indore were 
transformed into feudal princes under British sovereignty, — 
a position which they retain to-day. The extension of their 
rule over the entire peninsula now became the avowed policy 
of the British. Henceforward native states were compelled to 
submit their external disputes to them, to accept the presence 
of British residents at their courts to advise them on domestic 
questions, and finally, to place their military forces under the 
supervision of British officers. 

While pacifying the interior of India the British were also The British 
occupied with the defense and extension of their frontiers on the borders 
the north, east, and west. For six hundred miles along the °^ ^^^"^ 
northern frontier, where the foothills of the Himalayas gradu- 
ally sink into the valley of the Ganges, there was chronic 


The Development of Modern Europe 

in Burma, 

Conquest of 
the Sindh 
and Punjab 

disorder fomented by the Gurkhas, — a race composed of a 
mixture of the hill men and the Hindu plain dwellers. Periodic- 
ally the Gurkha chieftains, like the Highlanders of Scotland 
or the Mahrattas of western India, would sweep down into the 
valley, loot the villages of the defenseless peasants, and then 
retire to their mountain retreats. A few of the most powerful 
of these chieftains succeeded in conquering the smaller hill 
tribes and in building up a sort of confederation under a rajah 
in whose name they governed Nepal, as their kingdom was 
called. They then sought to extend their sway at the expense 
of the British in the Ganges valley, but were badly beaten in a 
two years war (18 14-18 16) and compelled to cede to the British 
Empire a vast western region, which brought the Anglo-Indian 
boundary at that point to the borders of Tibet, high up into 
the Himalaya mountains. 

While the British were busy with the Mahrattas and Nepalese, 
the Burmese were pressing into the Bengal districts from the 
east, and as they had never met the disciplined Europeans in 
armed conflict, they were confident that they would be able to 
expand westward indefinitely. Their ambitions were, however, 
checked by the British (i 824-1 826) and they were compelled 
to cede to the victors a considerable strip of territory along the 
east coast of the Bay of Bengal. Having thus made their first 
definite advance beyond the confines of India proper, the 
British, after twenty-five years of peace with the Burmese, 
engaged in a second war against them in 1852 and made 
themselves masters of the Irawadi valley and a long narrow 
strip of coast below Rangoon.^ 

After the gains made at the expense of the Burmese, the 
northwestern frontier next attracted the attention of the con- 
quering British. In the valley of the Indus, where the soldiers 
of Alexander the Great had faltered on their eastward march, 
there was a fertile region known as the Sindh, ruled over by an 
Ameer, who seems to have been a wicked and disorderly prince, 

1 Additional annexations were made after another Burmese war in 1 884-1885. 


The British E^npire in the Nineteenth Century 237 

and to have shown an irritating independence in his dealings 
with the British. On the ground that the Ameer's government 
was inefficient and corrupt, the British invaded his territory in 
1843, and after some brilliant campaigning they wrested his 
domain from him and added it to their Indian Empire, thus 
winning a strong western frontier. This enterprise, which has 
been severely condemned by many British writers, was scarcely 
concluded when a war broke out with the Sikhs in the north- 
west, which resulted in the addition of the great Punjab region 
farther up the valley of the Indus, northeast of Sindh, and the 
extension of the boundary of the Anglo-Indian Empire to the 
borders of Afghanistan.^ 

In addition to this policy of annexation through war with "Protected" 
the natives, a process of " peaceful assimilation " was adopted transformed 
under the governorship of Lord Dalhousie (1848-18^6), who mto British 

° ^ \ T J /' provinces 

quietly transformed "protected" states into British provinces 
whenever the direct line of the ruling houses became extinct. 
Through the application of this " doctrine of lapse," as it was 
called, the territories of the Rajah of Nagpur and other 
princes came under the direct control of the British govern- 
ment. In 1856 Lord Dalhousie deposed the Nawab of Oudh 
and annexed his fertile domains, on the ground that " the 
British government would be guilty in the sight of God and 
man if it were any longer to aid in sustaining, by its coun- 
tenance, an administration fraught with the suffering of 

It was inevitable that the conquest and annexation of so Causes of 
many native Indian states should stir up intense hatred against in^indS"* 
the British aggressors. In the provinces which were under the 

1 The province of Bahichistan on the northwest has been brought under British 
dominion by gradual annexations beginning in 1876 and extending down to 1903. 
Several of the districts were formally organized as British Baluchistan in 1887. 
In attempting to extend their authority over the neighboring Afghanistan, the 
British have waged two wars with the ruler of that country, one in 1837-1843 and 
the last in 1878-1880, The problem how to maintain control over Afghanistan 
and use it as a protecting state against Russia's southeasterly advance now con- 
stitutes one of the fundamental issues of Anglo-Indian politics. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

on native 

of greased 

direct administration of the British, ruling families and the 
official classes attached to them had been set aside, and in 
those which were merely under the suzerainty of the con- 
querors as feudal states, the rulers chafed at their vassalage. 
The Mohammedans cherished a religious abhorrence for the 
Christian intruders in addition to their bitterness at the loss 
of their former power. The native Mahrattas had good reason 
to feel that only the advent of the British had prevented them 
from transforming the peninsula into a Mahratta empire. 
Finally, the sudden and violent "pacification" of a country 
which for centuries had been the prey of ambitious military 
adventurers left no further scope or outlet for their trouble- 
some energies, especially as the British monopolized, for the 
most part, all the highest and most lucrative positions. 

For the repression of all these elements of discontent the 
British depended largely upon the aid of native soldiers. 
Indeed, from the days of Plassey down to the war in the 
Punjab, sepoys had formed the bulk of the English armies, 
even in the process of conquering the peninsula. Though 
outnumbering the British five to one, they had been, on the 
whole, heroic and faithful soldiers, sharing both glories and 
defeats with their white companions in arms. It is true there 
had been occasional mutinies among them, but these had 
been speedily suppressed and had never spread to any alarm- 
ing extent. 

Nevertheless the embers of discontent remained, and they 
were fanned into a consuming flame in 1857 by several mili- 
tary reforms undertaken by the English government. The year 
before, the British had become impressed with the advantages 
of a new rifle invented by a Frenchman. This was loaded 
with a paper cartridge containing powder and ball, which was 
slipped into the barrel and then rammed down into place. In 
order to slide more easily into the gun the paper was greased, 
and the soldier had to tear off one end of it with his teeth so 
that the powder would take fire when the cap was exploded. 

The British Empire in the NineteentJi Century 239 

The introduction of this new rifle seemed innocent enough, The sepoys 
but the government had not taken into account certain religious 1857"^ ^^ 
scruples of the sepoys. The Hindu regarded touching the fat 
of a cow as contamination worse than death, and to Moham- 
medans the fat of swine was almost as horrifying. The govern- 
ment soon heard of this grievance and, promising not to use 
the objectionable grease, offered to allow the soldiers to sub- 
stitute some other kind of lubricant. Peace was thus main- 
tained for a time, but in May, 1857, some soldiers at Meerut, 
in the broad plain between the Jumna and the Ganges, refused 
to receive the cartridges served out to them and were there- 
upon sentenced to prison for ten years. Their native com- 
panions rallied to their support and rose in rebellion ; the 
next day. May 11, the soldiers mutinied at Delhi, massacred 
the English inhabitants of the city and besieged the garrison ; 
in a few days the entire northwest was in full revolt. Lucknow, 
with its population of seven hundred thousand natives, rose 
against the British and besieged them in their fortifications. 
At Cawnpore, about forty miles to the south, a thousand British 
men, women, and children were cruelly massacred after they 
had surrendered, and by the middle of July all Oudh aiid the 
northwest seemed lost. 

Immediately after the insurrection at Meerut the governor The rebellion 
general telegraphed to Bombay, Madras, and Ceylon for instant 
help. Though there were as yet no railroads in the rebellious 
provinces, the telegraph helped to save the empire. Aid was 
at once sent to Lucknow under the command of General Colin 
Campbell, a hero of the Napoleonic and Crimean wars, and 
in November he succeeded in relieving the brave garrison, 
which had held out for nearly six months. Many of the sepoys 
remained loyal, and with aid from the coast provinces city 
after city was wrested from the mutineers until by the end 
of November British India was saved, but at a frightful cost. 
The frenzied English showed themselves as cruel as the natives 
in the punishment of the rebels. Delhi was given over to a 


The Development of Modern Europe 

assumes the 
East India 
power, 1858 


Victoria pro- 
Empress of 
India, 1877 

Progress in 
India since 
the mutiny 

terrible pillage when it fell again into their hands ; hundreds 
of natives were shot without even the form of trial ; and one 
commander even forced some natives before he hanged them 
to lick up the blood of other victims. 

After the suppression of the sepoy rebellion the Parliament 
of Great Britain revolutionized the government of India. The 
administration of the peninsula was finally taken entirely out 
of the hands of the East India Company, which had directed 
it for more than two hundred and fifty years, and vested in the 
British sovereign, to be exercised under parliamentary control. 
In November, 1858, a royal proclamation announced to the in- 
habitants of British India that all treaties made under the 
authority of the East India Company would be maintained, 
the rights of feudatory princes upheld, and religious toleration 
granted. The governor general of the company in India was 
supplanted by a viceroy, and the company's directors in Lon- 
don surrendered their power into the hands of the Secretary 
of State for India. The Mogul of Delhi, successor of the great 
Aurangzeb, was expelled from his capital, but when, nearly 
twenty years later (on January i, 1877), Queen Victoria was 
proclaimed Empress of India amid an illustrious gathering of 
Indian princes and British officials, the pomp and magnifi- 
cence of the ancient Moguls were invoked to bind their former 
subjects more closely to their English conquerors. 

Since the great mutiny the British government in India has 
been concerned chiefly with problems of internal reform and 
administration and with the defense of the frontiers, especially 
on the northwest. The proportion of natives to white men in 
the army was greatly reduced and the artillery placed almost 
entirely in charge of the latter. Codes of law and of criminal 
procedure were introduced in i860 and 1861. The construc- 
tion of railway lines was pushed forward with great rapidity 
for military and economic purposes, so that the vast interior 
might be quickly reached by troops, and an outlet opened for 
its crops of cotton, rice, wheat, indigo, and tobacco. 

The British Empire i7i the Nijieteenth Century 241 

About twenty-seven thousand miles of railway are now open Railroads 
and large extensions are projected. Calcutta and the frontier papers 
of Afghanistan are linked by a line touching Lucknow and 
Delhi, the ancient Mogul capital, and connected with Bombay 
by two branches, one of which is continued in a southeasterly 
direction entirely across the peninsula to Madras and thence 
to the coast opposite Ceylon. Cotton mills are rising by the 
tombs of ancient kings, cities are increasing rapidly in popu- 
lation, and the foreign trade by sea has multiplied twenty-fold 
in the past seventy years. About eight hundred newspapers, 
printed in twenty-two languages, including Burmese, Sanskrit, 
and Persian, are published ; educational institutions have been 
provided for nearly five million students. In short, an indus- 
trial and educational revolution is taking place in India, and 
Governor Clive would scarcely recognize his office were he 
called to the post of viceroy to-day, with all its responsibilities 
of military, railway, and educational administration, and the 
extraordinary obligations that come with the terrible famines 
produced by the periodic failure of the crops. 

As a result of the methods by which British dominion has British do- 

, . - . , . , ^ ,. T . 11 • r minion in 

been extended m the penmsula, India to-day is a collection 01 india to-day 
provinces, varying greatly in size, language, population, and 
customs. To these must be added a number of states ruled by 
native princes under British protection. The total area now 
under British authority is 1,766,642 square miles, and the popu- 
lation reaches the astounding number of over two hundred and 
eighty-seven millions, of whom less than one million is European 
in origin. The government of this immense empire is vested 
in the hands of a viceroy appointed by the crown and a local 
council composed of heads of the finance, military, commerce, 
and other departments of government, likewise chosen by the 
crown. Subject to the acts of the Parliament of Great Britain, 
the viceroy and this council legislate for all India and enforce 
their laws through the governors of the nine great provinces 
into which India is divided. The local government, however, 


The Development of Modern Europe 

The French 
in Canada 
obtain a 
liberal gov- 
ernment by 
the Quebec 
Act, 1774 

settle in 
during the 

divided into 
two provinces, 
Ontario and 

is subject to the Secretary for India in England, who is a mem- 
ber of the British cabinet and is assisted in his work by a council 
of ten men, nine of whom must always be persons who have had 
experience in India. 

The Dominion of Canada 

89. When the English government was established in Canada 
after the capture of Montreal in 1760, only about two hundred 
of the sixty-five thousand inhabitants were of English origin ; 
the rest were French. Barriers of race, language, laws, and 
religion separated the conquerors from the conquered. For 
a few years the English administration, not unnaturally, was 
badly adapted to the needs of its new subjects, but in 1774, 
on the eve of the war with the American colonies, the British 
Parliament, in order to insure the allegiance of the Canadians, 
passed the famous Quebec Act, — one of the most remarkable 
enactments in the history of English law. In an age of intoler- 
ance it recognized the Catholic faith, allowed the clergy to 
collect their tithes, perpetuated the French civil law, and left 
French customs and traditions undisturbed. 

Under this act the new colony stood patriotically by England 
during the American Revolution, and though France was herself 
allied with the revolting colonies, the Canadians repulsed their 
advances and received fugitive loyalists in great numbers. The 
latter, known as the United Empire Loyalists, settled in what 
are now the Maritime Provinces and also in Upper Canada, — 
the region lying along the Great Lakes, which was to become 
the province of Ontario. It is estimated that by 1806 about 
eighty thousand loyalist immigrants had crossed the frontier 
from the United States, — the British government offering lands 
and subsidies to encourage their coming. 

The influx of an English population necessitated a change 
in the government, which had been designed, especially for 
the French. Consequently, in 1 791, representative government 
was established in Canada" by a new act of Parliament. The 

The British Empire in tJie NinetecntJi Century 243 

country was divided into two provinces, — an upper one, Ontario, 
inhabited by the English, and a lower one, Quebec, which 
had long been the home of the French. Each province 
was given a governor, a lieutenant governor, and a legislature 
composed of a council appointed by the governor and an 
assembly elected by popular vote. To prevent disputes over 
taxation such as had led to the American Revolution, it was 
provided that no British taxes should be imposed on Canada 
except for the regulation of commerce, and in such instances 
only by the colonial legislature. Thus Canada was freed from 
contributions to the military and naval forces of the mother 

Under this new government the English and French in- French 
habitants once more showed their loyalty to England when loyaUcT"^ 
the armies of the United States prepared to invade Canada J^g\y" ^"r 
during the War of 18 12, for the old loyalists in Ontario 1S12 
still remembered with bitterness their expulsion during the 
American Revolution. The French Canadians likewise flocked 
to the support of the English cause, and the result of the 
conflict was merely to increase the ill will already felt for 
the neighboring republic, whose designs of annexation were 
regarded with distrust and aversion. 

Amicably as the Canadians in the two provinces cooper- Tiie Cana 
ated against the United States, they were constantly troubled 
by domestic dissensions. In Quebec the quarrel was between 
the great mass of the French citizens and a small group of 
English who controlled the government. In Ontario, although 
there was no question of nationality, there was some bitterness 
between the newcomers in the province and the officials who 
were nearly all from the old loyalist stock. In 1837 this ill 
feeling developed into open rebellion. The uprising in Ontario 
was headed by William MacKenzie, a Scotchman and a radi- 
cal, who hated the " Tories" and became- an impassioned advo- 
cate of independence. In the French province of Quebec the 
malcontents found a leader in Louis Papineau, who dreamed 

dian rebellion 
of 1837 


The Development of Modern Europe 

ment estab- 
lished in 

federated in 

New prov- 
inces ad- 
mitted to the 

of establishing a French repubhc on the banks of the St. Law- 
rence. The rebels, however, did not manage their enterprise 
very skillfully and were easily dispersed with little loss of life. 

The pacification of the revolted colonies was committed to 
the care of Lord Durham, a liberal statesman, who was given 
full power to restore order and introduce reforms. The result 
of his mission was a new act of Parliament, the Reunion Act 
of 1840, which united the two provinces into one, with a single 
legislature of two houses and a ministry responsible to it. 
Within ten years Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince 
Edward Island were likewise enjoying self-government through 
responsible ministries. 

This was an important step in the direction of the Canadian 
federation which was organized a few years later. By the British 
North America Act of 1867, Ontario, Quebec, New Brunswick, 
and Nova Scotia were united into the Dominion of Canada, 
with the provision that the remaining provinces and territories 
might be admitted later. This federation was given a consti- 
tution providing for a governor general representing the sov- 
ereign of England, a Senate, the members of which are 
appointed for life by the governor general, and a House of 
Commons elected by popular vote. In methods and spirit 
this government is remarkably like that of Great Britain, for 
the real administration is in the hands of a cabinet selected 
by the governor general from the party which has a majority 
in the lower house. The new plan of federation went into 
effect on July i, 1867, — a day which is celebrated as the 
Canadian national holiday, like the Fourth of July in the 
United States. 

Since the formation of the federation, the history of the 
dominion has been characterized by rapid material develop- 
ment and the growth of a national spirit among the Canadian 
people. The great western regions have been divided into 
territories and provinces, just as the western part of the United 
States has been organized into territories and then into states. 

The British Empire in the Nineteenth Century 245 

In 1869 the extensive rights which the Hudson Bay Company 
had possessed for more than two hundred years over vast 
regions encircHng the Hudson Bay were purchased. The 
province of Manitoba was laid out in 1870; in 1871 British 
Columbia, which had been occupied after the settlement of 
the Oregon controversy with the United States, was admitted 
to the federation ; Prince Edward Island followed two years 
later; and in 1905 the great provinces of Alberta and Sas- 
katchewan came into the union, leaving only Newfoundland 
outside. The tide of immigration has steadily risen so that 
the population, which was a little over half a million in 1820, 
was more than five millions at the close of the century. 

To bind these distant provinces together a network of rail- Canadian 
ways, including great trunk lines, has been constructed. The advance^ 
Canadian Pacific connects Montreal with Vancouver, almost 
three thousand miles away, and as there is a magnificent line 
of steamers running from that point to Japan, the valley of 
the St. Lawrence is only fourteen days' journey from Yoko- 
hama, the gate of the Orient. There is also steamer service 
to Australia, so that European travelers bound for the southern 
Pacific often prefer the Canadian route to the trip through the 
Suez Canal or around South Africa. Though still principally an 
agricultural and timber-growing country, Canada is now under- 
taking manufacturing on a large scale, and the output of her 
coal, iron, copper, and lead mines steadily increases. 

This development of Canadian industries under the encour- Growth of 
agement of protective tariffs and government bounties is "piriun 
closely connected with the growth of a feeling that Canada Canada 
constitutes a nation by herself, in spite of her position as a 
member of the British Empire. The close trading relations 
which were once fostered between Canada and the United 
States by reciprocity treaties guaranteeing mutual interests 
have been hampered by the protective policy which the gov- 
ernment at Washington has followed since the close of the 
Civil War. As a result, Canada has been driven to look more 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Bonds unit- 
ing Canada 
with the 

and more to Great Britain as her industrial ally rather than to 
the neighboring republic. In the seventies Sir John Mac- 
Donald made the idea of a "national policy," or protection 
for Canadian interests, a current political issue, and since that 
time both the Conservative and Liberal parties have labored 
to make Canada an independent manufacturing nation. In 
the fostering of this *' colonial nationalism," as it is aptly 
called, there has been found no more ardent advocate than 
the present premier. Sir Wilfred Laurier. 

On the other hand, there are many forces which inevitably 
tend to bring Canada into close relations with the United 
States, so that there are always many persons on both sides of 
the boundary who believe that the two countries may sometime 
be united. They use the same system of coinage (dollars and 
cents), and letters pass across the frontier without extra postage. 
The Canadians read the same books that gain popularity in the 
United States, and are said to enjoy the same plays and even 
to use the same slang. Thousands of emigrants cross from the 
western states into Canada every year, and, on the other hand, 
thousands of French Canadians are settling in New England. 

The Australasian Colonies 

British did 
not have to 
contend with 
many natives 
in Australasia 

90. The Australasian colonies of Great Britain — Australia, 
Tasmania, New Zealand, and some of the minor islands — 
were practically unoccupied when the English colonists began 
to flock there in the nineteenth century. The aborigines of 
Australia and Tasmania were never very numerous or warlike. 
They belong to a very low grade of civilization and have never 
seriously opposed the invaders. It is true that the English 
found a much higher degree of intelligence, as well as a more 
warlike spirit, among the Maoris of New Zealand. These have 
from time to time offered the same kind of resistance that the 
North American Indians opposed to the early settlers. Although 
they have managed to retain possession of extensive areas of 


The British Empire in the XineteentJi Century 247 

land, their number, which is less than fifty thousand, is so small 

that their presence can hardly produce a race problem. 

The English were therefore free, in these vast regions, to The English 

work out in their own way a democratic government suited f^Tto^Sab- 

to the conditions in which they found themselves. Thev have ''"^^ govern- 
ment in their 
neither been forced into conflict with other European peoples, own way 

as in Canada, nor have they had to control alien races, as in 


The continent of Australia, with the neighboring island The extent 
of Tasmania, somewhat exceeds in extent the area of the resources of 
United States, while New Zealand alone is somewhat larger -^"^tralasia 
than the island of Great Britain. Although a great part of 
Australia lies in the temperate zone, the northern region 
nearest the equator is parched in summer, and the whole 
central portion suffers from a scarcity of water, which makes 
vast areas of the interior permanently uninhabitable unless 
some means of irrigation on a large scale can be introduced. 
The eastern and southern coasts have always been the chief 
centers of colonization. Melbourne, in the extreme south, 
lies in a latitude corresponding to that of Washington, St. 
Louis, and San Francisco in the northern hemisphere. The 
country affords gold, silver, coal, tin, copper, and iron. Tas- 
mania and New Zealand are more fortunate than Australia in 
the diversity of their scenery and the general fertility of their 
soil, while their climate is said to possess all the advantages of 
the mother country without her fog and smoke. 

The English occupation of Australasia belongs to the nine- Early ex- 
teenth century. The Portuguese, in their eager hunt for the Australasia" 
Spice Islands, may perhaps have come upon Australia, but it ^^^-s*^^" 
long remained an unknown portion of the globe, as sho^^Tl by voyages 
the rude outline of Terra Anstralis (or Southern Land) which 
appears on the maps of the Elizabethan age. In 1642 a 
Dutch seaman, Tasman, discovered the island which now 
bears his name (originally called Van Dieman's Land). He 
also sighted in the same year the islands to the east, which, 


The Development of Modern Europe 

New South 
Wales begins 
as a convict 

ment estab- 
lished in 
New South 

in spite of their almost Alpine character, were named New 
Zealand, after the low-lying meadows at the mouth of the 
Rhine. The Dutch did not, however, occupy these lands, 
which were later brought to the attention of the English by 
the famous voyages of Captain Cook. He skirted around 
the entire coast of New Zealand in 1 769-1 770, and then 
sailed westward to Australia, reaching land at a point which, 
owing to its luxuriant foliage, he called Botany Bay. He 
took possession of the continent in the name of the Eng- 
lish sovereign, and it was given the name of New South 
Wales, on account of its fancied resemblance to the Welsh 
shore line. 

In 1787 England determined to establish a convict colony 
at Botany Bay, as deportation was a punishment very com- 
monly inflicted in those days for what would now seem to us 
petty offenses.^ The bay formed an excellent harbor, and 
the town of Sydney which grew up on its shores became the 
chief city of New South Wales, the first of the six sister states 
which now form the Australian federation. For thirty years 
the colony remained a convict settlement under military gov- 
ernment. Others than convicts, however, came in increasing 
numbers ; live stock was imported from home, and sheep 
raising, now the principal industry of the region, was intro- 
duced about 1840. The stigma which attached to the origin of 
the colony was removed when the government stopped the 
transportation of criminals thither (1840). 

The discovery of gold in 185 1 produced an influx of pros- 
pectors similar to that which had peopled California two years 
earlier. In 1855 the colony, which had been granted more 
and more freedom by the mother country, was given a parlia- 
ment composed of two houses, an upper chamber of members 
appointed by the king for life, and a lower one elected by 
popular vote. From that time on the colonists were left 
practically free to manage their own affairs. 

1 See above, pp. 206 sqq. 

The British Empire in the Nineteenth Century 249 

Tasmania, with its town of Hobart established in 1804, Tasmania 
had also been used by the English as a place of exile for 
political offenders as well as for criminals. The beauties of 
the island, however, attracted free settlers in increasing num- 
bers, and Tasmania was separated from New South Wales in 
1825. Thirty years later, after the transportation of criminals 
had ceased, the island received a government similar to that 
of New South Wales. 

The settlements which had grown up around the new town Victoria, 
of Melbourne were in 185 1 united into the colony of Victoria. wTst^Au?- ' 
In 1859 the region to the north of Sydney was organized into traha, and 
the colony of Queensland and given a government similar to Australia 
that of the other states. Its development, however, has not 
been so rapid as that of Victoria or New South Wales, since a 
great portion of the interior is a desert that can only be util- 
ized after extensive irrigation. A penal settlement established 
on the west coast, some two thousand miles from Sydney, has 
very slowly grown into the colony of West Australia. Lastly, 
South Australia, with its town of Adelaide, should be men- 
tioned. This colony, lying between Victoria and West Aus- 
tralia, never had the misfortune of being used as a criminal 
station, and it has attracted a steady stream of immigration. 

It was natural that in time the people of these colonies. The Aus- 
speaking the same language and having the same institutions, common- 
should seek a closer union. The question of a federation was wealth 

■^ lormed by 

long discussed, and at last, in 1891, a general convention com- union of six 
posed of delegates from all the states drafted a federal consti- 
tution, which was submitted to the people for their ratification. 
In 1900 the British Parliament passed an act constituting the 
Commonwealth of Australia on the basis of this draft. The 
six states — New South Wales, Tasmania, Victoria, Queens- 
land, South Australia, and West Australia — were formed into 
a union similar to that of the United States. The king is 
represented by a governor general; the federal parliament is 
formed of two houses, a Senate, consisting of six senators from 


250 The Development of Modem Europe 

each state, and a House of Representatives chosen in the same 
way as in the United States. This body has extensive power 
over commerce, railways, currency, banking, postal and tele- 
graph service, marriage and divorce, and industrial arbitration. 
The settle- To the southeast of Australia, twelve hundred miles away, 

Zealand ^^^ the islands of New Zealand, to which English pioneers 

began to go in the early part of the nineteenth century. In 
1840 the English concluded a treaty with the native Maoris, 
by which the latter were assigned a definite reservation of 
lands on condition that they would recognize Queen Victoria 
as their sovereign. The English settlers established the city of 
Auckland on North Island, and twenty-five years later New 
Zealand became a separate colony with the seat of government 
at Wellington. Under the auspices of the New Zealand Com- 
pany colonization was actively carried on, and before long the 
whites began to press in upon the reservations of the Maoris. 
This led to two revolts on the part of the natives (i860 and 
187 1), which were, however, speedily repressed and have not 
been repeated. 
Social reform New Zealand has recently become famous for its experi- 

in Ngw 

Zealand ments in social reform. During the last decade of the nine- 

teenth century the workingmen became very influential and 
have been able to carry through a large number of measures 
which they believe to be to their advantage. Special courts 
are established to settle disputes between employers and their 
workmen ; an old-age pension law gives ninety dollars a year 
to men and women over sixty-five years of age having less than 
five dollars a week income. Various measures have been adopted 
for discouraging the creation of large estates, which are heavily 
taxed, while small farms pay but little. The right to vote is 
enjoyed by women as well as men.^ 

The colony of Victoria has vied with New Zealand in respect 
to social reform. The government has attempted to stop 

1 In Australia women are also permitted to vote for members of the federal 
parliament and in the local elections of all the states except Victoria. 

The British Empire in the NineteentJi Century 2 5 i 

" sweating " in the poorly paid industries, and public boards Victoria 
composed of employers and workmen have been established maintain 
for the purpose of fixing the minimum wages and standards of J^^^^^s^for 
work, so that these matters are no longer arranged by private workingmen 
bargaining between individuals. The system of secret voting 
which originated in Australia — the so-called "Australian bal- 
lot " — is one of the reforms which has already spread beyond 
Australasia, and is in use both in England and in the United 

Growth of the British Empire in Africa 

91. The chief centers of British advance in Africa have 
been two, — the Cape of Good Hope at the extreme south 
and Egypt ^ in the north. I'he Cape Colony was permanently 
acquired, as we have seen, at the Congress of Vienna in 18 14, 
some eight years after its actual seizure from the Dutch during 
the war with Napoleon. When this colony passed into the 
hands of the British it contained slightly over twenty-five 
thousand people of European descent, mainly Dutch, and it 
is from this original Dutch stock that the majority of the 
present white inhabitants are derived, although immigration 
from England set in after the fall of Napoleon. These Dutch 
settlers were a sturdy, resolute people, strongly attached to 
their customs, including their slave system, and though of 
peaceable spirit, unwilling to submit to interference. It was 
just these characteristics which the new rulers overlooked. 
Shortly after their occupation the British reconstructed the 
system of local government and the courts ; they insisted on 
the use of the English language ; and finally, in 1833, they 
abolished slavery, setting aside a considerable sum of money 
as compensation to the slave owners, a great deal of which, 
however, was secured by shrewd financiers because it was 
made payable in London. 

1 The circumstances which led England to interfere in Egyptian affairs will 
be considered at the close of Chapter XXX. 


TJie Developfuent of Moderft Europe 

Many thou- 
sand Boers 
leave Cape 
Colony for 
the interior 

The British 
seize Natal 
(1842) and 
the Orange 
River Colony 

The Trans- 
vaal Colony 
founded and 
its independ- 
ence recog- 
nized by the 
British, 1852 

Owing to these grievances, about ten thousand of the Boers ^ 
left the Cape during the years 1836 to 1838, and, pushing 
northeastward beyond the Orange River into the interior, 
partly inhabited by warlike savages, set up a new colony. 
During the succeeding years large numbers of the Boers 
pushed farther eastward and northward into the regions now 
known as Natal and the Transvaal. For a time they had their 
own way in these barren wildernesses, for the English at the 
Cape were too few in number, and the home government too 
little interested in the distant land, to follow them up and 
claim sovereignty over them. 

Natal, however, was on the seacoast, and the British had 
no desire to see a strong unfriendly state established there. 
Consequently they sent troops over to occupy Durban (then 
called Port Natal), which had formerly been the seat of some 
English settlers. These troops came into conflict with the 
Dutch there in 1842 and drove them out, — adding more bit- 
terness to the ill will which the Boers already felt for the Eng- 
lish. The conquerors cared little, however, for Dutch opinion, 
and six years later (in 1848) they seized the Orange River 
Colony, which the Boers had founded between the Orange and 
the Vaal rivers. They justified this act of aggression by claiming 
that the anarchic conditions there and the troubles with the 
natives constantly endangered the tranquillity of Cape Colony. 

Once more a great Boer migration began, this time into the 
region beyond the Vaal where pioneers had already broken 
the way, and here the Transvaal Colony was founded. The 
British believed that the vast inland wilderness was good only 
for cattle raising and rude agriculture and was therefore not 
worth the trouble of annexation and defense. Accordingly, in 
1852, by a treaty known as the Sand River Convention, they 
recognized the independence of the Boers in the Transvaal 
region, guaranteeing them the right '* to manage their own 

1 This is the Dutch word for farmer and has come to be especially applied to 
the Dutch population of South Africa. 

The British Empire in the Nineteenth Century 253 

affairs and to govern themselves according to their own laws, 
without any interference on the part of the British govern- 
ment." This was followed, two years later, by the recognition independ- 
of the freedom and independence of the Orange River Colony orange Free 
under the name of the Orange Free State, which preserved ^^^^^ ^^^°g' 

° ^ nized, 1854 

its liberty until the recent war, which brought it again under 
British sovereignty. 

In the Transvaal the Dutch lived a rude wild life, having The British 
little government and desiring little. They were constantly Transvaal 
embroiled with the natives, and as time w^ent on the British Repubhc, 
began to complain, as they had previously of the Orange River 
Colony, that their disorders constituted a standing menace to 
the peace of the neighboring colonies. Whether or no there 
was any justification for this claim, Great Britain in 1877 an- 
nexed the Transvaal Republic, whose independence it had 
recognized twenty-five years before, and insisted on retaining 
it in spite of a great memorial from the Dutch inhabitants peti- 
tioning for the restoration of their freedom. The government 
thus imposed upon the Boers was extremely galling, and in 
1880 they organized an insurrection and destroyed at Majuba 
Hill (188 1 ) a small detachment of English troops. 

At that time Gladstone was in office, and turning a deaf ear But Glad- 
to the demands of the imperialists for vengeance, he deter- uutch^^^" ^ 
mined to grant to the Dutch that indei^endence for which independence 

^ ^ again 

they had fought. Consequently he concluded a convention 
with the Transvaal provisional government by which autonomy 
under the suzerainty of the queen of England was granted 
to the Boers, except that their foreign affairs w^ere to be 
subject to British control. Regarding this measure not as 
an act of magnanimity on the part of the British govern- 
ment but as a concession wrung from it by force of arms, 
the Boers determined to secure complete independence, and 
succeeded in 1884 in obtaining a new convention recogniz- 
ing the Transvaal as free and independent in all respects 
except the conclusion of treaties with foreign powers. They 

2 54 '^^^ Development of Modern Europe 

thus regained, for all practical purposes, the freedom which 
they had enjoyed before the annexation of 1877. 
The discov- The very next year (1885) gold was discovered in the south- 
the Transvaal crn part of the Transvaal, and wild lands which the negroes 
had despised and from which the Boers could scarcely wring a 
scanty living now became exceedingly valuable. Thousands of 
miners, prospectors, speculators, and the customary rabble of 
the mining camp began to flow into the Transvaal, and within 
a short time the population had trebled. The Boers were now 
outnumbered by the newcomers, the Uitlanders^ or foreigners, 
as they were called. The Dutch recoiled from handing over 
their country to a group of foreign miners and speculators. In 
order to retain their supremacy they put all sorts of obstacles 
in the way of the newcomers who wished to acquire citizen- 
ship and the right to vote, hoping by this policy to keep the 
government in their own hands. 
The British It was now the turn of the Uitlanders (who were largely 

vaal protS^ English) to protest. They declared that their energy and enter- 
against the prise had transformed a poor and sparsely settled country into 

government ^ r \r j j 

as managed a relatively populous and prosperous one ; that they had 
enriched the treasury of an almost bankrupt government ; and 
that since they also had a stake in the country, they should be 
allowed a voice in making the laws and in the administration 
of justice. They maintained, moreover, that the Boer govern- 
ment was antiquated and corrupt, and that the Uitlanders were 
forced to pay taxes for being badly governed. They tried to 
effect a change in the Transvaal constitution, and, failing that, 
planned in 1895 an insurrection against the Boer authorities. 
The Jameson The conspiracy was encouraged by Cecil Rhodes, prime 
"^^ ' ' ^^ minister of Cape Colony and head of the British South Africa 
Company.^ It is alleged that he was supported in this by 
those who were then in control of the home government. 

1 The British South Africa Company was formed in 1889 under the direction 
of Cecil Rhodes and was granted extensive powers in the region north of the 
Transvaal Republic, comparable to those enjoyed earlier in India by the East 
India Company. 

The British Empire in the Nineteenth Century 255 

Dr. Jameson, an agent of the company who was much inter- 
ested in promoting some of Rhodes's great schemes, started 
for the interior of the Transvaal at the head of an armed band 
of the company's forces with the intention of cooperating with 
those who were preparing for an uprising at Johannesburg, 
The enterprise miscarried, however, and the insurgents were 
captured by the Boers. 

This "Jameson raid," as it is called, only served to further President 
embitter the Boers and afforded them a pretext for collecting refuSs^to 
large military supplies in self-defense. The president of the JJ^^^tJ'^.*^. 
Transvaal Republic, Paul Kruger, was firmly opposed to all 
compromise with the Uitlanders. He had been associated with 
Boer history since the grand "Trek," or migration, of 1836, 
when, as a boy of ten, he had first learned to distrust and hate 
the British. He was practically master of the little oligarchy 
that controlled the republic, and he secured the adoption of 
measures against freedom of the press and of meeting to stop 
the agitation of political questions ; he persistently disregarded 
the petitions of the Uitlanders, who outnumbered the Boers 
perhaps two to one, and entered into an offensive and de- 
fensive alliance with the Orange Free State to the south. 

The British now claimed that the Boers were aiming at the The Boer 
extinction of their dominion in South Africa ; the Boers, on 
the other hand, asserted that the British were planning the 
overthrow of the two Dutch republics. Claims and counter- lies to tiie 
claims on both sides served to create a complicated situation. Empire 
Negotiations failed to bring a settlement, and in October, 1899, 
the Transvaal Republic issued a declaration of war against Eng- 
land, following it up by an invasion of Natal and Cape Colony, 
in which the burghers of the Orange Free State joined. At 
first victorious, the Boers were finally defeated, and the two 
republics were annexed to the British Empire as the Orange 
River Colony and the Transvaal Colony.^ 

1 The Transvaal Colony was given a constitution in 1906, and In the follow ing 
year one was also granted to the Orange River Colony. 

m annexation 
of the two 
Dutch repub- 

256 The Development of Modern Europe 

Progress in During this long struggle between Boer and Briton in the 

Cape Colony jj-^^-gj-^Qj.^ ^^ ^.^.q j-^ces have prospered and lived happily side 
by side in Cape Colony and Natal. The boundaries of the 
former colony have been enlarged by many annexations until 
it now has an area about five times that of the state of New 
York. More than two thirds of the population is negro, but the 
European element is steadily increasing by immigration from 
the British Isles. Cabinet government was established in 1872, 
and the legislative power vested in two houses, both elected by 
popular vote. The principal towns are Cape Town, the capital, 
and Kimberley, the center of the great diamond fields from 
which toward a half a billion dollars' worth of diamonds have 
been taken. 
The colony The self-governing colony of Natal originated with the expul- 

sion of the Boers in 1842 and the annexation of the region to 
Cape Colony. Some years later it was again made a separate 
colony, and in 1893 it was given a cabinet government of its 
own. Here, as at the Cape, the negro population predomi- 
nates, being about five times that of the European and Asiatic 
residents combined, 
other British In addition to these colonies Great Britain has three enor- 
m Africa"^ mous provinces in southern Africa occupied almost entirely by 
negroes. North of the Cape, between German Southwest Africa 
and the former Boer republics, lies the Bechunaland protector- 
ate, inhabited by peaceful native tribes engaged in agriculture 
and cattle raising. Beyond Bechunaland and the Transvaal is 
Rhodesia, which was acquired through the British South Africa 
Company by two annexations in 1888 and 1898 and brought 
under the protection of the British government. A railway 
from Cape Town has been completed through Bulawayo and 
across the Victoria Falls and is being rapidly pushed northward 
through British Central Africa, the third great native province, 
which was organized under British authority in 1891. This 
region brings the British inland possessions to the junction of 
German East Africa and the Congo Free State, which now 

The British Empire in the Nineteenth Century 257 

block further annexations to the northward which might other- 
wise have connected South Africa with the Nile valley.^ 

Imperial Federation 

92. Since their foundation the various English-speaking 
colonies have gone on their several ways, making laws for 
themselves, managing their own affairs, and levying duties on 
goods coming from the mother country itself as well as from 
foreign nations. They have enjoyed the protection of the 
British army and navy without any corresponding burden of 
taxation beyond voluntary subsidies and the occasional equip- 
ment of regiments. So complete had been their exemption 
from any real interference on the part of the Parliament at 
Westminster, that many statesmen of Gladstone's generation 
believed that in the fulness of time they were destined to form 
independent nations. 

However, during the last quarter of the nineteenth century 
a movement in the direction of a firmer union began to take 
shape. The extension of telegraph, cable, railway, and steam- 
ship lines has made possible a much closer connection between 
the mother country and her most distant colonies than existed 
between Oregon and the capital of the United States before 
our great transcontinental railroads were built. To promote 
unity among the self-governing colonies of the empire, there 
was founded in 1884 an Imperial Federation League which 

1 In addition to its colonies in southern and central Africa and its control in 
Egypt (see below, pp. 'id'^sqq^)^ Great Britain owns British East Africa, acquired 
by the extension of a protectorate over the sultan of Zanzibar in 1891 and by 
subsequent treaties with France, Germany, Italy, and the Congo Free State 
which delimited the provinces of Uganda and the East African protectorate. 
The special importance of British East Africa lies in the fact that it enables 
Great Britain to control the head waters of the Nile and affords a protection 
for the Sudan and Egypt to the north, British Somaliland was secured on the 
Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb in 1884 in connection with the establishment of the Eng- 
lish power in Egypt. Along the west coast Great Britain has five centers, Gambia, 
Sierra Leone, the Gold Coast, Lagos, and Nigeria, — the beginnings of which date 
back to the days of Drake and Hawkins, when the British were ravaging the 
coast for slaves to carry to the New World. See map, p. 356. 

The English 
colonies en- 
joy complete 

Closer union 
Great Britain 
and colonies 
now ad- 
vocated by 

258 The Development of Modern Europe 

was succeeded by the present British Empire League estab- 
lished in 1895. The federationists in all parts of the empire 
have sought by conferences, pamphlets, books, and newspapers 
to arouse an imperial patriotism, which may in time lead Eng- 
lishmen to merge their colonial loyalty into a loyalty to the great 
empire, just as the pride of the citizen of the United States 
in his particular state gives way before national patriotism. 
Three pro- The practical program of the federationists includes three 

fedTradonhts general proposals, (i) They advocate strengthening the polit- 
ical bonds between the colonies and the mother country by 
giving the colonies representation in Parliament, or by creating 
an imperial committee consisting of representatives from the 
colonies working in conjunction with the government of Great 
Britain. (2) They propose to establish a commercial union 
for the empire by introducing a general system of tariffs favor- 
ing British goods everywhere. (3) They advocate, and have 
partially carried into effect, a general scheme of defense for 
the whole empire. 
Colonial con- To further the realization of some form of federation, 
iSS^.^is'o;, periodical conferences of the premiers of the self-governing 
1902, 1907 colonies have been held in London, beginning with the inau- 
gural meeting in 1887, on the fiftieth anniversary of Queen 
Victoria's accession. The discussions have been prolonged, but 
the practical results meager. The conference of 1887 ex- 
pressly excluded the question of imperial federation and con- 
sidered principally naval defense. The conference of 1897, 
under the presidency of the Colonial Secretary, denounced any 
treaties that might hamper the commercial relations between 
Great Britain and the colonies, and that of 1902 approved 
giving preference to British goods, but it did not accept Mr. 
Chamberlain's proposition to establish an imperial council. 
The last conference, held in 1907 and composed of representa- 
tives of Canada, Transvaal, Cape Colony, Natal, Australia, New 
Zealand, and Newfoundland, made a quadrennial imperial con- 
ference a permanent institution. 

The British Empire in tJic Xijictccnth Century 259 

Notwithstanding the extensive agitation and the periodical Difficulties 
conferences, it can scarcely be said that the federation is within imperial 
the field of practical politics. The colonies have protective federation 
tariffs ; Great Britain still adheres to the free-trade policy, and, 
judging by the election of 1906, seems as irrevocably attached 
to it as ever. So long as the mother country has no protective 
tariff which would enable her to favor the products of her own 
colonies, these can have only a slight material interest in a 
closer union. Moreover the colonies have their own problems 
which they must work out in their own way, and, however 
much the idea of one mighty federation may appeal to the 
imagination, they w^ill probably long continue to cling to their 
" colonial nationalism." 

Nevertheless the colonists are no less loyal to the mother Royalty of 
country than the inhabitants of Great Britain itself. Though 
Queen Victoria during her long reign (i 837-1 901) exercised 
but little influence upon English politics except as adviser and 
moderator, she was regarded as the standard bearer of the 
empire. Representatives of all the colonies came to London 
in 1897 to take part in the diamond jubilee to celebrate the 
sixtieth anniversary of her coronation ; and she was as well 
beloved by Canadians, Afrikanders, and Australians as by the 
people of Oxfordshire or Surrey. Her death in 1901 was 
mourned by all the colonies, and the accession of her son, 
Edward VII, was greeted with fitting ceremonies throughout 
the empire. As a poet wTOte on the eve of the Boer War, the 
call of the British lion is heard by its offspring in all climes : 

The Lion stands by his shore alone 

And sends to the bounds of Earth and Sea 

First low notes of the thunder to be. 

Then East and West, through the vastness grim, 

The whelps of the Lion answer him 

the British 
to their 

26o The Development of Modern Europe 


In Europe : The United Kingdom, Gibraltar, and Malta. Area, 
121,500 square miles; population, 44,000,000. 

In Asia : Aden, Perim, Sokotra, Kuria Muria Islands, Bahrein 
Islands, British Borneo, Ceylon, Cyprus, Hongkong, India and depend- 
encies, Labuan, the Straits Settlements, the Federated Malay States, 
Weihaiwei. Area, 1,900,000 square miles; population, 301,000,000. 

In Africa : Ascension Island, Basutoland, Bechunaland Protector- 
ate, British East Africa, Cape of Good Hope, Central African Pro- 
tectorate, Zanzibar, Mauritius, Natal, Orange River Colony, Rhodesia, 
St. Helena, Tristan da Cunha, Seychelles, Somaliland, Transvaal 
Colony, Swaziland, West African Colonies of Nigeria, Northern 
Nigeria, Southern Nigeria, the Gold Coast, Lagos, Gambia, Sierra 
Leone. Area, 2,200,000 square miles ; population, 34,000,000. 

In North and South America : Bermudas, Canada, Falkland 
Islands, British Guiana, British Honduras, Newfoundland and 
Labrador, the West Indies including Bahama, Barbados, Jamaica, 
Leeward Islands, Trinidad, and Windward Islands. Area, 4,000,000 
square miles ; population, 8,000,000. 

In Australasia and the Pacific Islands: The Commonwealth 
of Australia (including New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, South 
Australia, West Australia, and Tasmania), New Zealand, New Guinea 
(British), Fiji Islands, Tonga or Friendly Islands, and other minor 
islands in the Pacific. Area, 3,200,000 square miles ; population, 


The Great Indian Mutiny: Extract from Hunter, A Brief 
History of the Indian Peoples^ in Beard, Introduction to the 
English Historians^ pp. 638-644; Lee, Source Book of English 
History, pp. 562-568. 

British Advance in India : Woodward, The Expansion of the 
British Empire, pp. 312-330; Lyall, Rise of British Dominion 
in India, pp. 210-281, 

The Foundation of New South Wales : Woodward, pp. 262-274 ; 
Lee, pp. 542-550. 

The British in South Africa : Woodward, pp. 280-295 ; Lee, 
pp. 569-285. 

Canada under British Rule: Woodward, pp. 249-261. 

Constitution of the Australian Commonwealth: Beard, pp. 



The Reigns of Alexander I (1801-1825) and 
Nicholas I (1825-1855) 

93. During the past century Russia has been coming into Relations 
ever closer relations with western Europe. Although still a back- Russia and 
ward country in many respects, she has been busily engaged g^^j^^^" 
for fifty years in modernizing herself; and the tremendous rev- becoming 
olution in which she is now engaged is attracting the atten- intimate 
tion of the civilized world. The works of some of her writers 
are widely read in foreign lands, especially those of Turgenief 
and of Leo Tolstoi. The music of Rubinstein and Tschaikovski 
is as highly esteemed in London or New York as in St. Peters- 
burg or Moscow. Even in the field of science such names as 
that of Mendel^ef , the chemist, and of Metchnikof, the biologist, 
are well known to their fellow-workers in Germany, France, 
England, and America. It becomes, therefore, a matter of vital 
interest to follow the changes which are turning the tide of 
modern civilization into eastern Europe. 

When, in 181 5, Tsar Alexander I returned to St. Petersburg Participation 
after the close of the Congress of Vienna, he could view his ander^i in 
position and recent achievements with pride. Napoleon's attack European 
upon him three years earlier had come to naught, and the 
French emperor's mighty army had melted away during its 
journey to Moscow and its subsequent hasty and tragic retreat. 
Alexander had participated in Napoleon's overthrow, had 
aided in restoring to France her old line of kings, and had 

1 In the preparation of this chapter the writers owe much to the cooperation 
of their friend and colleague, Professor V. G. Simkhovitch, who has generously- 
placed the resources of his knowledge of Russian history and conditions at their 



The Development of Modern Europe 

How the 

dukes of 


began to 




succeeded in uniting the rulers of western Europe in that Holy 
Alliance which he had so much at heart. What was still more 
to the point, he had induced them to ratify his seizure of 
Finland and to permit him to add the kingdom of Poland to 
his possessions. 

But his chief interests lay, of course, in his own vast empire. 
He was the undisputed and autocratic ruler of more than half of 
the whole continent of Europe, not to speak of the almost inter- 
minable reaches of northern Asia which lay beneath his scepter. 
Something has been said in an earlier chapter of the way in 
which the Russian monarchy originated.-^ Three centuries 
before Alexander's day the dukes of Moscow had been able 
to extend the bounds of their hitherto unimportant principality 
westward and far northward to the White Sea and the Arctic 
Ocean, so that by 1520, when the Protestant Revolt first began 
to agitate western Europe, they were ruling over the whole 
region which is now known as Great Russia. A large part of 
their lands lay so far to the north as to be practically unin- 
habitable. The fertile steppes to the south, which a thousand 
years earlier had furnished grain for the Roman Empire, had 
long been, and still were, overrun by various Tartar hordes, 
who pastured their flocks upon the wide prairies and led a wild, 
unsettled life. Their conquest was begun in earnest by Ivan the 
Terrible (d. 1584). His troops descended the Volga in boats, 
and after a difficult siege he took Kasan, the seat of the ruler of 
the whole region. Four years later he conquered the Khan of 
Astrakhan and thus brought the boundary of Russia to the 
shores of the Caspian Sea. In this way he almost doubled the 
extent of his empire and justified the new title of Tsar, which 
he had assumed upon his coronation. The Tartar Horde of the 
Crimea still occupied, however, the shores of the Black Sea, 
and the Tartars continued to make incursions into Russian 
territory until, two hundred years later, they yielded to Catha- 
rine the Great. Still, in spite of the dangers from these 
1 See above, Vol. I, pp. 50 sqq. 

Lonsi tilde East 


Finland, the Baltic Provinces, Poland 
and Caucasus are all, except Finland, in- 
tef,'ral portions of the Russian Eni|)ire, they 
have nevertheless been assigned a special 
or in the map on account of certain 
peculiarities in the relation of each to tlie 
Russian j;overnnient. In Russia all liai 
roads are shown, hut in Westwrn Europe 
only the more important ones are indicated 
ou the map. 

The Rtissian Empire in the NineteentJi Century 263 

roving bands, settlers from Great Russia gradually colonized 
the southern districts, plowing up the prairies and making 
clearings in the forests, something as the frontiersmen have 
advanced across the United States. 

There was no reason, however, why Ivan the Terrible should Ivan the 
confine his ambitions to luirope. (Geographically Russia is begins the 
but the western portion of a vast plain reaching from the Raltic ^""q^jest of 
Sea to the Pacific Ocean. The Ural Mountains, which are 
regarded as the boundary between Europe and Asia, are after 
all a rather insignificant range compared with the Alps or the 
Pyrenees, and there is, moreover, a wide gap between their 
southern end and the Caspian Sea. Before the death of Ivan 
the conquest of Siberia (whose ruler had his capital at Sibir on 
the Irtysh River) was begun. The Russians founded U obolsk 
in 1587 and soon had all western Siberia under their control. 
Fur traders, runaway serfs, and a ^'ariety of adventurous Russians 
pressed into the new country ; Tomsk, near the Chinese 
boundary, was founded in 1604, shortly before Tuigland estab- 
lished her first successful colony in North America ; and a 
generation later (1638) the Russians could look out over the 
Pacific from their new town of Okhotsk, four thousand miles 
east of Moscow. 

It is unnecessary to follow in detail the expansion of European Extent of the 
and Asiatic Russia. It will be remembered that Peter the Great Empire"in 
won the Baltic provinces, and so provided Russia with a better ^^^ *™^ ^^ 
seaport than she had previously possessed. Catharine the 
Great gained Lithuania in the partition of Poland ; she also 
conquered the north shore of the Black Sea and a great district 
beyond the Ural River. Alexander himself added Finland and 
the grand duchy of Warsaw. In short, the Russian Empire 
under Alexander I embraced all that it includes to-day, except 
portions of the Caucasus and a region lying beyond the Caspian 
Sea in central Asia which have been acquired by his successors. 
Although the Tsar rules over one seventh of all the dry land 
upon our globe, Russia's desire for territory seems never to be 


The Development of Modern Europe 

ous character 
of the Rus- 
sian Empire 



Russia an 
country at 
the opening 
of the 

satisfied, and she is now recovering from a defeat at the hands 
of the Japanese, due to her anxiety to incorporate Korea and 
Manchuria into her huge dominion. 

It is clear that the rapid extension of Russian rule over so 
vast an area could not fail to bring within the empire the most 
various peoples, differing in customs, language, and religion, — 
Finns, Germans, Poles, Jews, Tartars, Armenians, Georgians, 
and Mongols.^ The Russians themselves, it is true, have col- 
onized the southern plains of European Russia and have spread 
even into Siberia. They now make up over three fifths of the 
whole population of the empire, and their language is every- 
where taught in the schools and used by the officials. 

The people of the grand duchy of Finland, speaking Swedish 
and Finnish, have constantly protested against their incorpora- 
tion into Russia ; and the Poles, recalling the time when their 
kingdom far outshone the petty duchy of Moscow among the 
European powers, have twice risen in rebellion against the 
Tsar in the vain hope of making good their claim that the king- 
dom of Poland should form an independent nation with its 
own language and constitution. 

In the time of Alexander I the Russians had not begun to 
flock to the cities, which were small and ill constructed com- 
pared with those of western Europe. The great mass of the 
population still lived in the country and more than half of them 
were serfs, as ignorant and wretched as those of France or 
England in the twelfth century. The problem of improving 
the condition of the peasant is one of the most serious that 
the Russian government has had to face, nor is it by any 
means solved, since millions of people in the country districts 
still live on the very verge of starvation, and a failure of the 
crops causes the death of hundreds of thousands. 

1 The Cossacks, or light cavalry, who constitute so conspicuous a feature of 
the Russian army, were originally lawless rovers on the southern and eastern 
frontiers, composed mainly of adventurous Russians with some admixture of other 
peoples. Certain districts are assigned to them by the government on the lower 
Don, near the Black Sea, the Urals, and elsewhere, in return for military service. 

The Russian Empire in the Nineteenth Centtiry 265 

Alexander I had inherited, as *' Autocrat of all the Russias," Absolute 
a despotic power over his subjects as absolute as that to which \^^ -ps^r 
Louis XIV laid claim. He could make war and conclude peace 
at will, freely appoint or dismiss his ministers, order the arrest, 
imprisonment, exile, or execution of any one he chose, without 
consulting or giving an account to any living being. Even the 
Russian national Church was under his control, for Peter the 
Great had replaced the Patriarch by a small body of officials 
known as the Holy Directing Synod, at the head of which was 
the Procurator of the Holy Synod, the Tsar's special repre- 
sentative. There was no thought of any responsibility to the 
people, and the fearful tyranny which the Tsar's officials have 
been able to exercise will become apparent as we proceed. 

Alexander himself, in his earlier years, was an enthusiastic Liberal 
believer in freedom and constitutional government. In his ASander^l 
youth his tutor, a Swiss liberal by the name of La Harpe, had during the 

•' _ _ -^ ^ ' first part of 

introduced him to the writings of the reformers in western his reign 
Europe, so that the young Tsar had a clear idea of all that 
the French Revolution meant, and earnestly desired to play 
the part of a liberal and enlightened monarch. He began by 
revoking the decrees of the previous reign, which had forbidden 
Russians to travel abroad and had prohibited the importation 
of books, lest they might introduce Jacobin ideas. In 1802 he 
created a ministry on the western model which enabled him to 
conduct the government more efficiently than hitherto and 
to fix the responsibility for acts done in his name. He then 
took up the question of giving Russia a constitution and even 
considered the abolition of serfdom ; but both of these reforms 
encountered difficulties which might well have discouraged a 
more persistent person than Alexander, and his plans were 
never carried out. Three new universities were established, 
at St. Petersburg, Kharkof, and Kasan, and the government 
extended aid to scholars and men of letters, and forwarded 
the translation into Russian of the works of Montesquieu and 
Adam Smith. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

How Tsar 
became the 
enemy of 
and of 
liberal ideas 

Origin of 
secret polit- 
ical societies 
in Russia 
before Alex- 
ander's death 

The hopes of the small progressive party which was growing 
up in Russia under these favoring circumstances were destined, 
however, to be short-lived. After his return from the Congress 
of Vienna Alexander began to dismiss his liberal advisers. He 
became as apprehensive of revolution as his friend Metternich, 
and threw himself into the arms of the '' Old- Russian" party, 
which was proud of Russia as she was and obstinately opposed 
the introduction of all western ideas. The Tsar was soon de- 
nouncing liberalism as a frightful illusion which threatened 
the whole social order. He lent his aid and encouragement 
to Metternich in suppressing the revolutionary tendencies in 
Germany, Spain, and Italy ; and in his own empire he permitted 
his officials to do all they could to stamp out the ideas which 
he had himself formerly done so much to encourage. The 
censorship of the press put an end to the liberal periodicals 
which had sprung up. Professors in the universities began to 
be dismissed for teaching modern science, and at the University 
of Kasan it was proposed to make the instruction conform 
strictly with the supposed teachings of the Bible. The profes- 
sors were to say no more of the discoveries of Copernicus, 
Galileo, and Newton, or of the ideas suggested by the great 
French naturalist Buffon. The medical school was ordered 
to give up all dissection as insulting to the dead, and the 
anatomical specimens in the museums were decently buried. 
In 1823 all Russian students were forbidden to attend Ger- 
man universities. 

The attraction of the new ideas was, however, too strong 
for the Tsar to prevent some of his more enlightened subjects 
from following eagerly the course of the revolutionary move- 
ments in western Europe and reading the new books dealing 
with scientific discoveries and questions of political and social 
reform, which continued to be published in spite of Metter- 
nich's precautions. Many officers in the Russian army had had 
opportunities during their sojourn in France to observe the 
advantageous effects of liberty, and were deeply impressed, on 

TJie RiLSsian Emph'e in the Nine te cut Ji Century 267 

their return to their own country, by its general backwardness, 
the tyranny of its government, the misery of the serfs, and the 
general opposition to progress. They began to organize secret 
societies for the purpose of hastening reform. Some of the 
revolutionists went so far as to recommend the complete 
abolition of monarchical government and the establishment 
of a republic, but the majority of liberals would have been 
entirely satisfied with less sweeping changes. 

Alexander I died suddenly on December i, 1825. His The"Decem- 
brother Constantine, who was his legal and natural successor, ^f 1^2-' 
had secretly resigned his claims to the throne in favor of his 
younger brother Nicholas. But even Nicholas himself was 
unaware of this, so that for some days no one knew who was 
the rightful Tsar. The revolutionary societies seized this 
opportunity to organize a revolt known as the " December con- 
spiracy." The leaders of the plot attempted to induce the 
army to refuse the customary oath of allegiance to Nicholas 
when he was proclaimed Tsar. They hoped to bring about 
various reforms, juster laws, the emancipation of the serfs, a 
constitutional government, — some of them even advocated 
the establishment of a republic. But the movement was badly 
organized, and a few charges of grapeshot brought the insur- 
gents to terms. Nicholas forgave the great mass of those im- 
plicated, but hundreds of the '' Decembrists," among them 
scions of the most distinguished families of Russia, were exiled 
to Siberia, and five of the most conspicuous leaders were sen- 
tenced to be hanged. They met their fate bravely. One of 
them acknowledged sadly that they had tried to reap the 
harvest of liberty before the seed had been sown. But he and 
his fellow-revolutionists had succeeded in sowing the seed, 
and thousands have since shown themselves ready to meet 
exile or death for the same cause of freedom. 

Nicholas I never forgot the rebellion which inaugurated his Polish 
reign, and he proved one of the most despotic of all the i83o-i83'i 
long hst of autocratic rulers. His arbitrary measures speedily 


The Development of Modem Europe 

produced a revolt in Poland. The constitution which Alexan- 
der I had in his liberal days granted to the kingdom was 
violated. Russian troops were stationed there in great num- 
bers, Russian officials forced their way into the government 
offices, and the petitions of the Polish diet were contemptuously 
ignored by the Tsar. Secret societies then began to promote 
a movement for the reestablishment of the ancient Polish 
republic which Catharine II and her fellow-monarchs had 
destroyed. When the news of the July revolution in France 
reached Warsaw, crowds in the streets cheered the downfall 
of the Bourbons as the white flag was lowered over the French 
consulate. In November an uprising occurred in Warsaw ; the 
insurgents secured control of the city, drove out the grand 
duke Constantine and the Russian officials, organized a provi- 
sional government, and appealed to the European powers for 
aid. Finding the Tsar inflexible in his refusal to grant them 
any concessions, the leaders of the insurrection proclaimed 
the independence of Poland, January 25, 1831. 

Europe, however, made no response to Poland's appeal for 
assistance. The Tsar's armies were soon able to crush the 
rebellion, and when Poland lay prostrate at his feet, Nicholas 
gave no quarter. He revoked the constitution, abolished the 
diet, suppressed the national flag, and transferred forty-five 
thousand Polish families to the valley of the Don and the 
mountains of the Caucasus. To all intents and purposes Poland 
became henceforth merely a Russian province, governed, like 
the rest of the empire, from St. Petersburg.^ 

Nicholas I sincerely believed that Russia could only be 
saved from the "decay" of religion and government which he 
believed to be taking place in western Europe by maintaining 
autocracy, for this alone was strong enough to make head 
against the destructive ideas which some of his subjects in 

1 Thirty years later, in 1863, the Poles made another desperate attempt to 
free themselves from the yoke of Russia, but without success. Napoleon III 
refused to assist them, and Bismarck did not hesitate to use his influence in 
the interest of the Tsar. 

The Russian Empire in the Nineteenth Centnry 269 

their blindness mistook for enlightenment. The Russian-Greek 
Church ^ and all its beliefs must be defended, and the Russian 
nation preserved as a separate and superior people who should 
maintain forever the noble beliefs and institutions of the past.^ 
Certainly a great many of his advisers were well content with 
the system, and his army of officials were as loath to recom- 
mend reform as any band of corrupt politicians in the world. 

Accordingly, in the name of Russian nationahty, the Tsar 
adopted every measure to check the growth of liberalism. He 
limited to three hundred the number of students who might 
attend any one of the universities. Russian scholars were 
not permitted to go abroad without special permission from 
the government. The officials bestirred themselves to prevent 
in every way the ingress into Russia of western ideas. Books 
on religion and science were carefully examined by the police 
or the clergy ; foreign w^orks containing references to politics 
were either confiscated or the objectional pages were blotted 
out by the censors. When a Moscow magazine published an 
article declaring that " nine hundred years of Russia's existence 
were a blank in the history of the human mind and a warning 
to the rest of Europe," and that so long as she clung to the 
ideas of the orthodox Greek Church she could never hope to 
advance, the magazine was suppressed, its publisher exiled, 

Stern efforts 
of Nicliolas 
to clieck 

1 The Russians were converted to Christianity by missionaries from Constan- 
tinople, the religious capital of the Eastern, or Greek Church, which had gradually 
drifted away from the Latin, or Roman Catholic, Church in the seventh and 
eighth centuries. For many centuries the Russian Church remained in close 
relations with the patriarch of Constantinople, but after that city fell into the 
hands of the infidel Turks it occurred to the Russian rulers that the Tsars must be 
the divinely appointed successors of the Eastern emperors. Old Rome, on the 
Tiber, and new Rome, on the Bosporus, had both fallen on account of their sins. 
Russia thus became the " third Rome," and the Tsar, the head of all true Christians 
who accepted the only orthodox faith, that of the Greek Church. Under Peter 
the Great the Russian Church was brought completely under the control of the 

2 Nicholas introduced into the schools a catechism which recalls that of 
Napoleon I: '^^ Question. What does religion teach us as to our duties to the 
Tsar? Answer. Worship, fidelity, the payment of taxes, service, love, and 
prayer, — the whole being comprised in the words worship and fidelity." 

2/0 The Development of Modem Europe 

and the clear-headed author officially declared insane and put 
in charge of a physician. Travelers to and from Russia were 
subjected to close scrutiny, and their baggage was carefully 
examined for indications of revolutionary plots. The govern- 
ment officials did not hesitate freely to open private letters 
committed to the post, even when there was no reason to sus- 
pect their writers. It may be said that, except for a few short 
intervals of freedom, this whole system has been continued 
down to the present time. 
The Tsar's To maintain this despotic system Nicholas I reorganized a 

and?h?^^"^ secret department of police which had originated in the time 
"%'^h'^'d °^ Peter the Great as a special instrument for suppressing 

Section" Opposition to the Tsar. This ''Third Section of His Majesty's 
Chancery," as it was called, working in conjunction with the 
ordinary police, with tireless vigilance spied out and arrested 
even the most harmless advocates of liberal reforms. " In every 
province, in every town, ay, even in every railway station, 
there are gendarmes who report directly to the local general 
or colonel ; he, in his turn, is in communication with the chief 
of the imperial police, who is received in frequent audience by 
the Tsar and reports to him everything he thinks advisable. 
All the officials of the empire are under the surveillance of the 
imperial police, and it is the duty of the generals and colonels 
to keep a vigilant eye on every subject of the Tsar, even on 
provincial governors, ministers, and grand dukes." ^ So cruel 
were the methods used by the police to extort confessions that 
political offenders often regarded exile to the mines of Siberia 
as a form of deliverance. 

The Freeing of the Serfs and the Growth 
OF the Spirit of Revolution 

94. In 1854 the efforts of Russia to increase her influence 
in Turkey led to a war with France and England. The Russians 

1 Prince Kropotkin, Memoirs of a JRevoliitionist, p. 336. 

The RtLssian Empire in the Nineteenth Century 271 

were defeated, and their strong fortress of Sebastopol, in the 
Crimea, captured by the aUies.^ The disasters of the war and 
the exposure which they brought about of the inefficiency 
and corruption of the government officials filled every Russian 
patriot with the deepest chagrin. It was clear that Russia was 
a backward country which must be thoroughly reformed if it 
was to hold its own among the nations of Europe. 

Nicholas I died in the midst of the reverses of the Crimean 
War, leaving to his son, Alexander II, the responsibility of com- 
ing to terms with the enemy, and then, if possible, strengthening 
Russia by reducing the flagrant political corruption and bribery 
and improving the lot of the people at large. He did not suc- 
ceed, however, in curing the greed and cruelty of his officials, 
nor have his successors been more fortunate in this respect than 
he. His sincere efforts to better the condition of the peasants 
likewise failed in the main. This was due to the influence of the 
members of the official class, who were commonly landowners 
and used their influence with the I'sar to dissuade him from 
doing anything for the peasants which would in any way serve 
to reduce the income of the landlords. 

Nearly one half of the Tsar's subjects were serfs whose 
bondage and wretched lives seemed to present an insurmount- 
able barrier to general progress and prosperity. The landlord 
commonly reserved a portion of his estate for himself and 
turned over to his serfs barely enough to enable them to keep 
body and soul together. They usually spent three days in the 
week cultivating their lord's fields. He was their judge as well 
as their master and could flog them at will. The serf was 
viewed as scarcely more than a beast of burden, and even the 
kindest landlord thought of him as a mere slave who had no 
business to have feelings like other human beings. 

In his charming Afemoirs of a Revolutionist Prince Kropot- 
kin, who had abundant opportunity in his earlier days to see 
how the peasants were treated, gives the following illustration 

1 For the Crimean War, see below, jj. 307. 

Control of 
the lord over 
the serfs' 


The Developmejtt of Modern Europe 

of the attitude of the landlord. One landowner remarked to 
another, " Why is it that the number of souls on your estate 
increases so slowly? You probably do not look after their 
marriages." Thereupon the other went home and ordered a 
list of all the inhabitants of his village to be brought to him. 
" He picked out from it the names of the boys who had attained 
the age of eighteen and the girls just past sixteen, — those are 
the legal ages for marriage in Russia. Then he wrote, ' John 
to marry Anna, Paul to marry Parashka,' and so on with five 
couples. 'The five weddings,' he added, 'must take place in 
ten days, next Sunday but one.' 

"A general cry of despair rose from the village. Women, 
young and old, wept in every house. Anna had hoped to marry 
Gregory ; Paul's parents had already had a talk with the 
Fed6toffs about their girl, who would soon be of age. More- 
over it was the season for plowing, not for weddings ; and 
what wedding could be prepared in ten days ? Dozens of peas- 
ants came to see the landowner ; peasant women stood in 
groups at the back entrance of the estate with pieces of fine 
linen for the landowner's spouse, to secure her intervention. 
All in vain. The master had said that the weddings should 
take place at such a date, and so it must be." 

From time to time the serfs, infuriated by the hard con- 
ditions imposed upon them, revolted against their lords. 
During the reign of Catharine the Great a general uprising 
had taken place which grew to the proportions of a civil 
war and was only put down with terrible bloodshed and 
cruelty. Under Nicholas I over five hundred riots had oc- 
curred, and these seemed to increase rather than decrease, 
notwithstanding the vigilance of the police and the severity 
of the government. 

Alexander II, fearful lest the peasants should again attempt 
to win their liberty by force, decided that the government 
must undertake the difficult task of freeing forty millions of his 
subjects from serfdom. After much discussion he issued an 

The Russian Empire in the Ni^ieteenth Century 273 

emancipation proclamation, March 3, 1861,^ on the eve of the 
great Civil War which was to put an end to negro slavery in the 
United States. In his anxiety to prevent any loss to the land- 
owners, who constituted the ruling class in the Russian govern- 
ment, the Tsar did his work in a very half-hearted manner. It 
is true the government deprived the former lord of his right to 
force the peasants to work for him and pay him the old dues ; 
he could no longer flog them or command them to marry 
against their will; but the peasants still remained bound to 
the land, for they were not permitted to leave their villages 
without a government pass. The landlords surrendered a por- 
tion of their estates to the peasants, but this did not become 
the property of individual owners, but was vested in the viUage The village 
commimity as a whole. The land assigned to each village was or^Jy"' ^' 
to be periodically redistributed among the various families of 
the community so that, aside from his hut and garden, no 
peasant could lay claim permanently to any particular plot of 
land as his own.^ 

The government dealt very generously w^ith the landlords. The emanci- 
as might have been anticipated. It not only agreed that the Forced ^to^ pay 
peasants should be required to pay for such land as their an excessive 

^ n 1 y price for 

former masters turned over to them, but commonly fixed the his land 
price at an amount far greater than the real value of the 
land. The government then arranged to advance the money 
to the landlords and to collect the amount due from the 
peasants in the form of an excessively high land tax. No 
peasant should be given a pass to leave his village if his 
taxes were in arrears, and the officers could flog him without 
mercy if he refused to meet the often intolerable burdens 
imposed upon him. 

1 According to the Russian calendar the date is February 19, for Russia has 
never followed the example of the western nations and rectified her mode of 
indicating dates by adopting the Gregorian calendar. 

2 These village communities had long existed in Russia, since the lords had 
usually found it convenient to have the village redistribute the land from time 
to time among the serfs as the number of inhabitants changed. 

274 ^/^^ Development of Modern Europe 

His new freedom seemed to the peasant little better than 
that enjoyed by a convict condemned to hard labor in the 
penitentiary. Indeed, he sometimes refused to be "freed" 
when he learned of the hard bargain which the government 
proposed to drive with him. There were hundreds of riots 
while the readjustments were taking place, which were sternly 
suppressed by the government. The peasant was still not at 
liberty to sell his land nor to leave the village without permis- 
sion. He was relieved from the constant supervision of a 
tyrannical landlord, but found himself under the still more 
formidable eye of the Tsar's tax collectors. He became, in 
short, "the serf of the state." He was, moreover, forced by 
the government to pay for his land far more than it was worth. 
(Kropotkin tells us that his father's estate was appraised at 
more than three times its market value.) The result was that 
the government tax amounted usually to all that the commu- 
nity could earn by cultivating its lands, and very often to much 
more, — two, three, even six times the value of the whole 
produce. Moreover, the landlords did not always deem, it to 
their advantage to sell much land to the peasant, and conse- 
quently the peasant communities had, after the emancipation 
of the serfs, a fifth less land than had previously been assigned 
them by their former masters. The only resource of the peas- 
ant was to supplement his income by day labor or by renting 
additional land from neighboring landlords at exorbitant rates. 
Naturally, if the people in a given community increased, 
the size of the individual allotments inevitably decreased and 
with them the chances of earning a livelihood. At present, less 
than fifty years after the "freeing" of the serfs, the. peasant 
has, on the average, scarcely half as much land as that origi- 
nally assigned to him. Although he lived constantly on the 
verge of starvation, he fell far behind in the payment of his 
taxes, so that in 1904 the Tsar, in a moment of forced gener- 
osity, canceled the arrears, which the peasants could, in any 
case, never have paid. 

The Russian Empire in the Nineteenth Century 275 

While busied with the emancipation of the serfs, Alexander 
II was also preparing important reforms in the local govern- 
ments, which were announced in 1864. Throughout a large 
portion of the empire district assemblies, called zenistvos, were 
created, consisting of representatives chosen by the landowners 
and the peasants of the district. These in turn sent representa- 
tives to a provincial zemstvo. The zemstvos were permitted to 
manage certain local affairs, such as roads, primary schools, 
hospitals, and sanitary matters. Although carefully watched by 
the central government, they gave the people some little share 
in the conduct of public affairs and served to rouse the hope 
that the Tsar would soon establish a national assembly. But 
when he was petitioned to do so he replied tartly, " The right 
of initiative in all matters of reform is indissolubly associated 
with the autocratic power intrusted to me by Clod." The 
Polish revolution and an attempt on his life in 1866 served to 
strengthen his determination to make no further concessions 
to liberal ideas, and the police again set to work with such 
vigor that the very mention of reform became dangerous. 

Under this despotic regime there developed among the more Original 
cultivated classes a spirit of opposition, known as nihilism} This 
was not in its origin a frantic terrorism, as commonly supposed, 
but an intellectual and moral revolt against despotism in the 
State, bigotry in the Church, and all unreasonable traditions 
and unfounded prejudices. Absolute sincerity, Kropotkin as- 
sures us, was the basis of nihilism. *' In the name of that sin- 
cerity the nihilist gave up, and asked others to give up, those 
superstitions, prejudices, habits, and customs which his own 
reason could not justify. He refused to bend before any 
authority except that of reason." In short, the nihilist would 
have agreed with Voltaire, Diderot, and the Encyclopaedists in 
exalting reason as man's sole guide in this mysterious world. 

1 The term " nihilist " was first introduced in Russia by Turgenief in his 
novel, Fathers and Children. It was applied to the chief character on account 
of his denial of the authority of all tradition. See Readings, sect. 94. 

meaning of 


The Developme7it of Modern Europe 

Origin of 

Among the younger people of the educated and well-to-do 
classes many had become dissatisfied with the selfish life they 
were expected to lead, and longed to do something for humanity. 
Sons and daughters of wealthy parents abandoned their homes, 
put on the garb of artisans or peasants, and went among the 
working people with a view to spreading higher ideals among 
them and helping them to improve their condition. Clubs for 
the study of history and political economy were established, and 
the theories of constitutional and republican government, even 
of French and German socialism, became familiar to Russians. 

The government officials regarded the reformers with the 
utmost suspicion and began to arrest the more active among 
them. The prisons were soon crowded and hundreds were ban- 
ished to Siberia. The Tsar and his police seemed to be the 
avowed enemies of all progress, and any one who advanced a 
new idea was punished as if he had committed a murder. The 
peaceful preparation of the people for representative govern- 
ment could not go on so long as the " Third Section " was 
arresting men for forming debating clubs. It seemed to the 
more ardent reformers that there was no course open to them 
but to declare war on the government as a body of cruel, cor- 
rupt tyrants who would keep Russia in darkness forever 
merely in order that they might continue to fill their own 
pockets by grinding down the people. They argued that the 
wicked acts of the officials must be exposed, the government 
intimidated, and the eyes of the world opened to the horrors 
of the situation by conspicuous acts of violent retribution. 
So some of the reformers became terrorists^ not because they 
were depraved men or loved bloodshed, but because they were 
convinced that there was no other way to save their beloved 
land from the fearful oppression under which it groaned. 

In July, 1877, General Trepoff, the chief of the St. Peters- 
burg police, was walking through a prison where a number 
Trepoff, 1877 of men and women were confined for having taken part in a 
political parade in Kasan. One young man refused to bow to 

Brutal con 
duct of 

The Russian Empire in the NineteejitJi Century 277 

the general, who thereupon struck him in the face. Upon his 
attempting to defend himself, Trepoff ordered the prisoner to 
be brutally beaten in view of the other political prisoners, who 
could see what went on from the windows of their cells. His 
companions showed their indignation by loudly cursing Trepoff 
and breaking up the furniture in their cells. The head of the 
police took his revenge by ordering the wholesale flogging of 
the prisoners, both men and women, who were beaten into 
insensibility, and some of them permanently injured. The 
matter became known beyond the prison walls and was investi- 
gated by an official, who reported that the prison authorities 
had been guilty of criminal brutality; but Trepoff quietly 
suppressed the report and nothing was done. 

On January 28, following, a young woman by the name of Vera Zas- 
Vera Zassulitch called on General Trepoff and fired a revolver attempts to 
at him. She explained that although she did not know the \^^^ ^''^P°?'« 

^ ^ January, 187b 

young man whom he had ordered to be flogged, she hoped to 
awaken the public conscience by killing the general. She had 
herself been arrested twelve years before, when a schoolgirl, 
for taking charge of some letters addressed to a man whom 
the police suspected. She had been thrown into prison and 
kept in solitary confinement for two years. Then, since nothing 
could be found against her, she was released, but immediately 
rearrested and imprisoned, then exiled to a little town where, 
however, she was not permitted by the police to remain long 
but was driven from place to place for ten years, although 
no one knew of what she was accused. These facts w^ere all 
brought out at her trial for attempting to kill Trepoff. This 
aroused widespread interest, and although she pleaded guilty 
the jury acquitted her.^ The attempt of the police to arrest 

1 Alexander II had, among his reforms, introduced the jury system, but 
" political " cases, where there were often no proofs but only suspicions, were 
usually tried by the government officials or special courts. The case of Vera 
Zassulitch created so much general sympathy that the government felt that 
it could not resort to a private trial, and so relied upon a jury which had been 
carefully selected with the expectation tha,t it would condemn the woman. 


The Development of Modern Europe 


Alexander II 
consents to 
permit tlie 
tives of the 
people to 
give their 
opinion on 

tion of Alex- 
ander II, 

declines after 
the death of 
Alexander II 

her again was frustrated by the intervention of the spectators, 
and she escaped. 

General Trepoff was soon dismissed on the ground, it is re- 
ported, that he had succeeded in accumulating a million and 
a half dollars by corruption ; but the extermination of real 
or suspected revolutionists continued. In 1879 sixteen were 
hanged and scores sent to the dungeons of St. Petersburg or 
the mines of Siberia. The terrorists, on their part, retaliated 
by attacks on the Tsar and his government. A student tried 
to kill the Tsar as the head and representative of the whole 
tyrannical system. Other students experimented with explo- 
sives, with the result that the bomb became the chosen instru- 
ment of terrorism. Attempts were made to blow up a special 
train on which the Tsar was traveling, and, in another effort 
to kill him, the Winter Palace in St. Petersburg was wrecked 
by a revolutionist disguised as a carpenter. 

In short, the efforts of the Tsar's officials to check the 
revolutionists proved vain, and Melikoff, to whom the Tsar 
had given almost dictatorial powers to suppress the agitation, 
finally saw that the government must make some concessions 
in order to pacify its enemies ; so he advised Alexander II to 
grant a species of constitution in which he should agree to 
convoke an assembly elected by the people, and thereafter 
ask its opinion and counsel before making new and impor- 
tant laws. This would not, it was urged, materially reduce 
his autocratic powers, and he finally consented to make the 
experiment. But it was too late. On the afternoon that he 
gave his assent to the plan he was assassinated as he was 
driving to his palace (March, 1881). 

While the body of the murdered Tsar was still lying in 
state, the executive committee of the revolutionists issued a 
warning to his son and successor, Alexander III, threatening 
him with the evils to come if he did not yield to their demand 
for representative government, freedom of speech and of the 
press, and the right to meet together for the discussion of 

The Russian Empire iji the NineteentJi Cent?(?y 279 

political questions.^ The new Tsar was not, however, moved 
by the appeal, and the police redoubled their activity. The 
plans of Melikoff were repudiated, and the autocracy settled 
back into its usual despotic habits. The liberal-minded Rus- 
sians had, moreover, been terribly shocked by the murder of a 
ruler who, in spite of his faults, had freed the serfs, reformed 
the government in various ways, and even proposed to summon 
a national assembly. 

The terrorists realized that, for the time being, they had 
nothing to gain by further acts of violence, which would only 
serve to strengthen the government they were fighting. It was 
clear that the people at large were not yet ready for a rev- 
olution, so the reformers set to work to prepare the way for 
better things by secretly educating the masses and introduc- 
ing them to western ideas. They passed from hand to hand 
revolutionary pamphlets which they succeeded in printing in 
spite of the police. Some of the leaders left Russia and con- 
ducted their publications in Switzerland, Paris, or London, 
whence they smuggled copies of their papers and pamphlets 
across the Russian boundary. 

The reign of Alexander III (i 881-1894) was therefore a 
period of quiet, during which little progress seemed to be made. 
The people suffered the oppression of the government officials 
without active opposition. Their occasional protests were an- 
swered by imprisonment, flogging, or exile, for Alexander III 
and his intimate advisers, especially the Procurator of the Holy 
Synod, Pobiedonostieff, believed quite as firmly and religiously 
in autocracy as Nicholas I had done. Freedom and liberalism, 
they agreed, could only serve to destroy a nation. The Tsar 
had a right to do anything except limit in any way his own 
power, and his first duty was to strangle democracy, European- 
ism, and liberalism. It was a sin even to admire constitutional 
government. It was, they held, a good thing that the mass of 
Russians could not read, for that prevented the infection of 

1 See Readings, sect. 94. 

Belief of the 
that Russia 
must be kept 
"frozen " 

28o The Development of Modern Europe 

liberal ideas from spreading as rapidly as it otherwise would. 
Russia must be kept frozen so that it would not decay.^ 

The Industrial Revolution in Russia 

The Indus- 95- It became increasingly difficult, however, to keep Russia 

tfon overtakes frozen, for during the last quarter of the nineteenth century 
Russia the spread of democratic ideas had been hastened by the 

coming of the steam engine, the factory, and the locomotive, 
all of which served to unsettle the humdrum agricultural life 
which the great majority of the people had led for centuries. 
In spite of her mineral resources Russia had lagged far behind 
her western neighbors in the use of machinery. She had little 
capital and no adequate means of transportation across the 
vast stretches of country that separated her chief towns, and 
the governing classes had no taste for manufacturing enter- 

The liberation of the serfs, with all its drawbacks, favored 
the growth of factories, for the peasants were sometimes per- 
mitted to leave their villages for the manufacturing centers 
which were gradually growing up. The appointment of Witte 
as minister of finance and commerce in 1891 promoted the 
rapid development of industry, for he held that agricultural 
countries, powerful as they might be, could never accumulate 
capital or encourage business enterprise, and were therefore 
dependent upon manufacturing nations. Like Colbert he 
undertook to strengthen his country by economic measures. 
He encouraged the investment of foreign capital in Russia, so 
that railroads and factories could be built and mines opened. 
When the Russians complained that they were in this way 
becoming dependent upon foreigners, Witte cited the example 
of Peter the Great who, like himself, had had to overcome the 

Witte be- 
comes the 
Colbert of 

1 Professor V. G. Simkhovitch has carefully analyzed a work of a reactionary 
writer, Leontyefif, published in Moscow in 1885, in which these ideas find full 
expression. See the International Quarterly^ October, 1904. 

The Russian Empire in the Nineteenth Century 281 

opposition of so-called patriots who wished to keep Russia 
isolated from the world. 

A rapid development of Russian business enterprise followed Rapid growth 
the adoption of Witte's policy. The textile, mineral, and me- industdeT 
tallic industries have shown the most remarkable advance. 1887-1897 
The value of the products of these industries doubled between 
1887 and 1897 ; and the number of people employed in them 
increased from 1,318,048 to 2,098,262. If Napoleon could 
come once more to Moscow, he would not recognize the city 
which met his gaze in 181 2. It has now become the center of 
the Russian textile industries, and the sound of a thousand 
looms and forges announces the creation of a new industrial 
world. There are in Russia to-day twenty-five cities with a 
population of one hundred thousand or more, and two of them, 
■■ — St. Petersburg and Moscow, — have over a million each. 

Along with this industrial development has gone the con- Railway 
struction of great railway lines built largely by the government in Russia 
with money borrowed from capitalists in western Europe. 
Some of the railroads have been constructed chiefly for politi- 
cal and military purposes, but others are designed to con- 
nect the great industrial centers. Railway building was first 
seriously undertaken in Russia after the disasters of the 
Crimean War, when the soldiers suffered cruel hardships in 
consequence of the difficulty of obtaining supplies. By 1878 
upward of eight thousand miles had been built, connecting the 
capital w^ith the frontiers of European Russia. In 1885 the 
railway advance toward the frontiers of India ^ was begun and 

1 The expansion of Russia to the southeast has been very rapid. In 1846 the 
southern boundary ran along the lower edge of the Aral Sea. In 1863 Russia, 
claiming that the Turkestan tribesmen pillaged caravans and harried her frontiers, 
sent forces which captured the cities of Turkestan, Chemkent, and Tashkent, and 
two years later organized the region into the new province of Russian Turkestan. 
Shortly afterward the Ameer of Bokhara declared war on the Tsar only to have 
the Russians occupy the ancient city of Samarkand (where Alexander the Great 
had halted on his eastward march) and later establish a protectorate over Bokhara 
which brought them to the borders of Afghanistan. In 1872 the Khan of Khiva 
was reduced to vassalage. During the following years (1873-1886) the regions to 
the south, about Merv, down to the borders of Persia and Afghanistan were 

282 The Development of Modern Europe 

within a short time Afghanistan was reached and communi- 
cation opened to the borders of China. Important lines have 
also been built in the region between the Black Sea and the 
The Trans- The greatest of all railway undertakings was the Trans- 

railroad Siberian road, which was rendered necessary for the transpor- 

tation of soldiers and mihtary supplies to the eastern boundary 
of the empire. Those interested in its construction urged also 
that it would serve to develop the trade and industry of Siberia. 
The chief difficulty lay in raising the necessary capital, and a 
very large amount was necessary, since the corruption and dis- 
honesty among the Russian officials and contractors is so great 
that the sum demanded was four or five times larger than would 
have been required had the work been honestly done.^ The 
money was, however, obtained by heavy loans secured from 
French capitalists, and the crown prince turned the first sod 
at Vladivostok in May, 1891. 

Communication was established between St. Petersburg and 
the Pacific in 1900, and a branch line southward to Port 
Arthur was soon finished.^ One can now travel in comfort, with 
few changes of cars, from Havre to Vladivostok, via Paris, 
Cologne, Berlin, Warsaw, Moscow, Irkutsk on Lake Baikal, and 
Harbin, a distance of seventy-three hundred miles. The ticket 
from London to Nagasaki, Japan, is less than two hundred 
dollars, a little more than half the cost by the Suez Canal. 
The Russian peasant can travel, in less comfortable cars, from 
St. Petersburg to Irkutsk, a distance of nearly four thousand 
miles, for fifteen dollars. 

gradually annexed. In 1876 the province of Kokand on the boundary of the 
Chinese Empire was seized and transformed into the province of Ferghana. By 
securing railway concessions and making loans to the Shah, the Russians have 
become powerful in Persia, and thus all along their southeastern frontiers they 
are struggling for predominance against British influence. 

1 The Manchurian railroad cost the Russian people $115,000 per mile, while 
the average cost of an American track across the western plains was originally 
jPi3,ooo to i^i 5,000 a mile. 

2 See map below, p. 332. 

The Russian Emph'e in tJie NineteejitJi Century 283 

The Industrial Revolution is gradually withdrawing peasants important 
from the villages and transforming them into factory workers indush^ial ^^ 
and city dwellers. They can be reached more easily than ever Revolution 
before by revolutionary appeals and the teachings of the 
socialists. Unions are being formed among the workmen, and 
during recent years many strikes and demonstrations have 
been organized. The government, alarmed by this new danger, 
has frequently adopted the policy of sending ba(^k the factory 
employees to the country in order to remove them from revo- 
lutionary influences, but the chief result of this has been to 
spread radical ideas more widely and rapidly than would 
otherwise have been possible. 

The Struggle for Liberty under Nicholas II 

96. When Nicholas II succeeded his father, Alexander III, Nicholas ll 
in 1894,^ he was but twenty-six years old and there was some d?spek\he 
reason to hope that he would face the problems of this new l^j^^v^"^ ,. 
industrial Russia in a progressive spirit. He had had an oppor- 
tunity in his travels to become somewhat familiar with the 
enlightened governments of western Europe, and one of his 

1 It may not be superfluous to bring together at this point the names of the 
Russian rulers in recent times, since their autocratic position has enabled them 
to play a far more important role in public affairs than western monarchs. 

Catharine II (the Great) 
( I 762-1 796) 

Paul I 
• (i 796-1801) 

Alexander I Nicholas I 

(1801-1825) (1825-1855) 

Alexander II 

Alexander III 

Nicholas II 
(1894- ) 

284 The Development of Modem Europe 

first acts was to order the imprisonment of the prefect of police 
of St. Petersburg for annoying the correspondents of foreign 
newspapers. The delegations of the zemstvos which came to 
present addresses of congratulation on his accession to the 
throne were therefore emboldened to suggest reforms for the 
empire, and one of them even hinted at a national parliament. 
Nicholas, however, quickly dispelled any illusions which his 
more liberal subjects entertained. He expressed his displeasure 
that the representatives of the zemstvos should fancy that they 
had any right to say a word about the central government, and 
informed his people that he was firmly resolved to maintain 
the old order unchanged. " Let it be understood by all," he 
declared, " that I shall employ all my powers in the best 
interests of the people, but the principle of autocracy will be 
sustained by me as firmly and unswervingly as it was by my 
never-to-be-forgotten father." PobiedonostiefT, the narrow- 
minded Procurator of the Holy Synod, and other of the trusted 
advisers of i\lexander HI were retained in office, and it was 
clear that Nicholas would do all he could to keep Russia frozen 
so as to avoid the decay which he, like his predecessors, believed 
to be overtaking western Europe. 
Censorship The censorship of the press was made stricter than ever, 

e press ^^^ decree alone adding two hundred books, including the works 
of Herbert Spencer, to the already long list of those which 
the government condemned.^ The distinguished historian. 
Professor Milyoukov, was dismissed from the University of 
Moscow on the ground of his " generally noxious tendencies," 
and other teachers were warned not to talk about government.'* 
From the year of the accession of Nicholas there was a steady 

1 Among the books which the government prohibits in public libraries are the 
.Russian translation of Mill's Political Economy^ Green's History of the English 
People, Bryce's American Commonwealth, and Fyffe's Modern Europe. 

2 One may judge of the sober, high-minded scholars upon whom the Russian 
autocracy believes it essential to make war by reading Professor Milyoukov's 
Russia and its Crisis, which is based on a series of lectures which he delivered 
in the United States during the year 1903-1904. 

The Russian Empire in the Nineteeftth Century 285 

increase in the number of people tried for attacking the govern- 
ment or offending its feehngs. From fifteen hundred in 1894, 
the number of persons involved in 'Apolitical" cases reached 
a total in the single year, 1903, of no less than twelve thou- 
sand, over half of whom were deprived of the ordinary pro- 
tection afforded by the regular courts and were haled before 
special tribunals which were supposed to be in full sympathy 
with the Tsar's despotism. In this way the bureaucracy ^ 
brought incalculable anxiety and suffering to thousands of 
innocent, law-abiding citizens while doing little to discourage 
the violent agitators, who were few in number. 

Nowhere did the Tsar show his desire for absolute control more Attempt to 
clearly than in his dealings with Finland. When Alexander I pjn^iand 
had annexed that country in 1 809 he had permitted it to retain S'^^" "P 
its own diet and pass its own laws, although it of course recog- 
nized the Tsar as its ruler under the title of Grand Duke. The 
Finns cherished their independence and have in recent times 
shown themselves one of the most progressive peoples of 
Europe. In 1899, however, Nicholas began a harsh and relent- 
less Russification of Finland. He sent heartless officials, like 
von Plehve, to represent him and crush out all opposition to 
his changes. He placed the Finnish army under the Russian 
minister of war, deprived the diet of the right to control the 
lawmaking except in some minor and purely local matters, and 
undertook to substitute the Russian language so far as possi- 
ble for the Finnish. 

Finally, on June 17, 1904, the Russian governor of Finland 
was assassinated by the son of one of the senators, who then 
killed himself, leaving a letter in which he explained that he 
had acted alone and with the simple purpose of forcing on 
the Tsar's attention the atrocities of his officials. The new 
governor permitted three newspapers to be started once more 

1 This word is commonly applied to governments in which the officials are 
not elected or controlled by the people and are free to interfere constantly in 
every one's private affairs. The term is derived from the French bureau, the 
office in which an official transacts his business. 

286 The Development of Modern Europe 

and forbade the Russian officials to interfere in the elections. 
A year later the Tsar, under the influence of revolution at 
home and disaster abroad, consented to restore to Finland 
all her former rights. 
Harsh policy We must now trace the history of the terrible struggle 
ofvonPe ve |jg|.^^,ggj^ ^^ Russian people and their despotic government 
which began openly in 1904 and is still in progress. In 1902 
an unpopular minister of the interior had been assassinated 
and the Tsar had appointed a still more unpopular man in his 
place, namely, von Plehve, who was notorious for his success in 
hunting down those who criticised the government and for the 
vigor with which he had carried on the Russification of Finland. 
He at once declared that the existing discontent was due 
entirely to a handful of evil-minded agitators whom the police 
would soon catch. He regarded Count Witte, then minister 
of finance, as a dangerous person, since he had appointed com- 
mittees to look into the condition of the peasants. Von Plehve 
severely punished some members of these committees who 
had ventured to suggest much-needed reforms, and finally 
succeeded in forcing Witte to resign. He pushed forward the 
Russification of Poland as well as that of Finland and roused 
the hatred of the Armenians in the Caucasus by confiscating 
the property of their churches. 
Massacres of Von Plehve joined hands with Pobiedonostieff, the Procura- 
t e Jews ^^^ ^£ ^^ Holy Synod, in the persecution of those among the 
Tsar's subjects who ventured to disagree with the doctrines 
of the Russian official Church to which every Russian was sup- 
posed to belong. The Jews suffered especially. There were 
massacres at Kishineff and elsewhere in 1903 which horrified 
the western world and drove hundreds of thousands of Jews 
to foreign lands, especially to the United States. There is 
good reason to believe that von Plehve actually arranged these 
massacres; he at least did nothing to prevent or discour- 
age the atrocities which were permitted by the local govern- 
ment officials. 

The Russian Empire in the Nineteenth Century 287 

Von Plehve was mistaken, however, in his belief that all the The various 
trouble came from a handful of deluded fanatics. The twelve parties 
thousand persons brought before the courts in 1903 for political autoc7acy° 
offenses were but a very small part of those who detested the 
cruel and corrupt government which von Plehve represented 
and defended. While political parties in the sense in which 
they exist in France or England were impossible in Russia so 
long as there was no parliament and the police continued to 
break up public assemblies and prosecute newspapers which 
dared to discuss political matters, nevertheless the reformers 
fell into more or less distinct groups and formed secret societies 
for advancing their ends. Of these groups the more important 
were the following. 

There were, first, the professional men, the university pro- The liberals, 
fessors, the enlightened merchants and manufacturers, and the tiona"demo- 
public-spirited nobility. These were not organized into a '^''^^^ 
distinct party, but have recently come to be known as the 
constitutional democrats. They hoped that a parliament 
elected by the people might be established to cooperate with 
the Tsar and his ministers in making the laws and imposing 
the taxes. They demanded that all Russians should enjoy 
those rights which the French had in 1789 included in their 
Declaration of the Rights of Man, — freedom of speech and 
of the press, the right to hold public meetings to discuss public 
questions, the abolition of the hideous police system, of arbi- 
trary imprisonment and religious persecutions, and the gradual 
improvement of the condition of the peasants and workingmen 
through the passage of wise laws. 

In the towns a socialistic party had been growing u}) which The social 
advocated the theories of Karl Marx.^ It desired, and still 
desires, all the reforms advocated by the constitutional demo- 
crats just described, but looks forward to the time when the 
workingmen will become so numerous and powerful that they 
can seize the government offices and assume the management 

1 See below, pp. 396 sqq. 

288 The Development of Modern Europe 

of lands, mines, and industries, which shall thereafter be used 
for the benefit of all rather than for the small class of rich 
men who now own them. This social democratic party believes 
that a constituent assembly similar to the French Convention 
of 1792 should be summoned, and that the representatives of 
the people should freely decide what form of government 
Russia needs and wishes. They advocate the abolition of the 
village communities as an outworn and cumbersome system 
which contributes to the misery of the peasant. Unlike the 
reformers next to be described, they do not believe in ter- 
rorism or in murderous attacks upon unpopular government 

The most conspicuous among the Russian agitators are those 
who belong to the socialist revolutionary party. This is the 
successor to the People's Will party which made war on the 
Tsar and his officials at the end of the reign of Alexander II. 
The social democrats have, in the main, adopted the doc- 
trines and the policy of the German social democrats; the 
socialist revolutionary party is on the contrary a pure product 
of Russian conditions. It counts among its adherents many 
highly intelligent Russian patriots, who seek support among 
the peasants rather than among the workmen in the factories 
of the manufacturing towns. Like the social democratic party, 
it demands a democratic form of government and the owner- 
ship by the people of railroads, mines, and industries of na- 
tional importance. It urges, too, that the landlords should be 
forced to surrender all their land to the peasants, but instead 
of abolishing the village communities, they would perpetuate 
them as an ancient and peculiar national institution of Russia 
which, if properly managed, will secure the greatest happiness 
and prosperity to the country people. 
Terrorism ad- The socialist revolutionary party is well organized and has 
socraHst ^ ^ t)een responsible for the chief acts of violence during the past 
revolutionary fiyg yg^rs. It maintains that it is right to make war upon the 
government which is oppressing them and extorting money 

The Russian Empire in the Nineteenth Centnry 289 

from the people to fill the pockets of dishonest officeholders. 
They select their victims from the most notoriously cruel 
among the officials, and after a victim has been killed they 
usually publish a list of the offenses which cost him his life. 
Lists of those condemned to death are also prepared, after 
careful consideration, by their executive committee. They do 
not practice, or in any way approve of, indiscriminate assassi- 
nation, as is sometimes supposed.^ 

The more von Plehve sought to stamp out all protest against Great unpop- 
the autocracy, the more its enemies increased, and at last in wa"wth 
1904 the revolution in which Russia is now involved may be be^^nin^Feb- 
said to have begun. On February 5th of that year a war opened ruary, 1904 
with Japan, which was due to Russia's encroachments in Korea 
and her evident intention of permanently depriving China of 
Manchuria. The liberals attributed the conflict to bad manage- 
ment on the part of the Tsar's officials and declared it to be 
inhuman and contrary to the interests of the people. In March 
revolutionary manifestoes appeared, maintaining that the Jap- 
anese were quite justified in their claims and urging that no 
intelligent Russian should help on the war in any way, either 
by contributions or enlistment. 

In June the venerable Count Tolstoi issued a remarkable Tolstoi's 
address to the Tsar, that " unfortunate, entangled young man " JJf the""^" 
who was seizins other people's land and sending men to be Russian 

^ ^ ^ o government 

murdered in its defense. The Russian Church was, he declared, 
giving a religious sanction and praying for the success of a war 
waged " in support of those stupidities, robberies, and every 
kind of abomination perpetrated in China and Korea by wicked 
and ambitious men now sitting peacefully in their palaces and 
expecting new glory, advantage, and profit from the slaughter." 

Meanwhile the Japanese were pressing back the Russians, de- Russian 
stroying their vessels, and besieging their fortress of Port Arthur, 

1 There are, of course, many other smaller political groups and secret societies 
working for various ends, — patriotic associations in Finland, Poland, and the 
Caucasus, the socialistic Jewish Union of Associated Workers, etc. 



The Development of Modern Europe 

tion of von 
Plelive, July, 

The govern- 
ment shows 
some liberal 
after von 

which they had cut off from any aid or supphes. The. Hberal- 
minded among the Russians regarded these disasters with a 
certain satisfaction. The reverses, they held, were due to the 
incompetence and corruption of the Tsar's officials and served 
to make plain how very badly autocracy really worked in 

Von Plehve continued, however, in spite of the rising in- 
dignation, to encourage the police to break up scientific and 
literary meetings, in which disapprobation of the government 
was pretty sure to be expressed, and to send men eminent in 
science and literature to prison or to Siberia, until, on July 28, 
1904, a bomb was thrown under the minister's carriage by a 
former student in the University of Moscow and his career was 
brought to an abrupt close. The central committee of the 
Russian revolutionary socialists then issued an explanation 
and apology to " the citizens of the world " in which they 
explained that they were responsible for what they considered 
a righteous act in " executing " a man who was making war on 
all those who think, or are striving for the freedom of Russia. 
They disapproved absolutely of a policy of terrorism in free 
countries, "but in Russia, where, owing to the reign of despo- 
tism, no open political discussion is possible, where there is no 
redress against the irresponsibility of absolute power through- 
out the whole bureaucratic organization, we shall be obliged 
to right the violence of tyranny with the force of revolutionary 

The Tsar chose a popular man. Prince Sviatopolk Mirski, to 
succeed von Plehve ; and to celebrate the birth of an heir to 
the throne Nicholas II abolished the fearful floggings which it 
had been customary to inflict on the peasants. He also remit- 
ted the arrears of taxation, which, as has been said, the peas- 
ants could never possibly have paid. Prince Mirski believed 
that the sympathy of the nation must be won. He accordingly 
pointed out certain changes which he declared to be neces- 
sary, and permitted the newspapers to say what they chose. 

The Russian Empire in the NinctcentJi Century 291 

He also allowed the representatives of the zemstvos to meet The repre- 

in St. Petersburg in November to discuss reforms. They de- ihe zemstvos 

clared that the intolerable oppression of the government offi- o[^jJforms^^^^ 

cials must be done away with by establishing fundamental laws November 

which every one, from the Tsar himself to the poorest workman, 

must obey. Freedom of speech, of conscience, of the press, 

and of assembling to consider public matters were essential to 

the welfare of the nation. In view of the grave situation both 

at home and abroad they expressed the sincere hope that the 

Tsar would summon the representatives of the nation in order 

that he might be enabled, with their assistance, to " lead the 

country into a new path in which the State would develop in 

accordance with the principle of cooperation between it and 

the people." 

Meanwhile disasters and revolt met the government on General 
every hand. The Japanese continued to force back the Rus- 
sians in Manchuria in a series of terrific conflicts south of 
Mukden. In one long battle on the Sha-ho River sixty thou- 
sand Russians perished. Their fleets in the East were annihi- 
lated, and on January i, 1905, Port Arthur fell after the most 
terrible siege on record. The Russian marines mutinied, the 
reserve troops refused to go to the Far East and escaped to 
Austria or Germany when they were not driven into the rail- 
road trains at the point of the bayonet. The crops failed and 
the starving peasants burned and sacked the houses and barns 
of the nobles, arguing that if the buildings were destroyed the 
owners could not come back and the Tsar's police could no 
longer make them their headquarters. 

The war had produced a stagnation of commerce and indus- 
try, and strikes became common. The socialists in Warsaw 
marched about with knives and revolvers denouncing the war. 
Students in Moscow and St. Petersburg shouted, " Down with 
autocracy !" " Stop the w^ar !" It became known that the gov- 
ernment officials had been stealing the money that should have 
gone to strengthen and equip the armies ; rifles had been paid 

292 The Development of Modern Europe 

for that had never been delivered, supplies bought which never 
reached the suffering soldiers, and — most scandalous of all — 
high Russian dignitaries had even appropriated the funds of 
the Red Cross Society for aiding the wounded. Russia cer- 
tainly seemed to be completely thawed by the end of 1904 and, 
as the Procurator of the Holy Synod had feared, was dissolving 
into anarchy. 
The Tsar On December 26, 1904, the Tsar issued an imperial ukase 

forms'^De-^ vaguely promising reforms, which he declared were under con- 
cember, 1904 sideration and would be put into eft'ect as soon as possible. 
But he was evidently still under the influence of the conserva- 
tives and showed no inclination to give up any of his powers 
or to aid Prince Mirski to carry out his enlightened plans. His 
proclamation failed, therefore, to stop agitation. 
" Red Sun- On Sunday, January 22, a fearful event occurred. The work- 

ary 22, 1905 ingmen of St. Petersburg, led by a certain Father Gapon, had 
sent a petition to the Tsar and had informed him that on Sunday 
they would march to the palace humbly to pray him in person 
to consider their sufferings, since they had no faith in his offi- 
cials or ministers. They warned him that his advisers were 
bringing the country to ruin, and that money was wrung from 
the impoverished masses to be spent they knew not how. 
They urged the Tsar to " throw down the wall that separates 
him from his people " by immediately convoking an assembly 
which should include representatives even of the working 
classes. When Sunday morning came, masses of men, women, 
and children, wholly unarmed, with Father Gapon at their 
head, attempted to approach the Winter Palace in the pathetic 
hope that the " Little Father," as they called the Tsar, would 
listen to their woes. Instead, the Cossacks tried to disperse 
them with their whips, and then the troops which guarded the 
palace shot and cut down hundreds, and wounded thousands 
in a conflict which continued all day. " Red Sunday " was, 
however, only the most impressive of many similar encounters 
between peaceful citizens and the Tsar's police and guards. 

*The Russian Empire in the Nineteenth Centnry 293 

The day after "Red Sunday" all the leading lawyers and Protest of 
men of letters m St. Petersburg jomed m the following dec- letters 
laration : " The public should understand that the government 
has declared war on the entire Russian people. There is no 
further doubt on this point. A government which is unable 
to hold intercourse with the people except with the assistance 
of sabers and rifles is self-condemned. We summon all the 
vital energies of Russian society to the assistance of the work- 
ingmen who began the struggle for the common cause of the 
whole people. Let shame overwhelm the names of those who, 
in these days of great and fateful struggle, oppose the people 
and join the ranks of their hangmen." 

The government replied by arresting a number of prominent Conflict 
writers, among them Maxim Gorky, the novelist ; and General government 
Trepoff , the younger, notorious for his brutality as head of the ^"^ ^^. . 
police of Moscow, was given full powers to restore order. War 
was now practically declared between the Russian people and 
the Tsar's government. But the crimes which the police and 
other government officials committed and encouraged far ex- 
ceeded in number and atrocity the violent acts of the revolu- 
tionists, who were forced to confine themselves to protests, 
processions, strikes, and the occasional assassination of a par- 
ticularly obnoxious representative of the Tsar. But they made 
free use of these weapons against autocracy. In February the 
Tsar's uncle. Grand Duke Sergius, was killed by a bomb thrown 
under his carriage ; in May the governor of Baku was removed 
in the same manner, and other officials from time to time met 
a similar fate. 

In meeting the present crisis the conduct of the government. Savage policy 
supported as it is by the State Church and the army, has been bureaucracy 
well-nigh incredible to foreigners. Its whole statesmanship 
has consisted in making promises which it appears to have 
had no intention of carrying out, and in imprisoning, torturing, 
exiling, or killing those whom it suspected of being its enemies. 
The authorities have ordered the Cossacks to disperse peaceful 

294 '^^^^ Developniettt of Modern Europe 

processions with their whips or commanded the troops to fire 
into helpless, unarmed crowds. Government officials have 
deliberately organized massacres in the name of patriotism, 
religion, and order. They have supplied the Tartars with rifles 
to hunt down the Armenians in the Caucasus, who were re- 
garded as revolutionists; and have organized the bands of 
roughs known as the "Black Hundreds" to represent the 
spirit of old Russia, and kill and maltreat those who favored 
reform and progress. The peasants, whom starvation drove to 
desperate measures, have been flogged and tortured by hun- 
dreds, and many of them have been so injured that they never 
recovered. In one village, where five men had been beaten to 
death, an outsider ventured to point out that the Tsar had 
abolished corporal punishment a year before. The officer in 
charge then ordered the Cossacks '' to show that man whether 
corporal punishment has been abolished or not." Thereupon 
the unfortunate witness who had dared to protest was flogged 
into insensibility, and died subsequently on the way to a hospital. 
Illusory It would be fruitless to enumerate the various reforms which 

NichoLsU the Tsar has announced during the past three years (1905- 
1 907), since most of them are merely so many promises broken. 
Neither Nicholas II nor his ministers and officials have shown 
any inclination to carry out the good intentions which he is 
forced from time to time to express, hoping thereby to quiet 
his rebellious people without surrendering any of his tyrannical 
power. In March, 1905, he reaffirmed 'Hhe autocratic power 
of the Tsar," but exhorted his people to cooperate with him 
" in the great and sacred task of overcoming the stubborn 
foreign foe and of eradicating revolt at home." ^ He also 
declared that he had decided to convene the worthiest men 
whom the people might elect to confer with him in regard to 

1 In April, 1905, the disabilities imposed upon those Christians who did not 
accept the teachings of the Greek Orthodox Church were abolished, and the vari- 
ous sects, which had led a more or less precarious existence, were allowed to 
worship publicly, in their own way, to hold property, and to become officers in 
the army. 

The Russian Empire in the Nineteenth Century 295 

the laws that should be made. But nothing came of this. Pro- 
tests, petitions, strikes, assassinations, and mutinies continued, 
and in June the Tsar appointed General Trepoff minister of 
police (a worthy successor to his father, whom Vera Zassulitch 
had tried to kill a generation before), with the expectation that 
he would check the growing agitation throughout the whole 

But this expectation was not realized. An assembly of rep- The Tsar 
resentatives of the zemstvos passed a ' series of resolutions promises to 
in July denouncing the outrages perpetrated by the govern- summon the 
ment on the lives and liberties of the people and declaring gust 19, 1905) 
that an appeal should be made to the nation, since it had 
proved vain to appeal to the Tsar. The following month a 
congress of the Peasant Union met in Moscow. It demanded 
universal suffrage for both men and women over twenty years 
of age, free elementary education, and free public libraries. 
Finally the Tsar so far yielded to the pressure of public opin- 
ion that on August 19 he promised to summon a Di/nia, or 
council, which should meet not later than January, 1906. It 
was to represent all Russia, but to have no further power than 
that of giving to the still autocratic ruler advice in making 
the laws. 

This was a bitter disappointment to even the most moderate The great 
liberals. It was pointed out that both the workingmen and ft^rlf/e^^ Octo- 
the professional men were excluded by the regulations from ^^'' ^"^ ^^^" 

^ ^ o vember, 1905 

voting. The city governments of both Moscow and St. Peters- 
burg protested, and the professors in the various universities 
declared that they would suspend all their lectures until the 
people were granted their rights, for otherwise disorders among 
the students could not be avoided.^ A more effective meas- 
ure in bringing the Tsar and his advisers to terms was a 

1 By the end of August the peace conference, which, at President Roosevelt's 
invitation, met at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, had arranged a peace between 
Russia and Japan (see below, p. 352), but the Russians were so preoccupied with 
the revolution in progress at home that the conclusion of peace failed to produce 
any perceptible effects. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

The Tsar 
(October 29, 
1905) that 
no law shall 
go into force 
without the 

the govern- 
ment con- 
tinues its 
policy and 

great general strike in the interest of reform which began late 
in October. All the railroads stopped running; in all the 
great towns the shops, except those that dealt in provisions, 
were closed ; gas and electricity were no longer furnished ; 
the law courts ceased their duties, and even the apothecaries 
refused to prepare prescriptions until reforms should be 

The situation soon became intolerable, and on October 29 
the Tsar announced that he had ordered " the government " 
to grant the people freedom of conscience, speech, and asso- 
ciation, and to permit the classes which had been excluded 
in his first edict to vote for members of the Duma. Lastly, he 
agreed '' to establish an immutable rule that no law can come 
into force without the approval of the Duma, and that it shall 
be possible for those whom the people elect to enjoy a real 
supervision over the legality of the acts of the public officials." 
He also appointed as prime minister. Count Witte, the least 
unpopular of his officials. The announcement of this change 
in policy was greeted with shouts of joy in the streets of St. 
Petersburg, where surging crowds sang " God save the Tsar " 
far into the night. 

The police and Cossacks continued to attack peaceful gather- 
ings, and "Black Hundreds" were organized by the government 
authorities in Odessa, Tiflis, Riga, and scores of other towns 
to lead in massacres of the Jews. It was very easy to rouse the 
ignorant and fanatical masses to plunder and kill the repre- 
sentatives of a race they hated ; and since the Jews were com- 
monly revolutionists, the reactionary party could urge that the 
attacks upon them were good proof of the general hostility of 
the Russian people to the reforms advocated by the liberals. 
Count Witte, disregarding the Tsar's October proclamation, 
rigorously enforced all the former laws hampering the freedom 
of the press and prohibiting public meetings. He would, how- 
ever, have admitted some liberals to his cabinet had any of 
them been willing to be associated with General Trepoff. 

The Russian Empire in the NineteentJi Century 297 

The general strike continued, in spite of the Tsar's fair Revolts in 
promises of October 29, and even spread to the waiters and an/Moscow 
domestic servants. After a brief collapse it was renew^ed at 
the end of November when the postmen and telegraph opera- 
tors went out, thus completely paralyzing the business of the 
country. The Tsar, confident in the loyalty of the army and 
its ability to maintain his authority, refused to make any 
further concessions,^ and the strike had to be abandoned. But 
anarchy continued ; the soldiers, sailors, and workmen of 
Sebastopol seized the town, and the government was obliged 
to send an army of twenty thousand troops to recapture it. 
At Moscow the revolutionists erected barricades and declared 
open war on the government. They fought with the troops 
for a week until the barricades were swept by artillery. 

In March, 1906, the Tsar issued a manifesto in which he The Tsar 
explained how he proposed to convert his Council of the council of 
Empire into a sort of upper house which should cooperate *^^ Empire 

^ ^ ^ ^ into an upper 

with the Duma and form a parliament for Russia somewhat house of 
similar to those of western states. Half the members of the 
Council were to be appointed by the Tsar himself and half to 
be chosen by various bodies, e.g. the Synod of the Orthodox 
Church, the Academy of Sciences and the universities, the 
various bourses, or exchanges, and the nobility. All laws 
must be approved by both houses before being submitted to 
the Tsar. 

The elections for the Duma took place in March and April, witte resigns 
and, in spite of the activity of the police, resulted in an over- 
whelming majority for the constitutional democrats. Witte, find- 
ing his position untenable, since he was an object of suspicion 
both to the inner circle who controlled the government and 
to the people at large, sadly resigned before the Duma met on 
May 10, 1906. 

1 It is true that, by an imperial edict issued in November, the annual amount 
due the government from the peasants in payment for their lands was reduced 
to one half for the year- 1906, and abolished altogether after January, 1907. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

The Duma The deputies to the Duma assembled in no humble frame 

the^Tsar,*^^ of mind. They came exasperated by the disasters of the war 
May 10, 1906 ^^^ ^.{^g humiliations of the army and fleet, for all of which 
they held the ministers and the bureaucracy responsible ; they 
were resolved to demand an account of the public income and 
expenditures, to punish fraud, hunt down and chastise the guilty, 
dismiss the corrupt, and purify the whole administration. They 
were determined, in a word, to give Russia an enlightened, lib- 
eral, and righteous constitutional government. Like the mem- 
bers of the Estates General in 1789, they felt that they had 
the nation behind them. They listened stonily to the Tsar's 
remarks at the opening session, and it w^as clear from the 
first that they would not agree any better with their monarch 
than the French deputies had agreed with Louis XVI and his 

The first motion made in the Duma related to the freeing 
of those who had sacrificed their liberty for their country. In 
its address to the Tsar the assembly laid stress on the neces- 
sity of universal suffrage, and the abandoning on the part of 
the government of all its tyrannical habits. It also urged that 
there was no hope of progress in regenerating the country so 
long as the upper house was under the Tsar's personal control 
and his ministers were in no way responsible to the Duma. It 
recommended that all the land belonging to the State or the 
members of the royal house, as well as that of the churches 
and monasteries, should be turned over to the peasants on 
long leases. One of its members showed how the Tsar's 
ministers and their friends had been enriching themselves 
through the so-called Peasant's Bank. The Duma also dis- 
cussed the organization of massacres by the police, of which a 
terrible example occurred in the middle of June. A bill abol- 
ishing capital punishment altogether was ardently discussed 
and finally passed. 

Neither the Council of the Empire nor the Tsar's ministers 
would cooperate with the Duma in any of these measures, and 

The Duma 
freely dis- 
cusses the 
vices of 
the Tsar's 

The Russian Enipi7'e i7i the Nineteenth Century 299 

on July 21 Nicholas II declared that he was "cruelly dis- The Tsar 
appointed" that the deputies had not confined themselves to Dumai%iy^ 
their proper duties and had commented upon many matters ^^' ^9°^' 
which belonged to him. He accordingly dissolved the Duma, 
as he had a perfect right to do, fixed March 5, 1907, as the 
date for the meeting of a new Duma, and appointed Stolypin 
premier, — an office he still holds (December, 1907). 

The dissolution of the Duma created no general disturbance, The protest 
but a number of the deputies retired to Viborg, in Finland, to ^ ^^ 
talk over their grievances. Two hundred and thirty of them, 
belonging to the constitutional democratic and the labor 
parties, signed a manifesto in which they declared that the 
Tsar had hastily dissolved the Duma in the midst of its work ; 
and they exhorted the people to give the government no more 
money or soldiers since the Tsar had no right to either with- 
out the consent of the Duma. Most of these ex-deputies were 
prosecuted for signing the manifesto and excluded from the 
coming Duma. 

The revolutionists made an unsuccessful attempt in August Atrocities 
to blow up Premier Stolypin in his country house and continued continue 
to assassinate governors and police officials. The " Black 
Hundreds," on the other hand, went on massacring Jews and 
liberals while the government established courts-martial to 
insure the speedy trial and immediate execution of revolution- 
ists. In the two months, September and October, 1906, these 
courts summarily condemned three hundred persons to be shot 
or hanged. During the whole year some nine thousand persons 
were killed or wounded for political reasons. 

A terrible famine was afflicting the land at the end of the Famine 
year and it was discovered that a member of the Tsar's ministry other disas- 
had been stealing the money appropriated to furnish grain to ^^'"^ 
the dying peasants. An observer who had traveled eight hun- 
dred miles through the famine-stricken district reported that 
he did not find a single village where the peasants had food 
enough for themselves or their cattle. In some places the 


The Development of Modern Europe 

of the village 

Duma meets 
March 5, 

The Tsar 
dissolves the 
second Duma 
June, 1907 

New election 

peasants were reduced to eating bark and the straw used for 
their thatch roofs. 

In October a ukase permitted the peasants to leave their 
particular village community and join another, or to seek 
employment elsewhere. On November 25 the peasants were 
empowered to become owners of their allotments and all 
redemption dues were remitted. This constitutes a practical 
abolition of the system of ownership by village communities, 
but it is too soon to say whether the law will be really carried 
out and what will be its results if it is. 

In accordance with the Tsar's imperial promise the second 
Duma met on March 5, 1907. The government had declared 
ineligible a majority of the former Duma. It had excluded 
Milyoukov and all the other constitutional democrats that it 
could, and its efforts resulted in the election of a rather large 
conservative " right." But many socialists were returned, and 
the opponents of the government still had a large majority. 
The Duma promptly appointed a great number of committees 
to consider the financial situation, the reform of the criminal 
law, the condition of the peasants, and other pressing matters. 
It soon became apparent that the Tsar and his advisers were not 
prepared to submit to the control of the Duma. Early in June 
Stolypin ordered the assembly to give up sixteen of its members 
to the police and expel forty others on the ground that they 
were implicated in a plot to overthrow the Tsar. The Duma 
appointed a committee to consider the merits of the case, but 
the police hastened to arrest the alleged leaders in the conspir- 
acy, and the Tsar immediately dissolved the assembly for refus- 
ing to surrender its accused members upon his demand. 

In order that the third Duma should be more docile than 
the first two, the Tsar and his ministers issued, quite uncon- 
stitutionally, a new set of regulations for the coming elections. 
Poland was deprived of two thirds of its representatives, while 
those from the cities were so greatly reduced that only St. 
Petersburg, Moscow, Kiev, Odessa, Warsaw, Lodz, and Riga 

The Russian Empire in the Nineteenth Century 301 

could send any deputies at all. The influence of the peasants, 
whom the government has found almost as radical as the 
workingmen of the towns, was also much diminished. 

As a result of these unconstitutional measures the third The third 
Duma, which met on November 14, 1907, contained a much demns the 
larger number of large landowners, retired government officials, ^^^^ Novem- 
priests and other conservative members than the former assem- ber 26, 1907 
blies. Nevertheless, on November 26, by a vote of 246 to 112, 
it declared that the title, Autocrat, " is no longer justifiable 
in the Russian State and is incompatible with the system 
inaugurated by the manifesto issued by Emperor Nicholas on 
October 29, 1905." 

It is clear from what has been said that autocracy is dying Autocracy is 
very hard in Russia. The Tsar has established a parliament ^^"^ 
consisting of the Duma and the Council of the Empire. He 
has agreed that no law shall go into force without the assent of 
the representatives of the people. He, however, still retains 
the title of Autocrat, and his officials continue to violate all the 
principles of civil and political liberty and even the Tsar's own 
manifestoes, by abusing and oppressing the people and prevent- 
ing them from discussing public questions. 

In spite of the famines and bad government the population General con- 
of Russia is increasing very rapidly. There appear to have the people 
been about forty-five million inhabitants in the whole empire in 
1815 ; now there are nearly one hundred and fifty millions, 
or more than a threefold increase.^ While there are indica- 
tions that there is a deterioration in the recruits examined 
for the army, which shows that the people are wretchedly 
underfed, it is possible that the breaking up of the village 
communities and the influence of the Duma may at last put 
the peasant in a position to support himself and his family in 
tolerable comfort. 

1 The population in round numbers is distributed as follows : 

European Russia, 108,000,000 Caucasus, 10,000,000 

Poland, 11,000,000 Siberia, 6,500,000 

Finland, 3,000,000 Central Asian Provinces, 9,000,000 

302 The Development of Modern Europe 


Russia in 1815 : Seignobos, Political History of Europe since 
1814, pp. 578-581; Skrine, Expansion of Russia, pp. 8-13; 
Cambridge Modern History, Vol. X, chap, xiii, pp. 413-439. 

Alexander I and Domestic Reforms : Skrine, pp. 15-85 ; Ram- 
baud, History of Russia, Vol. II, pp. 383-399. 

Despotism under Nicholas I : Skrine, pp. 86-164 ; Seignobos, 

pp. 585-590- 

The Emancipation of the Serfs: Seignobos, pp. 591-596; 
Rambaud, Vol. Ill, pp. 212-228; Skrine, pp. 178-191. 

Growth of Opposition to Absolutism : Seignobos, pp. 603-608 ; 
Rambaud, Vol. Ill, pp. 382-388; Skrine, pp. 214-222, 265- 
270 ; Rose, The Development of Eu?'opean Nations, Vol. I, 
pp. 344-376. 

The Industrial Revolution in Russia: Skrine, pp. 313-321. 

Russia under Nicholas II : Skrine, pp. 321-348. 


The Greek War of Independence 

97. It has been necessary in our narrative to refer now and European 
again to the Sultan of Turkey, and especially to his troubles source^of 
with his neighbors, Russia and Austria. Since the days of Louis ^}^^^ dissen- 

° ' ■' sions among 

XIV his power has been steadily declining and some serious the powers 
wars have been fought among the European states over the 
disposal of the European portion of his dominions. The Turk, 
notwithstanding his long residence in southeastern Europe, 
has never accepted either the civilization of the West or 
the Christian religion in any of its forms. Consequently the 
Christian powers, especially Russia, have from time to time 
assumed the right to protect the Sultan's Christian subjects 
from the barbarities of his Mohammedan officials, and have 
made more or less futile attempts to force him to reform his 
government. In order to understand this "Eastern question," 
— which has involved the gradual expulsion of the Turks from 
Europe, the interminable quarrel over the Sultan's government 
and finances, and the formation of the new states of Servia, 
Roumania, Greece, and Bulgaria, — it is necessary to turn 
back, for the moment, to the origin of the Turkish Empire 
in Europe. 

Although there had been an almost steady conflict between The advance 
the Cross and the Crescent ever since the days of Mohammed, of Turkislf 
it was not until the fourteenth century that southeastern Europe Pp^^^^' '" 

■^ '■ Europe 

was threatened by a Mohammedan invasion. Under Othman 
(died 1326) a Turkish tribe from western Asia established it- 
self in Asia Minor, across the Bosporus from Constantinople. 
From their leader they derived the name of Ottoman Turks, 


304 The Development of Modern Europe 

to distinguish them from the Seljuk Turks with whom the 
Crusaders had in earher centuries come in contact. Under 
successive sultans the Ottoman Turks extended their territory 
eastward into Asia Minor, Syria, Arabia, and Egypt, while to 
the west they conquered the Balkan regions and Greece. In 
1453 the capital of the Eastern Empire, Constantinople, fell 
into their hands, and for a hundred and fifty years thereafter 
they were a source of serious apprehension to the states of 
western Europe. Faithful Catholics were commanded by the 
Pope to send up a prayer each day as the noon bell rang, that 
God might deliver them from the on-coming infidel. 

The Turks pushed up the valley of the Danube almost to 
the borders of the German Empire, and for nearly two cen- 
turies the republic of Venice and the House of Hapsburg were 
engaged in an almost continuous war with them. In 1683 they 
laid siege to Vienna, but were defeated by the Polish king, 
John Sobieski, who came to the relief of the Austrians. The 
following year, the Emperor, Poland, and Venice formed a 
Holy League, which for fifteen years waged an intermittent 
war against the infidels (in which Peter the Great joined) and 
which, by 1699, succeeded in forcing the Turks out of Hungary. 
Catharine the While Turkey ceased, thereafter, to be dangerously aggres- 
terrftory on ^ive, she was able for several decades to resist the efforts of 
the Black Sea Russia and Austria to deprive her of further territory. In 
1768 Catharine the Great became involved in a war with the 
Sultan and was able, as will be remembered, to destroy his 
fleet.^ In 1774, however, the Tsarina agreed to restore most 
of the conquests she had made during the war, but managed to 
secure the Crimea and the region about the Sea of Azof, thus 
giving Russia a permanent foothold on the Black Sea. More- 
over the Porte, as the Turkish government is commonly called, 
conceded to Russia the right to protect the Sultan's Christian 
subjects, most of whom were adherents of the Orthodox Greek 
Church, the State Church of Russia.^ 

1 See above, Vol. I, p. 76. 2 See above, p, 269, note. 

Turkey and the Eastern Qtiestion 305 

These and other provisions seemed to give the Russians an Russian 
excuse for intervening in Turkish affairs, and offered an oppor- xurkey 
tunity for fomenting discontent among the Sultan's Christian 
subjects. Europe began to suspect, rightly enough, that this 
was the first step on the part of Russia toward an expulsion 
of the Turk in her own interest. Alexander I was only too 
happy when, some years later. Napoleon suggested that the 
Tsar should add certain Turkish territories to his realms as an 
offset to the French annexation in other quarters. In 181 2, 
just before Napoleon's march on Moscow, Alexander forced 
Turkey to cede to him Bessarabia on the Black Sea, which still 
remains the last of Russia's conquests toward the southwest. 

Shortly after the Congress of Vienna, the Servians, who had Servia be- 
for a number of years been in revolt against the Turks, were tributary 
able to establish their practical independence (181 7), and Ser- principality, 
via, with Belgrade as its capital, became a principality tribu- 
tary to Turkey. This was the first of a series of states which 
have reemerged, during the nineteenth century, from beneath 
the Mohammedan inundation. 

The next state to gain its independence was Greece, whose The national 
long conflict against Turkish despotism aroused throughout awakens 
Europe the sympathy of all who appreciated the glories of ^" Greece 
ancient Greece. The inhabitants of the land of Plato, Aristotle, 
and Demosthenes were, it is true, scarcely to be regarded as 
descendants of the Greeks, and the language they spoke bore 
little resemblance to the ancient tongue. Two thousand years 
had brought in alien peoples who cared little or nothing for 
the perpetuation of the culture of their predecessors. At the 
opening of the nineteenth century, however, the national spirit 
once more awoke in Greece, and able writers made modern 
Greek a literary language and employed it in stirring appeals 
to the patriotism of their fellow-countrymen. 

In 182 1 an insurrection broke out in Morea, as the an- 
cient Peloponnesus is now called. The revolutionists were sup- 
ported by the clergy of the Greek Church, who proclaimed 


The Development of Modern Europe 

The inde- 
pendence of 
Greece de- 
clared Janu- 
ary, 1822 

of western 
Europe for 
the cause of 
Greek inde- 

The powers 
intervene in 
the war for 
Grecian inde- 

The Turks 
defeated at 

a savage war of extermination against the infidel. The move- 
ment spread through the peninsula ; the atrocities of the Turk 
were rivaled by those of the Greeks, and thousands of Moham- 
medans — men, women, and children — were slaughtered. On 
January 27, 1822, the Greek National Assembly issued a proc- 
lamation of independence in which they declared, as descend- 
ants "of the wise and noble peoples of Hellas," that they 
" found it no longer possible to suffer without cowardice and 
self-contempt the cruel yoke of the Ottoman power, which has 
weighed upon us for more than four centuries." ^ 

To Metternich all this seemed only an unforeseen illustra- 
tion of the dangers of revolution, but the liberals throughout 
Europe enthusiastically sympathized with the Greek revolt, 
since it was carried on in the name of national liberty. Intel- 
lectual men in England, France, Germany, and the United 
States held meetings to express sympathy for the cause, while 
to the ardent Christian it seemed a righteous war against infi- 
dels and persecutors. Soldiers and supplies poured into Greece. 
The most famous, perhaps, of the volunteers was Lord Byron, 
who in 1824 sacrificed his life for the cause which his pen had 
already done much to promote. Indeed, the Greeks could 
scarcely have freed themselves had the European powers 
refused to intervene. 

It is needless to follow the long negotiations between the 
various European courts in connection with Greek affairs. 
In 1827 England, France, and Russia signed a treaty at 
London providing for a joint adjustment of the difficulty, on 
the ground that it was necessary to put an end to the san- 
guinary struggle which left Greece and the adjacent islands a 
prey " to all the disasters of anarchy, and daily causes fresh 
impediments to the commerce of Europe." The Porte having 
refused to accept the mediation of the allies, their combined 
fleets destroyed that of the Sultan at Navarino in October, 
1827. Thereupon the Porte declared a "holy war" on the 

1 See Readings^ sect. 97. 

Turkey and the Eastern Question 307 

unbelievers, especially the Russians. But the latter were pre- Wallachia 
pared to push the war with vigor, and they not only actively 
promoted the freedom of Greece, but forced the Sultan to 
grant practical independence to the Danubian principalities of 
Wallachia and Moldavia, which came thereby under Russian EstabUsh- 
influence. Turkey was no longer able to oppose the wishes of kingdom of 
the allies, and in 1832 Greece became an independent state, G^'^^'^^' ^^3^ 
choosing for its king Prince Otto of Bavaria. 

The Crimean War (1854-1856) 

98. The success of the powers in their intervention in The inter- 
behalf of Greek independence led the Tsar Nicholas I to hint troversy over 
to the English ambassador at St. Petersburg that the " Sick tl'^/Jf"*^^' 
Man of the East," as he called the Sultan, was at the point Christians 

in Turkey 

of death and that arrangements should be made for the set- 
tlement of his estate. England, however, had no sympathy 
with any further partition of the Turkish dominions, since she 
opposed the expansion of Russia to the south, and believed 
that it was to her interest that Constantinople and the narrow 
Bosporus and Dardanelles should remain in the hands of the 
Turks, thus preventing Russia from free access to the Mediter- 
ranean. A fresh excuse for interfering in Turkish affairs was, 
however, afforded the Tsar in 1853. Complaints reached him 
that Christian pilgrims were not permitted by the Turks (who 
had long been in possession of the Holy Land and Jerusalem) 
freely to visit the places made sacred by their associations with 
the life of Jesus. Russia seemed the natural protector of those, 
at least, who adhered to her own form of Christianity, and the 
•Russian ambassador rudely demanded that the Porte should 
grant the Tsar a protectorate over all the Christians in Turkey. 

When news of this situation reached Paris Napoleon III, France and 
who had recently become emperor and was anxious to take a declare war 
hand in European affairs, declared that France, in virtue of °" Russia 
earlier treaties with the Porte, enjoyed the right to protect 

3o8 The Development of Modem Europe 

Catholic Christians. He found an ally in England, whose am- 
bassador accordingly advised the Sultan not to accede to 
Russia's demands. When the Tsar's troops marched into the 
Turkish dominions France and England came to the Sultan's 
assistance and declared war upon the Tsar in 1854. 
Thd Crimean The Crimean War which followed owes its name to the fact 
^'^ that the operations of the allies against Russia culminated in 

the long siege of Sebastopol, which lies in the southern part 
of the Crimean peninsula. Every victory won by the allies 
was dearly bought. The English soldiers suffered at first in 
consequence of the inefficiency of the home government in 
sending them the necessary supplies. The charge of the light 
brigade at Balaklava, which has been made famous by Tenny- 
son's poem, and the engagement at Inkerman were small com- 
pensation for the immense losses and hardships endured by 
both the French and the English. Russia was, however, dis- 
heartened by the sufferings of her own soldiers, the inefficiency 
and corruption of her officials, and the final loss of the mighty 
fortress of Sebastopol. She saw, moreover, that her near neigh- 
bor, Austria, was about to join her enemies. The new Tsar 
Alexander II, therefore, consented in 1856 to the terms of a 
treaty drawn up at Par is. ^ 
Terms of This treaty recognized the independence of the Ottoman 

ofVlrist*i856 Empire and guaranteed its territorial integrity. The " Sublime 
Porte " was also included within the scope of the international 
law of Europe, from which it had hitherto been excluded as a 
barbarous government, and the other powers agreed not to in- 
terfere further with the domestic affairs of Turkey. The Sultan 
drew up a special decree in which he referred to "his generous 
intentions towards his Christian subjects " and promised reli- 
siirSared ^^°"^ liberty as well as reforms in the government. The Black 
neutral Sea was declared neutral territory and its waters thrown open 

1 It will be remembered that Sardinia had joined the allies against Russia, 
and in this way forced the powers to admit it to the deliberations at Paris where 
Cavour seized the opportunity to plead the cause of Italy. See above, p. 95. 

Turkey attd the Eastern Question 309 

to merchant ships of all nations, but no war ships were to pass 
through the Bosporus or Dardanelles. In short, Turkey was pre- 
served and strengthened by the intervention of the powers as 
a bulwark against Russian encroachment into the Balkan pen- 
insula, but nothing was really done to reform the Turkish ad- 
ministration or to make the lot of the Christian subjects more 

Revolts in the Balkan Peninsula 

99. Some idea of the situation of the people under the Terrftlecon 
Sultan's rule may be derived from the report of an English Bosnia and 
traveler (Mr. Arthur Evans) in 1875. In the Turkish prov- J^fJerTurk^ 
inces of Bosnia and Herzegovina he found that outside the ish rule 
large towns, where European consuls were present, neither the 
honor, property, nor lives of the Christians were safe, because 
the authorities were blind to any outrage committed by a 
Mohammedan. The Sultan's taxes fell principally on the peas- 
ants in the form of a tenth of their produce. It was a common 
custom for the collectors (who were often not Mohammedans 
but brutal Christians) to require the peasant to pay the tax in cash 
before the harvesting of the ripe crop, and if he could not meet 
the charges, the taxgatherer simply said, "Then your harvest 
shall rot on the ground till you pay it." When this oppression 
was resisted the most cruel punishments were meted out to the 
offenders. " In the heat of summer," runs the account, *' men 
are stripped naked and tied to a tree, smeared over with honey 
or other sweet stuff and left to the tender mercies of the insect 
world. For winter extortion it is found convenient to bind 
people to stakes and leave them barefooted to be frost-bitten ; 
or at other times they are shoved into a pigsty and cold water 
poured on them. A favorite plan is to drive a party of rayahs 
(peasants) up a tree or into a chamber and then smoke them 
with green wood. Instances are recorded of Bosnian peasants 
being buried up to their heads in earth and left to repent at 


The Development of Modern Europe 



pleads with 
his country- 
men to aid 
the Balkan 

" bolsters 
up" Turkey 

In 1874 a failure of crops aggravated the intolerable con- 
ditions and an insurrection broke out in Bosnia and Herze- 
govina which set the whole Balkan peninsula aflame. For the 
Bulgarians around Philippopolis, incited to hopes of independ- 
ence by the events in the states to the west, assassinated some 
of the Turkish officials and gave the Ottoman government a 
pretext for the most terrible atrocities in the history of Turkish 
rule in Europe. Thousands of troops and camp followers were 
poured into the revolted regions; sixty-five villages in the 
upper valley of the Maritza River were almost entirely de- 
stroyed ; and in the flourishing town of Batak five thousand 
men, women, and children were subjected to the most horrible 
treatment and then butchered in cold blood. 

While the European powers, in their usual fashion, were ex- 
changing futile diplomatic notes on the situation, Servia and 
Montenegro declared war on the Sultan, and the Christians in 
the Balkan region made a frantic appeal to the West for im- 
mediate help. A good deal naturally depended on the position 
taken by England, — the stanch defender of Turkey. Gladstone, 
then leader of the Liberals, turned his main attention for some 
time to the Eastern question. In impassioned appeals to his 
fellow-countrymen he urged that the time had come to break 
the unholy alliance between England and "the unspeakable 
Turk." Bosnia, Herzegovina, and Bulgaria should receive Eng- 
lish help and protection and be delivered from " an intolerable 
burden of woe and shame." 

But Gladstone's party was not in power, and Lord Beacons- 
field was fearful that English encouragement to the Slavic rebels 
in the Sultan's dominions would only result in their becoming 
independent and allying themselves with England's enemy, 
Russia. The Suez Canal had now been constructed, and as it 
formed the gateway to India, Australia, and the East, Eng- 
land was opposed to any extension of Russian influence which 
might endanger freedom of navigation in eastern waters. The 
English, therefore, believed that in the interest of their trade 

Turkey and the Eastern Question 311 

they must continue to resist any movement which might destroy 
the power of the Sultan, who was not likely to hamper their 
eastern commerce. 

The negotiations of the powers having come to nothing, Russia over- 
Russia determined, in 1877, to act alone. Her declaration of suftan^n a 
war was shortly followed by Russian victories, and in 1878 a ^o^'^*_^^^j5 
Russian army entered Adrianople, — which was equivalent to 
an announcement to the world that Ottoman dominion in 
Europe had come to an end. England protested, but the 
Sultan was forced to sign the Treaty of San Stefano wdth the 
Tsar and to recognize the complete independence of Servia, 
Montenegro, and Roumania,^ while Bulgaria w^as made inde- 
pendent except for the payment of tribute to the Sultan. 

England expressed serious objections to this treaty and England 
forced Tsar Alexander II to submit the whole matter to the tSement of " 
consideration of a general European Congress at Berlin, where, "^A^^.^^^^ 
after prolonged and stormy sessions, the powers agreed to many the Berlin 

c ^ r 1 ri-, r o o r r,^, m Conference, 

01 the terms or the Ireaty 01 ban btefano. I he Isar was per- 1878 
mitted to annex a district to the east of the Black Sea includ- 
ing the towns of Batum and Kars. The provinces of Bosnia 
and Herzegovina were to be occupied and administered by 

The territorial settlement at Berlin, like that at Vienna half The Bul- 
a century before, disregarded many national aspirations. The contented^ 
Bulgarians were especially disappointed with the arrangement, g^*^.*^^ 
for, instead of being all united in one state, as they had hoped, Treaty 
they were separated into three distinct divisions. The region 
between the Danube and the Balkans, with some slight addi- 
tions, became the principality of Bulgaria, tributary to the 
Sultan. The region to the south was made a Turkish prov- 
ince, Eastern Roumelia, under a Christian governor general. 

1 In 1862 the so-called " Danubian Provinces " of Moldavia and Wallachia 
had formed a voluntary union under the name " Roumania." In 1866 the Rouma- 
nians chose for their ruler a German prince, Charles of HohenzoUern-Sigmaringen, 
who in 1881 was proclaimed King of Roumania as Carol I. See below, p. 316. 

2 See above, pp. 128-129. 


The Development of Moder7t Europe 

Union of 
Bulgaria and 
Eastern Rou- 
melia, 1885 






Progress of 
the Bulgarian 

The third division, comprising a large portion of Macedonia 
and the region about Adrianople, was left under the direct 
administration of Turkish officials. 

Under the terms of the treaty the inhabitants of the Bul- 
garian principality proceeded to frame a constitution and chose 
as their prince, Alexander of Battenberg. They adopted as 
their watchword, "Bulgaria for the Bulgarians," and took the 
first step toward the reunion of their race by a bloodless revo- 
lution in 1885 which joined Eastern Roumelia and Bulgaria.^ 
Agitation to secure the third section of the country which the 
Bulgarians hope to annex has not yet produced any result 
beyond keeping up a constant state of friction with the Turks. 

This division of the Bulgarian people, as well as their subjec- 
tion to the Sultan as a tributary state, exactly suited the designs 
of the Western powers, who feared that an independent Bulgaria 
might come under the influence of Russia and join her in de- 
stroying the vestiges of Turkish dominion in Europe. Russia has 
nevertheless endeavored to control Bulgaria. Finding the new 
prince, Alexander, acting as a patriotic Bulgarian and opposing 
her interventions, she supported a domestic conspiracy against 
him which resulted in his abdication in 1886. This bold stroke, 
however, proved of little permanent advantage to the Russians, 
for Alexander's successor, Ferdinand of Coburg, favored the 
policy of Stambuloff , president of the Bulgarian parliament, — 
an able statesman and a bitter enemy of the Tsar. It was not 
until the assassination of Stambuloff in 1895 that the Russian 
party again became dominant, and at present the Bulgarians 
look to their powerful northern neighbor for help in gaining the 
complete independence which they hope to secure whenever 
another general upheaval in the East takes place. 

Notwithstanding her foreign troubles, Bulgaria has made 
steady progress in government and industry and is regarded 
as a rising power among the states of southeastern Europe. 

1 This clear violation of the Treaty of Berlin was sanctioned in 1886 when the 
powers recognized the Bulgarian prince as governor general of Eastern Roumelia. 

Turkey and the Eastern Question 3 1 3 

The constitution of the principality is very democratic, — at 
least in form, — for all laws are made by a national assembly 
elected by popular vote, and the government is carried on by 
a responsible ministry. Although the people at large, of whom 
about three fourths are peasants, take little interest in political 
questions, the government is encouraging education by sup- 
porting schools and public libraries. Woolen and cotton man- 
ufactures are flourishing; iron, coal, and salt mines are being 
developed ; railways connect Sofia, the capital, with Constan- 
tinople, on the one hand, and western pAirope on the other ; 
and every year thousands of ships trading with Asia and Europe 
enter and clear from the ports of Varna and Bourgas on the 
Black Sea. 

Thus the Turkish Empire in Europe has shrunk to a narrow Turkish 

i • r ^ -^ 1 • ^ ^ ^1 ^1 ^ ^ r Tv/r- • dominion in 

strip of territory, — less m extent than the state of Missouri, Europe now 
— extending from the Black Sea to the Adriatic, to which !^^!P^*f,^ 

° ' to the Mace- 

the name Macedonia is generally applied. This area is broken donian region 

. ' 1 . . , , . 1 1 , inhabited by 

everywhere by mountain ranges and is inhabited by such a Greeks, Bul- 
complicated mixture of races that it has been aptly called *' a vians^Rou-'^ 
perfect ethnographic museum." Along the coast line of the nia"'^"^' ^"^ 
T^gean Sea and the borders of Greece the Greeks, numbering 
roughly three hundred thousand, predominate. To the north 
and east, over against Bulgaria and E^astern Roumelia, dwell 
Bulgarians who have not yet been incorporated into the princi- 
pality of Bulgaria. In the north-central regions are the Serbs, 
who are not sharply marked off from the Bulgarians because 
the languages of the two peoples, though differing in Servia and 
Bulgaria, are somewhat blended in the Macedonian regions. 
Scattered through the central districts are the Macedonian 
" Rumans," of old Thracian stock, but roughly latinized in 
language and civilization by the Roman colonists who settled 
in this country after the Roman conquest of Greece. In the 
west, bordering on the Adriatic, are the Albanians, a wild people, 
primitive in their civilization and lawless in their habits. Almost 
two thirds of them have accepted Mohammedanism, and they 

314 The Development of Modem Europe 

are often used by the Sultan to overawe their Christian neigh- 
bors in the rest of Macedonia. 
Disorders in Clearly a population representing so many races, and vary- 
Mace onia .^^ .^ Stages of Culture from wild mountain outlaws to orderly 
industrial communities, would present grave problems even to 
a government which was entirely honest and efficient. As it is. 
Christian bandits carry off other Christians into the mountains 
and hold them for ransom; isolated uprisings often result in 
the assassination of the Mohammedan officials in the district ; 
and constant friction between the two faiths makes orderly 
government impossible. 
The Ottoman Moreover the whole situation is greatly complicated by the 
despotiTf cor- character of the Ottoman government. In the first place, it is 
ineffideift thoroughly despotic and not controlled by any assembly repre- 
senting the interests and wishes of its subjects. The Sultan 
appoints all the ministers who preside over the various depart- 
ments of government, chief among whom is the Grand Vizier. 
This ministry, called the Porte, has a strong rival in the 
household officials of the Sultan's palace, who often sway him 
by personal influence against the advice of political experts. 
All the governors of the provinces into which the empire is 
divided and all judges and officials of high rank are appointed 
by the Sultan and his councilors. 

In the second place, the Sultan's administration of the 
empire is undoubtedly inefficient and corrupt. In the words 
of Mr. Edwin Pears, long prominent among the Europeans in 
Turkey : " The higher officials have usually to buy their places, 
and in return they exact from those below them, and espe- 
cially from the peasants, Turkish as well as Christian, all that 
they can get. Salaries are irregularly paid, justice is bought 
and sold. Trade is hampered until much of it is driven away 
from the country. Life and property are not secure. Tax 
farmers have to bribe to obtain their contracts and in return 
are allowed to exact double or more from the agriculturalist 
than they are lawfully entitled to receive." 

Turkey and the Eastern Question 3 1 5 

Finally the Ottoman officials in European Turkey are alien The Moham- 
in faith and nationality to the bulk of the population, and gard their 
thus arouse racial and religious prejudices in addition to the JjJbjects as 
natural dislike for oppressive government officials. The Koran inferior 
commands them to regard " the people of the book," as they 
call the Christians, as distinctly inferior, and therefore they 
despise the Christian peasants and have no hesitancy in 
robbing and maltreating them. Despotic, corrupt, foreign, and 
burdensome, the Turkish government in Macedonia is bound 
to excite opposition and disorder, in which it cannot be denied 
that many of the Christians delight to share. Lingering only 
by the sufferance of the powers, it seems inevitably doomed 
to extinction. 

The Independent Balkan States 

100. Unhappy as are the Macedonian peoples still under Develop- 
direct rule of the Sultan, it can scarcely be said that the deece since 
success of the independent states — Greece, Servia, Roumania, '"dependence 
and Montenegro — is such as to encourage greatly those who 
advocate self-government for the minor nations in the Balkan 
regions. Shortly after winning their independence the Greeks 
revolted against their newly chosen sovereign because he 
attempted to rule arbitrarily, and in 1862 they expelled him 
from his kingdom and chose in his stead the present ruler, 
George I, son of the former king of Denmark.-^ In the moun- 
tain regions bands of brigands were long so powerful as to 
defy the police and make traveling dangerous. I'he fertile 
soil of the valleys is badly tilled by an ignorant peasantry 
overburdened with taxes, and the persistent efforts of the gov- 
ernment to educate the people still leaves about one third of 
the population illiterate. 

Notwithstanding adverse circumstances, the Greeks are am- 
bitious to become a great and enlightened nation, and they 

1 After the expulsion of Otto the Greeks drew up their present constitution 
(1864), which provides for a parliament of one chamber elected by popular vote. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Efforts to 
bring all 
within the 
have so far 

in Servia 

troubled with 

have driven themselves almost into bankruptcy in the con- 
struction of canals, railways, and roads, and in the maintenance 
of a large army. They regard themselves as morally bound to 
free, as soon as possible, their fellow Greeks still under Ottoman 
rule in Macedonia, Asia Minor, Crete, and the other islands 
in the eastern Mediterranean, and in 1897 they declared war 
on Turkey in the hope of accomplishing their long-cherished 
designs. Though sadly w^orsted in this war, they have not 
ceased to encourage agitation in Crete, but Great Britain, 
■ France, Russia, and Italy guard it in the name of the Sultan.^ 

Nowhere in the Balkan regions has the experiment of self- 
government been less successful than in the kingdom of Servia, 
which was declared independent in 1878 after about sixty years 
of practical exemption from Turkish authority. Its ruler, 
who, in 1882, assumed the title of King Milan I, proved to be 
both despotic and immoral, and the radicals among his subjects 
forced him to call a national assembly, which drew up a new 
constitution in 1889. Angered at this interference, Milan abdi- 
cated, declaring that he would not be a puppet king. His son, 
Alexander, proved even less acceptable to the nation, for he 
suspended the new constitution, and recalled his father from 
exile. In 1903 King Alexander was assassinated by some dis- 
contented army officers, and the Servians then chose for their 
ruler Peter Karageorgevitch, the grandson of Kara George, or 
" Black George," who in the early part of the nineteenth 
century had led the struggle for independence and become a 
national hero. 

Although the Roumanian kingdom has undergone no palace 
revolutions like the neighboring Servia, it has suffered from 
political agitations and agrarian disorders. In spite of two 
subsequent modifications, the constitution drawn up in 1866 is 
so arranged as to exclude the great majority of the people 

1 After two years of civil war in Crete the powers gave the king of Greece the 
right to nominate the Cretan governor, or high commissioner as he is called, and' 
in February, 1907, a new constitution was drawn up for Crete. 

Turkey and the Eastern Question 3 1 7 

from voting. At the elections of 1905 there were less than 
one hundred thousand voters out of a population of nearly six 
millions, and this state of affairs rouses the constant protests 
of a rapidly growing radical party. Even more serious, how- 
ever, than the political agitation, is the unrest among the 
peasants who compose the vast majority of the nation. They 
claim that ever since the emancipation of the serfs, in 1864, 
they have been the victims of grasping money lenders and 
tyrannical landlords, and in 1907 they broke out into an open 
revolt which required a large army to suppress it. 

The petty principality of Montenegro, smaller in area than Montenegro 

- „ . 1-1 1 • r 1 , secures con- 

the State of Connecticut and with a population of about two stitutional 
hundred and thirty thousand, has caused Europe more trouble government, 
than its size warrants, but since it became independent in 1878 
it ha^ ceased to be of any particular interest. Until 1905 it 
was governed by an absolute prince, but he was at last forced 
to adopt the fashion of western Europe and establish constitu- 
tional government with a parliament elected by popular vote. 


The Turkish Empire in 1814 : Seignobos, Political History of 
Europe since 1814^ pp. 616-619. 

The Establishment of Grecian Independence : Seignobos, pp.619— 
621, 648-652 ; Phillips, Modern History, i8is-i8gg, pp. 145-167. 

The Crimean War: Seignobos, pp. 789-793 ; Skrine, Expan- 
sion of Russia, pp. 154-178; Fyffe, History of Modern Europe. 
pp. 824-865 ; Rambaud, History of Russia, Vol. Ill, pp. 85-206 ,• 
Kendall, Soujxe Book of Eftglish History, pp. 427-434. 

The Eastern Question : Rose, Development of European Nations^ 
Vol. I, pp. 184-224. 

The Russo-Turkish War and the Settlement of 1878 : Seignobos, 
pp. 823-827; Skrine, pp. 245-264; Fyffe, pp.. 1020-1052 ; 
Phillips, pp. 486-523 ; Rambaud, Vol. Ill, pp. 325-381 ; Rose, 
Vol. I, pp. 225-298. 

Roumania : Seignobos, pp. 640-648. 

Servia, Montenegro, and Bulgaria: Seignobos, pp. 657-669; 
Rose, Vol. I, pp. 299-343. 



The Growth of International Trade and 
Competition : Imperialism 

England the loi. During the first half of the nineteenth century, England 
trfa/nation"^' stood easily at the head of all the nations of the world in the 
of the world output of her mines and factories and the vast extent of her 

in 1015 ^ 

commerce. She had laid the foundations for this supremacy 
during the eighteenth century, when she gained the control of 
India and Canada and certain important islands, and in the 
early part of the nineteenth century, when she secured her 
interests in southern Africa, Australia, and New Zealand. This 
expansion enabled her to reap the full advantage of her new 
machinery, which had so raarvelously increased her power of 
production. No invading armies had harried her fields, burned 
her shipping, or sacked her towns. Indeed, the wars from 
which the Continent suffered, usually served to increase rather 
than lessen England's prosperity, owing to the demand they 
caused for the products of her looms and foundries. 

Under these circumstances the annual trade of Great Britain, 
including exports and imports, rose from about one hundred 
and thirty-five million dollars in 1798 to over five hundred 
millions in 1850. She was already supreme on the seas in 
Napoleon's time, and her mercantile marine steadily increased 
in order to distribute the goods which she produced to all parts 
of the earth. 

The other nations were far behind her in all these sources of 
commercial strength. Napoleon's efforts to render the Conti- 
nent independent of England and her colonies had failed; 


Expansion of Europe in the Nineteenth Centujy 319 

there was not a single steam engine in France in 181 2, and it Backward- 
was not until after Napoleon's fall that France set herself J^ance and 
seriously to compete with England by the introduction of ma- C'ermany 

•' ^ compared 

chinery. Germany was less favorably situated than France, since with England 
it had for years been the main theater of long and devastating 
wars. It was not a united nation, but a collection of practi- 
cally independent states which were divided, previous to the 
development of the Zollverein, by high tariff duties, and embar- 
rassed by a great variety of coinage. Italy and Austria suffered 
from similar disadvantages. 

The United States of America, now so formidable in every The United 
market of the world, had in 181 5 a small and scattered popu- agric^ukural 

lation. Its interests were almost exclusively agricultural, and c"""try i" 

^ ' 1815 

although its ships enjoyed a considerable carrying trade on the 
high seas, its people lacked the capital necessary to develop 
the immense natural resources of the country and thereby 
become a serious menace to the manufacturers of the old 

In considering the development of commerce and industry All of the 

o •. • , T .• • 1 1 . .^ great nations 

smce 181 5 it is necessary to distinguish between the manu- now rivals 
facturing which is carried on within a country to meet its ov/n ["r foreign 

° " trade 

demands, and the production of commodities destined to be 
sold at a profit to other countries. For example, the cotton 
manufacturers of Manchester or the cutlery makers of Sheffield 
might conceivably content themselves with supplying the Eng- 
lish demand ; or, on the other hand, they might devote their 
attention principally to meeting the needs of South Africa, 
Australia, or China. During the Middle Ages, although there 
was some commerce, most production was carried on for 
domestic consumption. Gradually, however, international trade 
has taken on larger and larger proportions and has now become 
one of the most striking characteristics of our present civiliza- 
tion. The introduction of machinery in England naturally led 
her manufacturers to lay more and more stress upon foreign 
trade, since they could readily produce a great deal more than 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Early experi- 
ments in 

Fulton makes 
the steamboat 
a practical 

they could sell at home. The progress of industry on the 
Continent and in the United States has produced exactly the 
same result, and the nations of the earth have now become 
rivals in their eagerness to secure as large a share of the world's 
markets as possible. 

Closely connected with this prodigious expansion of com- 
merce has been the development of the means of transportation 
and communication. The discovery that steam could be used 
to carry goods cheaply and speedily to all parts of the world 
has made it possible for the manufacturer to widen his market 
indefinitely, and has, in fact, made the world one great market 
place. The problem of applying steam to navigation had 
occupied inventors long before Fulton made his celebrated 
experiment on the Hudson River in 1807. Toward the close of 
the seventeenth century it was suggested that a piston engine 
could be used to drive wheels for the propulsion of vessels, 
and in 1707 steam was actually applied to propel a small model 
boat on the Fulda River in Germany. During the eighteenth 
century a number of inventors in England and America turned 
their attention to the development of this idea. In 1736 Jona- 
than Hull took out a patent in England for the application of 
steam in propelling ships, and some years later two Americans 
made several demonstrations of the practicability of steam 

The honor of making the steamship a success commer- 
cially belongs, however, to Robert Fulton. In the spring of 
1807 he launched his Clermont at New York, and in the 
autumn of that year the *' new water monster " made its 
famous trip to Albany. Transoceanic navigation began in 
1 81 9 with the voyage of the steamer Savannah from Savan- 
nah to St. Petersburg via Great Britain. The trip to Liver- 
pool was made in twenty-five days, sails being used to help 
the engine. 

Within a quarter of a century steamships began to replace 
the old and uncertain sailing vessels, and to-day they compose 

Expansio7i of Europe in the Nineteenth Century 321 

two thirds of the net tonnage of the world's merchant marine.^ Steady in- 
In 1840 the great Cunard Steamship Company inaugurated sizeTncT 
its transatlantic service, and since that time there has been a ^p^^^ °^ , 

' _ ocean vessels 

Steady development in the number of navigation companies, 
as well as of steam vessels and their capacity for speed and 
freight. The Great Western^ which startled the world in 1838 
by steaming from Bristol to New York in fifteen days and ten 
hours, was a ship of 1378 tons, 212 feet long, and had an indi- 
cated horse power of 1260, with a daily consumption of 36 tons 
of coal. The Lusitania, launched in 1907, has a gross tonnage 
of 32,500 tons, engines of 68,000 horse power, is 785 feet long, 
and carries a supply of over 5000 tons of coal for its journey 
across the Atlantic, which lasts less than five days. 

So highly developed were the marine engines at the end of Remarkable 
the nineteenth century that " a small cake of coal which would the'constmc- 
pass through a ring the size of a shilling, when burned in the g]°j" °^ ^^^^^ 
compound engine of a modern steamboat, would drive a ton 
of food and its proportion of the ship two miles on its way 
from a foreign port." According to another calculation, half a 
sheet of note paper will develop sufficient power, when burned 
in connection with a triple-expansion engine, to carry a ton a 
mile in an Atlantic steamer. So it has come about that the 
cost of carrying a year's supply of breadstuff for an English 
workingman's family from Minneapolis to Liverpool is less 
than his average wage for one day. The turbine engine, in 
which the power of the steam is more advantageously applied 
than in the older piston engine, is being introduced in the 
newer ships such as the huge Lusitania and the Maiii-etania. 
These engines promise greater speed and economy than the 
type they are displacing. 

It is now possible to make the journey from Southampton 
to New York, three thousand miles, in six days or less, with 

1 Yet, contrary to common opinion, there is a steady increase in the number 
of sailing vessels used. They are easily manned, require no coal, and, where high 
speed is not important, promise to hold their own on the high seas for many 


The Development of Modern Europe 

The oceans 
now marked 
with commer- 
cial routes 

The Suez 
Canal com- 
pleted in 

almost the regularity of an express train. Japan may be 
reached from Vancouver in less than thirteen days and from 
San Francisco, via Honolulu, a distance of five thousand five 
hundred miles, in less than seventeen days. A commercial map 
of the world shows that the globe is now crossed in every 
direction by definite routes which are followed by innumerable 
freight and passenger steamers passing regularly from one port 
to another.^ 

The East and the West have been brought much nearer 
together by the piercing of the Isthmus of Suez, which for- 
merly barred the way from the Mediterranean Sea to the Indian 
Ocean. In ancient times a canal connected the easternmost 
mouth of the Nile with the Red Sea, but it had been permitted 
to fill up with sand, so that when Bonaparte was ordered by 
the French Directory to consider its reconstruction, he and his 
engineers found few traces of it. The advantages of a canal 
had long been fully realized before the great French engineer, 
Ferdinand de Lesseps, gained permission from the ruler of 
Egypt to organize a company to undertake the work. The line 
of the ancient canal was abandoned, and the great trench was 
dug in an almost straight line from Port Said, on the Mediter- 
ranean, southward for a hundred miles to Suez on the Red 
Sea. After ten years of work the canal was opened to traffic 
in November, 1869. 

In 1884 a new International Commission of Engineers was 
appointed, which decided to enlarge the canal so as to enable 
steamers of greater size to pass through it. It is now used 
by an ever-increasing number of vessels; in 1905 over five 
thousand took advantage of it, thus avoiding the detour of 
thousands of miles involved in rounding the Cape of Good 
Hope. An agreement among all the leading European powers 
provides that the canal shall be open at all times for war ships 
as well as merchantmen, but no act of war shall be permitted 
in its neighborhood. 

1 For a few of the trade routes, see map above, p. 234. 

Expansion of Europe in the Nineteenth Century 323 
The Isthmus of Panama offers an obstacle to trade which Proposed 

, II- r 1 • • 1 • • Panama 

has for years been the object of discussion and negotiations, canal 
In 1872 President" Grant appointed a commission to consider 
the construction of a canal, but nothing was done until 1881 
when de Lesseps, encouraged by the flattering success of his 
first venture, succeeded in organizing the Panama Canal Com- 
pany in France and work was actually begun. But the efforts 
to obtain the necessary funds for completing the costly enter- 
prise led to widespread bribery of members of the French 
Parliament, which was disclosed in 1892. This scandal was 
followed by the dissolution of the French company. In 1902 
the Congress of the United States authorized the President 
to purchase for forty million dollars the property in which the 
French investors had sunk so much money. Arrangements 
with the republic of Colombia for the construction of the 
canal by the United States having come to naught, the state of 
Panama, through which the line of the proi)osed canal passes, 
seceded from Colombia in 1903, and its independence was 
immediately recognized by President Roosevelt. A treaty in 
regard to the canal zone was then duly concluded with the 
new republic, and after some delays the work of the French 
company was resumed by the United States and is now pro- 
gressing rapidly. 

Just as the gigantic modern steamship has taken the place The begin- 
of the schooner and clipper for the rapid trade of the world, stefmbco- 
so, on land, the merchandise which used to be dragged by 5"°^^°" °" 
means of horses and oxen or carried in slow canal boats is 
being transported in long trains of capacious cars, each of 
which holds as much as fifteen or twenty large wagons. The 
story of the locomotive, like that of the spinning machine or 
steam engine, is the history of many experiments and their 
final combination by a successful inventor. Wooden tracks 
had been extensively used in the eighteenth century for horse- 
car lines, and in 1801 Parliamxent authorized the construction 
of such a raihvay from Wandsworth to Croydon, — a distance 

324 ^^he Development of Modern Europe 

of nine miles. Many years before a French inventor had 

demonstrated the possibility of using steam for locomotion by 

constructing a road wagon driven by a small engine. Other 

inventors were at work on the problem and thus smoothed the 

way for the triumph of George Stephenson. 

George This distinguished inventor, the son of a poor English miner, 

fi*78i^-i"848) although deprived through poverty of an education, taught 

and the de- himself how to read and write. He began work at the mines 

velopment of . ^ • ^ -i ■,-rr ^ • 

railways in early in life, and bemg impressed with the difficulties of haul- 
"^ ^" ing the heavy wagons of coal and iron ore, he determined to 

apply to this purpose the steam engine which Watt had 
brought to such a degree of perfection.^ In 1 8 14 he built a 
small locomotive, known as ** Puffing Billy," which was used 
at the mines, and in 1825, with the authorization of Parlia- 
ment, he opened between Stockton and Darlington, in the 
northern part of F^ngland, a line for the conveyance of pas- 
sengers and freight. About this time a road was being pro- 
jected between Liverpool and Manchester, and in an open 
competition, in which five locomotives were entered, Stephen- 
son's "Rocket" was chosen for the new railroad, which was 
* formally opened in 1830. This famous engine weighed about 
seven tons and ran at an average speed of thirteen miles an 
hour, — a small affair when compared with the giant locomotive 
of our day weighing a hundred tons and running fifty miles 
an hour.^ Within fifteen years trains were running regularly 
between Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham, and London, 
and at the close of the century Great Britain had twenty-two 
thousand miles of railway, carrying over a billion passengers 
ManyGer- The first railway was opened in Germany in 1835, but the 

owned by^the development of the system was greatly hindered by the terri- 
government ^orial divisions which then existed. It was in the great state 

1 See above, pp. 41 sqq. 

2 It will be noted that this is the " average " speed on regular runs. For short 
distances the " Rocket " made thirty-five miles an hour, while the modern locomo- 
tive, as is well known, sometimes runs over a hundred miles an hour. 

Expansion of Europe in the Nineteenth Century 325 

of Prussia that construction went on with the greatest rapidity, 
largely under government ownership and control. Some of 
the lines were built directly by the government and others 
were later purchased by it. This policy has been continued, 
and at present by far the greater part of the German rail- 
ways are owned by the imperial or by state governments, only 
something over three thousand miles out of over thirty-four 
thousand miles being in private hands. In Austria-Hungary, 
also, the majority of the lines are owned or operated by the 

The first railway in France was built in 1828, but owing to The French 
the timidity of investors the development was slow. Five years aids m the 
later the government took up the project of connecting Paris of^aUways" 
and the principal cities by railway lines, and after prolonged 
debates it guaranteed in 1840 the interest on the investment 
required in the construction of a line from the capital to 
Orleans. Two years later the government agreed to furnish 
about one half of the capital necessary to build a vast railway 
system throughout France, leaving the work of construction 
and operation largely in the hands of private companies. As 
a result of this intervention on the part of the State, there are 
three types of railways in France : those which have been 
largely financed by the government but are operated by pri- 
vate companies ; those which are entirely private ; and those 
owned and operated by the State. When Louis Philippe 
ascended the throne of France in 1830 there were only thirty 
miles of railw^ay in the country ; in i860 there were four thou- 
sand miles; and in 1904 over twenty-four thousand miles. Of 
the total mileage only about one twelfth now belongs to the 
government, but according to the terms of the franchises all 
the French railways will eventually revert to the State. 

Not only is Europe bound together by a network of nearly Railway con- 
two hundred thousand miles of railway, but railway construe- Africa and" 
tion is rapidly advancing in Africa and Asia, preparing cheap ^^^* 
outlets for the products of western mills and mines. As we 


The Development of Modern Europe 

ment of rapid 
means of 
tion, — the 
penny post 

and cables 

have seen, the Trans-Siberian road has connected Europe 
overland with the Pacific,^ and Russia has also pushed lines 
southward toward Persia and Afghanistan ; British India has 
almost thirty thousand miles, and China about three thousand 
miles of railways. Even Africa has fifteen thousand miles, most 
of which is in Egypt, Algeria, Tunis, and the British posses- 
sions. Before long, trains from Cairo to the Cape will rush 
through the jungle lands which were first penetrated by the 
white man in Queen Victoria's reign. 

Quite as essential to the world market as railway and steam- 
ship lines are the easy and inexpensive means of com- 
munication afforded by the post, telephone, telegraph, and 
cable. The English " penny post " is now so commonplace 
as no longer to excite w^onder, but to men of Frederick the 
Great's time it would have seemed impossible. Until 1839 in 
England the postage on an ordinary letter was a shilling for 
a short distance. In that year a reform measure long advo- 
cated by Rowland Hill was carried, establishing a uniform 
penny post throughout Great Britain. 

The result of reducing the rate of postage for letters to this 
nominal sum exceeded all expectations in vastly increasing the 
frequency with which people wrote to one another, and to-day 
the British post office, including the telegraph department, 
employs two hundred thousand persons, and handles two billion 
letters a year. Other European countries have followed the 
example of Great Britain in reducing postage, and now the 
world is moving rapidly in the direction of a universal two-cent 
rate. Already a letter can be carried from Basutoland in South 
Africa to Montreal, Canada, for two cents in less time than it 
took news to cross the Atlantic when Queen Victoria came to 
the throne. 

No less wonderful is the development of the telegraph sys- 
tem. Great Britain now has over fifty thousand miles of line 
owned and operated by the government, transmitting nearly 
1 See above, p, 282. 

Expansion of Eiwope in the Nineteenth Centuiy 327 

ninety million messages annually. France has about one hun- 
dred thousand miles of line, over which fifty million messages 
annually pass ; and Russia has twice the French mileage of 
wire, carrying twice the annual number of messages. Moreover, 
distant and obscure places in Africa and Asia are being brought 
into touch with one another and with l^urope. China has now 
fifteen thousand miles, connecting all the important cities of the 
empire and affording direct overland communication between 
Peking and Paris. The wonderful network is spreading into 
Africa, — the French, German, a-.d British possessions being 
already well equipped. In October, 1907, Marconi established Wireless 
regular communication across the Atlantic by means of the ^ 

wireless system of telegraphy discovered some years before. 

The Industrial Revolution which enables Europe to i)roduce The Indus- 
far more goods than it could sell in its own markets, and the tion favors" 
rai^id transportation which permits i^roducers to distribute their p'o\^ti^ of 

^ ^ ^ J foreign trade 

commodities over the whole surface of the globe, have com- 
bined to produce the modern competition for foreign markets. 
The European nations have secured the control of jjractically 
all the territory occupied by defenseless peoples in Africa and 
Asia, and have introduced western ideas of business into China 
and Japan, where steamships now ply the navigable rivers, and 
railroads are being rapidly built. 

The process of colonization and of westernizing the oriental Necessity for 
peoples has been further hastened by the anxiety of capitalists "^^^^ "^^" ^ 
to find advantageous investments for their surplus wealth. The 
profits of industry pile up so rapidly that stock companies are 
everywhere formed to develop railroads and mines in backward 
countries. Great Britain alone is said to have about ten billion 
dollars invested abroad ; one fifth of Russian industrial enter- 
prises are financed by foreigners, who are also to a consid- 
erable extent constructing the railroads in China. The Germans 
supply the money for large banking concerns in Brazil, Buenos 
Ayres, and Valparaiso, which in turn stimulate industry and 
the construction of railways. 



The Development of Modem Europe 

Influence of 
turers and 
capitalists on 
foreign poli- 
cies of 

Nature of 



The mission- 
aries prepare 
the way for 

These two powerful forces — factories seeking markets and 
capital seeking investment — are shaping the foreign and com- 
mercial policies of every important European country. They 
alone explain why the great industrial nations are embarking 
on what has been termed a policy of imperialism^ which means 
a policy of adding distant territories for the purpose of con- 
trolling their products, getting the trade with the natives, 
and investing money in the development of natural resources. 
Sometimes this imperialism takes the form of outright annexa- 
tion, such as the acquisition of the Philippines by the United 
States, or of Togoland by Germany. Again it assumes the form 
of a " protectorate," which is a declaration on the part of a 
nation to the effect that, "This is our particular piece of land; 
we are not intending to take all the responsibility of govern- 
ing it just now ; but we want other nations to keep out, for we 
may annex it sooner or later." Sometimes imperialism goes 
no farther than the securing of concessions in undeveloped 
countries, such as foreigners have obtained in China or citi- 
zens of the United States in Mexico ; but such concessions are 
a fruitful source of annexations, especially when the interests 
of investors are not thoroughly protected by the government 
that grants them franchises. So one is enabled, by understand- 
ing clearly the needs and methods of modern business, to fol- 
low intelligently the process by which European powers are 
revolutionizing the ancient civilizations of China and Japan and 
taking possession of the continent of Africa. 

The way for imperialism had been smoothed by the mission- 
aries. There have always been ardent Christians ready to obey 
the command, "Go ye into all the world and preach the gos- 
pel to every creature " (Mark xvi. 15). No sooner was a new 
country brought to the attention of Europeans than mission- 
aries flocked thither with the traders and soldiers. When 
America was discovered and the sea route opened to the East, 
the Franciscan and Dominican friars braved every danger to 
bring the gospel to them that sat in darkness. They were 

Expansion of Europe in the Nijieteenth Century 329 

reenfoiced about 1540 by the powerful Jesuit order.^ Francis 
Xavier began his famous missionary career in 1542, first 
visiting India, then Japan, and dying within sight of the 
shores of China, yearning to penetrate that mysterious land. 
The activities of his fellow-Jesuits in Canada and the Mis- 
sissippi Valley and in South America have been mentioned 

In 1622 the great missionary board of the Roman Catholic Roman Cath-^ 

,^, , . . - , . . . • . .-,, olic missions 

Church was given its final organization and the name it still 
retains, — Cmigregatio de propaganda Fide. It has its head- 
quarters at Rome and is composed of twenty-nine cardinals 
and their assistants. In its colleges and schools missionaries 
are trained for their work and taught the requisite languages. 
Its printing office issues the necessary books and tracts. Of 
the various Catholic associations which have been formed to 
assist it in its work the most important is the Society for the 
Propagation of the Faith, which, since its formation at Lyons 
in 1822, has contributed over seventy million dollars to the 
cause. The Roman Catholic Church now reckons nearly four 
million adherents in Turkey, Persia, Arabia, India, Siam, Indo- 
China, Malaysia, the Chinese Empire, Korea, Japan, Africa, 
and Polynesia. 

For a long time after the Protestant Revolt the reformed Protestant 
churches showed little ardor in foreign missions, although as 
early as 1556 Calvin's city of Geneva sent men to preach the 
gospel in Brazil. The Dutch undertook to Christianize the 
East Indies in 1602, and their rivals, the English, also did 
something to promote missions. Among the earliest Protestant 
missionary associations was the Society for the Promotion of 
Christian Knowledge, founded in 1695 and conducted under 
the auspices of the Church of England. In the eighteenth 
century the Moravians and Methodists continued the efforts 
to convert the heathen, and in 1792 William Carey, a cobbler 
and Baptist minister, formed the Baptist Missionary Union. 

1 See above, Vol. I, pp. 143 sqq. 



The Development of Modern Europe 

effects of 
missions in 

The United States entered the field in 1810, when the 
American Board of Foreign Missions was organized. As time 
went on, practically all the Protestant denominations established 
each its board of foreign missions, and the United States has 
rivaled Europe in the distinction and energy of the mission- 
aries it has sent out and in the generous support its people 
have given them. About the middle of the nineteenth century 
the various boards began to hold conferences with the object 
of rendering their work more efficient by cooperation and by 
dividing up the fields among the various boards. Bible soci- 
eties have been engaged in translating the Scriptures into every 
known language and scattering copies of them broadcast. It 
is estimated that Protestants contribute about twenty million 
dollars a year to foreign missions. This sum serves to sup- 
port some fourteen or fifteen thousand missionaries, who have 
gathered into their churches a million and a half converts. 

Missionaries have usually been the first to bring regions 
remote from Europe into contact with western civilization. 
They have not alone spread the knowledge of the Christian re- 
ligion and its high standards of morality, but have carried with 
them modern scientific ideas and modern inventions. They 
have reduced to writing the languages of peoples previously 
ignorant of the existence of an alphabet. They have con- 
quered cruel superstitions, extirpated human sacrifices and 
cannibalism, and done much to make the lot of woman more 
tolerable. Their physicians have introduced rational methods 
of treating the sick, and their schools have given an education 
to millions who without them would have been left in com- 
plete barbarism. Finally they have encouraged thousands of 
Japanese, Chinese, and representatives of other peoples to 
visit Europe and America, and thus prepare themselves to 
become apostles of western ideas among their fellows. The 
explorations and investigations carried on by the missionaries 
have served vastly to increase the general knowledge of the 
world and its inhabitants. Their maps and their scientific 

Expansion of Europe in the Nineteentli Century 331 

reports on language and customs have in many instances proved 
of the highest value. ^ They have also created a demand for 
western commodities and opened the way for trade. 

In some instances the missionaries have doubtless shown too How mis- 
little appreciation of the ancient culture of India, China, and jgd to the 
Japan. They have rudely denounced the cherished traditions ^^^j^o^'^n"^ 
and the rooted prejudices of the peoples to whom they came, control in 
Even the most prudent and sagacious among them could hardly Africa 
have avoided arousing the hostility of those whose most revered 
institutions they felt it their duty to attack. So it has come 
about that the missionaries have often been badly treated, 
have undergone great hardships, and even been murdered by 
infuriated mobs. This has led to the armed interference of 
their respective governments, and has more than once, as we 
shall see, served as an excuse for annexations and the forma- 
tion of protectorates and si)heres of influence. Some illus- 
trations of the role of the missionaries will be found in the 
following sections. We shall turn first to the development of 
Europe's interest in China. 

Relations of Europe with China 

102. The first expeditions of the Portuguese around the Tlie Portu- 
Cape of Good Hope, the rivalry between them and the Dutch Dutch^visit 
and English for the trade with India and the Spice Islands, 
and the final victory of the English over their French com- 
petitors in Hindustan have all been described above. It was 
inevitable that the vast and highly civilized Chinese Empire 
should attract the attention of the adventurous traders, and a 
Chinese report informs us that " During the reign of Ching-tih 
(1506) foreigners from the West called Falanki,^ who said that 

1 To cite a single instance, the United States government published in 1900 a 
■wonderful atlas of the Philippine Islands prepared by the Jesuits. 

'^ Probably the Chinese got from the Mohammedans the idea of calling the 
western peoples " Franks," the old name given them during the Crusades. Pre- 
vious to the opening of the nineteenth century the Chinese knew little or noth- 
ing of Europe, and Europe very little of them. The Romans calbd China, 


332 The Development of Modern Europe 

they had tribute, suddenly entered the Canton River and by 
their tremendously loud guns shook the place far and near. 
This was reported at court ; and an order was returned to 
drive them away and stop their trade. About this time the 
Hollanders, who in ancient times inhabited a wild territory and 
had no relations with China, came to Macao in two or three 
large ships. Their clothes and their hair were red, their bodies 
tall, their eyes were blue and were sunk deep into their heads. 
Their feet were one cubit and two-tenths long, and their strange 
appearance frightened the people." 

All the early attempts to establish business relations with 
China encountered serious obstacles. The haughty demeanor 
of the officials, who regarded the merchants as representatives 
of barbarous races, the widespread corruption among the gov- 
erning class, and the humiliating demands of Chinese ceremo- 
nials, were enough to discourage the most enterprising. When, 
in 1655, the Dutch sent two envoys to the Chinese emperor, 
they were only received on condition that they would prostrate 
themselves before his throne and strike their heads nine times 
on the earth as evidence of their inferiority. In the eyes of 
the Chinese they were only tribute bearers to the "Son of 
Heaven." Foreigners were frankly told that China did not 
need their goods, since she produced all that was necessary ; 
that merchants must comply with regulations established by 
officials, and that threats and entreaties would be alike un- 

Serica, " Silk Land," and two or three of the emperors, including Marcus 
Aurelius, sent embassies thither with presents to the ruling monarch. Mission- 
aries from Persia made an early attempt to introduce Christianity into China in 
the eighth century. These attempts were renewed by the Franciscans and 
Dominicans in the thirteenth century, and the Venetian traveler Marco Polo 
became the trusted official of the Mongol emperor of China, Kublai Khan (1260- 
1294), who made him governor of Yang Chow, near Nanking, on the Yangtze 
River. For half a century the Florentines and Genoese were able to carry on 
some trade with China, but the fall of the Mongol dynasty (which Genghis Khan 
had established in 1213) and the accession of the Chinese Ming line of rulers 
(1368) brought relations with Europe to an end until the arrival of the Portu- 
guese early in the sixteenth century. 






1 .^^^v 


^A "^■'^■^./^^ /""-^o^"-*,. 



4 i;> 


100 200 300 400 500 600 70 

British Territory I H Gernmn Territory 

Russian Territory £ZZ!1 Portuguese Territory 

Freiieli Territory 1 II United States Territory CZD 

Kallroarts — ______ Proposed Railroads 

Lr.nsituae 50° E, 

60° Greenwicli 


limited to 

Expansion of Europe in the NinetecntJi Century 333 

In the eighteenth century Canton remained the only port Chinese 
in which foreign commerce was regularly permitted. Here all foreign 
communications between the foreign merchants and their gov- 
ernments, on the one hand, and the Chinese government or 
local traders, on the other, were made through the Hong^ a 
small band of Chinese traders who received all the goods from 
abroad and arranged the prices of both imports and exports. 
The foreign settlement at Canton is still confined to the so-called 
''Compound," a district set apart from the great Chinese city. 

The Portuguese had doggedly clung to their factories at Futile efforts 
Macao, where, as early as 1537, they had rented a trifling bit Hshtoopen 
of land from the Chinese. The English and Dutch traders ^/''f-^* "^^^r. 

o tiations with 

would now and then take refuge there when troubles occurred the Chinese 
at Canton. The English made repeated attempts to get into Peking 
direct communication with the government at Peking, but the 
emperor insisted that the " barbarians " should keep away from 
his capital in the north and confine their operations to Canton. 
After the close of the Napoleonic wars, England sent Lord 
Amherst, in 181 6, to visit Peking and if possible secure from 
the emperor himself the removal of the grievances which 
English merchants suffered from the viceroy and other local 
Chinese officials with whom they had been forced to deal in 
Canton. But Lord Amherst refused to perform the " kowtow," 
or obeisance, required of "foreign devils," and v/as hustled 
south to Canton. When Lord Napier was appointed Superin- 
tendent of Trade in China in 1833 the Canton authorities re- 
fused to recognize him, and denounced him as " a lawless 
foreign slave " and " a dog barbarian of a foreign nation " for 
venturing to violate the law by arriving at Canton by night. 
The English must, they declared, continue to deal with the 
hong, and not attempt to negotiate with the central government. 

Although the Chinese traders of Canton and the local man- Extent of 
darins^ profited by the commerce with the Europeans, the 

1 " Mandarin " is the name given by Europeans to the Chinese officials ; it is 
not a Chinese word. 


334 ^/^^ Development of Modern Europe 

Chinese government still refused to treat foreign nations as 
equals. China seemed to its own people infinitely superior in 
its extent and ancient civilization to the lands of the West, of 
which they knew very little and whose customs they detested 
and were in no way tempted to imitate. And there was much 
to encourage this complacent attitude. China proper (exclud- 
ing its vast dependencies of Mongolia, Manchuria, Eastern 
Turkestan, and Tibet) is equal in area to nearly three times 
the combined extent of Great Britain, France, and Germany ; 
it would cover the whole of the United States east of the 
Rocky Mountains except Texas. A distance of twelve hundred 
miles separates Canton and Peking, and it is nearly as far from 
Shanghai to the borders of Tibet. China reckons its popula- 
tion as more than four hundred millions,^ and can trace back 
its uninterrupted civilization to a period long antedating the 
development of Greek culture.^ 
The opium The commercial relations which the English had repeatedly 

war between sought to secure peacefully were finally established as the re- 
Chma"^ ^^^ '^^'^^ ^^ ^ conflict known as the "Opium War." Opium is said 
to have been introduced into China by the Arabs in the thir- 
teenth century. It is derived from the seed capsule of a cer- 
tain species of poppy which is raised in India (India still 
exports opium to a greater value than wheat), and England 
had, by the opening of the nineteenth century, practically 
monopolized the business. The Chinese had long regarded 
the trade in that dangerous commodity with disfavor. An edict 
of 1796 asserted that it caused the greatest injury to both the 
minds and manners of men and prohibited its importation. 
Moreover its purchase by the Chinese tended to drain the 

1 Mr. Rockhill, the American minister at Peking, after careful investigation 
believes that the official census exaggerates tlie population of China, which he 
estimates as less than two hundred and seventy millions. 

2 There are a large number of interesting books on China : Giles, China and 
the Chinese, forms a good introduction. The recent political history, so far as 
Europeans are concerned, is clearly explained by Douglas in his Europe and 
ike Far East. 

Expansion of Europe in the NineteentJi Centu7y 335 

country of its supply of silver. But in spite of the laws, Chinese 
officials and the British merchants kept up a lively trade in the 
forbidden drug at an enormous profit, and the imports amounted 
in 1837 to about seventeen million dollars. 

The Chinese government resolved to take a determined Commis- 
stand, and an imperial commissioner, Lin, was sent to Canton auempts to 
for the purpose of suppressing the traffic. He seized and burned f °^*^^^ 
twenty thousand chests of opium which the dealers had on opium, 1839 
hand, and practically expelled the foreign merchants from 
Canton. These measures and Lin's attempt to force the British 
merchants to agree to give up the opium traffic led to vio- 
lence, and the Chinese fleet sent out to enforce his orders was 
fired upon by British battle ships. 

While the British government did not formally declare war, England 
Canton was blockaded in 1840 by Admiral Bremer. Amoy, chfnese^ln 
Nin<Ti)0, Shanghai, and even Nankinej were taken by the British, V?^ Treaty of 

^^ ' ^ ' ^ ^ ' Nankmg, 

and the Chinese were easily overwhelmed by the men of war 1S42, to open 

r ^ \\T T * o 1 r^^ • i i 1 i ^OUr neW 

from the West. In August, 1842, the C hinese, who had been ports to Eng- 

forced to sue for peace, agreed, in the Treaty of Nanking, to li^h commerce 

pay a heavy indemnity, to treat British officials thenceforward 

as the equals of Chinese mandarins of the same rank, to cede 

to the British the island of Hongkong (which lies at the niouth 

of the Canton River), and to open to foreign commerce the 

ports of Amoy, Fuchau, Ningpo, and Shanghai (which lie along 

the coast between. Canton and the mouth of the Yangtze River) 

on the same terms as Canton. The opium question was left 


This triumph of the British was the signal for other powers to The United 
open relations with China. It was clear that the Chinese were advan^tage^of 
now likely to be in a different frame of mind in regard to for- "^Y ^^^!:'r'^<' "^ 

■' ° the British 

eigners than formerly. American merchants had a warehouse 
in Canton as early as 1801, but after the Opium War, in 1844, 
Caleb Cushing negotiated a commercial treaty with the Chinese 
emperor, which extended commercial privileges to the United 
States. Li the same year France also secured similar concessions. 

336 The Developmeiit of Modern Europe 

China gradu- Five ports were now open to foreign trade, and Belgium, 
aUy force^d^_ P^^ssia, the Netherlands, and Portugal also participated in the 
tional trading ^ew commercial advantages. Chinese hostility to foreigners re- 
^°^ ^ mained, however, as strong as ever ; frequent riots occurred, 

foreigners were maltreated, and even the emperor, Hien Fung, 
believed it his patriotic duty to prevent all foreign advance. 
The same year in which the Crimean War came to an end, 
Napoleon III united with England in a joint embassy to the 
Chinese emperor, which was backed up by an armed force. 
Negotiations having proved fruitless, the allies took possession 
of Canton and established a provisional government there. 
The request of England, France, Russia, and the United States 
that the emperor appoint a Chinese minister to negotiate in 
regard to international questions was refused, whereupon French 
and English ships proceeded northward along the coast, bat- 
tered down the forts which guarded the mouth of the river on 
which Tientsin lies, and in 1858 reached that city. Thus for- 
eign operations were transferred to a region dangerously near 
the imperial city of Peking. 
Treaty of The emperor, whose beautiful summer palace had been 

' looted and destroyed by the allies, and who was now threatened 
in his capital, offered to negotiate; but hostilities broke out 
again, and not till i860 were matters adjusted. The emperor 
agreed to pay an indemnity to the British and French for the 
expense to which they had been put in invading his empire, 
and Tientsin was declared an open port. Since that time other 
ports have been opened to European trade and now there are 
over forty points where foreign merchants may conduct opera- 
tions, although Canton and Shanghai are still the most im- 
portant. Some towns inland have also been opened and now 
offer advantages for extending commerce far beyond the sea- 
coast, to which foreign merchants were confined for three 
centuries and a half.^ 

1 The occupation of China's former dependency of Anam, including Cochin- 
China and Tonkin, has been described above, p. 179, 

Expansion of Europe in the Nineteenth Century 337 

China's troubles did not come entirely from without, for a The Manchu 
terrible rebellion was in progress during the fifties. Ever ^"^^ ^ 
since the days when Louis XIV began his reign, China had 
been governed by a foreign race, the Tartar Manchus, who had 
succeeded in putting one of their leaders on the throne in 
1644. Some of the Manchu sovereigns have shown themselves 
very enlightened, especially K'angshi, whose reign of sixty years 
roughly corresponds in time and character with that of Louis 
XIV. He received the affable Jesuit missionaries who visited his 
court, and studied astronomy, physics, mathematics, and medi- 
cine with them. Under his auspices an encyclopedia of no less 
than five thousand and twenty volumes was pre])ared, embra- 
cing all the lore of the Chinese. He permitted the Christians to 
build a church in Peking and even contributed to the expenses. 
Under Emperor K'ienlung (1 736-1795), who emulated the en- 
lightened policy of K'angshi, the dynasty reached its height. 

Under his successors the prestige of the Manchu emperors The Taiphig 
waned and the reverses of the first war with England and the 
humiliating Treaty of Nanking suggested to a certain Hung the 
possibility of a successful revolution. The Taipings, as Hung's 
followers called themselves, took the great city of Nanking in 
1853 and put twenty-five thousand of the hated Tartars, to 
which race the Manchus belong, to death, — man, woman, and 
child, in order that 'Miot a root should be left to sprout from." 
The Chinese government made little progress in suppressing 
the rebellion so long as the weak and dissolute Emperor Hien 
Fung lived. But he became " a guest in Heaven " in 1861 and 
the real power in China has since been in the hands of Tzu-hsi, The Dowager 
his favorite concubine, the famous "Dowager Empress," still xziKsr 
one of the foremost rulers of the world.^ Her minister, Li Hung 

1 The ambitious Tzu hsi arranged that her little son, Tung-chih, should suc- 
ceed to the throne, and in this way became practically regent for many years. On 
his death in 1875 she secured the succession of his cousin, the present emperor, 
Kuang-hsii, as he was renamed, that is, " Succession to Glory." His mother was 
a sister of the powerful Dowager Empress, who, as aunt of the little emperor (born 
in 1872), continued to reign in his stead. See below, p. 348. 

338 The Development of Modern Europe 

Chang, set to work to put down the rebellion. He arranged 
with an American named Ward to raise a foreign corps to aid 
the Chinese government. Ward captured several towns held 
by the Taipings, but was killed while leading an attack. He 
"Chinese" was soon succeeded by Major Charles Gordon, an Englishman 
destined to become famous in Africa.^ With Gordon's help 
Li Hung Chang recaptured the towns, including Nanking, 
which had fallen into the hands of the rebels, and brought to 
an end a civil war which had lasted twelve years and cost mil- 
lions of lives. 

How Japan became a World Power 

The position 103. To the northeast of China lies a long group of islands 
the empire which, if they lay off the eastern coast of North America, 
of Japan would extend from Maine to Georgia. This archipelago, com- 

prising four main islands and some four thousand smaller ones, 
constitutes the Japanese Empire. Fifty years ago Japan was 
still almost completely isolated from the rest of the world ; but 
now, through a series of extraordinary events, she has become 
one of the most conspicuous members of the family of nations. 
American newspapers deal as fully with her foreign policy as 
with that of France or Germany ; we are familiar with the 
portraits of her statesmen and warriors, and her exquisite art 
has many enthusiastic admirers in England and America. Her 
people, who are somewhat more numerous than the inhabitants 
of the British Isles, resemble the Chinese in appearance, and 
owe to China the beginnings of their culture and their art, for 
it was Buddhist missionaries from Korea who, in the sixth cen- 
tury, first aroused Japan from its previous barbarism.^ 

1 See below, p. 365. 

2 The Japanese language has nothing in common with the Chinese, for in- 
stead of using characters to represent whole words and ideas, it is built up much 
like a European language and can be written by means of signs representing syl- 
lables. Nevertheless the Japanese are accustomed to use the Chinese characters 
in their books and even in their newspapers, the less familiar characters being 
sometimes accompanied by a translation into Japanese. 


Expansion of Europe in tJie Nineteenth Century 339 

Little is known of the early Mikados (emperors) of Japan, The feudal 
and during the twelfth century the s/iogi/n, or commander in j^pan ^" 
chief of the empire, w^as able to bring the sovereign powers 
into his own hands (somewhat as the mayor of the palace had 
done in the Frankish kingdom), while the emperor began to 
live in retirement in his capital of Kyoto. Conditions in Japan 
resembled those in western Europe during the same period. 
Scattered about the country were the castles of powerful feudal 
lords (the dainiios), who continued, until the nineteenth cen- 
tury, to enjoy powers similar to the vassals of the mediceval 
European kings. 

Rumors of the existence of Japan reached Europe through Brief period 
the Venetian traveler, Marco Polo, at the end of the thirteenth "vith Euro-'^^^ 
century. Both Columbus and John Cabot imagined that they pea"s in the 

^ -' f=> J late sixteenth 

had reached the famed island of Cipango when they sighted and early 

1 J 1 1 -n • -r-.- , seventeenth 

land, but the Portuguese navigator Pinto appears to have century 
been the first European to reach Japan, in the year 1542. 
Some years later the great Jesuit missionary, Francis Xavier, 
accompanied by some Japanese who had been converted to 
Christianity at Coa, made the first attempt to preach the 
Christian faith in the island. Spanish missionaries from Manila 
carried on the work, and it is reported that within thirty years 
two hundred Christian churches had been erected, and fifty 
thousand converts made. 

The arrogance of the bishops, however, led the Japanese Persecution 
government to issue an edict, in 1586, forbidding the Japa- mis^lonade" 
nese to accept Christianity, and ten years later some twenty and expulsion 

'■ •' ' ■' -'of foreigners 

thousand converts are said to have been put to death. It is 
true that one of the shoguns of the time declared that there 
were already thirty-five religious sects in Japan, and that a new 
one would make little difference ; but the missionaries were 
accused of' conspiring against the government and early in 
the seventeenth century there was another terrible massacre. 
For a time the shoguns favored the few Dutch and English 
merchants who came to their shores and permitted factories 

340 The Development of Modern Europe 

to be oi)ened at Yedo and elsewhere, but the quarrels between 
the Dutch and English and the constant drain of silver paid 
out for foreign merchandise led the Japanese to impose 
restrictions on foreigners, so that in the time of Louis XIV all 
of them had departed, except a few Dutch on the island of 
Deshima. From that time on, for nearly two hundred years, 
Japan remained a nation apart, with practically no intercourse 
with foreigners. 
Commodore In 1 853 Commodore Perry visited Yokohama with a mes- 
negotiations ^age from the United States government to the '' Sovereign of 
with the Japan," asking that arrangements be made to protect the 
1853 property and persons of Americans wrecked on the coasts, and 

that the right be extended to Americans to dispose of their 
cargoes at one or more ports. Supposing that the shogun was 
the ruler of Japan, Commodore Perry presented his demands 
to him. These led to a long and earnest discussion in the 
shogun's council, as to whether foreigners should be admitted 
or not, but their demands were finally conceded, and two ports 
were opened to American and English ships. 
Foreigners The Mikado, however, awoke from his long lethargy to 
the^name^of declare that the shogun had no right to conclude a treaty or to 
the Mikado ^dmit foreigners to the sacred soil of Japan. Nevertheless the 
foreigners went on negotiating with the shogun, and within the 
next few years several of the European powers had arranged 
to trade at the ports of Hakodate, Yokohama, Nagasaki, and a 
little later at Kobe. Attacks, however, were made upon for- 
eigners in the name of the emperor. An Englishman by the 
name of Richardson was killed in 1862 on the great high road 
between Yedo and Kyoto, by the retainers of the powerful 
daimio of Satsuma, whereupon the English bombarded Kago- 
shima, the stronghold of the Satsuma clan. 

This produced an extraordinary change of heart in this lead- 
ing clan, one of the most powerful in Japan, for they saw that 
the foreigners were much more powerful than the Japanese, 
and that Japan would suffer as China had done unless she 

Expansion uf Europe in the Xinctecjitk Centniy 341 

acquainted herself with foreign science and inventions. The Two leading 
next year English ships bombarded Shimonoseki, on account corwince?™^ 
of the refusal of its feudal ruler to permit them to pass freely fj^^yl^^^^^^i 
through the Inland Sea. This produced an effect similar to to learn from 
the bombardment of Kagoshima, and public opinion in Japan nations 
gradually changed in favor of the admission of foreigners. 

In January, 1867, the present Mikado, Mutsuhito, then The present 
fifteen years of age, ascended the throne. He named the era orders his 
which opened with his advent, Meiii, that is ''enlightened rule," People to 

^ 7 y ' D cease mal- 

and his reign has well justified the name. In March, 1868, treating 

1 • • 1 r-- Tx T-. 1 • r /- T^ • • Europeans, 

he invited bir Harry Parkes, representative 01 dreat Britain, as 1868 
well as the representatives of France and the Netherlands, to 
Kyoto. He was deeply chagrined by an attack made upon the 
retinue of Sir Harry Parkes and publicly declared that any one 
who committed any act of violence toward foreigners would 
be acting in opposition to his Majesty's express orders, for he 
woukl be guilty of the " heinous offense of causing the national 
dignity and good faith to suffer in the eyes of the treaty 
powers, to whom his Majesty feels that he is bound by relations 
of friendship." With this episode the period of resistance 
to the foreigners, their trade and their religion, may be said to 
have closed. 

Meanwhile a great revolution was taking place in Japan ; Revolution 
the power of the shogun was rapidly declining, and in October, Sisappear- 
1867, he was forced to resign his office. This left the Mikado anceof the 

' ^ shogunate 

not only the nominal but the real ruler of Japan. He emerged and of 
from his ancient seclusion in the sacred city of Kyoto, and 
removed the capital to Yedo, which was given the new name 
of Tokyo, or " northern capital." The feudal princes, who had, 
in general, sided with the Mikado against the shogun, now 
agreed peacefully to surrender their titles and prerogatives in 
the interests of their country, and in July, 187 1, feudalism was 
formally abolished throughout the empire. Serfdom was also 
done away with and the army and navy reformed in accord- 
ance with western models. 


The Development of Moder?i Europe 

The Indus- 
trial Revolu- 
tion in Japan 

tional gov- 
ernment es- 
tablished in 
Japan, 1890 

Japan now 
one of the 
most power- 
ful nations in 
the world's 

Since that date the modernizing of Japan has progressed 
with incredible rapidity. Although the Japanese still continue 
to carry on their ancient industries, kneeling on their straw 
mats, with a few simple implements and no machinery, western 
industries have been introduced side by side with the older 
arts. Students were sent abroad to investigate the most recent 
achievements in science, a university was established at Tokyo, 
and the system of education completely revolutionized. There 
was not a steam mill in the islands when Commodore Perry 
cast anchor there ; now there are over eighty great cotton 
factories, with a hundred thousand employees. Since the rail- 
road between Tokyo and the neighboring port of Yokohama 
was opened in 1872, nearly five thousand miles of railways 
have been constructed, and the Japanese, who are very fond 
of travel, can go readily from one end to the other of their 
archipelago. Great towns have sprung up. Tokyo has nearly 
two million inhabitants, and the manufacturing city of Osaka 
toward a million. The total population of the islands is now 
about forty-six millions, more than one half that of the United 
States, but crowded into an area of less than one hundred and 
fifty thousand square miles. 

With this industrial progress came inevitably a demand for 
representative government, and as early as 1877 petitions for 
a constitution were laid before the emperor. Four years later 
he announced that a parliament would be established in 1890, 
and a commission was sent to Europe to study constitutional 
government there. In 1889 a constitution . was completed 
which vested the powers of government in the Mikado and a 
parliament of two houses. 

Less than half a century ago Japan still clung to her an- 
cient ways, undisturbed by western influences, and led a life 
apart in her secluded group of islands in the Pacific. Her 
chief danger lay in the aggressions of the European powers, 
who might at any time treat her as they were treating China. 
But Japan was atoused to the danger in time. Guided by a 

Expansion of Europe in the Nineteenth Century 343 

liberal-minded monarch and by a group of statesmen of extraor- 
dinary ability and misurpassed probity and patriotism, she re- 
formed her whole system of government and, arming herself 
with every means of defense suggested by modern science, she 
has shown herself able to hold her own in two great conflicts 
with other powers seemingly greatly her superiors in strength. 

War between Japan and China and its Results 

104. After carrying out the various reforms mentioned above, Japan seeks 
Japan found herself confronted, like the western nations, with for her 
the necessity of extending her trade and securing foreign mar- P'o<^^"cts 
kets. Her merchants and her ships became the rivals of the 
Europeans in the neighboring seas, where her commerce has 
increased far more rapidly than that of the western nations. 

On the opposite side of the Sea of Japan lies Korea, a The Chino- 

kingdom which has become well known throughout the world {var over 

on account of the two bloody wars to which the question of ^,^^^''^' 

•' ^ 1894-1895 

its possession has given rise. In the sixteenth century the 
Japanese had invaded the peninsula, which at that time had 
not been claimed by China. Japan was able to hold it for a 
time, but later the Koreans, with the aid of the Chinese, rees- 
tablished their independence, and thereafter both China and 
Japan regarded themselves as rival suzerains of the Korean 
kingdom. When Japanese trade developed, the question of 
control in Korea became an important one, and in 1894 it led 
to war between the two countries. But the Chinese, with their 
ancient weapons and organization, were no match for the 
Japanese, w^ho had eagerly adopted every device of western 
warfare, and in a short time the Chinese armies had been 
driven from Korea and the campaign was transferred to the 
neighboring Manchuria, where the Japanese took Port Arthur. 
China then called upon the western powers for assistance, but 
they did not take action until Japan, in the Treaty of Shimo- 
noseki, had forced China's representative, Li Hung Chang, to 

344 T^^^^ Development of Modern Europe 

recognize the complete independence of Korea (which prac- 
tically meant opening it up to the Japanese) and to cede to 
Japan Port Arthur, the Liaotung peninsula on which it lies, 
and the island of Formosa. 
Russia, Russia, France, and Germany had watched the course of 

Gerirany events with jealous eyes, and now intervened to prevent Japan 
from the^^" from securing a foothold on the mainland. Russia was the real 
mainland leader in this intervention, for she coveted just the region which 
had been ceded to Japan. Japan was exhausted by the war 
with China and at that time had no adequate navy. Therefore 
the Mikado withdrew from Manchuria, on the ground that their 
majesties, the emperors of Russia and Germany, and the repub- 
lic of France had united in a recomm.endation to his govern- 
ment not to occupy the newly acquired territory, for the reason 
that this " would be detrimental to the lasting peace of the 
Russia The result of this compromise was to throw China into the 

gatns^valu- arms of Russia, which proceeded to take every advantage of 
able conces- ^^ situation. China had been forced to pay a heavy indemnity 

sions ni i' J J J 

China to Japan in lieu of the cession of the Liaotung peninsula ; and 

when the Chinese government attempted to borrow a large sum 
from England to meet this obligation, Russia interfered and 
herself loaned China eighty million dollars without security. 
In this way China became dependent upon her as a creditor. 
A Russo-Chinese bank was established late in the same year 
(1895), which proved to be an efficient agent of the Russian 
government. On the pretext of providing for the great debt, 
the bank was to receive taxes, coin money, pay interest on 
public bonds, and construct railway and telegraph lines. The 
Russians were permitted by the Chinese emperor to build a 
railroad across his territory, which would enable them to reach 
Vladivostok by a direct line from Irkutsk. Moreover, in order 
to guard the railway line, Russian soldiers were to be introduced 
freely into Manchuria. It is clear that these arrangements gave 
Russia a great advantage over the other European powers, since 

Expansion of Enrope in the Nineteenth Century 345 

she controlled the Chinese government through its debt and 
occupied Manchuria with her soldiers. 

Meanwhile the Germans found an excuse for strengthening Germany 

... • A y^ • • 1 • seizes terri 

themselves ni the same region. A German missionary having tory in the 
been murdered in the province of Shantung, which lies oppo- p^^j^nlu"! 
site Korea, a German squadron appeared in Kiauchau Bay, in 
November, 1897, landed a force of marines, and raised the 
German flag. As a compensation for the murder of the mis- 
sionary, Germany demanded a long lease of Kiauchau, with the 
right to build railways in the region and work mines. The 
treaty which was concluded also provided that "If at any time 
the Chinese should form plans for the development of Shan- 
tung, for the execution of which foreign capital is necessary, the 
Chinese government, or such Chinese as may be interested in 
the scheme, shall, in the first instance, apply to German capi- 
talists." This is an excellent example of the anxiety already 
alluded to of the European nations to find outlets for their 
surplus capital. Since acquiring Kiauchau the Germans have 
built harbors, constructed forts, military barracks, machine 
shops, etc. In short, a model German town has been con- 
structed on the Chinese coast, which, with its defenses, consti- 
tutes a fine base for further extension of Germany's sphere of 

At first the Tsar hoped to balk the plans of Germany, but Russia 
decided, instead, to secure additional advantages for himself. 
Accordingly Port Arthur and the waters adjacent to the Liao- 
tung peninsula upon which it lies were leased to Russia, in 
March, 1898, for a period of twenty-five years, subject to 
renewal by mutual consent. Port Arthur was to be open only 
to Chinese and Russian vessels, and Russia immediately began 
to build fortifications which were believed to render the town 
impregnable. A railway was constructed to Harbin, connect- 
ing Port Arthur with Vladivostok and the Trans-Siberian Rail- 
way. This at last gave Russia a port on the Pacific which, 
unlike Vladivostok, was free from ice the year round. 

leases Port 


The Development of Modern Europe 

The British 
lease Wei- 
haiwei and 
conclude a 
treaty of alli- 
ance with 

Great Britain, learning of the negotiations, sent a fleet 
northward from Hongkong to the Gulf of Pechili, and induced 
China to lease to her Weihaiwei, which lay just between the 
recent acquisitions of Germany and Russia. England, more- 
over, believed it to be for her interest to be on good terms 
with Japan, and in 1902 an offensive and defensive alliance 
was concluded between the two powers, binding each to assist 
the other in case a third party joined in a conflict in which 
either was involved. For example, England must, under the 
provisions, aid Japan in a war with Russia, should France or 
Germany intervene. 

The Boxer Rising. The Russo-Japanese War 

The Euro- 
peans begin 
to develop 
the natural 
resources of 

built in 

105. The foreigners were by no means content with estab- 
lishing trading posts in China; they longed to develop the 
neglected natural resources of the empire, to open up com- 
munication by railroads and steamships, and to "westernize" 
the Orientals, in order that business might be carried on more 
easily with them, and new opportunities be found for profitable 

The first railroad in China was built by British promoters in 
1876, from Shanghai to Wu-Sung, a point some fifteen miles 
to the north of that city. The Chinese, however, were horri- 
fied by this innovation, which they felt to be a desecration of 
the graves of their ancestors. Yielding to popular prejudice, 
the government purchased the railroad, only to destroy it 
and throw the locomotives into the river. Nevertheless, five 
years later, the Chinese themselves, with the aid of British 
capital, began the construction of an imperial railroad system 
which now embraces about six hundred miles. In 1895 other 
foreigners beside the Russians were once more permitted to 
undertake the construction of railway lines, and there are now 
some three thousand miles of road open for traffic. The capi- 
tal of Peking is connected with Hankau on the Yangtze River 


^ / 











Expmision of Europe hi tJie Nine te cut Jl Century 347 

by a line running southward, and this line is being continued 
to Canton. From Peking a line runs northeast to Mukden, 
where it connects with the Trans-Siberian system. The French 
and Germans are also interested in opening up the regions 
within their spheres of influence, and the British are planning 
to push into the interior of China a line running northward 
from Rangoon through Mandalay. In short, some ten thousand 
miles of railway are now projected, and doubtless within half a 
century China will be covered with a network of lines which 
cannot fail to do much to revolutionize her ancient habits and 

In 1898 the internal water ways of China were opened to Steamships, 
foreign ships. Several lines of well-equipped steamships now telegraph 
ply on the Canton River and follow the waters of the Yangtze 
River for a thousand miles inland. Over fourteen thousand 
miles of telegraph lines are in operation, affording overland 
connection with Europe. The imperial post, organized in 1897, 
has branches throughout the empire. 

It was inevitable that intercourse with European nations China begins 
should affect the whole policy and ideals of the Chinese gov- of ^reforms '^ 
ernment. In 1889 a decree was issued establishing an annual 
audience in which the emperor might show his " desire to treat 
with honor all the foreign ministers resident in Peking." A few 
years later the cumbersome ancient ceremonial was abolished 
and foreigners were received in a manner which indicated the 
recognition of their equality with Chinese of the same rank. 
In 1898, when Prince Henry of Prussia visited Peking, he 
was cordially greeted by the emperor, who shook hands with 
him in western fashion and conversed with him on a familiar 

In the same year a series of decrees was issued with the 
object of reforming the army on models offered by those nations 
that had given so many proofs of their military superiority. 
New schools and colleges were planned with a view of starting 
the country on the road to progress. Chinese students were 

348 The Development of Modern Europe 

sent to Europe to study foreign methods of government, 
agricultural schools were built, patent and copyright laws 
were introduced, and a department of mines and railroads 
was established, in order that China might no longer be 
obliged to leave these matters entirely in the hands of foreign- 
ers. Journalists were even encouraged to write on political 
The conserv- These abrupt reforms aroused the superstitious horror of the 
reforms^n"^^ conservative party. They found a sympathetic leader in the 
China Dowager Empress, who had been regent during the early years 

of the emperor's reign. She succeeded in regaining her influ- 
ence and in putting an end, for the time being, to the dis- 
tasteful reforms. The Europeans, both missionaries and 
business men, nevertheless continued their activities, and the 
conservatives believed it necessary, therefore, to organize a 
great movement to drive out the " foreign devils," who had 
been, in their eyes, steadily undermining the ancient traditions 
of China. 
The Among those hostile to the foreigner none were more con- 

spicuous than the secret society of the '* Boxers," or, as they 
appear to have called themselves, the " Order of the Patriotic 
Harmonious Fists." They were quite willing to cooperate with 
the Dowager Empress in carrying out her designs against foreign 
influence. Claiming to be invulnerable and to exercise certain 
magical powers, they easily won over the mass of the population 
and roused them against the Christian invaders. They pro- 
claimed that the western nations were " lacerating China like 
tigers"; that the railways were built through the graveyards, 
and that the misfortunes of the times were due' to the displeasure 
of their ancestors, whose memory was desecrated by the loco- 
motives. They urged, moreover, that the new machinery was 
throwing workmen out of employment, and summoned every 
patriotic Chinaman to rise in defense of his country. 

The party in favor of meeting the " Christian Peril " by 
violence rapidly increased. The Boxers, who were arming and 

Boxers ' 

Expansion of Europe m the NineteentJi Century 349 
drilling, knew very well that neither the Chinese officials nor The Peking 

, . . , 11- r • 1 ^1 Tv/T- • • insurrection 

the imperial troops would interfere with them. Missionaries of j^oo 
and traders were murdered in the provinces, and although the 
government at Peking always declared that it was doing all it 
could to suppress disorder, the representatives of foreign nations 
in the capital became thoroughly alarmed. On June 20, 1900, 
the Boxers, supported by the troops, killed the German ambas- 
sador. Baron von Ketteler, while on his way to the palace to 
expostulate with the government. The Europeans were then 
besieged in the several legations and in the Catholic cathedral, 
but, for some reason which is not clear, the Chinese did not 
murder them all, as they might easily have done. 

The powers determined upon immediate intervention, and The powers 
in August a relief ex})edition, made up of Japanese, Russian, and settle 
British, i\merican, French, and German troops, fought its way q^^J^*"^ ^" 
from Tientsin to Peking, and brought relief to the imprisoned 
foreigners. The Chinese court left Peking, and the royal palace 
was desecrated and pillaged by the Euroj^ean troops, whose 
scandalous conduct disgraced the western world. Negotiations 
were now opened, and the aged Li Hung Chang rendered his 
last services by concluding an agreement in which China made 
certain reparations, including the payment of an indemnity of 
three hundred and twenty million dollars, and a promise to 
repress all anti-foreign societies. 

Although the Dowager Empress still retained her power, the The Chinese 

^ c c ■ J ^ 1 r,-., • 1 • reform move- 

work or reform was again undertaken. 1 he army is being reor- 
ganized, and students are again being sent abroad in consider- 
able numbers to investigate western methods of industry and 
government. By one of the most momentous decrees in the 
intellectual history of the w^orld, the ancient classical system 
of education, which had for centuries been deemed an essential 
preparation for public office, was abolished in 1905. Students 
preparing for the government service will no longer be exam- 
ined upon Confucius and be asked to write essays on such sub- 
jects as " How the moonlight sleeps on the lake "; for the new 


35© The Development of Modern Europe 

examination questions deal with the history of the West, with 
Metternich and Bismarck, and with such grave questions as 
the relation of capital to labor and the methods of stimulat- 
ing modern industry. Even the Dowager Empress has been 
obliged to yield to the progressive party, and in October, 1907, 
she went so far as to announce that China should prepare her- 
self for the introduction of representative government and of 
a parliament. 

China is gradually introducing western machinery, and her 
vast coal mines are being opened up, often by foreigners, but 
under strict regulations which secure Chinese interests. Indeed, 
it is quite possible that China may one day become the great 
coal-producing country of the world. With a population three 
or four times as large as that of the United States and with 
unlimited natural resources still unworked, with a modern gov- 
ernment and an adequate system of education, the power of 
China among the world's nations a hundred years hence can 
scarcely be imagined.^ 
Russo-japa- Scarcely had the troubles due to the Boxer rising been 
iirKoreaand adjusted when a new war cloud appeared in the East. The 
Sb to war "iterest of Japan in finding markets has already been men- 
I'^ebruary, tioned. The occupation of Manchuria and Port Arthur by the 
Russians seriously threatened Japanese extension in that direc- 
tion ; and when Russia secured from Korea a lumber cession 
in the Yalu valley and sent Cossacks to build forts in that 
region, Japan, which regarded Korea as lying within her sphere 
of influence, could hardly fail to protest. Russia had agreed 
repeatedly to withdraw from Manchuria, but had always failed 
to keep her promises when the time came. She had, more- 
over, guaranteed the integrity of Korea, upon whose territory 
she was now encroaching. Accordingly, in the summer of 
1903, Japan opened negotiations with the Tsar's government 

1 In October, 1907, a decree abolishing the Tartar garrisons, which have, since 
the accession of the present Manchu dynasty, existed in many towns, prepares 
the way for the extinction of the race jealousy between the Chinese and 
their conquerors. 


Expansion of Europe in the Nineteenth Centiwy 351 

with the object of inducmg it to explain its purposes in Man- 
churia and Korea. Russia delayed and refused to commit 
herself. The Japanese, losing patience, broke off diplomatic 
relations on February 5, 1904, and opened hostilities. 

Japan was well prepared for war and was, moreover, within Japan far 
easy reach of the field of conflict. The Russian government, pared for 
on the contrary, was rotten to the core and was already en- ]|^^,ss-^^" 
gaged in a terrible struggle with the Russian nation.^ The 
eastern boundary of European Russia lay three thousand miles 
from Port Arthur and the Yalu River, and the only means of 
communication was the single line of badly constructed railroad 
that stretched across Siberia to the Pacific. 

Three days after the war opened the Japanese fleet surprised Early re- 
the Russian battle ships lying off Port Arthur, sank four of them, Russians 
and drove the rest into the harbor, where they succeeded, in the °'^ ^'^^ ^^^^ 
main, in keeping them " bottled up." A second fleet which had 
been stationed at Vladivostok was defeated early in May, thus 
giving Japan control of the seas. At the same time the Russians 
were driven back from the Yalu, and the Japanese under 
General Oku landed on the Liaotung peninsula, cut off Port Siege of 
Arthur from communication with Russia, and captured the 
town of Dalny, which they made their naval headquarters. 
General Oku then began pushing the Russians northward 
toward Mukden, while General Nogi was left to besiege Port 
Arthur. For months the world watched in suspense the heroic 
attacks which the Japanese, at deadly cost to themselves, made 
upon the Russian fortress. Meanwhile fighting continued to the 
north along the line of the railroad. In October the Japanese 
were victorious in a fearful battle w^hich raged south of Muk- 
den for days, thus putting an end to General Kurojmtkin's 
designs for relieving Port Arthur. As winter came on, the Japa- 
nese redoubled their efforts and the fortress at last surrendered, 
on January i, 1905, after a siege of seven months, the horrors 
of which are perhaps without a parallel. 

1 See above, pp. 289 sqq. 

352 The Development of Modern Europe 

Mukden cap- During the winter the Russians naturally suffered far more 
japa^liesV^^ than the Japanese, whose whole conduct of the war affords one 
March, 1905 ^f ^^ x^o^l extraordinary examples on record of military organ- 
ization and efficiency. By means of an ingenious system of 
telephones they kept every division of the army in direct com- 
munication with the war office in Tokyo, and by the strictest 
discipline they saved their troops from disease and the wounded 
from contagion in the hospitals. Late in February fighting 
again began, and for three weeks the Russians struggled against 
the combined Japanese armies ; but on March 9 they deserted 
Mukden and moved northward, after forty thousand of them 
had been killed and over a hundred thousand wounded. 
Togo de- On learning of the destruction of the fleets in the Pacific the 

RiTssLn ^fleet Russian government determined to dispatch its Baltic squadron 
in the straits ^ ^^ Orient. After some strange adventures, which aroused 

of Korea, ° ' 

May 27, 1905 both the amusement and the disgust of those who were follow- 
ing the war,^ the fleet arrived in May in the Straits of Korea, 
where Admiral Togo was waiting for it. In a few hours he sank 
twenty-two of the Russian vessels and captured six. The Tsar's 
fleet was practically annihilated, with terrible loss of life, while 
the Japanese came out of the conflict almost unscathed. 

The Treaty Lest the war should drag on indefinitely, President Roose- 

mouth, 1905 velt, acting under the provisions of the Hague Convention, 

took measures which brought about a peace. After consulting 
the representatives of Japan and Russia at Washington and 
ascertaining the attitude of the neutral powers, he dispatched 
notes to the Tsar and Mikado, urging them to open nego- 
tiations. This invitation was accepted, and on August 9 the 
first session of the conference was held at Portsmouth, New 
Hampshire. On September 5 the Treaty of Portsmouth was 
signed. This recognized the Japanese influence as paramount 

1 As the squadron was passing through the North Sea the Russians fired upon 
a fishing fleet off Dogger Bank, and alleged later that they mistook the poor fisher- 
men for Japanese. This is but one of numerous examples of the incompetence 
which was shown by the Russians throughout the war. 

2 See below, p. 370. 

Expmision of Europe in the Nineteenth Century 353 

in Korea, which, however, was to remain independent.^ Both 
the Japanese and Russians were to evacuate Manchuria ; the 
Japanese were, however, given the rights in the Liaotung pen- 
insula and Port Arthur which Russia had formerly enjoyed. 
Lastly, the southern part of the Russian island of Sakhalin 
was ceded to Japan. 

Thus this great conflict produced by the friction of the No final 
powers in the East was brought to an end, but there seems to y^t r'eached 
be no hope that similar wars can be avoided in the future, V? *'^f, 

' ' Far East 

for it would appear that the process of "opening u]) " China 
is bound to continue at an ever-increasing rate, with mani- 
fold possibilities of rivalry and violence. England and Japan, 
it is true, have renewed their treaty of alliance and announced 
their intention to maintain peace and the "open door,"- — ^that 
is, the right of all nations to participate in trade with China. 
But even if the European powers can agree among themselves, 
China may develop a strong and efficient government and a 
highly disciplined army, and may undertake with more and 
more success to resist the continued encroachments of those 
who have established themselves on her borders. 

Occupation of Africa by the European Powers 

106. The vast continent of Africa, the northeastern corner The ancients 
of which was the seat of perhaps the first highly civilized ^he^miin ^^ ""^ 
people, was the last of the great divisions of the earth's surface ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ 

^ ° African 

to be explored and appropriated by the European nations, continent 
The lower valley of the Nile and the coasts which bound the 
Mediterranean on the south were well known to the ancients, 
and were included in the Roman Empire, but the upper 
reaches of that great river and the main body of the continent 
to the south of the Desert of Sahara, were practically unknown 

1 The Japanese have not left Korea independent. They immediately took 
control of the administration, and in the summer of 1907 forced the Korean em- 
peror most unwillingly to abdicate. Korea may tlierefore be regarded as practi- 
cally annexed to Japan. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

How the 

The Portu- 
guese in 

to them, and they had no suspicions that the land extended 
for five thousand miles to the south of Carthage. 

Shortly after the death of Mohammed in 632, his followers 
began the conquest of Egypt and northern Africa, and in less 
than a hundred years they had subdued all the region which 
had formerly been ruled from Rome. From Cape Guardafui 
on the extreme east, to Cape Verde, lying on the Atlantic, 
nearly five thousand miles to the west, they introduced their 
civilization and religion, so that to-day in the towns of Tunis 
and Morocco one sees many things to remind him of the con- 
ditions in Palestine or Arabia. The Mohammedans built up a 
flourishing trade with the interior ; they traversed the deserts 
and opened caravan routes through the sandy wastes ; they 
pushed their trading settlements down the east coast as far as 
a point opposite Madagascar ; they made maps of that portion 
of the continent with which they had become familiar, and 
described its climate and appearance. The knowledge which 
the Mohammedans had acquired naturally spread into Spain, 
which long formed a part 'of their dominions, and it appears 
probable that the Portuguese also, who began to explore the 
west coast of Africa in the fifteenth century, received such in- 
formation as they possessed from the Moors. 

The Portuguese discovered the mouth of the mighty Congo 
River in 1482, and Diaz rounded the Cape of Good Hope in 
i486. Twelve years later Vasco da Gama, as we know, succeeded 
in sailing around the southern point of the continent and up 
nearly to the equator on its eastern coast, where he came in 
contact with the Mohammedan merchants, who had long been 
trafficking with the ports of India. He was therefore encour- 
aged to strike boldly across the Indian Ocean and reached 
Calicut in safety. Although the Portuguese became chiefly 
interested in the trade with India and the Spice Islands far 
to the east, they established trading posts in Africa at the 
mouths of the Senegal and Gambia rivers, and to the south of 
the Congo, besides colonizing Madeira and the Cape Verde 

Expansion of Europe in the NineteentJi Century 355 

Islands. Moreover, Vasco da Gama had taken possession, in 
the name of the king of Portugal, of the island of Mozambique. 

In spite of this auspicious beginning Africa remained " the Inhospitable 
dark continent" for more than three centuries after this first Africa 
settlement. This was largely due to its singular physical char- 
acteristics. No other large division of the earth's surface is so 
rounded and so little indented as Africa. It has very few good 
harbors, and there is a long series of lofty mountain ranges, 
extending almost completely around the outer edge of the 
continent, which effectively separate the coast from the high 
table-land which occupies the whole interior. The great South 
African plateau averages three thousand feet in altitude. 
There are few navigable rivers, for most of the streams are 
broken by cataracts as they flow down from the plateau into 
the sea. The interior is also protected from invasion by 
deserts, — the vast Sahara on the north, a well-nigh rainless 
and riverless region, while to the south, above the Cape of 
Good Hope, there is another great tract which is nearly 
rainless. Except on the northern margin there were no large 
towns, and the torrid regions which form so great a part of 
Africa were occupied mainly by savage tribes. 

It early occurred to the Europeans that the uncivilized The slave 
African people could at any rate be utilized to supply the 
slave market. Lisbon became the first center of a form of 
trade which seems inhuman and horrible to us now, but 
which in the fifteenth century was sanctioned by a Papal Bull. 
Christians of that day argued that the slave trader gave the 
heathen black man an opportunity to save his soul, even though 
his body became the property of those who brought him the 
light of the Gospel. 

Some London merchants as early as 1553 dispatched ships The English 
to trade along the coast of Guinea. The Portuguese did what sla*vrtmde^^ 
they could to resist the newcomers, but one of the English 
adventurers brought back a cargo of 400 pounds of gold, 
36 hundredweight of pepper, and 250 ivory tusks, thereby 


The Developmeftt of Modern Europe 

The Dutch 
in Africa 

The French 
on the 

demonstrating to his countrymen the importance of the trade 
with Africa. During Ehzabeth's reign the EngHsh came to 
recognize that the chief value of Africa lay in the supply of 
slaves which it afforded. In 1562 the famous Captain Haw- 
kins captured three hundred negroes on the Guinea coast and, 
with the aid of the Lord, as he firmly believed, was able to 
reach the West Indies and dispose of his living cargo in His- 
paniola, thus opening the traffic with America, which, in addi- 
tion to all the cruelty and misery that it involved, gave rise 
in the nineteenth century to the horrors of the American Civil 
War, and transmitted to the United States of to-day the serious 
race problem which still remains unsolved. It is estimated that 
in the latter part of the eighteenth century English ships car- 
ried away from Africa over fifty thousand slaves a year. The 
wealth of Liverpool so largely flowed from this business that 
a celebrated actor, when hissed by an audience in that city, 
taunted its citizens with dwelling in a town the very stones of 
which were cemented by the blood of African slaves. 

The Dutch naturally entered into competition with the 
English and Portuguese in Africa, as they had in the trade of 
the Indies. They expelled the Portuguese from their most 
important strongholds on the west and east coasts, and estab- 
lished their control on the Gold Coast by building forts in 
close proximity to the English settlements. As a halfway 
station on the route to India, the Dutch established a post at 
the Cape of Good Hope in 1652. The colony did not grow 
rapidly, however, and its population scarcely reached ten thou- 
sand at the opening of the nineteenth century. 

Just before the accession of Louis XIV the French founded 
a station, St. Louis, at the mouth of the Senegal River, which 
was destined to become in recent times an important basis for 
the extension of their power in northwest Africa. They were 
able to work their way inland and open up relations with the 
natives, — naturally with the main aim of securing their share 
of the slave trade. 

<0 Longitude 50 East Irom 60 Greeuwich 70 

Port Elizabeih 

Expansion of Etcrope in the Nineteenth Century 357 
Notwithstanding these various enterprises, no serious at- The situa- 

11 11 <• 1 -i-^ . tion in 1815 

tempts had been made by any of the European powers to 
colonize any portion of Africa before the close of the Napole- 
onic wars in 181 5. Indeed, the suppression of the slave trade 
had discouraged further activity for a time,^ for this traffic had 
been more profitable than the combined trade in gold, ivory, 
gum, and other African commodities. 

The situation in 18 15 may be summed up as follows: In 
northern Africa the Sultan of Turkey was the nominal suzerain 
of Egypt and the so-called Barbary States, that is, Tripoli, 
Tunis, and Algeria. Morocco w^as, however, an independent 
state, as it still is, under the Sultan of Morocco. France main- 
tained her foothold around the mouth of the Senegal River ; 
the most important Portuguese possessions were in Lower 
Guinea and on the east coast opposite the island of Mada- 
gascar ; the British held some minor posts along the west 
coast, and had wrested Cape Colony from the Dutch during 
the Napoleonic wars. The heart of Africa was still unknown ; 
no European power contemplated laying claim to the arid 
waste of the Sahara Desert, and the more attractive regions 
of the upper Nile were ruled by semicivilized Mohammedan 

For fifty years after the Congress of Vienna the advance of Advance of 
European powers in Africa was very slow indeed. England England'in 
and France were, it is true, gradually extending their sphere ^g^^rst h"lf^ 
of influence, and explorers were tracing the rivers and moun- of the nine- 
tain chains of the interior. France, as has been explained, century 
conquered Algiers during this period,^ and formally annexed it 
in 1848. The Dutch Boers, disgusted with English rule, had 
migrated to the north, and laid the foundations of the Trans- 
vaal and Orange River colonies.^ 

The latter half of the nineteenth century was, however, a 
time of active exploration in Africa. It is impossible here even 

1 See Vol. I, pp. 354-355. 2 See above, p. 176. 

8 See above, pp. 2z,\.sqq, 


The Development of Modern Europe 

of Living- 
stone and 


to name all those who braved the torrid heat, the swamps 
and fevers, and the danger from savages and wild beasts. 
Under the auspices of the Royal Geographical Society of Eng- 
land a search was begun for the mysterious sources of the 
Nile, and a lake lying just south of the equator was discovered 
in 1858 and named Victoria Nyanza. In 1864 Sir Samuel 
Baker discovered another lake, Albert Nyanza, to the north- 
west, and explored its connections with the Nile River. Living- 
stone had visited Bechuanaland twenty years before, and pushed 
up the valley of the Zambesi River, tracing it nearly to its 
source. In 1866 he explored the regions about the lakes of 
Nyassa and Tanganyika, and reached a point on the upper 
Congo. This expedition attracted general attention throughout 
the civilized world. His long absence roused the fear that he 
was, perhaps, the prisoner of some savage tribe, and on his 
return to Lake Tanganyika he was met by Henry Stanley, 
another explorer, who was to rival him in fame, and who had 
been sent out by the New York Herald to search for him. 
Livingstone, who was both missionary and explorer, continued 
his work until his death in 1873. 

Two years later Lieutenant Cameron, at the head of an 
English expedition which had also been organized with the hope 
of finding Livingstone, on learning of his death started from 
Zanzibar on the Indian Ocean and struggled through the heart 
of Africa, until he caught sight of the Atlantic Ocean at 
Benguela, south of the Congo River. The same year Stanley 
set out upon an expedition which is regarded as the most im- 
portant in the annals of African exploration. After visiting 
Lakes Victoria Nyanza and Tanganyika, he journeyed across 
the country to the river Lualaba, and followed its course until 
he proved that it was only the headwaters of the Congo, down 
which he found his way to the Atlantic. Meanwhile other 
explorers, French and German, as well as English, were 
constantly adding to the knowledge of a hitherto unknown 

Expansion of Europe in the Nineteenth Centnry 359 

Stanley's famous journey through the heart of " Darkest Rapid parti- 
Africa" naturally aroused the intense interest of all the Euro- 
pean powers, and within ten years after his triumphant return 
to Marseilles in 1878, the entire surface of Africa had been 
divided up among the powers, or marked out into '' spheres of 
influence." A generation ago a map of Africa was for the most 
part indefinite and conjectural, except along the coast. To-day 
its natural features have been largely determined, and it is 
traversed by boundary lines almost as carefully drawn as those 
which separate the various European countries. The manner 
in which the English, French, and Germans have asserted their 
claims in Africa has been briefly explained in preceding chapters.^ 

The whole of the northwestern shoulder of the continent, French 
from the mouth of the Congo to Tunis, belongs, with some P"^^^^^^°" 
exceptions, to France. It must be remembered, however, that 
a very considerable portion of the French claim is nothing 
but a desert, totally useless in its present state. On the east 
coast of Africa France controls French Somaliland, and her 
port of Jibuti, which lies at the mouth of the Red Sea, gives 
her somewhat the same advantages that Aden affords the 
English. The French also hold the island of Madagascar. 

Between 1884 and 1890 Germany acquired four consider- German 
able areas of African territory, which include together nearly a P°^^^^^^°"^ 
million square miles : Togoland, Kamerun, German Southwest 
Africa, and German East Africa. The Germans have made 
heroic efforts to develop these regions by building railways 
and schools, and expending enormous sums in other ways, but 
the wars with the natives and the slight commerce which has 
been established, leave the experiment one of doubtful value. 

Wedged in between German East Africa and the French The Congo 
Congo is the vast Congo Free State, the history of which 
began with a conference held in Brussels in 1876 under the 
auspices of the king of Belgium. Representatives of most of 

1 England's African policy is described above, pp. 251 sqq.\ that of France^ 
pp. 175 sqq. ; that of Germany, pp. 143 sqq. and 148 ; that of Italy, pp. 102 sq. 

Free State 

360 The Development of Modem Europe 

the European countries were invited to attend, with a view to 
considering the best methods of opening up the region and of 
stopping the slave trade which was carried on by the Moham- 
medans in the interior. The result was the organization of an 
international African Association with its center at Brussels. 
The enterprise was, however, in reality the personal affair of 
King Leopold, who supplied from his own purse a large por- 
tion of the funds which were used by Stanley in exploring the 
Congo basin, establishing posts, and negotiating hundreds of 
treaties with the petty native chiefs. 

The activity of the African Association aroused the appre- 
hensions of the European powers interested in Africa, espe- 
cially England and Portugal, and a congress was called at Berlin 
to consider the situation. This met in November, 1884, and 
every European state except Switzerland sent delegates, as did 
the United States. The congress recognized the right of the 
African Association to the vast expanse drained by the Congo 
River, and declared the new territory a neutral and international 
state, which should be open to the trade of all nations. 

The following year King Leopold announced to the world 
that he had assumed sovereignty over the Congo Free State, 
and that he proposed to unite it in a personal union with 
Belgium. He has gradually filled the government offices with 
Belgians and established customs lines with a view to raising 
Alleged Within the last few years the Belgians have been charged 

cruel treat- .^, . . , . , . , , ,^, 

mentofthe With practicmg atrocious cruelties on the natives. There is 
Cong?F?e*e^^ reason to think that the hideous reports published in the 
State newspapers have been much exaggerated, but there is little 

doubt that the natives, as commonly happens in such cases, 
have suffered seriously at the hands of the European invader. 
King Leopold claimed ownership over the vacant land, and 
in this way roused the hatred of the peoples who have been 
used to roam freely in every direction. By a system of 
"apprenticeship" many of the blacks have been reduced to 

Expansion of Europe in the Nineteenth Century 361 

the condition of slaves. Labor is hard to secure, for the 
natives are accustomed to a' free life in the jungle, and do 
not relish driving spikes on railways or draining swamps for 
Belgian capitalists. The government therefore required native 
chiefs to furnish a certain number of w^orkmen, and on their 
failure to supply the demand it has been customary to burn 
their villages. The government also required the natives to 
furnish a certain quantity of rubber each year ; failure to 
comply with these demands has also brought summary punish- 
ment upon them. 

The British government took care to report the conduct of 
the Belgian officials to the world, and it has aroused loud pro- 
tests in Europe and America ; but those who know most about 
African conditions suspect that the English had a selfish in- 
terest in exaggerating the horrors of the situation, with the 
hope of ultimately extending their own control over the Congo 
regions. King Leopold and his agents stoutly maintained that 
they had been misrepresented, and claimed that their rubber 
business did not kill so many natives as the whisky which is 
such an important source of revenue to other nations, especially 
Great Britain. Whatever truth there may be in these alleged 
exposures, they led the Belgian ministry to take up the question 
of the Congo, and they recommended that Belgium assume the 
complete ownership and control of the Free State, but as yet 
(December, 1907) the parliament has not ratified the plan. 

The Portuguese still control remnants of the possessions African pos- 
to which they laid claim when South Africa was first brought Portugal^^ 
to the attention of Europe, namely, Guinea, Angola, and East J^^^T' ^"^ 
Africa. Italy has the colony of Eritrea on the coast of the 
Red Sea, and Italian Somaliland to the south of Cape Guarda- 
fui. Spain's two colonies, one on the Straits of Gibraltar, the 
other on the Gulf of Guinea, only serve to remind her of the 
vast colonial empire which she has lost. 

Morocco still remains nominally independent of European Morocco 
control, but bids fair to become an object of contention among 

362 The Development of Modern Europe 

them. Its population, which is a curious mixture of Berbers, 
Tuaregs, Arabs, and negroes, has not materially changed its 
civilization during the past thousand years. The fierce tribes- 
men often defy the rule of their sultan at Fez. A bandit 
leader, Raisuli, seized an English envoy to the sultan. Sir 
Harry McLean, during the summer of 1907, and stilP holds 
him a prisoner. This is but one of many instances which illus- 
trate the inability of the sultan of Morocco to control his 
subjects and protect foreigners. 
The confer- Europeans, especially the French, have, in spite of many 

Tigedras difficulties, gradually been developing relations with Morocco. 
They carry on a trade in almonds, gum, and the famous 
Moroccan goatskin, and have also lent money to the sultan. 
The necessity of coming to an agreement in regard to their 
dealings with Morocco led to a conference of the powers at 
Algeciras, Spain (just across the bay from Gibraltar) in 1906. 
Their representatives agreed on the formation of a police force 
under French and Spanish officers, and the organization of a 
state bank, which should be controlled by the powers. 
The French In the summer of 1907 a number of foreigners were killed 

ofSratTons^in W ^hc fanatical natives at Casablanca. The French brought 
Morocco yp their war ships which proceeded to bombard the town, 
and several encounters took place between their troops and 
the Moroccans. This may prove the first step towards the 
occupation of Morocco by France. Her control of the neigh- 
boring Algeria makes the annexation of Morocco particularly 
tempting to her. 
Mehemet Ali In Order to complete our survey of Africa, it is necessary 
himself and to consider the singular circumstances which have served to 
as'rukrror^ ^^^"g Egypt under the control of the British. This ancient 
Egypt center of civilization had, as we have seen, been conquered by 

the Arabs in the seventh century. Eight hundred years later it 
was overrun by the Ottoman Turks, and in 1 5 1 7 was organized 
as a province oi the Turkish Empire. With the decline of 

1 December, 1907. 

Expansion of Europe iii the AHneteenth Century 363 

the Sultan's power the country fell under the domination of 
the Beys, the leaders of a curious military band known as the 
Mamelukes ; and it was against these that Bonaparte fought in 
1798. Shortly after Nelson and the English had frustrated 
Bonaparte's attempt to bring Egypt under French rule, a mil- 
itary adventurer from Albania, Mehemet Ali, compelled the 
Sultan to recognize him as governor of Egypt in 1805. A few 
years later he brought about a massacre of the Mamelukes and 
began a series of reforms. He created an army and a fleet, 
and not only brought all Egypt under his sway, but established 
himself at Khartum where he could control the Sudan, ^ or 
region of the upper Nile. Before his death in 1849 ^^ had 
induced the Sultan to recognize his heirs as rightful rulers of 

The importance of Egypt for the western powers was greatly The Khedive 
increased by the construction of the Suez Canal begun in (j8ly?_i8-„) 
i8sQ,^ for both Port Said on the Mediterranean and Suez on j^ecomes 

^ -' hopelessly 

the Red Sea are Egyptian ports. The Egyptian ruler, Ismail I, involved in 
who came to the throne in 1863, had his head turned by the 
vast wealth which he believed that the canal would bring him, 
and by the extraordinary prosperity which Egypt was enjoying 
during the Civil War in America, owing to the enhanced price 
of Egyptian cotton in the European markets due to the inter- 
ruption of the American supply. With the consent of the Sultan, 
he assumed the title of Khedive, and began a career of reck- 
less extravagance and dissipation. European money lenders 
encouraged his high living, until in 1876 he had involved his 
country in debt to the amount of nearly four hundred and 
fifty million dollars. In order to meet his financial embarrass- 
ments, he sold a great block of his Suez Canal shares to the 
British government for some twenty million dollars, or about a 
seventh of their present value. 

1 The term Sudan (see map) was applied by the Mohammedans to the whole 
region south of the Sahara Desert, but as now used it commonly means Anglo- 
Egyptian Sudan only. 

2 See above, p. 322. 



The Development of Modern Europe 

English and 
French com- 
take charge 
of the 

revolt, 1882 

The English 
put down the 

This sacrifice brought no appreciable relief, and the Khe- 
dive's creditors in England and France began to grow nervous. 
Those who held Egyptian securities thereupon entered into 
negotiations with the British and French governments. In 
order to secure control of the Egyptian finances, agents were 
sent to Egypt who induced the Khedive to establish a new 
department of the government to deal with the public debt ; 
this was put in charge of two controllers general appointed 
respectively by England and France. All sources of income 
which were devoted to the payment of the debt were turned 
over to these commissioners; indeed, from 1879 to 1882 the 
whole financial system of the country was practically in their 

This foreign intervention naturally aroused discontent. The 
country was overtaxed ; appropriations for public improve- 
ments were reduced ; and the old hatred of Moslem for Chris- 
tian was again awakened. Some discontented army officials, 
headed by a certain Arabi, took advantage of this dissatisfac- 
tion to organize a mutiny. They forced the Khedive to sum- 
mon a national assembly with the hope that they could in this 
way get control of the government. When Great Britain and 
France protested against this interference with existing arrange- 
ments, the cry of " Egypt for the Egyptians " rang through the 
country. Christians were attacked in the streets, and Arabi's 
party began to fortify Alexandria as an act of defiance to the 

A British fleet was, however, lying in the harbor, and its 
commander ordered the work of fortification to be stopped. 
Finding that his commands were not obeyed, he bombarded 
the city, silenced the forts, and drove out Arabi. Additional 
British forces were immediately sent to Egypt ; they landed at 
Port Said and after a great victory at Tel-el-Kebir, a point 
lying between Port Said and Cairo, they captured the city of 
Cairo and forced Arabi to surrender, thus putting an end to 
the revolt. 

Expansion of Europe m the Nineteenth Century 365 

England was now in a peculiar position. Fiance had de- England 
clined to join in suppressing the rebellion, and England's "temporary" 
actions were viewed with suspicion by the other powers, who g"^^^^ "^ 
suspected that she planned to annex Egypt. The English gov- 
ernment announced, however, that the occupation of Egypt 
would be only temporary, and would continue only until a 
stable government was established and the finances put upon 
a proper basis. 

France now withdrew from the joint control over the Khe- 
dive's treasury, and an English financial adviser was substituted 
for the former controllers general. In September, 1882, the 
Khedive disbanded his whole army and intrusted the organ- 
ization of a new army to a British officer, who was given the 
title of Sirdar. The army now has a full strength of some six- 
teen thousand men and includes over a hundred British officers. 
Since the rebellion of 1882 an English army of occupation of 
about five thousand men has remained in Egypt, for whose 
maintenance the English government contributes half a mil- 
lion dollars annually. 

Trouble, however, soon arose in the Sudan, where a revolt The Mahdi 
against the Khedive's government was organized under the of Gordon 
leadership of Mohammed Ahmed, who claimed to be the Mes- 
siah, and found great numbers of fanatical followers who called 
him El Mahdi,** the leader." General Gordon, — the same officer 
who had helped Li Hung Chang put down the Taiping rebel- 
lion in China, ^ — was in charge of the British garrison at Khar- 
tum. Here he was besieged by the followers of the Mahdi in 
1885, and after a memorable defense fell a victim to their 
fury, thus adding a tragic page to the military history of the 
British Empire. This disaster was avenged twelve years later, 
when in 1 897-1 898 the Sudan was reconquered and the city 
of Khartum taken by the British under General Kitchener. 

During the occupation of Egypt by the English the progress Results of 
of the country has been unquestioned ; industry and commerce occupafion of 

1 See above, p. 338.- ^Z^V^ 


TJie Development of Modem Europe 

Decline of 
Spain as a 

The Spanish- 
War, 1898 

Spain loses 
her remain- 
ing colonies 

are growing steadily, public works have been constructed, and 
financial order has been reestablished under the supervision 
of the English agent, whose word is law. There is no reason 
to think that the present protectorate will not last indefinitely, 
and it may sometime be transformed into the avowed annexa- 
tion of Egypt by Great Britain. 

In striking contrast to the other powers of Europe — Great 
Britain, France, Germany, and even Italy — stands Spain, 
who could once boast that the sun never set on her empire. 
After losing her colonies on the American continents she made 
no compensating gains in other parts of the world and at the 
close of the nineteenth century received the final blow in a 
war with the United States. 

The cause of this w^ar was the chronic disturbance which 
existed in Cuba under Spanish government and which led the 
United States to decide upon the expulsion of Spain from the 
western hemisphere. In 1895 the last of many Cuban insur- 
rections broke out and sympathy was immediately manifested 
in the United States. Both political parties during the presi- 
dential campaign of 1896 declared in favor of the Cubans, and 
with the inauguration of McKinley a policy of intervention was 
adopted. The American government demanded the recall of 
General Weyler — whose cruelty had become notorious — and 
a reform in the treatment of prisoners of war. In February, 
1898, the battle ship Alaine was mysteriously blown up in the 
harbor of Havana where it had been sent in American interests. 
Although the cause of this disaster could not be discovered, the 
United States, maintaining that the conditions in Cuba were 
intolerable, declared war on Spain in April. 

The war was brief, for the American forces were everywhere 
victorious. Cuba and Porto Rico were lost to Spain, and by the 
capture of the city of Manila in May, the Philippine Islands 
also fell to the United States. Peace was reestablished in 
August and representatives were shortly sent to Paris to ar- 
range the final terms. Cuba was declared independent ; Porto 

Expansion of Europe in the Nineteenth Century 367 

Rico, with the adjoining islands of Vieques and Culebra, and 
the Philippines were ceded to the United States.^ The fol- 
lowing year the Caroline and Pelew islands were transferred 
to Germany, and thus the territory of Spain was reduced to 
the Spanish peninsula, the Balearic and Canary islands, and 
her small holdings in Africa. 

Influences favoring Universal Peace 

107. In winning and defending world-wide empires the Necessity 
countries of Europe have been compelled to maintain large armies and 


military and naval forces in addition to those necessary for 
actual national defense. Colonies and protectorates inhabited 
by subject races require the presence of European soldiers ; 
and the protection of merchant vessels on the high seas and 
in foreign ports demands large navies. Consequently imperial 
ambitions and patriotic pride have led to a steady increase in 
the armies and navies of Europe. 

The cost of maintaining these great military establishments is Enhanced 
greatly enhanced by the continued invention of new and ever tary estai> 
more formidable instruments of destruction which speedily Jjf,e^o'ne^v 
render old equipment obsolete and compel every country to inventions 
keep abreast of the nation most advanced in the science of 
warfare. The old flintlock rifle loaded at the muzzle gave 
way to the minie rifle charged with a cartridge and fired by 
a percussion cap ; the minie rifle was in turn supplanted by 
the breechloader ; then came the rapid-fire repeating rifle, with 
a range of a mile. The ancient muzzle-loading cannon, with 
its short and uncertain range, has been gradually improved, 
and in its place we now have the enormous breech-loading 
Krupp guns carrying balls weighing five hundred pounds for 
ten miles or more with wonderful accuracy. New explosives of 
terrible power — nitroglycerin, melinite, and lyddite — make 

1 Spain also ceded to the United States the island of Guam in the Ladrone 

368 The Development of Modern Europe 

gunpowder seem like a child's plaything, and smokeless pow- 
der, by keeping the field clear, makes range finding more 
deadly than ever. Moreover, new instruments, such as the war 
balloon, armored trains, automobiles, wireless telegraphy, and 
search lights, greatly facilitate military operations. 
Revolution Sea fighting has undergone a revolution no less complete 

warfare ^nd rapid. Within fifty years the wooden man of war has dis- 

appeared before armored vessels, which are rapidly developing 
in speed, tonnage, and fighting capacity. Even the battle ship 
of fifteen years ago is giving way before vessels of the Dread- 
nought type. The ineffectiveness of the ordinary cannon against 
the steel battle ship has led to the use of torpedoes of terrible 
explosive power ; and these in turn to the invention of torpedo 
destroyers. The new and dangerous factor of the submarine 
mine has been added, while the submarine vessel may soon 
considerably modify the present mode of naval warfare. 
Hugemodern Indeed, there seems to be no end to the rivalry of nations 
armies in the invention of costly instruments of war. Millions and 

billions have been expended in ships and guns which have 
become obsolete without ever being brought into action. 
France to-day, in time of peace, has an army of over six hun- 
dred thousand men and spends nearly two hundred million 
dollars annually for war purposes, — an establishment which 
rivals that maintained by Napoleon when at war with all 
Europe. Germany also supports a standing army of over six 
hundred thousand men. England spends over three hundred 
million dollars a year for the army and navy, — five times as 
much as for education. 
How the Nevertheless it may be said that this marvelous military 

forwaTm^y development has contributed something to the movement 
favor peace toward peace in Europe. The enormous number of men that 
would speedily be called into action and hurried to the front 
in express trains, the countless millions that a general Euro- 
pean war with these costly instruments would involve, the 
terrible loss of life and property that it would bring, — all this 

Expansion of Europe m the Nmeteentk Century 369 

has tended to make statesmen shrink from risking the possibil- 
ities of war. Moreover, the cost of maintaining armies on even 
a peace footing is so great, the strong protest of workingmen 
and socialists against warfare — anti-militarism as it is called 
— is so determined, the financial interests involved are so 
influential, and the eflects of international conflicts on indus- 
try and trade are so disastrous, that a movement for the peace- 
ful settlement of international disputes and the reduction of 
armaments has developed in every civilized nation. 

There are also other forces working in the direction of in- How the 
ternational good feeling. Missionaries carry to every corner of being brought 
the world western ideas and customs as well as the Christian together 
faith; they have also done much toward acquainting the West 
with the other faiths and social institutions. Scholars from 
Japan, China, Baroda, Cambodia, and Zululand now come to 
European universities to learn the latest advances in science 
and theories of government. Traders of every race mingle 
in the market places of Kurope and America. Ideas are thus 
exchanged, national prejudices lessened, and men of differ- 
ent races are led to see their common interest in peaceful 

Moreover, a special effort has been made to make the inven- Universal 
tions, science, art, and enterprise of each nation known to the ^^^ 
whole world through international expositions. National exhi- 
bitions were held in F^ngland and France in the eighteenth 
century, but it was not until 1851 that England, under the 
encouragement of Albert Edward, prince consort of Queen 
Victoria, inaugurated an international exposition in the great 
Crystal Palace, a wonderful structure which long attracted the 
attention of visitors to London. There were more than seven- 
teen thousand exhibitors, from many nations, and over six mil- 
lion visitors. This example has been followed by New York, 
Paris, Vienna, Philadelphia, Chicago, St. Louis, Jamestown, 
and even in the Japanese manufacturing city of Osaka. The 
Paris Exposition of 1900 was attended by over fifty million 


The Developmcfit of Modern En7-ope 

The Tsar 
calls a peace 

The results 
of the first 
Peace Con- 
ference at 
the Hague 
in 1899 



sions of 

The Perma- 
nent Court of 

visitors, and many international congresses were held in con- 
nection with it. 

While these peaceful influences may be overestimated, it is 
certain that people who are constantly mingling in the advance 
of science, invention, and commerce become less and less in- 
clined to warlike pursuits. The advantages of peace make ihore 
and more obvious the desirability of rendering it permanent. 

For centuries humanitarians have protested against war and 
the cost of military establishments. William Penn drew up a 
scheme '' For the establishment of an European Dyet, Parlia- 
ment or Estates " ; and the French philosophers of the eight- 
eenth century made eloquent pleas for universal peace. But it 
was left to the present Tsar, Nicholas II, to propose in 1898 
a great conference of the powers at the Hague to discuss the 
subject of reducing the excessive armaments. Unlike the Con- 
gress of Vienna or Berlin, this Peace Conference of 1899 did 
not meet to bring a war to a close ; it came together in a time 
of European peace to consider how the existing peace might 
be maintained and military expenditures reduced. 

The Hague Conference did nothing, however, toward dimin- 
ishing the armaments of the powers beyond expressing an 
opinion that a restriction of the present military burden was 
extremely desirable and recommending the nations to "exam- 
ine the possibility of an agreement as to the limitation of 
armed forces by land and sea." The powers, however, agreed 
to recognize the right of any nation to offer its services to 
countries at war with one another for the purpose of mediation. 
They further recommended parties unable to come to agree- 
ment by negotiation to submit matters "involving neither honor 
nor vital interests " to the investigation of an impartial Inter- 
national Commission of Inquiry, to be constituted by an arrange- 
ment between the parties to the controversy. 

Finally, the powers agreed upon the establishment of a Per- 
manent Court of Arbitration to which disputants could submit 
issues on which they were at variance. This great court consists 

Expansion of Enrope in the Nineteenth Centtiry 371 

of persons (not more than four from each country) selected by 
the respective nations from among their citizens "of recognized 
competence in international law, enjoying the highest moral 
reputation, and disposed to accept the duties of arbitrators." 
From this long list of eminent personages any powers engaged 
in a controversy may choose a number to form a tribunal for 
their special case. The close of the first Hague Conference 
was shortly followed by a large number of treaties between 
the powers of the world, agreeing to submit to arbitration all 
questions "which affect neither the national independence nor 
honor," but it was generally admitted that the conference had 
done little or nothing toward providing a way to settle those 
vital issues which actually give rise to great wars. 

Nevertheless the outcome of the experiment encouraged the The second 
friends of international peace to believe that more practical fer^ence, 1907 
agreements might be reached which would mitigate, if not 
prevent, the evils of war. Accordingly, President Roosevelt in 
1904 proposed a second conference, but yielded the honor of 
issuing the call to Nicholas II, who the following year again 
sent invitations to over fifty nations to participate in the con- 
sideration of certain important questions, including the peace- 
ful settlement of international disputes and the regulation of 
warfare on land and sea. The conference opened at the Hague 
on June 15, 1907, with the representatives of forty-seven states 
in attendance, and adjourned on October 18. The proposal of 
the United States for a permanent international court to which 
certain matters must be referred was defeated. The pressing 
question of disarmament was dismissed by a resolution declar- 
ing " It is highly desirable that the governments should resume 
the serious study of the question of limiting armaments." In 
fact, the conference confined its attention to drawing up trea- 
ties regulating the actual conduct of war, the laying of sub- 
marine mines, the treatment of prisoners, the bombardment 
of towns, and the rights of neutrals in time of war. In other 
words, no steps were takeii to reduce military and naval 

372 The Development of Modern Europe 

expenses or to advance compulsory arbitration, but a serious 
effort was made to obtain more general agreement on the rules 
of war itself. 


Development of the Modern Railway System : Thurston, A 
History of the Growth of the Steam Engine, pp. 144-220; Sam- 
UELSON, The Civilization of Our Day, pp. 1 03-1 13. 

Development of Steam Navigation: Thurston, pp. 221-302; 
Samuelson, pp. 91-103. 

Telegraph and Post: Samuelson, pp. 1 14-138. 

The Commercial Basis of Imperialism : Extract from Hobson, 
hnperialism, in Beard, Introduction to the English Historians, 
pp. 623-636 ; Reinsch, World Politics, ^^^. 2,-^0. 

The Opening of China : Douglas, Europe and the Ear East, 
pp. 41-90; Reinsch, pp. 85-195. 

Development of Chinese Industries: Douglas, pp. 256-284. 

The Opening of Japan : Douglas, pp. 144-168. 

The Revolution in Japan: Douglas, pp. 169-209. 

The Chino- Japanese War and Intervention by the Powers: Doug- 
las, pp. 304-322. 

The Boxer Movement in China and its Repression : Douglas, 
PP- 323-360. 

Causes of the Russo-Japanese Conflict : Douglas, pp. 409-424 ; 
Asakawa, The Russo-Japanese Conflict, pp. 1-64. 

Britain in Egypt and the Sudan : Rose, The Development of 
the European Nations, Vol. II, pp. 143-227. 

The Partition of Africa: Rose, Vol. II, pp. 228-268. 

The Congo Free State: Rose, Vol. II, pp. 269-298. 

International Arbitration : Foster, Arbitration and the Hague 


The Responsibilities of Modern Governments 

io8. In the preceding thirty chapters we have tried to Review of 
bridge the gap which separates the Europe of Louis XIV from chaptS? ^"^ 
the world of to-day. We have seen how, in the eighteenth 
century, the European monarchs light-heartedly made war 
upon one another in the hope of adding a bit of territory to 
their realms, or of seating a relative or friend on a vacant 
throne. Such enterprises were encouraged by the division of 
Germany and Italy into small states which could be used as 
counters in this royal game of war and diplomacy. But never- 
theless in the eighteenth century European history was already 
broadening out. The whole eastern half of the continent was 
brought into relation with the West by Peter the Great and 
Catharine, and merchants and traders were forcing the problem 
of colonial expansion upon their several governments. Eng- 
land succeeded in driving France from India and America and 
in laying the foundation of that empire, unprecedented in 
extent, over which she rules to-day. Portugal and the Nether- 
lands, once so conspicuous upon the seas, had lost their 
importance, and the grasp of Spain upon the New World 
was relaxing. 

We next considered the condition of the people over whom 
the monarchs of the eighteenth century reigned, — the serfs, 
the townspeople with their guilds, the nobility, the clergy, 
and the religious orders. We noted the unlimited authority 
of the kings and the extraordinary prerogatives and privileges 
enjoyed by the Roman Catholic clergy. The origin of the 
Anglican Church and of the many Protestant sects in England 


374 The Development of Modem Europe 

was explained. We next showed how the growing interest in 
natural science served to wean men from their reverence for 
the past and to open up vistas of progress; how the French 
philosophers, Voltaire, Diderot, Rousseau, and many others, 
attacked existing institutions, and how the so-called enlightened 
despots who listened to them undertook a few timid reforms, 
mainly with a view of increasing their own power. But when 
at last, in 1789, the king of France was forced to call together 
representatives of his people to help him fill an empty treasury, 
they seized the opportunity to limit his powers, abolish the old 
abuses, and proclaim a program of reform which was destined 
to be accepted in turn by all the European nations. 

The wars which began in 1792 led to the establishment of 
a temporary republic in France, but a military genius, the 
like of which the world had never before seen, soon brought 
not only France but a great part of western Europe under his 
control. He found it to his interest to introduce many of the 
reforms of the French Revolution in the countries which he 
conquered and, by his partial consolidation of Germany and 
the consequent extinction of the Holy Roman Empire, he 
prepared the way for the creation later of one of the most 
powerful European states of to-day. 

Since the Congress of Vienna, which readjusted the map of 
Europe after Napoleon's downfall, a number of very important 
changes have occurred. Both Germany and Italy have been con- 
solidated and have taken their places among the great powers. 
The Turk has been steadily pushed back, and a group of states 
unknown in the eighteenth century has come into existence 
in the Balkan peninsula. Everywhere the monarchs have lost 
their former absolute powers and have more or less gracefully 
submitted to the limitations imposed by a constitution. Even 
the Tsar, while still calling himself "Autocrat of all the Rus- 
sias," has promised to submit new laws and the provisions 
of his yearly budget to a parliament, upon which he and his 
police, however, keep a very sharp eye. 

Some of the Great Problems of To-day 375 

Alongside these important changes an Industrial Revolution 
has been in progress, the influence of which upon the lives 
of the people at large has been incalculably greater than all 
that armies and legislative assemblies have accomplished. It 
has not only given rise to the most serious problems which 
face Europe to-day but has heralded in imperialism. During 
the latter half of the nineteenth century the European powers, 
especially England, France, Germany, and Russia, have been 
busy opening up the vast Chinese P^mpire and other Asiatic 
countries to European influences, and in this way the whole 
continent of Asia has, in a certain sense, been drawn into 
the current of European history. Africa, the borders alone 
of which were known in 1850, has, during the past thirty 
years, been explored and apportioned out among the European 
powers. It will inevitably continue for many years to be com- 
pletely dominated by them. These are perhaps the most 
striking features of our study of the past two hundred years. 

While it is impossible to forecast the future, it is clear that Purpose of 
certain problems now before the world are likely to engage ing^chapter 
the thoughts of intelligent and ])ublic-spirited men and w^omen 
for a long time to come. Even if all of us cannot contribute 
directly to their solution, we should regard it as our duty to 
grasp the main dii^culties and dangers which Europe and the 
world at large now face, and to follow intelligently the discus- 
sion that goes on about them. It is the purpose of this con- 
cluding chapter to suggest a few of the chief issues which 
will, in all probability, agitate coming generations as well as 
our own. 

Among the most important questions which have been dis- Three chief 
cussed in newspapers, books, and public assemblies since the quesdons: 
opening of the French Revolution are those connected with ^Q^^^j-oH^g 
government. They may, perhaps, be reduced to three: (i) government? 
Who shall control the government? (2) How far shall the government 
government be forbidden to interfere with the independence what° shall 
of individual citizens in the conduct of their own affairs? it^^o? 

the extension 
of the right 
to vote 

376 TJie Development of Modern Europe 

(3) What, on the other hand, shall be the responsibilities of 
the government in protecting the members of society, prevent- 
ing them from injuring one another, and in promoting the 
general welfare? 
General ac- Rousseau, it will be remembered, declared in his popular 

EuJopeof"he little treatise. The Social Contract, that the will of the people 
principle of ^hould be law, and this great principle of democratic govern- 

democracy 7 o x ^ ^ 

ment was embodied in the first French constitution. It is now 
practically adopted in all the states of Europe with the excep- 
tion of Turkey and Russia, and the latter country, as we have 
seen, appears to be on the verge of modifying its ancient 
system of despotism. 
Question of But even if the will of the people, instead of the will of a 
single ruler who claims to receive his power from God, is 
recognized as the basis of government, the question remains, 
Who among the people shall be permitted to have a vote in 
the choice of representatives, and how shall these representa- 
tives and government officials be forced to observe the people's 
Tendency to There has been a growing tendency to extend the franchise 
franchise to to every adult male who is not insane, or a pauper, or a con- 
vict. In some countries, notably in Hungary and some of the 
German states, there is a considerable property qualification 
which excludes a large portion of the men from voting ; and 
in Italy many are excluded by the requirement that all voters 
must be able to read and write. Prussia,^ by classifying the 
voters according to their wealth, has given the rich more influ- 
ence than they would otherwise have. Belgium has also given 
added weight to wealth and intelligence by granting an addi- 
tional vote to those citizens who possess a certain amount of 
property or special educational qualifications. Belgium also 
requires every qualified person to vote under pain of a fine, 
and this practice has been introduced into Austria by the 
recent election law of 1906. 

1 See above, p, 89. 

all adult 

5^ , ^^^ 1 ^->^ 


<11^060 Sauar&inieB. 

Some of the Gtrat Problems of To-day 377 

To many the practice of excluding women from voting has Woman's 
long seemed both unjust and inexpedient.^ The women appear ^" "^^^^ 
to have as much at stake in the government as the men. Like 
the men they are interested in the payment of the taxes, in 
whether their sons shall serve in the army, in labor laws, sani- 
tation, and education. Those who advocate woman's suffrage 
urge that the w^omen are very commonly quite as well educated 
and as well qualified to cast their votes intelligently as the 
greater part, at least, of the men. These arguments have not 
fallen on deaf ears, and in Australia and New Zealand women 
have been granted the ballot. Under certain restrictions they 
vote on local questions in England, Sweden, Norway, Belgium, 
and other countries. In 1906 they were put on an absolute 
equality with the male voters in the progressive grand duchy of 
Finland. The present prime minister of England has recently 
declared himself in favor of a limited woman's suffrage. 

In addition to the right to ^•ote, which is being gradually Written 
extended to all adults, the people have sought to control their 
governments in several other ways. The written constitution 
serves to prevent the king or president, the parhament, and the 
government officials from exercising a despotic power. All 
European countries with the exception of England (where the 
traditions of constitutional government are nevertheless very 
strong) and Turkey now have written constitutions. 

The system of responsible ministers, which originated in Ministries 
England,^ has found its way into almost all western European [he^iower ^ 
countries with the exception of Prussia and the German Empire.^ \^o\\^^ and 

^ ^ the people 

This enables the cabinet to appeal directly to the people, who 
are given an opportunity, in a new election of members of the 
lower house, to approve or condemn a certain policy. 

1 See Readings^ sect. io8, for extracts from the famous work of John Stuart 
Mill, The Stibjection of Women. 

2 See above, pp. 193 sqq. 

8 In December, 1907, the chancellor of the German Empire, however, an- 
nounced that henceforth he would consider himself responsible to the majorit]' 
in the Reichstag. 


The Development of Alodern Europe 

Right of 


The rights of 
man as for- 
mulated by 
the first 

The most democratic system in Europe is to be found in the 
httle federation of Switzerland, where the citizens have not 
only the right to vote for members of parliament, but may 
directly control their action after they have been elected. If 
fifty thousand voters agree in desiring a particular law, they 
may propose it, require its submission to the people at large, 
and, in case of its ratification, see that it is put in force, even 
though the members of the federal parliament may not favor it. 
This is the so-called right of initiative. 

The initiative is supplemented by the better-known refe?'en- 
duni. This is a system which permits thirty thousand voters to 
join in demanding the annulment or revision of a law which 
has been passed by the federal parliament. The question must 
then be submitted to the people, who may approve or reject 
the proposition.-^ 

The members of the French National Assembly, who were 
the first to furnish a definite program and model for consti- 
tutional reform in Europe, were particularly impressed with the 
things that government had no business to do. This was but 
natural when one considers the despotic powers of the French 
kings, and the abuses which were so conspicuous in the eight- 
eenth century. Consequently the Assembly declared that man 
had certain natural, sacred, and inalienable rights which the 
government was bound to respect. All men were born free and 
equal, and every one had a right to his personal liberty (so long 
as he did not violate the law of the state), to the enjoyment of 
his property, and to protection against oppression. Liberty, 
they declared, consisted in the right to do anything which 
injured no one else. Government was to make no distinctions 
among those admitted to office except such as were based upon 
virtue and ability. It was not to excuse any one from paying his 
due share of the taxes. Every one who committed a crime was 

1 The referendum has attracted a good deal of attention and has been intro- 
duced in some of the United States, — Oregon, South Dakota, and Oklahoma, 
— and in some other states, — New YQrk, fpr in&tance, — when certain questions 
of taxation arise. 

Some of the Great Problems of To-day 379 

to be punished, regardless of his wealth or rank. Liberty was 
insured to every one to come and go as he pleased, and no 
one was to be arrested or imprisoned except in the manner 
prescribed by law. The government was to hinder no man 
by establishing a censorship, from speaking, writing, or print- 
ing his thoughts. The government should not prevent public 
assemblies so long as they did not lead to disorder. Everyone 
should be permitted to observe that form of religion which he 

It was impossible to secure these rights immediately, even 
in France ; both there and elsewhere during the nineteenth 
century there has been a long struggle to free the individual 
from the various forms of interference which all the govern- 
ments of Europe, outside of England, had practiced before the 
French Revolution. 

Two further rights which were not emphasized by the French Right to 
Assembly have become more and more general. The first of from one 
these is that of the individual not only to move about his own ^^^""^2*° 
country at will and engage in any occupation which his means 
and his talents will permit, but to leave his country altogether 
and take up his abode in any part of the globe. The European 
governments, in general, permit their citizens to expatriate 
themselves and to become citizens of other lands. Conversely, 
there is a willingness to receive citizens of other countries and 
to grant them rights of citizenship. 

The first French constitution, which had so much to say of Former 
the rights of man, said nothing of the rights of woman. In the of women°" 
eighteenth century she was still regarded in the eyes of the law 
as in every way inferior to man. Nature had destined her to 
the bearing and the care of children, and to the conduct of the 
household. In England, do^\^l to the year 1870, the law ful- 
filled to the letter the command of the apostle Peter, "Ye wives, 

1 England, Spain, Portugal, Denmark, Norway, and Russia still maintain 
State churches ; Belgium and the Netherlands grant subsidies for the support of 
Protestant, Roman Catholic, and Jewish worship, but aside from Russia these 
states are precluded by their constitutions or laws from acts of religious intolerance. 


The Development of Moderti Europe 

granted to 
women dur- 
ing the nine- 

The modern 
ties of 

Popular edu- 
cation re- 
quired in 

be in subjection to your husbands." A married woman could 
enjoy no property rights, her personal possessions — clothes, 
jewels, and the like — belonged to her husband, and her lands 
were administered by him. Indeed a wife was, in a sense, her 
husband's serf ; she could not make a valid contract, she could 
not sue or be sued, her husband could lawfully beat her for 
disobedience, and if she injured another person or his property, 
her husband was held for damages, just as if his ox had escaped 
and committed a depredation. In other countries the condi- 
tions were similar. 

It was left for the nineteenth century gradually to free 
women from a great part of these disabilities, so that they may 
now make contracts, hold property, and engage in business on 
their own account. Ihe Industrial Revolution, by opening up 
new employments to them, has given them a certain kind of 
independence of man which they never before enjoyed. They 
now often hold public positions, such as those of sanitary 
ofificers, factory inspectors, government clerks, and especially 
teachers. During the last twenty-five years the universities of 
Switzerland, Germany, and France have been gradually opened 
to women as well as to men, while special colleges and tech- 
nical schools established for their particular benefit are be- 
coming more and more common. It is this change, of course, 
which is leading to the gradual granting to women of the right 
to vote. 

It has, however, become clearer and clearer that the func- 
tions of government cannot be confined to merely observing 
the " imprescriptible " rights of its citizens, maintaining the 
peace, and repelling the attacks of foreign powers. New re- 
sponsibilities are constantly being laid upon the governments, 
both central and local. 

For example, governments now recognize that the common 
people are intelligent creatures worthy and capable of indefinite 
intellectual improvement. In past centuries rulers regarded 
their subjects principally as taxpayers, laborers, and soldiers; 

Some of the Great Problems of To-day 381 

but education has now been declared an indispensable part 
of the advancement of public welfare, — the avowed aim of all 
modern governments. The success of democratic experiments 
depends upon the intelligence of the average citizen ; the com- 
petition for markets requires skilled workmen and managers ; 
and the widening interests of mankind demand the means of 
acquiring knowledge. 

The recognition of these facts has induced almost all the Modern 

T^ 1 T 1 1 111- governments 

European governments to establish elementary schools, techni- establish 
cal institutes, and universities, and to compel even the poorest ^^^^^^^ 
child to acquire at least the rudiments of knowledge. In Eng- 
land the government appropriates over seventy-five million 
dollars a year for elementary education alone, and France 
spends almost fifty million dollars. Illiteracy, once regarded 
as the natural and inevitable state of the people, has now 
become a national disgrace which all countries are laboring 
to remove. Their success may be measured by the decline 
of illiteracy in the armies. It was the exceptional soldier, in 
the eighteenth century, who could read and write ; now it is 
the exceptional one who cannot. Less than one per cent of the 
recruits for the German army are illiterate, and only one in 
twenty in France cannot read and write. 

The work of the schools is reenforced by the newspapers and Growth of 

rr^, . ... . . , . 1 the popular 

magazmes. I he mvention of the steam prmtmg machme and press 
the mechanical typesetter has reduced the cost of the newspaper 
from ten or twenty cents a copy to from one to three cents. 
Editions of ten thousand copies, considered enormous at the 
opening of the nineteenth century, have grown into editions 
of hundreds of thousands scattered broadcast throughout the 
land by the express train. The telegraph gathers the news 
every moment from the four corners of the earth ; the conduct 
of rulers and statesmen, the schemes of reformers, the current 
political issues are the subject of hourly criticism and discus- 
sion, and public opinion can thus be aroused as never before 
in the historv of mankind. 

382 The Development of Modern Europe 

The Indus- The modern responsibilities of government have been largely 

tion^orces^" increased by the Industrial Revolution, by the development of 
the European transportation, and by the necessity of meeting the demands 

governments ^ • 

to assume of scientific Sanitation. The chief results of the Industrial 
sensibilities Revolution were pointed out in a previous chapter.^ The use 
of machinery led to the establishment of large factories built 
and controlled by capitalists who hired workmen to run the 
machinery. It became necessary for the government to inter- 
fere in England and elsewhere to protect the workingman 
from the dangers to which he was exposed in mills and mines, 
and to prevent the employment of women and children to the 
detriment of their health and morals. The manner in which Eng- 
land has met this problem has been described in some detail.^ 
Problem of The Industrial Revolution also raised the question of what 

fruits^ of in-^ proportion of the profits should go to those who actually make 
?hos7co!r°"^ the goods, what should fall to the capitalist who furnishes the 
cerned in necessary funds, and what to the manager by whose ability a 
successful business is properly run and so rendered profitable. 
This is the great problem of capital and labor, which is one of 
the most serious questions before the world at the present day. 

The govern- It might seem that the government had no reason to inter- 
ment can f. ... ,. 11, -I. r • 
hardly avoid icre m this matter, but it can hardly avoid interfering even if 

thl^rekdons" ^^ ^^^^ "°^ ^^^^ ^° ^^ ^^' ^^ "^"^^ % ^^^n the rules under 
of capital which business corporations are formed, determine the manner 

and labor 

in which taxes shall be imposed, and inheritances divided, and 
in this way it is bound to affect the distribution of wealth. 
To take a simple example, — any government might, quite 
naturally, impose an income tax from which the workingmen, 
on account of their very small incomes, were exempt. It might 
also tax inheritances, so that on the death of a capitalist the 
government would take a considerable part of the wealth he 
had accumulated. Should the government then use the revenue 
thus gained for the public good, it would in that way turn it 
back indirectly to the workingman who had helped produce 

1 See above, pp. 44 sqq. 2 See above, pp. 208 sqq. 

Some of the Great Problems of To-day 383 

it. Such measures do not, however, seem to the labor leaders 
an adequate solution of the problem, and far more radical 
changes are suggested by those who advocate a single tax, and 
by the socialists.^ 

The government can, moreover, hardly fail to intervene in strikes 
the case of strikes, when the workingmen agree to stop w^ork 
with the view of forcing their employers to pay them higher 
wages, or grant them shorter hours or other more favorable 
conditions. When a strike involves the lighting of the city, or 
the supply of coal for a country, or the running of the rail- 
roads, or the operations of the telegraph, the question becomes 
one of vital public importance. 

There is a growing feeling, too, that the government cannot state insur- 
wholly neglect the unemployed, a class which may be largely working 
increased at a given time by some industrial change or depres- <^^^^^^^ 
sion ; and as we have seen in pre^•ious chapters, Germany has 
made provision through compulsory insurance,^ for enforced 
idleness through sickness or old age. P>ance has recently 
(1905) enacted a law providing that every French citizen 
without resources and incapable of earning a livelihood should 
be entitled to State aid, and in 1906 a system of old-age 
pensions was established. 

The distress of able-bodied workers who cannot find employ- Problem of 
ment offers a more serious problem. It will be remembered 
that in the Revolution of 1848 in France, the right of man 
to employment was boldly proclaimed. Hitherto only a few 
experiments have been made by European governments in 
furnishing employment to those in need of it. In 1901 the 
city of Ghent established a system of voluntary insurance for 
those who dreaded being thrown out of employment, and its 
success has led to similar arrangements in seven of the chief 
cities of Belgium. In some German towns, notably Cologne 
and Leipzig, experiments of the same kind have been made. 
In 1905 the English Parliament passed an act providing for 

1 See below, pp. 393 sqq. ^ See above, pp. 141 sq. 

the unem- 


TJie Development of Mode^'u Europe 

The Indus- 
trial Revolu- 
tion promotes 
the growth 
of cities 

Chief results 
due to the 
growth of 

distress committees in London and other cities to investigate 
the conditions of labor and establish relief works in case vol- 
untary contributions for their maintenance could be secured. 
The government thus assumes no financial responsibility, but 
its action indicates a tendency to recognize its obligation in 
this matter. 

There is no more extraordinary result of the Industrial 
Revolution than the rapid development of great cities and 
the creation of vast manufacturing centers. At the time of the 
Norman Conquest nine tenths of the people of England lived 
in villages, and there were no towns with over eight or ten 
thousand inhabitants. In the middle of the eighteenth cen- 
tury one half of the people still lived in the country, and the 
population of London did not exceed half a million. To-day 
eight Englishmen out of every ten live in towns of over ten 
thousand inhabitants, and greater London has a population of 
seven millions. In France one third of the population is urban, 
and in Germany more than one half of the people dwell in 
towns of two thousand inhabitants and more. 

In the eighteenth century no city on the continent could 
boast of a million inhabitants. Paris to-day has almost three 
millions, — four times the number it had at the opening- of the 
French Revolution. Berlin, with its two million inhabitants, 
is twenty times as large as Frederick the Great's capital. St. 
Petersburg, with its one million three hundred thousand people, 
has tripled in numbers since the accession of Nicholas I. 

The effects of this great concentration of population are 
numerous. Three may be especially mentioned. First, cities 
are naturally the centers of active intellectual life. It is in 
them that the newspapers and periodicals are published, and 
their inhabitants are generally more alive to current issues than 
the people in the country. The cities consequently exercise a 
much greater influence upon the policy of the government than 
the country. In the second place, the crowding of people into 
cities has raised many new problems ; for example, protection 


Some of tJic Great Problems of To-day 385 

from contagious diseases and from the horrors of overcrowd- 
ing in habitations unfit for human beings, the adequate supply 
of pure water, of gas and electricity, of street-car lines and 
telephones, the proper paving, lighting, and cleaning of the 
streets, and the disposal of garbage and sewage. Thirdly, the 
growth of the cities, and the problems to which this growth 
has given rise, have rendered the city governments in many 
ways more important to the individual citizen than the cen- 
tral government. 

Much is now written on the proper organization of the cities Municipal 
and the functions which they ought to undertake. Should they 
operate their own street railways and lighting plants in the 
same way that they ordinarily undertake to furnish water for 
their citizens? Should they furnish playgrounds, jjublic baths, 
and libraries, as well as schools? It is clear to every one that 
our cities have grown u]) for the most part in a haphazard 
fashion, with little or no forethought, and that they might be 
far more comfortable and beautiful than they are. It is also 
clear that those who obtain franchises for street railways may 
reap vast fortunes by the growth of the city, and still make 
very inadequate provisions for the public. The questions of 
municipal control and municipal ownership are therefore very 

Many who do not believe in socialism favor widening the Examples 
range of control and ownership by the municipalities. The ownershm'^ 
socialists naturally advocate this policy, and throughout Europe, 
and especially in Great Britain, there is an increasing number 
of cities which own and operate waterworks, street railways, 
gas and electric lighting plants, and other public '' utilities." 
They are even going further and undertaking many enterprises 
for economic, moral, and artistic improvement which were for- 
merly regarded as of purely private concern. All the cities 
have established free parks and other means of recreation for 
the people, and many of them — notably Manchester, Glasgow, 
and Leeds — provide special playgrounds for the children. 

386 The Development of Modern Europe 

About one half of the British cities furnish free concerts in the 
parks during the summer time, and others, such as Manchester 
and Glasgow, give concerts during the winter at a nominal 
admission fee. Nearly every German city has its own theater, 
and many have public halls, with orchestras and conductors 
supplied at public expense. 
The housing The wretched and overcrowded homes of the working people 
e poor ^^ ^j^^ towns have long been the subject of discussion and 
investigation, and many of the great European cities are under- 
taking to improve these conditions by constructing and manag- 
ing model tenements at moderate rentals. Within the last 
twenty-five years London has spent toward ten million dollars 
in rehousing the poorer inhabitants, without very satisfactory 
results, owing to the fact that wherever a crowded area was 
rebuilt only a portion of the former inhabitants could be 

Profiting by these experiences, the city is now undertaking 
the largest municipal dwelling-house scheme in the world ; 
land has been secured at Tottenham, about six miles outside 
the city, and a model town for nearly fifty thousand people 
will be constructed. In 1903 alone Liverpool built over two 
thousand tenements and apartments to rent at moderate sums. 
German cities have attempted to deal with this pressing prob- 
lem by acquiring land in the suburbs in order to prevent 
speculation and high rents, with a result that all the large 
towns own extensive areas of building land. German munici- 
pal authorities also exercise a rigid control over the architec- 
ture and sanitation of private buildings. 

The War on Poverty 
The per- 109. In Spite of the wonderful advances in invention and 

sistence of . j r n 1 r , 

poverty science and ot all the attempts of the various governments to 

improve the condition of the working classes, a large part of 
the population of even the most civilized countries spend their 

Some of the Great Problems of To-day 387 

lives in poverty, ignorance, and wretchedness, due principally 
to low wages, uncertain employment, and overcrowding in the 
great cities. Unhappily the continental governments have never 
undertaken a survey of the wages, expenditures, and homes of 
the people, but scientific investigations made in England by 
private persons have revealed a misery and degradation which 
is almost incredible. 

Mr. Charles Booth, a wealthy member of a steamship corpo- Booth's 
ration, feeling that there was no accurate information available London 
in regard to the condition of the working people of London, 
undertook a house-to-house canvass at his own expense. With 
a large corps of helpers he set about ascertaining the "numer- 
ical relations which poverty, misery, and depravity bear to 
regular earnings and comparative comfort," and in 1889 he 
published the first two volumes of his w^ork entitled The 
Lfe and Labor of the People of London^ of which sixteen vol- 
umes have now appeared. In the district of East London, 
embracing a population of nearly a million, he found that 
more than one third of the people belonged to families with 
incomes of a guinea (about ^5.15) or less a week; that forty- 
two per cent of the families earned from about $5.50 to $7.50 
a week ; and that only about thirteen per cent had more than 
;^7.5o a week to live on. His studies further revealed terrible 
overcrowding in squalid tenements which were badly lighted, 
poorly equipped with water and sanitary arrangements, and 
reeking with disease. He reached the startling conclusion that 
throughout the vast city of London nearly one third of the 
people were in poverty, that is, they lived on wages too low to 
provide the necessaries for a decent physical existence, to say 
nothing of comforts or luxuries. 

It might at first sight seem that the poverty of London is indications 
exceptionally great, but Mr. Rowntree, in an equally careful poverty^in 
survey, has proved that in the city of York, with its population ^°"g°"g*^, 
of less than eighty thousand inhabitants, toward one third tional 
of the people are also, as in London, in. dire poverty, He ha§ 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Possibility of 



War on 

shown, too, that the physical development of the children, 
the prevalence of disease, and the death rate corresponded 
with the rate of wages ; in short, that health, happiness, and 
well-being increased as w^ages increased. There is reason to 
believe that conditions are essentially the same in many other 
English towns as well as on the Continent, although this has 
not as yet been demonstrated by scientific investigations. 

Formerly it w^as generally assumed that poverty was inevi- 
table and that little could be done to remedy it, since there was 
not enough wealth in any given community to make everybody 
comfortable, but the progress of practical inventions and of 
scientific discovery has roused the hope in the minds of many 
that if industries were reorganized in a way to avoid waste and to 
promote efficiency, if the idle were set at work and precautions 
taken to distribute the wealth in such a way that a few could 
not, as now, appropriate vast fortunes, there might sometime 
be a sufficiency for all who were willing to do their part, so 
that all could live in comfort and bring up their children in 
healthful surroundings, thus greatly reducing vice and disease. 
As the kindly Pope Leo XIII well said, " There can be no ques- 
tion that some remedy must be found, and that quickly, for the 
misery and wretchedness w^hich press so heavily at this moment 
on a large majority of the very poor." 

Impressed with the terrible conditions which now prevail, 
and filled with the hope that they may be remedied so far as 
they are attributable to our bungling, unjust, and unintelligent 
methods, many high-minded men in all lands have declared 
war on poverty. They are organizing their forces and summon- 
ing the nations to face valiantly the common enemy. While 
there is as yet no general agreement as to the tactics to be 
pursued, it should be the duty of every one to follow intelli- 
gently the opening of the campaign and the course of the 
conflict, which must needs be long and fatiguing. We will now 
turn to some of the plans which have been suggested and 
the skirmishes which have already begun. vi:^ >.. 

Some of the Great Problems of To-day 389 

One of the most natural resources of the laboring classes is Trade unions 
the formation of associations designed to advance their inter- 
ests. Among these the tj-ade union is the most conspicuous, 
and such unions have now been formed in every industrial 
center of Europe. Their main purposes have been to reduce 
the hours of labor and at the same time to increase, if possible, 
the wages and improve the conditions under which the work is 
carried on. The unions have sought to secure their demands 
by negotiations with the employers, and if necessary by strikes, 
\Ahich have unfortunately often been accompanied by violence 
and intimidation. The question of the attitude which the gov- 
ernment should assume towards trade unions is a difficult one, 
particularly when a strike causes inconvenience to a large num- 
ber of consumers and leads to rioting and disorder. 

In England at the opening of the nineteenth century all Attitude of 
unions of workingmen were forbidden. If employees stopped government 
work in a body, thev were i)unished as criminals guilty of ^^Y^^^ 

■' ' -^ J o y unions 

conspiracy, and they were often arrested and imprisoned for 
merely meeting peacefully to consider their grievances even 
when there was no strike or difficulty with their employers. 
The workingmen were, however, able, under the leadership of 
Francis Place, a London tailor, to induce Parliament to pass 
an act in 1824 legalizing unions, and granting them the right 
to *' withhold labor from the market by concerted action," 
although still leaving many restrictions on the right of the 
workingman to strike. 

It was not until after 1850, however, that trade unionism Parliament 
got a firm hold on British industries : first, by the organization laSs^estrkt-^ 
of local unions of workingmen in the various trades, such as '"gthe 

'^ unions, 

the machinists, the iron and steel workers, the miners, the 1872-1876 
bricklayers, the spinners ; then by a national amalgamation of 
the local unions ; and finally by a general federation of all the 
trades and the organization of a trades congress. In the seven- 
ties this powerful organization was able to force Parliament to 
repeal many of the old laws limiting the action of organized 


The Development of Modern Europe 

and influen- 
tial in 


Unions in 

labor, and to give to the trade unions the right of bringing 
their influence to bear upon nonunion workingmen, without 
being liable, as they formerly had been, to prosecution under 
the conspiracy laws. 

In spite, however, of their excellent organization, the unions 
have found it impossible materially to improve the condition 
of the vast mass of ill-paid laborers, who are often out of em- 
ployment, and their leaders have during the last twenty years 
been advocating socialism as the only satisfactory solution. 
They have also determined to take a hand in politics and send 
some of their representatives to Parliament in place of the 
landlords, lawyers, and manufacturers who have hitherto con- 
trolled the House of Commons. By active agitation the unions 
have secured over fifty members in Parliament, and at the first 
session of the present Parliament in 1906 their influence was 
seen in the enactment of a law relieving unions from financial 
liability during the progress of strikes.^ 

In none of the continental countries are trade unions so 
strong or so well organized as in England, but almost everywhere 
they take an active part in politics. In Germany the unions 
have been divided from the beginning on important questions. 
On the one hand, there are the Hirsch-Duncker unions, — so 
called frorn their founders, — which do not contemplate any 
radical changes in the present system of industry ; they claim 
that the interests of employers and workingmen are identical, 
and lay stress on arbitration of disputes and the mutual advan- 
tages of harmony. On the other hand, there are the socialist 
unions, which embrace about two thirds of all the organized 
workingmen in Germany. 

In France, as in England, trade unions have been compelled 
to struggle against repressive legislation, and they have been 
divided, as in Germany, on political questions. After the guilds 
were abolished in 1789, a law was passed forbidding all asso- 
ciations of workingmen, and this principle, embodied in the 
1 See below, p. 401. 

Some of the Great Problems of To-day 391 

Criminal Code of Napoleon, was accepted by the third re- 
public until 1884 when the labor leaders, after many appeals 
to the Chamber of Deputies, secured an act allowing them to 
form unions without previously obtaining the approval of the 
police. Under this law the unions have grown rapidly and now 
number over six hundred thousand members, but they are still 
divided on political issues. The Central Federation at Paris 
shows a tendency to reject even schemes of a socialistic nature 
in favor of more violent and independent action on behalf of 
the working class. 

While workingmen have been engaged in the endeavor to Waste due to 
secure fewer hours and higher wages from their employers "^ 
through collective bargaining, they have also sought to improve 
their condition by cooperation in the purchase and manu- 
facture of articles of consumption in order to divide among 
themselves the profits which usually go to factory owners and 
merchants. As is well known, the competitive system is a 
wasteful one in many ways. Hundreds of traveling salesmen 
and innumerable costly devices of advertising are employed in 
extolling the respective merits of articles which are often of 
equal value to the consumer, and all this expense is added, of 
course, to the price of the articles. Moreover, it often happens 
that between the manufacturer, or producer, and the consumer 
several "middlemen" reap profits for which they do not always 
render an equivalent service. 

The existence of this waste and the profit of middlemen Cooperative 

1 -jj 1* A. L -i-i. 1- movement in 

have induced workmgmen to form associations to purchase or Q^eat Britain 
make products for their own use to be sold to them directly. 
Great Britain leads all the nations of the world in the number 
and success of its cooperative societies. The present coopera- 
tive movement in England originated in 1844 at Rochdale 
where twenty-eight weavers, imbued with the theories of Robert 
Owen,^ resolved to cooperate in the purchase of food and 
clothing and thus secure for themselves the profit which had 
1 See below, p. 395, 

392 The Development of Modern Europe 

previously gone to the private trader, or middleman. The plan 
is very simple : the association, of which any one may become 
a member on payment of a nominal fee, is really a large 
company, which owns buildings and grounds, employs buyers 
and clerks, and conducts a general merchandise business ; the 
profits of the enterprise are distributed among the various mem- 
bers of the association according to the amount purchased per 
month by each. 

'J'he small beginnings at Rochdale were so successful that 
other stores sprang up in neighboring towns ; at the present 
time there are more than fifteen hundred societies — with a 
combined membership of over two million — doing a business 
of three hundred million dollars annually and distributing 
profits to the amount of nearly fifty million dollars. These 
local societies are federated in great wholesale societies — one 
in England and another in Scotland — which do a large portion 
of the wholesale buying and manufacturing for the "stores" 
scattered throughout the United Kingdom. This enormous 
enterprise, called by Lord Rosebery *'a state within a state," 
is carried on by officers elected by the members, thus dem- 
onstrating the capacity of the British working classes for 
self-government and business management. The cooperative 
societies, unlike the trade unions, have steadily abstained from 
politics, generally refusing even to aid the Labor Representation 
Committee, whose object is to increase the number of labor 
men in Parliament. 
Cooperation In cooperation, as in trade unionism, the continental workmen 
Continent have not shown the ability of their English fellow-workmen for 
organization and independent action. Cooperative shopkeep- 
ing first became popular in France during the early sixties, 
and there are now about eighteen hundred societies, but their 
combined business is only about one tenth that of the British 
cooperators. The largest association, which is in Paris, has a 
membership of eighteen thousand, but there are few societies 
with more than one thousand members. 

Some of the Great Problems of To-day 393 

In Germany there are nearly two thousand societies with a 
membership of a miUion, but the sales are not more than one 
fifth those of the British societies. The Belgian societies are 
distinguished for their close affiliations with the socialist party, 
to the support of which a considerable portion of the profits 
is devoted. 

Notwithstanding all that has been done for the relief of Socialism a 

11 • r 1 1 • 1111 vaffiie term 

poverty and the protection of the workmgman, lioth by the 
governments and by the workingmen themselves, — factory 
legislation, old-age pensions, the establishment of j^rotective 
unions, and the formation of cooperative societies, — misery 
and wretchedness seem scarcely to have been reduced, and an 
ever-increasing number of persons have come to the conclusion 
that our whole method of production is at fault. They advo- 
cate, therefore, some form of socialism, a word that has a good 
many different meanings and is very commonly misrepresented, 
and even misunderstood. 

Poverty is, of course, as old as civilization, and from the Precursors 
fifth century before Christ, when Plato wrote his work on The 
Republic, down to our own days, when writers like Pxlward 
Bellamy and H. G. Wells have tried to picture for us an ideal 
future, men have dreamed of a civilization without poverty, 
idleness, or ugliness.-^ 

It will be remembered that during the French Revolution Early 
Baboeuf declared that reform had only begun, and that the only ^^^^^ '^*^ 
cure for poverty was the transfer of private property to the 
State, which should manage it for the good of all. But he made 
few converts, and his plans came to naught.^ 

The Napoleonic wars and the restoration of the monarchy Saint-Simon, 
did not, however, extinguish interest in social reform, and a ^^60-1 25 

1 Among these dreamers may be mentioned Sir Thomas More, who, in the 
time of Henry VIII, wrote the famous little book called Utopia, or "the land of 
nowhere," where everything was arranged as it should be and where men lived 
together in brotherly love and prosperity. Since his day those who advocate any 
fundamental revolution in society have commonly been called " Utopians." 

2 See above, pp. 55 sqq. 

394 ^/^^ Development of Modern Europe 

number of writers began to seriously consider various methods of 
abolishing poverty. Among these Saint-Simon, Fourier, and 
Robert Owen assume a leading place. The first is commonly 
regarded as the founder of French socialism. He was the heir 
to a great name and a considerable fortune and received his 
education from some of the leading scholars of his day ; after 
demonstrating his love of liberty by participating in the Amer- 
ican War of Independence, he devoted himself to the study of 
means of improving the social order. He came to the con- 
clusion that the government should organize and manage in- 
dustry through associations which would secure to each worker 
a reward proportionate to his services to the State. In his book 
entitled The Neiv Christianity^ he argued that it was the great 
mission of the Church to teach the brotherhood of man and to 
fight poverty and distress. After his death a small school of 
followers continued to propagate his doctrine. 
Fourier, While Saint-Simon was elaborating his plan for the regenera- 

1 772-1 n ^JQj^ q£ society, another Frenchman, Charles Fourier (b. 1772), 
was advocating a different remedy for poverty. He did not be- 
lieve that the central government could possibly manage prop- 
erly the great business enterprises necessary to human welfare, 
so he urged the formation of groups of families into what he 
called '' phalanxes," which should each contain about two thou- 
sand members. Each group was to own buildings and all the 
needful implements for the production of the necessities of 
life. The total product was to be divided up in the following 
manner : capital was to receive four twelfths, labor five twelfths, 
and the talent necessary for the proper management of the 
phalanxes and all their enterprises was to receive three twelfths. 
Fourier believed that in this way universal harmony would be 
produced. His profound confidence in his theory is illustrated 
by the fact that for years he was at his house at twelve o'clock 
to confer with any philanthropist who felt inclined to fur- 
nish the money to start the first phalanx. The awaited visitor 
never came, but nevertheless Fourier's theories won many 

Some of the Great Pivblems of To-day 395 

sympathizers, especially in the United States, among men of 
no less insight than Horace Greeley, Charles A. Dana, and 
George William Curtis. The experiment of actually founding a 
species of phalanx was made in Massachusetts by the Brook 
Farm Colony, of which several distinguished Americans were 
members for a time. 

In England the first great exponent of socialism was Robert Robert Owen 
Owen,^ a successful manufacturer and a generous friend of the 
poor. Like Fourier, he believed that he had found the secret 
of the regeneration of mankind in the formation of coopera- 
tive groups which should own and use for their own benefit all 
the means of production necessary for their common life. He 
wrote innumerable works and tracts and preached his doc- 
trine with untiring zeal ; he even appealed to the crowned 
heads of Europe to take up his plan, and came to the United 
States to defend it before the House of Representatives. Sev- 
eral of his proposed colonies were actually founded in Great 
Britain, and also in the United States (for example, at New 
Harmony, Indiana), but they failed for a variety of reasons. 
Nevertheless, Owen's writings and labors influenced the work- 
ing classes in England, and it is to his inspiration that the great 
cooperative enterprises mentioned above are largely due. It is 
probable, too, that we owe to Owen the word " socialism." 

All these theorists had much in common. They were deeply The Utopian 
moved by the misery which they saw about them, they boldly regarded by 
condemned the system of society in which they lived, and pro- "^"^^,"\ 

/ ■' ^ ' 1 socialists as 

posed a revolution which should remedy its evils. They did unpractical 
not, however, reckon with the great complexity of human 
nature or the respect for tradition which always stands in the 
way of change. They assumed that it would only be necessary 
to present a reasonable and beautiful theory of harmony and 
plenty in order to induce men to found a new social order. 
They all appealed to the' upper classes for aid in realizing their 
schemes, and made no attempt to organize the great mass of 
1 See above, p. 211. 

596 The Development of Moder?i Europe 

workingmen into political parties for the purpose of getting 
control of the government and forcing it to forward their plans. 
The modern socialists look back upon these men as unprac- 
tical "Utopians" who often had good ideas, but were, after all, 
mere dreamers. 
Socialistic In a previous chapter we showed how socialism was taken 

^^848^"*^ up in France before the Revolution of 1848 by revolutionary 
leaders of the working classes.-^ Louis Blanc even succeeded 
in the first days of the second republic in gaining a momen- 
tary recognition, but was able to accomplish nothing, owing to 
the slight support which he enjoyed. In England some of the 
Chartists aimed at socialistic reforms, and in the insurrection 
at Berlin in 1848 the workingmen ventured to advocate some 
socialistic changes, but nowhere did the movement produce 
any immediate results. 
The Commit- Nevertheless, it was on the eve of the Revolution of 1848 
yesto ""^ in Europe that two young Germans, Karl Marx and Friedrich 
Engels, formulated the principles of a new socialism in a 
proclamation known as the Communist Manifesto,'^ which was 
destined to become the creed of the greatest international 
political movement the world has ever seen. 
Karl Marx, The first of these young men may be regarded as the 

^ ^ ^ ^ founder of international socialism, although there is no doubt 
that he owed a great deal to the labors of his colleague. Karl 
Marx was born in 18 18 in Treves, reared in an enlightened 
home, and educated at the University of Bonn. He had early 
decided upon the career of a university professor, but the bold- 
ness of his speech and his radical tendencies barred his way 
and consequently he entered journalism. His attacks on the 
Prussian government led to the suppression of his paper in 
1843, and the close surveillance of the police caused him to 
migrate to Paris. He was, however, expelled from France by 

1 See above, pp. 55 sq. and 59 sqq. 

2 The word '* comiministic " has now given way to "socialistic," which is 
generally used in the same sense that " communistic " was in 1848. 


Some of the Great Problems of To-day 397 

Guizot, and after some wanderings he finally settled in Lon- 
don, where he studied and wrote nntil his death in 1883. 

Throughout his life Marx wrote voluminously on history, Das KafUal 
philosophy, and current politics, and for a time he was a cor- 
respondent of the New York Tribune when it was under the 
management of Horace Greeley. His fundamental views on 
political economy were brought together in a large work of 
three volumes entitled Das Kapital (" Capital"), the first part 
of which appeared in 1867, but which was left unfinished at his 
death. This work is so widely circulated among socialist leaders 
that it is sometimes called "the workingman's Bible," although 
it contains very few pages indeed that would enlighten a per- 
son seeking the cardinal doctrines of modern socialism which 
Marx laid down.^ These are to be found throughout his scat- 
tered writings and especially in the Communist Manifesto 
mentioned above. 

Marx differs fundamentally from the uto])ian theorists, — The class 
Saint-Simon, Fourier, and Owen, — in repudiating the idea that ^ "'^^ ^ 
socialism can be introduced by voluntary agreements among 
kindly disposed persons. He claims that the new order can- 
not be established artificially, but will nevertheless come, as an 
inevitable result of the Industrial Revolution which created 
capitalists and workingmen and introduced intense competi- 
tion. "The history of all hitherto existing society," he says, 
" is the history of class struggles. Freeman and slave, patri- 
cian and plebeian, lord and serf, guildmaster and journeyman, 
in a word, oppressor and oppressed, have stood in constant 
antagonism to one another and carried on an uninterrupted 
warfare, now secret, now open, which has in every case ended 
either in the revolutionary reconstruction of society at large 
or in the common ruin of the contending classes. . . . The 
modern society that has sprung from the ruins of feudal 

1 The first volume of an English translation appeared in 1886, the second in 
1906, while the third is still (1907) in preparation. Das Kapital has been trans- 
lated into all of the continental languages. 


The Development of Moder7i Europe 

vs. pro- 

Central idea 
of socialism 

The manner 
in which 
Marx be- 
lieved social- 
ism would be 

society has not done away with class antagonisms. It has but 
established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new 
forms of struggle in place of the old ones. Our epoch, — the 
epoch of the bourgeoisie, — possesses, however, this distinc- 
tive feature : it has simplified the class antagonisms. Society 
is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, 
into two great classes directly opposed to each other, bour- 
geoisie and proletariat." ^ 

In this present struggle, Marx believed, the working class 
would win by uniting to overthrow the capitalist class, not^ 
however^ by dividing up the property, — which would even to 
a socialist seem sheer folly, — but by transferring ownership to 
the state or nation as a whole, which should operate the means 
of production for the direct profit of the whole people. 

The very development of modern industry, Marx contended, 
favors the establishment of socialism. Wealth and industries 
are concentrating in the control of great companies, trusts, 
and corporations, which are managed from a central office and 
carried on by salaried employees and manual laborers, while the 
capitalist, he declared, is becoming only a stockholder, an idle 
drone drawing dividends earned for him by other men. Hence, 
argued Marx, the capitalist has become a mere owner of prop- 
erty, as useless as the feudal lords in the eighteenth century 
who neither fought in the armies nor protected the peasants 
around their castles as their ancestors had done, but crowded 
about the court of the king, where they lived magnificently on 
revenues collected by their stewards from the poor people 
who tilled their estates. Marx therefore predicted that in 
time the capitalist's right of ownership will be abolished, and 
that the salaried employees of the great corporations will 
become the salaried clerks of the government when it takes 
over all the industries for the common good ; thus socialism 
will be established. 

1 That is, the great mass of the people as distinguished from the capitalistic 
class, or " bourgeoisie." 

Some of the Great Problems of To-day 399 

It seems to the socialist that labor, in the broadest sense Socialists 

, . , r 11 1111 1 • • maintain that 

of the word, is the source of all wealth, whether this consists "labor "is 
in houses, railroads, shoes and stockings, flour and potatoes, a^TvvealtlTand 
books, pictures, schools, libraries, newspapers, chemical labora- i^ tlierefore 

' ^ ' ' . entitled to 

tories, telephones. It was labor, they argue, which produced the whole 
the capital necessary to establish the factories or railroads, and ^^° 
it is labor which keeps up the stream of goods of all kinds and 
directs man's energies into new and profitable fields. Every one 
who contributes in any way to the welfare of mankind should 
have his share in the general output, whether he be a simple 
day laborer or an engineer, manager, inventor, designer, teacher, 
author, editor, or artist. 

But as industry is now organized, the socialist holds, those Socialists 

, , , .... - , would abolish 

who happen to have money to invest m machines, farms, and private 
mines often derive a very large revenue from them without th™meansof 
taking any part in the work. Consequently the socialists would production 
turn over all of the means of production to the State, just as the 
roads, the waterworks, the telegraphs and telephones, and the 
postal system are now frequently in the hands of the govern- 
ment. Private ownership would then be confined to personal 
effects and articles of consumption, — food, clothing, furniture, 
pictures, and books. This, they believe, would free the poor 
from the "exploitation" of the. rich capitalists who now too 
often control the newspapers and the lawmaking in their own 
interests and are able to arrange everything to increase their 
personal share in the wealth produced. The extinction of the 
capitalist is to the socialist the only method of relieving the 
people as a whole from poverty and oppression. 

To those who raise a cry against the injustice of this plan Reply of 
Marx replies : " You are horrified at our intention to do away those who cry 
with private property. But in your existing form of society ^i^'* ^boiil^on 
private property is already done away with for nine tenths of of private 

- 1 • • r 1 r • 1 -I 1 • property 

the people ; its existence for the few is solely due to its non- 
existence in the hands of those nine tenths. You reproach us, 
therefore, for proposing to abolish a foim of property which 


Tlie Development of Modern Europe 

picture of a 

parties de- 
velop in 

can only exist because it is denied to the immense majority of 
society." So long, he urges, as the fundamental vice remains, 
the well-meaning efforts of "economists, philanthropists, 
humanitarians, improvers of the condition of the working 
class, organizers of charity, members of societies for the pre- 
vention of cruelty to animals, temperance agitators, and hole- 
in-the-corner reformers of every kind " must prove vain or 

In the name of " true democracy and human welfare " Marx 
and his followers summon the proletariat of every land, who, 
they urge, have nothing now to lose except their chains, to 
unite and make the world their own. They hold up before the 
workingman a picture of a time to come when the idle will be 
set to labor, and no one will become rich at the cost of his 
neighbor, when every one will have an opportunity to develop 
for the benefit of society the best that is in him. Poverty will 
then disappear, and all men, organized into a great army for 
the conquest of Nature, will emancipate themselves from hun- 
ger and disease and live together in harmony and brotherly 

We have seen how socialistic parties have developed in 
(Germany, France, Italy, Austria, Russia, and elsewhere, and 
are playing a very active part in political campaigns. Eng- 
land, although it was the first to feel the Industrial Revolu- 
tion, has been the last important country to give birth to a 
real socialistic party.^ In 1883 the Social Democratic Federa- 
tion was formed to promote the teachings of Marx. This is 

1 Another remedy for poverty was offered by Henry George in his famous 
\iox\ Progress and Poverty, in which he contended that the increase in the value 
of lands in the cities is due not to the labors of the owners but to the growth of 
population and industries near by. He therefore argued that all increase in the 
value of land not due to improvements should be taken in the form of a land 
tax known as the " single tax." This he held would give tlie government an ample 
revenue and abolish poverty besides. , 

2 The " Christian socialism," which Charles Kingsley and others began to 
preach in the forties, did not advocate the government ownership of the means 
of production but placed its hopes in "copartnership" workshops, owned and 
managed by the workingmen. 

Soffie of the Great Problems of To-day 40 1 

very active in spite of the small number of its members. It 
would gladly see the abolition of the monarchy and of the 
House of Lords, and it refuses to cooperate with either the 
liberal or Conservative party. Since 1893 there has come into 
existence, under the leadership of Keir Hardie, a more mod- 
erate socialistic body, known as the Independent Labor party. 
Its adherents reject Marx's notion of an inevitable class conflict. 

The well-known Fabian Society,^ of which Sidney and The Fabian 


Beatrice Webb, George Bernard Shaw, and H. G. Wells have 
been distinguished members, originated in the early eighties 
for the purpose of doing away with the waste and misery 
which our present industrial system entails. The Fabians reject 
many of the doctrines of Marx, but at the same time they 
advocate the municipal or national ownership of land and in- 
dustrial capital. They do not form a political party, but rely 
upon bringing about better things by writing and lecturing and 
thus leading people to realize the possibility of reform. 

In 1 90 1 a I,abor Representation Committee was formed in Labor repre- 


order to secure the united action of the many trade unions returned to 
and the Independent Labor party. This committee in 1905 j^^'^j^^o^"^"* 
pledged itself to work for the chief objects of socialism. When 
a general election to Parliament occurred in 1906 they were 
ready to carry on a determined campaign, and the committee, 
with the aid of the Social Democrats and the Independent 
Labor party, succeeded in returning no less than fifty labor 
representatives to the House of Commons. A large number of 
these are avowed socialists. 

It was natural that socialists in the various European coun- The interna- 
tries should endeavor to form a general international associa- ^t^on of 
tion, since they oppose war between nations and believe that ^^orkmgmen 
all workingmen should combine against the common enemy, 
the capitalist. In 1864 the International Association of Work- 
ingmen was organized at a congress convened in London. It 

1 So called from the policy of the Roman dictator Fabius, " who gained his 
end by going slowly," — qui cundando restituit rem. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

advanced by 
the oppo- 
nents of 

It is urged 
that no 
could possi- 
bly conduct a 
state with 
economy and 

held its first meeting in Geneva in 1866 and passed a series of 
resolutions embodying the ideas of Marx, who had been one of 
the most active among its organizers. P'rom year to year the 
" International " grew more and more socialistic, and in spite of 
the small number of its members it thoroughly frightened the 
European governments. But in 1876 it collapsed, and since 
then socialists have turned their whole attention to develop- 
ing the strength of their cause in their own countries. Never- 
theless they continue to maintain a general bureau at Brussels 
and to hold periodical international congresses. 

Quite naturally the socialist movement, aiming at such revo- 
lutionary changes in modern society, has roused powerful oppo- 
sition. Many who freely acknowledge the poverty which exists 
believe that, whatever advantages socialism may have in theory, 
it would be impossible to gain these advantages in practice 
because the government could not manage such huge busi- 
ness concerns honestly and economically. A tendency toward 
"general incompetence, laziness, dishonesty, and wastefulness," 
it is argued, "are natural whenever individuals cannot be 
closely watched and sharply controlled, and losses due to this 
cause are greater in proportion to the magnitude of the interests 
managed. In the socialistic hierarchy of State employees, from 
the highest executives and managers to the humblest unskilled 
laborers, when every administrator would be managing not his 
own but the collective wealth, and every laborer and group of 
laborers (who are also voters) would have his ability and hon- 
esty watched not by the sharp eye of the incensely interested 
private owner, but by the shadowy gaze of official inspectors 
and by a still more shadowy public opinion, these tendencies 
would have still greater chance of working without correction 
or punishment, with the inevitable consequence of a greatly 
diminished total production. Would not each group and each 
individual in each group be constantly complaining of every 
other group and every other individual in his group? "^ 

1 Simonson, A Plain Examination of Socialism^ p. 126. 

Some of the Great Problems of To-day 403 

Most thoughtful opponents of socialism are agreed that it Alleged im- 
would prove very difficult if not wholly impossible for the gov- distributing 
ernment to distribute the wealth produced among those who ^o^^dSg^to 
participated in its production. They argue that wages are now the deserts 

^ ^ . . -- o o of all who 

determined by competition and that each worker gets substan- contribute to 
tially what his services are worth to the community ; but if all we^ifare^"^^ 
wealth produced in a year were at the disposal of the govern- 
ment, on what basis would it be distributed among the inventors, 
teachers, manual laborers, farmers, and other workers? If all 
shared equally, — the brilliant and the dull, the inventor and 
the most unskilled laborer, the idler and the industrious, — it 
is maintained that individual skill and energy, which now pro- 
mote progress, would be destroyed. On the other hand, if 
incomes are to be unequal in the socialist state, on what rules 
shall the shares be apportioned? " It is absolutely impossible," 
contends Schiiffle, " to ascertain how much of the value of the 
common product each individual has produced, especially as, 
even in the socialist state, this would be a result not only of 
personal labor but also of the means of production belonging 
in common to the whole of society and of the help afforded 
by nature. . . . The leading promise of social democracy that 
each laborer will receive the full value of what he produces is 
therefore practically and theoretically untenable." ^ 

The owners of property naturally resist socialism as an attack Private prop- 
on their rights and subversive of the institution of private ^s a natural 
ownership which has been approved by centuries of human "S^t 
experience. They also contend that most fortunes have been 
accumulated by industry, thrift, and self-denial, and that any 
attempt to reduce them would be essentially unjust. " It is not 
my fault," urges an opponent of socialism, '' that some one 
wants to use my wealth. I am not responsible for his existence 
or for his necessity; and he has no more right by nature to 
the use of my property without my consent than I have to the 
use of his labor. No man has any natural claim on another 

1 The Quintessence of Socialism., p. 122. 


The Development of Modem Europe 

declared to 
be inherent 
in the very 
nature of 

1^0 XIII 

person or on his wealth, whether that wealth be capital for 
production or wealth merely for personal consumption. To 
deny that 1 have any right to ask interest or rent for the use 
of my property is to deny my right to my property.^ 

It is also urged that it is contrary to the very nature of things 
that competition and the struggle of classes should cease, as the 
socialist dreams, and that men should live together in harmonious 
cooperation. Nature has decreed a perpetual struggle of man 
with man, and in the contest might wins and becomes right ; the 
weak lose and are crowded to the wall ; the inferior sink in the 
conflict, and no laws of man can correct the inequalities which 
nature has created. " There is no social justice because Nature 
herself is not just. Injustice and inequality are with us from 
the cradle. From the cradle to the grave, . . . the inequality 
of Nature follows man step by step. This appears under a 
thousand forms, — natural inequality, the chances of birth and 
inheritance, physical advantages or disadvantages, intellectual 
disparities, and the inequalities of destiny." The very idea of 
the socialists that this struggle might cease " is one of those 
chimerical conceptions that are completely contradicted by 
facts. Indeed its realization is very far from being a desirable 
thing. Without the conflict of individuals, races, and classes — 
in a word, without universal conflict — man would never have 
emerged from savagery at all, and would never have attained 
to civilization." ^ 

Although the socialist party has often declared that religion 
is a private matter, it has at the same time proclaimed itself in 
favor of many measures which have aroused the opposition of 
the clergy, especially of the Catholic Church. Furthermore its 
members have often denounced the clergy as defenders, in the 
past, of nobles, kings, and class privileges everywhere. Pope 
Leo XIII in spite of his keen appreciation of the existing 
evils felt it incumbent upon him to condemn socialism in no 

1 Simonson, op. cit., p. 83. 

2 In Le Bon, The Psychology of Socialism, p. 331. 

Some of the Great Problems of To-day 405 

uncertain terms as a secular movement attempting reforms 
without the aid of religious truths. He also asserted that the 
socialist's " proposals are so clearly futile for all practical pur- 
poses that if they were carried out the workingman himself 
would be the first to suffer. Moreover they are emphatically 
unjust because they would rob the lawful possessor, bring the 
State into a sphere which is not its own, and cause complete 
confusion in the community." 

Whether this mutual hostility of poor and rich will deepen Growth of 
in Europe and bring on a new social conflict, or whether there melft may 
will be concessions on both sides resulting in gradual reform, "^"^f-^J^ *'^^ 

^ ^ ' solution of 

the future alone can determine. It is clear in any case that the problem 
the evils of our present organization are being more and more 
generally understood, and there is hope that many shocking 
inequalities may gradually be done away with. " \Mio can gauge 
the far-reaching influence of even the science we have, in order- 
ing and quickening the imagination of men, in enhancing and 
assuring their powers? Common men feel secure in enter- 
prises it needed men of genius to conceive in former times. 
And there is a literature — for all our faults we do write more 
widely, deeply, disinterestedly, more freely and frankly than 
any set of writers ever did before — reaching incalculable masses 
of readers, and embodying an amount of common consciousness 
and purpose beyond all precedent. Consider only how nowa- 
days the problems that were once inaccessible thoughts of 
statesmen may be envisaged by common men ! " ^ 

Progress and Effects of Natural Science 

no. In a previous chapter (IX) the extraordinary advance Great! 


of natural science in the eighteenth century was briefly de- sdent'ific 
scribed. Through careful observation and experimentation, and 
the invention of scientific instruments like the microscope and 
telescope, and by laborious watching, musing, and calculating, 

1 H. G. Wells, The Future in America, p. 256. 

research on 
the lives of 


The Developfnent of Modern Europe 

Some exam- 
ples of scien- 
tific advance 
during tiie 

men of science — Newton, Linnaeus, Buffon, Lavoisier, and 
hundreds of others — laid the foundations of our modern sci- 
ences, astronomy, botany, zoology, chemistry, physics. Their 
researches greatly increased man's knowledge of himself, of 
the animals and plants about him, of the minerals aild gases 
which he had hitherto so ill understood, of the earth itself, 
and of the universe in which it revolves. These scientific 
discoveries have not served merely to gratify a noble curi- 
osity, they have deeply affected the lives even of those who 
never heard of oxygen and hydrogen or the laws of motion. 
Scarcely any human interest has escaped the direct influence 
of natural science, for it has not only begotten a spirit of 
reform, but is supplying the means for infinitely improving 
our human lot by bettering the conditions in which we live. 

Great as were the achievements of the eighteenth century, 
those of the nineteenth were still more startling. In order to 
ajipreciate this we have only to recollect that the representa- 
tives of the European powers who met together at Vienna after 
Napoleon's fall had not only never dreamed of telegraphs, 
telephones, electric lights, and electric cars, which are everyday 
necessities to us, but they knew nothing of ocean steamships 
or railways, of photography, anaesthetics, or antiseptics. Such 
humble comforts as matches, kerosene oil, illuminating gas, and 
our innumerable India-rubber articles were still unheard of. 
Sewing machines, typewriters, and lawn mowers would have 
appeared to them wholly mysterious contrivances whose uses 
they could not have guessed. Probably none of them had 
ever heard of the atomic theory ; certainly not of the cellular 
theory, the conservation of energy, evolution, the germ theory 
of disease, — all these which every college boy and girl now 
finds in the text-books would have been perfectly strange to 
Stein or Alexander I. 

The progress of science in the twentieth century bids fair, 
with our ever more refined means of research, to solve many 
another deep mystery and add enormously to man's power and 




Some of the Great Problems of To-day 407 

resources. Yet, so far, each new discovery has suggested prob- Possibility 

, . , 1 r,M • • r 1 . of scientific 

lems hitherto unsuspected. Ihe universe is far more comph- progress 
cated than it was once beheved to be, and there seems, 
therefore, to be no end to profitable research. It should be 
the aim of every student of modern history to follow the devel- 
opment of science and to observe the ways in which it is con- 
stantly changing our habits and our views of man, his origin and 
destiny. It will be possible here to do no more than suggest 
some of the more astonishing results of the scientific research 
which has been carried on with ever-increasing ardor, both in 
Europe and America during the past hundred years. 

To begin with the earth itself, practically every one in Former con- 
Europe fifty years ago believed that it had existed but five creatknAnd 
or six thousand years, and that during the successive days of a ^/J'^^^j^Jf^^ "^ 
single week God had created it and all the creatures u])on it 
and had set the sun and moon in the firmament to light it. 
For this conception of creation the geologist, zoologist, paleon- 
tologist, anthropologist, physicist, and astronomer have been 
substituting another, according to which all things have come 
to their present estate through a gradual i)rocess extending 
through millions, perhaps billions, of years. 

The earth is now commonly believed to have once been a The tre- 
gaseous ball which gradually cooled until its surface became period dur- 
hardened into the crust upon which we live.^ Geologists do 
not agree as to the age of the earth in its present state, and 
there appears to be no means of definitely settling the ques- 
tion. They infer, however, that it must have required from 
a hundred to a thousand millions of years for the so-called 
sedimentary rocks to be laid down in the beds of ancient seas 

1 Some distinguished scientists hold that there are weighty reasons for sup- 
posing that this crust is not more than thirty or forty miles thick, and that the 
volcanoes are openings which reach down to the molten and gaseous interior. 
Other geologists, however, either believe that the globe is solid, or humbly con- 
fess that we can form no satisfactory conclusions as to its interior, since we have 
no means of determining the condition of matter under such a tremendous pres- 
sure. Recently the theory has been advanced that the earth was gradually built 
of particles previously flying about in space, and was never a molten mass. 

ing which life 
has probably 
existed on 
the earth 

4o8 The Development of Modern Europe 

and oceans. Many of these rocks contain fossils which indi- 
cate that plants and animals have existed on the earth from 
the very remote periods when some of these older strata 
were formed. Accordingly it seems possible that for at least 
a hundred million years the earth has had its seas and its 
dry land, differing little in temperature from the green globe 
familiar to us. 

?>en if we reduce this period by one half, it is impossible to 
form more than a faint idea of the time during which plants 
"* and the lower forms of animals have probably existed on the 

earth. Let us imagine a record having been kept during the 
past fifty million years, in which but a single page should 
be devoted to the chief changes occurring during each suc- 
cessive five thousand years. This mighty journal would now 
amount to ten volumes of a thousand pages each ; and scarcely 
more than the last page, Volume X, page looo, would be as- 
signed to the whole recorded history of the world from the 
earliest Assyrian and Egyptian inscriptions to the present day. 
As for the starry universe of which our sun and his little 
following of planets form an infinitesimal part — that seems 
to our poor minds to have existed always and to be boundless 
in extent. Nevertheless the revelations of the spectroscope 
and the samples of substances which reach the earth in the 
form of meteoric dust and stones indicate that heavenly bodies 
are composed of the same chemical constituents with which we 
are familiar, — hydrogen, oxygen, nitrogen, carbon, sodium, 
iron, and so forth. 
Lyell's As early as 1795 the Scotch geologist, James Hutton, pub- 

of Geology Hshed his conclusion that the earth had gradually assumed its 
fn^V^o^^*'^^ present form by slow natural processes ; and he roused a storm 
of protest by declaring that he found *' no traces of a begin- 
ning and no prospect of an end." In 1830 Sir Charles Lyell 
published his famous Principles of Geology^ in which he ex- 
plained at great length the manner in which the gradual con- 
traction of the globe, the action of the rain and the frost, 

Some of the Great Problems of To-day 409 

had, through countless aeons, and without any great general 
convulsions or cataclysms, formed the mountains and valleys 
and laid down the strata of limestone, clay, and sandstone. 
He showed, in short, that the surface of the earth w^as the 
result of familiar causes, most of which can still be seen in 
operation. The work of more recent geologists has tended to 
substantiate Lyell's views. 

And just as the earth itself has slowly changed through the Buffon, 1707- 
operation of natural forces, so plants and animals appear to covers signs 
have assumed their present forms gradually. Buffon, a French eJ^yiift^oJ^^f 
naturalist who was busy upon a vast Natural History at the vegetable and 

7-. T • ^ ' r ^ ^• animal life 

time that Diderot's Encyclopcedia was m the course of publi- 
cation, pointed out that all mammals closely resemble each 
other in their structure, unlike as they may appear to the 
casual observer. If a horse be compared point by point to a 
man, *' our wonder," he declares, "is excited rather by the 
resemblances than by the differences between them." As 
he noted the family resemblances between one species and 
another he admitted that it looked as if Nature might, if suf- 
ficient time were allowed, ** have evolved all organized forms 
from one original type." 

In other passages Buffon forecast the great theory of evolu- idea of 
tion, and in the opening decade of the nineteenth century his adopted by a 
fellow-countryman, Lamarck, published a work in which he ^^^^^^L 
boldly maintained that the whole animal world has been grad- thinkers in 

11 J 1 1 TT 1 ir -J r, • the first half 

ually developed. He was half a century in advance of his times of the nine- 
in this conviction, although the causes of development which century 
he assigned would not seem at all adequate to modern zoologists. 
Nevertheless other investigators were impressed by the same 
facts which had led Buffon and Lamarck to their conclusions, 
and in 1852 Herbert Spencer, in one of his very. earliest works, 
gave many strong and seemingly unanswerable arguments to 
support the idea that the whole visible universe — the earth, 
the plants and animals, even man himself and all his ideas and 
institutions — had slowly developed by a natural process. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

theory of 

The nature 
of " the strug- 
gle for ex- 
istence " 

Seven years later (1859) Charles Darwin's The Origin of 
Species by Means of Natural Selection — the result of years of 
the most patient study of plants and animals — finally brought 
the whole theory of evolution to the attention of the world at 
large. Darwin maintained that the various species of animals 
and plants — all the different kinds of monkeys, sparrows, and 
whales, of maple trees, blackberries, and violets — were not 
descendants from original separate and individual species 
created in a certain form which they had always kept, but that 
these species as they exist in the world to-day were the result 
of many changes and modifications which have taken place 
during the millions of years in which plants and animals have 
lived upon the earth. -^ 

Darwin pointed out that if any animal or plant were left free 
to multiply it would speedily fill the earth. For instance, a 
single pair of robin redbreasts, or sparrows, if allowed to live 
and breed unmolested, would under favorable circumstances in- 
crease to more than twenty millions in ten years. Consequently 
since the number of plants and animals shows no actual general 
increase, it is clear that by far the greater portion of the eggs 
of birds and fishes, the seeds of plants, and the young of mam- 
mals are destroyed before they develop. Heat and cold, rain 
and drought, are largely responsible for this, but organisms 
also kill one another in a thousand different ways, often by 
merely crowding out one another and consuming all the avail- 
able food. There is thus a perpetual struggle for existence 
among all organisms, whether of the same or different species, 
and few only can possibly survive, — one in five, or in ten, or 
in a thousand, or, in some cases, in a million. 

1 In the introduction to his book he says: " Although much remains obscure, 
I can entertain no doubt, after the most deliberate and dispassionate judgment of 
which I am capable, that the view which most naturalists till recently entertained, 
and which I formerly entertained,— namely, that each species has been independ- 
ently created, — is erroneous. I am fully convinced that species are not immu- 
table, but that those belonging to what are called the same genera are lineal 
descendants of some other and generally extinct species." 


Some of the Great Problems of To-day 411 

*'Then comes the question, Why do some live rather than Variation 
others? If all the individuals of each species were exactly alike survival of 
in every respect, we could only say that it is a matter of chance, fittest 
but they are not alike. We find that they vary in many different 
ways. Some are stronger, some swifter, some hardier in consti- 
tution, some more cunning. An obscure color may render con- 
cealment more easy for some; keener sight may enable others 
to discover prey or escape from an enemy better than their 
fellows. Among plants the smallest differences may be useful 
or the reverse. The earliest and strongest shoots may escape 
the slugs ; their greater vigor may enable them to flower and 
seed earlier in wet autumn ; plants best armed with spines or 
hair may escape being devoured; those whose flowers are most 
conspicuous may be soonest fertilized by insects. We cannot 
doubt that, on the whole, any beneficial variation will give the 
possessor of it a greater probability of living through the 
tremendous ordeal they have to undergo. Inhere may be 
something left to chance, but on the whole tJie fittest will 
survive''' ^ 

Darwin's theory was, in short, that species did not endure 
unchanged, but, owing to the constant variations, those best 
fitted to survive escaped destruction in the constant struggle 
for existence and transmitted their advantageous characteristics 
to their offspring. This idea that all plants and animals, and 
even man himself, had developed instead of being created in 
their present form, and that man belonged, physically, to the 
" primates," the group of animals which includes the apes, 
shocked a great many people, and the subject began to be dis- 
cussed with no little heat and sometimes with much indignation 
by men of science, theologians, and the cultivated public in 

Among those who enthusiastically welcomed Darwin's book 
were Spencer, Alfred Wallace (who had reached the same con- 
clusion before he knew of Darwin's w^ork), Huxley, and the 

1 Alfred Wallace, Darwinism^ chap. i. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Theory of 
finds de- 
fenders and 
is now ac- 
cepted by 

may be 
viewed as 
raising the 
dignity of 

The atomic 

American botanist, Asa Gray, all of whom devoted their gifted 
pens to the defense and explanation of the new ideas. Evolu- 
tion, although far more disturbing to the older ideas of the 
world than the discovery of Copernicus that the earth revolves 
around the sun, made its way far more rapidly into general 
acceptance, and to-day a large majority of zoologists, botanists, 
geologists, and biologists, and indeed a great part of those who 
have received a scientific training, accept the general theory of 
evolution as confidently as that of universal gravitation, or the 
fact that water is composed of oxygen and hydrogen.^ 

The opponents of the theory of evolution have slowly de- 
creased in numbers. At first the clergy, both Protestant and 
Catholic, could find no words too harsh to apply to the 
patient and careful Darwin, who seemed to them to contradict 
the express word of God and to rob man of all his dignity. 
Darwinism was denounced as "an attempt to dethrone God." 
Pius IX declared Darwin's theory to be the result of his nat- 
ural depravity and an absurd attempt to degrade man to the 
level of the unreasoning brutes. But as time went on many 
religious leaders, especially among the Protestants, became 
reconciled to the new view. For on further thought it seemed 
to them to furnish a more exalted notion of God's purposes and 
methods than that formerly universally entertained, and instead 
of degrading man by putting him on a level with the brutes, they 
came to feel that he still remains as before the goal toward 
which all Nature's work through the ages is directed. 

While the zoologist, the botanist, and the geologist were 
elaborating the theory of evolution, the chemists, physicists, 

1 Many investigators feel, however, that Darwin's explanation of evolution is, 
as he himself freely admitted, only a partial one and quite inadequate to account 
for the existing forms of animals and plants. Recently the Dutch naturalist, De 
Vries, has proved that the marked variations known as " sports " or freaks of 
nature, may sometimes be perpetuated from generation to generation. These 
sudden developments are known as " mutations." They would seem to indicate 
that the species we know, including perhaps man himself, have come into existence 
more rapidly than would be possible in the slow process of ordinary variation and 
natural selection. For summary of recent discussions, see Kellogg, Darwinism 
To-day (1907). 

Some of the Great Problems of To-day 4 1 3 

and astronomers were busy with the problems suggested by 
matter and energy, — heat, light, electricity, the nature and his- 
tory of the sun and stars. Early in the nineteenth century an 
Englishman, Dalton, suggested that all matter acted as if it con- 
sisted of atoms of the various elements, which combined with 
one another to form the molecules, or little particles of the 
innumerable compound substances. For example, an atom of 
carbon combined with two atoms of oxygen to form the gas 
commonly called carbonic acid. Moreover as twelve parts by 
weight of carbon always combined with thirty-two parts of oxy- 
gen, it might be inferred that the carbon atom weighed twelve 
units and each of the two oxygen atoms sixteen. This formed 
the basis of the atomic theory which, after being very carefully 
worked out by a great many celebrated investigators, has be- 
come the foundation of modern chemistry. 

I'he chemist has been able to analyze the most complex Great im- 
substances and discover just what enters into the make-up of the chembt 
a plant or the body of an animal. He has even succeeded in t^-^^^y 
properly combining (" synthesizing ") atoms in the proper pro- 
portions so as to reproduce artificially substances which had 
previously been produced only by ])lants or in the bodies of 
animals ; among these are alcohol, indigo, madder, and certain 
perfumes. The chemist has given us our analine dyes and 
many useful new drugs ; he has been able greatly to improve 
and facilitate the production of steel. The Bessemer process is 
estimated to have added to the world's wealth no less than two 
billion dollars annually. The chemist, since he knows just what 
a plant needs in its make-up, can, after analyzing a soil, supply 
those chemicals which are needed to produce a particular crop. 
He is able to determine whether water is pure or not. He is 
becoming ever more necessary to the manufacturer, mine 
owner, and agriculturist, besides standing guard over the pub- 
lic health. 

During the nineteenth century the nature of heat and light Nature of 
was at last explained. Light and radiant heat are transmitted 

414 The Development of Modem Europe 

by minute waves produced in the ether^ a something which it 
is assumed must everywhere exist, for without some medium 
the light would not reach us from the sun and stars. 
Fundamental Electricity, of which very little was known in the eighteenth 
oTdecfridty century, has now been promoted to the most important place in 
the physical universe. It appears to be the chemical affinity or 
cement between the atoms of a molecule which serves to hold 
them together. Light is believed to be nothing more than elec- 
tric forces traveling through the ether from a source of elec- 
trical disturbance, namely, the luminous body. Matter itself 
may ultimately be proved to be nothing more than electricity. 
The practical applications of electricity during the past thirty 
years are the most startling and best known of scientific 
How the The chemist was long satisfied with his idea of an atom as 

recently been the smallest particle of matter of whose existence there was any 
be^very**^ indication. He gradually added to the list of different kinds 
complex of atoms and has now named some eighty elements, each of 

which has its special atomic weight, hydrogen being the lightest. 
The physicist has, however, discovered a method of breaking 
up the atom into bits which are only a thousandth part of 
the mass of a hydrogen atom. Moreover these inconceivably 
minute particles act as if they were pure negative electricity 
wholly free from matter. The atom is shown in this way, and 
by the use of the spectroscope, to be a tremendously complex 
affair. The ''electrons" which compose it appear to revolve 
within the atom in somewhat the same way that the planets 
revolve about the sun. 
Radio-activ- As early as the seventeenth century the chemists reached 
that^threk- the conclusion that the attempts of the alchemists to change 
^^rmanent"°* °"^ vs\^\2\ into another were futile, since each element had its 
and immu- particular nature, which so long as it was unmixed with other 

table ^ 

substances remained forever the same. Within the last ten 
years even this idea has been modified by the strange conduct 
of the so-called radio-active bodies, of which radium is the most 

Some of the Great Problems of To-day 415 

striking. This new substance was extracted with the utmost Radium 
difficulty from a mineral, pitchblende, by Professor Curie of 
Paris and his distinguished wife and fellow-worker, Madame 
Curie. Although a ton of pitchblende yielded only the seventh 
part of a grain of radium in an impure state,^ and although 
there are as yet perhaps only a hundred or so grains in the 
world, this minute quantity has served by its extraordinary 
properties to indicate that an atom can change its character 
and become a different substance. So it may be that all 
matter, as well as all life, has been gradually evolved. 

Radium gives out heat enough in an hour to raise its own Great energy 
weight of water from the freezing to the boiling point, yet it atom'^ 
wastes away so gradually that it has been estimated that it 
would require well-nigh fifteen hundred years to lose half its 
weight. This extraordinary display of energy must be due to 
something within the atom itself and not to the breaking up of 
the molecule, which is called chemical change and of which 
we take advantage when we burn coal or explode gasoiine 
vapor in order to run our engines. Some optimistic spirits have 
begun to dream of a time when the energy of the atoms may 
be utilized to take the place of the relatively weak chemical 
processes upon which we now rely. But as yet no means has 
been discovered of hastening, retarding, or in any way con- 
trolling the operations which go on within the atoms of radium 
and other radio-active substances. 

In the world of plants and animals the discoveries have The cell 
been quite as astonishing as in the realm of matter and elec- ^^^^^ 
tricity. About 1838 two German naturalists, Schleidan and 
Schwann, one of whom had been studying plants and the other 
animals, compared their observations and reached the conclu- 
sion that all living things were composed of minute bodies 
which they named cells. The cells are composed of a gelat- 

1 The Associated Press reports, November 23, 1907, that experiments made by 
the Vienna Imperial Academy of Sciences promise greatly to cheapen radium. 
Some forty-six grains have been extracted from a ton of pitchblende, thus reduc- 
ing the estimated cost of an ounce from three millioh dollars to one million dollars. 


The Development of Modern Europe 


structure of 
the higher 

of modern 

inous substance to which the name of protoplasin was given 
by the botanist von Mohl in 1846. All life was shown to have 
its beginning in this protoplasm, and the old theory that very 
simple organisms might be generated spontaneously from dead 
matter was shown to be a mistake. As Virchow, the famous 
German physiologist, expressed it, only a cell can produce 
another cell, — onmis cellula a cellula. The cell corresponds, 
in a way, to the molecules which form inanimate substances. 

Many very low organisms, like the bacteria, consist of a 
single cell. The human body, on the other hand, is estimated 
to contain over twenty-six billions of cells, that is, of minute 
masses of protoplasm, each of which is due to the division of a 
previous cell, and all of which sprang from a single original cell, 
called the ovum, or egg. "All these cells are not alike, how- 
ever, but just as in a social community one group of individuals 
devotes itself to the performance of one of the duties requisite 
to the well-being of the community and another group devotes 
its«lf to the performance of another duty, so too, in the body, 
one group of cells takes upon itself one special function and 
another, another."^ 

The cell theory underlies the study of biology and is shed- 
ding a flood of light upon the manner in which the original 
egg develops and gradually gives rise to all the tissues and 
organs of the body. It has helped to explain many diseases 
and in some cases to suggest remedies, or at least rational 
methods of treatment. Indeed it is most important for our 
happiness and efficiency, as Dr. Osier well says, that the leaves 
of the tree of knowledge are serving for the healing of the 
nations. The human body and the minute structure of its 
tissues in health and disease, the functions of its various organs 
and their relations to one another, digestion, assimilation, 
circulation, and secretion, the extraordinary activities of the 
blood corpuscles, the nerves and their head and master, the 
brain, — all these subjects and many others have been studied 

1 McMurrich, The Development of the Human Body, 1907, p. 2. 

on man s 
body and its 

Some of the Great Problems of To-day 4 1 7 

in the ever-increasing number of laboratories and well-equipped 
hospitals which have been founded during the past century. 

Embryology has served to explain many things, and the How a study 

1 • I- 1-111 1 • • \ , ,, r of animals 

doctrine of evolution has led to the recognition that " so tar throws light 
as his body is concerned, man is kindred to the brutes; that 
his diseases, within certain limitations, are identical with sim- diseases 
ilar diseases of the lower animals, that his anatomy and phys- 
iology are, in essence, the same as the anatomy and physiology 
of the lower animals, even the very lowest, and that many of 
his diseases can be best studied in the lower animals, because 
upon them we can make exact experiments which would be 
impossible in man." ^ It is clear enough, in the light of our 
present knowledge, that the physicians of the eighteenth cen- 
tury relied upon drugs and other treatment which were often 
far worse than nothing. 

In 1796 Edward jenner first ventured to try vaccination and Vaccination, 
thus found a means of prevention for one of the most terrible ' 
diseases of his time. With the precautions which experience 
has taught, his discovery would doubtless rid the world of 
smcillpox altogether if vaccination could be enforced as it has 
been, for instance, in the German army. But there are always 
great numbers of negligent persons as well as some actual 
opponents of vaccination who will combine to give the disease, 
happily much diminished in prevalence, a long lease of life. 

Just fifty years after Jenner's first epoch-making experiment. Discovery of 
Dr. Warren performed, in the Massachusetts General Hospital 1846-1847 ' 
in Boston, the first serious operation upon a patient who had 
been rendered unconscious by the use of an anaesthetic, namely, 
ether. The following year chloroform began to be used for the 
same purpose in Edinburgh. Before the discovery of anaes- 
thetics few could be induced to undergo the terrible experi- 
ences of an operation ; even the most unsympathetic surgeon 
could not bring himself to take the necessary time and care as 
the agonized victim lay under his knife. Now operations can 

1 Dr. W. W. Keen, in The Progress of the Cenitery, 1901, p. 223. 

4 1 8 The Development of Modem Europe 

Joseph Lister 

be prolonged, if necessary, for an hour or more with no addi- 
tional pain to the patient. During the five years before Dr. 
Warren performed his famous operation but thirty-seven per- 
sons on the average consented annually to undergo an operation 
in the Massachusetts General Hospital. Fifty years later thirty- 
seven hundred went through the ordeal in the same hospital in 
a single year. 

But even after a means was discovered of rendering patients 
insensible and operations could be undertaken with freedom 
and deliberation, the cases which ended fatally continued to be 
very numerous by reason of the blood poisoning, erysipelas, or 
gangrene which were likely to set in. To open the head, chest, 
or abdomen was pretty sure to mean death. Joseph Lister, an 
English professor of surgery, finally hit upon the remedy. By 
observing the most scrupulous cleanliness in everything con- 
nected with his operations and using certain antiseptics, he 
greatly reduced the number of cases which went wrong. The 
exact reason for his success was not, however, understood in 
the early sixties when his work first began to attract attention ; 
Bacteriology but a new branch of science was just being born which was to 
reveal not only the cause of infection in wounds but to explain 
a number of the worst diseases which afflict mankind. Medicine 
must have remained a blundering and incomplete science had 
bacteriology not opened up hitherto undreamed-of possibilities 
in the treatment and prevention of disease. 

As early as 1675 the microscope had revealed minute organ- 
isms (atiimakulce) in putrefying meat, milk, and cheese, and a 
hundred years later Pleincz of Vienna declared that he was 
firmly convinced that both disease and the decomposition of 
animal matter were due to these minute creatures. But a hun- 
dred years elapsed before a Frenchman claimed (in 1863) that 
the virulent ulcer called anthrax was due to little rod-shaped 
bodies which he named bacteria. 

Pasteur, a French chemist, turned his attention to this won- 
derful field of research, and made many important discoveries 

named in 

So7ne of the Great Problems of To-day 419 

beside the treatment for hydrophobia with which his name is Researches 

, -ITT 111 • ^f Pasteur 

most commonly associated. He proved that bacteria were very 1822-1895, 
common in the air, and that it was they that gave rise to what 
had previously been mistaken for spontaneous generation. He 
was sent by the government to the south of France to study 
the disease of the silkworm, the ravages of which were impover- 
ishing the country. He found the bodies and eggs of the silk- 
worms full of bacteria and suggested the proper remedy. His 
study of fermentation enabled him to prevent great losses also 
among the wine growers. 

Koch of Berlin discovered the " bacillus " of tuberculosis. Germ 
which produces the most common, perhaps, of all diseases, d/sKSe" 
consumption of the lungs. A similar cause had just been 
suggested for suppuration and inflammation, and thus it was 
shown that the precautions taken by Lister had done nothing 
more than keep away or destroy the bacteria which did the 
mischief. Other workers have found the germs which cause 
pneumonia, diphtheria, lockjaw, the bubonic plague, etc. 

These bacteria are minute plants, rodlike, beadlike, or spiral in Nature of 
shape, which multiply by dividing into two parts, or by forming 
a germ or spore. They are very tiny. Four thousand of the 
larger kinds put end to end would extend only an inch, whereas 
the smaller are but one four-hundred-thousandth of an inch in 
length, and it is possible that some diseases are due to those 
too small to be seen under the most powerful microscopic 
lenses. They would do little harm were it not for their tre- 
mendous powers of multiplication. Under favorable circum- 
stances the offspring of a single bacillus dividing itself into two 
every hour would amount to seventeen millions at the end of 
twenty-four hours. It has been calculated that if the proper 
conditions could be maintained a little rodlike bacterium 
which would measure only about a thousandth of an inch in 
length would, in less than five days, form a mass which would 
completely fill all the oceans on the earth's surface to the 
depth of a mile. They are well-nigh everywhere, in air, water, 


TJie Development of Modern Europe 


and his 

Necessity of 
attention to 

milk, on the bodies of men and animals, and in the earth. Many 
kinds are harmless, and some even appear to be absolutely 
necessary for the growth of certain most useful plants. Only 
a few species cause infectious diseases. 

It would, at first sight, seem hopeless to attempt to avoid 
bacteria, since they are so minute and so numerous, but experi- 
ence has shown that they can be fended off in surgical cases 
by a scrupulous sterilization of everything that enters into the 
operation. That typhoid fever is due ordinarily to impure water 
or milk, that tuberculosis is spread mainly through the dried 
sputum of those afflicted with it, that the germs of yellow fever 
and malaria ^ are transmitted by the mosquito, — all suggest 
obvious means of precaution, which will greatly reduce the 
chances of spreading the diseases. Moreover remedies are 
being discovered in addition to these preventive measures. 
Pasteur found that animals could be rendered immune .to 
hydrophobia by injections of the virus of the disease. So-called 
antitoxins (counter poisons) have been discovered for diph- 
theria and lockjaw, but none has yet been found for tubercu- 
losis or pneumonia. 

The Russian Metschnikoff demonstrated that the white blood 
corpuscles keep up a constant warfare on the bacteria which 
find their way into the body, and devour them. Hence he called 
the white blood corpuscles phagocytes^ i.e. the cells which eat. 
Methods of helping the phagocytes to increase and to make a 
good fight against the noxious bacteria are now occupying the 
attention of scientists. So the enemies of mankind are one by 
one being hunted down, and the means of warding them off or of 
rendering our bodies able to cope with them are being invented. 

It is clear, however, that two things are essential if the struggle 
against disease, and suffering, and inconvenience of all kinds is 
to make the progress that the achievements of the past would 
warrant us in hoping. Far more money must be appropriated 

1 Malaria is not caused by bacteria, nor is the terrible sleeping sickness in 
Africa, but both are due to minute animal organisms. 

Some of the Great Problems of To-day 421 

by states or given by rich individuals than hitherto in order 
that an army of investigators \\ith their laboratories and the 
necessary delicate and costly api)aratus may be maintained. In 
the second place, our schools, colleges, and universities must 
give even more attention than they now give to spreading a 
knowledge of natural science and of its uses. A famous English 
scientist has recommended not only that many more institu- 
tions be established in which nature searching shall be the chief 
aim, but that a political party should be formed which should 
make a proper scientific training a test question in all elections. 
No candidate for Parliament would receive the votes of the 
party " unless he were either himself educated in the knowl- 
edge of Nature or promised his support exclusively to minis- 
ters who would insist on the utilization of nature-knowledge in 
the administration of the great departments of State, and would 
take active measures of a financial character to develop with 
far greater rapidity and certainty than is at present the case, 
that inquiry into and control of Nature which is indispensable 
in human welfare and progress." ^ 

Recently (1906) a popular newspaper in France asked its Possibility of 
readers to give a list of notable Frenchmen in recent times in of history in 
the order of their greatness. Pasteur came first in the estima- '•'''^^\^^ ^^"§^ 

^ and warriors 

tion of his countrymen, — Napoleon Bonaparte, fourth. It mav ^^^il' give 

. ' place to men 

well be that men of science, not kmgs, or warriors, or even of science 
statesmen are to be the heroes of the future. Perhaps during 
the twentieth century the progress of science and its practical 
applications will be recognized as the most vital element in the 
history of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Our his- 
tories will have to be rewritten. Diderot's Encyclopcedia will 
receive more space than the wars of Frederick the Great, 
and the names of Lyell, Darwin, Lister, Koch, and Curie will 
take their place alongside those of Metternich, Cavour, and 

1 E, Ray Lankester, The Kingdom of Man ^ pp. 60-61, note. 

422 The Development of Modem Europe 


Condition of the Working Classes : Samuelson, The Civilization 
of Our J)ay, \^^^. I39-I53. 159-181. 

Education in the Nineteenth Century : Samuelson, pp. 252-300. 

Karl Marx and Socialism : Kirkup, History of Socialism, 
pp. 130-167; Spargo, Socialism, pp. 46-181. 

Ferdinand Lassalle : Kirkup, pp. 73-122. 

Recent Progress of Socialism: Kirkup, pp. 311-349. 

The Theory of Evolution : Alfred Wallace, in The Progress 
of the Century, pp. 3-29. 

Advance in Physics : Mendenhall, in The Progress of the 
Century, pp. 308-328. 

Development of Medicine : Osler, in The Progress of the Cen- 
tury, pp. 173-214. 

Bacteriology and the Progress of Surgery : Keen, in The Progress 
of the Century, pp. 232-261. 



One of the chief conclusions reached in these volumes is that kings 
have, during the nineteenth century, come to be held in ever-diminish- 
ing esteem ; and it must be confessed that their names are now of 
relatively slight importance. Nevertheless they are often referred to in 
historical works, and we may atone for some seeming slights to royalty 
in our pages by giving a convenient list of all the rulers down to 
December, 1907, whose names are likely to be met with. The countries 
are given in alphabetical order. 

Austria-Hungary (see Holy Roman Empire) 


Leopold I, 1 83 1- 1 865 Leopold II, 1865- 

Denmark (including Norway until 1814) 

Frederick III, 1648-1670 Frederick VI (regent, 1784- 
Christian V, 1670-1699 1808), 1808-1839 

Frederick IV, 1699-1730 Christian VIH, 1839-1848 

Christian VI, 1 730-1 746 Frederick VII, 1 848-1863 

Frederick V, 1746- 1766 Christian IX, 1863-1906 

Christian VII, 1766-178 Frederick VIII, 1906- 


Louis XIV, 1643-1715 The Consulate, 1 799-1 804 

Louis XV, 171 5-1774 (Napoleon as First Consul) 

Louis XVI, 1 774-1 792 The First Empire, 1 804-181 5 

The Convention, 1 792-1 795 (Napoleon I, Emperor of 

The Directory, 1 795 -i 799 the French) 



The Development of Modern Europe 

France {continued^ 

Louis XVIII, 1814-1824 
Charles X, 1 824-1 830 
Louis Philippe, 1 830-1848 
The Second Republic, 
(Louis Napoleon, President) 
The Second Empire, 
(Napoleon III, Emperor of 
the French) 
The Third Republic 

Government of National 
Defense, 1 870-1 871 

Adolphe Thiers, President, 

Marshal MacMahon, 1873- 

F. J. P. Jules Grdvy, 1879- 

F. Sadi Carnot, 1887 -1894 
Casimir Perier, 1 894-1 895 
Fdlix Faure, 1895 -1899 
Emile Loubet, 1 899-1906 
Armand Falli^res, 1906- 

German Empire 

William I, 1 871-1888 
Frederick III, March -June, i< 

William II, 1888- 

Great Britain 

Charles II, 1660 -168 5 
James II, 1685-1688 
William and Mary, 1689- 

William III, 1694-1702 
Anne, 1702-1714 
George I, 17 14-1727 


Otto I, 1833-1862 

George II, 1 727-1 760 
George III, 1 760-1 820 
George IV, 1 820-1830 
William IV, 1 830-1 837 
Victoria, 1 837-1901 
Edward VII, 1901- 

George I, 1863- 

HoLY Roman Empire and Austria-Hungary 

Leopold I, 1658-1705 (Maria Theresa, Austro-Hun- 

Joseph 1,1705-1711 garian ruler, 1 740 - 1 7 80) 

Charles VI, 1711-1740 Francis I, 1745-1765 

(Charles VII of Bavaria, Joseph II, 1765 -1790 

1742-1745) Leopold II, 1 790-1 792 

Appendix I 


Holy Roman Empire and Austria-Hungary {contmued) 
Francis II as Holy Roman Ferdinand I, 1835 -1848 

Emperor, 1792-1806 
As Austrian Emperor, 
Francis I, 1 806-1835 

Francis Joseph, 1848- 


Victor Emmanuel II, 

(King of Italy from 1861) 

Humbert, 1 878-1 900 
Victor Emmanuel III, 1900- 


Nicholas I, 1860- 


William I, 181 5-1840 
William II, 1 840-1 849 

William III, 1849 -1890 
Wilhelmina, 1890- 


Same rulers as Denmark, 

Christian Frederick, 18 14 

Same rulers as Sweden, 1814- 

Haakon VII, 1905- 


John Sobieski, 1674-1696 
Frederick Augustus of Sax- 
ony, 1697-1704 
Stanislas Lesczcynski, 

Frederick Augustus of Saxony 
(restored), 1709-1733 

Frederick Augustus II, 1734- 

Stanislas II, 1764-1795 

The Popes 

Clement IX, 1667-1669 
Clement X, 1670-1676 
Innocent XI, 1676-1689 
Alexander VIII, 1689-1 69 1 

Innocent XII, 1691-1700 
Clement XI, 1700-1721 
Innocent XIII, 1721-1724 
Benedict XIII, 1724-1730 


The Development of Modern Europe 

The Popes {continued) 

Clement XII, 1 730-1 740 
Benedict XIV, 1740- 1758 
Clement XIII, 1758-1769 
Clement XIV, 1 769-1 774 
Pius VI, 1775-1799 
Pius VII, 1800-1823 

Leo XII, 1823-1829 
Pius VIII, 1829-1830 
Gregory XVI, 1 831-1846 
Pius IX, 1846-1878 
Leo XIII, 1878-1903 

Pius X, 



Alfonso VI, 1656-1683 
Peter II, 1683-1706 
John V, 1 706-1 750 
Joseph Emmanuel, 1750- 

Maria I and Peter III, 

Maria alone, 1786-18 16 
John (regent, 1791 -18 16), 


Peter IV (Dom Pedro), 1826 
Maria II, 1 826-1 828 
Dom Miguel, 1 828-1833 
Maria II (restored), 1833- 

Peter V, 1853-1861 
Luis I, 1 861-1889 
Dom Carlos, 1889- 


Frederick William, the 
Great Elector, 1640- 

Frederick III, Elector, 
King Frederick I, 1701- 

Frederick William I, 171 3- 

Frederick II, the Great, 

1 740-1 786 

Frederick William II, 1786- 

Frederick William III, 1797- 

Frederick William IV, 1840- 

William I, 1861-1888 
Frederick III, 1888 
William II, 1888- 


Carol I (as king), 1881- 

Appendix I 



Alexis, 1 645-1 676 
Feodor Alexievitch, 1676- 

Ivan V and Peter the 

Great, 1682-1689 
Peter the Great alone, 

Catharine I, 1725-1727 
Peter II, 1727-1730 
Anna Ivanovna, 1 730-1 740 

Ivan VI, 1 740-1 741 
Elizabeth, 1741-1761 
Peter III, January-July, 1762 
Catharine II, 1762-1796 
Paul, 1796-1801 
Alexander I, 1801-1825 
Nicholas I, 1825-1855 
Alexander II, 1855-1881 
Alexander III, 1881-1894 
Nicholas II, 1894- 


Milan (as king), 1882- 

Alexander, 1889-1903 
Peter, 1903- 


Charles II, 1665-1700 
Philip V, 1700-1746 
Ferdinand VI, 1746-1759 
Charles III, 1759-1788 
Charles IV, 1788-1808 
Ferdinand VII, 1808 
Joseph Bonaparte, 1808- 

Ferdinand VII (restored), 

Isabella II, 1833-1868 
Revolutionary Government, 

Amadeo of Savoy, 1870-1873 
Republic, 1873-1874 
Alfonso XII, 1874-1885 
Maria (pro tern.), 1885-1886 
Alfonso XIII, 1886- 


Charles X, 1 654-1 660 
Charles XI, 1 660-1 697 
Charles XII, 1697-1718 
Ulrica Eleanora, 1 7 1 8-1 720 
Frederick I, 1 720-1 751 
Adolphus Frederick, 1751- 

Gustavus III, 1 771-1792 

Gustavus IV, 1792-1809 
Charles XIII, 1809-1818 
Charles (John) XIV, 18 18- 

Oscar I, 1844-1859 
Charles XV, 1859-1872 
Oscar II, 1872-1907 
Gustavus V, 1907- 


The Development of Modern Europe 


Mohammed IV, 1649 -1687 
Solyman 11, 1 687-1 691 
Achmet II, 1691-1695 
Mustapha II, 1695-1703 
Achmet III, 1 703-1 730 
Mahmoud I, 1 730-1 754 
Othman III, i 754-1 757 
Mustapha III, 1 757-1 774 

Abdul Hamid I, 1 774-1 789 
Selim III, 1 789-1807 
Mustapha IV, 1 807-1 808 
Mahmoud II, 1 808-1 839 
Abdul Medjid, 1 839-1 861 
Abdul Aziz, 1861-1876 
Amurath V (Murad), 1876 
Abdul Hamid II, 1876- 



Andrews, Historical Developfnent of Modem Europe (G. P. Put- 
nam's Sons, is2.75). 

AsAKAWA, The Russo-Japanese Conflict (Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 

Bain, Charles XII and the Collapse of the Swedish Empire [Heroes 
of the Nation Series] (G. P. Putnam's Sons, $\.^o). 

Beard, Introduction ij the English Historians (The Macmillan 
Company, ^1.60). 

BoDLEY, The Church in France (A. Constable & Co., London). 

BoDLEY, France (The Macmillan Company, ^2.50). 

Bright, Maria Theresa (The Macmillan Company, 75 cents). 

Bury, CatJierine II [Foreign Statesmen Series] (The Macmillan 
Company, ']^ cents). 

Cambridge Modern History, Volume VIII [The French Revolution] 
(The Macmillan Company, $4.00). 

Cambridge Modern History, Volume IX [Napoleon] (The Macmil- 
lan Company, ^4.00). 

Cambridge Modern History, Volume X [The Restoration] (The 
Macmillan Company, $4.00). 

Carlyle, Frederick the Great. 

Cesaresco, Cavour [Foreign Statesmen Series] (The Macmillan 
Company, 75 cents). 

Cheyney, Industrial and Social History of England (The Mac- 
millan Company, $1.40). 

Cheyney, Short History of England (G\m\ & Company, $1.40). 

1 The works here enumerated are those referred to in the notes throughout 
the volume. They would form a valuable and inexpensive collection for use in a 
high school. The prices given are in most instances subject to a discount, often 
as high as twenty-five per cent, 


430 The Development of Modern Europe 

CoLiJV, Selections from the Sources of English History (Longmans, 
Green & Co., $1.50). 

COUBERTIN, The Evolution of France under the Third Republic 
[Translated by Isabel F. Hapgood] (T. Y. Crowell & Co., #3.00). 

Day, History of Commerce (Longmans, Green & Co., $2.00). 

Dawson, Bistnarck and State Socialism (Charles Scribner's Sons, 

Dawson, German Socialism and Ferdinand Lasalle (Charles 
Scribner's Sons, $\.o6). 

Douglas, Europe and the Far East (The Macmillan Company, 

Foster, Arbitration and the Hague Court (Houghton, Mifflin & 
Co., $1.00). 

FouRNiER, Napoleon I (Henry Holt & Co., ^2.00). 

Fyffe, History of Modern Europe (Henry Holt & Co., ^2.75). 

Green, Short History of the English People^ Revised Edition 
(Harper «& Bros., $1.20). 

Hart, Formation of the Union [Epochs of American History 
Series] (Longmans, Green & Co., ^r.25). 

Hassall, Balance of Power [European History, 1 71 5-1 789] (The 
Macmillan Company, $1.66). 

Henderson, Short History of Germany, 2 volumes (The Mac- 
millan Company, $4.00). 

Hirst, Adam Smith [English Men of Letters Series] (The Mac- 
millan Company, 75 cents). 

HoBSON, Evolution of Modern Capitalistn (Charles Scribner's 
Sons, $1.50). 

"^o^ KVS), Preliminaries of the Revolution [American Nation Series] 
(Harper & Bros., |i2.oo). 

Hunter, A Brief History of the Indian Peoples (Oxford Univer- 
sity Press, 90 cents). 

Johnston, Sir Harry, A History of the Colonization of Africa 
by Alien Races (The Macmillan Company, ^1.50). 

Johnston, R. M., Napoleon (A. S. Barnes & Co., $1.00). 

Johnston and Spencer, Ireland's Story (Houghton, Mifflin & 
Co., ^1.40). 

Kendall, Source Book of English History (The Macmillan Com- 
pany, 80 cents). 

Appendix II 431 

KiRKUP, History of Socialism (The Macmillan Company, ^2.00). 

KiTCHiN, History of France, 3 volumes (Oxford University Press, 
$2.60 a volume). 

Lecky, History of England i;t the Eighteenth Century, 7 volumes 
(D. Appleton & Co., $7.00). 

Lee, Sou7'ce Book of English History (Henry Holt & Co., $2.00). 

Leger, History of Austro-Hungary (G. P. Putnam's Sons). 

Lowell, A. L., Governments and Parties in Continental Eiirope^ 
2 volumes (Houghton, Mifflin & Co., $5.00). 

Lowell, E. J., The Eve of the French Revolution (Houghton, 
Mifflin & Co., $2.00). 

Lyall, Rise of British Dominion in India (Charles Scribner's 
Sons, $1.50). 

Lyall, Warrefi Hastings [English Men of Action Series] (The 
Macmillan Company, 75 cents). 

Mathews, The French Revolution (Longmans, Green & Co., 

May, Coftstitutional History of England, 3 volumes (Longmans, 
Green & Co., $4.50). 

MORFILL, Poland {G. P. Putnam's Sons, ^1.50). 

MoKi^Y^Y— Diderot and the Encyclopedists, 2 volumes (The Mac- 
millan Company, $1.50 a volume). 

MoRLEY, Rousseau, 2 volumes (The Macmillan Company, $1.50 
per volume). 

MoRLEY, Voltaire (The Macmillan Company, ^1.50). 

MoRLEY, Walpole [English Statesmen Series] (The Macmillan 
Company, 75 cents). 

MiJLLER, Political History of Recent Tiines (American Book Com- 
pany, ^2.00). 

Perkins, France under Louis XV, 2 volumes (Houghton, Mifflin 
& Co., ^4.00). 

Perkins, France ufider the Regency (Houghton, Mifflin & Co., 

Perkins, Richelieu (G. P. Putnam's Sons, ^1.50). 

Phillips, European History, i8is-i8gg (The Macmillan Com- 
pany, $1.50). 

Rambaud, History of Russia, 3 volumes (D. Estes & Co., 

432 The Development of Modern Europe 

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Reinsch, Colofiial Government i^l\\t Macmillan Company, $1.25). 
Reinsch, World Politics at End of Nineteenth Century (The 

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Rose, Development of Modern European Nations^ 2 volumes (G. 

P. Putnam's Sons, ^2.00). 
Rose, The Life of Napoleon /, two volumes in one (The Macmillan 

Company, $3.00). 
Rose, Rise of Democracy in Eftgland (Sione, $1.25). 
Sabatier, Paul, Disestablishment in France (F. Fisher Unwin & 

Co., London). 
Samuelson, The Civilizatioti of Our Day (Sampson Low, Marston 

& Co., London, 1886). 
Say, Turgot [Great French Writers Series] (A. C. McClurg & Co., 

75 cents). 
Seignobos, Political History of Europe since 1814 (Henry Holt & 

Co., $2,.o6). 
Skrine, Expansion of Russia (The Macmillan Company, $1.50). 
SoREL, Montesquieu [Great French Writers Series] (A. C. McClurg 

& Co., 75 cents). 
Spargo, Socialism (The Macmillan Company, $1.25). 
Statesman's Year-Book, The [1907] (The Macmillan Company, 

Stephens, European History^ lySg-iSis (The Macmillan Com- 
pany, $1.40). 

Stephens, History of the French Revolution^ 2 volumes (Charles 
Scribner's Sons, ^5.00). 

Stillman, The Union of Italy (The Macmillan Company, |i.6o). 

Terry, A History of England (^cott, Foresman & Co., $2.00). 

Thurston, A History of the Growth of the Steam Eftgine (D. 
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Thwaites, The Colonies [Epochs of American History Series] 
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Thwaites, France in America [American Nation Series] (Harper 
& Bros., ^2.00). 

Traill, William HI (The Macmillan Company, ^^ cents). 

Appcjidix II 433 

TuTTLE, Histo7y of PrKssia to the Accession of Fi-ederick the 
Greats 4 volumes (Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Volumes I-III, 
^2.25 each; Volume IV, ^1.50). 

Tyler, E7igland m America [American Nation Series] (Harper 
& Bros., $2.00). 

Wakeman, European History, i^gS-iyis (The Macmillan Com- 
pany, 1 1. 40). 

Wallace, A. R., and others. Progress of the Century (Harper 
& Bros., ^2.50). 

Wilson, Clive [English Men of Action Series] (The Macmillan 
Company, 75 cents). 

Woodward, The Expansion of the British Empire (The Macmil- 
lan Company, ^i.oo). 


This index may be supplemented by the analytical Table of Contents at the 
opening of each volume and by the side notes. The page references to Volume II 
are preceded by 2 ; all other references are to Volume I. 

Absentee landlords, 2, 227. 

Abyssinia, 2, 103. 

Acadeniies of science, 12, 164. 

Accident insurance, in Germany, 
2, 141. 

Acre, siege of, 295. 

Act of Union, 2, 225. 

Adrianople, 2, 311. 

Afghanistan, 2, 281 note. 

Africa, 2, 353 sqq. 

Aix-la-Chapelle, Treaty of (1668), 
18; Peace of (1748), 67; Con- 
gress of, 361. 

Albanians, 2, 313. 

Albert Edward, 2, 369. 

Albert Nyanza, 2, 358. 

Alchemy, 159 sq. 

Alexander of Battenberg, 2, 312. 

Alexander of Servia, 2, 316. 

Alexander I, 317, 334, 358; 2, 
261 sqq. 

Alexander II, 2, 278, 308, 311. 

Alexander III, 2, 2^^ sqq. 

Alexandria, 2, 364. 

Alfonso XII, 2, 120 and note. 

Alfonso XIII, 2, 120 note. 

Algeciras, 2, 145 note i, 362. 

Algeria, 2, iJSsq., 357. 

Alsace, 22; 2, 122 and note, 

Amadeus, 2, 120 and note. 
Amboyna, 88. 
Amherst, Lord, 2, 333. 
Amiens, Treaty of, 304 ; rupture 

of, 316. 
Amoy, 2, 335. 
Anaesthetics, 2, 417. 
Anam, 2, 179. 
Ancien regime, 204 sqq. 
Anglican Church, 1 50 sqq., 2, 203 

sqq. ; in Ireland, 2, 229. 

Angra Pequena, 2, 144. 

Anne, Queen, 42 sq. 

Anti-clericalism, 2, 167. 

Antiseptic surgery, 2, 418. 

Antitoxins, 2, 420. 

Apprenticeship, 129. 

Arabi, 2, 364. 

Arbitration, international, 2, 
370 sq. 

Arcole, 290. 

Arkwright, 2, 36. 

Army, the German, 337; 2, 112, 

Artois, count of, 250; 2, 3. See 
Charles X. 

Aspern, 331. 

Assignats, 244, 281, 309. 

Associations, law, 2, 16^ sq. 

Astrology, 159, 161. 

Astronomy, 162. 

Atomic theory, 2, 412 sq. 

Augsburg, League of, 30, 32. 

August 4-5, night of, 237. 

Aurangzeb, 94. 

Atcsgieich, 2, 123. 

Austerlitz, 318. 

Austria, possessions of, in the 
eighteenth century, 25; under 
Maria Theresa, 61 sqq.\ under 
Joseph II, 188 sqq. ; at war with 
France, 258 sqq., 286 sqq., 
302 sqq., 317 sqq., 331, 339; in 
the Vienna settlement, 342-362 
passim ; and the Revolution of 
1848, 2, 72 sqq.; and the con- 
flict with Germany, 2, 113 sqq. ; 
since 1866, 2, \2^sqq. 

Austrian Succession, 61 sqq. 

Australasia, 2, 246 sqq. 

Australia, 2, 247 ; commonwealth 
of, 2, 249. 



The Development of Modern Europe 

Auto-da-fe, 192. 

Union, 2, 

Baber, 93. 

Baboeuf, 2, 55 sq. 

Bacon, Francis, 163, 166 note. 

Bacon, Roger, 158 sq. 

Bacteriology, 2, 418 sqq. 

Baden, 307, 319; 2, 17, 79, 118, 

121 sq. 
Baker, Sir Samuel, 2, 358. 
Balaklava, 2, 308. 
Balance of power, 48. 
Balboa, 102. 

Balkan peninsula, 2, 309 sqq. 
Ballot act, 2, 192. 
Baltic provinces, 55. 
Baluchistan, 2, 307 note. 
Banda, 88. 
Baptists, 153. 
Baroda, 2, 235. 
Basel, Treaty of, 287. 
Bastille, 234 sqq. 
Batak, 2, 310. 

Batavian republic, 287, 301. 
Bavaria, 6t, sqq., 305 sqq; 2, 16, 

118, 121 sq. 
Beaconsfield, 2, 310. See Disraeli, 
Beauharnais, Madame Josephine, 

Beccaria, \']1 sq. 
Bechunaland, 2, 256. 
Belgium, 347 note ; 2, 1 1 sq., 73, 

Bengal, 88, 91. 
Berlin, Congress of, 2, 129, 311, 

Berlin Decree, 323. 
Bernadotte, 339, 349. 
Bessarabia, 2, 305. 
Biology, 2, 416. 

Bismarck, 2, wzsqq., 121, iT^^sqq. 
Black Hole of Calcutta, 96. 
Black Hundreds, 2, 294, 299. 
Blanc, Louis, 2, 56 sqq. 
Blenheim, 42. 
Bloc, the, 2, 166. 
Blockade, the Continental, 316, 

323 sqq. 
Bliicher, 338, 340. 
Board of Foreign Missions, 2, 330. 

Boers, 353; 2, 352, 357. 

Boer War, 2, 255. 

Bohemia, 65; 2, 75. 

Bokhara, 2, 281 note. 

Bolivia, 2, 22. 

Bombay, 89, 98. 

Bonaparte, Jerome, 322. 

Bonaparte, Joseph, 320, 329; 2, 17. 

Bonaparte, Louis, 320. See Napo- 
leon IIL 

Bonaparte, Napoleon, 273, 285 sqq. 
See Napoleon I. 

Bonapartists, 2, 4. 

Booth, Charles, 2, 387. 

Bordeaux, 271 ; 2, 152. 

Borneo, 84, 90 note. 

Borodino, 335. 

Bosnia, 2, 128, 309. 

Boston, 119. 

Boulanger, 2, 163. 

Boulogne, 316. 

Bourbon, origin of House of, 36 

Bourgoyne, 120. 

Boxer uprising, 2, 148, 348. 

Boyle, 160. 

Braddock, 68. 

Brahmins, 93. 

Brandenburg, 26, <i^sqq. 

Brazil, 102; 2, 27. 

Bremer, Admiral, 2, 335. 

Briand, 2, 172. 

Bright, John, 2, 215, 229. 

Brissot, 258. 

British Central Africa, 2, 256. 

British East Africa, 2, 257 note. 

Brumaire, the Eighteenth, 296. 

Brunswick, manifesto of the duke 
of, 261. 

Buenos Ayres, 2, 27. 

Buffon, 2, 409. 

Bulgaria, 2, 310 j^^. 

Bundesrath, 2, wj sq., 1^0 sq. 

Bunyan, John, 153. 

Burke, 99. 

Burma, 2, 236. 

Buxar, battle of, 97. 

Byng, Admiral, 47 note. 

Byron, Lord, 2, 306. 

Cabinet, 198 sq.; 2, 
Cabot, 106. 

^93 sqq. 



Cabral, 102. 
Cahiers, 320 sq. 
Cairo, 295 ; 2, 364. 
Calcutta, Black Hole of, 96. 
Calendar, reform in the French, 

264 note. 
Calico, 2, T)j sq. 
Calicut, 82, 84. 
Calonne, 222' sqq., 250. 
Calvin, 150, 152 note. 
Cambodia, 2, 179. 
Cameron, lieutenant, 2, 358. 
Camp Formio, 291. 
Canada, 107 sq., in sqq.\ 2, 

242 sqq. 
Canning, 2, 26. 

Cape Colony, 353; 2, 251 sqq. 
Capital and labor, 2, 382. 
Capitalist, origin of the, 2, 47. 
Carbonari, 2, 23. 
Carey, William, 2, 329. 
Carlists, 2, 1 19 note, 120 note. 
Carlsbad, Resolutions of, 2, 16. 
Carmagnole., 263. 
Carnot, 272. 
Carol I, 2, 311 note. 
Caroline Islands, 2, 145, 367. 
Cartier, 107. 
Cartwright, 2, 37. 
Castes, in India, 93. 
Castlereagh, 344, 359. 
Catechism, the imperial, in France, 

327; in Russia, 2, 269 note. 
Catharine II, 74 sqq., 187 sq., 268, 

Catholic Church, 135 J"^^. See 

Catholic Emancipation, 2, 205, 

Catholics, in England, 155; 2, 

204 j-^. ; in Ireland, 2, 222 sqq.; 

in America, 153 and note. See 

Cavaignac, 2, 63. 
Cavour, 2, 93 sqq., 308 note. 
Celebes, 85, 90 note. 
Cell theory, 2, 415. 
Censorship of the press, 149, 216; 

2, 284. 
Center, the, 2, 137. 
Ceylon, 353. 
Chamberlain, 2, 217. 

Chambord, count of, 2, 157 sqq. 

Champlain, 107. 

Champs de Mars, 253. 

Chancellor, the German, 2, 132. 

Charles I, of England, 30 note. 

Charles II, of England, 20, 30 and 
note, 89. 

Charles II, of Spain, 16 sq., ^f) sq. 

Charles III, of Spain, 190^^. 

Charles IV, of Spain, 329 note. 

Charles V, Emperor, 15 note. 

Charles VI, Emperor, 44. 

Charles VII, Emperor, 65. 

Charles X, of France, 2, 5 sqq. See 
Artois, count of. 

Charles XII, of Sweden, 54 sq. 

Charles Albert, of Bavaria, 65. 

Charles Albert, of Sardinia, 2, 
84 sq. 

Charles Edward, 68 note. 

Charter, the French constitu- 
tional, 2, 10. 

Chartism, 2, 73, 187 sqq. 

Chateaux, burning of, 237. 

Chemistry, 160 .v^.; 2, 413. 

Child labor, 2, 48, 209 j-^. 

Chili, 2, 22. 

China, 81 ; 2, 331 sqq., '^^dsqq. 

Chino-Japanese war, 2, 343 sqq. 

Christinos, 2, 1 19 note. 

Church, in the eighteenth century, 
135 sqq.; in Austria, 189, 2, 
126; in England, 150 sqq., 2, 
203 sqq. ; in France, 208, 234 sqq. 
and note, 2, 166 sqq.; in Italy, 
2, 20, 99 sqq. ; in Spain, 2, 379 

Church and State, problems of, 
138 j-^^. 

Circumnavigation of the earth, 

Cisalpine republic, 291. 

Cities, growth of, 127 sqq.; 2, 
46 sq., 384. 

Civil Constitution of the Clergy, 
244 sqq. 

Clement XIV, 194. 

Clergy. See Church. 

Clermont, The, 2, 320. 

Cleves, 55. 

Clive, 95. 

Cobbett, 2, 185. 


The Development of Modern Eti7'ope 

Cobden, 2, 215. 

Cochin China, 2, 175, 179. 

Code Napoleon, 313. 

Codes of Germany, 2, 134. 

Colbert, \osqq., 91. 

Cologne, elector of, 24. 

Colombia, 2, 27, 323. 

Colonial conference, 2, 258. 

Columbus, 10 1 sqq. 

Commerce, expansion of, 2, 49, 

"Committee of the Eight," 346. 

Committee of Public Safety, 269, 
273 sqq. 

Common Prayer, Book of, 150. 

Commons, House of. See Parlia- 

Commune, 236, 263; of 187 1, 2, 

"Communist Manifesto," 2, 396^-^^/. 

Concordat of 180 1, 311 ; 2, 2, 169. 

Confederation, the German, 2, 
1 2 sqq., 1 1 5 j-^. 

Confederation of the Rhine, 319, 
338 sq. 

Congo, French, 2, 177. 

Congo Free State, 2, 359 J"^^- 

Congregatio de propaganda fide, 2, 


Congress, Continental, 120. 

Connecticut, 109. 

Conservatives in England, 2, 197. 

Constantinople, fall of, 2, 304. 

Constitution, the Austro-Hunga- 
rian, 2, 123 sqq.\ the English, 
\()^sqq., 2, 193 j^^.; the French, 
of 179T, 242 sq. ; of the Year III, 
281 sq.; of 1814, 2, 2; of 1848, 2, 
63 ; of 1 875, 2, 1 60 ; the German, 
2, 115 j-^^., 130^^^. ; the Italian, 
2, iooj-<7^. ; Spanish, 2, 18, 22 j-^., 
120 note. See also Belgium, 
Greece, and other minor coun- 

Constitutional democrats, in Rus- 
sia, 2, 287. 

Consulate, 296 sqq. 

Continental Blockade, 323 sqq. 

Convention, the, 2^\sqq. 

Cook, Captain, 2, 247. 

Cooperative movement, 2,391 j^^. 

Copernicus, 162. 

Cordeliers, 252. 

Com laws, 2, 215 j-^. 

Corneille, 1 1. 

Comwallis, Lord, 99 note, 121. 

Corsica, 285. 

Cortes, 103. 

Corvee, 220. 

Crete, 2, 316 note. 

Criminal law in England, 178; 2, 

206 sqq. 
Croatians (Croats), 63; 2, 125. 

See Austria. 
Cromwell, 30 note, 89. 
Crown Point, 114. 
Cuba, 35 ; 2, 366. 
Culloden, battle of, 68 note. 
Curie, 2, 415. 
Gushing, Caleb, 2, 335. 
Customs lines, in France, 206; in 

Spain, 330; in Germany, 2, 109. 

See Zollverein. 
Custozza, 2, 85. 
Czechs, 2, 74 sq., 1 25 and note. See 


D'Alembert, 173. 

Dalhousie, 2, 237. 

Danton, 252 sq., 263, 270, 275. 

Darwin, 2, 4io.f^^. 

Dauphiny, 228. 

D'Azegho, 2, 86. 

Decembrist revolt, 2, 267. 

Declaration of Right, the English, 

Declaration of the Rights of Man, 

238 sqq. 
Deists, 168. 
De Launay, 235. 
De Lesseps, 2, 322 sq. 
Delegations, Austro-Hungarian, 2, 

Delhi, 2, 239, 
Denmark, 349; 2, 14, 113 j^^., 115 

Departments, French,originof,238. 
Derby, Lord, 2, 191. 
Desaix, 303. 

Desmoulins, 234, 252 j^., 275 j^. 
De Soto, 104. 

Despotism, enlightened, 184 sqq. 
De Vries, 2, 412. 
D'Herbois, Collot, 273. 



Diaz, 8,2. 

Diderot, 172 sq. 

Diet, the imperial, 24. 

Diplomatic revolution, 69. 

Directory, 282, 28S sqq., 298. 

Disarmament, 2, 370 sqq. 

Disraeli, 2, 190 j./.' ^.?^ Beacons- 

Dissenters, 155; 2, 20^ sqq. 

Distaff, 2, 32. 

Diu, 84, 90 note. 

Divine right, 6. 

Division of labor, 2, 45. 

Division of powers, 176. 

Dogger Bank affair, 2, 352 note. 

Domestic system, 2, 44. 

Don Carlos, 2, 119 and note. 

Dowager empress of China, 2, 
34S sqq. 

Drake, 38, 106. 

Drenthe, 19 note 2. 

Dresden, 338. 

Dreyfus, 2, 161 sqq. 

Dual monarchy, 2, iz^sqq. 

Duma, 2, 295 sqq. 

Dumouriez, 259, 265, 268. 

Dunkirk, 272. 

Dupleix, 94 sq. 

Durham, Dord, 2, 244. 

Dutch, the, '6>^sqq., 109; 2, 251, 

East India Company, the English, 

86, 89, 97 sqq., 2, 240 ; the 

French, 91. 
Eastern Roumelia, 2, 311 sq. 
Ecclesiastical electors, 27. 
Ecuador, 2, 22. 
Education, in England, 2, 21S sqq. ; 

in France, 2, i6ysq.; in Italy, 

2, 105. 
Edward VII, 2, 259. 
Egypt, 294 sq. ; 2, 362 sqq. 
Elba, 340. 

Elders, Council of, 281, 296. 
Elector, the Great, S^sq. 
Electors of the Empire, 24 sqq. 
Electricity, 2, 414. 
Elizabeth of Parma, 44, 66. 
Elizabeth of Russia, 70 sq. 
Embargo act, 325. 
Embryology, 2, 417. 

Emigration, Italian, 2, 105 sqq.; 
Irish, 2, 227 sq. 

Emigres., 250, 257. 

Encyclopaedia, the, 172 sqq. 

Engels, 2, 396. 

Enghien, duke of, 317. 

England, the Revolution of 1688 
in, 30 ; and the War of the Span- 
ish Succession, 36 sqq. ; and the 
struggle for India, 86 sqq. ; in 
the conflict for North America, 
105 sqq.\ the Church in, 150 
sqq.\ government of, in the eight- 
eenth century, \(^z^sqq. ; at war 
with France, 267-341 passim; 
Industrial Revolution in, 30-49 ; 
political reforms in, 2, 181-200; 
social reforms in, 201-232 ; ex- 
pansion of, in the nineteenth cen- 
tury, 2, 233-260 ; in Egypt, 2, 
362 sqq. 

Eritrea, 2, 103. 

^Established Church, 150 sqq. 

Estates General, 7 sq.., 228 sqq. 

Esterhazy, 2, 164. 

Esthonia, 55. 

Evolution, 2, 409 sqq. 

Expatriation, right of, 2, 379. 

Expositions, international, 2, 369. 

Fabian Society, 2, 401. 
Factories, in India, 88. 
Factory reform in England, 2, 208 

Factory system, 2, 44 sqq. 
Fashoda, 2, 177. 
Febronius, 146 sq., 191. 
February Revolution, 2, 58 sqq. 
Fenians, 2, 228 sq. 
Ferdinand of Coburg, 2, 312. 
Ferdinand VII, 2, 17 sqq. 
Feudalism, 122 sqq.., 189 sq., 238, 

336; 2, 341. 
Finland, 2, 264, 285. 
Five Hundred, Council of, 281,296. 
Florida, 104, 121. 
Fly-shuttle, 2, 34. 
Formosa, 2, 344. 
Fort Duquesne, 69, 114. 
Fort St. George, 88. 
Fourier, 2, 394 sq. 
Fox, Charles J., 267 note. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Fox, George, 153. 

France, under Louis XIV, 4 sqq. ; 
in wars of Frederick the Great, 
66 sqq. ; in the contest for India, 
91 sqq. ; in the struggle for North 
America, 107 sqq.', on the eve 
of the Revolution, 203-223 ; the 
Revolution in, 224-248; the first 
Republic of, 249-283; under 
Napoleon, 284-341 ; after the 
Congress of Vienna, 2, i sqq. ; 
the Industrial Revolution in, 
49 sqq. ; the Revolution of 1848 
in, 2, 53 sqq. ; under Napoleon 
III, 2, 66 sqq. ; and the war with 
Prussia, 2, 118 sqq. ; under the 
Third Republic, 2, 1 51-180. 

Franche Comte, 15 sq., 18, 22. 

Francis II, 302, 320, 333 note. 

Francis Joseph, 2, 83. 

Franco-Prussian War, 2, 121 sq. 

Frankfort National Assembly, 2, 
79 sq., 86 sq. 

Frankfort, diet of, 2, 14; Treaty 
of, 2, 153. 

Frederick III, 2, 145 note 2. 

Frederick the Great, 74 sqq., 184 

Frederick William, Elector of 
Brandenburg, 26. 

Frederick William I, 58 sq. 

Frederick William II, 265. 

Frederick William III, 317, 338. 

Frederick William IV, 2, 79, 87 sq. 

Free cities, 26 sq., 305 sq. ; 2, 14. 

Free trade in England, 2, 213 sqq. 

French and Indian War, 113 sqq. 

Friesland, 19 note 2. 

Fuchau, 2, 335. 

Fulton, 2, 320. 

Galileo, 162, 166. 
Galilean liberties, 146. 
Gambetta, 2, 151, 
Ganges, 92. 
Gapon, Father, 2, 292. 
Garibaldi, 2, 97 sq. 
Gaudet, 258. 
Gelderland, 19 note 2. 
Genghis Khan, 51. 
Genoa, 46, 348. 
Geology, 2, 407 sqq. 

George I, 48. 

George II, 64. 

George III, 70, 199, 266, 302. 

George, Henry, 2, 400 note. 

Georgia, no. 

Germ theory, 2, 419. 

German East Africa, 2, 145. 

German Southwest Africa, 2, 144. 

Germany, in 181 5, 2, 12-17; the 
Revolution of 1848 in, 86-89; 
formation of the Empire, 2, 109- 
123; since 1871, 130-150. See 
Holy Roman Empire and Prus- 
sia, Baden, Bavaria, and Wur- 

Ghent, Peace of, 339 note. 

Gibraltar, 43, 353. 

Gioberti, 2, 92 and note. 

Giolitti, 2, 107. 

Girondists, 256, 26gsqq. 

Gladstone, 2, 190 sqq., 229 sqq., 
23i> 253. 

Goa, 84,86 and note. 

Good Hope, 82, 353. 

Gordon, Major Charles, 2, 338, 

Grand Alliance, 41. 
Grand Vizier, 2, 314. 
Gravitation, universal, 163. 
Great Britain. See England. 
Great Russia, 2, 262. 
Great Western, the, 2, 321, 
Greece, 2, 305 sqq., 315 sq. 
Greek Church, 51 ; 2, 269 note. 
Greenwich Observatory, 164. 
Groningen, 19 note 2. 
Guam, 2, 367 note. 
Guilds, 129 sqq., 219 sq. 
Guillotin, 274 note. 
Guizot, 2, 57 sq. 
Gwalior, 2, 235. 

Haakon VII, 350 note. 
Habeas Corpus, 196. 
Hague Convention, 2, 352. 
Hague Conference, 2, 370 sqq. 
Hanover, 48 and note 3, 321 sq.', 

2, 116. 
Hanoverian line, 48 sq. 
Hapsburg. See Austria. 
Hardenberg, 336, 344; 2, 13. 
Hardie, Keir, 2, 401. 



Hargreaves, 2, 34 sq. 

Hastings, Warren, 98 sq. 

Hawkins, Captain, 38 ; 2, 356. 

Hebert, 276. 

Heligoland, 353 note. 

Helvetic Republic, 300. 

Henry, Colonel, 2, 164. 

Henry IV, 5. 

Henry V, 2, 158. 

Herzegovina, 2, 128, 309. 

Hesse, 2, 17. 

Hesse-Cassel, 2, 116. 

Hien Fung, 2, 336. 

Hindus, 93. 

Hindustan, 92 sq. 

History, nature of, i sqq. 

Hohenlinden, 303. 

Hohenzollern, origin of House of, 

Holland, 19 sqq., 320, 332. 
Holy Alliance, 357 sqq. 
Holy Roman Empire, 23 sqq., 307, 

319 j-<7</. 
Home Rule, 2, 230 sqq. 
Ilong, the, 2, 333. 
Hongkong, 2, 335. 
Housing the poor, 2, 386. 
Hubertsburg, Peace of, 71. 
Hudson, Henry, 109. 
Huguenots, 28 sq.., 58. 
Hull, Jonathan, 2, 320. 
Humbert I, 2, 106. 
Hungary. See Austria. 
Hunting rights, 210. 

Imperial Federation, 2, 257 sqq. 
Imperialism, 2, ■^I'^sqq. 
Indemnity of French nobles, 2, 6. 
Independence, Declaration of, 120. 
Independent Labor Party, 2, 401. 
Independents, the, 151. 
" Index," the, 149. 
India, 80 sqq ; 2, 233 sqq. 
Industrial Revolution, 2, 30 sqq., 

109, 241, 280. 
Initiative, the, 2, 378. 
Inkerman, 2, 308. 
Inquisition, 191 sq., 330; 2, 18. 
Institutes ofCh^'istian Religio7i, 151. 
Insurance, working class, 2, 383. 
InternationalAssociationof Work- 

ingmen, 2, 401 sq. 

Interpellation, 2, 175. 

Intolerance, 148 sq, 

Ionian Islands, 353 note. 

Ireland, 2, 220 sqq. 

Iron working, 2, 43 sq. 

Isabella, 2, 119, 120 and note. 

Ismail I, 2, 363. 

Italy, in the eighteenth century, 
46, 2S8^(^^. ; after 1815,2, 17 j-^^.; 
and the Revolution of 1848, 77, 
84 sqq. ; unity of established, 2, 
90-108. See also Sardinia, Pied- 
mont, Tuscany, Naples, and 

Ivan the Terrible, 52 ; 2, 262 sq. 

Jacobins, 255 sqq., 278. 

Jacobites, 198. 

James II, 30 sq. 

Jameson's raid, 2, 255. 

Jamestown, 109. 

Jansenists, 193 note. 

Japan, 2, 338 sqq. 

Java, 84, 90 note. 

Jefferson, 325. 

Jehangir, 87. 

Jellachich, 2, 83. 

Jemappes, 266. 

Jena, 321. 

Jenkins's ear, war of, 66. 

Jenner, 2, 417. 

Jesuits, 143 sqq., 192 sqq.\ 2, 135, 

Jews, in Poland, 72 ; in Russia, 2, 

286, 296, 299. 
John VI, 2, 27. 
Joliet, 108. 
Joseph II, 188 sqq. 
Josephine, 286, 332. 
Jourdan, 272, 2S8, 291, 301. 
Journal des Savajits, 12, 164. 
July monarchy, 2, 54. 
July ordinances, 2, 6. 
June days, the terrible, 2, 62. 

Kamerun, 2, 144. 

K'angshi, 2, y.,-]. 

Kapital, Das, 2, 397 and note. 

Karageorgevitch, 2, 316. 

Kaunitz, 69. 

Kay, 2. 34. 

Ketteler, Baron von, 2, 349. 


The Development of Modertt Europe 

Khiva, 2, 281 note. 

Kiauchau, 2, 148, 345. 

Kingship, origin and powers of, 

1 34 .v./. 
Kingsley, Charles, 2, 400 note. 
Kitchener, General, 2, 365. 
Koch, 2, 419. 
Kokand, 2, 282 note. 
Koniggratz, 2, 116. 
Korea, 2, 343 sqq., ZS'^ sqq., 353 

Kosciusko, 2S6. 
Kossuth, 2, 76 sq., 84. 
Kotzebue, 2, 15. 
Kropotkin, 2, 271. 
Kruger, 2, 255. 
Kulturkampf, 2, 134 sqq. 
Kuropatkin, General, 2, 351. 

Labor Representation Committee, 

2, 401. 
Labor unions. See Trade unions. 
Lafayette, 121, 247, 272; 2, 9. 
La Harpe, 2, 265. 
Laibach, Congress of, 2, 24. 
Laissez faire, 180 j^. 
Lally, Count, 95. 
Lamarck, 2, 409. 
Land question, in Ireland, 2, 

229 .f^$^. 
Laos, 2, 179. 
La Salle, 108 sq. 
Lassalle, Ferdinand, 2, 137 sq. 
Laurier, Sir Wilfred, 2, 246. 
Lavoisier, 161. 
Ledru-Rollin, 2, 63. 
Legion of Honor, 327. 
Legislative Assembly, 242, 246, 

253. 263. 
Legitimists, 2, 54, 157 sqq. 
Leipzig, battle of, 339. 
Leo XIII, 2, 137, 167, 388, 404. 
Leoben, truce of, 291. 
Leopold of Hohenzollern, 2, 

1 20 sq. 
Leopold I, of Belgium, 2, 12. 
Leopold II, of Belgium, 2, 250, 

253, 360 sq. 
Leopold II, Emperor, 250, 254. 
Lesczcynski, Stanislas, 45, 74. 
Lettre de cachet, 196, 293. 
Leuthen, battle of, 70. 

Liaotung peninsula, 2, 344. 

Liberal Unionists, 2, 231. 

Liberals in England, 2, 197. 

Liberum veto, 73, 76, 78. 

Light, nature of, 2, 413. 

Li Hung Chang, 2, 338, 343, 349. 

Lister, Joseph, 2, 418. 

Lithuania, 72. 

Livingstone, 2, 357 sq. 

Livonia, 55. 

Local government in England, 2, 

198 sqq. 
Locke, John, 168 and note. 
Locomotive, 2, 323 sq. 
Lombardo-Venetia, 348 ; 2, 20 sq., 

78 sq., 85, 96. 
Lombardy, 348 ; 2, 96. 
Lorraine, 45 ; 2, 122 and note, 154. 
Louis XIII, 5. 
Louis XIV, 6 sqq., y) sqq. 
Louis XV, 45 sqq., 71. 
Louis XVI, 120, 217 sqq., 251, 

266 sqq. 
Louis XVII, 272, 344 note. 
Louis XVIII, 2, I sq., 25. 
Louis Napoleon, 2, 63 sqq. See 

Napoleon HI. 
Louis Philippe, 2, 8 sqq., 53 sqq. 
Louisiana, 108, 116, 304. 
Low Church, 151. 
Lucknow, 2, 239. 
Liideritz, 2, 144. 
Luneville, Treaty of, 304 sqq. 
Lusitania, 2, 321. 
Liitzen, 338. 
Luxemburg, grand duchy of, 2, 

12 note, 14. 
Luxemburg commission, 2, 60 sq. 
Lyell, Sir Charles, 2, 408. 
Lyons, 2, 271, 273. 

Macao, 86 note. 

Macedonia, 2, 312 sqq. 

Mack, 318. 

MacMahon, 2, 158 sqq. 

Madagascar, 2, 178. 

Madras, 88, 96, 98. 

Magellan, 103. 

Magyars, 2, 74, 83, 128. 

Mahratta Confederacy, 2, 234 sq. 

Maine, the, 2, 366. 

Majuba Hill, 2, 253. 



Malay Archipelago, 84. 
Malta, 353 note. 
Mamelukes, 2, 363. 
Manchu dynasty, 2, T^y], 
Manchuria, 2, 343 sqq. 
Manor, 122 s,qq. 
Mantua, 289 sqq. 

Manufacture, modern. See Indus- 
trial Revolution. 
Marat, 237 note, 241, 252 sq. 
Marco Polo, 81 ; 2, 332 note. 
Marconi, 2, 327. 
Marengo, 303. 
Maria da Gloria, 2, 27. 
Maria Louisa, 332. 
Maria Theresa, 61 sqq. 
Marie Antoinette, 218, 240 sq., 

Mark, 55. 
Marlborough, 42. 
Marquette, 108. 

Marseillaise, the, 261 sq. and note. 
Marseilles, 271. 

Marx, Karl, 2, 137, 172, 2f)(i sqq. 
Maryland, no. 
Massachusetts, 109. 
Mauritius, 353 note. 
Maximilian, 2, 119 note. 
Maximum, law of the, 281. 
May laws, 2, 136. 
Mayence, 265. 
Mayfloiver, the, 109. 
Mazarin, 5 sq. 
Mazzini, 2, 85, 91 sq. 
Medici, the, 45. 
Medicine. See Science. 
Meerut, 2, 239. 
Mehemet Ali, 2, 362 sq. 
Melikoff, 2, 278. 
Mercantilism, 180. 
Methodists, 154. 
Metschnikoff, 2, 420. 
Metric system, 280. 
Metternich, 339, 359 sqq. ; 2, 24 sqq., 

72 sqq. 
Metz, 2, 121, 151. 
Mexico, 103; 2, 22, 27, 118 note. 
Microscope, 163. 
Miguel, 2, 27. 
Mikado, 2, 339 sqq. 
Milan, 35, 46, 288 sq. 
Milan I, 2, 316. 

Milan Decree, 324. 

Military expenditures, 2, 367 sq. 

Millerand, 2, 174. 

Ministerial responsibility, 2, 377. 

Mir, 2, 273. 

Mirabeau, 233, 241 sq., 251. 

Missionaries, 1^4 sq. ; 2, 328 sqq. 

Mississippi, 108. 

Modena, 46, 291, 348 and note; 

Mogul, the Great, 94, 96 ; 2, 240. 
Mohammedans, 2, 303 sqq., 354. 
Moldavia, 2, 307, 311 note. 
Moliere, 1 1. 
Moluccas, 84. 
Monastic orders: in Austria, 189; 

in France, 243 note; 2, 5, 168; 

in Germany, 2, 135 sq. ; in Italy, 

2, 20, 94 ; in Spain, 330. See 

Mo}iiteur, 255. 
Monroe Doctrine, 2, 26 sq. 
Montcalm, 114. 
Montenegro, 2, 310 sq., 317. 
Montesquieu, 175 sq. 
Moravians, 2, 81. 
More, Sir Thomas, 2, 393 note. 
Moreau, 288, 291, 303. 
Morocco, 2, 145 note, 362 sq. 
Moscow, 335. 
Mountain, the, 370. 
Mukden, 2, 351. 
Municipal ownership, 2, 385 sq. 
Municipal reform in England, 2, 

198 sq. 
Murat, 348 note. 
Mutation theory, 2, 412 note. 
Mutiny in India, 2, 237 sqq. 
Mutsuhito, 2, 341 sqq. 

Nachtigal, 2, 144. 

Nanking, Treaty of, 2, 335. 

Nantes, Edict of, 28 sq. 

Napier, Lord, 2, 333. 

Naples, 35, 45, 288, 320, 348 and 
note ; 2, 20, 23, 78 note, 97 sq. 

Napoleon I, 313 sqq. See Bona- 
parte, Napoleon. 

Napoleon II, 2, 4 and note. 

Kapoleon III, 2, 69 sqq., 95 sqq., 
w^ysqq., 151, 307, 336. 

Napoleonic Ideas, 2, 64. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Nasmyth, 2, 44 note. 

Nassau, 2, 116. 

Natal, 2, 252 sqq. 

National Assembly (1789), 232 sqq. 

National Guard, 236. 

Nationality, spirit of, 355 sqq. 

Natural law, 165. 

Navarino, 2, 306. 

Navigation Act, 89, 118. 

Necker, 222, 234. 

Neerwinden, 268. 

Nelson, 295, 325. 

Nepal, 2, 236. 

Netherlands, Austrian, 15 note, 

43, 190, 265, 346. 
Netherlands, Dutch, 15 note, 

19 sqq., 267, 287, 344, 346; 

Netherlands, Spanish, 15, 43. 
New Brunswick, 2, 244. 
New Guinea, 2, 145. 
New Jersey, 109. 
New South Wales, 2, 248 sq. 
New Zealand, 2, 247 sq., 250 sq. 
Newcomen, 2, 40 sq. 
Newfoundland, 43 ; 2, 245. 
Newspapers, 254. 
Newton, 163. 
Nice, II ; 2, 95. 
Nicholas I, 2, 268 sqq., 307. 
Nicholas II, 2, 283 sqq., 370. 
Nihilism, 2, 275. 
Nile, battle of, 295. 
Nimwegen, Peace of, 21. 
Ningpo, 2, 335. 
Noailles, viscount of, 237. 
Nobility, 131 sqq., 209 sq. 
Nogi, General, 2, 351. 
Nonjuring clergy, 246, 257. 
North Briton, 200. 
North Carolina, 109. 
North German Confederation, 2, 

115 j<7. 
Norway, 350 and note. 
Notables, Assembly of, 224 sq. 
Nova Scotia, 43, no; 2, 244. 
No vara, 2, 85. 

Overijssel, 19 note. 
Obock, 2, 178 note. 
O'Connell, 2, 226, 231. 
Oglethorpe, no. 

Okhotsk, 2, 263. 

Oku, General, 2, 351. 

Old-age pensions in Germany, 2, 

Old Catholics, 2, 135. 
Old Sarum, 2, 182. 
O'Neill's insurrection, 2, 222. 
Ontario, 2, 242, 244. 
Opium war, 2, 334. 
Orange, House of, 19 sqq. 
Orange River Colony, 2, 252 sq. 
Organic articles, 312 note. 
Organizatio7i of Labor, The, 2, 56. 
Orleanists, 2, 157 sqq. 
Oscar II, 350 note. 
Ottoman Turks, 2, 303. 
Oudenarde, battle of, 42. 
Oudh, 2, 237. 
Owen, Robert, 2, 211, 395. 

Paine, Thomas, 2, 184. 

Palatinate, 32 sq. 

Pale, the, 2, 221. 

Panama Canal, 2, 323. 

Pan-Slavism, 2, 81. 

Papal States, 332, 348; 2, 20, 
100 sq. 

Parkes, Sir Harry, 2, 341. 

Paris, count of, 2, 163. 

Paris, siege of, 2, 122, 152. 

Paris, Treaty of (1763), 71, 116; 
(1856), 2, 308. 

Parlement of Paris, 226 sq. 

Parlements, in France, 214 sq., 
227 sq. 

Parliament, in England, 195 sqq., 
200; 2, 181 j^^. See Constitu- 

Parma, 288, 307 ; 2, 96. 

Pamell, 2, 230. 

Parthenopian Republic, 301. 

Parties: in England, 2, 197 j^.; in 
France, 2, 3, jy2 sqq.; in Italy, 
2, 103 ; in Russia, 2, 287 sq. 

Pasteur, 2, 418 sq. 

Paul, Tsar, 299 and note, 317 note. 

Peel, Sir Robert, 2, 216. 

Peerage, in England, 133. 

Peking, 2, 336, 349. 

Pelew Islands, 2, 367. 

Penn, William, no. 

Pennsylvania, no. 



Penny post, 2, 326. 

Perry, Commodore, 2, 340. 

Persia, 2, 281 note. 

Peru, 103. 

Peter the Great, 52 sqq. 

Peterloo massacre, 2, 185. 

Philip V, 39 sqq., 65. 

Philippines, 103 .r^. ; 2, 366 .r^. 

Philoppopolis, 2, 310. 

Pichegru, 287. 

Piedmont, 46, 301, 307; 2, 19 j-^^., 

85, 94. 
Pilgrim'' s Prog7-ess, 153. 
Pillnitz, Declaration of, 254. 
Pinto, 2, 339. 
Pinzon, 102. 
Piquart, 2, 164. 

Pitt (Lord Chatham), 267 ; 2, 184. 
Pitt, The Younger, 201 ; 2, 1S4. 
Pius VI, 189. 
Pius IX, 2, 84, 92, 100, 137, 166, 

Pius X, 2, 107. 
Pizarro, 103. 
Plassey, battle of, 96 sq. 
Plebiscite, 297. 
Plehve, 2, 286 sqq. 
Plymouth colony, 151. 
Pobiedonoscheff, 2, 279. 
Poland, 45, 72 sqq., 268, 286, 322, 

351 j-^.; 2, 264, 267.^^. 
Polish Succession, War of, 61. 
Political economy, lygsqq. 
Pondicherry, 91, 94, 96 note. 
Poniatowski, 77. 
Poonah, 2, 235. 
Pope, powers of, 137 sqq.; position 

of, in Italy, 2, loi. 
Pope, Alexander, 167. 
Port Arthur, 2, 343 J"^^., 351. 
Port Royal, 107, 110. 
Porte, the, 2, 304. 
Porto Bello, 44. 
Porto Rico, 35; 2, 366. 
Portsmouth, Treaty of, 2, 352 j-^. 
Portugal, 83 sqq., 328 sq. ; 2, 27 sq., 

Poverty, 2, 386 j-^^*^. 
Poyning's laws, 2, 221. 
Pragmatic Sanction, 61, 68. 
Prefect, 297. 
Presbyterianism, 152. 

Press, freedom of, 156 ; 2, 201 sq., 

Pressburg, Treaty of, 319. 

Printing, 2, 46. 

Prison reform, 2, 208. 

Procurator of the Holy Synod, 2, 

Frogress and Poverty, 2, 400 note. 

Protective tariff in Germany, 2, 
142 sqq. 

Protestantism, 142 j-^.; in France, 

Protoplasm, 2, 416. 

Prussia, 26, 55 sqq., 72, 185 sqq., 260, 
265, 287, 317, 321 sq., y:,(osqq., 
334 sqq. ; 2, 79, 88 sq., 109 sqq. 

Public schools, 2, 381. See Educa- 

Pultowa, 54. 

Punjab, 2, 236. 

Puritanism, 151 sqq. 

Pyramids, battle of, 295. 

Quadrilateral, 284. 

Quadruple alliance, 360 sq, 

Quakers, 153. 

Quebec, 107, 114; 2, 242, 244. 

Quebec Act, 2, 242. 

Queen Anne's War, 42. 

Queensland, 2, 249. 

Radetzky, 2, 84. 
Radio-activity, 2, 414. 
Radium, 2, 415. 
Railways, 2, 323 sqq. 
Rajputs, 93. 
Ramillies, battle of, 42. 
Reason, worship of, 276. 
Referendum, the, 2, 378. 
Reform Bills, in England, 2, 

iZdsqq., \()Osqq., 192. 
Reich sdep7itatioiishatcptschlnss,y:)(i. 
Reichstadt, duke of, 2, 4 note. 
Reichstag, 2, 131 sq. 
Reign of Terror, 264 sqq. 
Religious toleration in England, 

2, 203. 
Renaissance, 158 note. 
Reunion, chambers of, 22 sqq. 
Revolutionary Tribunal, 274. 
Rhode Island, 109. 
Rhodes, Cecil, 2, 254 and note. 


The Development of Modem Europe 

Rhodesia, 2, 256. 

Richelieu, 5. 

Robespierre, 270, z'jdsqq. 

Roe, Sir Thomas, 87. 

Roland, Madame, 258. 

Romagna, 2, 96. 

Roman Republic, 299; 2, 85. 

Rome, union with Italy, 2, 100. 

Romilly, Sir Samuel, 2, 207. 

Roosevelt, 2, 323, 352. 

Rossbach, battle of, 70. 

Rotten boroughs, 197 ; 2, 181 sqq. 

Roumania, 2, 128, 311 and note, 
316 j^. 

Roumelia, Eastern, 2, 311 sq. 

Rousseau, lyGsq. 

Rowntree, 2, 387. 

Rumans, 2, 313. 

Russell, Lord John, 2, 186, 190. 

Russia, made a European power 
under Peter the Great, 50-55 ; 
and the partition of Poland, 
71 sqq. ; at war with France, 
299-341 passim; in the Vienna 
settlement, 343-362 passim; in 
the nineteenth century, 261- 
302 ; and the Crimean War, 2, 
307 sqq. 

Russo-Japanese War, 2, 350 sqq. 

Ruthenians, 2, 81. 

Ryswick, Treaty of, 23- 

Sadowa, 2, 116. 

St. Bernard, Bonaparte's crossing 

of the, 302. 
St. Helena, 341. 
Saint-Just, 270, 2']6 sqq. 
St. Lucia, 353 note. 
St. Petersburg, foundation of, 54. 
Saint-Simon, memoirs of, 11. 
Saint-Simon, 2, 393. 
Salisbury, Lord, 2, 217. 
Salt tax in France, 207 sq. 
San Stefano, 2, 311. 
Sand River Convention, 2, 252. 
Sans-ailottes, 260. 
Sardinia, 35, 44, 46, 64, 288, 348 ; 

2, 19 sq., 92 sq., 308 note. 
Savoy, II, 46, 344; 2, 95. 
Saxony, 24, 63, 338, 351 j^.; 2, 

79, 116, 131 note. 
Scharnhorst, 337. 
Schleidan, 2, 415. 

Schleswig-Holstein, 2, 113. 

Schmoller, 2, 139. 

Schwann, 2, 415. 

Schwartzenberg, 2, 87. 

Science, in the eighteenth century, 
1^1 sqq. \ in the nineteenth cen- 
tury, 2, 405 sqq. 

Scotland, 2, 47 note. 

Sebastopol, 2, 308. 

Second French Republic, 2, ^"jsqq. 

Sedan, 2, 121, 151. 

Senegal, 2, 175, 177. 

Separation law, 2, lyosqq. 

Separatists, 151. 

Sepoys, 94; 2, 239. 

September massacres, 265. 

Serbs, 2, 313. 

Serfdom, 122 sqq., 211, 337; 2, 
264 sqq. See Feudalism. 

Servia, 2, 305, 310 j-^., 316. 

Seven Years' War, 68 sq. 

Sevigne, Madame de, 11, 29. 

Shanghai, 2, 335. 

Shantung peninsula, 2, 148, 345. 

Shimonoseki, 2, 343. 

Shogun, 2, 339 sqq. 

Siberia, 2, 263. 

Sicily, 35, 45; 2, 97 sq. See Naples. 

Sickness insurance in Germany, 
2, 141. 

Siey^s, 229, 232. 

Silesia, 63 sqq. 

Sindh, 2, 236 j^. 

Single tax, 2, 400 note. 

Six Acts, 2, 185. 

Slave trade, 354 and note ; 2, 

355 '9- 
Slavonia, 2, 128. 
Slovenes, 63. 

Smith, Adam, 181 sq.; 2, 214, 
Sobieski, John, 2, 304. 
Social Contract, The, 177. 
Social democrats, in Germany, 2, 

138 sqq. ; in Russia, 2, 287. 
Social Democratic Federation, 2, 

400 sq. 
Socialism, 2, 393 sqq. ; in Austria, 

2, 127; in England, 2, 400 j^.; 

in France, 2, 173; in Germany, 

2, 127 sqq., \^jsqq.; in Italy, 

2, 107; in Russia, 2, 2^7 sqq. 
Society for Promotion of Christian 

Knowledge, 2, 329. 



Solomon Islands, 2, 145. 
Somaliland, British, 2, 257 and 

note; French, 2, 178 note; 

Italian, 2, 103. 
Soiiderbinid, 2, 73 note. 
South Africa-, 2, 251 sqq. 
South Carolina, 109. 
South Hesse, 2, 118, 122. 
Spain, I 5, 34 sqq., 70, 1 94, 329 sqq. ; 

2, 1 7 sqq., 1 1 9 and note, 1 20 and 

note, 336. 
Spanish America, 2, 21 sqq. 
Spanish-American War, 2, 366. 
Spanish Main, 38 note. 
Spanish succession, 34 sqq. 
Speech, freedom of, 2, 203. 
Spencer, Herbert, 2, 409. 
Spice Islands, 84. 
Spice trade, 84 and note. 
Spinning, 2, 32 sqq. 
Spirit of Laws., 7 he, ly^sq. 
Stadholder, 20, 67 note. 
Stambuloff, 2, 312. 
Stamp Act, 117. 
Stanley, Henry M., 2. 358 j;/. 
State socialism, 2, 137 sqq. 
Steam engine, 2, 39 sqq. 
Steamship, 2, 1,20 sqq. 
Stein, 336, 344; 2, 13. 
Stephenson, George, 2, 324. 
Stockach, 301. 
Stolypin, 2, 299. 
Strassburg, 22 ; 2, 151. 
Strikes, 2, 383. 

Struggle for existence, 2, 410. 
Sublime Porte, 2, 308. 
Subprefect. 297. 
Suez Canal, 2, 322. 
Suffrage, 2, 376 sqq. See Reform 

Bills and Constitution. 
Sumatra, 84, 90 note. 
Surajah Dowlah, 96 sq. 
Surat, 87, 89. 

Survival of the fittest, 2, 411. 
Suvaroff, 301. 

Sweden, 54 sq., 349 sq., 350 note. 
Switzerland, 300, 349 ; 2, 73 and 

note, 378. 
Sydney, 2, 248. 
Syllabus of 1864, 2, 166. 
Syria, Bonaparte in, 295. 

Taille, 212 sq., 224 sq. 

Taiping rebellion, 2, ■^y]. 
Talleyrand, 314, 345, 351. 
Tartars, 51. 
Tasmania, 2, 247, 249. 
Taxation \\\ France, 206 sqq. 
Telegraphs, 2, 326 j"^. 
Ten-hour bill, 2, 212 sq. 
Tennis-Court Oath, 232. 
Terrorism, 2, 276, 278. 
Test Act, 155 ; 2, 204. 
Teutonic Order, 56, 72. 
Thermidor, 278. 
Thiers, 2, 57, 152 sqq. 
Third Estate, 210 sq., 230. 
Third Section, the, 2, 270, 276. 
Thirty-Nine Articles, 150. 
Thugut, 301. 
Ticonderoga, 1 14. 
Tientsin, Treaty of, 2, 'XiZ^- 
Tilsit, Treaty of, 322 sqq. 
Timbuctu, 2, 177. 
Tithes, 136; in England, 2, 205 j-^.; 

in Ireland, 2, 228 ; in France, 

Tobago, 353 note. 
Tobolsk, 2, 263. 
Togo, Admiral, 2, 352. 
Togoland, 2, 144. 
Toleration, Act of, 155; 2, 203. 
Tomsk, 2, 263. 
Tonkin, 2, 179. 
Tories, 197 ; 2, 197. 
Torres Vedras, 334. 
Torture, 178. 
Toulon, 272 sq. 
Trade laws, 118 sq. 
Trade unions, 2, 162, 389 sq. 
Trafalgar, 323. 
Trans-Siberian railway, 2, 282, 

344 sq- 
Transvaal, 2, 252 sqq. 
Treaty ports, 2, 335 sq. 
Trent, Council of, 142. 
Trepoff, 2, 276 sqq. 
Treves, elector of, 24. 
Triple alliance, 2, 103. 
Troppau, Congress of, 2, 24. 
Ttigendbund, 337. 
Tuileries, 241, 260, 262 ; 2, 203. 
Tunis, 2, 176 sq. 
Turbine, 2, 321. 
Turgot, 181, 218 sqq. 
Turkestan, 2, 281 note. 


The Development of Modern Europe 

Turkey, 25 sq., 76; 2, 303 sqq. 
Tuscany, 45, 46, 288, 348 ; 2, 96. 
Tzu-hsi, Empress, 2, 337 and note. 

Uitlanders, 2, 254, 
Ulm, 318. 

Ultramontanism, 145 J^. 
Ultra-royalists, 2, 3. 
Unemployed problem, 2, 383. 
United Netherlands, 19 sq. See 

Netherlands, Dutch. 
United States, 123, 325; 2, 366. 
Utopia, 2, 393 note. 
Utopian socialists, 2, 395. 
Utrecht, Peace of, 42 sqq. 

Vaccination, 2, 417. 

Valenciennes, 272. 

Valmy, 265. 

Varennes, flight to, 251. 

Vasco da Gama, 82. 

Vendee, La, 271, 273. 

Vendemiaire, 282. 

Venetia, 46, 291, 348; 2, 20, 79, 

85, 96, 99 sq. 
Venetia. See Venice. 
Venezuela, 2, 22. 
Venice, 348 ; 2, 99 sq. 
Vergniaud, 258, 263. 
Verona, Congress of, 2, 25 sq. 
Verrazano, 107. 
Viborg, manifesto of, 2, 299. 
Victor Emmanuel I, 2, 19. 
Victor Emmanuel II, 2, 85, 92 sq. 
Victor Emmanuel III, 2, 106. 
Victoria, Queen, 2, 145 note 2, 

240, 259. 
Victoria colony, 2, 249. 
Victoria Nyanza, 2, 358. 
Vienna, Treaty of, 331 ; Congress 

of, 344 sqq. 
Virchow, 2, 416. 
Voltaire, 60 sq., 168 sqq. 

Wagner, 2, 139. 
Wagram, 331. 
Wallace, Alfred, 2, 411. 
Wallachia, 2, 307, 331 note. 
Walpole, 66, 198 sq. 
Wandewash, 95. 
War of 1 81 2, 339 note. 
Warfare, modem, 2, 367 sq. 
Warsaw, grand duchy of, 322. 

Wartburg, celebration of, 2, 15. 

Washington, \zo sq. 

Waterloo, 340. 

Watt, 2, 40 sqq. 

Wattignies, 272. 

Wealth of Nations, The, 181. 

Weaving, 2, 33 sq. 

Weihaiwei, 2, 346. 

Wellington, 334, 339 sq. ; 2, 186. 

Wells, H. G., 2, 393, 405 note. 

Wesley, Charles, 154. 

Wesley, John, 154, 

West Australia, 2, 249. 

Westminster Confession, 152. 

Westphalia, kingdom of, 322. 

Whigs, 197 ; 2, 197. 

White flag, 2, 159. 

Whitefield, 154. 

Whitney, Eli, 2, 38. 

Wilhelmina, 2, 12. 

Wilkes, John, 200. 

William I, 2, 11 1 sqq., 121. 

William II, of Germany, 2, 145 sqq. 

William II, of the Netherlands, 2, 

12 note. 
William III, of the Netherlands, 

2, 12 note. 
William III (Prince of Orange), 

20 sq., 30 sqq , 41 sq. ; 2, 223. 
William IV, 2, 186. 
Windischgratz, 2, 82. 
Witte, 2, 280 sq., 296 sq. 
Wolfe, General, 114. 
Woman's suffrage, 2, 377. 
Woman's rights, 2, 380. 
Working class, origin of, 2, 47. 
Workshops, the national, 2, 59 sqq. 
Wurmser, 290. 
Wurtemberg, 307, 319; 2, 17, 

121 sq. 

Xavier, 2, 329, 339. 

Yorck, 338. 
Yorktown, 121. 
Young, Arthur, 211. 
Young Italy, 2, 91 sq. 

Zassulitch, 2, 277 and note. 
Zeeland, 19 note 2. 
Zemstvos, 2, 275. 
Zola, 2, 165. 
Zollverein, 2, 110. 



An Introduction to the Study of Current History 

By JAMES HARVEY ROBINSON, Professor of History in Columbia University, 
and Charles A. Beard, Adjunct Professor of Politics in Columbia University 

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— to enable the student to catch up with his own times so that 
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Much less space is devoted to purely political and military 
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the nineteenth century. On the other hand, the more funda- 
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The necessarily succinct outline of events which fills the books 
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Robinson, James Harvey 

The development of modern 



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