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From the collection of the 

7 n 

o Prefinger 

i a 


San Francisco, California 

1845 1C47 1- 







December 28, 1918, to July 12, 1919 






1 AMERICAN ART? Maxwell Bodenheim 544 



AMERICAN NOTE, THE Percy H. Boynton 306 

AMERICAN PERSONALITY, A TYPICALLY . . . . ( . . . . William Ellery Leonard .... 26 

AMERICAN STATESMAN SERIES, A NEW ... William E. Dodd ...... 243 

ARMY AND THE LAW, THE Charles Recht 461 

BALFOUR'S CHARM, MR. . Norman Hapgood 169 

BENELLI, SEM, THE REAL Robert Morss Lovett .'.... 534 

BOLSHEVISM Is A MENACE TO WHOM? TV/or -stein Veblen . . . .'. . 174^ 

BRUTALITY, THE CULT OF Louis Untermeyer ....... 562 

CARUS, PAUL William Ellery Leonard .... 452 





CONRAD, THE VOYAGES OF E. Preston Dargan 638 

CONVERSATION, A SECOND IMAGINARY: Gosse and Moore . . . George Moore .... 287, 347, 394 


COVENANT, THE AND AFTER Robert Morss Lovett 219 

DEATH, A PERSPECTIVE OF w . . . . H. M. Kallen 415 


DUBLIN, MARCH 6 Ernest A. Boyd 358 


EDUCATED HEART, AN Claude Bragdon 14 

EMERGENCY, REVERSING AN Benjamin C. Gruenberg . . . .221 

EMPTY BALLOONS James Weber Linn . . . , . . .87 


ESPIONAGE LAW, REPEAL THE . . . . > . . . . . . . Gilbert E. Roe 8 



FICTION, THE THEORY OF Henry B. Fuller 193 

FIELDING, A VINDICATION OF , . Helen Sard Hughes 407 

FINLAND A BULWARK AGAINST BOLSHEVISM Lewis Muniford . . '. . . . 590 

FRANCE, ANATOLE, AND THE IMP OF THE PERVERSE- E. Preston Dargan . . . . . .126 

FRANCE AND A WILSONIAN PEACE Ferdinand Schevill ....... 303 


GENIUS, THE WAYS OF Clarence Britten 651 

GERMANY, How TO TREAT Norman Angell 279 

GREAT HUNGER, THE Robert Morss Lovett 299 


HAMLETS, Two LATTER-DAY Lid a C. Schem 228 





INDEMNITY, How TO SECURE THE GERMAN ........ John S. Codman 385 

INDEPENDENTS, THE Walter Pack 307 

INDIAN, THE, AS POET J Louis Untermeyer 240 

INDIA'S REVOLUTION . Sailendra nath Ghose . . . . . 595 







IVAN SPEAKS ~ H. M. Kallen . . . . . . .507 

JAPAN AND AMERICA . John Dewey , . 501 

" KEEP THE FAITH" The Editors- 533 


v LABOR AT THE CROSSWAYS Helen Marot . . . . ' . . . 165 


LAISSEZ-FAIRE, THE LAPSE TO Walton H. Hamilton ^37 


LAUGHTER OF DETACHMENT, THE Marvin M.,Lowenthal . . . .133 



LEAGUE, THE, AND THE INSTINCT FOR COMPETITION ..../. George Frederick . . . f .187 

LETTERS TO UNKNOWN WOMEN Richard Aldington .... '183, 510 

To the Amaryllis of Theocritus 183 

To La Grosse Margot 510 


LONDON, DECEMBER 9 Edward Shanks 37 

LONDON, JANUARY 30 Edward Shanks 195 

LONDON, FEBRUARY 4 *..... Robert Dell 244 

LONDON, FEBRUARY 20 Edward Shanks 417 

LONDON, APRIL 10 Robert Dell 465 

LONDON, MAY 10 Edward Shanks 563 

MARY IN WONDERLAND Robert Morss Lovett 463 


MODERN POINT OF VIEW AND THE NEW ORDER, THE .... Thorstein Veblen 19, 75 


NATIONALISM Franz Boas 232 

NEWSPAPER CONTROL - A. Vernon Thomas 121 

NORMAL MADNESS, A Katharine Anthony . 15 


PAPER WAR, THE .' Robert Herrick . . . . . . .113 

PARASITIC NOVEL, A . . Robert Morss Lovett 641 

PAST, REMAKING THE Walton H. Hamilton 135 

PATRIOTISM AND ITS CONSEQUENCES . . . . . . . . Lewis Mumford 406 

PEACE Thorstein Veblen 485 


PELLEAS ET MELISANDE Paul Rosen f eld 138 

PENDENNIS, AN AMERICAN Robert Morss Lovett 86 




POSSESSOR AND POSSESSED Conrad Aiken . . . . . . .189 



PRINCIPLES, BACK TO Robert Dell 587 

PUCCINI, THE NEW WORK OF S. Foster Damon 25 


Quo VADIS? Norman Angell 488 

REALISM, A WORD ABOUT Nancy Barr Mavity 635 



REFORM WHY IT Is FUTILE Helen Mar'ot 293 


RILKE, RAINER MARIA Martin Schiitze .... . . 559 

ROADS TO FREEDOM Will Durant 354 

ROGUE'S MARCH: To A FLEMISH AIR James Branch Cabell . . . . .181 



RUSSIA, A VOICE OUT OF George V. Lomonossoff . 61 


SCHAMBERG EXHIBITION, THE Walter Pack . . ^ . . . . 505 


SCHOOLS, PROPAGANDA IN Charles A. Beard ...... 598 

SELF-DECEPTION, THE DRAMA OF Katharine Anthony ..... 238 


SOLDIER, THE AMERICAN Robert Morss Lovett . . . / . .33 

SOLOGUB, FEODAR Katharine Keith 643 

SPAIN, TURMOIL IN Arthur Livingston 593 

SUFFRAGE AMENDMENT, THE FEDERAL Harold J. Laski ... . . . ; . 541 

TEN TIMES TEN MAKE ONE . , . > '. Wilson Follett 225 

TRADITION, THE GREAT .....* Ashley H. Thorndike 118 




Vox ET PRAETEREA? Conrad Aiken 356 

WAR, THE BIOLOGY OF Will Durant 84 


WEST, THE HISTORICAL Howard Mumford Jones .... 508 




BRIDGES Annette Wynne 182 

COQ D'OR Amy Lowell ..." 549 

DEBUSSY H. H, Bellamann 125 

DISPATCH Wallace Gould 487 

END OF APRIL, THE Allen Tucker 387 

EXILES Babette Deutsch .:.... 305 

EXPRESSIONS NEAR THE END OF WINTER - . . . Stephen Vincent Benet .... 248 

FIRST SNOW ON THE HiLLS Leonora Speyer 500 

FROM A HILL IN FRANCE Cuthbert Wright 336 


IN MY ROOM I READ AND WRITE Mary Carolyn Davies 606 


LUFBERY Mabel Kingsley Richardson .- . .66 

MOOD Maxwell Bodenheim 549 

MORNING . ...."... Catharine Warren . . . . . . 589 

NIGHT SMELL ,". Josephine Bell 224 

NOCTURNE Mildred Johnston Murphy . . .168 

ON THE HILLS Eden Phillpotts 551 

ON THE ROAD TO EDEN Elizabeth J. Coatsworth .... 634 

OUT OF A DAY ... * Herbert J. Seligmann 70 

PLAINT OF COMPLEXITY, A Eunice Tietjens 550 

RANDOLPH BOURNE James Oppenheim ...... 7 

REVEILLE Lola Ridge 551 

SEA-HOARDINGS Cale Young Rice . . . . . . 448 

STEAMBOAT NIGHTS Carl Sandburg . . . . \ . . 549 

SUN GLAMOUR Hazel Hall 564 

SYNGE'S PLAYBOY OF THE WESTERN WORLD: Variation .... Emanuel Carnevali 340 

To ONE DEAD t Rose Henderson 237 

To ONE WHO Woos FAME WITH ME Ralph Block . . . . . . .196 

VISITANTS Leslie Nelson Jennings .... 360 

WAR Music Helen Hoyt 637 




Abbot, Eleanor Hallowell. Old-Dad 366 

Adams, George Burton. The British Empire and a League 

of Peace 668 

Adams, Henry C. American Railway Accounting ISO 

" A. E." See Russell, George W. 

Agate, James E. Buzz ! Buzz ! 37 

Aiken, Conrad. The Charnel Rose. Senlin : A Biography. 558 

Aldington^ Richard. War and Love 576 

Aldington, Richard, and John Cournos, translators. The 

Little Demon, by Feodar Sologub 643 

American Problems of Reconstruction 258 

Allen, James Lane. The Emblems of Fidelity 664 

Anderson, Sherwood. Winesburg, Ohio 544, 666 

Andrews, C. E. The Writing and Reading of Verse 574 

Andrews, Roy Chapman, and Yvette Borup Andrews. 

Camps and Trails in China 150 . 

Angell, Norman. The British Revolution and American 

Democracy 409 

Anthology of Magazine Verse: 1918 574 

Archer, C., and W. J. Alexander Worster, translators. The 

Great Hunger, by Johan Bojer 299 

Atkinson, Caroline P., editor. Letters of Susan Hale 314 

Babbitt, Irving. Rousseau and Romanticisim 668 

Bacon, Josephine Daskam. On Our Hill 52 

Bailey, S.. C. The Gamesters 657 

Balfour, Arthur James : Wilfred M. Shprt, editor. Non- 
political Writings, Speeches and Addresses, 1879-1917. 169 

Barclay, Sir Thomas. Collapse and Reconstruction 580 

Barrie, J. M. Alice Sit-by-the-Fire 524 

Barrott, Elizabeth Kemper, The Baronne Moncheur and, 

translators. The Vocational Re-Education of Maimed 

Soldiers, by Leon de Paeuw 424 

Bassett, John Spencer. The Lost Fruits of Waterloo...... 668 

Baudelaire, Charles. F. P. Sturm, translator. Poems and 

Prose Poems 576 

Beaumont, C. W., and M. H. Sadler, editors. New Paths. 668 
Beazley, Raymond, Nevill Forbes, and G. A. Birkett. 

Russia Prom the Varangians to the Bolsheviks 517 

Becker, Carl. The Eve of the Revolution 135 

Beebe, William. Jungle Peace '. 203 

Begbie, Harold. The Convictions of Christopher Sterling. 666 

Beith, Ian Hay ("Ian Hay"). The Last Million 620 

Benelli, Sem. La Cena delle Beffe (The Jest). L'Amore 

dei Tre Re (The Love of the Three Kings). II Man- 

tellaccio. La Maschera di Bruto (The Mask of Brutus) 534 

Ben6t, Stephen Vincent. Young Adventure 96 

Bennett, Arnold. Clayhanger. The Old Wives' Tale. 

The Pretty Lady. The Roll-Call 659 

Best, Harry. The Blind , 670 

'Bion. Winifred Bryher, translator. Lament for Adonis.... 158 
Birkett, G. A., Raymond Beazley, and Nevill Forbes. 

Russia From the Varangians to the Bolsheviks 517 

Blacam, Aodh de. See de Blacam. 

Blackwood, Algernon. The Garden of Survival 148 

Blades, Leslie Burton. Claire 578 

Bleackley, Horace. Any moon 666 

Bloomfield, Meyer. Management and Men 580 

Bodenheim, Maxwell. Minna and Myself 358 

Boerker, Richard H. D. Our National Forests 204 

Boethius. H. E. Stewart and E. K. Rand, translators. 

The Theological Tractates 438 

Bojer, Johan. W. J. Alexander Worster and C. Archer, 

translators. The Great Hunger 299 

Book of the Sea, A 582 

Booth, Evangeline, and Grace Livingston Hill. The War 

Romance of the Salvation Army 620 

Botchkareva, Maria. Yashka : My Life as Peasant, Officer 

and Exile 366 

Bottome, Phyllis. .Helen of Troy, and Rose 366 

Boulnois, Helen. Some Soldiers and Little Mamma 622 

Boyd, John. Sir George Etienne Cartier, Bart 580 

Boy Scouts' Book of Stories, The 664 

Bradley, Mary Hastings. The Wine of Astonishment 374 

Braithwaite, William Stanley, editor. Anthology of Mag- 
azine Verse: 1918 574 

Braithwaite, William Stanley, editor. Victory! 582 

Brawley, Benjamin. Africa and the War 370 

Brebner, Percy James. A Gallant Lady 657 

Brevoort, Henry. George S. Hellman, editor. Letters to 

Washington Irving 436 

Bridges, Horace J. On Becoming an American 539 

Bridges, Robert, editor. Poems, by Gerard Manley Hopkins 572 

Brissenden, Paul Frederick. The I. W. W. : A Study of 

American Syndicalism 524 

Broadhurst, Jean, and Clara L. Rhodes, editors. Verse for 

Patriots 1 582 

Brody, Alter. A Family Album 561 

Brooks, Charles S. Chimney-Pot Papers 578, 618 

Brougham, Eleanor M., editor. Corn from Olde Fieldes. . 582 
Bruce, William Cabell. Benjamin Franklin Self-Revealed.. 46 

Brunner, Emma Beatrice. Bits of Background 478 

Bryher, Winifred, translator. Bion's Lament for Adonis. . 158 

Buchanan, Meriel. The City of Trouble 522 

Bureau of American Ethnology. Annual Report, 1910-1911 620 

Burke, Thomas. Nights in London 54 

Burt, Maxwell Struthers. John O'May 49 

Bynner, Witter. The Beloved Stranger 576 

Byrd, John Walter. The Born Fool 666 

Cabell, James Branch. Beyond Life. The Certain Hour. 

Chivalry. The Cords of Vanity. The Cream of the 

Jest. Gallantry. The Line of Love 224 

Cabot, Richard C. Social Work 580 

Cambridge History of American Literature, The: Vol. II 428 

Canby, Henry Seidel. Our House 578 

Cannan, Gilbert. Everybody's Husband ' 576 

Chambers, Robert W. In Secret 666 

Chapin, Maud. Rushlight Stories 262 

Chapman, Charles E. A History of Spain 152 

Cheney, Sheldon. The Open- Air Theatre 313 

Ch6radame, Andre. The Essentials of an Enduring Victory 303 

Chesterton, Cecil. A History of the United States 580 

Christian, Bertram, Lisle March-Phillips and, editors. 

Some Hawarden Letters: 1878-1913 87 

Cicero. E. O. Winstedt, translator. Letters to Atticus.... 438 
Clemens, Samuel L. (" Mark Twain "). The Curious Re- 
public of Gondour 668 

Clemens, Samuel L. (" Mark Twain "). Letters, Albert 

Bigelow Paine, editor 134 

Cleveland, Frederick A., and Joseph Schaefer. Democracy 

in Reconstruction 524 

Coates, Archie Austin. City Tides 154 

Cobb, Irvin S. Eating in Two or Throe Languages 326 

Cobb, Irvin S. The Life of the Party 668 

Colcord, Joanna C. Broken Homes 670 

Colson, Ethel M. How to Read Poetry 574 

Comfort, Will Levington. The Yellow Lord 666 

Comstock, Sarah. The Valley of Vision A ... 474 

Connor, Ralph. The Sky Pilot in No Man's Land 370 

Conrad, Joseph. Almayer's Folly. The Arrow of Gold. 

The End of the Tether. Heart of Darkness. Karain. 

Lord Tim. The Nigger of the Narcissus. Romance. 

Typhoon. Under Western Eyes. Victory. Youth. 638 

Conrad, Joseph. Chance 417, 638 

Cooper, Clayton Sedgwick. Understanding South America 256 

Cooper, James Fenimore, Jr. Afterglow 372 

Corn from Olde Fieldes". 582 

Coster, Charles de. See de Coster. 

Couch, Sir Arthur Quiller-. See Quiller-Couch. 

Couperus, Louis. Alexander Teixeira de Mattos, translator. 

Dr. Adriaan. -The Later Life. Old People and Things 

That Pass. Small Souls. Twilight of Souls 184 

Cournos, John, translator. The Created Legend. The Old 

House. By Feodar Sologub 643 

Cournos, John, and Richard Aldington, translators. The 

Little Demon, by Feodar Sologub 643 

Courtney, W. L. Old Saws and Modern Instances 524 

Cox Kenyon. Concerning Painting 460 

Crapsey, Adelaide. A Study of English Metrics 571 

Crees, J. .H. E. George Meredith: A Study of His Works 

and Personality 258 

Cronyn, George W., editor. The Path on the Rainbow 240, 569 

Crosby, Oscar T. International War 620 

Cross, Wilbur L. The History of Henry Fielding 407 

D'Annunzio, Gabriele. The Flame of Life 662 

Davies, Mary Carolyn. The Drums in Our Street 573 

Davies, Mary Carolyn. The Slave with Two Faces 368 

Davignon, Henri. The Two Crossings of Madge Swalue. . 666 

Dearmer, Geoffrey. Poems ; 572 

de Blacam, Aodh. Towards the Republic 670 

Debussy, Claude. L'Apresmidi d'un Faune. Le Plus Oue 

Lent. Pell6as et M61isande 138 

de Coster, Charles. Geoffrey Whitworth, translator. The 

Legend of the Glorious Adventures of Tyl Ulenspiegel. 181 
Delafield, E. M. The Pelicans. The War Workers. Zella 

Sees Herself . 238 



de Mattos, Alexander Teixeira, translator. The Burgo- 
master of Stillemonde, by Maurice Maeterlinck 312 

de Mattos, Alexander Teixeira, translator. Dr. Adriaan. 
The Later Life. Old People and Things That Pass. 
Small Souls. Twilight of Souls. By Louis Couperus. 184 
de Maupassant, Guy. Mrs. John Galsworthy, translator. 

Yvette 660 

Densmore, Frances. Teton Sioux Music. 518 

de Paeuw, Leon. The Baronne Moncheur and Elizabeth 
Kemper Barrott, translators. The Vocational Re-Edu- 
cation of Maimed Soldiers 424 

Desmond, Shaw. Democracy ....'.... 620 

Deutsch, Babettc. Banners. ..'.... 524 

de Vigriy, Alfred. Frances Wilson Huard, translator. Mil- 
itary Servitude and Grandeur 614 

Dillon, Mary. The American 526 

Dixon, Thomas. The Way of a Man 312 

Doren, Carl Van. See Van Doren. 

Dostoevsky, Feodor. The Brothers Karamazov. The Idiot. 

The Possessed 643 

Doubleday, James Stewart. Songs and Sea Voices 158 

Dransficld, Jane. The Lost Pleiad 478 

Drown, Edward S. God's Responsibility for the War 206 

Duhamel, Georges. Civilization 472 

Duhamel, Georges. The New Book of Martyrs 668 

Dunbar, Ruth. The Swallow 622 

Dunsany, Lord. Nowadays 578 

Dyke, Henry. Van. See Van Dyke. 

Eastman, Max. Colors of Life 146, 202 

Eaton, Walter Prichard. Echoes and Realities..' 210 

Cgan, Eleanor Franklin. The War in the Cradle of the 

World 256 " 

Emerson, Edward Waldo. The Early Years of the Satur- 
day Club 472 

Emperle, A. Mircea, translator. The Lucky Mill, by loan 

Slavici 578 

Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics: Vol. X . . ." 436 

English Poets, The, Vol. V: Browning to Rupert Brooke.. 430 
Erskine, John, William Peterfield Trent, Stuart P. Sherman, 
Carl Van Doren, editors. The Cambridge History of 

American Literature : Vol. II 428 

Erzberger, Mathias. The League of Nations 578 

Evans. Caradoc. Capel Sion. My People 154 

Fabre, J. Henri. The Sacred Beetle, and Others 96 

Fairclough, H. Rushton, translator. Virgil's Aeneid, and 

the Minor Poems 438 

Faris, John T. The Romance of Old Philadelphia 47 

Farmer, Jean. Cesar Napoleon Gaillard 658 

Faulkner, J. A. Wesley as Sociologist, Theologian and 

Churchman 54 

Ferrero, Guglielmo. Problems of Peace 524 

Fielding, Henry. James T. Hillhouse, editor. The Tragedy 

of Tragedies 426 

Finley, John. A Pilgrim in Palestine 526 

Fisher, Fred B. India's Silent Revolution 578 

Fisherman's Verse 582 

Fletcher, John Gould. The Tree of Life 189 

Flint, George Elliott. The Whole Truth About Alcohol.. 657 

Foley, James W. Friendly Rhymes 54 

Follett, Wilson. The Modern Novel , 193 

Forbes, Nevill, Raymond Beazley, and G. A. Birkett. 

Russia From the Varangians to the Bolsheviks 517 

Fox, Marion. The Mystery ' Keepers 666 

Foxcroft, Frank, editor. War Verse 50 

Fraina, Louis. Revolutionary Socialism 494 

France, Anatole. Abbe Coignarcl. Histoire Comique. La 
Lys Rouge. Les Dieux Out Soif. The Man Who 
Married a Dumb Wife. Revolte des Anges. Thais.. 126 

France, Anatole. The Amethyst Ring 650 

Frank, Glenn, and Lothrop Stoddard. Stakes of the War. . 208 

Frankau, Gilbert. The Other Side 154 

Freeman, Mary E. Wilkins. Edgewater People 316' 

Fribourg, Andr. The Flaming Crucible 98 

Friedman, Elisha M., editor. American Problems of Re- 
construction 258 

Froehlich, Hugo B., and Bonnie E. Snow. The Theory and 

Practice of Color 436 

Frothingham, Robert, editor. Songs of Men 582 

Fuessle, Newton A. The Flail 424 

Fuessle, Newton A. Flesh and Phantasy 660 

Gale. Zona. Birth 203 

Gallatin, A. E. Portraits of Whistler : A Critical Study and 

an Iconography 370 

Galsworthy, John. Another Sheaf 253 

Galsworthy, John. Saint's Progress 666 

Galsworthy, Mrs. John, translator. Vvctte, by Guy de 

Maupassant , . 660 

George, W. L. Blind Alley 658 

Gibbon, Thomas E. Mexico Under Carranza 524 

Gibbons, Floyd. And They Thought We Wouldn't Fight.. 33 
Gilchrist, Ann. Thomas B. Harned, editor. Letters to 

Walt Whitman 15 

Gleason, Arthur, and Paul U. Kellogg. British Labor and 

the War : 580 

Glenn, Gerrard. The Army and the Law 461 

Glyn, Elinor. Family 657 

Goldberg, Isaac, translator. Luna Benamor, by Vicente 

Blasco Ibanez 620 

Good Old Stories for Boys and Girls .' 664 

Gordon, Armistead C. Jefferson Pavis 243 

Gordon, George Byron. In the Alaskan Wilderness 618 

Gordon, Leon. The Gentleman Ranker, and Other Plays. 478 

Gordon, Mrs. Will. Roumania : Yesterday and Today 48 

Gosse, Edmund, and C. B. and Thomas James Wise, editors. 

The Letters of Algernon Charles Swinburne 612 

Gourko, Basil. War and Revolution in Russia 612 

Graham, Stephen, translator. The Sweet Scented Name, 

by Feodar Sologub 643 

Grandgent, Charles Hall. The Power of Dante 472 

Great European Treaties of the Nineteenth Century 438 

Great Modern English Short Stories, The 666 

Gregory, Lady. Kiltartan Poetry Book 358 

Grenfell, Wilfred T. Labrador Days .... 668 

Gretton, R. H. The English Middle Class 48 

.Haigh, Richmond. An Ethiopian Saga 657 

Haines, Henry S. Efficient Railway Operation 620 

Hale, Susan. Caroline P. Atkinson, editor. Letters 314 

Hall, Florence Howe. Memories Grave and Gay 314 

Hall, Leland. Sinister House 314 

Hamilton, Clayton. A Manual of the Art of Fiction 193 

Handbook of Travel '50 

Hare, Maude Cuney, editor. The Message of the" Trees.. 582 
.Harned, Thomas B., editor. The Letters of Ann Gilchrist 

to Walt Whitman 15 

Harraden, Beatrice! Where Your .Heart Is 212 

Harris, Joel Chandler. Uncle Remus Returns. Letters.... 491 
Harris, Julia Collier. The Life and Letters of Joel Chand- 
ler Harris. . 491 

Harrison, Joseph LeRoy, and Williams Haynes, editors. 

Fisherman's Verse 582 

Harry, Myriam. The Little Daughter of Jerusalem 666. 

.Hart, Walter Morris. Kipling the Story Writer 204 

Harvard Travelers Club. Handbook of Travel 50 

Hastings, James, editor. Encyclopedia of Religion and 

Ethics : Vol. X 436 

Hawley, Walter A. Asia Minor 313 

" Hay, Ian." See Beith, Ian Hay. 

Haynes, Williams, and Joseph LeRoy Harrison, editors. 

Fisherman's Verse ' 582 

Hellman, George S., editor. Letters of Washington Irving 

to Henry Brevoort. Letters of .Henry Brevoort to 

Washington Irving 436 

Helps, E. A., editor. Correspondence of Sir Arthur Helps 87 
Hennessy, Mrs. Pope-. See Pope-Hennessy. 
Hergesheimer, Joseph. Gold and Iron. Java Head.-r-The 

Lay Anthony. Mountain Blood. The Three Black 

Pennys 449 

Hewlett, Maurice. The Village Wife's Lament 260 

Hill, Grace Livingston, and Evangeline Booth. The War 

Romance of the Salvation Army 620 

Hillhouse, James T., editor. The Tragedy of Tragedies, by 

1 Henry Fielding 426 

Hobbs, William Herbert. The World War and Its Con- 
sequences 406 

Hobson, J. A. Richard Cobden, The International Man... 399 
Holliday, Robert Cortes, editor. Joyce Kilmer : Poems, 

Essays, and Letters 573 

Holmes, Roy J., and A. Starbuck, editors. War Stories... 666 

Hooker, Katharine. Byways in Southern Tuscany 318 

Hopkins, Gerard Manley. Robert Bridges, editor. Poems. 572 

Housman, Laurence. The Heart of Peace 522 

How, Louis. Nursery Rhymes of New York City 576 

Howard, Kathleen. Confessions of an Opera Singer 98 

Huard, Frances Wilson, translator. Military Servitude apd 

Grandeur, by Alfred de Vigny ' 614 

Hughes, Rupert. The Cup of Fury 578 

" Ian Hay." See Beith, Ian Hay. 

Ibafiez, Blasco. Isaac Goldberg, translator. Luna 

Benamor 620 

Irving, Washington. George S. Hellman, editor. Letters 

to Henry Brevoort 436 

Isham, Frederic S. Three Live Ghosts 260 

Jacob, Gary F. The Foundations and Nature of Verse.... 98 
James, Henry. Gabrielle de Bergerac 47 




James, Henry. The Sacred Fount 450 

James, Henry. Travelling Companions 524 

Jenks, Edward. The Government of the British Empire.. 284 

Jenks, Edward. The State and the Nation 668 

Johnson, William. The Apartment Next Door 326 

Johnson, Sir Harry. The Gay-Dombeys. . . 641 

Jones, Howard Mumford. Gargoyles 210 

Jones, W. H. S., translator. Description of Greece, by 

Pausanias 438 

Jordan, Kate. Against the Winds 662 

Jourdain, Phillip E. B. The Philosophy of Mr. B*rtr*nd 

R*ss*ll 670 

Kauffman, Reginald Wright. Victorious 526 

" Kay, D. L." Glamour of Dublin -258 

Kellogg, Paul U., and Arthur Gleason. British Labor and 

the War 580 

Kellogg, Walter Guest. The Conscientious Objector 614 

Kelly, Eleanor Marcein. Why Joan? 664 

Kemp, Harry. The Passing God 576 

Kendall, Ralph S. Benton of the Royal Mounted 154 

Kerensky, A. F. The Prelude to Bolshevism 578 

Kerr, Alexander, translator. The Republic of Plato... 423, 478 

Kilmer, Aline. Candles that Burn 574 

Kilmer, Joyce. Robert Cortes Holliday, editor. Poems, 

Essays, and Letters 573 

King, Basil. The City of Comrades 526 

Kipling, Rudyard. The Years Between 571 

Krapp, George Philip. Pronunciati6n of Standard English 

in America .' 436 

Kreymborg, Alfred. Plays for Poem-Mimes 29 

Kummer, Frederic Arnold. The Web. 253 

Lake, Harold. Campaigning in the Balkans 210 

Latzko, Andreas. Men in War. 326 

Lavell, Cecil Fairfield. Reconstruction and National Life.. 620 
Leake, Albert H. The Vocational Education of Girls and 

Women 424 

Ledoux, Louis V. The Poetry of George Edward Wood- 
berry 203 

Leith, W. Compton. Domus Doloris 476 

Lemont, Jessie, translator. Poems, by Rainer Maria Rilke 559 

Leonard, Irene, editor. The Poetry of Peace..- 582 

Leonard, William Ellery, translator. Of the Nature of 

Things, by Lucretius 415 

Le Roy, Eugene. Jacquou the Rebel 520 

Leverhulme, Lord. Tie Six-Hour Day . 580 

Levine, Louis. The Taxation of Mines in Montana 251 

Lewisohn, Ludwig. The Poets of Modern France 46 

Lippincott, Horace Mather. The University of Pennsylvania 670 

Lippincott, Isaac. Problems of Reconstruction 524 

Loeb, Jacques. Forced Movements : Tropism and Animal 

Conduct 428 

Long, Robert Crozier. Russian Revolution Aspects 301 

Longstreth, T. Morris. The Catskills 152 

Love of an Unknown Soldier, The 141 

Low, Benjamin R. C. The Pursuit of Happiness 576 

Lowes, John Livingston. Convention and Revolt in Poetry 544 

Lucas, E. V. A Wanderer in London 54 

Lucretius, William Ellery Leonard, translator. Of the 

Nature of Things 415 

MacCathmhaoil, Seosamh. The Mountainy Singer 576 

Macfarlane, John Muirhead. The Causes and Course of 

Organic Evolution 48 

MacKaye, James. Americanized Socialism 494 

Mackinder, H. J. Democratic Ideals and Reality 620 

MacMillan, Donald B. Four Years in the White North.. 96 
MacNamara, Brinsley. The Valley of Squinting Windows 620 
Maeterlinck, Maurice. Alexander Teixeira de Mattos, 

translator. The Burgomaster of Stillemonde 312 

Mann, Thomas. Buddenbrooks . . , 184 

March-Phillipps, Lisle, and Bertram Christian, editors. 

Some .Hawarden Letters : 1878-1913 87 

" Mark Twain." See Clemens, Samuel L. 

Marquis, Don. Prefaces 668 

Marshall, Archibald. The Clintons, and Others 578 

Marvin, F. S. The Century of Hope 578 

Masefield, John. Daffodil Fields. Dauber. The Everlast- 
ing Mercy. Good Friday. Philip the King. Poems 

and Plays. Salt- Water Ballads 119 

Mason, Daniel Gregory. Contemporary Composers 241 

Mathiews, Franklin K., editor. The Boy Scouts' Book of 

Stories 664 

Mattos, Alexander Teixeira de. See de Mattos. 
Maupassant, Guy de. See de Maupassant. 

Maxwell, W. B. The Mirror and the Lamp 313 

McKenna, Stephen. Midas and Son. Sonia 662 

McLaughlin, Dr. Andrew. America and Britain 298 

Menge, Edward J. Backgrounds for Social Workers 205 


Mercier, Charles. Crime and Criminals 580 

Merrick, Leonard. The Actor Manager. Conrad in Quest 

of His Youth. Cynthia 666 

Merrill, Wainwright. A College Man in Khaki 140 

Merrill, William Pierson. Christian Internationalism 478 

Message of the Trees, The 582 

Michaud, Regis. Mystiques et Realistes Anglo-Saxons. . . . 436 
Millard, Thomas F. Democracy and the Eastern Question 578 

Mitchell, George Winter. Anthropology Up-to-Date 206 

Moncheur, The Baronne, and Elizabeth Kemper Barrott, 
translators. The Physical Re-Education of Maimed 

Soldiers, by Leon de Paeuw 424 

Moore, James T. American Business in World Markets. . 620 

Moore, Wiliam H. The Clash 578 

Morley, Christopher. The Rocking Horse. Shandygaff. . . 478 

Morrow, Dwight W. The Society of Free States 524 

Morse, Edwin W. The Vanguard of American Volunteers. 50 

Muirhead, Findlay. London and Its Environs 326 

Mundy, Talbot. Hira Singh 47 

Munro, H. H. The Toys of Peace 524 

Munro, Wilfrid Harold. Tales of an Old Sea Port 372 

Munro, William Bennett. Crusaders of New France 508 

Muzzey, David Saville. Thomas Jefferson 243 

Mygatt, Tracy D. Good Friday 668 

Neilson, William Allan. The Essentials of Poetry 547 

New Municipal Program 620 

New Paths 668 

Newbolt, Sir .Henry. A New Study of English Poetry 546 

Nicholson, Meredith. Lady Larkspur 622 

Nicolai, G. F. The Biology of War 84 

Nordhoff, Charles Bernard. The Fledgling T. 668 

Norton, S. V. The Motor Truck As an Aid to Business 

Profits 214 

Noyes, Alfred. The New Morning 524 

Oakes, Sir Augustus, and Sir H. Erie Richards, editors. 

Great European Treaties of the Nineteenth Century... 438 
O'Brien, Edward J., editor. The Great Modern English 

Stories 666 

O'Brien, Seumas. Blind 368 

O'Byrne, Dermot. A Ballad of Dublin. Children of the 

Hills. Wrack 353 

O'Neill, Eugene. The Moon of the Caribbees 524 

Oppenheim, E. Phillips. The Curious Quest 372 

Ormerod, Frank. Wool 670 

Osborn, Henry Fairfield. Men of the Old Stone Age 150 

Oxford History of India, The 668 

Paeuw, Leon de. See de Paeuw. 

Paine, Albert Bigelow. The Letters of Mark Twain 134 

Palgrave, Sir Francis. The History of Normandy and of 

England 668 

Palmer, Frederick. America in France 33 

Palmer, George Herbert. Formative Types in English 

Poetry 2 53 

" Pan." See Preston, Keith. 

Parker, Cora Stratton. An American Idyll 668 

Parker, Gilbert. Wild Youth and Another 253 

Path on the Rainbow, The 240, 569 

Paton, W. A., and R. A. Stevenson. Principles in Ac- 
counting 150 

Patton, Julia. The English Village '.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'. 518 

Pausanias. W. H. S. Jones, translator. Description of 

Greece >. . . 438 

Payne, John, translator. Poems of Francois Villon 158 

Pearson, Sir Arthur. Victory Over Blindness 670 

Pennypacker, Samuel W. The Autobiography of a Penn- 

sylvanian 36 

Perrin, Bernadotte, translator. Plutarch's Lives '. . . . 438 

Perry, Bliss. The American Spirit in Literature 306 

Perry, Ralph Barton. The Present Conflict of Ideals. 616 

Pertwee, Roland. Our Wonderful Selves 666 

Petrie, M. D., and James Walker. State Morality and 

the League of Nations 670 

Pezet, A. Washington. Aristokia . 575 

Phelps, William Lyon. Reading the Bible '.'. 620 

Phillips, Lisle March-. See March-Phillips. 

Phillpotts, Eden. The Spinners 316 

Pinski, David. Temptations ." . . '.'.','.'.'. 660 

Plato. Alexander Kerr, translator. The Republic .423, 478 

Plutarch. Bernadotte Perrin, translator. Lives 438 

Poetry of Peace, The 532 

Poets of the Future, The 432 

Pollard, Alfred W. A History of the Decoration and Illus- 
tration of Books in the 15th and 16th Centuries 374 

Pope-HennesSy, Mrs. Madame Roland. A Study in Revolu- 
tion 148 

Porter, Eleanor. Dawn . 622 

Porter, Laura Spencer. Adventures in Indigence . 49 


Preston, Keith. Types of Pan 576 Some Hawarden Letters 87 

Price, M. Philips. War and Revolution in Asiatic Russia. 254 Songs of Men 582 

Puccini, Giacomo. Anima Allegri. Edgar. The Girl of Spargo, John. Bolshevism 612 

the Golden West Gianni Schicchi. I Due Zocco- Starbuck, A., and Roy J. Holmes, editors. War Stories.. 666 

letti. II Tabarro. La Boheme. La Rondine. Ma- Starr, Frederick. Korean Buddhism 49 

dame Butterfly. Manon Lescaut. Suor Angelica. Starrett, Vincent. Arthur Machen 374 

Tosca : 25 Stebbing, E. P. From Czar to Bolshevik 522 

Quiller-Couch, Sir Arthur. Studies in Literature 282 Stevenson. R. A., and W. A. Paton. Principles in Ac- 
Rand, E. K., and H. E. Stewart, translators. The Theolog- counting 150 

ical Tractates of Boethius 438 Stewart, H. E., and E. K. Rand, translators. The Theolog- 

Ransom, John Crowe. Poems About God 562 ical Tractates of Boethius 438 

Reconstruction Bibliography 374 Stoddard, Lothrop, and Glenn Frank. Stakes of the War. . 208 

Reed, John. Ten Days That Shook the World 301 Stoddard, William Leavitt. The Shop Committee: A Hand- 
Reid, Forest. The Bracknels. At the Door of the Gate. book for Employer and Employee 580 

Following Darkness. A Garden by the Sea 358 Stone, Wiliam Macey. The Divine and Moral Songs of 

Reischauer, August Karl. Studies in Japanese Buddhism. . 49 Isaac Watts 374 

Religion and the War : A Series of Essays on the War and Strange, Michael. Poems 572 

Reconstruction 254 Sturm, F. P., translator. Baudelaire's Poems .and Prose 

Rhodes, Clara L., and Jean Broadhurst, editors. Verse for Poems 576 

Patriots 582 Sudermann, Hermann. lolanthe's Wedding 517 

Richards, Sir .H. Erie, and Sir Augustus Oakes, editors. Sudermann, Hermann. The Silent Mill 578 

Great European Treaties of the Nineteenth Century... 438 Summey, George, Jr., Modern Punctuation 436 

Rickard, Mrs. Victor. The Fire of Green Boughs.., 622 Sweetser, Arthur. The American Air Service 578 

Rickenbacker, Captain Edward V. Fighting the Flying Swinburne, Algernon Charles. Edmund Gosse, and C. B. 

Circus 578 and Thomas James Wise, editors. Letters 612 

Rideout, Henry Milner. Tin Cowrie Dass 203 Swinnerton, Frank. Shops and Houses .- 517 

Ridge, Lola. The Ghetto, and Other Poems 83 Symons, Arthur. Cities and Sea Coasts and Islands 296 

Rilke, Rainer Maria. Jessie Lemont, translator. Poems.. 559 Tagore, Sir Rabindranath. The Home and the World.... 620 

Rinehart, Mary Roberts. Love Stories 657 Tarkington, Booth. The Magnificent Ambersons 86 

Robbins, Tod. Red of Surley 662 Terhune, Albert Payson. Lad : A Dog 657 

Roberts, Charles G. D. Jim, The Story of a Backwoods Thompson, Laura A., compiler. Reconstruction Bibliog- 

Police Dog 659 raphy < 374 

Robertson, William Spence. Rise of the Spanish-American Thorp, C. Hamilton. A Handful of Ausseys 622 

Republics 368 Towne, Charles Hanson. Shaking Hands with England.. 298 

Rogers, Jason. Newspaper Building 148 Tree, Iris. Poems . . .' 668 

" Romer Wilson." See " Wilson, Romer." Trent, William Peterfield, John Erskine, Stuart P. Sherman, 
Rostand, Edmond. L'Aiglon. Chantecler. Cyrano de Ber- Carl Van Doren, editors. The Cambridge History of 

gerac. Les Musardises. La Princesse Lointaine. Les American Literature: Vol. II 4 428 

Romanesques. - La Samaritaine 179 Tudor, Marie. The Winged Spirit 210 

Roupnel, Gaston. Nono : Love and the Soil 520 Turner, George Kibbe. Red Friday 666 

Roy, Jean. Fields of the Fatherless 616 Turrell, Charles Alfred. Contemporary Spanish Dramatists 576 

Russell, Bertrand. Introduction to Mathematical Philos- " Twain, Mark." See Clemens, Samuel L. 

ophy 670 Untermeyer, Jean Starr. Growing Pains 560 

Russell, Bertrand. Proposed Roads to Freedom: Socialism, Vachell, Horace Annesley. Some Happenings 100 

Anarchism, and Syndicalism 355, 611 Vand<5rem, Fernand. Two Banks of the Seine 622 

Russell, George W. ("A. E."). The Candle of Vision. 31, 374 Van Doren, Carl, William Peterfield Trent, John Erskine, 
Russell, George W. ("A. E."). The Earth Breath. Stuart P. Sherman, editors. The Cambridge History 

Homeward. Imaginations and Reveries 31- of American Literature: Vol. II 428 

Sadler, M. H., and C. W. Beaumont, editors. New Paths. 668 Van Dyke, Henry. The Valley of Vision 474 

Sartorio, Enrico C. Social and Religious Life of Italians Van Vechten, Carl. Music and Bad Manners. The Music 

in America 539 of Spain. The Merry-Go-Round 262 

Schaefer, Joseph, and Frederick A. Cleveland. Democ- Veblen, Thorstein. The Modern Point of View and the 

racy in Reconstruction 524 New Order 252 

Schevill, Rudolph. Cervantes 576 Vechten, Carl Van. See Van Vechten. 

Schleiter, Frederick. Religion and Culture 670 Verse for Patriots 582 

Schlesinger, Arthur Meier. Colonial Merchants and the Victory! 582 

American Revolution 205 Vigny, Alfred de. See de Vigny. 

Schnittkind, Henry T., editor. The Poets of the Future... 432 Villon, Frangois. John Payne, translator. Poems 158 

Schoenrich, Otto. Santo Domingo 368 Virgil. H. Rushton Fairclough, translator. The Aeneid, 

Scott, Lady Sybil, editor. A Book of the Sea 582 ' and the Minor Poems 438 

Shanks, Lewis Piaget. Anatole France 620 Vorse, Mary Heaton. I've Come to Stay 526 

Shelton, William Henry. The Salmagundi Club -. . . 472 Waley, Arthur, translator. A Hundred and Seventy 

Sherman, Stuart P., John Erskine, William Peterfield Trent, Chinese Poems 576 

Carl Van Doren, editors. The Cambridge History of Walker, James, and M. D. Petrie. State Morality and the 

American Literature: Vol. II 428 League of Nations , 670 

Short, Wilfred M., editor. Non-political Writings, Speeches Wallace, Edgar. Tamo' the Scoots 312 

and Addresses of Arthur James Balfour 169 Waller, Mary E. Out of the Silences 100 

Slavici, loan. A. Mircea Emperlfi, translator. The Lucky Walpole, Hugh. The Secret City 658 

.Mill 578 War Stories 666 

Smith, David Nichol. Characters from the Histories and War Verse ." , 50 

Memoirs of the Seventeenth Century 524 Ward, Mary .Humphry. A Writer's Recollections 463 

Smith, Elva S., editor. Good Old Stories for Boys and Ward, Thomas Humphry, editor. The English Poets, 

Girls 664 Vol. V. : Browning to Rupert Brooke 430 

Smith, J. Thome. Out o' Luck 668 Wattles, Willard. Lanterns in Gethsemane 571 

Smith, Vincent. The Oxford History of India 668 Weaving, Willoughby. Heard Melodies 370 

Smyth, Clifford. The Gilded Man 476 Welch, Alden W. Wolves \.. 666 

Snaith, J. C. The Undefeated 526 Wells, H. G. The Undying Fire 576 

Sneath, Hasbey, editor. Religion and the War : A Series Welsh, James G. Songs of a Miner 262 

of Essays on the War and Reconstruction. By Mem- Wharton, Edith. The Marne 46 

bers of the Faculty of the School of Religion, Yale White, Edward Lucas. The Song of the Sirens 660 

University 254 Whitehouse, H. Remsen. The Life of Lamartine 73 

Snow, Bonnie E., and .Hugo B. Froehlich. The Theory and Whitlock, Brand. Belgium 578 

Practice of Color 436 Whittaker, Joseph. Tumblefold 616 

Sologub, Feodar. The Created Legend (translated by John Whittemore, Thomas, translator. Ivan Speaks 507 

Cournos). The Little Demon (translated by John Whitworth, Geoffrey, translator. The Legend of the Glor- 
Cournos and Richard Aldington). The Old House ious Adventures of Tyl Ulenspiegel, by Charles de 

(translated by John Cournos). The Sweet Scented Coster 181 

Name (translated by Stephen Graham) 643 Wile, Frederick William. Explaining the Britishers 298 


Wiley, Harvey W. Beverages and Their Adulteration 657 

Wilkinson, Spenser. Government and the War 474 

Willcocks, M. P. Towards New Horizons 620 

Williams, Ben Ames. All the Brothers Were Valiant 666 

Willoughby, W. F. An Introduction to the Government of 

Modern States 616 

Wilsqn, Harry Leon. Ma Pettengill 520 

'' Wilson, Romer." Martin Schiiler 651 

Wilson, Woodrow. A History of the American People... 436 
Wilson, Woodrow. The State : Elements of Historical and 

Practical Politics 158 

Wilton, Robert. Russia's Agony 301 

Wines, Frederick .Howard. Punishment and Reformation . . 620 
Winstedt, E. O., translator. Cicero's Letters to Atticus... 438 

Winter, William. The L t ife of David Belasco 254 

Wise, Thomas James and C. B., and Edmund Gosse, editors. 

The Letters of Algernon Charles Swinburne 612 

Wolcott, Laura. A Gray Dream 517 

Wood, Charles W. The Great Change 208 

Wood, Clement. The Earth Turns South 524 

Woodruff, Clinton Rogers, editor. A New Municipal Pro- 
gram 620 

Worster, W. J. Alexander, and C. Archer, translators. 

The Gre'at Hunger, by johan Bojer 299 

Wright, H. G. The Life arid Works of Arthur Hall of 

Grantham ' 668 

Wright, Jack. A Poet of the Air 140 

Wrong, George M. The Conquest of New France 508 

Yale University, Members of the Faculty of the School of 
Religion. Religion and the War : A Series of Essays 

on the War and Reconstruction 254 

Yeats, John Butler. Essays Irish and American 374 


America Has Won the War, but Has Lost the Peace.... 511 

America, The Reasons for the Defeat of 511 

American Federation of Labor, The, and the Future of the 

State 608 

American Federation of Labor, The Annual Convention of 

the 654 

Archangel Expedition, The Military Futility of the 199 

Armenian and Syrian Relief 91 

Armistice, The, and the Fourteen Points 466 

Atrocities Committed by Soldiers Against Their Fellow 

Citizens 567 

Bolsheviki, The President Wilson's Choice of Representa- 
tives to M^et Them 199 

Bolshevism Is a Menace to the Vested Interests 360 

Bourne, Randolph 41 

British Elections, The Results of the 40 

China and the Need for a League of Nations 144 

Community Houses as War Memorials 40 

Conscientious Objectors Tempted to Deny Their Con- 
sciences 311 

Covenant, The, Purchased by the Abandonment of the 

Fourteen Points 512 

Demobilization of Hate, The 143 

Deportation of Political Refugees, The , 249 

Deportees, A Monstrous Injustice Against Released 567 

Du Maurier, Mr. Gerald, THE DIAL Apologizes to..' 199 

Education, The Democratic Control of 418 

Espionage Act, Injustice Under the 311 

Espionage Act, The, and Self-Contempt of Court 251 

Espionage Act, The Repeal of the 199 

Espionage Habit, The '. 145 

Fiction Why Does America Produce so Little of Good 

Quality? 655 

Fourteen Points, The Mr. Wilson Either Meant Them 

Honestly or He Did Not 513 

French Foreign Policy, Contemporary, The Background of 197 

German Repentance Is Not to Be Expected '. . 309 

Glassberg, Benjamin His Dismissal from the New York 

Public Schools 609 

Glassberg, Benjamin His Suspension by the School Board 

of New York 250 

History Versus Science in Politics 469 

King Anti-Radical Bill, The 655 

Kolchak, The Recognition of, Is a Final Challenge to 

Liberals , 654 

League of Nations, The, and Reconciliation with Germany 309 

League of Nations, The, and State Sovereignty 144 

League of Nations, The Chief Use of a 566 

League of Nations, The Its Priority in the Peace Con- 
ference . 90 

Levine, Louis ^His Suspension by the University of 

Montana 251 

Literature, Democratic Changes in the Ideals and Prac- 
tices of 

Lynching, A National Conference on 

Lynching as an Expression of Patriotic Sentiment 

Military Training and Armament Are Two of the Most 

. Immediate Causes of War 420 

New School for Social Research, The Program of the 90 

Overman Committee, The, as a Smoke-Screen for Our 

Blunders in Russia " 

Paderewski Faction, The, an Invisible Government 

Panem et Circenses : The Breadline and the Movies 

Peace Conference, The, and Labor 

Peace Conference, The Its Proceedings Weaken Confidence 

in Our Good Faith 467 

Peace, The Great Its Terms Were Drawn to Secure Two 

Objects 565 

Peace, Perpetual, Immanuel Kant on 469 

Peace, The Responsibility for a Predatory 362 

Peace Treaty, The, Will Be the First Test of Our Sincerity 251 
Poetry Why Should Nearly Everybody Indulge a Convic- 
tion That He Can Write It? 567 

Political Prisoners The Humiliating Contrast Between 

Their Treatment in Europe and in America 198 

Political Prisoners, The Release of 91 

Prefaces to Textbooks 420 

Prices, The, of Books Reviewed Now Omitted 567 

Prohibition and the Arts 197 

Russian Intervention .How Much Longer Will the Amer- 
ican Public Endure It ? 89 

Russian Revolution, The, Is of the Classic Type 250 

Russia On What Terms Will She Be Permitted to Enter 

the League ? 38 

Russia, The Attitude of THE DIAL in Regard to 41 

" Sabotage " 363 

Sabotage, Congressional 363 

Social Unrest Certain Champions of Strong-Arm Methods 

in Its Treatment 311 

Treaties with Germany and Austria, The 607 

Treaty with Austria, The, Approaches the Brest- Litovsk 

Model * ... 607 

Treaty with Germany, The, Should Be Summarily Rejected 365 
University, The, Promises to Be the Last Citadel of Sex 

Privilege 421 

Victory Loan, The, Should Exhibit a New Spirit 420 

Violence, The Ritual of 468 

Whitman, Walt, As Prophet 566 

Wilson, President His Recent Speeches in Paris 607 


Barbusse's View of President Wilson 92 

Last Paradox, The 200 

Long Live the German Republic ! 200 

New Statesman on the Soviets, The 43 

Open Diplomacy in Russia 42 

Peace or War? 93 

Questions 93 

Soviets, The, and the Schools 422 




Allied Rubles George J. Kwasha 43 

Automatic vs. Autocratic James G. Stevens 146 

Banishment or Death E. C. Ross 202 

Blood of the Martyrs, The , . .Annie Wetmore Haseltinc 93 

Brutes in Uniform William J. Robinson 570 

Change of Name, A. . . Lillian A. Turner 423 

Concerning the Defense of Soviet Government C. Oberoutcheff 514 

Dignity of Labor, The Willis A ndrews 44 

Freedom of the Seas Louis H. Mischkind 45 

German Indemnity, The A. B. Bigler 471 

How to Dispose of Intellectuals A. L. Bigler 365 

Humanity in the University " Cornell '05 " 45 

Inter Arma Silet Labor Joel Henry Greene 6 1 1 

Lance for Max Eastman, A Arturo Giovannitti 146 

Military Training as Education John J. McSwain 470 

Mr. Untermeyer Raises His Shield Louis Untermeyer 202 

Nationalities or Nations W. D. S 252 

Noble Translation, A : '. M. C. Otto 423 

One Future for American Poetry Maxwell Anderson 568 

O Tempora, O Mores! Walter C. Hunter Ramon P. Coffman 

i Geo. F. Wallace 6 1 o 

' Path on the Rainbow, The " Mary Austin 569 

Poetry in the Laboratory Amelia Dorothy Deffies 146 

" Point of View " H. S. Trecartin 516 

Professor Lomonossoff Replies G. Lomonossoff 515 

Question of Nationalism, The 7. Richmond ; . . . . 656 

Randolph Bourne ' Edward Sapir William S. Knickerbocker 45 

Roads to Freedom Gordon King 611 

School Problem in Russia, The Theresa Bach 570 

Soviet Russia and the American Constitution Arthur C. Cole 201 

Test of Democracy, The Mary Winsor 200 

To the Secretary of War Blanche Watson F. P. Keppel Jean Sounders. 364 

When LVeams Come True M. T. Seymour .V 201 

Withdraw From Russia Julia Ellsworth Ford '. 470 



BOOKS OF THE FORTNIGHT 52, 100, 156, 212, 260, 318, 372, 432, 476, 524, 576, 620, 666 


COMMUNICATIONS 43, 93, 146, 200, 252, 364, 423, 470, 514, 568, 610, 656 

CONTRIBUTORS 54, 102, 158, 214, 262, 326, 374, 438, 478, 526, 582, 622, 656 

CURRENT NEWS 54, 102, 158, 214, 262, 326, 374, 436, 478, 526, 582, 622 


EDITORIALS v 39, 89, 143, 197, 249, 309, 361, 419, 467, 5"t 565, 607, 653 

FOREIGN COMMENT 42, 92, 200, 422 

LONDON LETTERS 37, 195, 244, 417, 465, 563 

NOTES ON NEW BOOKS 46, 96, 148, 203, 253, 312, 366, 424, 472, 517, 571, 612, 658 





se Political Prisoners 




JANUARY 11, 1919 


RANDOLPH BOURNE. Verse James Oppenheim 7 



AN EDUCATED HEART Claude Brag don 14 

A NORMAL MADNESS Katharine Anthony 15 



VII. Live and Let Live. 

THE NEW WORK OF PUCCINI ' S. Foster Damon 25 

A TYPICALLY AMERICAN PERSONALITY . . . William Ellery Leonard 26 




THE AMERICAN SOLDIER . Robert Morss Lovett 33 


FOOTNOTE Robert H. Lowie 35 

LONDON, DECEMBER 9 Edward Shanks 37 

EDITORIALS ....'... 39 

FOREIGN COMMENT : Open Diplomacy in Russia. The New Statesman on the Soviets. 42 

COMMUNICATIONS : Allied Rubles. The Dignity of Labor. Freedom of the Seas. Humanity 43 
<in the University. Randolph Bourne. 

NOTES ON NEW BOOKS: The Marne. Benjamin Franklin Self-Revealed. The Poets of 46 
Modern France. The Romance of Old Philadelphia. Gabrielle de Bergerac. Hira Singh. 
The English Middle Class. Roumania : Yesterday and Today. The Causes and Course 
of Organic Evolution. Adventures in Indigence. John O'May. Studies in Japanese 
Buddhism. Korean Buddhism. The Vanguard of American Volunteers. Handbook of 
Travel. War \> On Our Hill. 

THE DIAL (founded in 1880 by Francis F. Browne) is published every other Saturday by The Dial Publishing 
Company, Inc. Martyn Johnson, President at 152 West Thirteenth Street, New York, N. Y. Entered aj Second- 
Class matter at the Post Office at New York, N. Y., August 3, 1918, under the act of March 3, 1897. Coi-yright, 
1919, by The Dial Publishing Company, Inc. Foreign Postage, 50 cents. 

$3.00 a Year 15 Cents a Copy 

THE DIAL January 1 1 


By the author of The Four Horsemen of the" Apocalypse 

Translated by Mrs. W. A. GILLESPIE, with an Introduction by W. D. HOWELLS. 

A biting analysis of the feelings of a long passive people stirring with the awakening of modern 
ideas against the pressure of a long dominant church and monarchy. Of its author's standing as a novel- 
ist, Mr. Howells says: 

"There is no Frenchman, Englishman or Scandinavian who counts with Ibanez, and, of course, no 
Italian, American, and unspeakably no German." $1.90 


The story covers a wide range of scene and incident moving from a quiet Sussex farm to London 
Victorian London where young men fought wordy battles over Thackeray and Dickens to America's 
Civil War, to a dim forest in Yucatan and back to Sussex. Besides its value as a study of human emo- 
tion it has a significance possibly unintended in that just at this time when genuine understanding is 
needed, it makes clear the way in which England looked at the strife between North and South. 


The Times (London) calls this novel by the author of "Marching on Tanga" a first-rate yarn . . . 
full of the incredible strangeness of Africa and African life. . . . Mr. Brett Young has achieved a fine 
work of imagination and made horror and beauty the servants of his art." $1.75 

AMALIA A Romance of the Argentine. Fr m the Spanish of JOSE MARMOL. 

Translated by MARY J. SERRANO, translator of "The Journal of Marie Bashkirtseff," "Pepita Xime- 
nez," etc. A novel of the exciting period in which the city of Buenos Ayres and half the provinces were 
seething with conspiracy to throw off the tyranny of the Dictator Rosas, of whom W. H. Hudson gave 
so striking a sketch in "Far Away and Long Ago." 


Lectures delivered by the author, Head of the Department of History, Chicago University, at the 
University of London, in the Spring of 1918, on America's Entry into the War, British and American 
Relations, etc., to which he adds a paper read before the Royal Historical Society on "The Background of 
American Federalism." 


"Alpha of the Plough," it is said, has another name under which serious articles are written, weighty 
with responsibility, from which it is a relief now and then to turn and play with any subject that may 
chance to catch an errant fancy. And since they were no part of a task, they seem especially restful, 
little with a quiet humor and in sympathy with the interests of everyday life. 


Incidents in the experience of a "Buzzer" and Dispatch Rider men who supply the "nerves" and 
much of the "Nerve" of a modern army, earning the name of "daredevil" early in the war when cred- 
ited by General French with the salvation of the British forces. 

CHARLOTTE BRONTE A Centenary Memorial 

Edited by BUTLER WOOD. With an Introduction by MRS. HUMPHRY WARD. 

A commemorative volume of the Bronte Society of England, containing papers, addresses, reminis- 
cences, etc., concerning the Brontes. 

Miscellaneous New "Books 

A study of the Educational System in each of six representative countries United States by Dr. 
W. F. RUSSELL, University of Iowa; Germany by I. L. KANDEL, Teachers' College, Columbia Uni- 
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and Canada by the Editor ; Denmark by HAROLD W. FOGHT, U. S. Bureau of Education. 

Ready shortly. 
MODERN RUSSIAN POETRY Selected and translated by P. SELVER. 

A carefully selected anthology of representative Russian poetry of the last quarter-century given 
in the original as well as in a close English verse translation in similar metre. Now ready. $1.25 net 

RUSSIA'S AGONY By ROBERT WILTON, Correspondent of The Times at Petrograd. 

A record of personal experience of Russia gained from living among Russians for nearly half a cen- 
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author and he was able to study at first-hand the manifold aspects of Reaction and Revolution, as each 
in turn was exploited by Germany. In press 

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Important January Publications 

From Putnam's List 


By John McCrae 

In Flanders' fields, the poppies blow 
Between the crosses, row on row, 
That mark our place ; and in the sky 
The larks, still bravely singing, fly 
Scarce heard amid the guns below. 

We are the dead. Short days ago 
We lived, felt dawn, saw sunset glow, 
Loved and were loved ; and now we lie 
In Flanders' fields. 

Take up our quarrel with the foe ! 
To you, from failing hands, we throw 
The torch. Be yours to lift it high ! 
If ye break faith with us who die 
We shall not sleep, though poppies grow 
In Flanders' fields. 

John McCrae was a physician, soldier, 
and poet, and died in France a Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel with the Canadian forces. 

This first collection of his lovely verse 
contains, as well, a striking essay in char- 
acter by his friend, Sir Andrew Macphail. 


By James C. Welsh 

The author of these vigorous poems is 
himself a miner, for twenty-four years 
working in the pits of Lanarkshire. 
Here are deep-toned poems of the soul, 
and robust poems of action. 

The Cambridge History of American Literature 

Editors: William Peterfield Trent, M.A., LL.D.; John 
Erskine, Ph.D.; Stuart Pratt Sherman, Ph.D.; Carl Van 
Doren, Ph.D. 

To be published in 3 volumes. Royal 8. $3.50 per volume. 
Volume I. Colonial and Revolutionary Literature and Early 
National Literature Part I. 
-.r , TT j Early National Literature Part II. 

1 ) Later National Literature Part I. 
Uniform with The Cambridge History of English Literature. 


Travellers and Observers, 1763-1846, Lane Cooper; The Early 
Drama, 1756-1860, Arthur Hobson Quinn; Early Essayists, 
George F. Whicher; Irving, George Haven Putnam; Bryant 
and the Minor Poets, W..E. Leonard; Fiction I: Brown, 
Cooper, Carl Van Doren; Fiction II: Contemporaries of 
Cooper, Carl Van Doren; Transcendentalism, H. C. Goddard; 
Emerson, Paul Elmer More; Thoreau, Archibald MacMechan; 
Hawthorne, John Erskine ; Longfellow, W . P. Trent; Whittier, 
William Morton Payne; Holmes and Light Verse, Brander 
Matthews; Poe, Killis Campbell; Webster, Henry Cabot 
Lodge; Publicists and Orators, 1789-1850, Andrew C. Mc- 
Laughlin; Lowell, A. H. Thorndike ; Prescott, Motley, Ruth 
Putnam; Writers on American History, John S. Bassett; 
Early Humorists, Will D. Howe; Divines, Moralists, and Edu- 
cators, 5. L. Wolff ; Magazines and Annuals, William B. 
Cairns; Newspapers, 1776-1850, Frank W. Scott. 

The Chaos in Europe 

A Consideration of the Political Destruction that has taken 
nlace in Russia and Elsewhere and of the International 
Policies of America. 


Author of "The Balkan Trail" and "The Passing of Morocco" 

Introduction by Charles W. Eliot 

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Release Political Prisoners 

.HERE ARE NOW in prison in this country several 
hundred persons convicted according to law on 
various charges, most of which may be summarized 
as obstructing the United States in the conduct of 
the war. Whether their status is technically to be 
defined as that of political prisoners is a legal ques- 
tion upon which the Department of Justice is under- 
stood to be engaged. In fact they are such. All are 
victims of an interpretation of the 'necessary means 
of securing the welfare and success of the nation in 
war. Some of them, indeed, are suffering as the 
result of a devotion to an interpretation of such 
means differing from that of the majority, but pre- 
sumably no less high-minded and unselfish. 

The war is over. The nation should follow the 
historic example offered even by autocracies in the 
past, and set free those prisoners for whose detention 
a national crisis no longer offers excuse. It should 
act fully, generously, immediately. 

These political prisoners fall into various classes 
according to legal definition, but in the popular mind 
they form two groups the victims of the Selective 
Service Law and of the Espionage Act the first 
being known as conscientious objectors. There is no 
question connected with the subject of democracy at 
war more perplexing than theirs. The attitude of 
the Secretary of War was from the first reasonable 
and sympathetic, and on his initiative there have 
been conspicuous instances of wise dealing with this 
problem. But against these must be set the terrible 
stories of torture and ignominy which emanate from 
Camp Funston and Fort Leavenworth. Reports are 
received of atrocities that defy description, and the 
tardy action of the War Office in forbidding certain 
brutal practices and in dismissing and even holding 
for trial certain officers charged with special cruel- 
ties, shows that these reports are not without founda- 
tion. The Secretary of War is not able to control 
his subordinates; the authority of the President, as 
Commander-in-Chief, has been defied. And it will 
always be defied when conscientious objectors are 
placed at the mercy of military authorities. The 
United States army has boasted of its record in 
banishing the effects of one form of vice from its 

camps: it has deliberately introduced the temptation 
to another and one (by virtue of its example) not 
less dangerous. In the account of the treatment of 
conscientious objectors at Camp Funston it is re- 
corded: "Most of the mistreatment took place out- 
side, with large groups watching this sorry and 
revolting spectacle." Surely nothing could have 
been worse for the morale of a democratic army, an 
army which came from the people and must return 
to it, or for the morale of a people among whom the 
custom of lynching assumes almost the character of 
a national vice. For the sake of our future citizen- 
ship as affected by the return of the soldiers to our 
population the temptation to lawless violence should 
be removed from our military camps and prisons, 
and the example of it repudiated. The Secretary of 
War will probably not be able to secure the punish- 
ment of the officers and men responsible for the 
treatment of conscientious objectors. The most effect- 
ive way of marking the disapproval which all true 
Americans cognizant with the facts must feel at 
their savagery is in the release of the men whom 
they have abused. 

The problem of the individual and the state, 
raised by the demand for military service, will not be 
solved in a military camp or prison. Indeed 
its solution has ceased to be of instant im- 
portance. If the United States has truly won the 
war, this problem need never be solved. At all 
events we protest against further attempt to solve 
it through the sufferings of the present group of 
conscientious objectors. They have given of their 
bodies and souls in this terrible dilemma. Granted 
that they caused an appreciable loss to the energy of 
this country as mobilized for war, they are many 
of them ready and able to render the highest and 
most devoted service in peace. Their withdrawal 
from the life of the community will remain a mark 
of the weakness of our Government, not of its 
strength. As an initial measure of reconstruction 
we'ask for the release of the conscientious objectors. 

The cases of persons convicted under the Espion- 
age Act are various, ranging from that of the college 
boy who was provoked into saying that "he would 


January 1 1 

like to stick a knife into Wilson," to that of Eugene 
Debs and other Socialists who have seriously chal- 
lenged the interpretation placed on the war by 
American patriotic idealism. These cases for the 
most part arise out of limitations placed on freedom 
of speech. Whether such limitations were desirable 
or necessary is not now the question. In any case 
they have done their work. No further gain can 
be anticipated by keeping their violators in prison 
or, in case they are still free on pending appeals, by 
sending them there. 

All of these persons were convicted in circum- 
stances of popular excitement when the public mind 
was concerned with the question of national de- 
fense, and when, further, it may be noted, the in- 
dividuals and interests which depend directly upon 
public opinion the press, the politicians, the officials 
were subject to the temptation to use this popular 
excitement for their own purposes to profiteer in 
patriotism. The question whether those convicted 
had, or could have, a fair trial may therefore be 
raised. It has been charged that representatives of 
the Department of Justice and the Post Office De- 
partment interfered with measures taken in defense 
of the accused, notably in the case of the I. W. W. 
leaders convicted in Chicago last September, pre- 
venting the raising of defense funds, and intimidat- 
ing witnesses. The whole effort of the machinery of 
justice and of public opinion has been to secure con- 
viction and too often the heavy sentence has re- 
vealed the judicial practice of registering patriotism 
in terms of the penal servitude of others. In view 
of the inequalities attending the administration of 
justice in these cases we demand the release of the 

There is another reason for the pardon of these 
political prisoners one of which every American is 
aware and yet of which he must speak with reserve. 
Granted that these men have made difficult the 
conduct of the war, that they have embarrassed the 
Government by diminishing confidence in its plat- 
form, they do not stand alone in their offense. It 
may well be questioned whether all offenders against 
the Espionage Act have done as much to shake the 
foundations of democracy as the advocates and prac- 
ticers of mob law who have pursued them. Granted 
that the I.W.W. leaders have been guilty of 
offenses as charged, it remains to be considered 
whether the net result of their damage to our insti- 
tutions approximates that of the mobs at Bisbee 
and at Tulsa. If the Government found it necessary 
to punish with extreme severity in one case, it should 
have found means to do so in the other. Contrast 
the overzealous pursuit of the I.W.W. leaders by 
the Department of Justice with its tardy and languid 

proceedings against Sheriff Wheeler and the Bisbee 
deporters. The plea that no federal law exists to 
insure a citizen the peaceful possession of his life 
and property must seem to the victim of deportation 
an evasion when he sees the Espionage Act created 
to meet an emergency of another kind. 

As in the case of the conscientious objectors, the 
attitude of the Administration has been a futile 
gesture. President Wilson has called the violators of 
public order traitors to the cause for which we went 
to war. Undoubtedly in the crisis the belligerent 
zeal which found vent in verbal violence on the part 
of those compelled by age or ecclesiastical position 
to abstain from actual fighting constituted a re- 
serve of the will to war too valuable to be dissi- 
pated. Undoubtedly the initiative, strategy, and ex- 
perience involved in the conduct of mob war made 
younger and more secular leaders like Sheriff 
Wheeler of Bisbee ideal army officers, with whose 
services it would have been foolish to ask the Gov- 
ernment to dispense. But the period of war, in 
which such inconsistencies and incongruities were 
difficult to avoid, has passed. In the period of 
reconstruction the affirmation, of the equality of men 
before the law requires amnesty On the one hand to 
balance immunity on the other. 

The United States is entering the Congress of 
Nations with a program of justice and freedom for 
all nationalities and of a better world for all man- 
kind. Already it is clear that its strength in these 
councils is due to the support of democratic masses 
the world over. What better foundation for its 
work can be established than by act of amnesty to 
release those whose imprisonment is a scandal and 
rock of offense to democracy everywhere? Not a 
few of them fell beneath the law as the result of 
their efforts to plead the cause of self-determination 
in behalf of this or that nation whose claims will be 
considered by the world court of Ireland or of 
Russia. What more striking evidence of belief in 
its own cause could our country give than to set 
them free? We look forward to a new world 
dominated by a league of free nations from which 
not even our late enemies shall be excluded. As the 
President has said, such a creation must depend 
fundamentally upon an act of faith in humanity. 
What greater token of faith can we give than by 
granting pardon even to those who have been against 
us in the struggle of nationalities, now happily con- 
cluded ? 

We demand as a matter of essential justice to our 
citizens, of faith in our historic democracy, and of 
loyalty to our own cause of a better world that our 
political prisoners be set free. 




Randolph Bourne 



We wind wreaths of holly 

For Randolph Bourne, 

We hang bitter-sweet for remembrance; 

We make a song of wind in pines. . . 

Wind in pines 

Is winter's song, anthem of death, 

And winter's child 

Is gathered in the green hemlock arms 

And sung to rest. . . 

Sung to rest . . . 

Waif of the storm 

And world-bruised wanderer . . . 

Sung to rest. . . 

Sung to rest in our living hearts, 

We receive him, 

Winding our wreaths of holly 

For Randolph Bourne. 


Winter lasts long 

And Death is our midnight sun 

Rayless and red. . . 

Peoples are dying, and the world 

Crumbles grayly. . . 

Autumn of civilization, 

Gorgeous with fruit, 

Dissolves in storm. . . 

And we, 

Our dead about us, 

Know the great darkening of the sun 

And the frozen months, 

Sounding our hemlock anthem,. 

Hanging our bitter-sweet. . . 

We walk in ruined woods 

And among graves: 

Earth is a burying ground. . . 

Nations ge down, and dreams 

And myths of peoples 

And the forlorn hopes 

Make one burial. . . 

And we 

Came from the darkness, never to see 

A Shakespeare's England, 

A Sophocles' Athens, 

But to live in the world's latter days, 

In the great Age of Death, 

Sons of Doomsday. . . 

He also came, 

And walked this crooked world, 

Its image. 


In him the world's winter, 

Ruined boughs and disheveled cornfields, 

And the hunchback rocks 

Gray on the hills, 

Passed down our streets. . . 

Passed and is gone; and for him and the dying 

Our dirge sounds. . . 


Yet suddenly the wind catches up with glory 
Our anthem, and. peals wild hope, 
Blowing of scattered bugles. . . 

And the wind cries: Look, 

Pierce to the soul of the cripple 

Where, immortal, 

The spirit of youth goes on, 

Which dies never, but shall be 

The green and the garland of the Spring. 

And the wind cries: Down 

To the dissolution of the grave 

The crippled body of the world must go 

And die utterly, 

That the seed may take April's rain 

And bring Earth's blooming back. 


Bitter-sweet, and a northwest wind 

To sing his requiem, 

Who was 

Our Age, 

And who becomes 

An imperishable symbol of our ongoing, 

For in himself 

He rose above his body and came among us 

Prophetic of the race, 

The great hater 

Of the dark human deformity 

Which is our dying world, 

The great lover 

Of the spirit of youth 

Which is our future's seed. . . 

In forced blooming we saw 
Glimpses of awaited Spring. 


And so, lifting our eyes, we hang 
Bitter-sweet for remembrance 
Of Randolph Bourne. 

And winter's child 

Is gathered in the green hemlock arms 

And sung to rest. . . 

Sung to rest in our living hearts; 

We receive the rejected, 

Weaving a wreath of triumph 

For Randolph Bourne. JAMEJJ OppENHEIM . 



January 11 

Repeal the Espionage Law 


IHE PRESIDENT told us yesterday that the moment 
the armistice was signed he took the harness off 
from business, but he did not say anything about 
taking the halter off from free speech. Industry, he 
tells us, is unshackled; but the embargo on ideas 
remains, and we may as well acknowledge that it 
will remain unless the people themselves take what- 
ever steps are necessary to remove it. I venture the 
opinion that for more than a year past there has not 
been a member of this club who has dared to say 
what he or she thought about the most vital policies 
of the Government of this country in those partic- 
ulars most intimately affecting the lives of all the 
people. The President spoke eloquently yesterday 
concerning the wrongs of the unfortunate people of 
Belgium and France, but I did not observe that he 
said anything about the wrongs of our own people. 
When the President arrives in Europe let us hope 
that he will learn that political prisoners have been 
freed over there, and this may perhaps remind him 
of hundreds of his fellow countrymen who are de- 
prived of their liberty here for political offenses. 
He may perhaps even learn that, of all the warring 
countries, this is the only one that treats political 
offenders like common criminals except that it 
treats them more harshly. 

But you have asked me to speak on the Espionage 
Law. I have the law here. Both the Act of June 
15, 1917, and the Amendment of May 16, 1918. 
But its enumeration of the things you cannot say, 
or do, or write is so long that if I took time to read 
the whole law I should not have time to say any- 
thing else. So I am just going to read Section 3 
of Title I, the section under which most, although 
not all, the prosecutions have been conducted and 
the section which, in conjunction with Title XII, is 
relied upon to give the Post Office Department the 
right to censor your mail and suppress radical pub- 

Section 3 of Title I is as follows: 

Whoever, when the United States is at war, shall wil- 
fully make or convey false reports or false statements 
with intent to interfere with the operation or success of 
the military or naval forces of the United States or to 
promote the success of its enemies and whoever, when the 
United States is at war, shall wilfully cause or attempt 
to cause insubordination, disloyalty, mutiny, or refusal of 
duty, in the military or naval forces of the United States, 
or shall wilfully obstruct the recruiting or enlistment 
service of the United States, shall be punished by a fine 
of not more than $10,000 or imprisonment for not more- 
twenty years, or both. 

Now that is rather a harmless sounding law. But 
the way it works is this: some pacifist says he does 
not believe in war; that all war is murder. Im- 
mediately a Federal District Attorney is directed to 
take the case of this malefactor before a grand jury 
and have him indicted. The indictment is returned 
almost as a matter of course upon the demand of the 
law officer of the Government. Then this enemy of 
the people is hailed before the trial jury, and right 
here is where you become aware of how smoothly 
the system works. The mind of the jury has been 
carefully prepared for months in advance, by a con- 
trolled press, to find the defendant guilty. The 
mails have been closed to radical and independent 
publications which might suggest that one had the 
right to opinions even in war time. The vigilante 
committees have terrorized the community from 
which the jury is drawn. The officers of the In- 
telligence Service (so-called) of the Army and Navy 
have raided the homes of citizens, seizing their 
papers and their effects, and even their persons, with- 
out a warrant and without the least legal authority, 
and have thereby demonstrated that they are above 
the law. The patriotic organizations and the Creel 
Bureau have flooded the country, at the expense of 
the people, with fantastic tales calculated to excite 
the passions and inflame the imagination of the ordi- 
nary citizen, until impartial judgment has become 
impossible on questions relating to the war. Finally, 
and not the least important, a Federal Judge, who 
holds his job by appointment of the President, often 
charges the jury on the law, and sometimes on the 
facts as well, in such way that conviction is prac- 
tically certain. When the humble and unsophisti- 
cated citizen, whose only offense was that he hated 
war and abhorred its bloodshed and its cruelties, 
comes out of the hurly-burly of the trial and has 
time to catch his breath, he finds himself duly 
branded as a criminal and sentenced to a punishment 
more severe than is often inflicted for robbery, rape, 
or murder. 

Again, some Socialist, dreaming of the brother- 
hood of man, the federation of the world, when the 
war-drums shall throb no longer, ventures to say 
that he sees no good in the workers' of one country 
killing those of another. Forthwith he is appre- 
hended as a German propagandist, as an agent of 
the Kaiser, and a tool of autocracy. And he gets 
very short shrift in the courts, if for no other reason 


than that he is a Socialist. I will take time here 
to call your attention to the case of just one Socialist, 
of which I speak from personal knowledge. Last 
summer I defended a young man before a Court 
Martial at. Camp Dix who was charged with violat- 
ing the Ninety-Sixth Article of War. The charge 
was as follows: 

Charge 1 : Violation of the 96th Article of War. 

Specification 1: In that Americo V. Alexander (No. 
1773144) Private, Medical Detachment, Base Hospital, 
Camp Dix, N. J., did, at New York City, N. Y., on or 
about the 28th day of May, 1918, with intent to interfere 
with the successful operation of the military forces of the 
United States, make the following statements in the pres- 
ence and hearing of various persons: "You can get out 
of active service when drafted by refusing to do any 
military duty on ground of conscientious scruples. Your 
failure to register as such on Questionnaire would not 
prevent your now asserting your rights. You might be 
put in the guard house and even court-martialed and sen- 
tenced to twenty years, but you would never be forced to 
serve. You might expect pretty rough treatment but if 
you were a true objector and stuck they would do nothing 
to you. One objector at Camp Dix had been beaten, 
gagged, kicked and gassed, while in the guard house, but 
having stuck, he was alright now; this matter was being 
kept very secret. He got a job in the Base Hospital and 
the Army was very glad to get him to do anything, as 
the other objectors did not work and were only an ex- 
pense," or words to that effect. 

Specification 2: In that Americo V. Alexander (No. 
1773144) Private, Medical Detachment, Base Hospital, 
Camp Dix, N. J., while holding himself out to be a con- 
scientious objector, was at New York City, N. Y., on or 
about the twenty-eighth day of May, 1918, active in pro- 
paganda to the prejudice of the successful operations of 
the military forces of the United States in that he advised, 
counseled and attempted to persuade various persons to 
state that they were conscientious objectors when the said 
persons would be inducted into the military service of the 
United States under the provisions of the Selective Service 

This, you see, in military language, charged a 
violation of the Espionage Law. We took about a 
week to try the case and substantially the entire 
contest centered about the truth or falsity of those 
charges. There were some minor charges involving 
the young man's temporary refusal to work while 
seeking advice from superior officers immediately 
following his arrest, thinking that it might interfere 
with his rights as a conscientious objector. But when 
reassured upon this point, he promptly abandoned 
that position and thereafter was a model prisoner. 
I will say also that he accepted non-combatant ser- 
vice upon his induction into the service as a con- 
scientious objector. He had managed the Supply 
Department of the Base Hospital at Camp Dix so 
effectively as to be complimented by officials at 
Washington and had been suggested for a commis- 
sion by his commanding officer, which he had refused 
because he was a conscientious objector. Now the 

singular and, so far as I know, unprecedented thing 
about this trial was that the Court Martial found 
the young man "not guilty" of the charge I have just 
read to you, and the record which I hold in my hand 
so shows. But when the record came to me after it 
had gone to Washington and passed through the 
hands of a reviewing officer, it showed that the find- 
ing of the Court Martial in this respect had been 
reversed. As the members of the Court Martial, 
which consisted of eight officers, heard all the testi- 
mony and were the only officers who ever did hear 
the testimony or any portion of it, I was curious to 
know who it was that had decided that he could 
render a better decision on the facts without hearing 
the testimony than the members of the Court 
Martial could who did hear it. And so I went to 
Washington, and af te- a day's inquiry from Depart- 
ment to Department I was able to locate the record 
in one of the innumerable offices of the War Depart- 
ment and was allowed even to look at it, although 
told that it was a private record and that I could 
not take a cppy of it. I did however examine it 
sufficiently under the eye of the officer, who kept 
both the record and myself in sight, to find out that 
the person who discovered that the Court Martial 
had been all wrong in its findings was a first lieu- 
tenant named William J. Martin. I have not the 
remotest idea who Mr. Martin is in private life, 
but he seems to have signed himself "Judge Advo- 
cate" at Camp Dix, although Iknow he had abso- 
lutely nothing to do with the trial of the case, for I 
know well Captain Lilly of the New York bar, the 
Judge Advocate who did try it, and who tried it 
most ably for the prosecution. But this Lieutenant 
Martin wrote the opinion endorsed by the General 
who, like himself, had never heard any of the testi- 
mony which reversed the findings of "not guilty" 
by the Court Martial; and the point of my calling 
your attention to this is the reason assigned for the 
reversal. I quote two sentences which I was able 
to copy from the opinion 'of Lieutenant Martin. 
They are as follows: 

In view of the fact that this man is a Socialist and as 
such opposed to all law and order, I cannot see how he 
could have been classed as a conscientious objector. . . 
The testimony shows that he is not opposed to war as a 
conscientious objector but is opposed for the same reason 
that th% Russian Government is opposed to it and belongs 
to an organization that is opposed to all forms of order 
and systems of Government. 

The word "organization" has a line lightly drawn 
through it, done apparently after the opinion had 
been filed, and the words "radical element" written 
above. Read either way, the statement is wholly 



January 11, 

false. And the finding of "not guilty" of the Court 
Martial on the charge I have read was reversed, and 
Mr. Alexander, whose crime appears to have been 
that he is a Socialist, is undergoing twenty years' 
imprisonment. I wonder how many other men and 
women are undergoing punishment fn this country 
today because they are Socialists. Why, if this had 
occurred in Belgium during the German occupation 
and had been perpetrated by a German Court 
Martial, we should dramatize it, and put it in the 
movies as an illustration of German atrocities. If 
the Supreme Court of the United States, composed 
of nine great judges, presumed to reverse the find- 
ing of a jury in a criminal case on conflicting testi- 
mony, it would be a ground for impeaching the mem- 
bers of 'that court. 

But suppose the worst of all assume that some 
citizen, misguided if you please, had a doubt about 
this war's being altogether a war for democracy, or 
even had a suspicion that trade rivalries and ambi- 
tions between European nations were at the bottom 
of the war and that perhaps it might have been just 
as well if we had kept out of it, and* having such 
doubt or suspicion, had expressed it in a speech or 
in a publication you know what would have hap- 
pened to such a person without my reciting it. Such 
a one were lucky if he only went to prison for ten 
or twenty years. Just to contrast the condition into 
which we have allowed ourselves to sink with con- 
ditions where at least some freedom of speech exists, 
I am going to read you a few sentences from Pro- 
fessor Shapiro's Modern and Contemporary Euro- 
pean History [Houghton Mifflin; $3.50]. It has 
been off the press only a few _ weeks. Professor 
Shapiro is known to many of you. He is an Asso- 
ciate Professor of History in the College of the City 
of New York and one of the foremost historians of 
the world. At page 338 he says: 

The Boer War was fought during the Salisbury Min- 
istry. The war was opposed by the Liberals but was en- 
thusiastically supported by the overwhelming majority of 
the English people, and in the general election of 1900, 
the Conservatives were returned to power on the war 
issue with a majority of 134. 

It is fair to say that the Boer War, in the opinion 
of many Englishmen, involved the fate of the Em- 
pire, for if Great Britain had shown herself unable to 
crush the Boers, it would have been a signal for every 
colony she had in the world to throw off her rule. 
But of the opposition to the war by the Liberals, of 
which Lloyd George was the leader, the author 
reports : 

They denounced it as an act of aggression against the 
inoffensive Boers in the interest of South African capi- 

Think of that, a capitalistic war. I quote again : 

Large mass meetings of pro-Boers were held all over 
England, at which the Conservative Ministry was severely 
criticised for being the tool of interested financiers. 

And nobody was prosecuted for sedition. But the 
author also tells us the result of this freedom of dis- 
cussion ; for he says, referring to a period of two or 
three years later: 

There was great disgust in England with the Conserva- 
tive Party because of its conduct of the Boer War, and in 
the election of 1906, the Liberals were overwhelmingly 

If I should read you even a portion of what Lloyd 
George said about his Government during that war, 
I suppose I might be arrested in this country today 
for slandering Great Britain. 

Here is the point I wish to make very clear. The 
Espionage Law can just as well be applied in peace 
as in war, and just as good reasons can be given for 
its application in peace as in war. Practically, we 
are not at war now ; but who of the Administration 
suggests the repeal of the Espionage Law? Who, 
when exercising arbitrary power, ever proposes to 
repeal the law which silences criticism of the man- 
ner in which such power is exercised ? I am not 
concerned about the right of the soap-box orator to 
make a speech because he feels good while he is doing 
it, and feels better after he has done it, although I 
think that is rather wholesome; but if a people are 
capable of self-government, they must be capable of 
contributing some ideas of value to the government 
if they are allowed free expression. If a people have 
self-government, they must have freedom of expres- 
sion respecting it, or theirs will become the worst 
government in the world. Far better take away 
the vote than take away free speech and a free press ; 
and far better take away free speech and a free 
press than allow freedom to discuss only one side 
of a subject. 

President Wilson is going abroad today dis- 
credited that is, without the support of the Con- 
gress in my opinion, because of the Espionage Law. 
Whatever could have been said for his fourteen 
points in behalf of their making for peace and 
progress remained unsaid because of the ruthless 
suppression by means of the Espionage Law of all 
discussion of the causes of the war, and of our ob- 
jects and aims in the war. The Republicans, taking 
advantage of the suppression of all discussion which 
could be classed as anti-war, cleverly whipped to 
frenzy the war sentiment, and by announcing more 
drastic war aims than the President himself they at- 
tracted the support of the war extremists throughout 



1 1 

the country, while the hundreds of thousands of 
citizens whose votes had elected President Wilson 
because "he kept us out of war" no longer trusted 
him for any purpose, and voted the Socialist or some 
other ticket, or did not vote at all. If it is a mis- 
fortune that the President stands today repudiated 
by the voters of the country at the recent election, it 
is a misfortune that has been brought about by the 
suppression of all discussion of the war, except that 
which was intended to excite and inflame the people 
to go to any length in its prosecution. 

But, someone says, civil liberties were invaded 
during the time of our great Civil War and were 
later recovered. The comparison is entirely falla- 
cious. Civil liberty, so far as it was denied during 
the Civil War, was not denied because of any Es- 
pionage Law. The Post Office Department never 
claimed or exercised the power to suppress publica- 
tions during the Civil War. Indeed the men in 
control of the country during that war had taken 
the position that the exercise of any such power by 
the Post Office Department would* be unconstitu- 
tional. The slave-holding states had sought to inr 
voke such power to protect themselves against a flood 
of anti-slave literature, and it had been ably argued 
and held by the leaders of the North that any such 
law would be unconstitutional. Every arrest made 
without warrant during the Civil War was an arrest 
by the military authorities. Every paper that was 
suppressed was suppressed by the military authori- 
ties, and in most cases President Lincoln immedi- 

ately ordered the restoration of mailing privileges 
to such a paper. Every suppression of civil liberty 
during that war came from the military arm of the 
Government and it had to disappear as soon as the 
army was disbanded. The great Milligan Case, 
following upon the heels of the war, in which the 
Supreme Court decided that the military arrests had 
been unlawful, promptly restored the people once 
more to the full enjoyment of the liberties which the 
Constitution had been held to guarantee. But now 
all this is changed: The Espionage Law is not going 
to be repealed unless the people resolutely take the 
matter in hand ; instead it will be skilfully extended 
to suppress discussion which may be said to be an 
incitement to war, or to disturbance, or to violence. 
The Post Office Department will, unless the people 
are aroused, continue to exercise a censorship more 
arbitrary and irresponsible than ever existed, either 
in war or in peace, in any country which made a pre- 
tense of being free. 

There is just one thing, in my opinion, for the 
citizens to do who believe in liberty and desire to 
preserve at least some measure of freedom: that is 
to organize .for the repeal of this obnoxious law, and 
never to disband their organization or cease their 
agitation until the law has been discredited and re- 
pealed, and until every person convicted under it 
and not shown to be guilty of some act in aid of the 
enemy has been pardoned, and every fine collected 
under it repaid by the Government. 


A Rational Explanation of Vers Libre 

IHE WORLD is in need of a reasonable explanation 
of the perplexing phenomenon known as vers libre. 
Since the Imagists came upon the scene about five 
years ago, with their talk about cadence and their 
disposition to experiment freely in all sorts of forms, 
a great deal has been written for and against vers 
libre, and a great many writers good, bad, and in- 
different in England and America, have shown a 
disposition to revolt from the old forms of metrical 
verse. But no one has yet attempted to explain 
clearly and simply, for the benefit of the man in the 
street, just what "free verse" is. 

The latest theory that holds the field in America 
merely leaves the confusion worse confounded. This 
is the theory of Professor William Morrison Patter- 
son, which has now the backing of no less a person 

than Miss Amy Lowell. Miss Lowell's earlier 
theory of the strophe's being in itself a complete 
circle, part of which could be taken rapidly and 
part slowly at will was difficult enough for the 
uninitiated to grasp ; but this new theory of Doctor 
Patterson's is worse. We are told that verse contains 
no less than six species : metrical verse, unitary verse, 
spaced prose, polyphonic prose, mosaics, and blends. 
In the future the public will apparently have to 
recite every poem they like into a phonograph in 
order to find out what 7 it is. Having examined and 
registered its time-intervals, syncopations, and so 
forth, they will classify it by one or the other of the 
above labels. The idea is ingenious, but one won- 
ders if anyone will take the trouble to waste so much 
time in these hurried days. 



January 1 1 

Let us then leave this atmosphere of 'the labora- 
tory, and try to find out for ourselves what the poets 
mean when they talk about vers libre. The first 
point to be noted is that, logically, there can be no 
such a thing as absolutely free verse, any more than 
there can be such a thing as absolutely free prose. A 
piece of verse must have a certain form and rhythm, 
and this form and rhythm must be more rounded, 
more heightened, more apparent to both eye and ear, 
than the form and the rhythm of prose. Take a 
corresponding instance from the art of music. An 
aria by Mozart may contain two or more distinct 
melodies, but these are combined together, repeated, 
ornamented, and finally summed up in such a way 
that the aria is in itself a distinct and separate whole. 
On the other hand, any long stretch out of Wag- 
ner's Ring reveals the fact that there is nothing but 
a series of linked musical phrases motives we may 
call them in constant progression. Mozart's 
method is, then, the method of the poet: Wagner's 
is the method of the prose writer. 

This distinction being made, and it is an important 
one, we may next ask ourselves the question: Why 
do poets "speak of vers libre at all? If there can 
be no verse logically free except verse written with- 
out form, without rhythm, without balance, which 
is impossible then why all this fuss over something 
that does not exist? This very same argument, by 
the way, appeared in an English journal about a year 
ago, and I happened to be the only man to reply to 
it. My reply was that the importance of vers libre 
was that it permitted verse to be not absolutely but 
relatively free. It gave scope for the poet's own 
form-constructing ability, but did not hamper him 
with a stereotyped mold, like the sonnet. It per- 
mitted him to vary the rhythm at discretion, so long 
as the essential rhythm was preserved. 

To illustrate. Here is a short piece of free verse, 
the structure of which is comparatively simple. I 
have set the accents above the lines in order to show 
how they fall: 

I have fled away into deserts, 

I have hidden myself from you, 

Lo, you always at my side ! 

1'^ cannot shake myself free. 

In the frosty evening 

With your cold eyes you sit watching, 

Laughing, hungering still for me; 

I will open my heart and give you 

All of my blood, at last. 

The first thing to be noticed about this is that 
there are exactly the same number of beats in every 
line that is to say, three. The number of syllables 
between the beats varies so that the incidence of 

the beat is different, sometimes iambic, sometimes 
trochaic, sometimes anapaestic, and so on but the 
first principle of unity, that the number of beats 
should be the same throughout, is preserved. 

Now to take each line separately. The first is 
comparatively simple, and gives the main beat of the 
poem. This is repeated with slight variation in the 
second line, and again repeated in the next to the 
last line: 

I have fled away into deserts, 

I have hidden myself from you . . . 

I will open my heart and give you. 

These lines give an effect practically identical; and 
herein we have the second principle of unity, the 
principle of basic rhythm, displayed. 

But what, one may ask, is to be made of the rest 
of the poem ? Here in lines three to eight, and again 
in the last line of all, there is a group as definitely 
trochaic and dactylic in formation as the others are 
iambic and anapaestic. Does this not destroy the 
unity of which you make so much? 

Not at all. With this second group we come pre- 
cisely to the most important law of vers libre the 
law of balanced contrast. Lines of different metrical 
origin are used in vers libre precisely as the first and 
second subjects of a symphony by Beethoven or 
Mozart. Let us examine. 

The first line which announces the second subject 
of the poem is as follows : 

Lo ! you always at my side ! 

This line is the exact opposite, not only in metrical 
form, but in mood, to the line announcing the first 
subject : 

I have fled away into deserts. 

These two lines between them contain the essence of 
the poem. The rest is variation, amplification, orna- 
ment. For instance: 

Lo! you always at my side . . . 
Laughing, hungering still for me. 

Are not these two lines, separated from each other 
by four lines of text, of exactly the same metrical 
pattern ? And is not the same theme, with a slightly 
different middle, repeated in the line "I cannot 
shake myself free," and also with a different close 
in "In the frosty evening," and also in "All of my 
blood at last"? 
If I had written: 

In the frosty evening 
All of my blood at last 
Sorrowing and grieving 
For the vanished past. 

I should have been writing doggerel doubtless, but 



I should have been doing just what the metrists ask 
poets to do I should have preserved the regularity 
of incidence which they regard as necessary to poetry. 
How, then, can anyone say, as some have said, that 
there is no metrical unity to vers libre, no basis of 
regularity upon which the poem stands? The 'basis is 
there, but it is concealed. Ars est celare artem. We 
cannot measure poetry with a metronome, or even 
classify it with a phonograph, as Dr. Patterson 
would have us do. 

There remains one more line to be considered. 
This is: 

With your cold eyes you sit watching. 

I have marked this line above as having three beats, 
but it is obvious that this way of reading it may 
be unpleasant to some people. "With" is that phe- 
nomenon, not uncommon in English verse, of a long 
syllable which is unaccented in itself but which 
obtains a light stress from the fact that the voice 
dwells upon it. "Cold" is probably the same thing. 
One recalls the celebrated line of Macbeth: 

Toad that under cold stone. 

"Eyes" is probably accented also, like "stone" in the 
line just quoted. We therefore have: 

With your cold eyes you sit watching, 

a reading which gives us four beats or three and 
a half, if we recognize that the stress upon "with" 
is not so important as that upon "cold" or "eyes" 
or "watching" and a reading which probably will 
be more satisfactory to most readers. 

What is important for us to know is that this line 
is, in a sense, a suspended line, that it partakes some- 
what of the characteristics of both the first group 
comprising the first, second, ancf next to the last 
lines and also of the second group, comprising the 
rest of the poem. It is especially allied to the next 
to the last line: 

I will open my heart and give you. 

It needs no expert in verbal music to see that the 
movement of this is closely paralleled by the move- 
ment of: 

With your cold eyes you sit watching. 

We have here, then, what might be called in musical 
phrases, a resolution. The line: 

With your cold eyes you sit watching 

is the keystone of the verbal arch we have con- 
structed. It binds the two contrasting subjects, 
moods, musical phrases, of the poem together and 
welds them into one. 

We may therefore deduce from this analysis the 

following laws governing the writing of any piece 
of vers libre : 

( 1 ) A vers libre poem depends, just as a metri- 
cal poem does, upon uniformity and equality of 
rhythm; but this uniformity is not to be sought in 
an even metronomic succession of beats, but in the 
contrasted juxtaposition of lines of equal beat value, 
but of different metrical origin. 

(2) When a meter in a vers libre poem is re- 
peated it is usually varied, like the thematic ma- 
terial of a symphony. These variations and nuances 
are designed largely to take the place of rhyme. 
Rhyme therefore in most cases is undesirable, as it 
interferes with, rather than assists, the proper ap- 
preciation of these nuances. But occasionally it may 
be necessary to stress some complex variation, or to 
hold together the pattern of the poem. 

(3) Suspensions and resolutions are common. 
The poet writing in vers libre is guided not by any 
fixed stanza form but by the poem as a whole (if the 
poem consists of one strophe, as in the case discussed 
above) or by each strophe (if the poem consists of a 
number of strophes). Unity within the bounds of 
the strophe is his main consideration. It will be 
found in almost every case that the strophe consists 
of two parts : a rise and a return. 

(4) Every poet will treat these laws differently. 
Since in English it is open to the poet to write, with 
equal facility, verses of two, three, four, and five 
.beats, so vers libre in English must necessarily be a 
more complex and more difficult art than in French, 
where so much current vers libre is merely modified 
Alexandrines. Every poet will therefore construct 
his strophes somewhat differently according to his 
own taste. That is what we mean when we speak 
of "free verse." 

(5) As for "spaced prose," "polyphonic prose," 
"mosaics," "blends" -and all the other more or less 
experimental forms which I and others have at- 
tempted they are not and should not be called verse 
at all. The difference between them and true vers 
libre is this: vers libre derives from metrical verse 
and from the old stanza forms. Throughout all its 
variations, unity of rhythmical swing and the dy- 
namic balance of the strophe is preserved. These 
other forms derive from prose, which does not pos- 
sess unity of swing and which substitutes for the 
strophe the paragraph. These forms may be con- 
fused with true vers libre, but the fact remains that 
the origin of each is different. With vers libre the 
starting-point is the repeated rhythmical phrase; 
with these other forms the starting-point is the prose 




January u 

An Educated Heart 


F ONE CARED to do so it would be easy to classify 
Visits to Walt Whitman (Arens; $2) as a partic- 
ularly aggravated case of Whitmania. The signs 
and symptoms are everywhere in evidence : the Pious 
Pilgrimage, the Dazzling Presence, the Exchange 
of Tokens, the Inscription of Volumes, the Visit 
to the Birthplace, the Friends, and the Friends of 
the Friends all intermixed with those chronicles of 
conversational small beer which appear to constitute 
the technique of latter-day hero worship. But to 
dwell solely on this aspect of the book would be to 
betray a callousness to human values of a particularly 
rare and precious sort. Not often are we intro- 
duced into such a company of educated hearts, nor 
permitted glimpses of the beauty and dignity of meek 
and obscure lives. 

Aside from any positive value the book may have 
as a contribution to our knowledge and understand- 
ing of one of the few great figures which our un- 
kempt civilization has produced, it has the merit 
of vividly rendering that civilization itself, or rather 
that segment of it to which Whitman belonged dur- 
ing the latter part of his life. In other words the 
figure of the man is shown against its appropriate 
background, and though that background contains 
such things as a sheet-iron stove, a stuffed canary 
under glass, and two miniature statues of Grover 
Cleveland by an unknown hand, these and other 
horrors only assure us of the authenticity of the 
portrait give it perfect verisimilitude. In contrast 
with such esthetic squalor the human kindliness and 
spiritual grandeur of Whitman stand out in just 
such dramatic relief as Lincoln's black frock coat 
and stovepipe hat must have imparted to his seamed 
and sad face. Such things make us thrillingly 
aware of the grotesque lacunae to which greatness as 
well as littleness is subject like Emerson's love of 
pie for breakfast, and the Hawthornes' cherishing 
of their haircloth sofa. 

Whitman and his circle are focused for us in 
binocular vision, as it were, by two Englishmen, 
Dr. John Johnston and J. W. Wallace, drawn to 
our shores in quest of the great adventure of meet- 
ing face to face one known already mind to mind 
and heart to heart. The journey was undertaken 
in the spirit of those pilgrimages made by Eastern 
religious devotees to the ashrama of some Master, 
and the two men appear to have derived from it 
the same order of spiritual refreshment. They 
describe Whitman's environment, his dress, his ap- 
pearance, his moods, aod his conversation with 

meticulous and loving care, omitting nothing. Al- 
though the performance is without conscious art, no 
master realist could better it. The frail, wise, 
tender old man in his wheel chair lives before us; 
Mickle street, Camden town, and the little clap- 
boarded house shouldered in between its loftier 
neighbors assume, with the aid of photographs, 
extraordinary distinctness, and the people who go 
in and out acquire the interest of characters in a 
play or in a tale. 

Whitman's recorded talk is not remarkable, being 
largely made up of the ordinary small change of 
conversation, but he possessed the power of vign- 
etting with a few telling strokes a whole life 
history, so that we seem to know all that is neces- 
sary for complete understanding. His account of 
his friend Mrs. Gilchrist's daughter Beatrice is an 
example of this power : 

She decided that Beatrice, the daughter, should be a 
doctor a lady, woman doctor. There were no colleges 
for women in England, and she brought her over along 
with the rest of the family to Philadelphia, where there 
was the best medical college for women in the country. 
In time, however, Beatrice came to dislike her pro- 
fession. Her weakness had always been what may be 
called an excess of veracity. She would not do, or be, 
or seem anything that was not strictly true or veracious. 
And she declared that doctors could not, as a rule, find 
out what really ailed people, and she would not be one. 
One night she disappeared, and, from certain indica- 
tions, it was feared that she had committed suicide or 
something. A search was made, but no trace was found. 
At last, some months after, her body was found in a 
wood, with her clothes and fixings much battered and 

Another instance of this ability to condense the 
content of what might be a book into the limits of a 
paragraph is seen in Whitman's story of the life of 
Peter Doyle, the baggageman, up to the time when 
his visits suddenly and mysteriously ceased: 

He is a good friend of mine. He was born in Ireland. 
His mother and father came out here when he was a little 
chap of four or five a bright-eyed little fellow and 
the sailors took to him a good deal, as sailors do. They 
went to Richmond and lived there. His father was a 
machinist. His mother was a good specimen, I guess, 
of an Irish woman of that class. Pete grew up there 
till he was a young fellow, a big boy of sixteen or 
seventeen. When the War broke out he joined the 
Southern army and was a rebel soldier. He was wounded 
by our troops and made prisoner, and brought to Wash- 
ington. The doctors got him over his wound, and he 
went out and got a job as tram-conductor. And it was 
then that I met him first. 

I don't know whether you know or not the horrible 
monotony and irksomeness of the hospital to a young 
fellow recovering. So, as soon as they can, the doctors 
let them out, and they have to report themselves till 
they are quite well. Well, Pete was out in this way. 
We became acquainted and very good friends. The 
house in Washington was broken up. His father didn't 



get work, didn't get success: so he went away to New 
York where he thought he would succeed, and that was 
the last that was heard of him. No doubt he was 
drowned or killed. His mother died a year or two ago. 
And his uncle, his mother's brother Nash whom I used 
to know is dead. So I don't know where Pete is now. 

Whitman's comments on the great figures of liter- 
ature are unfailingly shrewd: Carlyle "lacks amor- 
ousness"; Arnold is "more demonstrable, genial, 
than the typical John Bull"; Shakespeare is "the 
poet of great personalities" but it is only when he 
comes to speak of the people of "these states" that 
he becomes truly clairvoyant: 

The Americans are given to smartness and money-getting, 
and there is danger of over-smartness. I'm not afraid 
of it, it will come out all right, but the tendency is to 
become daemonic, to cheat one's own father and mother, 
to be damned smart, to gouge. . . Our leading men 
are not of much account, and never have been, but the 
average of the people is immense, beyond all History. 

This is his comment on the American boys. Let 
us hope that the war may have saved the present 
generation of them from the "gentility" that he 
deplores : 

Have you noticed what fine boys the American boys 

are? Their distinguishing feature is their good- 
naturedness and good temper with each other. You 
never hear them quarrel, nor even get to high words. 
Given a chance, they would develop the heroic and 
manly; but they will be spoiled by civilization, religion, 
and damnable conventions. Their parents want them to 
grow up genteel everybody wants to be genteel in 
America and thus their heroic qualities will simply 
be crushed out of them. 

His estimate of the power and influence of Leaves 
of Grass is high, but who shall say that it is exag- 
gerated ? 

If the book lives and becomes a power, it will be under- 
stood better in fifty or a hundred years than now. For 
it needs people to grow up with it. . . As to the 
Leaves, their aim is Character: what I sometimes call 
Heroism Heroicism. Some of my friends say it is a sane, 
strong physiology; I hope it is. But physiology is a 
secondary matter. Not to depict great personalities, .or 
to describe events and passions, but to arouse that some- 
thing in the reader which we call Character. 

No truer estimate than the above has ever been 
made of Whitman's unique force and function. We 
do not go to him for pleasure, for amusement, for 
solace 'or instruction, but for inspiration to become 
what we are! CLAUDE BRAGDON. 

A Normal Madness 

7 WAS AN unfortunate inspiration which led the 
daughter of Anne Gilchrist to write in advance to 
the London Nation a letter protesting against the 
title of the forthcoming publication of her mother's 
correspondence with Walt Whitman. Her mistake 
consisted literally in the fact that she was speaking 
without the book. In the first place the volume is 
neutrally entitled The Letters of Anne Gilchrist 
and Walt Whitman (Doubleday, Page; $2), and 
not the "Love Letters," as she has heard it was to be 
headed ; and in the second place, so far as her 
mother's letters are concerned and they practically 
compose the volume to call them merely "love- 
letters" is to understate the case. Yet with a strange 
confidence the daughter of Mrs. Gilchrist risked this 
positive statement concerning letters she had never 
seen: "I can safely say that though my mother 
was a warm admirer of Whitman's writings, .the 
poet himself entertaining a hearty regard and friend- 
ship for her, the correspondence which passed be^ 
tween the two would in no sense^lend itself to the 
suggestion of the title of the proposed book." The 
episode might well serve as a warning to all daugh- 
ters that they can not safely say anything about 
their mothers' love affairs until all the returns are in. 
The mothers of this generation are wisely beginning 
to learn that the adolescent daughter has her own 
private soul ; but it remains for the next generation 
to learn that middle age too has its secrets. "I wrote 

that long letter out in the Autumn fields for dear 
life's sake," wrote Anne Gilchrist to Walt Whitman 
of her first message to him. It was indeed no mere 
demand but an ultimate compulsion that moved her. 
Mrs. Gilchrist's letters need no apologist. She 
takes her place beside those vivid spirits like Mary 
Wollstonecraft and Madame Curie in whom in- 
tellect and passion strive equally for fulfillment. 
Her emotionalism is always clear-sighted. Like 
Mary Wollstonecraft, who during her most infatu- 
ated pursuit of Imlay still remained a keen daily 
observer of the economics of the French Revolution, 
Anne Gilchrist's obsessional attachment to Whitman 
had its rational counterpart in her faithful devotion 
to science and the scientific point of view which for 
her the poet represented/ She was in love with 
reality as she was in love with the poet whose words 
"indicate the path between reality and the soul." 
Throughout all the storm and stress of personal 
yearnings and disappointments she remained a dis- 
cerning analyst of the work of the beloved. It is 
interesting to compare the two essays on Walt Whit- 
man reprinted in this volume. The first was written 
in 1869 just after the poems had fallen into Mrs. 
Gilchrist's hands for the first time; the second 
fifteen years later, and after the Gilchrists' sojourn 
in America. Though the fiery enthusiasm of the 
first is lacking at fifty-six, the fidelity of the later 
to the earlier impressions is truly remarkable. 



January n 

By far the most interesting part of this book 
consists of the letters written between the fall of 
1871 and the fall of 1876, beginning with the one 
which was written in the "Autumn fields for dear 
life's sake." Here you may study at a safe dis- 
tance what Freud describes as "the state of being 
in love, so remarkable psychologically, and the nor- 
mal prototype of the psychoses." Anne Gilchrist 
had been a widow for eight years, absorbed in do- 
mestic cares, in the upbringing of four young chil- 
dren, and in the completion of her husband's unfin- 
ished literary tasks, when she first met Whitman's 
poems. "I had not dreamed that words could cease 
to be words, and become electric streams like these," 
she wrote to Michael Rossetti, who had loaned her 
the book. And from that time forth the spell did 
not abate. 

With great accuracy and genuine poetical abandon 
this patient is able to describe the symptoms. 

For that I have never set eyes upon thee, all the Atlantic 
flowing between us, yet cleave closer than those that 
stand nearest and dearest around thee love thee day 
and night last thoughts, first thoughts, my soul's pas- 
sionate yearning towards thy divine soul, every hour, 
every deed and thought my love for my 'children, my 
hopes, aspirations for them, all taking new shape, new 
height through this great love. My soul has staked all 
upon it. 

Whitman's kind but discouraging responses only 
served to fan the flame. She offers her all to him; 
she prays to minister to his wants, to shafe her 
income with him, to take upon herself the attacks 
of his def amers, to bear him children ; she covets the 
Liebestod with him. 

If God were to say to me, "See, he that you love you 
shall not be given to in this life he is going to set sail 
on the unknown sea will you go with him?" never yet 
has bride sprung into her husband's arms with the joy 
with which I would take thy hand and spring from the 

In return she demands nothing, not even replies 
to her letters. Pathetically she hits upon an expedi- 
ent to relieve her wistful longing to know whether 
her letters are received or not. He is to post her 
an American newspaper on receipt of each letter. 
Whitman seems to have committed himself to this 

As time went on the passionate letter writer was 
visited by moments of insight. 

It may be that this shaping of my life course toward 
you will have to be all inward, that . . . the grate- 
ful, tender love growing ever deeper and stronger out 
of that will have to go dumb and actionless all my 
days here. 

There were letters that she destroyed after re- 
lieving her ardent soul in writing them a method 
which, by the way, is highly recommended by Crete 
Meissel-Hess in The Sexual Crisis. But such mo- 

ments were all too rare for the lady's own good. 
The erotic spell persisted for seven long years, 
leading her at last to America, against Whitman's 
emphatic disapproval and determined efforts to pre- 
vent the journey. It turned out much better than 
Whitman evidently, and with reason, feared. Dur- 
ing her residence in Philadelphia the relation settled 
down into one of permanent and loyal friendship, 
and this is the tone which characterized the cor- 
respondence following that period. The letters give 
us no. clue as to why Mrs. Gilchrist spent the latter 
half of her American sojourn in Boston and New 
York instead of in Philadelphia, nor can we discover 
from them the real reason for her return to England. 
Perhaps "the children" did not like it, after all, in 
the Promised Land which failed to realize the ideals 
of democracy expressed in Whitman's poetry; per- 
haps Anne Gilchrist learned of her rival in the 
poet's affections; but most likely of all she realized 
that the cycle was complete. She died in 1885, 
seven years before the invalid poet made an end. 
She did not live to see old age; probably her emo- 
tional struggles, as was the case with Mary Woll- 
stonecraft, helped to shorten her life. 

The volume contains very few letters from Walt 
Whitman. All the others, as Mrs. Gilchrist's 
daughter communicates, are in her possession. On 
the whole, one does not regret that they have 
escaped publication. The few specimens givep, as 
the editor remarks, probably reflect the tone of them 
all. While no man could be expected to do anything 
but retreat before such ecstasies of self-surrender, 
the human male who would not feel some com- 
placency in such a situation probably does not exist. 
All things considered, Whitman seems to have borne 
himself admirably throughout the long ordeal. A 
delicate obligation to him was involved in the pub- 
lication of these letters, of which the literary exec- 
utor seems to have been happily unconscious. Other- 
wise he would not insist that the chief value of 
the collection lies in its being a "tribute" to the 
personality of "America's most unique man of 
genius." The letters have a value in themselves 
quite apart from the genius of the man who in- 
spired them. Emotions of the kind that possessed 
Anne Gilchrist have the power to convert almost any 
person of the opposite sex into a "most unique" 
object. After all, these letters contribute nothing 
very important or significant to the biography of 
Walt Whitman; but they do contribute a great 
deal to the psychology of romantic love and to the 
biography of the romantic lover who resides some- 
where is the psyche of each of us. 



The Rise of the "Unskilled 

IHERE ARE MANY reasons which make the organi- 
zation of skilled workers in Trade Unions far easier 
than that of the less skilled. The skilled workmen 
are better paid and can therefore more easily afford 
to make a regular contribution. Moreover they 
often pay a high contribution, receiving in return 
not only dispute benefit but also insurance against 
unemployment, sickness, and old age ; and whatever 
the disadvantages of the mingling of "friendly" and 
fighting activities may be, it undoubtedly conduces 
to stability and permanence of organization, as well 
as to conservatism of spirit. Yet again, the skilled 
workers have a closer bond of craft pride and craft 
interest than is possible for the less skilled workers. 

This of course is commonplace. What needs ex- 
plaining is not the fact that organization has usually 
been weak among the less skilled workers, but the 
fact that during the years preceding the war and 
still more during the war period it has made remark- 
able strides. The number of members in the "gen- 
eral labor" Unions in Great Britain, which rep- 
resent principally this type of workers, rose 
from 118,000 in 1910 to 366,000 in 1914, and the 
total is now something- like 800,000. Why has 
this extraordinary growth taken place? 

The principal explanation of the pre-war growth 
lies in the increasing prevalence of industrial unrest 
during the years preceding the war. Industrial un- 
rest, which some call "the swing of the pendulum" 
of public opinion from political to industrial action, 
always means, naturally, a large accession to Trade 
Union membership. To this must be added as a 
further cause the fact that the sharp line of cleavage 
between the skilled and the unskilled was gradually 
being blurred, and that the tendency of machinery 
and management was towards the creation of a 
growing body of semi-skilled workers, recruited from 
the ranks of the unskilled, who encroached on the 
trades of the skilled workers and at the same time 
very greatly reduced the proportion of really un- 
skilled workers in industry. Together with the 
growth of "semi-skill," went a tendency towards 
organization, not so strong as that of the skilled 
workers, but still appreciable and definite. 

The creation of "semi-skill" was, of course, a proc- 
ess enormously accelerated by the war. Practically 
all the pre-war workers in the war industries were 
absorbed into jobs which were at least semi-skilled, 
and the lower ranges of jobs were more and more 
filled either by newcomers to industry, whether girls 
or adults, or by workers transferred from inessential 
or "sweated" trades. The whole body of semi- 

skilled and unskilled workers gained greatly in status 
as a result of war conditions. Also their pay in 
most cases increased ; and even where this increase 
was offset by the rise in the cost of living, the ex- 
penditure of a few pence weekly on Trade Union 
membership seemed a far smaller thing than before. 

At the same time a common consciousness began 
to grow up among the less skilled workers. They 
found the attitude of the old-established Unions 
toward them often hard and unsympathetic, because 
the skilled men often felt that the less skilled were 
doing them out of their jobs, and feared the cutting 
of rates by their competition in the crafts. The 
general labor Unions therefore grew, as it were, fac- 
ing both ways. They confronted the employers with 
demands for better conditions, but they also con- 
fronted the skilled Unions with claims for better 
consideration. Their consciousness of their common 
opportunity and their common danger in industry 
took the place of craft spirit and acted as a powerful 
incentive to combination. 

It is still an open question how far this conscious- 
ness, and the organization which has sprung from 
it, will survive the shock of the return to peace-time 
conditions. Severe unemployment or dislocation is 
likely at once to show its effect in a reduced mem- 
bership in the general labor Unions. This type of 
membership has always been peculiarly unstable, and 
there are many who prophesy that it will not outlast 
the special conditions which called it into being. I 
do not know, but I believe that enough of it will 
survive to be a powerful factor during the coming 
years of reconstruction. 

What, then, is the relation which this mass of 
newly organized workers bears, and is likely to bear, 
to the older established Trade Unions, and to the 
rank and file movements which I discussed in my 
last article? Clearly, there are large possible diver- 
gences of attitude between them, and these di- 
vergences, without wise handling, may easily become 
divergences of actual policy. 

The official Trade Unionism of the skilled 
workers is apt to ignore, if not to repudiate, the 
claims of the less skilled. Its members have patri- 
otically suspended during the war their customs and 
regulations, which it had cost them more than half a 
century of struggle to establish. They have received 
in return an absolute promise from the Government 
that these customs and regulations will be restored 
intact at the end of the war. To the redemption of 
that pledge they are clearly entitled; but their rea- 
soning is apt to stop at that point, and to pay too 



January 11 

little regard to the practical expediencies and 
exigencies of the situation. 

The less skilled workers, on the other hand, con- 
scious both of pre-war repression and of war-time 
service, are likely to adopt the standpoint of mean- 
ing to hold their gains, J'y suis: j'y reste. Some 
of them say in effect to the skilled workers: "We 
could not trust our interests in your hands before 
the war, and we cannot trust them now. The war 
has brought us into a position from which you self- 
ishly excluded us before the war, and we are not 
prepared, because pledges have been given which do 
not bind us, to revert to our pre-war condition of 
servitude and inferiority." The case is not always 
so plainly stated, but that is the case, reduced to its 
essential elements. 

Clearly this is a position which presents consider- 
able dangers to the Trade Union movement. If the 
skilled and the less skilled workers spend time and 
effort in these internal struggles, the employers will 
reconstruct industry according to their own plans, 
and Labor will have no effective voice in its recon- 

This point however must not be pressed too far. 
It is still possible, and even likely, that the official 
Trade Unionism of the skilled workers and the 
official Trade Unionism of the less skilled, realizing 
their common danger, will reach at least a temporary 
agreement and meet the employers with a common 
program, in which each will concede something to 
the other. This is strongly to be hoped ; and for 
this the best elements in both sections are working. 
But even if a temporary agreement is reached, and 
skilled and less skilled cooperate effectively in deal- 
ing with the problems of reconstruction, there will 
still remain big differences between them which it is 
essential to transcend if the recurrence of trouble is 
to be avoided. 

The plain fact is that while the Trade Unionism 
of the skilled workers is built upon a basis of craft 
which excludes and antagonizes the unskilled, the 
Trade Unionism of the less skilled workers is largely 
based upon this antagonism, at least in the minds of 
many of the leaders. To mention only two of the 
most prominent, Mr. J. R. Clynes of the General 
Workers and Mr. J. N. Bell of the National Amal- 
gamated Union of Labor have both dwelt frequently 
upon the function of the general labor Union in 
protecting the less skilled workers, not only against 
the employers, but against the skilled workers. The 
two forms of organization are thus built upon ideas 
which are mutually exclusive and partly antagonistic. 

This means that in neither is there any resting 
place. The idea of craft and the idea of "no-craft" 
are alike inadequate to fit modern industrial condi- 

tions or to combine into a common program of a 
lasting kind. The need is for a bigger idea, and for 
a bigger basis of combination, to replace both alike. 

We saw, in the last article, that the "rank and 
file" movement, which has its origin and its main 
strength among the skilled workers, is largely based 
on the repudiation of the "craft" principle and on 
the assertion of the rival principles of class and in- 
dustry. We saw also that a considerable "rank and 
file" movement exists among the less skilled workers, 
though it is not so strongly organized as are the shop 
stewards of the skilled trades. The main difference is 
that, whereas the younger skilled workers tend to 
favor the combination in one Union of all the work- 
ers in a particular industry, whatever their degree of 
skill, the unskilled are led by their present form of 
association, which extends over most industries, to 
look forward rather to the combination in one Union 
of all workers, without regard to skill or industry. 
Reconciliation of these two problems is by no means 
impossible ; but the difference of attitude is at present 
a barrier to effective common action and to the unity 
of all -the advanced forces. 

Union by class the One Big Union idea in- 
volves too sharp a break with the present to be im- 
mediately practicable. Union by industry can hardly 
be accomplished, in some industries at least, in face 
of the present strength of the general labor Unions. 
The moral seems to be that the process of consolida- 
tion must be pushed as far as possible in each camp 
separately on the official side, and that in the shop 
steward and workshop committee movement the two 
must find their immediate field for common action 
and for propaganda. In the end, I believe that the 
One Big Union idea will prove to be the only way 
of straightening out the tangle of British Trade 
Union organization; but the time for that is 
not yet. 

It may be a matter for surprise that in this article 
I have said nothing about the women workers as a 
distinct factor. The truth is that only in one respect 
can they be regarded as a distinct factor: generally 
speaking the women in the war trades count mainly 
as a section of the less-skilled workers, a majority of 
those who are organized being found in the general 
labor Unions which admit both sexes, and only a 
minority, though an active one, in the National Fed- 
eration of Women Workers. The respect in which 
the position of some women is different from that 
of the less skilled men is that, as the men have passed 
from the unskilled to the semi-skilled grades, the 
women have in many cases taken their place on un- 
skilled work, though many women have of course 
been employed on semi-skilled and even on skilled 
jobs. The unskilled women and girls hold their 



position in the vital industries only precariously, and 
are unlikely to count for much as a factor in recon- 
struction. They must be considered and provided 
for ; but they will not exercise any considerable force. 
Men's and women's interests will not diverge in any 
important respect: the real cleavage that needs heal- 

ing is that between the skilled and the less skilled 
workers. This I believe can and will be temporarily 
met by mutual concessions; but it can only be met 
permanently by the emergence of a broader spirit 
and the achievement of a more comprehensive form 
of organization. G D H CQLE 

The Modern Point of View and the New Order 



IHE NATION'S inalienable right of self-direction 
and self-help is of the same nature and derivation 
as the like inalienable right of self-help vested in an 
irresponsible king by the grace of God. In both 
cases alike it is a divine right, in the sense that it is 
irresponsible and will not bear scrutiny, being an 
arbitrary right of self-help at the cost of any whom 
it may concern. There is the further parallel that 
in both cases alike the ordinary exercise of these 
rights confers no material benefit on the underlying 
community. In practical effect the exercise of such 
divine rights, whether by a sovereign monarch or 
by the officials of a sovereign nation, works damage 
and discomfort to one and another, within the na- 
tional frontiers or beyond them, with nothing better 
to show for it than some relatively slight gain in 
prestige or in wealth for some relatively small group 
of privileged persons or vested interests. And the 
gain of those who profit by this means is always got 
at the cost of the common man at home and abroad. 
These inalienable rights are an abundant source of 
grievances to be redressed at the cost of the common 

It has long been a stale commonplace that the 
quarrels of competitive kings in pursuit of their di- 
vine rights have brought nothing but damage and 
discomfort to the peoples whose material wealth and 
man power have been made use of for national enter- 
prise of this kind. And it is no less evident, though 
perhaps less notorious, that the pursuit of national 
advantages by competitive nations by use of the same 
material wealth and man power unavoidably brings 
nothing better than the same net output of damage 
and discomfort to all the peoples concerned. There 
is of course the reservation that in the one case the 
kings and their accomplices and pensioners have 
come in for some gain in prestige and in perquisites, 
while in the case of the competitive nations certain 
vested interests and certain groups of the kept classes 
stand to gain something in the way of perquisites and 
free income ; but always and in the nature of the case 

the total gain is less than the cost, and always the 
gain goes to the kept classes and the cost falls on the 
common man. So much is notorious, particularly 
so far as it is a question of material gain and loss. 
So far as it is an immaterial question of jealousy and 
prestige, the line of division runs between nations, 
but as regards material gain and loss it is always a 
division between the kept classes and the common 
man ; and always the common man has more to lose 
than the kept classes stand to gain. 

The war is now concluded, provisionally, and 
peace is in prospect for the immediate future, also 
provisionally. As is true between individuals, so 
also among the nations, peace means the same thing 
as Live and Let Live, which also means the same 
thing as a world made safe for democracy. And the 
rule of Live and Let Live means the discontinuance 
of animosity and discrimination between the nations. 
Therefore it involves the disallowance of such in- 
compatible national pretensions as are likely to afford 
ground for international grievances which comes 
near involving the disallowance of all those claims 
and perquisites that habitually go in under the 
captions of "national self-determination" and "na- 
tional integrity," as these phrases are employed in 
diplomatic intercourse. At the same time it involves 
the disallowance of all those class pretensions and 
vested interests that make for dissension within the 
nation. Ill will is not a practicable basis of peace, 
whether within the nation or between the nations. 
So much is plain matter of course. What may be the 
chances of peace and war, at home and abroad, in 
the light of these blunt and obvious principles taken 
in conjunction with the diplomatic negotiations now 
going forward at home and abroad all that is 
sufficiently perplexing. 

At home in America for the transient time being, 
the war administration has under pressure of neces- 
sity somewhat loosened the strangle-hold of the 
vested interests on the country's industry ; and in so 
doing it has shocked the safe and sane business men 


January n 

into a state of indignant trepidation and has at the 
same time doubled the country's industrial output. 
But all that has avowedly been only for the transient 
time being, "for the period of the war," as a dis- 
tasteful concession to demands that would not wait. 
So that the country now faces a return to the pre- 
carious conditions of a provisional peace on the lines 
of the status quo ante. Already the vested interests 
are again tightening their hold and are busily ar- 
ranging for a return to business as usual; which 
means working at cross-purposes as usual, waste of 
work and materials as usual, restriction of output as 
usual, unemployment as usual, labor quarrels as 
usual, competitive selling as usual, mendacious ad- 
vertising as usual, waste of superfluities as usual by 
the kept classes, and privation as usual for the com- 
mon man. All of which may conceivably be put up 
with by this people "lest a worse evil befall." All 
this runs blamelessly in under the rule of Live and 
Let Live as interpreted in the light of those en- 
lightened principles of self-help that go to make up 
the modern point of view and the established scheme 
of law and order, although it does not meet the 
needs of the same rule as it would be enforced by 
the exigencies of the new order in industry. 

Meanwhile, abroad, the gentlemen of the old 
school who direct the affairs of the nations are laying 
down the lines on which peace is to be established 
and maintained, with a painstaking regard for all 
those national pretensions and discriminations that 
have always made for international embroilment, 
and with an equally painstaking disregard for, all 
those exigencies of the new order that call for a 
de facto observance of the rule of Live and Let Live. 
It is notorious beyond need of specification that the 
new order in industry, even more insistently than 
any industrial situation that has gone before, calls 
for a wide and free intercourse in trade and in- 
dustry, regardless of national frontiers and national 
jealousies. In this connection a national frontier, 
as it is commonly made use of in current state- 
craft, is a line of demarkation for working at cross- 
purposes, for mutual obstruction and distrust. It 
is only necessary to recall that the erection of a new 
national frontier across any community which has 
previously enjoyed the privilege of free intercourse 
unburdened with customs frontiers will be felt to 
be a grievous burden, and that the erection of such 
a line of demarkation for other diplomatic work at 
mutual cross-purposes is likewise an unmistakable 

Yet in the peace negotiations now going forward 
the gentlemen of the old school to whom the affairs 
of the nations have been "entrusted" by shrewd 
management on their own part continue to safe- 

guard all this apparatus of mutual defeat and dis- 
trust and indeed this is the chief or sole object of 
their solicitude, as it also is the chief or sole object 
of these vested interests for whose benefit the diplo- 
matic gentlemen of the old school continue to 
manage the affairs of the nations. 

The state of the case is plainly to be seen in the 
proposals of those nationalities that are now coming 
forward with a new claim to national self-determina- 
tion. Invariably any examination of the bill of 
particulars set up by the spokesmen of these proposed 
new national establishments will show that the 
material point of it all is an endeavor to set up a 
national apparatus for working at mutual cross- 
purposes with their neighbors, to add something to 
the waste and confusion caused by the national dis- 
criminations already in force, to violate the rule of 
Live and Let Live at some n^ew point and by some 
further apparatus of discomfort. 

There are nationalities that get along well 
enough, to all appearance, without being "nations" 
in that militant and obstructive fashion that is aimed 
at in these projected creations of the diplomatic 
nation-makers. Such are the Welsh and the Scotch, 
for instance. But it is not the object-lesson of 
Welsh or Scottish experience that guides the new 
projects. The nationalities which are now escaping 
from a rapacious imperialism of the old order are 
being organized and managed by the safe and sane 
gentlemen of the old school, who have got their 
notions of safety and sanity from the diplomatic 
intrigue of that outworn imperialism out of which 
these oppressed nationalities aim to escape. And 
these gentlemen of the old school are making no 
move in the direction of tolerance and good will- 
as how should they when all their conceptions of 
what is right and expedient are the diplomatic pre- 
conceptions of the old regime. They, being gentle- 
men of the old school, will have none of that amica- 
ble and unassuming nationality which contents the 
Welsh and the Scotch, who have tried out this mat- 
ter and have in the end come to hold fast only so 
much of their national pretensions as will do no 
material harm. What is aimed at is not a disallow- 
ance of bootless national jealousies, but only a shift 
from an intolerable imperialism on a large scale to 
an ersatz-emperialism drawn on a smaller scale, con- 
ducted on the same general lines of competitive 
diplomacy and serving interests of the same general 
kind vested interests of business or of privilege. 

The projected new nations are not patterned on 
the Welsh or the Scottish model, but for all that 
there is nothing novel in their design; and how 
should there be when they are the offspring of the 
imagination of these safe and sane gentlemen of 




the old school fertilized with the ancient concep- 
tions of imperialistic diplomacy and national pres- 
tige? In effect it is all drawn to the scale and 
pattern already made famous by the Balkan states. 
It should also be safe to presume that the place and 
value of these newly emerging nations in the comity 
of peoples under the prospective regime of pro- 
visional peace will be something not notably different 
from what the Balkan states have habitually placed 
on view which may be deprecated by many well- 
meaning persons, but which is scarcely to be undone 
by well-wishing. The chances of war and politics 
have thrown the fortunes of these projected new 
nations into the hands of these politic gentlemen of 
the old school, and by force of inveterate habit these 
very .practical persons are unable to conceive that 
anything else than a Balkan state is fit to take the 
place of that imperial rule that has now fallen into 
decay. So Balkan-state national establishments ap- 
pear to be the best there is in prospect in the new 
world of safe democracy. 

So true is this that even in those instances, such 
as the Finns and other fragments of the Russian im- 
perial dominions, where a' newly emerging nation has 
set out to go on its way without taking pains to 
safeguard the grievances of the old order even in 
these instances that should seem to concern no one 
but themselves, the gentlemen of the old school who 
guard the political institutions of the old order in 
the world at large find it impossible to keep their 
hands off and to let these adventurous pilgrims of 
hope go about their own business in their own way. 
Self-determination proves to be insufferable if it 
partakes of the new order rather than of the old, 
at least so long as the safe and sane gentlemen of 
the old school can hinder it by any means at their 
command. It is felt that the vested interests which 
underlie the gentlemen of the old school would not 
be sufficiently secure in the keeping of these unshorn 
and unshaven pilgrims of hope, and the doubt may 
be well taken. So that, within the intellectual hori- 
zon of the practical statesmen, the only safe, sane, 
and profitable manner of national establishment and 
national policy for these newcomers is something 
after the familiar fashion of the Balkan states; and 
it may also be admitted quite broadly that these 
newly arriving peoples commonly are content to seek 
their national fortunes along precisely these Balkan- 
state lines, though the Finns and their like are per- 
haps to be counted as an unruly exception to the rule. 

These Balkan states, whose spirit, aims, and ways 
are so admirable in the eyes of the gentlemanly 
keepers of the old political and economic order, are 
simply a case of imperialism in the raw. They are 
all and several still in the pickpocket stage of dynas- 

tic statemaking, comparable with the state of Prus- 
sia before Frederick the Great Pickpocket came to 
the throne. And now, with much sage counsel from 
the safe and sane statesmen of the status quo ante, 
Czechs, Slovaks, Slovenes, Ruthenians, Ukrainians, 
Croats, Poles and Polaks are breathlessly elbowing 
their way into line with these minuscular Machiavel- 
lians. Quite unchastened by' their age-long experi- 
ence in adversity they are all alike clamoring for 
national establishments stocked up with all the 
time-tried contrivances for discomfort and defeat. 
With one hand they are making frantic gestures of 
distress for an "outlet to the sea" by means of 
which to escape obstruction of their over-seas trade 
by their nationally minded neighbors, while with the 
other hand they are feverishly at work to contrive 
a customs frontier of their own together with other 
devices for obstructing their neighbors' trade and 
their own, so soon as they shall have any trade to 
obstruct. Such is the force of habit and tradition. 
In other words, these peoples are aiming to become 
nations in full standing. 

And all the while it is plain to all men that a 
national "outlet to the sea" has no meaning in time 
of peace and in the absence of national governments 
working at cross-purposes. Which comes near to 
saying that the sole material object of these new 
projects in nation-making is to work at cross-pur- 
poses with their neighbors across the new-found 
national frontiers. So also it is plain that this 
mutual working at cross-purposes between the na- 
tions hinders the keeping of the peace, even when it 
is all mitigated with all the approved apparatus of 
diplomatic make-believe, compromise, and intrigue 
just as it is plain that the peace is not to be kept by 
use of armaments, but all the while national arma- 
ments are also included as an indispensable adjunct 
of national life, in the projects of these new nations 
of the Balkan pattern. The right to carry arms is 
an inalienable right of national self-determination 
and an indispensable means of self-help, as under- 
stood by these nation-makers of the old school. So 
also it is plain that national pretensions in the field 
of foreign trade and investment, and all the diver- 
sified expedients for furthering and protecting the 
profitable enterprise of the vested interests in foreign 
parts, run consistently at cross-purposes with the 
keeping of the peace. 

And all the while the rule of Live and Le't Live, 
as it works out within the framework of the new 
industrial order, will not tolerate these things. But 
the rule of Live and Let Live, which embodies the 
world's hope of peace on earth and a practicable 
modicum of good will among men, is not of the 
essence of that timeworn statesmanship which is 



January 1 1 

now busily making the world safe for the vested 
interests. Neglect and disallowance of those things 
that make for embroilment does not enter into the 
counsels of the nation-makers or of those stupendous 
figures of veiled statecraft that now move in the 
background and are shaping the destinies of these 
and other nations with a view to the status quo ante. 

All these peoples that now hope to be nations have 
long been nationalities. A nation is an organization 
for collective offense and defense, in peace and war 
essentially based on hate and fear of other na- 
tions; a nationality is a cultural group, bound to- 
gether by home-bred affinities of language, tradition, 
use and wont, and commonly also by a supposed 
community of race essentially based on sympathies 
and sentiments of self-complacency within itself. 
The Welsh and the Scotch are nationalities, more 
or less well defined, although they are not nations 
in the ordinary meaning of the word ; so also are the 
Irish, with a difference, and such others as the Finns 
and the Armenians. The American republic is a 
nation, but not a nationality in any full measure. 
The Welsh and the Scotch have learned the wisdom 
of Live and Let Live, within the peace of the Em- 
pire, and they are not moving to break bounds and 
set up a national integrity after the Balkan pattern. 

The case of the Irish is peculiar; at least so they 
say. They, that is to say the Irish by sentiment 
rather than by domicile, the Irish people as con- 
trasted with the vested interests of Ulster, of the 
landlords, of the Church, and of the bureaucracy 
these Irish have long been a nationality and are now 
mobilizing all their force to set up a Balkan state, 
autonomous and defensible, within the formal 
bounds of the Empire or without. Their case is 
peculiar and instructive. It throws a light on the 
margin of tolerance, of what the traffic will bear, 
beyond which an increased pressure on a subject 
population will bring no added profit to the vested 
interests for whose benefit the pressure is brought 
to bear. It is a case of the Common Man hard 
ridden in due legal form by the vested interests of 
the Island, and of the neighboring island, which 
are duly backed by an alien and biased bureaucracy 
aided and abetted by the priestly pickpockets of the 
poor. So caught in this way between the devil and 
the deep sea, it is small wonder if they choose in the 
end to follow counsels of desperation and are mov- 
ing to throw their lot into the deep sea of national 
self-help and international intrigue. They have 
reached the point where they have ceased to say: 
"It might have been worse." The case of the Finns, 
Jews, and Armenians is not greatly different in gen- 
eral effect. 

It is easy to fall into a state of perturbation about 
the evil case of the submerged, exploited, and op- 
pressed minor nationalities; and it is not unusual to 
jump to the conclusion that national self-determina- 
tion will surely mend their evil case. National self- 
determination and national integrity are words to 
conjure with, and there is no denying that very 
substantial results have been known to follow from 
such conjuring. But self-determination is not a 
sovereign remedy, particularly not as regards the 
material conditions of life for the common man, for 
that somewhat more than nine-tenths of the popula- 
tion who always finally have to bear the cost of any 
national establishment. It has been tried, and the 
point is left in doubt. So the case of Belgium or of 
Serbia during the past four years has been scarcely 
less evil than that of the Armenians or the Poles. 
Belgium and Serbia were nations, in due form, very 
much after the pattern aimed at in the new pro- 
jected nations already spoken of, whereas the Ar- 
menians and the Poles have been subject minor 
nationalities. Belgium, Serbia, and Poland have 
been subject to the ravages of an imperial power 
which claims rank as a civilized people, whereas the 
Armenians have been manhandled by the Turks. 
So again, the Irish are a subject minor nationality, 
whereas the Roumanians are a nation in due form. 
In fact the Roumanians are just such a Balkan state 
as the Irish aspire to become. But no doubt the 
common man is appreciably worse off in his ma- 
terial circumstances in Roumania than in Ireland. 
Japan, too, is not only a self-determining nation 
with a full charge of national integrity, but it is a 
Great Power; yet the common man the somewhat 
more than nine-tenths of the population is doubt- 
less worse off in point of hard usage and privation 
in Japan than in Ireland. 

In further illustration of this doubt and per- 
plexity with regard to the material value of national 
self-determination, the case of the three Scandinavian 
countries may be worth citing. They are all and 
several self-determining nations, in that Pickwickian 
sense in which any country which is not a Great 
Power may be self-determining in the twentieth cen- 
tury. But they differ in size, population, wealth, 
power, and political consequence. In these respects 
the sequence runs: Sweden, Denmark, Norway, the 
latter being the smallest, poorest, least self-determin- 
ing, and altogether the most spectacularly foolish 
of the lot. But so far as concerns the material con- 
ditions of life for the common man, they are un- 
mistakably the most favorable, or the most nearly 
tolerable, in Norway, and the least so in Sweden. 
The upshot of evidence from these, and from other 
instances that might be cited, is to leave the point 



in doubt. It is not evident that the common man has 
anything to gain by national self-determination, so 
far as regards his material conditions of life; nor 
does it appear, on the evidence of these instances, 
that he has much to lose by that means. 

These Scandinavians differ from the Balkan 
states in that they perforce have no imperialistic 
ambitions. There may of course be a question on 
this head so far as concerns the frame of mind of 
the royal establishment in the greater one of the 
Scandinavian kingdoms; there is not much that is 
worth saying about that matter, and the less that is 
said, the less annoyance. It is a matter of no sig- 
nificance, anyway. The Scandinavians are in effect 
not imperialistic, perforce. Which means that in 
their international relations they formally adhere 
to the rule of Live and Let Live. Not so in their 
domestic policy, however. They have all endowed 
themselves with all the encumbrances of national 
pretensions and discrimination which their circum- 
stances will admit. Apart from a court and church 
which foot up to nothing more comfortable than a 
gratuitious bill of expense, they are also content to 
carry the burden of a national armament, a pro- 
tective tariff, a national consular service, and a 
diplomatic service which takes care of a moderately 
burdensome series of treaty agreements governing 
the trade relations of Scandinavian business com- 
munity all designed for the benefit of the vested 
interests and the kept classes, and all at the cost of 
the common man. 

The case of these relatively free, relatively un- 
assuming, and relatively equitable national estab- 
lishments is also instructive. They come as near the 
rule of Live and Let Live as any national establish- 
ment well can and still remain a national estab- 
lishment actuated by notions of competitive self-help. 
But all the while the national administration runs 
along, with nothing better to show to any impartial 
scrutiny than a considerable fiscal burden and a 
moderate volume of hindrance to the country's in- 
dustry, together with some incidental benefit to the 
vested interests and the kept classes at the cost of the 
underlying community. These Scandinavians oc- 
cupy a peculiar position in the industrial world. 
They are each and several too small to make up 
anything like a self-contained industrial community, 
even under the most unreserved pressure of national 
exclusiveness. Their industries necessarily are part 
and parcel of the industrial system at large, with 
which they are bound in relations of give and take 
at every point. Yet they are content to carry a 
customs tariff of fairly grotesque dimensions and a 
national consular service of more grotesque dimen- 
sions still. This situation is heightened by their 

relatively sterile soil, their somewhat special and 
narrow range of natural resources, and their high 
latitude, which precludes any home growth of many 
of the indispensable materials of industry under the 
new order. Yet they are content to carry their 
customs tariff, their special commercial treaties, and 
their consular service for the benefit of their vested 

It should seem that this elaborate superfluity of 
national outlay and obstruction should work great 
hardship to the underlying community whose in- 
dustry is called on to carry this burden of lag, leak, 
and friction. And doubtless the burden is suffici- 
ently real. It amounts of course to the nation's 
working at cross-purposes with itself, for the benefit 
of those special interests that stand to gain a little 
something by it all. But in this as in other works 
of sabotage there are compensating effects, and these 
should not be overlooked ; particularly since the case 
is fairly typical of what commonly happens. The 
waste and sabotage of the national establishment and 
its obstructive policy works no intolerable hardship, 
because it all runs its course and eats its fill within 
that margin of sabotage and wasteful consumption 
that would have to be taken care of by some other 
agency in the absence of this one. That is to say, 
something like the same volume of sabotage and 
waste is indispensable to the prosperity 'of business 
under the conditions of the new order, so long as 
business and industry are managed under the con- 
ditions imposed by the price system. By one means 
or another prices must be maintained at a profitable 
level; therefore the output must be restricted to a 
reasonable rate and volume, and wasteful consump- 
tion must be provided for on pain of a failing mar- 
ket. And all this may as well be taken care of by use 
of a princely court, an otiose church, a picturesque 
army, a well-fed diplomatic and consular service, 
and a customs frontier. In the absence of all this 
national apparatus of sabotage substantially the same 
results would have to be got at by the less seemly 
means of a furtive conspiracy in restraint of trade 
among the vested interests. There is always some- 
thing to be said for the national integrity. 

The case of these Scandinavian nations, taken in 
connection and comparison with what is to be seen 
elsewhere, appears to say that a national establish- 
ment which has no pretensions to power and no im- 
perialistic ambitions is preferable, in point of' econ- 
omy and peaceable behavior, to an establishment 
which carries these attributes of self-determination 
and self-help. The more nearly the national in- 
tegrity and self-determination approaches to make- 
believe the less mischief is it likely to work at home < 
and the more nearly will it be compatible with the 


January n 

rule of Live and Let Live in dealing with its 
neighbors. And the further implication is plain 
without argument, that the most beneficent change 
that can conceivably overtake any national establish- 
ment would be to let it fall into "innocuous 
desuetude." Apparently, the less the better, with 
no apparent limit short of the vanishing point. 

Such appears to be the object-lesson enforced by 
recent and current events, in so far as concerns the 
material fortunes of the underlying community at 
large as well as the keeping of the peace. But it 
does not therefore follow that all men and classes 
will have the same interest in so neutralizing the 
nation's powers and disallowing the national pre- 
tensions. The existing nations are not of a homo- 
geneous make-up within themselves perhaps less so 
in proportion as they have progressively come under 
the rule of the new order in industry and in busi- 
ness. There is an increasingly evident cleavage of 
interest between industry and business, or between 
production and ownership, or between tangible per- 
formance and free income one phrase may serve as 
well as another, and neither is quite satisfactory to 
mark the contrast of interest between the common 
man on the one hand and the vested interests and 
kept classes on the other hand. But it should be 
sufficiently plain that the national establishment and 
its control of affairs has a value for the vested in- 
terests different from what it has for the underlying 

Quite plainly, the new order in industry has no 
use or place for national discrimination or national 
pretensions of any kind ; and quite plainly such a 
phrase as "national integrity" has no shadow of . 
meaning for this new industrial order which over- 
runs national frontiers and overcomes national dis- 
crimination as best it can, in all directions and all 
the time. For industry as carried on under the new 
order, the overcoming of national discrimination is 
part of the ordinary day's work. But it is otherwise 
with the new order of business enterprise large- 
scale, corporate, resting on intangible assets, and 
turning on free income which flows from managerial 
sabotage; The business community has urgent need 
of an efficient national establishment both at home 
and abroad. A settled government, duly equipped 
with national pretensions, and with legal and mili- 
tary power to maintain the sacredness of contracts 
at home and to enforce the claims of its business men 
aboard such an establishment is invaluable for the 
conduct of business, though its industrial value may 
not unusually be less than nothing. 

Industry is a matter of tangible performance in 
the way of producing goods and services. And in 
this connection it is well to recall that a vested in- 

terest is a prescriptive right to get something for 
nothing. Now any project of reconstruction the 
scope and method of which are governed by consid- 
erations of tangible performance is likely to allow 
only a subsidiary consideration or something less to 
the legitimate claims of the vested interests, whether 
they are vested interests of business or of privilege. 
It is more than probable that in such a case national 
pretensions in the way of preferential concessions in 
commerce and investment will be allowed to fall into 
neglect, so far as to lose all value to any vested in- 
terest whose fortunes they touch. These things have 
no effect in the way of net tangible performance. 
They only afford ground for preferential pecuniary 
rights, always at the cost of someone else; but they 
are of the essence of things in that pecuniary order 
within which the vested interests of business live 
and move. So also such a matter-of-fact project of 
reconstruction will be likely materially to revise out- 
standing credit obligations, including corporation 
securities, or perhaps even to disallow claims of this 
character to free income on the part of beneficiaries 
who can show no claim on grounds of current tangi- 
ble performance. All of which is inimical to the best 
good of the vested interests and the kept classes. 

Reconstruction which partakes of this character 
in any sensible degree will necessarily be viewed with 
the liveliest apprehension by the gentlemanly states- 
men of the old school, by the kept classes, and by the 
captains of finance. It will be deplored as a sub- 
version of the economic order, a destruction of the 
country's wealth, a disorganization of industry, and 
a sure way to poverty, bloodshed, and pestilence. In 
point of fact, of course, what such a project may be 
counted on to subvert is the dominion of ownership 
by which the vested interests control and retard the 
rate and volume of production. The destruction of 
wealth in such a case will touch, directly, only the 
value of the securities, not the material objects to 
which these securities have given title of ownership ; 
it would be a disallowance of ownership, not a de- 
struction of useful goods. Nor need any disorgani- 
zation or disability of productive industry follow 
from such- a move; indeed, the apprehended cancel- 
ment of the claims to income covered by negotiable 
securities would by that much cancel the fixed over- 
head charges resting on industrial enterprise, and so 
further production by that much. But for those 
persons and classes whose keep is drawn from pre- 
scriptive rights of ownership or of privilege the con- 
sequences of such a shifting of ground from vested 
interest to tangible performance would doubtless be 
deplorable. In short, "Bolshevism is a menace"; 
and the wayfaring man is likely to ask: A menace 



The New Work of Puccini 

1 ROBABLY the most interesting musical event of the 
year was the world premiere of Puccini'si three one- 
act operas at the Metropolitan Opera House in 
New York December 14, 1918. During eight years 
we have been waiting for new work from Puccini, 
for since The Girl of the Golden West he has pro- 
duced only La Rondine (Monte Carlo, April 1917), 
which is equally uninteresting in words and music. 

Puccini is the most popular living composer for 
the stage; and he deserves his place. He has always 
remained himself, yet he has always felt the wider 
movements of musical development. He is never a 
pioneer, but he always profits by the advanced 
idioms. Nor is he ever the last to lay the old aside. 
He has kept to the middle path. 

A bigger reason yet is that he never forgets that 
an opera should be an evening's entertainment. 
Therefore he wisely goes to dramatists for librettos. 
Edgar was a revision of Musset's La Coupe et les 
Levres; Manon Lescaut had already been success- 
fully treated as an opera by Massenet; Tosca was 
by Sardou, Madame Butterfly by Long and Belasco, 
and The Girl of the Golden West by Belasco. He 
established his own theory of opera (or "musical 
drama," as he prefers to call it) long before Caval- 
leria Rusticana and I Pagliacci popularized it. He 
avoids the choppy effect of the old recitative-aria- 
scena style ; he also escapes the monotony of Teu- 
tonic leit-motif elaborations. Instead Puccini has 
solved the problem by combining the aria with the 
never-ending melody. His drama flows unin- 
terrupted, but the higher moments are formalized 
into conventional melodies. Thus he adapts the 
W'agnerian method to the spirit of Bizet, sacrificing 
neither action nor song. 

Nor is this so much theory as instinct, for Puccini 
actually possesses that rare combination, the lyric 
plus the dramatic sense. He can write tunes that 
everybody likes to hum and he can make a climax 
all the more exciting by his orchestral accompani- 
ment. Moreover he is a great scene painter. The 
exterior of the Cafe Momus in La Boheme, the slow 
snow of the opening of the third act, Madame But- 
terfly's ascent of the hill, the flight of her relatives 
in the twilight, Johnson and Minnie's departure 
through the great cedars, the homesick minstrel in 
the saloon : all these and more are to be remembered 

His new works sustain his reputation, though they 
may not add to it. They are three: a. tragedy, a 
romance, and a comedy, all centered about death. 

The first, II Tabarro, is the most sophisticated, the 

most ambitious. Puccini has been working on it for 
some time. There were rumors of it as far back as 
1914, and the play from which it is built (Didier 
Gold's La Houppelande) was performed in Paris 
about 1910. The story is simple the aging hus- 
band kills the lover. The scene is strikingly set 
upon a barge on the Seine in Paris. Of course the 
people are not French : neither is Minnie American, 
nor Madame Butterfly Japanese. The music is 
thoroughly interesting: Puccini has made a number 
of harmonic experiments, and has succeeded with 
them ; and the orchestration is sensitive and daring. 
Melodically, however, the opera is not so successful, 
for the composer has yet to learn that exotic har- 
monies will not enrich a cheap tune. (I am not 
referring, it will be understood, to tunes whose color 
is intentionally that of the streets.) Especially bad 
in this respect is the climax of a duet to Paris, 
Ma chi Ifiscia il sobborgo, made still more irritating 
by the succeeding pause for applause. The employ- 
ment of the hand-organ is amusing and clever, and 
compares favorably with Strawinsky's use of it in 
Petrushka; and after the exit of Talpa and Frugola 
there is excellent suspense, but it is sustained too 
long, and the husband's extended aria to the river is 
bad dramatically and not quite successful musically. 
The final curtain, however the husband madly 
flinging his wife at her lover's corpse is unfor- 

Suor Angelica, the second of the trio, is, I feel, a 
distinct failure. The music is far too unsophisti- 
cated to be natural ; there is too much repetition of 
phrases ; v and the climaxes are not adequate. As for 
the libretto, the plot does not seem very natural ; 
the action is padded with irrelevant semi-episodes; 
and the end is operatic in the worst sense. In II 
Tabarro Puccini made the modern mistake of elim- 
inating all sympathy for the characters; in Suor 
Angelica he goes to the 'other extreme of too much 
sentimentalizing. The story is that of a daughter 
of a patrician family who fell and was forced to 
enter a convent. Seven years later she hears of the 
death of her son, takes poison, and is rewarded with 
a vision of the Virgin. The effect of the white robes 
of the nuns floating about in the garden is pretty; 
but only the excitement of the evening and the per- 
sonality of Farrar made the performance a success. 

Gianni Schicchi, however, more than redeemed it. 
As an entertainment this piece is by far the most 
successful of the three. It is a story out of the In- 
ferno, retold in the spirit of Boccaccio. Gianni is of 
essentially the same stock as Buffulmacchio. A ras- 



January n 

cally lawyer, he is called in to break the will of a 
rich Florentine merchant, for the relatives have dis- 
covered that most of the property has been left to 
the Church. There is only one way to do it: they 
bundle the corpse out; Gianni takes the dead man's 
place (his death has not yet been made public) ; the 
notary is called in ; and a new will is dictated. 
Gianni gives each of the relatives a generous in- 
heritance; but the richest of all he calmly leaves to 
himself, knowing that the relatives dare not inter- 
fere. As soon as the notary is gone, they set upon 
him ; but he arms himself with a stick and drives 
them all out of the palace his palace now! 

The music throughout is carefully subordinated to 
the action, as it should be, though without losing its 
own interest. It is fairly modern, yet unaffected; 
and it is packed with color and vitality. A chorus 
of "poisoned laughter" is especially good. Yet there 
are weak spots notably Lauretta's sweet little song, 
O mio babbino, which is as cheap a song as Puccini 
has ever written, and which was duly encored. 

An enjoyable evening, if not epoch-making. Puc- 
cini has reached his maturity: his orchestration is 
perfected, his harmonies nearly so, though his melo- 

dies have not kept pace. The influences of other 
composers are less noticeable; Puccini is more than 
ever himself. The greatest faults were perhaps the 
moments of unsustained suspense, the occasional 
cheap tunes, and the set places for applause. A pos- 
sible effect of the evening may well be the establish- 
ment of the trilogy of one-act operas, which would 
be a fashion both fresh and satisfactory. As we have 
moved from the epic through the novel to the short 
story, so we may come to prefer three brief musical 
tales to the older, ponderous forms. 

More is to be expected from Puccini, for there 
have been rumors of other one-act operas: Anima 
Allegri, from Guntero's comedy of the same name; 
I Due Zoccoletti from Ouida's Two Little Wooden 
Shoes; and a third, a farce about a party of Euro- 
peans captured by cannibals. These cannibals had 
once been captured by Europeans and made to build 
a model village at a World's Fair ; so they now re- 
tort in kind upon the Europeans. There may be still 
other operas in store for us: II Tabarro and Gianni 
Schicchi must make us hope there are. 


A Typically American Personality 

IHESE UNITED STATES have not lacked powerful 
and picturesque leaders among their governors. 
But sometimes they fail to write their autobiog- 
raphies, and sometimes they become senators or presi- 
dents; and the strength and individuality of the 
provincial ruler, dowered with the strength and indi- 
viduality of his own province, becomes a fading 
tradition or is merged with national qualities, inter- 
ests, and events. In The Autobiography of a Penn- 
sylvanian (John C. Winston; Philadelphia; $3) 
Governor Pennypacker has recorded himself "un- 
altered, unexpurgated, and unedited" by his execu- 
tors, according to the published request of distin- 
guished friends, who knowing 

The whims are many 
Of Governor Penny 
Pennypacker of Penn 

doubtless conjectured a manuscript disconcerting in 
its honesty, keenness, and mirth. And he has re- 
corded himself as a Pennsylvanian to whom his 
state, with a vaster population than the England 
of Elizabeth, and with traditions of indisputable 
leadership in American ideas and ideals, was the 
greatest of our commonwealths. 

There is something vital for America in this note 
something that, in these days when the federal idea 
is all in all (except as it too is merging into some- 

thing still more big as a world-idea), calls us 
back to the constitutional and ethnic structure of 
our country and the personality, dignity, and dy- 
namics of its individual parts. Though so vigorous 
and old-fashioned a lover of the Union that to him 
the Civil War was still "the War of the Rebellion," 
and the recent statue to Lee a blasphemy, as Gov- 
ernor, Pennypacker would brook no interference 
from Washington in the settlement of domestic coal- 
strikes; and, as scholar, he devoted himself exclu- 
sively to the history of his state, taking now and 
then a fall out of Massachusetts (and her expatriated 
son, "the discoverer of Philadelphia," whom he calls 
"a job printer" on the evidence of some two hun- 
dred and odd chiefly mercantile publications of 
Franklin's press in his own private library). One 
feels the Pennsylvanian not alone in the Pennsyl- 
vanian subject matter; quite as much in the essen- 
tially Pennsylvanian (sometimes Philadelphian!) 
gestures, tones, outlook. There is the state manner, 
very different from the state manner of a Virginian 
aristocrat or of a Bay State Brahmin or even of a 
Wisconsin Progressive. In spite of its glorious pro- 
vincialism, Pennsylvania has a rugged cosmopolitan 
ancestry the Dutch, the Germans, the Swedes, the 
English, the Scotch, the Irish ; Church of England, 
Mennonite, Quaker; Liberty Bell and Gettysburg 



2 7 

have all contributed to the Pennsylvanian "manner," 
even as they nearly all contributed to the physical 
or mental antecedents of Pennypacker himself. 

But it is for Pennypacker, after all, rather than 
for his state, that his book has enduring pith. For 
Pennypacker, too, rather than for politics. That 
request of those distinguished friends who wanted 
him "unexpurgated" emphasizes the manuscript as 
"an invaluable historical document." There are 
new and kindlier lights on Quay, who assisted, with- 
out ever controlling, his grateful but independent 
contemporary; there is some inside history of old 
political campaigns (federal, state, city) ; there are 
Civil War reminiscences; there is a full account of 
his triumphant governorship, "four years filled with 
storms from start to finish"; and there is a wel- 
come plenty of ruthlessly keen and honest comment 
on the character and conduct of the great and the 
near-great, living and dead. Yet his public life 
was focal to no great crisis, stood for no great 
epoch, was identified with no great movement, state 
or federal; and thus the record cannot have the 
larger historical significance of the autobiography 
of, say, Carl Schurz or of Grant, or perhaps of 
LaFollette. But a man's a man for a' that, and 
may turn up sturdy, wise, human without making 
great history or being made great by history. Any- 
one who reads this autobiography will meet therein 
somebody who will make a difference for him: that 
is its ultimate significance. 

Charles Francis Adams sets down near the begin- 
ning of his autobiography (which by the way was 
one of the last books the Pennsylvanian records as 
read, in the notebook he always kept at his elbow) : 
"I now humbly thank fortune that I have almost 
got through life without making a conspicuous ass of 
myself." This may be the Boston understatement, 
the indifferentism of one born to a name and a 
tradition supposedly so secure that self-depreciation 
is simply good form is one's set and an Adams or 
a Lowell in Boston still talks, I think, mostly to his 
set. But nothing like this for Samuel Whitaker 
Pennypacker! He has had a ripping time being 
done to: from the days when he had colic as a 
country baby to the days when, as Governor, his 
tousled head was cartooned by the press of the nation. 
He has had an even more ripping time doing to: 
as judge, giving a chap eight months for cutting 
off a dog's tail, and performing other stunts based 
on opinions unusual in the derivative and artificial 
code of the sober judiciary; as bibliophile, going 
incog up into the country and buying job lots of 
queer old books at German farmhouse auctions; 
as antiquarian and scholar, discovering dates and 
authors, corresponding with or interviewing schol- 

ars abroad, editing law cases or old documents, 
writing innumerable books and pamphlets, and read- 
ing eight or so languages (mostly self-taught) ; as 
politician, standing up for Blaine; as banqueter (and 
the City of Brotherly Love has always been much 
given to these social affairs) saying with gusto the 
thing he was supposed not to say, and taking home 
the menus to be preserved and bound ; as candidate, 
electioneering thus-wise: "I don't know whether I 
will make a good governor or not you will have 
to run the risk and take the responsibility"; as gov- 
ernor, collecting bugs in Wetzel Swamp or "crush- 
ing the freedom of the press" its freedom to pub- 
lish filth, libel, and lies unpunished and answering 
unperturbed the reporter's query, "Does not this 
continuel objurgation [the press attacks] disturb 
you?" by taking his cue from a momentary rumb- 
bling in the western sky: "I have often sat upon this 
porch when the clouds gathered out yonder, and 
presently the lightnings flashed and the thunders 
rattled until in the uproar my voice could not be 
heard. Where those storms have gone no man 
knows, and here I am sitting on this porch still." 
He has lived with zest interested in all sorts of 
things, but chiefly in Pennsylvania and in human 
nature; he has got some things done that seemed to 
him (and to Pennsylvania and to the rest of us) 
worth doing. And in this, the summing up, he is 
living the whole business over with zest too. But 
the effect is as far from braggadocio as from under- 
statement: such a combination of rollicking and in- 
genuous frankness and self-satisfaction, with philo- 
sophical sagacity and the critical spirit (toward his 
own life and character as well as toward all else),, 
is not often found. 

On the other hand, if this vigorous, reflective, 
forthright, eccentric, and withal kindly man ever 
knew the agonies of pain, sickness, and death, ever 
brooded in any suffering of the spirit, ever was lifted 
by great music or great love oj any other of the 
spiritually expanding instrumentalities of human 
life, he has left us here no record. Nor is there but 
a word here and there about his own fireside. It is 
not a book about the soul or the home: it is a book 
about a man busy in the everyday world, who sees 
through make-believe, helps good things along, col- 
lects all sorts of souvenirs, remembers everybody's 
full name, knows everybody's genealogy, and creates 
unconsciously through three score years and ten, 
out of himself and out of his neighborhood, a typi- 
cally American personality which is a good whole- 
some sort of thing, though its typical limitations in 
subtility, inwardness, imagination, sense of propor- 
tion, and mellow taste should not be forgotten. 




January 11 

Eugenics Made in Germany 

A HERE ARE two logics a logic of passion and a 
logic of fact. The latter accumulates its material, 
classifies it according to its nature, allows it to 
assume the pattern inevitable to that nature, and 
calls the pattern the law which governs the ma- 
terial ; the law emerges from the facts, not the facts 
from the law. Quite contrary is the procedure of 
the logic of passion. It begins as an impulse, a 
prejudice, an appetite, a wish, conscious perhaps, 
more often unconscious, always starved, voracious, 
and ashamed of the candor and frankness of day, 
always seeking disguise and justification, and always, 
consequently, sucking into its vortex all sorts of 
materials, relevant and irrelevant, important and 
worthless, that will give it aid and comfort and 
right, that will make it seem reasonable. The 
pattern into which materials so gathered fall is not 
the effect of their essential nature, not the revelation 
of their underlying unity, not a natural pattern. 
The pattern into which materials so gathered fall 
is an artificial pattern; its unity is the unity of the 
passion or prejudice that holds them together, and 
when it lapses, they scatter. The differentia of 
such a pattern are easily observable : its elements are 
incongruous with one another ; the bulk of them are 
assumptions, dogmas, speculations, conjectures, pre- 
sented as facts because they sustain the passion which 
holds them together. Whatever correct material is 
mixed with them they distort and diminish in value. 
The logic of Mr. Seth K. Humphreys in Man- 
kind: Racial Values and the Racial Prospect 
(Scribner; $1.50) is the logic of passion. Indeed 
this book of Mr. Humphreys' needs only an intro- 
duction by a professional patriot to make it 
a perfect thing of its kind. It has the hortatory 
unction, the smattering of sciences, the dogmatism, 
and the pretentiousness which the protagonists of 
American Junkerism have standardized for the read- 
ing public. Its style is perhaps too fine, too re- 
strained. But that is an incident. The play's the 
thing, and the play was made in Germany. In 
that land of passionate self-appreciation there was 
invented a tall, strong, blond, brainy being, every 
inch a German, who was described as coming out of 
the North, and creating all over Europe and Asia 
from Japan to Italy any particular item of civiliza- 
tion that the Germans liked. They called this blond 
aborigine "Aryan." Because they fancied they liked 
Christianity they declared that Jesus was an Aryan. 
Because they fancied they liked Japanese prints, they 
declared that the Aryan blood in the Japanese made 
them. And so on. So on, against the total absence 

of anthropological and archeological evidence ; so on, 
against the incontrovertible witness of anthropology 
and archeology that the basic advances of civilization 
are due to the Alpine and Mediterranean types in the 
Orient, Greece, and Italy; that the geographical 
distribution of ethnic types crosses the lines of na- 
tional boundaries; that it is absurd, consequently, to 
identify race, type, and nation. 

But the evidence of science matters as little to 
Mr. Humphreys as to that renegade Englishman, 
Houston Stewart Chamberlain, and the rest of the 
Pan-Germanist priesthood. He presents this myth- 
ological fancy as fact, without authority and without 
argument, and upon it he bases his "racial prospect." 
France is racially exhausted ; England is distinctly 
on the way to exhaustion ; whatever contribution to 
civilization came from Russia was made by Teutons; 
the Germans alone, being a young race, and a pure 
race, and a good race, and Aryan oh so Aryan ! 
have the future in their hands. Against them there 
are however the renewed Anglo-Saxon stocks of the 
Anzac lands, and of America. But America gives 
Mr. Humphreys pause America, the melting-pot, 
is a mongrel farm, and the mixing of the inferior 
races from Central and Southern Europe, of the in- 
digenous Indian and imported African with the su- 
perior Anglo-Saxon means degeneration. Of course 
African and Indian sometimes do things Aryans 
might be proud of, but those things are to be 
attributed to Aryan blood! 

Thus Mr. Seth Humphreys, concerning the value 
and future of mankind, oblivious or ignorant of 
the sober finding of anthropology and archeology; 
oblivious or ignorant, or wilfully ignoring, the social 
and economic history of the nations of whose future 
he so glibly and cathedrally disposes, particularly 
of Germany's, the factors in whose "spectacular rise" 
are very far from being even fifty per cent Aryan. 
He has uttered a passion, not recorded a perception. 

The pity of his utterance lies in the perversion it 
operates on certain eugenic considerations of great 
importance, and altogether independent of the myth- 
ology with which it is applied. That the superior are 
for a variety of reasons infertile, that the multiplica- 
tion of the inferior is excessive, that the war has 
produced an inevitable disproportion of females to 
males, in which the breeding of the superior is placed 
at a still greater disadvantage, are all matters de- 
serving the deepest attention of the classes concerned 
with the conservation of the race, in whatever na- 
tion. That the principle which must govern the 




use of any chosen remedy in this situation must in- 
volve an enhanced reproduction of the eugenically 
fit and a greatly diminished reproduction of the 
eugenically unfit cannot be too much stressed. And 
it is true also that such a principle must needs gen- 
erate very definite changes in the conventions of 

But why blur and depreciate important concep- 

tions of this sort with racial mythology? The 
answer is that in the logic of the passions reality is 
made to minister to fancy in the hope that it may 
impart some of its solidity to the object of desire. 
The process is technically called "rationalization." 
Mr. Humphreys' book is a more tactful attempt 
than Mr. Madison Grant's to "rationalize" war 

- H. M. KALLEN. 

Kreymborg's Marionettes 


HITMAN AND not Poe was the true pioneer of 
American poetry. Poe filled narrow unpliant forms 
with a wild, fantastic, supple life. He played freely 
within circumscribed boundaries, because boundaries 
did not constrict him he was the kind of bird that 
sings most sweetly in a cage. 

But Whitman's was a grandly nihilistic gesture. 
He assailed the whole bastille of form and brought 
it tumbling about his own ears. He was a liberator 
of rhythms as Nietzsche was of ethics. And at that 
he achieved no modern miracle. His was the world- 
old revolt of life, weary of constraining her mighty 
rhythms in "piano tunes." Wholly a democrat, he 
was concerned only with the broad and common 
currents of existence whatever surrounded and in- 
cluded the life of crowds and like most democrats 
he was unaware of nuances. But in a literary sense 
his service to .America equaled that of Washington 
and the co-Fathers of the Revolution. Like theirs, 
his Declaration of Independence sounded "a bar- 
baric yawp over the roofs of the world." And 
though we may smile tolerantly at the clumsy ways 
of a pioneer and clear away his good rank grasses, 
it is over his unrailed clearing rather than along the 
slender trail of Poe that the truly American poets 
will pass to their own. 

He has made it easier for men so unlike as Frost 
and Sandburg and Bodenheim and Masters to grow 
and push out horizons. Even Vachel Lindsay would 
not have had space enough for his adorable ragtime, 
if Whitman's breath had not blown over the stucco 
palaces and rose gardens and high English hedges, 
and left a great clear space like a prairie for free 
rhythms to gallop in. 

But of all the poets that are now travailing out 
of this large incoherence that is America, Kreymborg 
is most strangely and poignantly alone. Whether, 
like some elfin Hamlet, folded in an ironic smile as 
in a cloak, or gazing out of his own Mushrooms, 
solemn-eyed, gnomelike, with naively interested eyes 
on an unrelated world, he seems to have no artistic 

roots. This is apparent even in Mushrooms, for 
never since the great Walt scattered his Leaves over 
an offended continent has there been a poetic firstling 
that has shown so few "influences." Its method, 
then tentative, uncertain, seemed a seed blown from 
nowhere. Now we feel its upward growth in these 
Plays for Poem-Mimes, in which common words 
made taut like strings seem to have acquired a new 
and silvery timbre. 

Kreymborg seems* to melt life as in a crucible and 
pour it into these quaintly human marionettes from 
whom it perpetually brims over. Except for Mani- 
kin and Minikin who probably flouted their be- 
getter's plan by announcing themselves as fujl-blown 
egos one can imagine these little dramas being 
staged in souls and played by "the people who live 
in people," so eerily intimate are they. 

All six plays have a musical structure. Deftly, 
surely, with his sensitive musician's fingers, Kreynv 
borg touches those tenuous quivering threads that 
radiate beneath the compact surface of life. First 
he makes a silence a silence of wheels and cranes 
and a silence of subways and barrel organs even a 
silence of feet stamping upon gallery floors. And 
you who would watch his swaying motifs in their 
rhythmic dances and listen to their subtile music, 
must pass through this luminous silence that sur- 
rounds them like an aura. But if you would enjoy 
the full luster of each silvery dissonance you must 
hush those too clamorous memories of Broadway 
and the blind white scream of spotlights. For 
Kreymborg sweeps away all ready-made gestures 
and all unnecessary noises. He deals direct with 
life, and life needs silence to be heard. 

When the curtain rises on Manikin and Minikin : 
A Bisque-Play, we see only a mantel shelf and a 
huge clock ticking away eternity between "two aris- 
tocratic bisque figures, a boy in cerise and a girl in 
cornflower blue." The servant girl, whom we never 
see but of whose nearness we are always aware, has 



January 1 1 

turned them away from each other so that they see 

the everlasting armchair, 

the everlasting tiger skin, 

the everlasting yellow, green and purple books. 

And into these two inanimates, who recall their 
childhood in the English museum, Kreymborg has 
poured a full, sweet tide of life. We do not think of 
them as puppets but as living essences gestures cf 
surrounded beauty, captured like two bright birds 
and held static in time. Minikin asking: 

Who made me what I am 
who dreamed me in motionless clay? 

or voicing her jealousy of the servant Minikin who 
does not know how old she is is as perfect of her 
kind as any of the great characters of literature. 
Manikin says in his sad wise philosophy: 

The life of an animate 

is a procession of deaths 

with but a secret sorrowing candle 

guttering lower and lower 

on the path to the grave 

the life of an inanimate 

is as serenely enduring 

as all still things are. 

And I feel this little play to be of such stuff as 
will prove to be "serenely enduring." Unlike some 
of Kreymborg's other work, it has no loose repeti- 
tions straying like uncared-for children, and no 
frayed ends; the whole is correlated into a perfect 
form. A lesser artist might have made a catastrophic 
finale by letting the servant girl "shatter the great 
happy centuries ahead" by sweeping Minikin from 
"the everlasting shelf." As it is, the play leaves off 
on the progressive chord. Only the mellow chimes 
of the clock striking the hour round the silence like 
the last touch on a jewel. 

Of the comedies, Lima Beans: A Scherzo-Play, 
with a dainty allegro movement, is a prolonged rip- 
ple of quaintly satirical laughter in which Kreym- 
borg, delicately whimsically as some supernaturally 
wise gnome, mocks at life with her own symbols. 

Jack's House: A Cubic-Play is not so easily 
disposed of. It has a way of leaving one's concep- 
tion of it swinging foolishly like an empty cage. At 
first one follows pleasantly the miming of its two 
figures and smiles at Jack's expectations of his doll- 
wife, who is hardly more than a delicious pout 
and what has a pout to do with home-making? 
Later this little oblique satire on the American home 
acts as an emotional irritant. There is something 
vaguely chilling about an atmosphere where 

two black pillows 
on our green couch 

are the make-believe children. Besides, the poet's 
thought has a trick of whisking into ambush and out 

again, -tagging and dancing away, making impish 
mouths. One leaves it with a sense of futility and 
of being wounded uselessly and of feeling bits of 
severed life fumbling for each other. And yet, for 
those of us who have seen Jack's House produced 
by the Other Players and listened to the wistfully 
importunate accompaniment of Julian Freedman's 
music, this parody of a home 

will rock in our memory 
no matter what we grow to. 

In Blue and Green: A Shadow-Play love avid, 
morbidly aware, eternally touching and swaying 
apart is again the dominant motif. The two fig- 
ures, talking in silvery monotones while "fragments 
of their lives dance a shadow-dance" against a blue 
California sky, compare their dissonances with an 
exquisite and intimate clarity, flowing through each 
other's consciousness like two streams of faintly 
iridescent water. If a man and woman could so 
commune through their mortal opacity, then these 
two might be any man and any woman who had 
tried to mold the other to his own image, 

only to find the image mean, 

commonplace, bitterly familiar 

a sight to be effaced with the first recognition. 

This thought of our multiple spiritual recreations 
of each other finds constant expression in Kreym- 
borg's work. The old figure in When the Willow 
Nods says of the Girl: 

Your least sly look 
recreates folk to your image ; 

and it is the main theme of People Who Die. In 
this lonely Dream-Play, Love has almost ceased to 
importune her dead children. And the two figures 
are as shells that "we hold to our ear" and through 
which we hear the roaring backwash of life. It 
seems in a sense to be a sequel to Blue and Green, 
penetrating even deeper than the latter into inner 
sacristies. As dramatic structures these two plays 
are the weakest in the group. Perhaps they are 
spiritual records done at a too close perspective to be 
expressed in conscious terms of art. But in order 
to assume any dramatic or even any permanent 
literary value they would have to be recast and all 
those groping segments constrained into some definite 
form. As it is, they are as good wine that has been 
spilled on the ground instead of poured into clear-cut 

The book is at once a challenge and a stimu- 
lus. It reminds us that the artist's interpre- 
tation of life must be more than a record of action 
or a corroboration of registered emotions. Kipling 
achieved these brilliantly and reached his period be- 
fore thirty. Our individual reactions to the tangible 
beat in ever dwindling vibrations the exploration 



3 1 

of the intangible is the one inexhaustible adventure. 
Blows, gifts, kisses, wine, stars, winds, sun the 
time comes to every artist when he has answered 
even these, and when the raised and visible signs by 
which our mute souls quibble to each other need to 
be re-energized by the impetus of some new discov- 
ery. And it is this spirit of discovery this getting 
out and making a clearing, instead of huddling in 
mental tenements that is Kreymborg's great signifi- 

In one almost painfully clutching gesture that of 
musically monotonous repetitions he resembles 
Maeterlinck. But he has none of the great Bel- 
gian's fear of personal extinction. His spiritual at- 

titude is serenely robust, and his regret is never foi 
People Who Die, but for "the people who die ir 
people," those fragile and lovely images the eg( 
fashions of its beloved. 

Whether we like him or not, it will soon bi 
obligatory to recognize Kreymborg as an impelling 
force in the new American drama. In discardinj 
old forms he has merely thrown away what to hin 
are worn-out swaddlings no longer whole enough o: 
spacious enough to contain the living, growing es 
sence. His aim is to make life face itself anew b] 
the aid of new symbols life, never to be persuadec 
or reconciled by its own "bitterly familiar" image 


Imagination and Vision 

IT is SOME years now since "JE" published a 
book of the nature of this Candle of Vision (Mac- 
millan; London), which breaks the line of political 
writings that have given Mr. George W. Russell 
a public unknown to the earlier "IE" Indeed, 
only the readers of esoteric magazines and the 
hoarders of rare pamphlets will easily recall the last 
prose publication of "/E's," to which the present 
volume attaches itself in the lineage of his work. 
There were chapters in Imaginations and Reveries 
(Macmillan; 1915) to remind us that "JE," the 
mystic, was not completely submerged in Mr. 
George Russell, the cooperator and economist. That 
book, consisting for the most part of reprinted early 
essays, may serve as a bridge between the poet of 
Homeward (1894) and The Earth Breath (1897) 
and the prose author of The Candle of Vision, for 
here he has returned to analyze and to expound the 
experiences and teaching of his verse. These medi- 
tations are "the efforts of an artist and poet to relate 
his own vision to the vision of the seers and writers 
of the sacred books." 

Readers of "^i's" poems remember them as the 
records of certain spiritual experiences as suggestive, 
and often as beautiful, as they are rare in the lives 
of the vast majority of unmeditative, incurious 
people. By the exercise of will power and concen- 
tration "JE" is able to attain to that vision of the 
divine world about us whose existence he now at- 
tempts to prove. "There is no personal virtue in 
me other than this, that I followed a path all may 
travel, but on which few do journey." With this 
modest postulate which, at all events, clears the 
writer of all suspicion of the charlatanism so fre- 
quently prevalent to the detriment of psychical re- 
search, "JE" selects a number of spiritual adven- 

tures and endeavors to reveal their significance. T< 
this end his account is restricted to experiences whicl 
have some similarity to those of our common dreams 
"not because they are in any way wonderful, bu 
rather because they are like things many people see 
and so they may more readily follow my argument.' 
Many eloquent and beautiful pages are given t( 
this retrospective narrative of dreams, visions, anc 
imaginations since the poet's boyhood, when th< 
"mysterious life quickening/- within my life" begar 
to reveal itself. They are revelations rather thar 
proofs of a doctrine which appeals to reason whil< 
defying it. "2E" proceeds very reasonably to ex 
plain how these first "intimations of immortality' 
came to him, and how he set himself by concen 
trated meditation to obtain control of the mean! 
of access to the divine universe, to that pleroma oi 
the Gnostics. The labor of concentration, the rigic 
setting of the faculties upon some mental object 
leaves the neophyte "trembling as at the close of i 
laborious day." A thousand conflicting desires anc 
emotions crowd in upon the brain to deflect the wil 
from its purpose ; but once the power of concentra- 
tion has been acquired, "the inexpressible yearning 
of the inner man to go out with the infinite" ma) 
be satisfied. Through this discipline "^E" passed 
and he invites others to follow him and to share 
the ecstasies and wonders of the visions of super- 
nature thus obtained. He tells of the power sc 
won, by virtue of which a word in the page of a 
book could transport him to scenes stored up in 
the Eternal Memory; of the flickering through his 
brain of pictures in the minds of friends and 
strangers; of sudden illuminations of the darkness 
shrouding past and future, in which he saw phan- 
tasms of the life of ancient Ireland and the avatar 


January n 

f our race, the "child of destiny around whom 
he future of Ireland was to pivot." If in many of 
hese pictures "AL" strays from the line of com- 
lon experience to which he promised to keep in 
is selection, nobody will regret that, in exchange, 
e has given us some beautiful, suggestive, and 
wonderful adventures of an artist's soul. After all 
: is doubtful if more than a fraction of the public 
/ill, if honest, * do more than grant his premises 
n order to hear what he has to tell. "JE." prom- 
>es the same powers of vision and imagination to 
very disciple ; but if we eliminate, as is often so 
lifficult, the pseudo-mystics from those who are 
ruly psychic, it must inevitably be the case that 
lany are called but few are chosen. 

The elimination of the fakers and table-turning 
mateurs of cheap mysteries is essential if we are 
ver to have serious attention paid to psychical 
evelations. "/E," so happily free from the stigma 
f the mystery-mongers, has been able to raise in 
his book some points of the deepest interest. He 
ries, and asks us to try, to discover what element 
f truth lies in imagination. He cannot accept the 
acile methods of the now fashionable psycho- 
nalysts who can explain everything by reference 

memory and suppressed desires. Assuming that 
mr dreams are old memories refashioned "yE" 

\ 7 hat is it combines with such miraculous skill the 
nings seen, taking a tint here, a fragment of form 
here, which uses the colours and forms of memory as 
palette to paint such masterpieces? 

Vnd he argues that it is "just as marvelous but 
lot so credible" to assume that there is an artistic 
acuity in the subconscious memory, as to believe, 
yith him, that dreams come "not by way of the 
ihysical senses transformed to memory," but "like 
he image thought transferred, or by obscure ways 
effected from spheres above us, from the lives of 
ithers and the visions of others." The figures of 
Ireams move; "they have life and expression. The 
unlight casts authentic moving shadows on the 
ground." How can such effects be produced by 
igures composed of innumerable fixed impressions 
n the brain, which, if recombind, could hardly 
nake a more lifelike effect than a face composed 
f a hundred thousand pictures of heads refashioned 
ind pasted together? 

Dreams are explicable, as "yE" sees it, in either 
>f two ways; they are "self-created fantasy" or "the 
nirroring in the brain of an experience of soul in 

1 real sphere of being." While this provides an 
:scape from the irritating dogmatism of the Freudian 
scientists, it leaves "the plain workaday people" no 
further advanced in the discussion. Whichever of 

"^E's" theories one accepts, "we must postulate 
an unsleeping consciousness within ourselves while 
the brain is asleep ; and the unsleeping creature was 
either the creator of the dream or the actor in a 
real event." He likens himself in one case to "a 
man in a dark hall so utterly lightless, so soundless, 
that nothing reaches him; and then the door is 
suddenly flung open, and he sees a crowd hurrying 
by, and then the door is closed, and he is again in 
darkness." Such is the dream which is not "self- 
created fantasy," but a sudden consciousness of being 
in another sphere where a glimpse is obtained of 
events whose beginning and end are not seen: 

On that hypothesis there were journeyings of the soul 
before and after the moment remembered, but the action 
in priority and succession 1 could not remember, be- 
cause there was as yet no kinship in the brain to the 
mood of the unsleeping soul or to the deed it did. 

Arising out of this interpretation of dreams, and 
governing the two-fold hypothesis of "/K," there is 
an interesting analysis of the difference between im- 
agination and vision, although the two are often 
confounded. "If I look out of the windows of the 
soul," he writes, that is not an act of imagination, 
but a "vision of something which already exists, 
and which in itself must be unchanged by the act 
of seeing." On the other hand, "by imagination 
what exists in latency or essence is outrealised and 
is given a form in thought, and we can contemplate 
with full consciousness that which hitherto has been 
unrevealed, or only intuitionally surmised." Hence 
it follows that the images of imagination may be 
referred "definitely to an internal creator, with 
power to use or re-mould pre-existing forms and 
endow them with life, motion and voice." In other 
words, that artist in our subconsciousness whose 
power to refashion memories was defined by "AL" 
as "just as marvelous but not so credible" as his 
own theory, is now postulated to explain the acts 
of imagination as distinct from vision. The differ- 
entiation is important, granting the author's funda- 
mental theory of the universe, but he is expecting 
too much of the unconverted when he asks them to 
endow imagination with creative faculties denied in 
the case of memory. The more so as he has by no 
means succeeded in showing a real divergence be- 
tween acts of vision and acts of imagination. The 
phenomena described in both cases are to the un- 
initiated remarkably similar. 

The dreams recorded, wonderful as many of them 
are, may be traced to memories, and since there is 
evidently a mysterious power of refashioning the 
impressions received by the brain, it is possible to 
explain "^E's" visions and dreams by the hypothesis 
he rejects. At no time does he seem to be aware of 



the important fact that the mind records uncon- 
sciously innumerable impressions. He writes as if 
he could always be certain of exactly what phenom- 
ena have been impressed upon his memory, and he 
argues that when he sees in dreams something of 
which he had no earthly knowledge this is a proof 
of supernatural revelation. But I fancy that any 
reader with a knowledge of physics and of sailing, 
for example, could show "JE" how his description 
of the aerial ships is the obvious result of a lay- 
man's vague recollections of matters with which he 
has no real acquaintance. His airships have steer- 
ing wheels, though they move in no element in 
which they could be so controlled surely an in- 
stance of a landsman's unscientific memory, recalling 
the casually observed fact that ships are steered by 
a wheel. Indeed it will be evident to anyone who 
analyzes "AL's" pictures that they are essentially 
refashioned memories, colored, it is true, by the 
artistic and metaphysical preoccupations of the 
author. Had his mind been stored with other lore 
than the Eastern scriptures, had his eye been that 
of a mechanical engineer instead of an artist, his 
imaginations and visions would have been molded 
accordingly. Unless perhaps they were entirely ex- 
tinguished ! 

These points are merely a few amongst the man 
suggested by this unique spiritual autobiography 
which is packed with ideas and richly colored wit 
beautiful reveries. It is not only an essential pai 
of the work which "JE" has given to the worl 
in his verse but it opens up the most attractive fielc 
of speculation. Here is a man who has found 
new way to truth and knowledge, and who is on! 
too anxious to submit his methods for examinatio 
and to invite others to adopt them. If the grez 
metaphysicians and philosophers had essayed the: 
strange paths along which "AL" has pursued h 
quest, they might have arrived at a perception < 
life more vital to an age conscious of the limitatior 
of reason. Will and imagination, so large a factc 
in this mystic doctrine of the universe were the 
not the basis' of Schopenhauer's metaphysic ? Steepe 
as he was in the sacred writings of the East, whic 
have meant so much to "M," he just failed 1 
realize their teaching. If in the end The Candle ( 
Vision brings us no nearer than before to the sob 
tion of the profound mystery of being, it renews a 
old approach to the mysterious problem which cha 
lenges the intelligence of humanity. 


The American Soldier 

X\MERICAN LITERATURE of the war has passed 
through several phases as marked as the phases of 
our interest and participation in the conflict itself. 
The outbreak of the war found us intellectually 
unprepared, and there followed a feverish eruption of 
explanation. Studies of national ambitions, trade 
rivalries, diplomatic backgrounds were quickly 
placed before the public. Then as our citizens 
became engaged in relief work, or sporadically as 
combatants, their immediate view of the phenomena 
of the war and personal experience in it became 
staple. As our neutrality wore thin and it became 
clear that we should be involved in the final phase 
as arbiter if not as contestant, there appeared fore- 
casts of the settlement in which we must have a part. 
And when we became belligerent the literature of 
the war naturally turned to a record of our participa- 
tion. These several phases have belonged to differ- 
ent classes of writers the first to historians, pub- 
licists, and other informed persons; the second to 
adventurers; the third to social philosophers and 
economists; and only in the fourth has the war 
correspondent come distinctly into his own. Of this 
final phase two books, both by well-known corre- 
spondents, command attention Frederick Palmer's 

America in France (Dodd, Mead; $1.75) an 
Floyd Gibbons' And They Thought We Wouldn 
Fight (George H. Doran; $2). 

The titles of these books correctly prophesy the 
contents, style, and general approach. Mr. Palmi 
writes as a historian a plain unvarnished tal 
From his position on General Pershing's staff ; 
censor we may assume that his book is the resu 
of the fullest information and of the highest di 
cretion. It is in fact the first complete official vie 
of America's part in the war. And with evei 
allowance for reserve it is a convincing as well ; 
an impressive one. Mr. Palmer writes as a historiar 
he also writes as a soldier, not only with an effac 
ment of himself but also a modesty in regard to h 
fellow soldiers which is both engaging and inspirin; 
There is in his book little of the tone of person; 
reminiscence, little anecdote and illustration. Tl 
impression which emerges is that of a whole, 
powerful and , highly organized machine, in whic 
the individual is not lost indeed, but multiplie 
until his personal record is an impertinence. M 
Palmer does not disguise the fact that the machir 
did not work perfectly, ' that there were errors i 
direction, shortcomings in execution. What he in 



January n 

plies however is the superhuman effort, the extremity 
of toil and sacrifice, with which the individual 
member of the vast complex set himself to limit 
the area of mistake and make good the effects of 
shortage. It is easy to divine beneath the surface 
of his narrative of a successful army the vital con- 
tribution of the man, not only behind the gun, but 
behind the telephone receiver, the motor wheel, even 
the ledger and the counter. 

And this is the view which America will be glad 
to take in the future a view of the campaign in 
France as a national enterprise in which the qual- 
ities which had marked the geographical, industrial, 
and scientific expansion of the nation were directed 
to a single end, animated by miraculous energy, 
crowned by complete achievement, and glorified by 
heroic sacrifice. 

Mr. Floyd Gibbons, of the Chicago Tribune, 
writes like a newspaper man. In reading his book 
one is reminded of his veteran predecessors, the 
correspondents of the Civil War, of Browne and 
Richardson, and of those classics, Four Years in 
Secessia and The Field, The Dungeon, and The 
Escape; and one recognizes how much journalism 
has gained in amplitude and richness and raciness 
by the intensive cultivation of "the story" at the 
hands of the humbler members of the craft. Mr. 
Gibbons has the closeness of contact with his ma- 
terial, the intimacy with his characters, the im- 
mediateness of style that mark the expert police 
or baseball reporter. His book is a succession of 
journalistic tours de force of which the first, the 
sinking of the Laconia, and the last, the wounding 
of the author during the taking of the Belleau 
Woods by the American marines, are masterpieces 
worthy of G. W. Steevens. Between these are lesser 
stories, the taking over of the first front-line sector 
by American troops, an inspection of the trenches, 
a raid into the enemy dugouts reported by telephone, 
a bombardment, and the rush of the Second Division 
into Picardy to stem the German offensive. Where 
Mr. Palmer is summary, Mr. Gibbons is detailed; 
where the former is literal and expository, the latter 
is picturesque and illustrative : America in France is 
detached and impersonal; individual traits and inci- 
dents are the essence of And They Thought We 
Wouldn't Fight. 

Mr. Gibbons made it his business to know the 
American soldier, not as an unidentifiable factor in 
the grim unity of his formations, but as the individ- 
ual, who accepts regimentation with the same 
humorous stoicism with which he accepts war. Mr. 
Gibbons constantly allows him to escape from his 
enforced into his real character, to appear as Big 
Moriarity, or Missouri Slim, or the dying Wop. 

From the multitude of incidents he disengages the 
American soldier as a type, distinct as the French 
poilu of Barbusse or the British Tommy of Captain 
Beith a national figure although racially of Italian, 
English, Celtic, Slavic, or Teutonic extraction. It 
would be impossible to recreate this figure in a 
critical summary, but some of his salient traits may 
be enumerated his imperturbable coolness, his in- 
solent courage, his disconcerting unexpectedness, his 
tolerant good nature, his humor that surmounts 
pain, and his irony that circumvents fate. And a 
few bits of his lively conversation may be quoted. 
The men in the tree-top lookout waiting for the 
German fire: 

"Why in hell don't they come back at us?" Griffith 
asks. "I've had myself all tuned up for the last twenty 
minutes to have a leg blown off and be thankful. I hate 
this waiting stuff." 

"Keep your shirt on, Pete," Stanton remarks. "Give 
'em a chance to get their breath and come out of their 
holes. That barrage drove 'em down a couple hundred 
feet into the ground and they haven't any elevators to 
come up on." 

The wireless operator in the open summerhouse: 

"Seems so peaceful here with the sun streaming down 
over these old walls," he said. 

"What do you hear out of the air?" I asked. 

"Oh, we pick up a lot of junk," he replied. . . "A 
few minutes ago I heard a German aeroplane signaling 
by wireless to a German battery and directing its fire. 
I could tell every time the aviator said the shot was 
short or over. It's kinder funny to sit back here in quiet 
and listen in on the war, isn't it?" 

Dan Bailey, who had lost a leg at Cantigny: 

"I know what I'm going to do when I get home," he 
said. "I'm going to get a job as an instructor in a roller- 
skating rink." 

The record of the American soldier as revealed in 
both these books is a valuable comment on democ- 
racy in war. After all, the practical issue between 
democracy and autocracy turned on the question of 
relative efficiency in the test of survival in direct 
conflict of arms. It was the belief of autocracy in 
the essential military unfitness of democracy that 
gave it confidence in forcing the issues that inevit- 
ably added first England and later America to its 
enemies. It appeared to the best authorities that 
the complicated processes of modern warfare could 
not be learned by the ordinary citizen in less than 
two years of intensive training that a system of 
instruction of such levies could not be maintained 
except by a military caste with a tradition of su- 
periority to the body of citizens that reflected the 
autocracy of the state. Above all, the testing of 
armies in maneuver and the constant practice of the 
general staff in handling large bodies of men and 
material was deemed essential. It is true that 
America entered the war under tutelage that our 


unpreparedness was in part at the expense of our 
allies. But granting the contribution of staff work 
and of instruction in major and minor tactics, which 
was so generously given, the attainment of the 
American officers and men gives ground for belief 
in the ability of democracy to take care of itself. 
What part if any our high command played in 
the major strategy of the last months of the war 
may never be disclosed. Even the story of the Amer- 
ican general who took personal responsibility for 
the counter-offensive at Chateau-Thierry may re- 
main apocryphal. But the mastery of the art of war 
by field officers and men of the American forces is an 
achievement in education of which the example 
should not be lost. The result was brought about 
by an extraordinary spirit of cooperation between 
officers and men. Apart from a small number avail- 
able for active service in the regular army and na- 
tional guard, our officers were college boys sum- 
moned to turn their training to a field which they 
had never thought to enter. Their success was per- 
haps a surprise to the faculties which had trained 
them. They had to teach themselves, and each 
other, and their men. The men taught them- 
selves and each other. The limited expert instruction 

provided was economized to the last degree, used 
as leaven in the whole effervescing mass. And as a 
result our army became an extraordinarily flexible 
and responsive instrument, preserving the best fea- 
tures of democratic organization. The officers could 
not send their men into battle in rigid formations, 
trained to mechanical exactness of maneuver at word 
of command, but they could lead them anywhere. 
The result was, it is true, in the American as in the 
English army, which was trained on essentially the 
same principle, a disproportionate loss of officers. 
That is the price which democracy must always pay 
for being the sacrifice of its leaders. But that the 
individual maintained himself in spite of the draft 
and the training and the discipline the whole proc- 
ess of regimentation and will return personally 
the richer for his experience, no one who reads these 
volumes can doubt. In his justification of democ- 
racy as against autocracy in war the American 
soldier recalls the boast of Pericles to the Athenians : 
"Whereas the Spartans from early youth are al- 
ways undergoing laborious exercises which are to 
make them brave, we live at ease yet are equally 
ready to face danger." 


The Economic Interpretation of History : A Footnote 

AlAiLED by some votaries of the political sciences 
as a generalization comparable with the theory of 
evolution, the economic interpretation of history has 
found small favor in the eyes of anthropologists. 
This is not due to any peculiarly bourgeois atmos- 
phere that invests anthropological thought, as ex- 
treme adherents .of the materialistic conception 
might assume. The grounds for an a priori bias 
against that view lie in quite different directions. 
For one thing, the complexities of civilization even 
in its humbler levels are such that antagonism is 
at once roused by advertisements of any vaunted 
master key, whether economic or geographical or 
what not. On the other hand, the students of human 
culture are rightly suspicious of any attempt to 
make reason shoulder the responsibility for most or 
even for much of what mankind has done. They 
are so constantly confronted with the power of 
other impulses that ideological rather than utilitarian 
motives loom large in their consciousness as primary 
causes of human action. When, for example, a 
Crow Indian imperiled his life crawling into the 
midst of the enemy's camp in order to steal a horse 
tethered to the tent pegs, it is difficult to hold that 
he was prompted by ari economic motive, seeing that 

he could much more readily have stolen several un- 
picketed horses roaming about the outskirts. If he 
chose the more arduous method, it was to gain 
not any material benefit but social prestige, which 
was attainable only through some traditionally recog- 
nized act of bravery. 

Nevertheless every exaggeration in the realm of 
thought seems bound to lead as a normal reaction 
to an equal and contrary perversity. The very super- 
ciliousness with which the modern ethnologist re- 
jects economic causation invites a cautious reexamina- 
tion of the ground. Obviously, the most favorable 
conditions for a fair test of economic influences on 
the structure of society would obtain if we had 
knowledge of a given community at one stage and 
equally satisfactory knowledge of the same com- 
munity at a later period when some basic change of 
economic existence had supervened. Our Western 
civilization hardly furnishes a satisfactory illustra- 
tion, because its complexity obscures the factors at 
work. Simpler modes of life, while better suited 
for the purpose, present difficulties of a different 
kind. Contact with the Caucasian race frequently 
produces far-reaching changes in economic activity, 
but frequently this modification is accompanied by 


January i i 

such disintegration of aboriginal life that nothing 
can be inferred as to the influence due to an enforced 
change from, say, the chase to agriculture. Again, 
where the touch of civilization has not proved disas- 
trous as among the Navaho of Arizona we know 
little or nothing of the earlier status of the people 
examined ; we cannot say what has been the effect of 
stock-raising on Navaho custom and thought, for 
the simple reason that records are wanting for the 
ancient life of this tribe before the Spaniards had 
taught them to rear sheep. 

Yet the case is not utterly hopeless, and the north- 
easternmost part of Siberia furnishes us with most 
instructive data. In this region we encounter a 
primitive tribe known as the Chukchi, which is 
divided into two groups differing widely as to their 
mode of subsistence. The Maritime branch con-, 
tinues to support itself by fishing and hunting in the 
ancestral fashion, presenting on the whole a re- 
markably Eskimo-like type of Arctic culture. With 
the remainder of the Chukchi these methods of gain- 
ing a livelihood are overshadowed by utilization of 
domesticated reindeer, a feature borrowed from 
other Siberian aborigines in relatively recent times. 
A comparison of the Maritime and the Reindeer 
Chukchi thus supplies us with a definite test of 
what changes may follow a modification of eco- 
nomic conditions; and we are particularly fortu- 
nate in being able to derive our data from Bogoras' 
monograph, one of the classics of modern ethnog- 
raphy for amplitude of detail and trustworthiness. 

Very significant differences appear in matrimonial 
relations. The Maritime Chukchi is not nearly so 
dependent on a woman's care as the reindeer-breeder, 
whose tents and clothes demand constant attention. 
Accordingly bachelorhood is more common among 
the sea-hunters than with the reindeer-breeders. 
The Maritime Chukchi is barely able to provide 
for one woman and her issue, so that even bigamy is 
extremely rare, while a wealthy Reindeer Chukchi 
often has one wife to take care of each of his herds. 
The need of assistants to tend the reindeer has also 
fostered a particular form of courtship the scrip- 
tural method of gaining a bride by rendering a 
herdsman's services to her father. Equally suggest- 
ive is the status of members of the family. In both 
groups woman normally is in a subordinate position, 
but while the wives of the Reindeer Chukchi have 
much the harder labor they also have an occasional 
chance to gain the ascendancy. When a widow has 
appropriated her husband's herd she plays the domi- 
nant role during her children's minority and may 
lord it over a second spouse. The influence of 
property in fashioning customary law is even more 
clearly seen in the position of children and father. 

Since the herd requires everlasting care, boys and 
girls of ten are often impressed into the service, 
while Maritime children of considerably greater age 
continue the care-free existence of youth. A rein- 
deer-owner is master of valuable property and as 
such exacts obedience and deference even in senility. 
Not so among the sea-hunters, where success is de- 
pendent on physical prowess, where every morsel of 
food is the result of labor and privation. Here the 
old men automatically drop out of the race and are 
degraded to the position of tolerated dependents. 

With the Maritime people there is little to rouse 
native cupidity, and theft is relatively rare. The 
introduction of reindeer greatly stimulated theft 
and avarice. A traveler through Maritime terri- 
tory is entertained scot-free for several days; and a 
host will not stop short of sacrificing his sledge or 
house-supports to furnish fuel. In striking contrast 
to such generosity stands the custom of the Rein- 
deer people inhospitable to the point of churlish- 
ness and unscrupulous in stealing their guest's pos- 
sessions. Finally may be mentioned an illustration 
of the subtle influence exerted by the very fact of 
property rights. Property becomes in a way an end 
in itself, as in modern rules of primogeniture. With 
the Maritime people, to be sure, the eldest son gets 
the best share of his father's implements, but the 
house is simply broken down and its contents divided 
among the survivors. Such division strikes the Rein- 
deer Chukchi as almost sacrilegious. The house 
must descend to the heir-apparent undivided. Fail- 
ing issue, a wealthy reindeer-breeder will go to any 
lengths to perpetuate his hoard by adopting a remote 
relative or transmitting the whole to a friend. 

It seems to have been only within the last hundred 
years that the Chukchi developed into intensive rein- 
deer-breeders. During this extremely brief span of 
time, then, economic specialization has produced pro- 
found alterations in the social usages of the Chukchi 
nay, in their very outlook on life and their ulti- 
mate ideals. In view of the ocular demonstration 
supplied by a comparison of the Maritime and the 
Reindeer Chukchi, the total rejection of economic 
factors as a cultural force appears untenable. 
Doubtless they are even in this instance far from 
being the only ones. A sane appraisal of their effi- 
cacy may be suggested by an analogy from the his- 
tory of philosophy. The early Greek philosophers' 
attempt to describe the universe solely in terms of 
water is no longer more than a metaphysical curios- 
ity; but no one doubts the important part which 
water has played in the fashioning of the globe. An 
assumed cause may not be omnipotent, yet it may 
be very far indeed from being reduced to impotence. 





London, December 9 

IHE CHEERFUL turmoil of the armistice celebra- 
tions has been succeeded here by the more doubtful 
turmoil of a General Election; and but for one 
circumstance literature would have been swamped. 
This one circumstance is the fact that the Labor 
Party is the rising force in British politics; and the 
Labor Party, since the revision of its basis by which 
it opened its arms to mental as well as manual work- 
ers, seems to be regarded by British authors with 
more enthusiasm than any other. We all expected 
as a consequence of this that several of the Labor 
candidates would be men of letters ; but our expecta- 
tions have been disappointed, save by Mr. J. C. 
Squire, who is standing for the University of Cam- 
bridge. He will probably not succeed at the first 
attempt ; but he will lay a foundation for the future. 
In that future Mr. Maurice Hewlett, who adds 
to a complete understanding of the agricultural 
laborer a capacity for writing poetry about him, may 
be persuaded to reconsider his decision not to stand ; 
and encouraged by these examples others may enter 
the field. Then we shall have what I think we have 
never had before, poets and authors in the House of 
Commons who, on taking their seats, will remain 
poets and authors just as much as a stockbroker 
remains a stockbroker. Hitherto the nearest ap- 
proach we have had has been in journalists who have 
decided to* subordinate journalism to the more im- 
posing career of politics. And then, I suppose, the 
millennium will begin; or at least the claims of 
literature will receive attention commensurable with 
that given to the claims of cheese. 

Certainly if women have deserved the vote by 
their indispensability during the war, authors, for 
^he same reason, have deserved a greater influence 
on affairs. Our Government surprisingly perceived 
that literature might be used to strengthen opinion ; 
and this being truly remarkable they asked a 
number of literary men to advise them how it should 
be done. They also appointed Colonel John Buchan 
to be Director ,of Propaganda. Colonel Buchan is 
a publisher and also the genial author of a number 
of "shockers" which are better written than most 
of their kind. The choice might have bee^ better: 
it might also have been worse. Colonel Buchan did 
his work well, if not with much imagination or much 
alertness to the latest movements. I am told that 
when he interviewed a young, rather advanced 
painter who sought the post of "Official Artist" at 
the front, he remarked, in a time-honored formula, 

that he knew nothing about pictures but he knew 
what he liked and further added, ingratiatingly, that 
the works of the man to whom he was talking looked 
as though they might have been done by a child of 
seven. However, the young painter got his appoint- 
ment. This of course was too good to last; and 
presently Colonel Buchan had put over his head a 
"Minister of Information," Lord Beaverbrooke, a 
Canadian financier, whose chief connection with 
literature consisted in his recent acquisition of con- 
trol over a London morning paper. Of him I am 
told that one day early this year he asked one of his 
departments to furnish him with a list of the most 
successful English war-poets. In due course the 
list arrived, headed by the name of Rupert Brooke. 
The Minister of Information then directed one of 
his secretaries to write to Mr. Brooke, making an 
appointment for an interview. Lord Beaverbrooke 
did, however, introduce into his Ministry a real 
man of letters in the person of Mr. Arnold Bennett ; 
and, not long before the cessation of hostilities, Mr. 
Bennett attained a position there equivalent to that 
of Permanent Under-Secretary of State in one of 
the War Department Offices. I do not know how 
to convey to anyone not intimately acquainted with 
our social structure what a solidly and respectably 
glorious position this is. I can only say that it is 
solid and respectable and glorious indeed. I look 
forward with excitement to the description which 
Mr. Bennett, now unchained, will surely give us 
of his sensations in it. In addition to these, other 
men of letters have made themselves useful in various 
branches of the public service. Mr. Walter de la 
Mare has decorated as well as strengthened the 
Ministry of Food; a little group has introduced 
some intelligence into the Intelligence Department 
of the War Office, and others have found employ- 
ment in the Censorship. Some have even received 
some of the mysterious orders and distinctions which 
are now distributed with a lavish hand. So we may 
fairly claim to have played our part in the civilian 
life of our nation at war. Now that the normal 
Status of things is returning and the ordinary chan- 
nel into public life is again Parliamentary politics 
rather than bureaucratic employment, I trust we 
shall forget neither our rights nor our duties. Poets 
are now, curiously, regarded as useful and worthy 
members of society; and the Labor Party might 
brighten the rather drab ranks of its legions by 
adopting a few more as candidates. 


January 1 1 

We are thus, you will perceive, all rather turned 
outward upon the nation's affairs than inward 
upon our own. This will account for the fact that 
the autumn publishing season has been, on the whole, 
rather dull. There has been a new volume of 
poems by Mr. W. H. Davies, a book by Mr. Hud- 
son, this, that, and the other all very pleasant to 
have. The publication of Swinburne's letters (the 
real collection this time) and the appearance of an 
enormous work by Sir James Frazer called Folklore 
in the Old Testament, are events; but they are 
productive rather of satisfaction than of rapture. 
No great genius has suddenly flamed into sight ; nor 
is it probable that any of us should yet have noticed 
him if he had. (I must put it on record that I am 
aware of the logical flaw in this sentence; and I 
leave it at that.) 

One attractive and interesting personality has 
been removed from us by the death, the compara- 
tively early death, of Mr. Robert Ross. Mr. Ross 
was a writer and an art critic with his own claims 
to distinction ; but he was best known in the general 
world of letters as the devoted friend and posthu- 
mous defender of Oscar Wilde. The cult of Wilde 
has been to me always a rather incomprehensible 
thing. That he was a wit I will readily believe; 
that he was a great poet even in The Ballad of 
Reading Gaol, which nevertheless has a certain 
power, I am prepared stoutly to deny. His career 
and his pose, the things for which he was first fol- 
lowed and then pursued, were frankly borrowed; 
and I cannot bring myself to think that he was a 
great man. Yet there is something potent in his 
memory which still sets people by the ears; and no 
long intervals elapse between law cases (mostly libel 
actions) in which infuriated litigants throw his 
name at one another across a pleasantly scandalized 
court. One of Wilde's own associates in particular, 
who had repented that connection, spent much 
energy in chasing Mr. Ross, who was far from re- 
penting; and this (one would think, somewhat un- 
necessary) enthusiasm must have been one of the 
principal curses of Mr. Ross' life. Yet he never 
wavered in his faith or sought to dissemble it; and 
I verily believe that he died holding Wilde to have 
been an epoch-making artist. One cannot but ad- 
mire so much steadfastness based on so inadequate 
a foundation. Perhaps now that Mr. Ross is gone 
we shall hear Wilde's name mentioned less often 
in a good or an evil connection. Yet I doubt it. 
Early this year he and his factitious wickedness 
turned up in the ridiculous Pemberton-Billing affair 
apropos of German influence in England, so it is 

difficult to say that any train of thought cannot 
reach the same goal. I do not think that it matters 
very much. But it is one of the minor curiosities 
of life that a person so essentially of the second rate 
should have proved so disconcertingly immortal. 
The evil that men do rarely lives after them in so 
obvious a shape and still more rarely, I think, does 
so little harm. 

There was a time when Wilde was looked to as 
the regenerator of the English theater; and The 
Importance, of Being Earnest is, I suppose, still the 
most perfect stage-play we have had since Congreve. 
But one comedy does not make a renaissance; and 
Wilde's other plays all led into a cul-de-sac. We 
were still looking for the regenerator (there had 
been several other candidates in the meanwhile) 
when the war broke out and suspended dramatic 
activity to make way for the sort of play that is 
expected to amuse subalterns home on leave. I 
am led into this train of thought by reading a volume 
of reprinted essays by a very clever dramatic critic, 
Captain James E. Agate. His book Buzz! Buzz! 
(Collins; 6s.) is as clever as its title, which, unless 
you are much quicker than I am, you have not yet 
recognized as Shakespearean quotation. But it in- 
duced in me a feeling of profound weariness. Are 
we, I asked myself, to begin all over again the hope- 
less struggle to force the intellectual drama (thrice 
damnable phrase) down the throats of audiences 
who very sensibly do not want it? Are .we to de- 
velop again, having mercifully forgotten it, that old 
factitious enthusiasm for the inexpressibly gloomy 
works of innumerable Germans, Swedes, Czechs, 
and other aliens, and to allow to grow in ourselves, 
or, at the worst, to foster, that feeling of superiority 
over the uninstructed which is generated by the 
visual knowledge of their unspeakable (I use the 
word literally, of course) names? Are we, I cried 
as my despair rose unquenchably, to submit to end- 
less courses of plays by Bernard Shaw, in which the 
undeniable treasures of wit and fancy are corrupted 
by theories that have already begun to decay, mostly 
because there is nothing else we can honestly affirm 
to be more amusing than A Week-End at Brighton, 
the latest adapted French farce, or Cheer Up!, the 
All-Legs Revue? But, after all, there is hope, for 
us in the distance. A play exists by the late James 
Avoy Hecker which, I am told, is the best poetic 
drama since Shakespeare. I put my faith, then, in a 
poetic theater which, apart from this, does not yet 
exist. But more on this another time. Already I 

overrun my space. _> c 







In Charge of the Reconstruction Program : 





enter the League of Nations? What price, political 
and economic, must she pay for inclusion in the 
world confederation that is to give common security 
and protection to all states? Those who speak for 
Soviet Russia and those who speak for the dis- 
gruntled groups representing the opposing factions 
have already asked these questions, but thus far the 
questions have remained unanswered. It is now 
reasonably certain that no delegates will be con- 
sidered accredited by Russia to the peace confer- 
ence, and that her fate as M. Clemenceau said in 
his speech to the Chamber of Deputies on December 
30 would be equally true of "the fate of nations in 
all parts of the world" -will be determined by her 
former Allies, France, England, Italy, and America. 
Admittedly the policy which is to be pursued to- 
wards Russia is of first-rate importance for the 
future peace of the world. Thus far, in spite of 
Senator Johnson's spirited and just queries, this 
Government has not seen fit to enlighten its citizens. 
Lord Milner, speaking for the British Government, 
has given some explanation, feeble and inadequate 
though it be. He has stated that it would be a 
flagrant violation of British honor if those Russians 
who had aided the intervening troops were left to 
the tender mercies of the Bolsheviki. M. Pichon, 
speaking for the French Government, has given his 
explanation too. It is: intervention was "inevitable" 
(he does not state exactly why) ; intervention has be- 
come "defensive" in order to prevent the Bolsheviki 
from invading the Ukraine, the Caucasus, and West- 
ern Siberia. But he is franker than his British col- 
league. Amidst a storm of protest from the benches 
of the Left and cries of "The war is beginning 
anew!" M. Pichon went on to explain that "in the 
future" an offensive intervention might be necessary 
in order to "destroy" Bolshevism. French troops 
are fighting the Russian "Republican" army in 
Odessa and Sebastopol, and British troops have al- 
ready landed at Riga, Reval, and Helsingfors. Our 
own War Trade Board has authorized shipments 
of goods to Finland where the White Guard has 
cooperated with the Germans in driving out the 
Bolsheviki and to those parts of Siberia under 
control of the "Army of Occupation." Briefly, then, 
the avowed intentions of the statesmen of the Allies 
who have condescended to speak, and the overt acts 

of all the Governments of the Entente, give a clear 
clue to the policy to be pursued towards Russia. 
Under no circumstances is Soviet Russia to be recog- 
nized or to be admitted to the League of Nations. 
Tempered only by the war-weariness of their own 
peoples and the degree of skepticism which may be 
aroused in even the most gullible of publics, the 
Governments of the Allies intend to destroy Soviet 
Russia root and branch. Yet as a matter of fact 
this failure to gain political recognition would not 
particularly disturb the leaders of Soviet Russia if 
they could in any way arrange for economic coopera- 
tion with the Governments of their former Allies. 
But the destruction contemplated is not mere po- 
litical isolation from the benefits of the League of 
Nations: it is actual economic destruction. Some 
time ago the Soviet Government bought and paid 
for nets and fishing instruments in Norway. The 
goods were shipped; on October 26 the boat trans- 
porting them was stopped and the goods seized by the 
British. Other purchases in neutral countries have 
been prevented from leaving the warehouses. The 
economic blockade is effective. Was it irony on the 
part of M. Pichon when in the speech above quoted 
he gracefully referred to the fact that because France 
had already given so much to the common cause 
"our allies should contribute to this intervention on 
a larger scale than we"? Not entirely irony. For 
M. Pichon was not thinking merely of Great 
Britain's effective blockade against Russia. The 
hint was pretty plain that a large share of the task 
of destroying Soviet Russia should in justice devolve 
upon the United States, which has sacrificed far 
less proportionately than any other nation in the 
victory over vGermany. In a word, the United 
States is to furnish the economic help and, if neces- 
sary, the military assistance required to guarantee 
that neither a Soviet Russia nor Germany shall long 
continue to exist and to embarrass the victorious 
Governments of England, France, and Italy, who 
naturally enough see in a weak Russia, on the one 
hand, and in a "stable" Germany, on the other, the 
opportunity for exploitation of natural resources and 
for rich indemnities from a defeated and disciplined 
industrial nation. From every part of the United 
States should arise an uncompromising demand for 
the discontinuance of this imperialistic adventure 
into which our Government is plunging us. 


January n 


elections are discouraging to liberals: Asquith, Hen- 
derson, Snowden, Macdonald are all defeated; the 
Liberal and Nationalist Parties are practically wiped 
out of existence ; Labor acquires only sixty-five seats 
instead of the expected 100; Ireland threatens civil 
war in its practical sweep for the Sinn Fein; the 
Tories of England, France, and America pluck up 
heart and become shamelessly explicit in their de- 
mands for a punitive, vindictive peace. Yet the ad- 
verb "superficially" is merited. If a general election 
had been held in Germany three days after the start 
of the last March offensive, who can doubt that the 
results would have been overwhelmingly conserva- 
tive? And in less than nine months Germany turns 
revolutionary. In the first flush of a victory that 
must have seemed as sudden as it was complete, it 
was hardly to be expected that England would 
repudiate the leader who had, in the popular mind 
at any rate, successfully brought her through the 
crisis. The day of election found England in a 
position more powerful and world dominant than 
she has ever occupied in her history as an empire. 
Was it to have been expected that a vote of confi- 
dence would then be denied? But there are fur- 
ther considerations which make the Coalition vic- 
tory less significant than appears on the surface of 
the number of votes. London and Scotland polled 
less than half their electorate; Wales, just half; 
English boroughs and counties, a little more than 
half striking proof, if proof were needed, that to a 
large section of the electorate the contest was re- 
garded as unreal and that suspicion of parliamentari- 
anism is strong. Furthermore the system of "proxy" 
voting for the army inevitably produced a situation 
wherein about one third of the votes actually cast 
represented the considered political opinion of the 
men in khaki. It is noteworthy that most of the 
ballots cast out were from soldiers and that across 
the slips were written expressions like "Send us 
home and we will vote," and "We have no informa- 
tion about the candidates." Even granting, how- 
ever, that the Coalition victory represented the 
practically unanimous present day view of England, 
the evidence is definitive that a few weeks will see 
a marked shift in popular conviction. The whole 
problem of peace and reconstruction is placed 
squarely upon Lloyd George's shoulders: he has 
given election hostages to fate in the form of all 
sorts of extravagant- promises. But if the word of 
English liberal journals is to be believed, the plans 
for demobilization of the army and the reabsorption 
of men into industry and the placing of them upon 
the land are as uncoordinated and. inadequate as our 
own. The Lloyd George Government will be faced 
with a serious unemployment crisis before the Peace 
Conference has concluded its sittings. Ireland openly 
declares its intention to provoke serious military 
clashes before the conference finishes its work. And 
if many of the peace terms which Lloyd George 

promised in the heat of the campaign are carried out 
literally, the result will be the increase of Bolshevism 
everywhere east of the Rhine, with consequent drains 
upon British finance and men for holding in check 
the very forces which the stupidity of its statesmen 
will have aroused. Every one of Lloyd George's 
campaign chickens is coming home to roost and 
with a tag to show its paternity. Moreover the 
national unity which inevitably prevailed for a few 
weeks following the close of the most successful of 
wars is bound soon to disappear. The very intensity 
of the long political union sacree of the war proved 
its artificiality; and with the relaxing of external 
hostility internal and domestic differences are cer- 
tain to be accentuated and sharpened. Lloyd George 
has aroused high hopes; if those hopes are disap- 
pointed, the resentment will be greater than would 
have been the case with a statesman who had 
modestly promised less. Labor should not now lose 
its opportunity. It should point out the mistakes 
and broken promises of the Coalition regime calmly 
and without exaggeration. It should do everything 
in its power to strengthen the personnel of its lead- 
ers. For the indications are that England will see 
another General Election before summer, and that 
the country will then look as hopefully to Labor as 
it is now looking to Coalition. 


all that is beautiful in the spirit that prompts its erec- 
tion, is not the least ugly by-product of war. But 
what impresses the beholder is not so much its ugli- 
ness and its appalling monotony in ugliness as its 
utter futility as a memorial. Spiked and rusting can- 
non in neglected corners have something to say, how- 
ever inappropriate; but to whom do the lumps of 
granite and bronze which, after the Civil War, 
broke out upon the Northern states like a rash com- 
municate any notion of the passion for union, the hu- 
mane pity, and the intolerable sacrifices which they 
were piled up to commemorate? And now that we 
are concluding another great war, waged in much 
the same spirit, and in hundreds of deeply roused 
communities, are gathering funds for memorials, 
shall we again trust an ugly and dumb masonry with 
the memory of those who have given that spirit the 
last full measure of devotion? The War Camp 
Community Service hopes we shall not. It pro- 
poses instead that we endow Community Houses, 
not unlike those the Service has built to further its 
program of hospitality to men in uniform, and make 
them permanent "living" memorials to our soldiers. 
Such Houses, of course, would function differently 
in communities of differing size; but there is no 
reason why each of them should not acquire its own 
technique for serving the everyday social needs of 
its common owners and at the same time of keeping 
alive the memory of these days. Cities might main- 
tain democratic auditoriums like Faneuil Hall or 
Independence Hall ; towns might transfer to the new 



House the richly varied activities which are begin- 
ning to cluster round community centers in the 
schools. Homes for community drama and music 
might be provided. Memorials like these would of 
necessity prove flexible in character, responsive to the 
changing spirit of their communities: they could 
not, as shafts of stone and metal must, become mere 
stubborn souvenirs of an archaic militarism. Phys- 
ically, they would be harder to make ugly in the first 
instance ; and certainly an initial ugliness could be 
remedied as the community's taste improved. Jn 
the deafening barrage of after-the-war proposals 
from war-time committees this suggestion of the 
War Camp Community Service is one to which we 
can profitably give ear. 


idly of Randolph Bourne is of his quick perception of 
sham and pretense. Pompous gentility and ritual- 
ism, whether encrusted convention or mere tradition, 
aroused his power of biting irony; for graceful and 
engaging as was his satire, it never lacked the edge 
which gave it a peculiar distinction. Gifted with a 
fine and alert intelligence, Bourne coupled it with 
an extraordinary ability as a craftsman in writing. 
He could easily have won more substantial recogni- 
tion by employing his gifts in the service of the 
accepted and the acknowledged, but he never once 
played false to his spontaneous sympathies and his 
personal bias. The direction of those sympathies 
and that bias had become fairly clear even before his 
untimely death: he demanded of life richer esthetic 
experiences, the companionship of fuller intellectual 
straightforwardness, more emotional range and 
flexibility than his American environment could 
possibly yield without radical transformation. To 
that radical transformation Bourne gave his best 
efforts and ability. In all of his work, whether in 
the book reviews that were themselves pieces of 
creative writing or in his books or articles on educa.- 
tion or even politics, he was always sharply insistent 
upon the contributions which our immigrants could 
make to our national life, mockingly contemptuous 
of the timidity and surviving Puritan shyness which 
rejected them. He exposed unerringly the staleness 
which comes from atrophy of the living spirit. Nor 
was he perturbed or frightened at the more un- 
toward forms which flaring rebellion might take he 
welcomed and understood them even when his atti- 
tude resulted in a kind of perversity of fairness 
although he refused to be beguiled by new formulas 
which were the mere fashionable radical escape from 
the old. His influence was a constant invigoration 
and challenge. The shibboleths and fine words of 
the day were examined in a merciless Socratic spirit. 
It was hardly in the way of systematic intellectual 
achievement that either his ability or his tempera- 
ment led him : he was rather a watchman and ques- 
tioner of the intellectual achievements of others 
a challenger whom even the greatest could not afford 

to ignore. Time would have matured his judgment 
and perhaps mellowed a wit as urbane as any in our 
tradition. But it would scarcely have changed the 
fundamental quality of his contribution to our in- 
tellectual life. The loss of that contribution is 
irremediable. All of us are the poorer for his going. 


would seem to need no further explanation, yet in 
answer to correspondence received since the number 
of December 14 went into circulation, it may be well 
to restate it. 

First, THE DIAL regards the case of Russia as 
the most important of the problems affecting any one 
nation to be considered at the Peace Conference 
more important than Germany or Czecho-Slovakia 
or Poland or Jugo-Slavia or France or Italy or 
Ireland. It involves in the most fundamental way 
the whole question of democracy as affected by the 
relations between nations. As President Wilson has 

The treatment accorded to Russia by her sister nations 
in the months to come will be the acid test of their good 
will, of their comprehension of her needs as distinguished 
from their own interests, and of their intelligent and 
unselfish sympathy. 

This problem is laid upon America the more ur- 
gently because Russia, in spite of the immense sac- 
rifices and sufferings of her people, will evidently 
not have an opportunity to speak for herself in that 

Second, in order that public opinion in the United 
States may be informed in regard to the present 
state of affairs in Russia, the aims of her present 
Government, and the relation of that Government to 
the Russian people, THE DIAL believes that the full- 
est publicity should be given to all the facts obtain- 
able. THE DIAL has no fear that the people of the 
United States will fail to give sympathy where it is 
due and material support where it is needed if they 
are allowed to understand the situation. It would 
be a monstrous result of the war for democracy 
now ended if as a result of restrictions upon freedom 
of speech the United States should drift into another 
war which the public mind has had no opportunity 
to understand or sanction. This would indeed be 
to reverse President Wilson's motto: it would be 
Victory Without Peace. 

THE DIAL holds no brief for the present regime 
in Russia except in so far as it is misrepresented in 
a way to mislead public opinion in the United 
States. We shall publish from time to time state- 
ments of fact which have been verified', and im- 
portant documents which have been authenticated. 
THE DIAL is prepared to serve as a bureau of intelli- 
gence, to answer questions, to supply copies of docu- 
ments, to bring inquirers into contact with authorita- 
tive sources of information. It will act not in the 
spirit of propaganda but of truth. 


January 1 1 

Foreign Comment 


The following is a translation of the official 
declaration issued by the Russian Peace Delegation 
at the time of signing the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, 
March 3, 1918: 

The Workmen's and Peasants' Government of the 
Russian Republic, which has announced the cessation of 
war and has demobilized its army, is compelled by the 
attack of the German troops to accept the ultimatum pre- 
sented by Germany by announcement on the twenty-fourth 
of February and has delegated us to sign these terms 
which are being imposed on us by violence. 

The negotiations which previously took place in Brest- 
Litovsk between Russia on one side and Germany and 
her allies on the other made it evident to all that the 
so-called (by the German representatives) "Peace of 
Agreement" is in reality a peace definitely annexational 
and imperialistic. Now the Brest terms are made a great 
deal worse. The peace which now is being concluded 
here, in Brest-Litovsk, is not a peace based on free agree- 
ment of the people of Russia, Germany, Austria-Hungary, 
Bulgaria, and Turkey. It is a peace which is being dic- 
tated at the point of the gun. It is a peace which Revolu- 
tionary Russia is compelled to accept with its teeth 
clenched. It is a peace which, under the pretext of 
"liberation" of the frontier districts of Russia, in reality 
turns them into German provinces, and denies them the 
right of free definition which was granted to them by the 
Workmen's and Peasants' Government of Revolutionary 
Russia. It is a peace which under the pretext of re- 
establishing order in these districts, gives armed assist- 
ance to the oppressing classes against the working class, 
and helps to put back on the laboring masses the yoke of 
oppression, which was thrown off by the Russian Revolu- 
tion. It is a peace which imposes, for a long time, on the 
laboring people of Russia the old commercial treaty of 
1904, which was made in the interests of the German 
agrarians, and which is now made even worse ; and 
at the same time it assures the payment of interest to the 
German and Austro-Hungarian bourgeoisie on the obli- 
gations of the Czar's Government, which were repudiated 
by Revolutionary Russia. Finally, as if to emphasize 
clearly the real class character of the German armed 
raid, the German ultimatum attempts to stop the mouth 
of the Russian Revolution by prohibiting agitation di- 
rected against the governments of the Quadruple Alliance 
and their military authorities. 

But not only all that. Under the same pretext of re- 
establishing order, Germany by force of arms occupies 
districts with a pure Russian population and establishes 
there a regime of military occupation and a return to the 
pre-Revolutionary order. In the Ukraine and in Finland 
Germany demands the non-interference of Revolutionary 
Russia, and at the same time actively assists the counter- 
Revolutionary forces against Revolutionary workmen and 
peasants. In the Caucasus, in direct violation of the 
terms formulated by Germany itself in the ultimatum of 
February 21, Germany tears away for the benefit of 
Turkey the districts of Ardaghan, Karse, and Batume, 
which were not conquered even once by the Turkish 
armies, without any consideration whatsoever of the real 
will of the population of these districts. 

The most brazen forcible annexational seizures and 
possession of the most important strategic points, which 
can have only one purpose ; the preparation of further 
invasion of Russia ; and the defense of the capitalistic 
interests against the workmen's and peasants' revolution 
these are the real aims that are served by the offensive 
of the German troops, undertaken on the eighteenth of 
February, without the seven days' notice which was 

assured by the armistice treaty made between Russia and 
the powers of the Quadruple Alliance on the fifteenth of 
December 1917. 

This invasion was not stopped, in spite of the statement 
of the Council of People's Commissaires of its acceptance 
of terms formulated in the German ultimatum of Feb- 
ruary 21. This invasion was not stopped, in spite of the 
resumption of the work of the Peace Conference in 
Brest-Litovsk and in spite of the official protest of the 
Russian Delegation. By all this all the peace terms 
offered by Germany and her allies are reduced entirely 
to an ultimatum presented to Russia and supported from 
the side of the framers of this peace treaty by threat of 
direct armed violence. 

But in the created situation Russia has no possibility 
of choice. By demobilizing its armies the Russian Revolu- 
tion had placed its fate in the hands of the German 

The Russian Delegation in Brest-Litovsk had openly 
stated, in due time, that not a single honest man would 
believe that a war against Russia now might be a defen- 
sive war. Germany has undertaken the offensive. Under 
the slogan of establishing order, but in reality for the pur- 
poses of strangling the Russian Workmen's and Peasants' 
Revolution in the interests of the world's imperialism, 
German militarism has now succeeded in moving its 
troops against the workingmen and peasant masses of the 
Russian Socialist Republic. The German proletariat has 
not as yet proved to be sufficiently strong to stop this 
attack. We do not doubt for a single minute that this 
triumph of imperialism and militarism over the interna- 
tional proletarian revolution will prove to be only tem- 
porary and transitive. 

Under the present conditions the Soviet Government of 
the Russian Republic, which is left only to its own re- 
sources, cannot resist the armed offensive of German 
imperialism, and in the name of the preservation of 
Revolutionary Russia is compelled to accept the demands 
presented to it. 

We are authorized by our Government to sign the 
peace treaty. Compelled, in spite of our protest, to carry 
on negotiations under the very exceptional conditions of 
continuing military operations, which are not meeting 
with resistance from the Russian side, we cannot subject 
to any further butchery the Russian workmen and peas- 
ants, who have refused to continue the war any 

We openly state before the face of workmen, peasants, 
and soldiers of Russia and Germany, before the face of 
the laboring and exploited classes of the whole world, 
that we are compelled to accept the ultimatum dictated 
by the side which is at the present time more powerful, 
and are signing immediately the ultimative peace treaty 
presented to us, desisting from any deliberation upon it 

It was in the same tenor that the Soviet Govern- 
ment later welcomed to Russia the first -German 
Ambassador under the new treaty. We quote from 
the Russian newspaper Izvestia of April 27 : 

The official reply of the Soviet Government of Russia 
to the greetings from the German Imperial Chancellor, 
Count Hertling, upon the presentation of credentials by 
the German Ambassador to Moscow, Count Mirbach, to 
the representatives of the Soviet Government. 

This reply was read to the German ambassador by 
Soverdlor, the chairman of the All Russian Central 
Executive Committee of Soviets, in the Kremlin on April 
26, 1918: 

"In the name of the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet 

Republic I have the honor to greet in you, Mr. Ambas- 

^sador, the representative of the power with which was 

concluded the peace treaty of Brest, as a result of which 

there was established between the two countries the peace 




which was so essential to the people. All the obstacles to 
this peace must be removed. For this purpose our Com- 
missariat of Foreign Affairs has today sent a note to the 
German Government a copy of which was handed to 
you, Mr. Ambassador the purpose of which is to remove 
all those dangers which threaten peace. 

"I permit myself to express the hope that you, Mr. Am- 
bassador, will, from your side, make all the necessary 
efforts for the satisfactory settlement of the problem and 
the securing of peace between the German Government 
and the Soviet Republic." 


The opposition of English liberal opinion to mili- 
tary intervention in Russia, as reported in this col- 
umn two weeks ago, is further manifested in the 
New Statesman. For more than a year that Liberal 
weekly has been consistently anti-Bolshevik. Now, 
in its issue of December 21, it prints an article as- 
serting that the Bolsheviki are the real restorers 
of order in Russia: 

Order is more thoroughly reestablished in Russia now 
than at any time since the fall of Czardom. Food dis- 
tribution is better organized than at any time during the 
whole war. Factories are rapidly starting up again, as 
fast as raw material can be obtained. Management of 
the factories by committees failed, for obvious reasons. 
Management by the Soviets, with consultative committees 
of employees, has been substituted with growing 

The Bolsheviki, though hampered by undesirable tools, 
are cleaning the country of bribery and corruption. 
"Terror" has ceased. It has been greatly exaggerated. 
If Nikolai Lenine had not been in bed, as the result of a 
wound, there would have been no "terror" in Moscow. 
There has been no execution in Moscow for two months. 
During the "terror" there were 400 executions, of which 
60 per cent were corrupt Soviet officials. Inefficiency is 
being remedied by rapid recruiting from the educated 

The Red army has become a real disciplined force, with 
a new spirit of revolutionary and nationalistic enthusiasm. 
Its numbers are uncertain, but there are at least 600,000 
men in its ranks. It has rifles, machine guns and am- 
munition in plenty, but little artillery. No Russian army 
has a chance against it. It has experienced nothing but 
success since September. Great masses of professional 
men and petty bourgeoisie have gone over to the Bolshe- 
viki during the past few months. In the large towns, the 
workmen almost unanimously support the Bolsheviki. 
The peasants were hostile for a long time, but the forma- 
tion of "poverty committees" and the administration of 
the affairs of every village in the interests of the peasants 
has resulted in a great majority now keenly supporting 

The invading British army, which six months ago 
would have found many friends,Tiow finds only a very 
few. These are mostly property owners. Where the 
White Guards (anti-Bolsheviki) temporarily occupied 
districts, they have carried out "terrors" on a scale the 
Red Guards never dreamed of. Any government estab- 
lished by us will need the support of foreign bayonets, as 
the Russian proletariat are thoroughly imbued with Bol- 

The Bolsheviki would be certain to get a majority in 
a constituent assembly, but they prefer a Soviet govern- 
ment. This is frankly class rule, in which property 
owners have no voice until they become proletarians, 
but, as a majority rule, it is broader than ours was before 
the last reform act. 



SIR: It is reported that Great Britain and Japan 
are issuing their own rubles in Russia. Washington, 
too, is reported to be paying attention to the same 
subject and to contemplate issuing American rubles 
in Russia. 

This fundamental question arises: if the Allied 
governments are imbued with the desire to render 
financial aid to Russia, and ,if to their mind the best 
remedy is to inflate Russia with new paper rubles, 
why do th*ey not issue consolidated notes, guaranteed 
by all the Allied governments together? 

In abstaining from answering the rhetorical ques- 
tion put above, let us emphasize with all possible 
vigor that the issuing of rubles by foreign govern- 
ments no matter what motives are leading them 
to such a measure can be considered only as the 
clearest kind of violation of Russian sovereignty. It 
is absolutely inconsistent with the principle of self- 
determination of nations. The right of issuing cur- 
rency notes or allowing similar issues is the most 
sacred right of every nation and should be violated 
under no circumstances. Only the nation itself, 
under emergency, can alienate this right. 

Let us consider the probable consequences of this 
issuing of rubles by foreign governments. 

Like the financial systems of all other belligerent 
governments except the United States, the financial 
system of Russia is very much disturbed the in- 
evitable disturbance due to the terrible economic 
burden laid upon the shoulders of Russia during the 
war. The paper inflation of Russia amounts to at 
least forty billion rubles, supported by a gold reserve 
of about one billion rubles. It ought to be self-evi- 
dent that the inflation of Russian currency with 
Japanese, English, and American paper rubles can 
have only one result the further destruction of 
Russia's financial system. 

Now the English government is insuring the con- 
vertibility of its rubles into sterling at a rate of 
exchange of forty rubles to one pound, that is, about 
\2 l /2 cents. (From the newspaper report it is not 
clear whether the exchange of notes is insured in 
gold or paper sterling.) Such a rat of exchange is 
much lower than the real exchange rate of Russian 
currency on the New York Stock Exchange today: 
about 18 cents. It is needless to point out that with 
the conclusion of the armistice, with the growing 
possibility of export of raw materials from Russia 
and the growing need of the Allied governments for 
Russian rubles to maintain their armies now occupy- 
ing Russian territory, the exchange rate of the Rus- 
sian ruble, other things being equal, should show a 
rising tendency. We saw indeed that the exchange 
rate of Russian currency in New York gradually 
increased from 8 cents to 25 in the middle of No- 
vember and onlv from that date doubtless in con- 


January n 

nection with the rumors of the intention of the 
Allied governments to issue their own rubles in 
Russia did this tendency stop. Thereafter the rate 
of the Russian ruble began to fall. Evidently it will 
become lower, the more Japanese, English, and 
American rubles are issued. 

But the financial consequences of the measure are 
today only of subordinate importance. The eco- 
nomic consequences are vital. 

Russia needs economic help; she needs foodstuffs, 
clothing, tools, farm machinery, and so on. She 
needs economic goods. She cannot afford to supply 
with her own goods the Allied armies now occupying 
her territory and to export her materials into Allied 
countries without receiving an equivalent in real 
goods instead of in paper money. In issuing their 
own rubles the Allied governments are issuing a 
loan on the Russian market, a loan which does not 
bear any interest. The Allied governments are pay- 
ing for the materials, goods, and services they are 
getting from the Russian people, not with real goods 
but with obligations no matter what they are called 
nor how well their convertibility is insured. In- 
stead of rendering economic help to Russia, the in- 
flation of the Russian market with Japanese, Eng- 
lish, and American rubles has the tendency, on the 
contrary, of getting economic help from Russia. It 
is thinly disguised exploitation. 

Of course a minority of wealthy Russians are in- 
terested in such "help" because it will give them the 
possibility of exporting their capital from Russia 
into foreign countries and thus of escaping heavy 
taxation, which they are certain to experience from 
a democratic Russia. 

A second question arises: How is it possible to 
bring into existence any commercial intercourse with 
Russia without Russian currency having a stabilized 
value ? Before answering this question, we ought to 
emphasize that for the time being the only desirable 
commercial intercourse with Russia is that which 
gives her the goods she now so sadly needs. But the 
fact is, the policy of the Allied governments has the 
effect of exporting goods from Russia without the 
importing of equivalent real goods. The materials 
which can be exported from Russia should be paid 
for with an equivalent quantity of real goods im- 
ported from abroad. The services which the Rus- 
sian people are actually rendering to the Allied ar- 
mies now occupying Russia should also be paid for 
in equivalent real goods. 

The Russian ruble is the only legitimate form of 
Russian currency. It should be the only one. 
Under no circumstances are foreign governments en- 
titled to issue their own rubles on Russian soil. Pri- 
vate corporations which today intend to have com- 
mercial intercourse with Russia ought to secure the 
rubles necessary for purchasing materials in Russia 
for export through import of goods needed in Rus- 
sia and through the selling of these goods to the 
Russian population for Russian rubles. In a word, 

the Allied governments ought to pay the Russian 
population for services and materials rendered to 
their armies with real goods which the Russian popu- 
lation needs. If the Allied governments are really 
willing to render help to Russia, they ought to do it 
in a straightforward way by importing real goods 
into Russia. Of course such a form of help is more 
risky and more complicated than the issuing of rubles 
a measure designed not to render genuine eco- 
nomic help to Russia but to get economic help from 

. New York City. 


SIR: According to various dispatches received in 
America, it is a foregone conclusion that all efforts 
to establish democracies in Europe are doomed to 
failure. But, considering the plutocratic sources 
from which these reports are emanating, it at once 
becomes apparent that the "wish is father to the 
thought." The principal ground upon which these 
reports are founded seems to consist in the fact that 
the leaders of the different provisional governments 
are men who once upon a time performed human 
labor actually worked and produced something. 
One was once a saddle-maker, another an electrical 
worker, another an agriculturist, and another just an 
editor like Horace Greeley. 

What impresses one as peculiarly strange is the 
fact that many American newspapers profess to re- 
gard these objections as valid and logical reasons; 
why any government under such leadership is neces- 
sarily unstable and transitory. But there are many 
shining examples in American history to prove the 
senselessness of such a contention. The attempt thus; 
to belittle the new democratic leaders of Europe in 
the public mind is paralleled by the experiences of 
other noted men who have labored in the cause of 
democracy and the rights of man. 

At the time of the American Revolution George 
Washington was denounced in Europe as a "rebel 
against constituted authority." To discredit Wash- 
ington he was sneeringly referred to as a "lowly 
agrarian." His armies were characterized as a 
"rabble composed of the lowest elements, principally 
ex-convicts from the British colonies." 

No man ever bra\*d more bitter vituperation and 
slander than did Abraham Lincoln in the sixties. In 
Eastern newspapers he was caricatured in the most 
vulgar and shameless manner. In tne same spirit 
of malignity that marks the attacks being made upon 
his prototypes in Europe today Lincoln was anathe- 
matized as an "untutored rail-splitter from the back- 
woods." But one spee'ch at Gettysburg was 
sufficient to refute all the unjust imputations made 
against the dignity and scholarship of Lincoln. 

Another great man whom history will record as 
one of America's most illustrious citizens was Henry 



George, author of the unanswerable treatise on 
political economy, Progress and Poverty. Col- 
lege professors, editors, and other paid apologists of 
institutions founded on special privilege vainly en- 
deavored to explain away the masterly arguments 
contained in the works of George. Failing in this, 
it has been the practice of his critics to resort to 
satire and ridicule. But the worst that mediocre 
minds could ever charge against Henry George was 
the fact that he was once an "itinerant printer," 
thus placing him in the same company with Ben- 
jamin Franklin, who, tired and footsore, trudged 
into Philadelphia. If the doctrines advocated by 
Henry George were now a law of the land, one 
would not witness the spectacle of statesmen at 
Washington devising plans to reward soldiers with 
swamps and boglands for their heroic services in 
destroying militarism in Europe, whilst vast areas of 
fertile fields, already productive, are held out of use 
by speculators in land. 

Robert Ingersoll in his efforts to disprove the 
historicity of Christ never once disparaged the Ser- 
mon on the Mount because its author was a car- 
penter. This one example should impress everyone 
with a reverence for the dignity of labor. 

Dallas, Texas. 



SIR: In your issue of December 14, page 563, you 
comment on Churchill's "commendable bluntness" 
in voicing Wilson's "fourth point." I wonder 
whether Mr. Churchill's motives in the matter are 
as commendable as his bluntness. I have not seen 
any attempted explanation. Is it not strange, how- 
ever, that a Government so anxious for the disarma- 
ment of land forces shows an equal anxiety lest the 
same policy be followed as regards naval power? 
Possibly the matter is not so profound, considering 
that the Power in question is the leading naval na- 
tion, and is determined that the same mistake be 
not made again. It is highly expedient that one 
armed only with a knife, when others carry rifles, 
add a rifle to his wardrobe. Under such circum- 
stances it is highly discreet to demand that all rifles, 
including your own, be declared out of fashion 
especially when you have, in the meantime, cornered 
the market on knives. , 

Wheeling, West Virginia. 


SIR: In the will of othe late Willard Straight 
there was an expression which promises to become 
classic. He asked that some money be left to Cornell 
University to make the place "more human." Upon 
these terms he might have left a legacy to almost 
every one of our universities. They teach the 
humanities and practice the most mechanistic con- 

ception of life and living. They are vast combina- 
tions of trackless miles covered with buildings and 
scientific paraphernalia. They enroll tens of thou- 
sands of students. They employ formidable staffs 
of instruction. They turn out competent doctors 
and mechanics and lawyers. But they fail in molding 
character. They do not expose their students to the 
finest that has been said, thexhighest that has been 
thought, the noblest that has been written. They 
make efficiency their goal, and a vain triviality is 
their reward. 

The best known and equally the best beloved of 
Cornell's younger alumni came back from the grave 
to utter this plea for a greater humanity. He left 
the execution of his wish to those who have survived 
the war. The word has been spoken and there are 
many ears that have caught its deeper meaning. 

New York City. 


SIR: Long before I had met Randolph Bourne I 
seemed to divine from the tenor of his writing that 
he was one of those extraordinarily fine-grained men 
that one meets but rarely in a lifetime and that it is 
always an exceptional privilege to know. It re- 
quired only a little sympathetic insight to feel that 
his occasional "bitterness" was in reality but the 
keen edge of a remorseless sincerity and that he 
would have been as eager to cut and change his own 
soul with it as anyone else's. His extraordinary 
combination of the will to see things as they are with 
a warmth of idealism (not the phrase-making kind) 
still haunts me as something particularly inspiring. 
What I most liked, however, about Bourne was hjs 
exquisite sensibility to the esthetic in literature, to 
the nuances of thought and feeling and expression. 
One knew instinctively that if anything passed by 
him with his approval or sympathy, it was indeed 
something genuine. His own style was well-nigh 
perfect. Often clever, he was too sensitive ever to 
be merely clever. I imagine him shrinking from 
vulgarity of any kind as one shrinks from a disgust- 
ing bug. 

His loss will be keenly felt not only by THE DIAL 
but by all who know how to appreciate a soul at once 
sensitive and remorselessly strong. 

Ottawa, Ontario. 


SIR: May I take this opportunity of expressing 
my, profound shock in learning of the sudden death 
of my fellow-alumnus of Columbia, Mr. Randolph 
Sillman Bourne, whose work in THE DIAL has been 
followed by all of us here at Dartmouth? THE 
DIAL has lost a very incisive and sane writer in him. 

Dartmouth College. 

January 11 

Notes on New Books 

THE MARNE. By Edith Wharton. Appleton ; 


Mrs. Wharton's Marne is in no sense a navigable 
stream for the deeper emotions. One cannot stifle 
the feeling that, were it not for the title and the 
times, it would stand no higher than many another 
piece of opportunist fiction. Mrs. Wharton's story 
in its framework a sort of double exposure of 
the great battleground is centered upon interpret- 
ing the emotional experience of a serious-minded, 
France-loving American youth, impelled to action 
despite the clogged complacency of his wealthy en- 
vironment. But the artist has been subordinated to 
the propagandist, until at intervals the author lapses 
into employing the well-thumbed counters of jour- 
nalistic commonplace: 

The Lusitania showed America what the Germans 
were, Plattsburg tried to show her the only way of 
dealing with them. 

There had never been anything worth while in the 
world that had not had to be died for, and it was as 
clear as day that a world which no one would die for 
could never be a world worth being alive in. 

The early pages sketch those superficial impulses 
of war charity the bazaars and tableaux and 
dances, "keeping up a kind of continuous picnic 
on the ruins of civilization" and here the touch is 
more genuine. Later the story stumbles into sym- 
bolism, with the author standing stanchly at the 
bellows lest the flame die out. In the range of 
Wharton fiction here is one novel which must be 
classed among the "seconds." 

William Cabell Bruce. 2 vols. Putnam; $6. 

A brilliant English writer has recently bewailed 
the low state into which the art of biography has 
fallen. "Those two fat volumes," he says, "with 
which it is our custom to commemorate the dead 
who does not know them, with their ill-digested 
masses of material, their slipshod style, their tone 
of tedious panegyric, their lamentable lack of selec- 
tion, of detachment, of design?" Mr. Bruce's 
biography of Franklin might almost have been writ- 
ten to illustrate this sentence. The author has col- 
lected a mass of facts from Franklin's own journals, 
letters, writings, .and tumbled it into loose chapters, 
which have won for him from an amiable university 
a prize for the best American biography of the year. 
The book tells a great many interesting things about 
that shrewd and able pagan who bequeathed to 
America a scale of bourgeois virtues about which he 
himself must always more or less have had his tongue 
in his cheek. Mr. Bruce's own atitude is a con- 
tribution. He spends much time in regretting that 
so excellent a man should have been so much sub- 

ject, even in advanced age, to the frailties of the 
flesh. We learn therefore more about Franklin's 
private life than is customary in American pictures 
of the admirable sage. His biographer stands par- 
ticularly aghast at Franklin's insensitiveness to "the 
finer feelings of mankind," in his treatment of both 
his legitimate and illegitimate children with the same 
tenderness and affection. This "ingenious natural- 
ism," says our self-revealing biographer, was so 
unblushing and persistent as almost to have a certain 
"bastard moral value of its own." One can see how 
very entertaining a study of a human life in such 
terms could be. 

wig Lewisohn. Huebsch; $1.50. 

A more appropriate title for these translations 
would have been The Symbolistic Poets of France. 
For while the Belgians Rodenbach, Maeterlinck, 
and Verhaeren are externally French, Mr. Lewisohn 
deals almost entirely with the generation of the last 
quarter of the nineteenth century and fails to in- 
clude Claudel or Peguy or the riotous band of 
"imagists" so dear to the modern poetic heart. 
Within these limits, however, he shows both insight 
and talent. There is an interesting if somewhat 
footless essay on the symbolistic movement, which 
would have gained force by connecting the school 
more definitely with the Romantic expansionism of 
the century, and by emphasizing that, as a piece of 
technique, connotation through the deft use of com- 
monplace words plays the great part in symbolistic 
art. This is followed by the sixty translations from 
the chief authors and a bibliography of their main 

The translator, alive to the peculiar difficulty of 
reproducing in English the rhythms and subtleties 
of the French, succeeds best with Verlaine, Ver- 
haeren, and the princely Regnier. The greatest of 
these, in fact of the entire group, is of course Ver- 
haeren ; and Mr. Lewisohn's rendering of The Mill 
conveys well the Flemish poet's landscape and his 
tortured sense of uttering the inutterable. Again 
in such a selection as Kahn's O bel Awil epanoui 
(O lovely April rich and bright) he has caught 
the spirit as well as the movement of the original. 
One regrets that this is not more often the case. 
"On the loud room falls silence like a trance" 
hardly renders Samain's luminous Alexandrine (the 
poem portrays a "dance" Dans la salle en rumeur 
un silence a passe} ; whereas the poignant climax of 
Fernand Gregh's Mon Dieu qui nes peut-etre pas 
simply defies translation : certainly "Thee who, per- 
haps, art not at all" comes nowhere near it. 

But let us not ask the impossible. The little 
volume will win readers for the French Symbolists. 
That is its great merit. A translation, even the best, 
is mainly an interpretation; and Mr. Lewisohn's 
interpretations are decidedly worth while. 




John T. Faris. Lippincott; $4.50. 

Romance the romance of daring the unknown, 
the romance of unique experience, the even greater 
romance of simple daily life all these Mr. Faris 
offers us. He cunningly takes us x on a trip of the 
imagination to a land made tangible by countless 
realistic details. We make again that delightful dis- 
covery that life is more strange and romantic than 
fiction as we read of English heirs being shanghaied 
and sold to slavery, of the trials and adventures of 
travel more impossible than Crusoe's, of Philadel- 
phia's cave-dwellers riot Indians but English pio- 
neers. And these are tales garnered in Mr. Faris' 
painstaking research among old letters and other 
documents, so that they are as authentic as they are 
interesting. No dead bones dry as dust here, but 
living figures a colorful pageant of early Phila- 
delphia life. 

Through understanding how human beings gain 
experience, or by virtue of native literary ability, 
the author has known how to make us really ac- 
quainted with the city's beginnings, and because of 
this moving presentation of life the book becomes 
literature, which too few guidebooks are. Yet the 
literary quality subtracts not one iota from the au- 
thenticity and comprehensiveness of the account. 
The author's cast of mind permits him to select 
with unerring judgment and no little humor those 
incidents which are not only most characteristic of 
the city's pioneer life but also most full of human 
interest. No doubt some of his brave success can 
be attributed to the natural richness of the subject 
and the plentitude of its resources for the historian: 
Philadelphia has a past as romantically quaint and 
as historically important as any large American 
city, and she has shown a smiling pride in her be- 
ginnings by a wise preservation of records. But, no 
matter how preserved, records are only records until 
they fall under the eye of an imagination competent 
to re-create the romance of reality. ' / 

Penguin Series. Boni & Liveright; $1.25. 

Had Henry James pursued the vein of this 
early story he might have become a novelist of 
insurgence. For misalliance is the theme to which 
he cleaves and his setting is the period just preceding 
the French Revolution, swept by Rousseauism. Co- 
quelin, servant-preceptor in the house of the Baron 
de Bergerac, is made to win the Baron's sister, and 
is permitted by the novelist to indulge in reflections 
that do honor to the age-long struggle of man against 
institutions. However, the young lady's baronial 
brother is properly overbearing and her rejected 
noble suitor cynical to the right degree and fore- 
spent. Henry James' insurgence even here has an 
urbanity and elegance which is made manifest in 
the style of his writing. The language of passion 
that passes between Coquelin and his high-born but 

impoverished Mile, de Bergerac might have graced 
any polished novel or comedy of manners. True, 
the narrative is from the lips of the baron's son, 
but this is a novelist's self-justification. One feels 
wit, the story-tellers' iron sense of his art's proprie- 
ties, guarding reckless human passion. It is a well- 
proportioned, graceful, and pungently written little 
story, showing some study of the period which it 
represents. But besides its insurgence there is an 
earnest in it of Henry James' later exploration of 
the English scene, a jungle whose lions often turned 
out in his hands to be toy rabbits. 

HIRA SINGH. By Talbot Mundy. Bobbs- 
Merrill; $1.50. 

In the spring of 1915 some two hundred Sikh 
troops were captured in Flanders by the Germans 
and sent to Turkey in the hope that they would 
join the Turks. They escaped and marched to Ka- 
bul in Afghanistan in four months, and thus re- 
joined the fighting forces. Elmer Davis put Captain 
Talbot Mundy, author of King of the Khybor 
Rifles, in touch with these men, and he has con- 
structed a story of their wanderings by sea and 
through the mountains of Kurdistan which he tells 
in the first person as Hira Singh, bahadur of the 
Sikh cavalry. It is a method which allowed Cap- 
tain Mundy a chance for as much vividness as De- 
foe's Captain Singleton, without tying him down 
to specific detail of routes and dates, and yet there 
is enough fact underlying the story to keep Hira 
Singh from resembling the G. A. Henty type of 
hero Captain Mundy has formerly depicted. The 
narrative rivals in interest the march of the Ten 
Thousand Greeks ; and the Oriental craft of the ne- 
gotiations between the Sikh leader and the Turks 
reminds one of wily Xenophon bartering with tricky 
Tissaphernes in this same region. Of course the 
Armenian atrocities and the dire plottings of Ger- 
many in the East are dragged in, but so cleverly as 
to become an integral element of the story. 

Captain Mundy has an intimate and sympathetic 
knowledge of the Sikh as a faithful soldier of the 
British raj and a loyal ally of the Englishman, but 
he shows essentially the same Sikh Kipling shows 
plus initiative and intelligence. His use of local 
color in external details is felicitous, and his com- 
ments on events and places from the Sikh point of 
view are in character. Unfortunately he slights the 
religious and truly Oriental aspects of the Sikh 
which make him the splendid fighter that he is, and 
he does not allude to some of the most obvious 
customs of this material people. For instance, he 
tells us that the name Singh means lion, but he 
does not state that all male Sikhs bear it by the 
order of one of the Gurus, because it was a name 
belonging to the warrior caste and all Sikhs were 
supposed to be equals and fighters. He makes no 
allusion to the khalsa of the Singh, five items of dress 
which make for military efficiency: a heavy turban, 


January 1 1 

long hair and beard, a steel bracelet these to ward 
off sword cuts short drawers for quickness of 
movement, in distinction from the cumbrous Mo- 
hammedan and Hindu garb, and a sword, which 
must always be worn by the true Sikh. This last 
item is so important that a Sikh professor from 
the college at Amhitzar who did not care to wear a 
sword openly while studying in America, always 
carried a sword cane with him. 

Gretton. Macmillan; $3.50. 

Mr. Gretton's book is an attempt to define the 
meaning and significance of the "middle class" in 
England. With clearness, judgment, and a sense 
of proportion the author maintains the hypothesis 
that "the middle class is that portion of the com- 
munity to which money is the primary condition 
and the primary instrument of life." In the opinion 
of the reviewer, the historical evidence presented 
fully justifies Mr. Gretton's contention. 

With this beginning, it is most desirable that the 
author should proceed to make a great comparative 
study of the same development wherever else it may 
have taken place. For the Continent the materials 
are readily available, as the author very Veil knows, 
but what should be urged upon his attention is that 
a theory of this importance must be tested in the 
light of all the evidence available. What one does, 
in fact, is to ask Mr. Gretton to put himself in 
the very forefront of the emerging generation of 
scholars whose point of departure is a devotion to 
the study of man rather than an academic interest 
in the study of documents. For this subject is of 
absolutely fundamental importance to our compre- 
hension of modern life. Political society begins 
everywhere in individual self-assertion based upon 
ownership of land. The next step forward comes 
only with the discovery, on the part of a new order 
in society, of a second possible basis of self-asser- 
tion namely, money and this discovery dates, for 
practical purposes, only from the sixteenth century. 
Today we are witnessing the blind, driving efforts 
of still another level of society to achieve the same 
end. Let us clearly grasp the fact that the most 
important task of today is to understand man. Mr. 
Gretton's contribution to this task is one to read, 
remember, and respect. 

Mrs. Will Gordon. Introduction and two 
chapters by the Queen of Roumania. Lane; 


The reader of this book may gather, without much 
trouble, a fairly adequate idea of the backgrounds 
of Roumanian culture and history, as well as a 
knowledge of the peculiar part the country played 
in the war. Mrs. Gordon has a keen sense of the 
picturesque and an ardent sympathy with the people 

whom she describes. At times however she is guilty 
of the flowery writing that some readers dislike to 
associate with historical accounts. The pages con- 
tributed by Queen Marie are also written in a 
rhapsodic style, and in some cases are really ex- 
amples of prose poetry, welling up in the heart of a 
ruler who has gone down among her people and 
ministered to. them without fear of plague or hard- 
ship. Queen Marie's outlook nevertheless is some- 
what too centripetal ; she knows what her nation 
has suffered, for she has seen the devastation of land 
and body face to face; yet for all this her emphasis 
is not upon the land and the people but upon her 
own suffering. For a moment, to be sure, the other 
side strikes her forcibly: 

Why should I be chosen to represent an ideal? Why 
should just I be the symbol? What right have I to stand 
above them, to buy glory with the shedding of their 
blood ? 

It is unfortunate that in a book whose 'sales will 
help to swell the Roumania Relief Funds there 
should occur passages that seek to palliate Rou- 
mania's attitude toward her Jews. It matters not 
whether the Jews of Roumania are racially akin to 
the Semites or not; they are entitled to justice, no 
more and no less. And at this late date in soci- 
ological study, to speak of any type of people as 
"intruders" betrays not only a species of intolerance 
but need for a greater knowledge of the reasons 
behind the migratory movements of peoples. Despite 
these faults the volume repays reading; it presents 
a succinct, colorful account, suggestive and stim- 

LUTION: A Study in Bioenergics. By John 
Muirhead Macfarlane. Macmillan; $4. 

From time to time our ears are assailed with 
lugubrious plaints to the effect that we are living 
in an age of overspecialization in which the sense 
for the meaning of the whole is utterly lost in the 
contemplation of detail. However justifiable such 
strictures may be in particular cases, they betray 
a startling ignorance of history and human psychol- 
ogy if they intend to suggest that the condition is a 
permanent and necessary one. For history shows in 
very decisive manner that the periods of patient col- 
lecting of facts are invariably followed by others 
of magnificent generalization, and the synthetic in- 
stinct in man is far too deep-rooted to be bullied 
into quiescence by no matter how imposing an array 
of raw data. 

Professor Macf arlane's book is a good illustration 
of this tendency. It represents the thoroughly hon- 
est attempt of a veteran botanist to outline his per- 
sonal philosophy of the universe after presenting 
with much elaboration an account of biological evo- 
lution. The author expresses some interesting origi- 
nal views in contending that plants did not develop 
in the ocean but in fresh-water areas. Unfortunate- 




ly for most readers, he does not mince technicalities 
and adds to the existing terminology some rather 
forbidding inventions of his own. The more gen- 
eral sections display a thoroughgoing humanitarian 
spirit and political liberalism not without a tincture 
of Christian theology. As a whole the book, with 
its flavor of the old-fashioned yet progressive spirit 
of noblesse obligeante, commands respect as a human 
document without ranking as a remarkable contribu- 
tion to thought. ' 

cer Portor. Atlantic Monthly Press; $1.50. 

The imagined joys of vagrancy are .Sung best by 
those who who punch clocks ; the potency of poverty 
is the turgid theme of the well-to-do. It is neces- 
sary to be somewhat removed from certain states of 
existence to do them literary homage, just as Steven- 
son probably wrote about idleness upon one of his 
busy days. Thus Adventures in Indigence will be- 
guile you, not as the reflection of a state in which 
you long to see yourself, but in a more aloof and 
vicarious way. You will enjoy its philosophy so 
long as you are comfortable in the knowledge that 
you need not practice it. 

To have known and yet to have loved the world! Is not 
this the real heart of the matter? Is not this the true test 
after all, and the indisputable mark of a king's son? 
And shall you not find it oftener among the poor than 
elsewhere ? For he cannot be said to know the world who 
has never been at its mercy; even as only he can be said 
to have triumphed over it, who, having suffered all 
things at its hands, yet loves it with unconquerable 

This is the theme about which the author has 
grouped her sketches, giving them a sympathetic and 
a graceful expression. A pleasant book, in a word, 
but not one which we should class among the in- 
dispensables for charity-hospital libraries. A rather 
palatable little book, though it does lack a pinch of 

JOHN O'MAY. By Maxwell Struthers Burt. 
Scribner; $1.35. 

Mr. Burt's stories follow pretty closely the tradi- 
tion set by Mrs. Gerould and Mrs. Wharton. It 
is from them he has learned that air of keen and 
lucid detachment from his characters, that air of 
unwillingness to be fooled either by them or by his 
theme. And he gets, too, a fine competence of 
phrase and a strong intellectual thread of plot that 
make the stories rather invigorating reading. He 
likes the gentleman adventurer who divides his life 
sharply between the luxurious modernity of the 
Fifth Avenue club and the blizzards of a Wyoming 
ranch or the heat of an Arizona desert. He likes 
the theme of the brilliant Briton who turns up in an 
Indian tepee, or of strong, restless young capitalists 
who come home to die at the hands of angry strikers. 

But his men are less complicated and therefore more 
convincing than the characters of those two women 
writers with whom, one inevitably associates him. 
John O'May is perhaps the least effective of the 
stories, for it presents merely an adventurer who is 
not shown up. But Mr. Burt makes up for his men 
in the mystical strangeness of his women. He loves 
the wistful, ill-mated woman found in a ranch or 
mining-camp of the Western wilderness. Wings of 
the Morning, with its weird theme of the aeroplane, 
is a really beautiful picture of a woman's uncon- 
scious life breaking through the hard bright sur- 
face. In the last story Mr. Burt handles the 
familiar theme of the blind soldier with a very sure 
and powerful touch. Its climax of undeniable 
pathos concludes a most interesting book. 

Karl Reischauer. Macmillan; $2. 
KOREAN BUDDHISM : History Condition 
Art. Three Lectures. By Frederick Starr. 
Marshall Jones; $2. 

All students of Buddhism and all who are inter- 
ested in the religions and philosophies of the Orient 
will welcome these two books as significant con- 
tributions to the study of one of the world's three 
great living religions. In addition they may be 
expected to advance American understanding of 
the life and ideals of our nearest Pacific neigh- 
bors, of ever growing importance to us. For one 
is at once struck by the fact that both Professors , 
Reischauer and Starr regard Buddhism as the one. 
really living native religion (for the Mahayana 
Buddhism is so Mongolized as to be essentially na- 
tive) and the one really formidable rival of Chris- 
tianity. Indeed its encounters with Christianity 
have apparently reacted in the form of a veritable 
Buddhist renaissance, about which there is gather- 
ing, if not a nationalistic, at least a cultural con- 
sciousness; for it must be remembered that the art 
and literary traditions of Korea and Japan, in their 
first impulse, came with Buddhism from China, and 
these traditional and esthetic elements are powerful 
fortifiers of conservatism and strong foundations for 
cultural revivals. "The view that the religions of 
the Orient are one and all like tottering castles of 
antiquity which will soon crumble to dust," says 
Professor Reischauer, "betrays a rather shallow 
knowledge of the real nature of religion"; and, 
though himself a Christian missionary, he believes 
that it "will take decades atid perhaps centuries" to 
Christianize Japan. Similarly Professor Starr, in 
his discussion of the condition of Korean Buddhism, 
finds absurd the statement of Dr. Hulbert that 
"Buddhism in Korea is dead"; instead he sketches 
the growth of a strong Buddhist revival, in which he 
even finds a covert nationalism resurgent: "Korean 
Buddhism of today is actually Korean, not Japanese. 
I can imagine nothing that would be more danger- 



January 1 1 

ous to Japanese control than a strong and vital 
Korean Buddhism that was hostile to Japan." In- 
deed it may not be beyond the bounds of possibility 
that the Japanese government may yet formally en- 
courage Christianity in both Japan and Korea in 
the interests of national unity. 

Both books are made up of lecture series. Pro- 
fessor Reischauer's lectures were the seventh series 
on the Deems Lectureship of New York University, 
where they were delivered in 1913. The book 
itself however is a great expansion of the lectures, 
with valuable apparatus of notes and bibliography 
the latter being a survey list of the principal Japan- 
ese works. The plan of the seven lectures is: first, 
a survey of Buddhist origins in India and its spread 
through China ; its history and assimilation in Japan, 
where Buddhism has become the true religion of the 
people, taking, so to speak, all that is vital in Shinto 
and Confucianism under its wing; an analysis of 
the doctrines, sects, and ethics of Japanese Bud- 
dhism; and finally a discussion of its prospects, 
which the lecturer naturally does not regard as 
hopeful, in rivalry with Christianity a program 
which is not only comprehensive but is presented 
with a detail for which the author's round dozen 
of years as a teacher of philosophy in Japan have 
given him competency. 

Professor Starr's three lectures have a different 
foundation. They are in fact traveler's notes, based 
on several visits to Korea and laborious journeys to 
the Buddhist centers there; but they happen to be 
the notes of a trained ethnologist and a sharp ob- 
server in, as he says, a "virgin field." The book 
"but scratches the surface" of the subject: but it 
gives an introduction where there was none before; 
it shows that the subject is one of a very living 
interest; and the numerous half-tones from the 
author's photographs (unfortunately none too well 
printed) afford a survey of Korean religious art 
whose rarity will reenforce its welcome. 

By Edwin W. Morse. Scribner; $1.50. 

War puts a premium upon the services of the 
compiler. Men who have gone into the fighting 
doubly armed with sword and pen have not lacked 
for assistance in the task of placing their literary 
product in the hands of willing publishers. On the 
heels of the early collections of war verse and war 
prose came the outpourings of the cultists and con- 
trovertists, but these are rapidly being effaced by 
their own dust.' Mr. Morse, fortunately, has re- 
frained from being anything more pretentious than 
a sympathetic compiler, intent upon presenting 
within the scope of one volume the essential facts 
concerning the early American fighters. Excerpts 
from letters, and from newspaper and magazine 
contributions comprise most of the book. Mr. 
Morse's function has been to arrange the material 
in convenient divisions, and to link it with necessary 

explanatory paragraphs. He makes no attempt to 
weigh Alan Seeger in the scales of definitive justice 
as an artist, nor to have a finger in the pie of con- 
troversy. This may be merely a negative virtue, 
but it is one which ought not be passed by in silence. 

HANDBOOK OF TRAVEL. "Prepared by the Har- 
vard Travelers Club. Harvard University 
Press; $2.50. 


This is an exceedingly valuable manual made up 
of chapters, each the work of one or more experts, 
on subjects relating to camping and camp equip- 
ment, methods of transport, mapping and route 
surveying, medicine, and records and observations of 
travel. A pe'nchant for, as well as some experience 
in, pioneer work is presupposed. For instance, there 
are explicit directions for selecting camels and drom- 
edaries, riding, packing, and caring for them ; there 
are also hints on dealing with natives" in Africa. 
A long chapter gives rules and formulas for deter- 
mining positions by astronomical observations, and 
another sets forth the manner in which data are 
collected in the field for mapping the localities vis- 
ited. The book is compact, covers a wide range of 
subjects, and should be of much practical use to the 
amateur explorer. 

WAR VERSE. Edited by Frank Foxcroft. 

This collection of war poems, unlike most, is 
worth its editor's trouble. There should, of course, 
be a concession at the outset that the war will not 
as yet deliver much unalloyed and finished fairy 
gold. There will be poetry in time to come, since 
probably no epoch of history, not even the Na- 
poleonic, will have so many or so impressive asso- 
ciations as this; the tense however is necessarily 
future. The war is still very present. Tranquillity 
is what we need, since memory is the parent of 
poetry; and tranquillity is not at present in general - 
use. Mr. Foxcroft's volume has its value, then, 
less as a collection of poems though there is a good 
deal of poetry in it than as a collection of elo- 

Certain of the editor's inclusions have gained note 
elsewhere: Rupert Brooke's four best sonnets are 
here, and Alan Seeger's Rendezvous with Death; 
there is also Eden Phillpotts' exquisite Death and 
the Flowers; Henry Newbolt is represented by Fare- 
well and the fine King's Highway; Hilaire Belloc 
by Sedan; Thomas Hardy with Before Marching 
and After. These and a few others are perhaps 
the high points of the collection, though the good 
poems are by no means all followed by familiar 
names; and if the collection shows nearly every 
degree and quality of 'execution, it nevertheless also 
holds throughout a considerable elevation and dig- 
nity. Christ in Flanders and Dr. John McCrae's 
In Flanders Fields could be chosen as typical of one 




Scandinavian Classics 

" The series is, in its dignified simplicity, a beautiful testimony to a 
literary solicitude which we hitherto have not been accustomed to associate 
with modern American culture. . . . This undertaking is not in the 
least forced, but just well done." August Brunius, the Swedish critic. 

Two volumes are issued annually. The following eleven are now ready : 

Comedies by Holberg 

Three most characteristic plays by "The 
Moliere of the North," the first great mod- 
ern in Scandinavian literature. 

Poems by Tegner 

"Frithiof's Saga" and other poems by the 
lyrist who revealed the beauty of Swedish 
literature to Longfellow. 

Poems and Songs by Bjornstjerne 

A catechism of Norwegian patriotic ideals. 

Master Olof 

Strindberg's historical-religious drama, 
whose hero has been called "as uncompro- 
mising at moments as Ibsen's Brand, but 
more living than he." 

The Prose Edda of Snorri Sturluson 

Mythical tales of the North written by a 
master of Old Norse Prose. 

Modern Icelandic Plays 

"Eyvind of the Hills" and "The Hraun 
Farm" by Johann Sigurjonsson, the young 
dramatist of Iceland. 

Marie Grubbe. A Lady of the 
Seventeenth Century 

The first of J. P. Jacobsen's two great psy- 
chological novels. 

Arnljot Gelline 

In this verse romance Bjornson has found 
the most "daring and tremendous expres- 
sion for the spirit of Old Norse paganism." 

Anthology of Swedish Lyrics 

A wonderful array of lyric achievement is 
revealed in this volume of Swedish verse, 
from 1750 to 1915, collected and translated 
by Charles Wharton Stork. 

Gosta Berling's Saga Part I 

Selma Lagerlof's first romance, which won 
her immortal fame among world writers. 
This translation is based up the excellent 
British translation by Lillie Tudeer, now 
out of print. It has been carefully 'edited 
by Hanna Astrup Larsen, the translator of 
Jacobsen's Marie Grubbe, and the eight 
chapters omitted from Miss Tudeer's ver- 
sion have been added in masterly translation 
by Velma Swanston Howard. 

Gosta Berling's Saga Part II 

Containing the last chapters in the career 
of the profligate poet-priest of Vamiland. 

The Price of Each Volume is $1.50 

The American-Scandinavian Foundation 

25 West 45th Street, New York 

When writing to advertisers please mention THE DIAL. 

5 2 


January n 

aspect of the whole. They are not quite the "per- 
fect speech" that Arnold predicates as poetry. But 
they are something that enthusiasm might con- 
ceivably urge as about as good ; they are eloquence 
eloquence which would undoubtedly be poetry but 
for a certain lack of the terms of expression. And, 
at that, one is not sure that such eloquence may not 
have a mark and moment equal to that of poetry of 
less, or even of the same, inspiration ; the reader will 
find himself very much held by such eloquence and 
moved much in the same fashion in which poetry 
proper moves him. But, like eloquence, pieces of 
this sort rather too much fall back on the locutions 
of custom used in untransmuted relations; and like 
eloquence they rely for their power mainly on the 
momentum and energy or poignancy of their sub- 
stance. Poetry however is not poetry by virtue of 
its momentum, and everyone will concede that there 
is a great deal of energetic and poignant prose. 
The language of poetry may have and doubtless 
always should have the effect of simplicity; but it 
surely is not simple. Accordingly, although Christ 
in Flanders and In Flanders Fields are fine and 
doubtless enduring things, they are not quite poet- 
ically absolute, since they are somewhat impoverished 
in the fit detail, the selective, rich specificity, the 
various and mysterious wealth of poetry. 

Yet if the majority of these pieces seem not en- 
tirely to achieve the spontaneous and coherent final- 
ity of poetry, it must certainly be marked that they 
are incoherent partly through their great burden of 
significance; it is an incoherence of the stable and 
the steady, even the static, who are here deeply 
moved. It is an obviously English volume. It is 
English, too, at the time when the English are 
historically, proverbially, at their best in their hour 
of adversity. Its eloquence well reflects the pain 
endured, the matter-of-fact sacrifice, the renewal of 
faith, the patriotic stir of pulse, the good yew stead- 
iness of front which have characterized the British 
for the last four years. There will be more fin- 
ished poetry, and of greater reach and caliber, from 
this war; yet it will be some 'time before the sin- 
cerity and national timbre of the English are more 
convincingly witnessed to than they are in these 
poems, whose language, if not quite verbally equal 
to the occasion, does yet give considerable breath 
again to the robust and resonant sentiments of that 
thoroughly English and very remarkable monarch, 
Shakespeare's Henry V. 

ON OUR HILL. Josephine Daskam Bacon. 
Scribner; $2. 

The newest volume of this clever writer should 
have been preserved merely as a family memento. 
It is probable that the children of Josephine Daskam 
Bacon are among the most fortunate in heredity and 
environment, and there are in this book, no doubt, 
many suggestions ' as to education and development 
which their mother is generous in supplying to the 

unthinking; but it is rather a pity that the memoirs 
of childhood should give the impression of an aerated 
text on the elements of pedagogy. Mrs. Bacon's 
talents could be better employed than in presenting 
these excellent, but widely known, methods in child- 
training in this almost insufferably righteous way. 
The children in the book, fortunately, are real 
children, although surrounded by perfection. The 
illustrations conform to the text in their general 
fashion-magazine style. 

Books of the Fortnight 

The following list comprises THE DIAL'S selec- 
tion of books recommended among the publications 
received during the last two weeks : 

The Chronicles of America: Elizabethan Sea Dogs, 
by William Wood; Pioneers of the Old 
South, by Mary Johnston; Crusaders of New 
France, by William Bennett Munro; The 
Conquest of New France, by George M. 
Wrong; The Eve of the Revolution, by Carl 
Becker; Washington and His Colleagues, by 
Henry Jones Ford; The Forty Niners, by 
Stewart Edward White ; Abraham Lincoln and 
the Union, by Nathaniel W. Stephenson; The 
American Spirit in Literature, by Bliss Perry; 
The Passing of the Frontier, by Emerson 
Hough. To be complete in 50 vols. 10 vols. 
ready. Yale University Press. $3.50 each; 
$175 a set. 

The Great Change. By Charles W. Wood. 
12mo, 214 pages. Boni & Liveright. $1.50. 

India in Transition. A Study in Political Evolution. 
By the Aga Khan. 8vo, 310 pages. G. P. 
Putnam's Sons. $4.50. 

The Meaning of National Guilds. By Maurice B. 
Reckitt and C. E. Bechhofer. 12mo, 452 
pages. Macmillan Co. $2.50. 

War Neuroses. By John T. MacCurdy. 8vo, 
132 pages. G. P. Putnam's Sons. $2.50. 

Letters of Susan Hale. Edited by Caroline P. 
Atkinson, with an introduction by Edward E. 
Hale. 12mo, 472 pages. Marshall Jones Co. 

Studies in Literature. By Arthur Quiller-Couch. 
8vo, 324 pages. G. P. Putnam's Sons. $2.50. 

The Day's Burden: Studies, Literary and Political, 
and Miscellaneous Essays. By Thomas M. 
Kettle. 12mo, 218 pages. Charles Scribner 's 
Sons. $? 

Java Head. A Novel. By Joseph Hergesheimer. 
12mo, 255 pages. Alfred A. Knopf . $1.50. 

The Queen of China, and Other Poems. By Ed- 
ward Shanks. 12mo, 240 pages. Martin 
Seeker (London). 

Chinese Lyrics from the Book of Jade. Translated 
from the French of Judith Gautier by James 
Whitall. 8vo, 53 pages. B. W. Huebsch. $1. 




Abraham Lincoln 

as a 

Man of Letters 

By Luther Emerson Robinson, M.A . 

The first comprehensive study of the life and work of the great Eman- 
cipator from the literary point of view. The author traces Lincoln's 
development as a man of letters, and describes the growth of those 
personal and governmental ideals which enabled him to reach the 
mind and heart of the people. 

With Appendix, containing- all of Lincoln's notable addresses, 
state-papers and letters: Bibliography and Index. 12 mo; 342 $ages; 
$fjo net. 

At all bookstores, or from the publishers 



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Wednesdays 8.15 p. M. January to June 

"Sociology, Civilization and Reconstruction" 
Sundays 5 p. M. January to June 

"A Review of Recent European Literature" 
Open discussion after each lecture. 

University of Wisconsin Studies 

Studies in Language and Literature 

No. 1. British Criticisms of American Writings: 1783- 
1815, by William B. Cairns. Price 50 cents. 
A survey of British comment on American books during 
the nascent period of American national life, looking 
forward to an Investigation into all aspects of the rela- 
tions between the intellectual elements of the two 
nations during the first fifty years of American inde- 

No. 2. Studies by Members of the English Depart- 
ment. Price $ 1.00. A volume of miscellaneous 
papers in various fields of English scholarship: dedicat- 
ed to Professor F. G. Hubbard on the occasion of the 
twenty-fifth anniversary of his entering the service of 
the University. 

No. 3. Classical Studies in honor of Charles Forster 
Smith, by his colleagues. Price $1.00. 

In Preparation 

The Position of the Roode en Witte Roos in 
the Saga of King Richard III, by O. J. Camp- 

Goethe's Lyric Poems in English Translation 
prior to 1860, by Lucretia Van Tuyl Simmons. 

Studies in History and the Social Sciences 

No. 1. The Colonial Citizen of New York City, by 
Robert Francis Seybolt. Price 50 cents. A 
source-study of the essential characteristics of citizen- 
ship practice in colonial New York City, indicating by 
documentary evidence the medieval English ancestry 
of the citizen of today. 

Orders should be sent to Secretary, The Board of 
Regents, University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wisconsin. 

U S S I A 

From the Varangians to the Bolsheviks, by RAY- 
623 pages. (Postage extra, weight 2 Ibs.) 

Net $4.25. 

What are the factors that led to the Bolshevik 
domination of Russia? Wherein does the Russian 
Revolution differ from the French Revolution? 
Why has Germany been so successful in her Rus- 
sian propaganda? Questions like these are an- 
swered by the facts as given in this book. , One 
cannot fail to understand the Russians better after 
reading this volume. [Histories of the Belliger- 
ents Series.] At All Booksellers 



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Current News 

Alfred A. Knopf is about to bring out a revised 
translation of The Cabin, by Blasco Ibanez, with 
an introduction by John Garrett Underbill. An 
estimate of Ibanez, by Isaac Goldberg, appeared in 
THE DIAL for November 16. 

The Bolsheviks and The Soviets: 76 Questions 
and Answers, by Albert Rhys Williams, has been 
published in pamphlet by the Rand School of Social 
Science, New York. The price is ten cents a copy, 
$6 a hundred in bundles. 

Poems, The Golden Hynde, and Flower of Old 
Japan, the first three volumes of Alfred Noyes' 
verse published in this country, have recently been 
taken over from the Macmillan Co. by the Fred- 
erick A. Stokes Co. These, with the books already 
issued by Stokes, make a total of thirteen published 
in America. 

The title frankly sets the bounds of attainment in 
James W. Foley's Friendly Rhymes ( Button; $2). 
The author does not aspire to rank higher than a 
rhymester, possibly on the theory that the man with 
three nickels in his pocket can make as much jingle 
as the man with three gold pieces. He writes on the 
philosophic level of the cartoonist's embodiment of 
the ultimate consumer, occasionally throwing in 
some dialect, or something with its major appeal to 
the juvenile reader. The book is illustrated. 

A vertiginous baffling of the expectation comes 
over one who peruses J. A. Faulkner's Wesley as 
Sociologist, Theologian and Churchman (Abingdon 
Press; 75 cts.), for here one learns successively that 
Wesley was not a sociologist, not a theologian, not 
a churchman. ]But he was a fine type of religious 
organizer, a personality with a happy faculty of 
loving domination, and a tireless laborer for a bet- 
ter Church of England, a better nation, and a better 
humanity. Professor Faulkner has presented a pen 
picture of Wesley that is authoritative and brief. 

The Lyric for January announces that the Lyric 
Society offers $500 each for the three best books of 
poetry submitted to it before April 1. There are no 
restrictions upon the volumes except that they must 
be in English. The donor is an American who pre- 
fers to remain anonymous; the judges will be an- 
nounced later. The Lyric Society was formed a 
year ago to encourage the publication and distiibu- 
tion of poetry in America and a better compensation 
for poets. Somewhat interrupted by the war, it is 
now endeavoring to extend its membership. Com- 
munications should be addressed to Samuel Roth, 
Secretary, 1425 Grand Concourse, New York City. 

That E. V. Lucas was unutterably weary of his 
endless "wanderings" in Venice, Paris, Holland, 
Florence, when he wrote A Wanderer in London 
first issued in 1906 and now reprinted (Macmillan; 
$2) none can doubt. Surely the essayist must re- 
gretfully have surrendered some pleasanter task to 
undertake this methodical mapping out of London. 

As a guidebook to, the Five Cities the volume is 
comprehensive and informing: everything from Lei- 
cester Square, which "took its name from Leicester 
House, which stood where Daly's Theatre and its 
companion buildings now stand, and was originally 
the house of . . ." to the British Museum and 
Soho comes in for conscientious mention. But the 
reader who remembers the author's other books may 
well overlook the too evident auctorial enterprise 
which must have prompted the writing of this one. 
In Thomas Burke 's Nights in London however 
first published in 1915 and recently brought out 
in a popular edition (Holt; $1.50) we see through 
the eyes of a passionate pligrim a more than real 
London, "all the city a Whistler pastel . . . 
with its vistas of sudden beauty." Breath-taking in 
its abandon is Mr. Burke's enthusiasm for his 
beloved city. Night after night of the city's life 
in Limehouse, Whitechapel, East, West, North, 
South, at the Opera, and in the Music Halls is 
flung before you in kaleidoscopic color until you 
see, with Aladdin himself .at your elbow, nothing 
less that the real Arabian Nights of our modern 


THE DIAL announces that with this issue Robert 
Morss Lovett, long a contributor to its columns, 
becomes its editor. In addition to his collaborations 
with William Vaughn Moody A History of Eng- 
lish Literature (1902) and A First View of 
English Literature (1905) Mr. Lovett is the au- 
thor of Cowards, a play produced in 1914, and of 
two novels Richard Gresham (1904) and A 
Winged Victory (1907). He comes to THE DIAL 
from the University of Chicago, where he has been 
a member of the Department of English since 1893 
and a dean since 1903. 

The change in editors is enforced by the con- 
tinued ill health of George Donlin, who, though 
necessarily absent from the offices, will remain on 
the staff of THE DIAL as an associate editor and 
will contribute as his health permits. 

Mr. Gilbert E. Roe is a New York lawyer and 
the author of Our Judicial Oligarchy and of vari- 
ous legal articles. 

Miss Katharine Anthony received the degree of 
bachelor of philosophy from the University of Chi- 
cago in 1905. She has been instructor in English 
in Wellesley College, has done research work in 
economics with the Russell Sage Foundation, and 
is at present engaged in social work in New York 
City. Miss Anthony is the author of Mothers Who 
Must Earn (1914), Feminism in Germany and 
Scandinavia (1915), and Labor Laws of New 
York (1917). 

The other contributors to this number have pre- 
viously written for THE DIAL. 





By Dr. G. F. Nicolai 

A vital conception of war supplying solid ground for sane men and 
women to stand on. 8vo, 594 pages. $3.50. 

Published by THE CENTURY CO.. New York. 

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[By Vicente Blasco Ibanez, author of THE FOUR HORSEMEN 
OF THE APOCALYPSE] - superior both to THE FOUR 
HORSEMEN and MARE NOSTRUM asa work of art. "--The Dial. 

$1.50 net at all bookshops 


Professor of Romapce Languages, Harvard University 
The book consists of a series of eight lectures delivered at the 
Lowell Institute in the autumn of 1917, reinforced with other ma- 
terial. The translations are by the author. Price $3.oo, postage^. 




Sixty-four titles now published 14 new volumes just issued. The Dia* 
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Le Livre Contemporain 

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A series of questions and answers covering 

vital points of information regarding Russia 

by Albert Rhys Williams 

10 cents a copy $6.00 a hundred 

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The Latest Authoritative Book on 
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5 ^ ____ THE DIAL January n, 1919 




'The reader's first sensation on closing this volume is one of 
sheer wonder at its richness, for if ever the phrase 'much in little' 
applied to any book it surely applies to this one. Always a critic of 
life, Mrs. Wharton has never written a broader, keener criticism 
than this, her first long story of the war." New York Times. 

"Only an artist could have written this story. Only a woman 
heart-torn could have endowed it with life and with such exquisite- 
ness of feeling. A superb picture to stir the soul and to treasure in 
the memory." Philadelphia Press. To miss it is to miss one of 
the most notable stories of the year. $1.25 net. 

Unchained Russia Prussian Political Philosophy 


To understand the Russian situatm The politica i principles which have made 

read this striking and accurate account oi ~ , . 

chaotic Russia -its conflicting parties Germany a menace to democracy in con- 

and their aims its leaders and its pos- trast to American democratic ideals. 

sible future. $1.50 net. $1.50 net. 


The United States in the World War 

From the viewpoint of the trained historian, Professor McMaster presents the facts 
leading to our participation in the war. Il*b book is a complete and authentic history of 
the developments in this country from August, 1914, to April, 1918. It deals with Germany's 
method of making war, her p/opaganda in this country, the restriction of neutral trade, 
the submarine outrages, the treachery of Germany's officials, the peace notes, and our dec- 
laration of war. This is the most timely, authoritative, and generally interesting valuable 
book on the subject of America's participation in the War. 
With map. 8vo. Blue cloth. $3.00 net. 

New Publications of the Institute for Government Research 

The Problem of A National The Movement for Budgetary The Canadian Budgetary System 

Budget Reform in the States BY HAROLD G. VILLARD 


A clear, scientific statement of Reproduces in full, all of the How the British budgetary sys- 

the making of national budgets legislation concerning the in- tern works satisfactorily and 

in Europe, Great Britain and troduction of budgetary sys- otherwise in a country whose 

the United States, with many tems in the states, with critical conditions are similar to those 

specific suggestions. $2.75 net. analyses. $2,75 net. in the United States. $2.50 net. 

For Sale at Tl. A All. D 1 D - APPLETON & COMPANY 


All Bookstores Publishers, New York 


A Voice Out of Russia 




NO. 782 


George V. Lomonossoff 61 

LUFBERY. Verse Mabel Kingsley Richardson 66 


OUT OF A DAY. Verse Herbert J. Seligmann 70 



REVOLUTION William A. Nitze 73 


VIII. The Vested Interests and the Common Man. 





AN AMERICAN PENDENNIS .' Robert Morss Lovett 

EMPTY BALLOONS , James Weber Linn 


FOREIGN COMMENT: Barbusse's View of President Wilson. Questions. Peace or War? 92 
COMMUNICATIONS : The Blood of the Martyrs. 93 

NOTES ON NEW BOOKS: The Sacred Beetle and Others. Young Adventure. Four Years 96 
in the White North. Confessions of an Opera Singer. The Flaming Crucible. The Founda- 
tions and Nature of Verse. Some Happenings. Out of the Silences. 

THE DIAL (founded in 1880 by Francis F. Browne) is published every other Saturday by The Dial Publishing 
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January 25 

Ready January 25th 

Sir Gilbert Parker's 

Strongest and Most Daring Novel in Recent Years 


By SIR GILBERT PARKER. 4 Illustrations. $1.50 Net. 

An intense and thrilling drama, staged in the Canadian west. Into this colorful world, to 
the booming town of Askatoon, Joel Mazarine brings his young wife, Louise. She is a white 
flower of unawakened girlhood, sold to a rich old man by a selfish mother, to save their family 
fortunes. The spectators of the drama of Mazarine's Louise and Orlando are the young 
doctor, kindly and wise, the rough survivors of pioneer days, and the newcomers who are 
building up the new and modern town. Orlando Guise is the owner of Slow Down Ranch 
which adjoins Mazarine's property. Louise has almost become the hapless victim of her 
husband's cruelty, fading like a parched flower, when chance brings her in contact with 
Orlando ; they "change eyes," without volition of their own. The result is a heart-gripping 
tale of love and jealousy, hate and exquisite romance. 

Recent Publications of General Interest 

The Springtide of Life Poems of Childhood 

With a Preface by Edmund Gosse. 
Illustrated by ARTHUR RACKHAM. 
8 color plates and many illustrations in the text. 

$3.00 net. 

Edmund Gosse has carried out a plan once 
made by the poet, to gather his poems on child- 
hood in one volume, and Arthur Rackham has 
interpreted them exquisitely. 

The Historical Nights Entertainment 

By RAFAEL SABATINI, Author of "The 
Snare," "Banner of the Bull," etc. $1.75 net. 
A remarkable work in which the author, with 
all of his rare skill in re-creating historical 
scenes, has described a group of famous events, 
such as "The Murder of the Duke of Gandia," 
"The Story of St. Bartholomew," and others of 
equal or greater import. The fact that each 
story culminates in the dramatic happenings of 
a night leads to the captions : The Night of Be- 
trayal, The Night of Charity, The Night of 
Massacre, etc. The author is supreme in his 
power to picture vividly, and in a new manner, 
scenes already more than fam'ous through great 
foreign writers such as Dumas. 

The Romance of Old Philadelphia 

By JOHN T. PARIS, Author of 
"Old Roads Out of Philadelphia" 
100 Illustrations. Octavo. $4.50 net. 
The fact that Philadelphia was the center for 
a long period of the colonial life of the nation 
gives this volume a historical appeal to all 
Americans. The illustrations are of the most 
varied and interesting character. 

Esmeralda or Every Little Bit Helps 


Illustrated in color and black and white, $1.00 net. 
A western girl in the China Shop of Society, 
breaking the treasures of tradition with the de- 
lighted co-operation of all types of men and 
helping to win the war with an originality of 
method that is bewildering but full of "pep" and 
and individuality effective. A delightful ro- 
mance and a heroine who will create her own 

Clear the Decks ! 

A Tale of the American Navy Today. 

20 Photographic Illustrations. $1.50 net. 
A thrilling tale of our navy boys in action 
based on fact. Thousands of our American 
boys are today living the life of the hero of 
this book. It was written by a U. S. Naval 
Officer during off hours in actual naval service. 
A wholly enthralling story of American naval 
activities is here described the fun, the dan- 
gers, the everyday life, the encounters with the 

Decorative Textiles 

580 Illustrations in color and halftones; hand- 
somely bound. $15 net. 

The first comprehensive book on decorative 
textiles for wall, floor, and furniture coverings. 
A perfect reservoir of combinations and 
schemes old and new. The illustrations are 
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ing texture values as they have never been 
shown before. A magnificent work. 





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By the Author of "The Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse." A new edition entirely reset with an Introduction by 
WILLIAM DEAN HOWELLS. Ready. Net, $1.90 

A vivid, dramatic story in which the author of "The Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse" presents the undercurrents of 
democratic feeling in a nation long passive but now stirring under the dead weight of age-long traditions by which the 
church and monarchy rule Spain. It is superbly written with profound knowledge and intense conviction. 

THE CRESCENT MOON. By the Author of "Marching on Tanga," FRANCIS BRETT YOUNG 

His new book is a strange and picturesque romance set against the colorful, unhackneyed background of German East 
Africa. It is a love story of unusual charm, tinged with the mystery of African jungles and a hint of hidden cults. x 

Ready. Net, $1.75 


"Straight ahead burned a great lamp, . . . Sinus, symbol of the Divine Indifference," quotes the author on the 
title-page of a significant story written with a quiet power and sureness of touch that is unusual. Its scenes swing 
from a sleepy Sussex village to literary London, to America in Civil War times, to a remote forest pueblo in Yucatan 
and back in full circle to the little isle of Oxney, between Sussex and Kent. Ready. Net, $1.90 


A gallant romance of conspiracy, misunderstanding, and of as high-hearted love as ever banished pride of place or hope 
of preferment, and made even crowns and kingdoms seem of minor worth. Ready. Net, $1.60 


Translated by Eleanor Stimson Brooks. The first volume of The Library of French Fiction which aims to exhibit the 
customs and manners of all classes of French society through a selection of masterpieces. This volume pictures a section 
of life in Perigord which had hardly changed for a century and reveals the gentle qualities which have made French 
civilization so valuable to the world. Ready. Net, $1.90 

Others to follow: None, by GASTON ROUPNEL; Two Banks of the Seine, by F. VANDEREM. 


This supreme work of genius still holds first place in literature of the war. Critics point out that the impressions gained 
from a shelf-full of books are all to be gained with greater ci-earness, force and unity from this one volume; others declare 
that as long as the Great War lives in the memory of the race this will be read, that its picture of the sweep and ebb of 
the first battle of the Marne surpasses even Victor Hugo's famous "Waterloo." Net, $1.90 


There is no living writer who expresses so subtly and with such exquisite beauty the power of undying love to exert its 
influence even from beyond the grave itself. Ready. Net, $1.25 


Being the Pranks and Passions of the Poet Tricotrin in the gay laughing Paris of before the war. "Had Leonard Merrick 
been born in France, his brilliancy, wit, pathos and keen insight into life would have made his name a household word no 
less than Alphonse Daudet's." The Nation. To be ready Jan. 25. Net, $1.75 



An analysis of the origins and progress of the struggle between France and Germany. An expression of the viewpoint 
from which France looks to the peace table. So vital are its statements of the condition and the hope of France that it 
becomes at once one of the essential books to any one following the peace discussion. Net, $2.00 


Experiences as a "Buzzer" and Despatch Rider. "Death, capture, accidents any may overtake him on his road, but none 
may deter or terrify him. ''The daredevil ' that is the name he earned in the early days of the war, when General French 
credited him with the salvation of the British forces." Net, $1.50 


By Lieut.-Col. H. J. KOEHLER, U. S. A. 

The author directed the physical training at West Point, and of the men in many officers' training camps. The Secretary 
of War, NEWTON D. BAKER, says: "The advantage of this discipline is not merely to make men look fit, but actually to 
make them be fit; . . . if we could follow Col. Koehler's graduates, either from the Military Academy or from these 
training camps, to the battlefields of France we would find an impressive story of physical and moral adequacy." 

Ready about Feb. 1 


An extraordinarily beautiful account of the manner in which a young man gradually learned to withdraw his soul from 
the outside world and place it in direct communion with God. Ready shortly. Net, $1.00 

All of these may be ordered (postage extra) of any bookseller or direct from 

E. P. DUTTON & COMPANY, 681 Fifth Avenue, New York 

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January 25 

What the Peace Conference Will Do 

These new books clarify the problems of the Peace Conference and outline 
the structure of the New World. They are necessary to an intelligent under- 
standing of Reconstruction. 

H. H. Powers' New Book 


A highly original and brilliant discussion of Nationality and the general 
principles on which the new order must be built to insure a lasting peace and 
the progress of civilization." $2.25. AMERICA AMONG THE NA- 
TIONS, Mr. Powers' recent book, lays particular emphasis on our part in 
the days to come. "For an understanding of the new crisis that we are fac- 
ing in 1918, we know of no book more searching or readable." The Outlook. 


Walter Weyl's New Book 


Shows the problems President Wilson now faces at the Peace Conference 
and what the defeat or victory of his policies will mean to us and all liberal 
Europe. "The most courageous book on politics published in America since 
the beginning of the War." The Dial. $2.00. A frank and stimulating 
discussion of America is found in Mr. Weyl's AMERICAN WORLD 
POLICIES. "It exposes dangers that lurk in what to the casual eye seems 
evidence of national success." N. Y. Post. $2 25. 

Ernest Poole's New Books on Russia 


"Filled, crammed with revelations of Russian character, sentiments, opinions, 
purposes. . . . One of the most enlightening books on the Russian 
problem that have been written since the Revolution." N. Y. Tribune. 
$1.50. In Mr. Poole's THE DARK PEOPLE* the importance of Russia's 
great peasant population is revealed. "A sincere and strikingly successful 
attempt to get at the mind and heart of the Russian people." N. Y. Post. 


"The Future Belongs to the People 9 


Translated by Dr. S. Zimand, with a Foreword by Dr. Walter Weyl. A book 
that reveals Liebknecht's position on many of the great problems now before 
the German people. These essays and speeches made in war time give a new 
basis on which to judge Liebknecht's power and place in the new Germany. 



When writing to advertisers please mention THK DIAL. 



A Voice Out of Russia 

./AMERICANS have always pictured Russia as some 
fairyland such as India or Tibet. Formerly it was 
the land of the Czars, the whip, and the Cossack, 
and now it is the land of the still less comprehensible 
Bolsheviki. Yet there is a great likeness in char- 
acter between Americans and Russians : for instance, 
devotion to land, love of liberty, natural humor, 
and a carefree attitude. But there is a great dif- 
ference, owing to historic reasons, between the mode 
of life of the United States and that of Russia. First 
of all, the white pioneers went into the forests and 
prairies of this country one by one or in small groups 
and settled immediately as individual farmers. 
The Russian people migrated a thousand years ago 
from the Carpathians to the east en masse. They 
occupied lands for "artels" (groups). During that 
thousand years they grew accustomed to cultivating 
the land by communistic methods. But the Ameri- 
can farmer is first of all an owner, whereas the 
Russian peasant is a communist and here lies the 
reason of the success of Socialistic teaching in Rus- 
sia. Second, in America material and spiritual 
advantages are distributed among the population 
more evenly than in Russia. Until the very out- 
break of the Revolution the law distinctly divided 
the Russian "subjects" into two uneven parts: 3 per 
cent of the population were the so-called "priv- 
ileged" classes and 97 per cent the so-called "tax- 
paying" people. All comforts and necessities of 
life, including education, were the privilege of the 
3 per cent; admittance to high schools and universi- 
ties, to state service and officers' rank was totally 
closed to the 97 per cent. It should not be for- 
gotten that 85 per cent of the population were freed 
from the state of slavery only fifty-eight years ago, 
and naturally they still bear much malice to their 
former masters. But even among the 3 per cent 
of the privileged there was not full content; the 
capitalistic class and the Intelligentsia were de- 
r prived of political power, which was monopolized 
by court adventurers. Discontent was universal. 
It was already evident in 1905, but not being suffici- 
ently organized, it was crushed. 

The war precipitated the climax. It is well 

known that the war found Russia inadequately 
prepared. Nevertheless we performed the self- 
imposed duties more than honestly; we performed 
them with self-sacrifice. And this did not fail to 
react; owing to the undeveloped state of our eco- 
nomic life we were ruined by hunger and poverty 
by the third year of the war. 

This did not happen at once. We passed three 
stages in falling down the slope. The first stage 
passed with the cry: "The war will end soon!" 
Owing to this belief the factories and shops con- 
tinued to work according to the usual peace pro- 
gram and met the demands of the consumers at the 
expense of the army's needs. Russia had everything 
in abundance; moreover the cessation of exports 
created a surplus of goods. The heart of the country 
did not feel the hardships of the war. It is true that 
12,000,000 youths and men were torn away from 
their families, but the tears for them dissolved in 
the ocean of apathy and plenty brought about by the 
flow of money into the villages. The last is of such 
great importance that we must go into details of it. 
We know what enormous expenditures a modern 
war requires. Russia did not have enough gold, 
and attempts to raise internal loans were unsuccess- 
ful, owing to the ignorance of the masses. Therefore 
only one way was open to us, to print paper money. 
The sudden increase of its amount in circulation 
did not fail to show results; the ruble began to fall 
in value and prices of commodities began to increase 
accordingly. Inasmuch as the peasant was getting 
double prices, the peasant sold everything: grain, 
cattle, linen, grandmother's dresses. "The village is 
growing rich," shouted the newspapers. 

But soon, very soon, the Russian peasant learned 
a bitter lesson as to the value of money. As thunder 
from a clear sky came the news of our retreat from 
the Carpathians in the spring of 1915. It was 
found that in order to proceed with the war we 
lacked the most necessary commodities ; it was found 
that our children and fathers were facing the most 
cruel and powerful enemy totally unarmed. This 
brought about a feverish mobilization of our in- 



January 25 

The second stage ensued and ran under the motto : 
"Everything for the war." We sacrificed our en- 
tire industry to the prosecution of the war. We did 
not merely cease to manufacture nails, candles, and 
agricultural machinery, but we even gave up 75 per 
cent of our textile industry for war needs. And 
thus the so-called goods famine ensued. But the 
country did not have articles of necessity, and al- 
though goods were yet to be obtained in the cities 
nothing reached the village. Having money on hand, 
the peasant found that he could not purchase any- 
thing with it. He could not understand it at first, 
but when he realized it, he became very angry and 
refused to sell grain for the army and cities. "I 
don't want your money," he said to the agents of 
the Government and to merchants who would come 
for the grain. "Give me gingham, nails, scythes, 
boots and unless you give me these, you will not 
get my grain." During the Czar's regime even 
flogging was resorted to, but the peasant was quite 
determined in his refusal to sell grain. 

As a result of this the army and the cities re- 
mained without bread, and the cattle were partly 
consumed and partly starved by lack of hay. A 
shortage of foodstuffs began, and in addition to this 
many refugees from Poland and Lithuania fled in 
the fall of 1915 to the interior cities. Nevertheless 
we managed to push through the trying winter of 
1915-16. And in the fall of 1916 the situation 
became still worse. Due to additional recruiting of 
soldiers a shortage of labor occurred. The culti- 
vated area suffered a decrease of 30 per cent. And 
then in November there was an acute shortage of 
locomotives on the railroads. We never had had 
many of them. And during the war, owing to the in- 
tensive usage, they were worn out and there was no 
means of repairing them. As a result of this, the 
railroads were totally disorganized. On the Don 
and in Siberia, for instance, grain and hay were 
rotting at the stations, while on the Roumanian 
front I personally witnessed how thousands of horses 
were falling of exhaustion and hunger. And the 
inhabitants had to sustain themselves upon the meat 
of these fallen horses. Conditions in the cities were 
not much better. Hunger and cold penetrated 
everywhere. The most timid citizens began to 
complain and protest. And what meanwhile was 
going on within the Government? Dissipation with 
Rasputin and the placing of favorites in ministerial 
posts. All slightly capable ministers, in spite of pub- 
lic opinion, were driven out and in their places were 
put known thieves, cretins, and traitors. A sort of 
madness, hopeless madness, enveloped Tsarskoye 
Selo and in the name of the weak-willed, drunken 

Nicholas the Russian people were governed by his 
German wife and a clique of scoundrels. Loyal 
hands, desiring to uphold the prestige of the throne, 
assassinated Rasputin ; but in answer to this followed 
orgies over his corpse, the "provocation" of street 
disturbances in Petrograd, and the dispersing of the 
Duma. Then the moment came when all of us 
from Lenin to Purishkevitch (the leader of the 
famous "Black Hundred") understood that this 
sort of thing could not continue any longer, that the 
Czar's regime had outlived itself. And it fell fell 
painlessly and with ease, as a decayed apple falls 
from a tree. 

In place of Nicholas II came the Government of 
Prince Lvoff, the Government of Cadets a revolu- 
tionary Government without revolutionists. I shall 
never forget the comment about this Government by 
a former minister of the Czar, Krivoshein. "This 
Government," said Krivoshein after he was told of 
its composition, "has one great fault; it is too mod- 
erate. Two months ago it would have satisfied the 
country ; now it is too late. It will not have power, 
and thus, Sirs, you will sacrifice your own newborn 
child the Revolution and also our all-beloved 
Fatherland, Russia." These words proved to be 
prophetic. The composition of the First Provisional 
Government was not in accordance with the senti- 
ment of the country. And as a result, side by side 
with this Government, sprang up the Soviets, backed 
by the confidence of the great masses of the people. 
Among the ministers of the First Provisional Gov- 
ernment there were to be found no men with tech- 
nical experience of state administration. Lvoff and 
Miliukoff gave ministerial places to their party 
friends. The Director of the Imperial Ballet was 
given the portfolio of the Ministry of Finance; a 
physician, the Ministry of Agriculture. 

The organization of the Second Provisional Gov- 
ernment, which included representatives of the radi- 
cal bourgeoisie and Moderate Socialists, slightly 
changed the picture. They could not very well 
agree. Creative energy was expended in internal 
strife. The compromised decisions were not clear. 
The Second Provisional Government also lacked 
state experience and will-power. Doubtless the 
burden placed upon these governments by events 
proved to be too heavy. The time demanded 
giants, but instead found midgets. But what was 
the problem of both Provisional Governments with 
which they could not cope? The Provisional Gov- 
ernments themselves were saying that their aim was 
to call a Constituent Assembly. They did not 
realize that the Constituent Assembly was not the 
final end, but only a means, a means of expressing 



the will of the people and of solving problems placed 
before them. The substantial mistake of both Pro- 
visional Governments was that they mistook the 
means for the end. 

When the March Revolution broke out three 
colossal questions confronted the Russian people: 

1. What is to be done about the war? 

2. How is the Russian state to be organized? 

3. How are famine and economic disintegration 
to be stopped? 

Now the Constituent Assembly was to be con- 
voked in ten months. Even in normal peaceful 
times it is impossible to stop the current of life for 
ten months. And a revolution is a social condition 
in which the pulsation of events is increased ten to 
twentyfold. It ought to have been self-evident that 
the wheel of national life could not be stopped for 
ten months either by Lvoff or Kerensky. No matter 
how they urged the convocation of the Constituent 
Assembly, they were themselves compelled by force 
of events to solve, little by little, the very questions 
which they desired to give over to the decision of the 
Constituent Assembly. 

Consider the problem of the war. Was it possible 
to say to the Germans: "Wait, gentlemen. Do not 
shoot until the Constituent Assembly meets. When 
it meets, it will decide whether or not we shall go 
on killing you"? Even the Allies would not agree 
to such a decision. Yet in spite of the fact that we 
had sacrificed for the Allies about seven millions of 
our sons, they demanded that revolutionary Russia 
should participate more actively in the war. 

An answer to these demands should have been 
given immediately. To postpone the answer until 
the convocation of the Constituent Assembly was 
impossible. The Provisional Government realized 
perfectly well that a hungry, barefooted Russia, 
with its disorganized railroads, could not possibly 
wage war even as it had during the Czar's regime. 
And the treaties signed by the Czar and the Allies 
could have no moral significance for free Russia. 
Therefore the circumstances and the dignity of Rus- 
sia required that the Provisional Government give 
to its Allies a friendly but firm repulse. It should 
have demanded immediate aid and should even have 
threatened separate peace. At that time we still had 
an army, and the Germans would have paid us 
highly for a separate peace. But our youthful min- 
isters and ambassadors, instead of taking such a firm 
course, bowed before the Allies and gave all sorts 
of assurances that Russia would never conclude a 
separate peace. Why then should the Allies have 
hastened with material aid to Russia? I do not 
blame them for it. "One's own interests are near- 

est." And meanwhile the army was diminishing 
and diminishing hunger had driven the soldiers 
from the trenches. 

State administration presented a similar picture. 
Its problems could not be postponed until the con- 
vocation of the Constituent Assembly. By force of 
events the Provisional Government was compelled 
to tolerate the self-appointed unlawful Soviets ; more 
than that, they had to listen to their demands at- 
tentively and as a result to proclaim Russia a Re- 
public. This measure undoubtedly undermined the 
prestige of the Constituent Assembly and the belief 
in its indispensability. For this the Provisional Gov- 
ernments could scarcely be blamed. Their fault 
was that they had remained behind the current of 
life and the expectations of the people. And what 
were these expectations? The capitalists and the 
Intelligentsia, approximately \]/2 per cent of the 
population, were dreaming only of seizing political 
power. The peasants 75 per cent of the popula- 
tion were dreaming of the land. The soldiers and 
these numbered about 10 per cent of the popula- 
tion dreamed of peace and of returning to their 
dear ones at home ; and finally, the workingmen, who 
numbered also about 10 per cent, dreamed of seizing 
control of industry. 

The Provisional Governments promised every- 
thing, but asked for delay until the convocation of 
the Constituent Assembly. But the peasants and 
workers preferred to realize their desire to get the 
land and the means of production immediately by 
revolutionary means. "This is safer. At present 
the power is in our hands, and what will happen 
tomorrow, we do not know." This was well under- 
stood by the Bolsheviki and this is where the meaning 
of their doctrine, "the deepening of the Revolution" 
that is, the immediate realization of the people's 
desires through revolutionary means lies. And 
here lies the cause of their success. 

Much is being said at present that such a solution 
of social problems is not democratic, that violence 
from the Left is just as hideous as violence from the 
Right. In substance this is true, but the trouble is 
that the Kingdom of God on earth has not come as 
yet, and force can be crushed only by force. Every 
revolution provokes violence; why, asked the Rus- 
sians, is it justifiable to overthrow the Czar by force, 
and not the bankers? 

But I have anticipated. Before speaking of the 
present, let us return to the Provisional Govern- 
ments and see how they solved the third funda- 
mental problem; that is, the reorganization of the 
economic life of the country. The question can be 
answered in a few words: "They did not solve." 


January 25 

Lacking economic experience and not venturing, for 
fear of the Allies, to decrease war production or the 
number of soldiers at the front, the Provisional 
Governments enacted nothing new. And conditions 
were growing worse: occupied with the "deepening 
of the Revolution," the workmen hardly worked. 
The productivity of shops and factories decreased 
manyfold. General economic disintegration con- 
stantly increased. The villages had no goods, and 
the cities and army had no bread. A real famine 
ensued and this was followed as usual by robberies 
and violence. They reached their height in August- 
September of 1917 about two months before 
the Bolshevik Revolution took place. The Pro- 
visional Government even at that time had no 
authority or power. The prestige of any power is 
always best measured by the forces that rally around 
it for its defense. And the Provisional Government 
for its defense could only rally Junkers, a few Cos- 
sacks, and the Women's Battalion of Death. And 
it can hardly be said that the Bolshevik offensive 
was an unexpected blow to the Provisional Govern- 
ment. Just the reverse: the Bolsheviki widely ad- 
vertised it two weeks in advance, so that the Provi- 
sional Government had sufficient foreknowledge. It 
is therefore evident that it was in possession of 
defensive forces and that the popularity of the Pro- 
visional Government was not greater than that of 
the Czar's. 

One way or another, fourteen months ago the 
power was transferred definitely and finally to the 
Soviets, with the Bolsheviki as the dominating po- 
litical power. And thus came their turn to decide 
the vital questions of war, state, and economic 
organization. The question of the war they decided 
to solve immediately. They disclosed the secret 
treaties showing imperialistic war aims of the En- 
tente, at the same time offering the Allies a general 
democratic peace. The latter did not even answer ! 
And this fact is of utmost importance, because it 
arouses serious doubt as to who was betrayed by 
whom whether we have betrayed the Allies, or the 
Allies have betrayed us. Not having received any 
answer, the Soviet Government started pourparlers 
for a separate peace. It could not possibly have 
acted differently. It was impossible to wage war 
further: the army had run away, the railroads had 
come to a standstill. Nevertheless, when the preda- 
tory tendencies of the Kaiser became evident, the 
Soviet Government delayed the ratification of the 
peace treaty and entered into negotiations with the 
Allies, promising to reestablish the Russian front if 
the Allies would come to their aid. The Allies did 
not accept this proposal, the sincerity of which can 

hardly be doubted. Lenin was obliged to present 
the Brest-Litovsk peace treaty for ratification to the 
Congress of Soviets. At that moment, as far as I 
am concerned, the question as to who betrayed 
whom was finally understood and decided. Upon 
presenting the peace treaty for ratification of the 
Congress, Lenin did not deny it was humiliating. 
But at the same time he insisted that this humilia- 
tion was temporary, that the German revolution was 
not far away. Many did not believe it at that time, 
but now the German revolution is an accomplished 

As far as state organization was concerned, the 
Soviet Government decided that at that time the 
question could be postponed. Russia was in the 
throes of a social revolution and in the midst of a 
struggle with internal and external enemies of the 
new order. Russia is being built by the plain people, 
by the peasants slowly, firmly, and without any 
definite plan. To foretell into what forms this re- 
building will finally shape is utterly impossible. It 
can, however, be definitely said that the present 
rebuilding of Russia is not the last word of the Rus- 
sian Revolution. The word "Soviet" will probably 
remain with us forever. The Russian people grew 
fond of it. It was also adopted in Germany, but 
the meaning attached to this word will be perfected 
in the future. However, it must be kept in mind 
that the controversy which split Russian society into 
two uncompromising camps does not pertain to its 
meaning. This controversy does not formally touch 
upon the ideology of the future, but solely concerns 
the tactics of the present. The adherents of one 
camp say that it is first necessary to shape Russia 
into a definite political form, to establish a per- 
manent government and to let it decide social prob- 
lems slowly; that it is beyond the strength of the 
Russian people to accomplish a social and political 
revolution at the same time; that it is necessary to 
be satisfied for the present with the political revolu- 
tion alone, and to bring about the social reforms 
through evolution. More than that, representatives 
of this camp insist that our people are young and 
"dark"; that the time has not arrived for them to 
decide their own destiny; that the people do not 
know what they need, but that they, the representa- 
tives of the radicals and the Socialist Intelligentsia, 
do know. Therefore they are the ones to govern 
the "dark" people, to educate the people, to prepare 
the people for self-government. 

The representatives of the opposition camp, on the 
other hand, insist that their experiences with the 
first two Provisional Governments and especially 
with the third the Omsk Government, which is 



now dormant in the pocket of Kolchak is sufficient 
warning not to repeat mistakes. Their deep con- 
viction is that the Russian people are interested most 
of all in social reforms and demand these reforms 
immediately by revolutionary means. Yes, the Rus- 
sian people are "dark" and uncultured, but they pos- 
sess a natural common sense. They will acquire 
their knowledge in the process of reconstruction. 
Without the Intelligentsia they cannot possibly 
get along, but they want to select from the latter 
those who are willing to serve them, and not those 
who want to govern them against their will. The 
"darkness" of the Russian masses naturally obstructs 
the tempo of the Russian Revolution. I repeat, 
Russia is being rebuilt by the peasants slowly, 
firmly, and without any definite plan. In this proc- 
ess of rebuilding much has to be broken down. It 
is also true that it is beyond the power of the Russian 
people to accomplish both political and social recon- 
struction. Now the Russian people are busy with 
the construction of a new social order, and when 
this shall have been crystallized into definite form, 
they can begin the political construction of Russia. 

It can be foretold already that for the new social 
conditions new political forms will be required. It 
may also be predicted that neither the French nor 
the American clothes will fit the free Russian peas- 
ant; it will be necessary to sew special Russian 
clothes of new cuts. And such work requires time 
and care: "Measure the cloth seven times and cut it 
once," says an old Russian proverb. And history 
confirms it. Of all the constitutions that were ever 
written on our planet, the most flexible one has 
proved to be the Constitution of the United States. 
Written in 1787, with seventeen amendments, it is 
alive today. But it must not be forgotten that it 
was written in 1787, eleven years after the Declara- 
tion of Independence. Why then ask of Russia that 
she write her political constitution in definite 
form only one year after the Revolution, a revolution 
deeper than that of 1776? It may be retorted that 
social reforms require just as much care; that they 
also cannot be decided in haste. I perfectly agree 
with this, but I also understand that the Russian 
people do not care to wait any longer and do not 
trust the "masters." No words are strong enough 
to convince me to the contrary: To back one's argu- 
ments with Japanese bayonets and English machine 
guns is just as criminal, in my opinion, as to 
assassinate one's own mother. And all the outcries 
of the interventionists that this is a "democratic" 
way of helping Russia are mere hypocrisy. 

When one and one-half years ago the monarchy 
was overthrown in Russia, I, as well as many others, 

believed that Russia could not cope with the political 
revolution, war, and the social revolution at the 
same time. It was true. We were thrown out of 
the war, and for this we had to pay with the Brest- 
Litovsk treaty. But we are confronted with an 
accomplished fact and we are powerless to turn back 
the wheel of events. We have lost the war, yet in 
social progress we have taken tremendous steps 
ahead. And now the question is What are we 
to do? Insist that the social revolution is untimely? 
Shall we, together with the reactionaries and Czar- 
ists, liquidate all the gains of the Revolution and 
assist the French and English in dividing Russia 
among themselves? Or shall we, with our opponents 
from the Left, defend Russia and the Revolution 
from her internal and foreign enemies? As far as I 
am concerned, there can be no question, and that is 
why, while remaining a Moderate Socialist, I sin- 
cerely and conscientiously believe that I must serve 
Russia under the Soviet banner. 

There is still another point to be considered. We 
may not fully agree with the Soviet Government; 
we may doubt the possibility of realizing some of its 
ideals, but we can hardly deny the fact that it is 
consistent and clear in its demands. The opponents 
of the Soviet Government have no platform what- 
soever and they cannot have any. They represent 
the most picturesque conglomerate : side by side with 
old Revolutionists we see former officials of the 
Czar's police; side by side with noble dreamers we 
see the faces of criminals; side by side with mon- 
archists we see anarchists all of them are united 
in their mad desire to overthrow the Soviet Govern- 
ment; and the old English diplomats, who are oper- 
ating behind their backs, have finally realized that 
such a union is not stable and that it must be re- 
placed by a whip. 

And so the Siberian khedive Kolchak has appeared 
on the -horizon. He began his political career with 
the arrest of the members of the Constituent As- 
sembly, with the reopening of the vodka factories, 
and with the reintroduction of the Czar's rules 
against Jews. So the question is as follows: Kol- 
chak, or the Soviets ? The dictatorship of the work- 
ing people, or the dictatorship of an insignificant 
group of adventurers, behind the backs of whom 
there are foreigners ? The people, or generals ? The 
decision is clear. 

The Soviet Government has found it difficult to 
bring the economic life of Russia back to normal. 
The peasants have received the land, but remain 
without agricultural implements, nails, and textile 
goods. The workmen have obtained control over 
production, but remain without bread and without 



January 25 

coal. Production itself has slowed down. The most 
important factor in this situation is the isolation of 
Russia. She is practically excluded from the world 
exchange. She is now like a besieged fortress, a 
fortress which the enemy wants to take, if not by 
force of arms then by hunger. By what right? For 
what? It is said that we have committed two sins: 
first, we do not want to pay the debt to France. 
Yes, in principle we do not consider ourselves re- 
sponsible for the Czar's loans, because part of them 
were expended for the oppression of the Russian 
people. But practically we do not refuse to discuss 
this matter this is quite clear from the note of 
Tchitcherin of October 26. Second, it is being said 
that we have betrayed the Allies. In my opinion the 
Allies have betrayed us and are now dividing among 
themselves the booty which was promised to us. 
But we do not protest against this. Proclaiming a 
peace without annexations and contributions, Russia 
has renounced her participation in the division of 
any booty. But having sacrificed for the Allies 
7,000,000 of her sons, she is justified in demanding 
that she be left alone. But let us assume for a sec- 
ond that we are guilty of breaking a treaty: then 
what about Italy who broke the treaty with the 
Central Powers? She is being complimented on it! 
But we also have a third sin, of which people 
do not speak aloud: we are weak, but our 
land is rich why not make use of it ? I understand 
this perfectly well. Together with England we par- 
titioned Persia and only a short while ago we 
dreamed of the partition of Austria and Turkey. 
And now we are being partitioned! I understand 
it all. I understand the English and French very 
well, but I cannot understand the Americans at all. 
We owe you very little; we have no treaties with 
you and never had any, and in the division of Rus- 
sia you do not intend to participate. Why then do 
you keep your soldiers in Russia? The interests of 
the United States do not conflict with the interests 
of Russia. More than that, no other country is 
more interested in the realization of the ideals of 
the freedom of the seas and the League of Nations, 
which your President is faithfully upholding in 

Europe, than Russia. All our seas are not free. Our 
Government is most of all international. Moreover 
the interests of exchange between Russia and America 
at present should be mutual. During the war the 
United States has tremendously developed her pro- 
duction, and she needs foreign markets. Russia 
could be one. She needs goods. She cannot of 
herself increase production and stimulate industry. 
Yet we have plenty to pay with: our natural re- 
sources are enormous. The question of how to 
utilize these resources in order to pay for your goods 
may be decided upon by mutual understanding and 
discussion either in Washington or in Moscow, but 
surely this cannot be decided by mutual destruction 
in the swamps of Archangel. The Soviet Govern- 
ment has attempted many a time to begin such dis- 

This argument is usually disposed of by referring 
to the Bolshevik danger. First of all, the responsi- 
bility of power has compelled the Bolsheviki to be- 
come more moderate. Second, the Soviets and the 
Bolsheviki are not one and the same. The Bolshe- 
viki at the present time dominate the Soviets to a 
great extent because of the policy of the Allies. Yet, 
fearing Bolshevism, you are cultivating it. More 
than that, by your actions you justify its ideology. 
As far as the philosophic side of the question is con- 
cerned, we differ from the Bolsheviki in the matter 
of natural impulses. The Bolsheviki say that such 
impulses are only class interests. We, realizing that 
class interests are the most important interests of 
mankind, nevertheless believe that mankind has 
other interests: religious, moral, national, and 
esthetic. At present this point of view is being 
subjected to a difficult trial. There is some ground 
for your accusation that the Bolsheviki are serving 
the interests of one class only. But what about those 
who attempt to tighten a steel lasso around the neck 
of Russia, those who forget that she came to this 
condition righting with the Allies and for the Allies 
whom are those interventionists serving? The 
class interests of the propertied class or the ideal of 
justice? Is it really possible that these ideals are 



Lure of all far countries called him, 
Seas enticed, and skies enthralled him, 
Knowing neither fold nor fastness, 
Breaking futile bonds that galled him, 
Only Venture led him captive with her spell. 

But the wonderlands that drew him, 

And the venturing that slew him, 

Pale beside the golden vastness 

Of the realms that opened to him 

In the little flowering garden where he fell. 





The Guns in Surrey : A Meredith Remembrance 


DAYS AGO, in a car with two French officers, 
I swirled through rain and mud into the eviscerated 
towns of Villeneuve and Fere-en-Tardenois in the 
Chateau-Thierry sector. It was, they told me, the 
first correspondent's car to enter these places on the 
iron heel of the military occupation. As now I 
roam the rural lanes and meadows of England, 
where "cows flap a slow tail knee-deep in river" 
and primeval beeches spread an umbrageous coolness 
on my pathway, I can distinctly hear, thudding 
against the air, the great guns at the Front in Flan- 
ders and in Normandy. 

I have seen how the cannon tore the heart out 
of bleeding village after bleeding village there in 
France. I went from one incredible crater of 
ruin to the next, and I felt amid the bare and aching 
desolation as one might feel who wandered in the 
arid silence of the mountains of the moon. I could 
not reconcile the sight with the world we know 
and love, the world we live in the owls and foxes 
of Ossian never looked on so complete a bankruptcy 
of all the beauty of this good green earth : nor ever 
did the ghoulish ululation of hyena, jackal, or coyote 
fall on a place so lonely. Let not these broken 
walls, these bleaching heaps of rubble, these frac- 
tured shells of lath and plaster be likened to Pom- 
peii and Herculaneum for these ruins are of today, 
and they still pulsate and throb, are warm and bleed 
and agonize. Still they cry out to God from a soil 
moist with the blood of his innocents, to know if 
he has abdicated his white throne or will come to 
them agajn and bless and heal their brokenness. 

I did not understand how the stars- could look 
down complacently, or the sweet birds be singing, or 
the flowers spring again in the red of poppies, the 
white of the "Queen's necklace," the blue of corn- 
flowers, round shell-holes of green scum, implements 
of battle charred and rusted, bodies still denied a 

Yet I saw men, with three horses in a team, reap 
the wheat, eluding the unexploded shells and the pit- 
falls. I saw the peasants trudging back to encamp 
amid the jagged walls that were their houses, as the 
dwellers on Aetna or Vesuvius hobble over the cool- 
ing lava to their denuded vineyards. I saw "love 
among the ruins," and life too was there; and 
when I talked with a man whose visible worldly 
assets were a manure pile and a pitchfork, he des- 
canted indignantly not on the plight of his own vil- 
lage but on the sacrilege at Rheims. 

On the way from London to Box Hill you pass 

through Leatherhead, where men blinded in war- 
fare are wrapping poles with wickerwork to make 
roadways for the guns, and Mitcham, where the fin- 
est lavender field in England has surrendered to the 
utilitarian potato. Detraining at Box Hill station, 
I halted at the inn where Keats poured out his soul 
upon the moonlight, in the last lines of Endymion. 
There I inquired the way to George Meredith's 
house. It was scarcely more than the turn of a 
corner distant. Outside the gate was a little boy 
who did not know about George Meredith, but he 
balanced in a basket on his round blue cap a pig's 
head he firmly intended to deliver to the cook. 
Between the pink ears of the pig, upthrust like 
rifle-sights above the rim of the basket, one beheld 
a garden of exceeding loveliness. The face of the 
dark stone house, ivy-mantled, had for eyes toward 
the sunlight white-rimmed windows that gazed 
benevolently upon a close-cropped, smooth-rolled 
oval green with a sundial in the midst, geraniums, 
and orange-tinted begonias. Inclosing the lawn was 
a noble hedge, half again a tall man's height, of box 
and yew with not a dead leaf showing in the dense 

Beyond the hedge was Coe the gardener, whose 
time and hand-and-foot devotion belonged to George 
Meredith for thirty years. If a man is not a hero 
to his valet, no adage forbids the homage of a gar- 

"I can see him now," said Coe, dropping the hoe- 
handle and dusting his broad hands against each 
other briskly, "I can see him as he ran across the 
lawn from the gate waving a letter, and I can hear 
him call up to his wife's window 'The Americans 
have discovered me!' It was a letter from one of 
you about Diana of the Crossways. 

"He gave me the manuscripts of Diana, of The 
Amazing Marriage, and of One of Our Conquer- 
ors. I sold them to Mr. Pierpont Morgan. Mr. 
Morgan's butler heard Mr. Morgan say to some- 
body at dinner in New York: 'Yes, and I'd have 
paid him twice as much if he had asked it.' The 
butler told a friend of mine, and he told me. I 
wish I had asked twice as much." 

He spied a weed, and stooped to pull it. Then he 
led the way by hobnails to the tiny chalet on the 
edge of the wood above the garden, where the master 
wrote and paced the forest path and musefully re- 
garded the blue distance of the vale. The spirit of 
the poems Melampus and Outer and Inner, or of the 
meeting of Richard and Lucy, trembled in the air. 



January 25 

"Mr. Meredith had a board across his knee when 
he wrote," said Coe. "He didn't use a table. He 
had a dachshund too. He admired the Germans 
for some things he always felt they were such tre- 
mendous scholars. He thought well of the French, 
too, and in a fighting way. 'Coe,' he said to me one 
day, 'if our armies were led by French officers we 
could walk over the world.' 

"Here's where he did his own walking, sir, 

He parted the bushes to a little path that ran 
along behind the chalet, accurately, and as though 
it knew its own mind, for a distance of perhaps 
five hundred feet. Holly, yew, and pines were thick 
beside and above the narrow way. "He would 
gather the twigs," said Coe, "and tell me to make a 
price on them. He'd give the money to his daugh- 
ter, for her good works. 'Fourpence,' I would say 
when he pointed to a little pile he had collected. 
'Now Coe,' he would say, 'don't be unreasonable! 
You know very well that pile is worth two shillings 
if it's worth a penny.' But I was firm with him, 
sir, and it was my price I paid him. 

"He would sit here in the chalet thinking and 
writing, in his shirt sleeves, when he wasn't walking 
up and down the path. 

" 'Do you know what time it is?' I'd ask him. 

" 'No.' 

" 'It's six o'clock,' I'd tell him. 'Time for you 
to be getting ready for your dinner.' 

"But I couldn't get him to knock off and come 
down to the house as if he was an ordinary human 

"'It's here, Coe!' he'd cry, excited-like. 'It's 
here ! No use trying when It isn't here !' Then he 
would go on writing, and his soup was cold. 

"After breakfast, every day, he had his cigar, and 
his paper, and then he waited for It to come. 

"If anybody came and there was anything in the 
upper story, he was delighted. 

"A Publisher came from America." (Coe pro- 
nounced "publisher" with a capital.) 

' 'Well, what do you want my books for?' he 
said. 'You can get plenty of books in America.' 

"The Publisher said, 'Aye, we can get plenty, but 
they would flare up over your head for twenty-five 
minutes and then fade out. We want your books, 
to circulate them in cheap covers and make them 
known among the crowd. Your books will live.' 

"The answer seemed to please him. 

"Mr. Meredith slept here in this little hut, and 
here he had his bath. For some time he used a 
swinging hammock for his bed, but he didn't have 
much comfort in it. He got the idea from meeting 

on a steamship a passenger who had one. He used 
to complain about it to me, because it would creak 
and sway and the mattress would get in a big lump 
on one side. 

"Once we went to visit, and he slept in a bed 
that was on all fours, very substantial, sir, and very 

"I said to him afterwards, 'Why can't you have 
a similar sort of a bed at Box Hill, sir?' 

"So he let me get him one of iron, and he liked 
it well. 

"He was walking and thinking and writing to the 
end of his days, though he grew feeble and leaned 
more and -more upon my arm. He was vexed he 
couldn't climb the hill so easily. His body was 
dying; but his head was as brisk as ever." 

We left the gardener to his watering-pot, his 
borders, and his memories, and crossed the vale to the 
slope of the further hill and stepped into the little 
old thatched chapel with its red oak beams St. 
Michael's chapel, West Humble, parish of Michael- 
ham. The heads of pigs and the heads of saints, 
gargoyle-wise, were cheek by jowl among the ancient 
rafters. Was there anything symbolic in my meet- 
ing the pig's head in the butcher-boy's hands, in such 
close juxtaposition to the spiritual almost ethereal 
features of George Meredith? 

An aeroplane droned overhead and the guns at the 
Front were throbbing like muffled drums, and the 
words of Enid Bagnold floated into mind: 

And there thumps at the heart of the hill 
On the house-wall and runs 
In the grass at the foot of the trees 
The Reminder. The guns. 

Every field, road, and the lane of the region was 
mapped by the Germans ere Mr. Britling saw it 
through. The Battle of Dorking had been planned. 
German barons owned estates in the vicinage. 
When the German Emperor was in England at the 
dedication of the Victoria Memorial a decade ago 
he toured the south coast with his staff officers for 

But the beech and the yew, the holly and the 
bracken whispered naught of this to me as we clam- 
bered meanderingly to the high, free openness of 
Ranmore Common over the virid felt of the spring- 
ing sod. Ranmore church, the creation of Sir Gil- 
bert Scott in flint rubble, seemed nothing for a Sur- 
rey landscape to be very proud of as a beacon: but 
as we came down the hill on the other side toward 
Westcott, braking and sliding on our heels, I liked 
what my friends thought aloud of the common land. 
They spoke with the voice of the people. "When 
WE have the right of way, WE have it forever. 




The commoner stands up and fights the big land- 

Over the tops of the beeches that firmly kept their 
footing in the shale, we saw vistas that realized 
L'Allegro and II Penseroso, and I stopped to stroke 
the nose of a strawberry roan with shaggy fetlocks 
who put his head over the stile in a sober curiosity. 
There were hedgerows of yews and Scotch firs stand- 
ing in a luminous translation of the sunlight into 
golden Vandyke brown. By unromantically named 
Pipp Brook below us, we espied the white convolvu- 
lus, the evening primrose, the massed rhododendrons 
only the leaves and even (pray, what was it do- 
ing in that gallery?) a young thicket of bamboo. 

Somewhere in the vicinity, once upon a time, 
there was a bell known as the "Wipers Bell" from 
the name of Ypres, whence it was brought in the 
time of Edward III. Someone has lost it, within 
living memory. How careless of him, to misplace a 
ton or two of bell-metal! But the name "Wipers 
Bell" is still a household word in this withdrawn 
and quiet neighborhood, as though to bear witness 
that the British soldier's pronunciation of the famous 
Flanders city is no new thing under the sun. 

The beginnings of Tillingbourne stream trickled 
from an iron pipe at the road's edge, but a man 
came with a bucket and took it away for his horses 
under our very eyes. 

Lo! the beech-mast, beloved of our rummaging 
four-footed little brother Porcus since before the 
Romans came. Where are we coming? "Friday 
Street!" A curious name for a village. Can it be 
Frigedoeges treow Friday's tree? These fox- 
gloves remind us that digitalis is now extracted from 
them, even as belladonna is expressed from the 
deadly nightshade so that no longer need England 
depend on Germany for the supply of these things. 
But where is Friday Street ? Is the street sign writ 
perchance in honeysuckle? 

Over the hedgerow a voice impinges musically on 
our discussion. 

"You are at the beginning of Friday Street now." 

A scarlet bush of geum gleams brilliantly at the 
door, with a fiery trail of climbing nasturtium on 
the doorposts. 

How dull we were that we did not know ! 

On the great flank of Leith Hill the Evelyns, 
descendants of John, still are lords of the manor, 
and their sign let the Germans take notice for- 
bids among other things the deposit of old metal. 
So that we seem to be safe. The gorse pricks us 
resentfully as we force a shorter path through it 
to the crest of the hill. "When is kissing not in 

season ? When the gorse is not in bloom." That is 
to say, for about six weeks of the running year. 
What means this white circle drawn about a Scotch 
fir? It is marked for slaughter that it may go to 
line the trenches. Circumventing a rabbit-warren 
with nobody at home we come out through the mel- 
low, kine-like breath of the trees and the sod to a 
gaunt tower on the hilltop. It was placed over the 
remains of someone. I do not wonder that he 

From a height of a thousand feet above sea level 
one looks out over laughing leagues of farming land 
and woodland, the dark green of oaks and elms 
shading to the fawn yellow of the exuberant fields 
of wheat and oats, sun-dappled or beclouded. The 
sea is barely to be descried. The fields are irregu- 
lar of outline compared with those of Fiance dnd. 
Belgium. Their corners are as eccentrically angu- 
lar as broken glass. 

The air of security with which the cows and 
sheep of England browse and drowse militates 
against all prospect of such pitiable desolation as 
one sees in the invaded countryside of France. How 
could it happen here? How could the shells hurtle 
blasphemously into a village dreaming under its 
thatches and its honeysuckle, its geraniums and its 
climbing roses? It is left to the old men and the 
women to labor in the fields where once the feet of 
the young men trod sturdily. They are beyond 
the Channel or beyond the stars. It is they who 
make these dull reverberations of the guns that 
smite our ears. When .Gerald du Maurier wrote 
the play An Englishman's Home, men and women 
mocked him for it. Lord Roberts "pleaded and 
was not heard." Between the Huns and Britain 
men with their bodies have reared a living wall. 
For this hour of rest upon Leith Hill, for the 
brooding tranquillity of smoking chimneys there be- 
low, for the ruminant composure of the beasts of the 
field with their legs tucked under them, for the cool, 
deep shade of the beech trees and the pink translu- 
cence on the firs and the garden of enchantment 
where George Meredith amid his flowers heard 
the lark ascending for these things men by the 
hundreds of thousands bleed and die. Shall any 
town of England be struck into rubble by the guns 
as the towns of France were wrecked and desolated ? 
As I write the question the answer is borne afar 
upon the wind from Normandy, over the blue water 
and the fields with their nodding grain, under a spot- 
less heaven that is still God's own. 




January 25 

Out of a Day 


Wind-burnished sands 

Swept by slow surges 

Of hammered silver, 

Lighted with opal fires 

Of white foam 

Blown like a dancer's spirit 

In the wind to vanish, 

A fading brightness 

Under steely skies 

Take me to you, O desolate sands 

And waving plumy grasses, 

Extinguish this restless fire of spirit 

That I may become 

Silent clear beauty 

Like the dunes 

Against the sky. 


There is an enchanted hill 

Close by the sea 

All crystal still 

Where my love laughing led me. 

Blows the wind and water sings 

Hoarse runic tunes 

Of vanished things 

Fled from life, haunting pale dunes. 

Over that hill shadows fly 

Cast by wild wings 

Far in the sky, 

And a voice silver it sings. 

Ancient towers thrust gold spires 

Up to the sun, 

And misty fires 

Toss and fall, whirling they run. 

Far from towns and mortal eyes 

Down by the sand 

That old hill lies 

Bare of men untrodden land. 

Lost the pathway, dead my love, 

Lost the hill 

And wings above 

I go on, seeking it still. 


I am the wind 

That goes smiling to himself 

Down forgotten garden ways 

Plucking pearl strands from yesterday's spider webs, 

Rocking dead Autumn leaves 

To sleep. 

There is a garden 

On a northern hillside 


To fling its shoots sunward 

To burst into blossom, fiery, jubilant 

I am the wind. 

I shall come on the wings of dawn 

Laughing to myself 

At a secret I have forgotten 

And I shall whisper to leaves and tendrils, 

To buds and shoots and branches. 

Hot suns will shine after I have whispered 

And riotous blooms will toss their heads 

In that garden 

And birds will flutter, 

Hummingbirds and tanagers, 

Swift as thoughts, 

But not so swift as I 

Who, unlike thought, 


Into nothingness. 


music of hand clasped in hand 
And beating pulse pressed upon pulse, 

1 have felt sad seas 

Thunder your cadence in my body 

While shrill gulls 

Flaunted their whiteness 

In wind-tossed spume; 

I have heard restless winds 

Sighing through wildly waving treetops; 

I have heard thunder 


And the echo go bounding over the mountain sides, 

And the soft lapping of endless waves 

In the hot silence of summer nights. 


Gently the petals of time 

Unseen, unheard, 


Cover your glance, your smile, your word, 

And my rhyme. 




Military Training as Education 


N SPITE OF the "war to end war," many good citi- 
zens are urging the establishment of universal- mili- 
tary training in this country. If, as we were as- 
sured so many times during the past two years, the 
defeat of Germany will permit the nations to organ- 
ize for peace without fear of unexpected interrup- 
tion, the proposal must be advanced because its advo- 
cates believe six months or more in the army will be 
indispensable in American education. Now what 
is the educational value of military training in times 
of peace? Ask the next man you see, and he will 
doubtless say, as did an officer at the farewell dinner 
of our training company, that it teaches a man to 
keep his shoes shined and his trousers creased, and to 
say "sir" to his seniors. It may also help him to 
learn how to stand straight. 

Other benefits are, indeed, expected. There is a 
vague approval of the "discipline" which a short 
experience of the military regime is supposed to in- 
stil into our unruly youth. Often this seems to be 
merely a polite expression of the hope that laborers 
will be taught not to strike and servants to be more 
zealous. But behind that exists a more worthy feel- 
ing that if our young men are all run through the 
military machine we shall as a nation understand 
better how to work together and to produce more 
efficiently the results we want. And underlying all 
is an instinct which helped to send many of us into 
the army. It is the desire to get away from a too 
artificial and overcivilized world, a desire to gain 
power from victory over primitive hardships. The 
nation will become more masculine, it is believed, if 
men are thrown together and taught how to get 
along in a hostile world. 

However it may have been with the men who 
saw actual fighting in France, those of us who re- 
mained six months or more in camps on this side felt 
an immense relief in returning to civilian simplicity 
and directness after the curiously artificialized ex- 
istence of the army. The man who puts on a uni- 
form soon discovers that he has not come nearer 
to reality on the contrary, that he is farther away 
from it than ever. Every moment is formalized 
into a stiff pattern of behavior which is as difficult 
to practice gracefully as the etiquette of a Bour- 
bon court. A dozen times a day the soldier is 
called to a formality at which he dare not be a mo- 
ment late, and what he does at this formality has no 
more relation with the trade of war or any useful 
accomplishment than if he were practicing the latest 
tango in a ballroom. He learns to hold his rifle in 

certain positions, to move it expeditiously and in a 
predetermined series of motions from one of these 
positions to another, to take his appointed place in 
many complicated formations of troops but no one 
of these rifle positions or formations of men is ever 
used in battle. When saluting a superior officer 
he must hold his hand and arm at a certain angle; 
he must learn in deep detail when to salute and 
when not to salute.' Except for brief periods of 
rest, the whole time of the recruit is taken 
up with intensive training in these and a hun- 
dred other rituals, and the effort to be letter-perfect 
in them is as exacting as must be the education of an 
English butler. When a man becomes proficient 
in them he is called "a good soldier," and it is fre- 
quently said that a good soldier cannot be made 
inside of three years; in fact some old sergeants 
assert that a good soldier must be born. At any 
rate, the attention which the recruit must give to 
such matters absorbs nearly all his intelligence and 
nervous energy. So absorbing were they, that it was 
difficult to remember that a war was being fought. 

The expected intimacy with the primitive did not 
appear. We slept in wooden buildings, on cots and 
mattresses, and between sheets. Our food was fur- 
nished according to regulations from the Quarter- 
master, and cooked on stoves by cooks appointed 
and trained for that purpose. In none of the organi- 
zations of which I was a member were tents pitched, 
and the anticipated practice in the uses of a rifle was 
confined to one half a day on the range. We had 
some exercise, but not so much as any man an get in 
an outdoor job or in a camping or sailing trip. 

It must not be supposed that any changes in this 
regime will be made as a result of the war. The 
first dogma of the military man is that training of 
this sort, rather than training in the actual business 
of warfare, is necessary as a kind of first coat before 
the final polish of field maneuvers can be applied. 
"The best battery on the parade ground is the best 
battery in action." Traditional infantry drill, like 
the traditional classics in our older colleges, is sup- 
posed to furnish an essential disciplinary 'basis for 
any more practical exercise. We ought therefore 
to consider whether forcing young men to behave 
according to these strange formalities for a few 
months is likely to produce the benefits anticipated. 

The constant obedience which is required to 
make men alert in essentially ridiculous accom- 
plishments is thought of intrinsic value by many. 
Yet it is doubtful whether such obedience, solemn- 


ly enforced as it is by the fear of unpleasant pun- 
ishments, can form a habit which will last long 
in the more natural civilian environment, where 
superiors may be selected, and a man's worth is 
more often measured by his originality and initiative 
than by his lack of it. The effect of such discipline 
before the war ended was merely repressive, and 
brought about nothing but an urgent desire to escape 
it. On the one hand many men were eager to 
get to the front, where "something real was doing," 
and they would at least have a chance to employ 
themselves in an undertaking which seemed to have 
some reason for existence. On the other hand 
those of any ambition were eager to become officers 
and so escape the stultifying obligations of the 
ranks. The only ones who remained inert under 
the routine were a few old regular army men to 
whom it had become an easy and professional habit, 
one which they would relinquish only reluctantly 
for any occupation demanding mental effort. 

It is pure myth that the soldier acquires any capa- 
bility in cooperation for hard work. Most of the 
tasks imposed upon him, particularly the physical 
labor usually known as "fatigue duty," are obviously 
invented to keep him busy. No one watches his 
work except to prevent him from loafing. He knows 
that a hard worker will acquire little credit from 
superiors, but will on the other hand be regarded 
by his comrades as a scab. He knows that the more 
he accomplishes the more will be given him to do. 
If he happens to begin his duties under the command 
of a good-natured sergeant he will probably be 
warned that there is no particular use in exerting 
himself. Many a man has told me that he never 
had such an easy time of it as regards work before 
he entered the army. The prevailing effort of the 
enlisted man is to shirk as much as possible. The 
colloquial use of "soldiering" is well justified by 
fact. One of the most common remarks of the 
private is that the army has made him so lazy that 
he will never be able to do good work again. 

Those of us who succeeded in getting to an offi- 
cers' training school found plenty to keep us busy, 
and we seemed closer to the activities which we had 
expected to find in war. We still felt, however, 
the gray repression caused by the stiff pattern of rou- 
tine. I often wondered how much of our energy 
and interest was due to our desire to be effective 
in the war against Germany, and how much to 
any validity in the military method itself. So far 
as we did good work and gained anything at all 
out of the highly formalized teaching, it often 
seemed to me that we did so only through a con- 
sciousness of our function in the actual hostilities. 

When the armistice was announced the answer to 
my question came. A striking failure of morale 
was felt throughout the school, the commandant be- 
ing so worried by it that he announced that we 
should probably be retained in the service another 
year. Yet now the purpose for which we en- 
tered the army was removed, almost everyone 
found his studies only something to be endured in 
silence until he could get out of his uniform. When 
the announcement came that candidates could make 
a choice between immediate discharge and remaining 
to win reserve commissions on inactive duty, all 
classes except those within a week or two of gradua- 
tion melted away, and this in spite of a most deter- 
mined effort on the part of the responsible officers 
to bring disrepute on the men who availed them- 
selves of the privilege of resignation. 

Will the men who have experienced military edu- 
cation under the semi-peaceful conditions on this 
side of the Atlantic favor universal training? If 
to do so meant that they would have to spend 
another day in the service, the negative majority 
would be overwhelming. During my six months in 
uniform I have not talked with a single officer or 
man who was a civilian before the war and intended 
to remain in the army after the end of the emer- 
gency. Yet one is inclined, once an unprofitable 
experience is over, to count it a benefit and grant it 
a sentimental value. The men who would be sent 
to camp under the proposed law are not yet of voting 
age. Their elders may exhibit the quite human 
trait of wishing to enforce on the younger genera- 
tion the same drilling they themselves have endured. 
There is also the impulse to exalt a loyalty to one's 
own past. At our farewell dinner the officers caught 
up. the spirit of fellowship naturally existing among 
so many men who had lived so strangely together, 
and converted it into loyalty to the school and the 
army. We were flattered on our record, bidden to 
speak well of the military, to behave like soldiers 
the rest of our lives, and to vote for universal service. 
Such counsels are sure to have their effect. But the 
public should not take without critical examina- 
tion the arguments usually advanced in behalf of 
military training as a method of education for peace. 
They should, on the contrary, weigh well such 
statements as were made by our commandant, when 
he expressed his sympathy because we had missed 
so narrowly the chance of fighting Germans, and at- 
tempted to console us by adding that labor troubles 
were imminent in this country, and that we might 
be called out at any time for "riot duty." 





Lamartine, the Patriot of the February Revolution 

,/YN AMERICAN LIFE of Lamartine seems at first 
blush as appropriate as a French life of Long- 
fellow. Mr. Whitehouse's two volumes (The Life 
of Lamartine Houghton Mifflin; $16) are not in- 
tended primarily for scholars, and as for the casual 
reader, he has learned long ago that Lamartine, like 
Longfellow, is little more than a Wordsworth 
manque an estimate which the present work in the 
main upholds. La poesie lamartinienne had its day 
and will continue to have its Brahmans. Le Lac 
and 1'Isolement are unrivaled in their harmony and 
romantic idealism. Sainte-Beuve celebrated their 
appearance in the words: "One passed suddenly 
from a poetry dry, meagre and poor, to a poetry 
broad, abundant, elevated and all divine." But the 
world at large is cast in a rougher mold; it is at 
once more sophisticated and more simple because 
more experienced and profound ; and it is to the 
credit of Lamartine that he himself held "this 
sublime gift of the gods in slight esteem." At the 
height of his literary fame (1838) he wrote to a 
friend: "Poetry has never been more to me than a 
prayer; the most beautiful and intense >act of 
thought, but the shortest, and the one which deducts 
the least from the day's work." The fact is, and it is 
the object of Mr. Whitehouse to keep us from for- 
getting it, that Lamartine's "day's work" was politi- 
cal and not literary. The poet who in his youth 
sang of Graziella and Elvire, whose Wertherized 
soul longed for eternity, who in 1818 was all "de- 
spair and loneliness and lack of interest," is the self- 
same person who in 1847 wrote the Histoire des 
Girondins; who a year later aided if he did not 
instigate the fall of the July monarchy, and who 
during the bedlam that followed alone had the cour- 
age and the skill not to speak of his tireless energy 
to conciliate the mob and to establish at least the 
semblance of a constitutional form of government. 
That in so doing he simply replaced one form of 
autocracy by another, the bourgeois reactionary 
Louis Philippe by the glittering imperialist Louis 
Napoleon, adds to the tragedy of his already tragic 
life. But the unfortunate result cannot in the least 
mar Lamartine's heroism or cloud the disinterested 
ideal of which he was as much a victim as an origi- 
nator. There is no denying it: Lamartine made a 
strange Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Provi- 
sional Government Heine wittily called him 
"Minister foreign to Affairs" and a still stranger 
revolutionary leader, aristocratic as his origin and 
demeanor were. But he was the man-of-the-hour if 

ever an individual was, and neither his country nor 
the world at large has ever accorded him the honor 
that is properly his. Thus, it is particularly as a 
vindication of Lamartine the poet-politician, that 
Mr. Whitehouse has written his life. 

The world into which Alphonse was born in 1790 
was one of turmoil and upheaval ; and so it remained 
until his declining years. Well documented, Mr. 
Whitehouse neglects no important detail of the fam- 
ily history. Faithful to their royalist attachments 
the poet's parents weathered the storm of the Great 
Revolution tant bien que mal, giving to their son 
as "free" an education as their means and lights al- 
lowed, both of which were considerable. The Chev- 
alier as the father was called had a marked lean- 
ing for literature and literary composition, while 
the mother, the stronger influence with the poet, 
united an "inexorable Catholicism" to a sentimen- 
tal admiration for Rousseau. "Doubtless," writes 
her son, "because Rousseau possessed more than 
genius: he had soul." And it is precisely this qual- 
ity, more than genius, insight, or ideas that is charac- 
teristic of Lamartine himself. Another significant 
fact is the reenforcement of the Rousseauistic prin- 
ciples by the poet's contact with the peasantry of 
the family estate at Milly and by the soothing, reli- 
gious atmosphere of the Jesuit school in Belley with 
its beautiful surroundings and its proximity to the 
Alps. Desultory as Lamartine's education was, the 
aristocratic background, the Jesuit training for ac- 
tion, the humanitarianism of Rousseau and later of 
Madame de Stae'l of whom he became a great ad- 
mirer conspired to instil in him a belief in the 
progress of mankind and in himself as its prophet 
which only the complete disillusionment of later life 
was to destroy. 

To say then that Lamartine carried the Roman- 
ticism of literature into politics is not enough. As 
early as 1811 he confessed to his friend Virieu: 
"Je me suis cree des societes comme des mai tresses: 
'imaginaires.' " This remark is far truer of the 
latter than the former. The detail did not escape 
the alert eye of Anatole France in his, 1'Elvire de 
Lamartine. Only Mr. Whitehouse is precise in 
saying : 

"Whatever the relations between Lamartine and 
Madame Charles may have been . . . the limpid 
purity, the lofty spirituality of his poetry, for the birth 
of which she was directly responsible, is beyond all cavil. 
It was an ideal that Lamartine loved, perhaps, but Julie 
was not unworthy of the idealization to which she was 



January 25 

And he further notes that, as Madame Charles her- 
self was to learn with bitterness, the fisherman's 
daughter Graziella had already inspired similar lofty 
effusions on the poet's part, and Madame Charles 
"not unnaturally objected to being classed in her 
lover's mind with the little Neapolitan grisette. 
With an eye on posterity she protested at being one 
day styled 'une bonne femme, pleine de coeur,' who 
had loved the poet Lamartine." So much for the 
lover. As for Lamartine the politician, he too ideal- 
ized, and the glamour in which he enveloped his 
political acts are, in his biographer's opinion, the 
main cause of his gravest mistakes. Only an ideal- 
ist could cling to a faith in the progressive liberalism 
of the French nation and in his own popularity 
at the moment when the reactionary forces, appar- 
ent to all but him, were about to seat Napoleon III 
on his uncle's throne. "M. de Lamartine n'entend 
rien a la politique," scornfully said the radical 
Ledru-Rollin, the opponent whom Lamartine was 
not only to outwit but to treat with unparalleled 
generosity. We must grant that "Lamartine did 
not possess, politically speaking, a very fine sense of 
values." Of the great French quality, esprit, he had 
not a glimmer. And yet the truth is that Lamartine 
the politician is a complex of qualities. Poetry apart, 
he was essentially a being cleft into by opposing ten- 
dencies: an aristocrat's generosity (which never 
failed him), a poet's enthusiasm and vanity, and a 
statesman's instinct for conciliation and general 
ideas. To these traits should be added an ineradic- 
able aloofness which may have been the product of 
the conflicting elements named. 

Some such conclusion the reader will draw from 
Mr. Whitehouse's illuminating pages. The traits 
are there, though not always connectedly set forth. 
Mr. Whitehouse narrates well. The chapters on the 
Abdication of Louis Philippe, the Provisional Gov- 
ernment, the thrilling Sixteenth of April, and Louis 
Napoleon Bonaparte, read like a romance. An eye- 
witness of those momentous days could not have seen 
as much for he would have had to be ubiquitous. Nor 
does the hero fail to occupy the center of the action 
or occupy it unnecessarily: Lamartine's absences from 
the arena are as significant as his presences. Thus 
we get a picture of the "man" Lamartine, as a boy, 
a lover, a diplomat, a traveler in the Orient, a 
husband, a father, and a patriot. Above all, we are 
present at the adventure of Lake Bourget, when 
Julie comes to possess his glowing soul, once for all ; 
we see him in the Chambre in the heat of debate, 
in the anguish of those sleepless nights during the 
Revolution, when he expected every moment to be 
shot and yet never quailed, in the streets of the 

mob-ridden capital when the lightning played about 
his head and he nevertheless found the words to 
calm the mob, and we accompany him in his mo- 
ment of triumph on the fifteenth of May as he rode 
through Paris to the shouts of Vive la Republique. 
Perhaps it is captious to ask for more, still we long 
for a synthesis of so many details. Fascinating as 
Mr. Whitehouse's account is, the "complete" La- 
martine does not altogether emerge. 

One reason for this doubtless is that Mr. White- 
house has isolated his hero somewhat more than the 
facts warrant. It is true we are told: 

A Legitimist and Monarchist by tradition, but a pro- 
gressive and fervent advocate, by conviction, for the most 
generous grants of political, and social liberties, Lamar- 
tine invariably struggled for the doctrines he upheld. 

But the idea is not developed and its relationship 
to the philosophy of Cousin one of the progenitors 
of our own Transcendentalism is not recognized. 
That Lamartine's pantheism, noted by Mr. White- 
house en passant, is akin to Cousin's Spontaneous 
Reason "acquainting us with the true and essential 
nature of things," is shown among other instances 
by the poet's advice to Lord Byron : 

Descends du rang des dieux qu'usurpait ton audace ; 
Tout est bien, tout est ban, tout est grand a sa place. 

And also by the poetic one is tempted to say "po- 
litical" application he makes of it in the preface to 
Jocelyn : 

Les hommes ne s'interessent plus tant aux individual- 
ites, ils les prennent pour ce qu'elles sont: des moyens 
ou des obstacles dans 1'oeuvre commune. L'interet du 
genre humain s'attache au genre humain lui-meme. La 
poesie redevient sacree par la verite, comme elle le 
fut jadis par la fable; elle redevient religieuse par la 
raison, et populaire par la philosophic. L'epopee n'est 
plus nationale ni heroique, elle est bien plus, elle est 

However it is Humanity in no modern, sociological 
sense of first-hand acquaintance, but Humanity as a 
Platonic vision, a Wertherized, Ossianic fusion of 
lyric motifs set to the roll of harmonious and re- 
sounding music. Such is the verse the poet writes, 
such are the orations he pronounces in the Cham- 
bre or to the populace of the Revolution. This, it 
seems, is the dominant and connecting motive of this 
extraordinary life. Lamartine was a chantre or, 
as Mr. Whitehouse recognizes at the outset, a 
vates. Had he himself not made the descent 
he the son of the ancien regime which he urges 
upon Byron ? The Republic was to him the fruition 
of those who reason "spontaneously," not from be- 
low but from above. "Ou servir des idees, ou rien, 
voila ma devise," he wrote to the Marquis de la 
Grange. Hence the attempt or attempts to place 
the monarchy on the side of the people; and hence 



when these failed, his efforts by conciliatory means to 
brush the monarchy aside and let the people rule 
though he considered that the moment was prema- 
ture; hence finally the failure to see, because of the 
obsession that held him, the forces which were gath- 
ering for his destruction. This is not to deny him 
certain real political qualities: he could be astute, 
as when he kept the Opposition guessing or when he 
refused posts obviously beyond his capacities; he 
made friends, few to be sure but genuine ones; he 
upheld the national prestige abroad despite a foreign 
policy often ill-advised. All these points his biog- 
rapher sees and is just to. 

But he might have dwelt at greater length on the 
faculte maitresse of his hero : the clarifying side of 

the man that made him at once a patriot and a seer. 
For visionary and facile as Lamartine was, and pre- 
mature as he realized some of his policies to be, 
he yet was right in so far that democracy must be 
coupled with magnanimity, that any so-called liberal 
form of government must be founded on the higher 
instincts of the race and have faith in them and 
consistently appeal to them as Lamartine did or 
democracy like the autocracy it seeks to destroy is 
another name for tyranny. The tragedy of Lamar- 
tine's life is epitomized in the phrase : J'ai vecu pour 
la joule, je veux dormir seul. It would be a greater 
tragedy still if the principle for which he lived 

should prove illusory. 


The Modern Point of View and the New Order 



1 N THE EIGHTEENTH century certain principles of 
enlightened common sense were thrown into formal 
shape and adopted by the civilized peoples of that 
time to govern the system of law and order, use 
and wont, under which they chose to live. So far 
as concerns economic relations the principles which 
so became incorporated into the system of civilized 
law and custom at that time were the principles of 
equal opportunity, self-determination, and self-help. 
Chief among the specific rights by which this civil- 
ized scheme of equal opportunity and self-help were 
to be safeguarded were the rights of free contract 
and security of property. These make up the sub- 
stantial core of that system of principles which is 
called the modern point of view, in so far as con- 
cerns trade, industry, investment, credit obligations, 
and whatever else may properly be spoken of as 
economic institutions. And these still stand over 
today as paramount among the inalienable rights 
of all free citizens in all free countries; they are 
the groundwork of the economic system as it runs 
today, and this existing system can undergo no 
material change of character so long as these par- 
amount rights of civilized men continue to be 
inalienable. Any move to set these rights aside 
would be subversive of the modern economic order ; 
whereas no revision or alteration of established 
rights and usages will amount to a revolutionary 
movement so long as it does not disallow these 
paramount economic rights. 

When the constituent principles of the modern 
point of view were accepted and the modern scheme 

of civilized life was therewith endorsed by the 
civilized peoples, in the eighteenth century, these 
rights of self-direction and self-help were counted 
on as the particular and sufficient safeguard of 
equity and efficiency in any civilized country. They 
were counted on to establish eqvality among men in 
all their economic relations and to maintain the 
industrial system at the highest practicable degree 
of productive efficiency. They were counted on to 
give enduring effect to the rule of Live and Let 
Live. And such is still the value ascribed to these 
rights in the esteem of modern men. The main- 
tenance of law and order still means primarily and 
chiefly the maintenance of these rights of ownership 
and pecuniary obligation. 

But things have changed since that time in such 
a way that the rule of Live and Let Live is no 
longer sufficiently safeguarded by maintaining these 
rights in the shape given them in the eighteenth cen- 
tury or at least there are large sections of the 
people in these civilized countries who are beginning 
to think so, which is just as good for practical pur- 
poses. Things have changed in such a way, since 
that time, that the ownership of property in large 
holdings now controls the nation's industry, and 
therefore controls the conditions of life for those 
who are or wish to be engaged in industry at the 
same time that the same ownership of large wealth 
controls the markets and thereby controls the con- 
ditions of life for those who have to resort to the 
markets to sell or buy. In other words, it has come 
to pass with the change of circumstances that the 


January 25 

rule of Live and Let Live how waits on the dis- 
cretion of the owners of large wealth. In fact, those 
thoughtful men in th- eighteenth century who made 
so much of these constituent principles of the mod- 
ern point of view did not contemplate anything like 
the system of large wealth, large-scale industry, and 
large-scale commerce and credit which prevails to- 
day. They did not foresee the new order in in- 
dustry and business, and the system of rights and 
obligations which they installed, therefore, made 
no provision for the new order of things that has 
come on since their time. 

The new order has brought the machine industry, 
corporation finance, big business, and the world 
market. Under this new order in business and in- 
dustry, business controls industry. Invested wealth 
in large holdings controls the country's industrial 
system, directly by ownership of the plant, as in the 
mechanical industries, or indirectly through the 
market, as in farming. So that the population of 
these civilized countries now falls into two main 
classes: those who own wealth invested in large 
holdings and who thereby control the conditions of 
life for the rest; and those who do not own wealth 
in sufficiently large holdings and whose conditions 
of life are therefore controlled by these others. It 
is a division, not between those who have something 
and those who have nothing as many socialists 
would be inclined to describe it but between those 
who own wealth enough to make it count, and 
those who do not. 

And all the while the scale on which the control 
of industry and the market is exercised goes on in- 
creasing ; from which it follows that what was large 
enough for assured independence yesterday is no 
longer large enough for tomorrow. Seen from an- 
other direction, it is at the same time a division be- 
tween those who live on free income and those who 
live by work a division between the kept classes 
and the underlying community from which their 
keep is drawn. It is sometimes spoken of in this 
bearing particularly by certain socialists as a di- 
vision between those who do no useful work and 
those who do ; but this would be a hasty generaliza- 
tion, since riot a few of those persons who have no 
assured free income also do no work that is of 
material use, as, for example, menial servants. But 
the gravest significance of this cleavage that so runs 
through the population of the advanced industrial 
countries lies in the fact that it is a division between 
the vested interests and the common man. It is a 
division between those who control the conditions of 
work and the rate and volume of output and to 
whom the net output of industry goes as free in- 
come, on the one hand, and those who have the 

work to do and to whom a livelihood is allowed by 
those in control, on the other hand. In point of 
numbers it is a very uneven division, of course. 

A vested interest is a legitimate right to get some- 
thing for nothing, usually a prescriptive right to an 
income which is secured by controlling the traffic at 
one point or another. The owners of such a pre- 
scriptive right are also spoken of as a vested in- 
terest. Such persons make up what are called the 
kept classes. But the kept classes also comprise 
many persons who are entitled to a free income on 
other grounds than their ownership and control of 
industry or the market, as, for example, landlords 
and other persons classed as "gentry," the clergy, the 
Crown where there is a Crown and its officials, 
civil and military. Contrasted with these classes 
who make up the vested interests, and who derive 
an income from the established order of ownership 
and privilege, is the common man. He is common 
in the respect that he is not vested with such a pre- 
scriptive right to get something for nothing. And 
he is called common because such is the common lot 
of men under the new order of business and in- 
dustry; and such will continue (increasingly) to be 
the common lot so long as the enlightened principles 
of secure ownership and self-help handed down from 
the 'eighteenth century continue to rule human af- 
fairs under the new order of industry. 

The kept classes, whose free income is secured to 
them by the legitimate rights of the vested interests, 
are less numerous than the common man less 
numerous by some ninty-five per cent or thereabouts 
and less serviceable to the community at large 
in perhaps the same proportion, so far as regards 
any conceivable use for any material purpose. In 
this sense they are uncommon. But it is not usual 
to speak of the kept classes as the uncommon classes, 
since they personally differ from the common run 
of mankind in no sensible respect. It is more usual 
to speak of them as "the better classes," because they 
are in better circumstances and are better able to do 
as they like. Their place in the economic scheme 
of the civilized world is to consume the net product 
of the country's industry over cost, and so prevent 
a glut of the market. 

But this broad distinction between the kept classes 
and their vested interests on the one side and the 
common man on the other side is by no means hard 
and fast. Doubtful cases are frequent, and a shift- 
ing across the line occurs now and again, but the 
broad distinction is not doubtful for all that. The 
great distinguishing mark of the common man is 
that he is helpless within the rules of the game as 
it is played in the twentieth century under the en- 




lightened principles of the eighteenth century. 

There are all degrees of this helplessness that char- 
acterizes the common lot. So much so that certain 
classes, professions, and occupations such as the 
clergy, the military, the courts, police, and legal pro- 
fession are perhaps to be classed as belonging 
primarily with the vested interests, although they 
can scarcely be counted as vested interests in their 
own right, but rather as outlying and subsidiary 
vested interests whose security of tenure is con- 
ditioned on their serving the purposes of those prin- 
cipal and self-directing vested interests whose tenure 
rests immediately on large holdings of invested 
wealth. The income which goes to these subsidiary 
or dependent vested interests is of the nature of free 
income, in so far that it is drawn from the yearly 
product of the underlying community; but in an- 
other sense it is scarcely to be counted as "free" 
income, in that its continuance depends on the good 
will of those controlling vested interests whose 
power rests on the ownership of large invested 
wealth. Still it will be found that these subsidiary 
or auxiliary vested interests uniformly range them- 
selves with their superiors in the same class, rather 
than with the common man. By sentiment and 
habitual outlook they belong with the kept classes, 
in that they are stanch defenders of that established 
order of law and custom which secures the great 
vested interests in power and insures the free income 
of the kept classes. In any twofold division of the 
population these are therefore, on the whole, to be 
ranged on the side of the old order, the vested in- 
terests, and the kept classes, both in sentiment and 
as regards the circumstances which condition their 
life and comfort. 

Beyond these, whose life interests are, after all, 
closely bound up with the kept classes, there are 
other vested interests of a more doubtful and per- 
plexing kind; classes and occupations which would 
seem to belong with the common lot, but which range 
themselves at least provisionally with the vested in- 
terests and can scarcely be denied standing as such. 
Such, as an illustrative instance, is the A. F. of L. 
Not that the constituency of the A. F. of L. can 
be said to live on free income, and is therefore to be 
counted in with the kept classes the only reserva- 
tion on that head would conceivably be the corps of 
officials in the A. F. of L., who dominate the policies 
of that organization and exercise a prescriptive right 
to dispose of its forces, at the same time that they 
habitually come in for an income drawn from the 
underlying organization. The rank and file as- 
suredly are not of the kept classes, nor do they 
visibly come in for a free income. Yet they stand 
on the defensive in maintaining a vested interest in 

the prerogatives of their organization. They are 
apparently moved by a feeling that so long as the 
established arrangements are maintained they will 
come in for a little something over and above what 
would come to them if they were to make common 
cause with the undistinguished common lot. In 
other words, they have a vested interest in a narrow 
margin of preference over and above what goes to 
the common man. But this narrow margin of net 
gain over the common lot, this vested right to get 
a narrow margin of something for nothing, has 
hitherto been sufficient to shape their sentiments and 
outlook in such a way as, in effect, to keep them 
loyal to the large business interests with whom they 
negotiate for this narrow margin of preference. As 
is true of the vested interests in business, so in the 
case of the A. F. of L., the ordinary ways and 
means of enforcing their claim to a little something 
over and above is the use of a reasonable sabotage, 
in the way of restriction, retardation, and unemploy- 
ment. Yet the constituency of the A. F. of L., taken 
man for man, is not readily to be distinguished from 
the common sort so far as regards their conditions of 
life. The spirit of vested interest which animates 
them may, in fact, be nothing more to the point than 
an aimless survival. 

Farther along the same line, larger and even more 
perplexing, is the case of the American farmers, who 
also are in the habit of ranging themselves, on the 
whole, with the vested interests rather than with the 
common man. By sentiment and outlook the farm- 
ers are, commonly, steady votaries of that established 
order which enables the vested interests to do a "big 
business" at their expense. Such is the tradition 
which still binds the farmers, however unequivo- 
cally their material circumstances under the new 
order of business and industry might seem to drive 
the other way. In the ordinary case the American 
farmer is now as helpless to control his own condi- 
tions of life as the commonest of the common run. 
He is caught between the vested interests who buy 
cheap and the vested interests who sell dear, and it 
is for him to take or leave what is offered but 
ordinarily to take it, on pain of "getting leff 

There is still afloat among the rural population 
a slow-dying tradition of the "Independent Farmer,", 
who is reputed once upon a time to have lived his 
own life and done his own work as good him seemed, 
and who was content to let the world wag. But 
all that has gone by as completely as the other things 
that are told in tales which begin with "Once upon 
a time." It has gone by into the same waste of 
regrets with the like independence which the 
country-town retailer is believed to have enjoyed 
once upon a time. But the country-town retailer 

7 8 


January 25 

stands stiffly on the vested rights of the trade and 
of the town ; he is by sentiment and habitual outlook 
a business man who guides, or would like to guide, 
his enterprise by the principle of charging what the 
traffic will bear, of buying cheap and selling dear. 
He still manages to sell dear, but he does not com- 
monly buy cheap, except what he buys of the farmer, 
for the massive vested interests in the background 
now decide for him, in the main, how much his 
traffic will bear. He is not placed so very differently 
from the farmer in this respect, except that, being a 
middleman, he can in some appreciable degree shift 
the burden to a third party. The third party in the 
case is the farmer; the massive vested interests who 
move in the background of the market do not lend 
themselves to that purpose. 

Except for the increasing number of tenant farm- 
ers, the American farmers of the large agricultural 
sections still are owners who cultivate their own 
ground. They are owners of property, who might 
be said to have an investment in their own farms, 
and therefore fancy that they have a vested interest 
in the farm and its earning-capacity. They have 
carried over out of the past and its old order of 
things a delusion to the effect that they have some- 
thing to lose. It is quite a natural and rather an 
engaging delusion, since, barring incumbrances, they 
are seised of a good and valid title at law, to a very 
tangible and useful form of property. And by due 
provision of law and custom they are quite free to 
use or abuse -their holdings in the land, to buy and 
sell it and its produce altogether at their own pleas- 
ure. It is small wonder if the farmers, with the 
genial traditions of the day before yesterday still 
running full and free in their sophisticated brains, 
are given to consider themselves typical holders of a 
legitimate vested interest of a very substantial kind. 
In all of which they count without their host; their 
host, under the new order of business, being those 
massive vested interests that move obscurely in the 
background of the market, and whose rule of life it 
is to buy cheap and sell dear. 

In the ordinary case the farmers of the great 
American farming regions are owners of the land 
and improvements, except for an increasing propor- 
tion of tenant farmers. But it is the farmer-own-- 
that is commonly had in mind in speaking of the 
American farmers as a class. Barring incumbrances, 
these farmer-owners have a good and valid title to 
their land and improvements ; but their title remains 
good only so long as the run of the market for what 
they need and what they have to sell does not take 
such a turn that the title will pass by process of 
liquidation into other hands, as may always happen. 
And the run of the market which conditions the 

farmer's work and livelihood has now come to de- 
pend on the highly impersonal maneuvers of those 
massive interests that move in the background and 
find a profit in buying cheap and selling dear. In 
point of law and custom there is, of course, nothing 
to hinder the American farmer from considering 
himself to be possessed of a vested interest in his 
farm and its working, if that pleases his fancy. The 
circumstances which decide what he may do with 
his farm and its equipment, however, are prescribed 
for him quite deliberately and quite narrowly by 
those other vested interests in the background that 
are massive enough to regulate the course of- things 
in business and industry at large. He is caught in 
the system, and he does not govern the set and mo- 
tions of the system. So that the question of his 
effectual standing as a vested interest becomes a 
question of fact, not of preference and genial 

A vested interest is a legitimate right to get some- 
thing for nothing. The American farmer say, the 
ordinary farmer of the grain-growing Middle 
West can be said to be possessed of such a vested 
interest only if he habitually and securely gets some- 
thing in the way of free income above cost, counting 
as cost the ordinary rate of wages for work done 
on the farm plus ordinary returns on the replacement 
value of the means of production which he employs. 
Now it is notorious that, except for quite exceptional 
cases, there are no intangible assets in farming; and 
intangible assets are the chief and ordinary indication 
of free income, that is to say, of getting something 
for nothing. Any concern that can claim no in- 
tangible assets, in the way of valuable good-will, 
monopoly rights, or outstanding corporation securi- 
ties, has no claim to be rated as a vested interest. 
What constitutes a valid claim to standing as a 
vested interest is the assured customary ability to get 
something more in the way of income than a full 
equivalent for tangible performance in the way of 
productive work. 

The returns which these farmers are in the habit 
of getting from their own work and from the work 
of their household and hired help do not ordinarily 
include anything that can be called free or unearned 
income unless one should go so far as to declare 
that income reckoned at ordinary rates on the tangi- 
ble assets engaged in this industry is to be classed 
as unearned income, which is not the usual meaning 
of the expression. It may be that popular opinion 
on these matters will take such a turn some time 
that men will come to consider that income wm'ch is 
derived from the use of land and equipment is 
rightly to be counted as unearned income, because it 
does not correspond to any tangible performance in 




the way of productive work on the part of the person 
to whom it goes. But for the present that is not the 
popular sense of the matter, and that is not the 
meaning of the words in popular usage. For the 
present, at least, reasonable returns on the replace- 
ment value of tangible assets are not considered to 
be unearned income. 

It is true the habits of thought engendered by the 
machine system in industry and by the mechanically 
standardized organization of daily life under this 
new order, as well as by the material sciences, are 
of such a character as would incline the common 
man to rate all men and things in terms of tangible 
performance rather than in terms of legal title and 
ancient usage. And it may well come to pass, in 
time, that men will consider any income unearned 
which exceeds a fair return for tangible performance 
in the way of productive work on the part of the 
person to whom the income goes. The mechanistic 
logic of the new order of industry drives in that 
direction, and it may well be that the frame of mind 
engendered by this training in matter-of-fact ways 
of thinking will presently so shape popular sentiment 
that all income from property, simply on the basis 
of ownership, will be disallowed, whether the prop- 
erty is tangible or intangible. All that is a specula- 
tive question running into the future. It is to be 
recognized and taken account of that the immutable 
principles of law and equity, in matters of owner- 
ship and income as well as in other connections, are 
products of habit, and that habits are always liable 
to change in response to altered circumstances, and 
the drift of circumstances is now apparently setting 
in that direction. But popular sentiment has not 
yet reached that degree of emancipation from those 
good old principles of self-help and secure ownership 
that go to make up the modern (eighteenth century) 
point of view in law and custom. The equity of 
income derived from the use of tangible property 
may presently become a moot question ; but it is not 
so today, outside of certain classes in the population 
whom the law and the courts are endeavoring to 
discourage. It is the business of the law and the 
courts to discourage any change of insight or opinion. 

It appears, therefore, that his conditions of life 
should throw the American farmer in with the 
common man who has substantially nothing to lose, 
beyond what the vested interests of business can 
always take over at their own discretion and in 
their own good time. In point of material fact he 
has ceased to be a self -directing agent ; and self-help 
has for him come substantially to be a make-believe ; 
although, of course, in point of legal formality he 
still continues to enjoy all the ancient rights and 

immunities of secure ownership and self-help. Yet 
it is no less patent a fact of current history that 
the American farmer continues, on the whole, to 
stand fast by those principles of self-help and free 
bargaining which enable the vested interests to play 
fast and loose with him and all his works. Such 
is the force of habit and tradition. 

The reason, or at least the preconception, by 
force of which the American farmers have been 
led, in effect, to side with the vested interests rather 
than with the common man, comes of the fact that 
the farmers are not only farmers but also owners 
of speculative real estate. And it is as speculators 
in land values that they find themselves on the side 
of unearned income. As land-owners they aim and 
confidently hope to get something for nothing in 
the unearned increase of land values. But all the 
while they overlook the fact that the future in- 
crease of land values, on which they pin their hopes, 
is already discounted in the present price of the land 
except for exceptional and fortuitous cases. As 
is known to all persons who are at all informed on 
this topic, farmland holdings in the typical Amer- 
ican farming regions are overcapitalized, in the 
sense that the current market value of these farm- 
lands is considerably greater than the capitalized 
value of the income to be derived from their current 
use as farmlands. This excess value of the farm- 
lands is a speculative value due to discounting the 
future increased value which these lands are ex- 
pected to gain with the further growth of popula- 
tion and with increasing facilities for marketing 
the farm products of the locality. It is therefore 
as a land speculator holding his land for a rise, not 
as a husbandman cultivating the soil for a livelihood, 
that the prairie farmer, for example, comes in for 
an excess value and an overcapitalization of his 
holdings. All of which has much in common with 
the intangible assets of the vested interests, and 
all of which persuades the prairie farmer that he 
is of a class apart from the common man who has 
nothing to lose. But he can come in for this un- 
earned gain only by the eventual sale of his hold- 
ings, not in their current use as a means of produc- 
tion in farming. As a business man doing a specu- 
lative business in farmlands the American ' farmer, 
in a small way, runs true to form and so is entitled 
to a modest place among that class of substantial 
citizens who get something for nothing by cornering 
the supply and "sitting tight." And all the while 
the massive interests that move obscurely in the 
background of the market are increasingly in a 
position, in their own good time, to disallow the 
farmer just so much of this stillborn gain as they 
may dispassionately consider to be convenient for 



January 25 

their own use. And the farmer-speculator of the 
prairies continues to stand fast by the principles of 
equity which entitle the vested interests to play fast 
and loose with him and all his works. 

The facts of the case stand somewhat different 
as regards the American farmer's gains from his 
work as a husbandman, or from the use which he 
makes of his land and stock in farming. His re- 
turns from his work are notably scant. So much 
so that it is still an open question whether, taken 
one with another, the American farmer's assets in 
land and other equipment enable him, one year with 
another, to earn more than what would count as 
ordinary wages for the labor which these assets 
enable him to put into his product. But it is be- 
yond question that the common run of those Amer- 
ican farmers who "work their own land" get at 
the best a very modest return for the use of their 
land and stock so scant, indeed, that if usage 
admitted such an expression it would be fair to 
say that the farmer, considered as a going concern, 
should be credited with an appreciable item of 
"negative intangible assets," such as habitually to 
reduce the net average return on his total active 
assets appreciably below the ordinary rate of dis- 
count. His case, in other words, is the reverse of 
the typical business concern of the larger sort, 
which conies in for a net excess over ordinary rates 
of discount on its tangible assets, and which is 
thereby enabled to write into its accounts a certain 
amount of intangible assets, and so come into line 
as a vested interest. The farmer, too, is caught in 
the net of the new order; but his occupation does 
not belong to that new order of business enterprise 
in which earning-capacity habitually outruns the 
capitalized value of the underlying physical prop- 

Evidently the cleavage due to be brought on by 
the new order in business and industry, between 
the vested interests and the common man, has not 
yet fallen into clear lines, at least not in America. 
The common man does not know himself as such, 
at least not yet, and the sections of the population 
which go to make up the common lot as contrasted 
with the vested interests have not yet learned to 
make common cause. The American tradition 
stands in the way. This tradition says that the 
people of the republic are made up of ungraded 
masterless men who enjoy all the rights and im- 
munities of self-direction, self-help, free bargaining, 
and equal opportunity, quite after the fashion that 
was sketched into the great constituent documents 
of the eighteenth century. Much doubt and some 
discontent is afoot. It is becoming increasingly 

evident that the facts of everyday life under the 
new order do not fall in with the inherited prin- 
ciples of law and custom; but the farmers, farm 
laborers, factory hands, mine workmen, lumber 
hands, and retail tradesmen have not come to any- 
thing like a realization of the new order of economic 
life which throws them in together on one side of a 
line of division, on the other side of which stand 
the vested interests and the kept classes. They have 
not yet come to realize that all of them together 
have nothing to lose except such things as the 
vested interests can quite legally and legitimately 
deprive them of, with full sanction of law and 
custom as it runs, so soon and so far as it shall suit 
the convenience of the vested interests to make such 
a move. These people of the variegated mass have 
no safeguard, in fact, against the control of their 
conditions of life exercised by those massive inter- 
ests that move obscurely in the background of the 
market, except such considerations of expediency 
as may govern the maneuvers of those massive ones 
who so move obscurely in the background. That 
is to say, the conditions of life for the variegated 
mass are determined by what the traffic will bear, 
according to the calculations of self-help which 
guide the vested interests, all the while that the 
farmers, workmen, consumers, the common lot, are 
still animated with the fancy that they have them- 
selves something to say in these premises. 

It is otherwise with the vested interests, on the 
whole. They take a more perspicuous view of their 
own case and of the predicament of the common 
man, the party of the second part. Whereas the 
variegated mass that makes up the common lot have 
not hitherto deliberately taken sides together or 
defined their own attitude toward the established 
system of law and order and its continuance, and 
so are neither in the right nor in the wrong as 
regards this matter, the vested interests and the kept 
classes, on the other hand, have reached insight and 
definition of what they need, want, and are entitled 
to. They have deliberated and chosen their part 
in the division, partly by interest and partly by in- 
grained habitual bent, no doubt and they are al- 
ways in the right. They owe their position and the 
blessings that come of it free income and social 
prerogative to the continued enforcement of 
eighteenth century principles of law and order un- 
der conditions created by the twentieth century 
state of the industrial arts. Therefore it is in- 
cumbent on them, in point of expediency, to stand 
strongly for the established order of inalienable 
eighteenth century rights; and they are at the same 
time in the right, in point of law and morals, in so 
doing, since what is right in law and morals is 




always a question of settled habit, and settled habit 
is always a legacy out of the past. To take their 
own part, therefore, the vested interests and the 
kept classes have nothing more perplexing to do 
than simply to follow the leadings of their settled 
code in all questions of law and order and thereby 
to fall neatly in with the leading of their own pe- 
cuniary advantage, and always and on both counts 
to keep their poise as safe and sound citizens intelli- 
gently abiding by the good old principles of right 
and honest living which safeguard their vested 

The common man is not so fortunate. He cannot 
effectually take his own part in this difficult con- 
juncture of circumstances without getting on the 
wrong side of the established run of law and morals. 
Unless he is content to go on as the party of the 
second part in a traffic that is controlled by the mas- 
sive interests on the footing of what they consider 
that the traffic will bear, he will find himself in the 
wrong and may even come in for the comfortless 
attention of the courts. Whereas if he makes his 
peace with the established run of law and custom, 
and so continues to be rated as a good man and true, 
he will find that his livelihood falls into a dubious 
and increasingly precarious case. It is not for 
nothing that he is a common man. 

So caught in a quandary, it is small wonder if the 
common man is somewhat irresponsible and un- 
steady in his aims and conduct, so far as touches 
industrial affairs. A pious regard for the received 
code of right and honest living holds him to a sub- 
missive quietism, a make-believe of self-help and 
fair dealing, whereas the material and pecuniary 
circumstances that condition his livelihood under 
this new order drive him to fall back on the under- 
lying rule of Live and Let Live, and to revise the 
established code of law and custom to such purpose 
that the underlying rule of life shall be brought into 
bearing in point of fact as well as in point of legal 
formality. And the training to which the hard 
matter-of-fact logic of the machine industry and 
the mechanical organization of life now subjects 
him, constantly bends him to a matter-of-fact out- 
look, to a rating of men and things in terms of 
tangible performance, and to an ever slighter respect 
for the traditional principles that have come down 
from the eighteenth century. The common man is 
constantly and increasingly exposed to the risk of 
becoming an undesirable citizen in the eyes of the 
votaries of law and order. In other words, vested 
rights to free income are no longer felt to be secure 
in case the common man should take over the direc- 
tion of affairs. 

Such a vested right to free income, that is to say 

the legitimate right of the kept classes to their keep 
at the cost of the underlying community, does not 
fall in with the lines of that mechanistic outlook and 
mechanistic logic which is forever gaining ground 
as the new order of industry goes forward. Such 
free income, which measures neither the investor's 
personal contribution to the production of goods 
nor his necessary consumption while engaged in 
industry, does not fit in with that mechanistic 
reckoning that runs in terms of tangible perform- 
ance, and that grows ever increasingly habitual and 
convincing with every further habituation to the 
new order of things in the industrial world. Vested 
perquisites have no place in the new scheme of 
things; hence the new scheme is a menace. It is 
true, the well stabilized principles of the eighteenth 
century still continue to rate the investor as a pro- 
ducer of goods; but it is equally true that such a 
rating is palpable nonsense according to the mechan- 
istic calculus of the new order brought into bearing 
by the mechanical industry and material science. 
This may all be an untoward and distasteful turn 
of circumstances, but there is no gain of tranquillity 
to be got from ignoring it. 

So it comes about that, increasingly, throughout 
broad classes in these industrial countries there is 
coming to be visible a lack of respect and affection 
for the vested interests, whether of business or of 
privilege; and it rises to the pitch of distrust and 
plain disallowance among those on whom the pre- 
conceptions of the eighteenth century sit more lightly 
and loosely. It still is all vague and shifty so much 
so that the guardians of law and order are still per- 
suaded that they "have the situation in hand." But 
the popular feeling of incongruity and uselessness 
in the current run of law and custom under the rule 
of these timeworn preconceptions is visibly gaining 
ground and gathering consistency, even in so well 
ordered a republic as America. A cleavage of senti- 
ment is beginning to run between the vested interests 
and the variegated mass of the common lot; and 
increasingly the common man is growing apathetic, 
or even impervious, to appeals grounded on these 
timeworn preconceptions of equity and good usage. 

The fact of such a cleavage, as well as the existence 
of any ground for it, is painstakingly denied by the 
spokesmen of the vested interests; and in support of 
that comfortable delusion they will cite the exem- 
plary fashion in which certain monopolistic labor 
organizations "stand pat." It is true, such a quasi- 
vested interest as the A. F. of L., which unbidden 
assumes to speak for the common man, can doubtless 
be counted on to "stand pat" on that system of im- 
ponderables in which its vested perquisites reside. 
So also the kept classes, and their stewards among 




the keepers of law and custom, are inflexibly con- 
tent to let well enough alone. They can be counted 
on to see nothing more to the point than a stupidly 
subversive rapacity in that loosening of the bonds 
of convention that so makes light of the sacred rights 
of vested interest. Interested motives may count for 
something on both sides, but it is also true that the 
kept classes and the businesslike managers of the 
vested interests, whose place in the economy of na- 
ture it is to make money by conforming to the 
received law and custom, have not in the same de- 
gree undergone the shattering discipline of the New 
Order. They are, therefore, still to be found stand- 
ing blamelessly on the stable principles of the Mod- 
ern Point of View. 

But a large fraction of the people in the indus- 
trial countries is visibly growing uneasy under these 
principles as they work out under existing circum- 
stances. So, for example, it is evident that the 
common man within the United Kingdom, in so far 
as the Labor Party is his accredited spokesman, is 
increasingly restive under the state of "things as 
they are," and it is scarcely less evident that he 
finds his abiding grievance in the Vested Interests 
and that system of law and custom which cherishes 
them. And these men, as well as their like in other 
countries, are still in an unsettled state of advance 
to positions more definitely at variance with the 
received law and custom. In some instances, and 
indeed in more or less massive formation, this move- 
ment of dissent has already reached the limit of 
tolerance and has found itself sharply checked by 
the constituted keepers of law and custom. 

It is perhaps not unwarranted to count the 
I. W. W. as such a vanguard of dissent, in spite 
of the slight consistency and the exuberance of its 
movements. After all, these and their like, here 
and in other countries, are an element of appre- 
ciable weight in the population. They are also 
increasingly numerous, in spite of well-conceived 
repressive measures, and they appear to grow in- 
creasingly sure. And it will not do to lose sight 
of the presumption that, while they may be gravely 
in the wrong, they are likely not to be far out of 
touch with the undistinguished mass of the common 
sort who still continue to live within the law. It 
should seem likely that the peculiar moral and in- 
tellectual bent which marks them as "undesirable 
citizens" will, all the while, be found to run closer 
to that of the common man than the corresponding 
bent of the law-abiding beneficiaries under the 
existing system. 

Vaguely, perhaps, and with a picturesque irre- 
sponsibility, these and their like are talking and 
thinking at cross-purposes with the principles of 

free bargain and self-help. There is reason to be- 
lieve that to their own thinking, when cast in the 
terms in which they conceive these things, their 
notions of reasonable human intercourse are not 
equally fantastic and inconclusive. So, there is the 
dread word, Syndicalism, which is quite properly 
unintelligible to the kept classes and the adepts of 
corporation finance, and which has no definable 
meaning within the constituent principles of the 
eighteenth century. But the notion of it seems to 
come easy, by mere lapse of habit, to these others 
in whom the discipline of the New Order has begun 
to displace the preconceptions of the eighteenth 

Then there are, in this country, the agrarian 
syndicalists, in the shape of the Nonpartisan League 
large, loose, animated, and untidy, but sure of 
itself in its settled disallowance of the Vested In- 
terests, and fast passing the limit of tolerance in 
its inattention to the timeworn principles of equity. 
How serious is the moral dereliction and the sub- 
versive stupidity of these agrarian syndicalists, in 
the eyes of those who still hold fast to the eighteenth 
century, may be gathered from the animation of the 
business community, the commercial clubs, the 
Rotarians, and the traveling salesmen, in any place 
where the League raises its untidy head. And as if 
advisedly to complete the case, these agrarians, as 
well as their running-mates in the industrial centers 
and along the open road, are found to be slack in 
respect of their national spirit. So, at least, it is 
said by those who are interested to know. 

It is not that these and their like are ready with 
"a satisfactory constructive program," such as the 
people of the uplift require to be shown before 
they will believe that things are due to change. It 
is something of a simpler and cruder sort, such as 
history is full of, to the effect that whenever and 
so far as the timeworn rules no longer fit the new 
material circumstances they presently fail to carry 
conviction as they once did. Such wear and tear 
of institutions is unavoidable where circumstances 
change; and it is through the altered personal equa- 
tion of those elements of the population which are 
most directly exposed to the changing circumstances 
that the wear and tear of institutions may be ex- 
pected to take effect. To these untidy creatures of 
the New Order common honesty appears to mean 
vaguely something else, perhaps something more 
exacting, than what was "nominated in the bond" 
at the time when the free bargain and self-help were 
written into the moral constitution of Christendom 
by the handicraft industry and the petty trade. And 

why should it not? -_, _ r 




The Literary Abbozzo 

A HE ITALIANS use the word abbozzo meaning 
a sketch or unfinished work not only in reference 
to drawing or painting but also as a sculptural term. 
The group of unfinished sculptures by Michelangelo 
in Florence, for example, takes this name; they are 
called simply abbozzi. The stone is still rough 
the conception has only just begun to appear; it has 
not yet wholly or freely emerged. There is an im- 
pressiveness in the way in which the powerful figures 
seem struggling with the rock for release. And it is 
no wonder that Rodin and others have seen in this 
particular stage of a piece of sculpture a hint for a 
new method based on the clear enough esthetic value 
of what might be called the provocatively incom- 

Unfortunately, in literature as in sculpture, the 
vogue of the incomplete has become too general, and 
has in consequence attracted many who are without 
a clear understanding of its principles. Two mis- 
conceptions regarding it are particularly common: 
one, that it is relatively formless, and therefore eas- 
ier than a method more precise ; the other, that it is 
a universal style, applicable to any one of the whole 
gamut of themes. Neither of these notions, of 
course, is true. The literary abbozzo or to be 
more precise, the poetic abbozzo demands a high 
degree of skill, a very sure instinct. And it should 
be equally apparent that it is properly applicable to 
what is relatively only a small number of moods or 
themes among which one might place conspicuous- 
ly the dithyrambic and the enumerative. These are 
moods which irregularity will often save from mo- 
notony. Whitman's catalogues would be even worse 
than they are had they been written as conscien- 
tiously in heroic couplets. The same is perhaps 
true of the dithyrambs of Ossian. Both poets to 
have been successful in a more skilfully elaborate 
style would have been compelled to delete a great 
deal . . . which would no doubt have been an 

This makes one a little suspicious of the abbozzo: 
is it possible that we overrate it a trifle? Might we 
not safely suggest to those artists whom we suspect 
of greatness, or even of very great skill merely, that 
their employment of the abbozzo should be chiefly 
as relaxation ? But they will hardly need to be told. 
The provocatively incomplete which is to be sharp- 
ly distinguished from the merely truncated or slov- 
enly has its charm, its beautiful suggestiveness ; 
but in proportion as the artist is powerful he will 

find the abbozzo insufficient, he will want to sub- 
stitute for this charm, this delicate hover, a beauty 
and strength more palpable. The charm which in- 
heres in the implied rather than the explicit he 
knows how to retain he will retain it in the dim 
counterpoint of thought itself. 

The poems of Miss Lola Ridge (The Ghetto and 
Other Poems Huebsch; $1.25) raise all these 
issues sharply, no less because the author has rich- 
ness and originality of sensibility, and at times bril- 
liance of idea, than because she follows this now 
too common vogue. Here is a vivid personality, 
even a powerful one, clearly aware of the peculiar 
experience which is its own a not too frequent 
gift. It rejoices in the streaming and garishly lighted 
multiplicity of the city: it turns eagerly toward 
the semi-tropical fecundity of the meaner streets and 
tenement districts. Here it is the human item that 
most attracts Miss Ridge Jews, for the most part, 
seen darkly and warmly against a background of 
social consciousness, of rebelliousness even. She 
arranges her figures for us with a muscular force 
which seems masculine; it is singular to come upon 
a book written by a woman in which vigor is so 
clearly a more natural quality than grace. This is 
sometimes merely strident, it is true. When she 
compares Time to a paralytic, "A mildewed hulk 
above the nations squatting," one fails to respond. 
Nor is one moved precisely as Miss Ridge might 
hope when she tells us of a wind which "noses 
among them like a skunk that roots about the heart." 
It is apparent from the frequency with which such 
falsities occur particularly in the section called 
Labor that Miss Ridge is a trifle obsessed with the 
concern of being powerful : she forgets that the harsh 
is only harsh when used sparingly, the loud only 
loud when it emerges from the quiet. She is uncer- 
tain enough of herself to deal in harshnesses whole- 
sale and to scream them. 

But with due allowances made for these extrava- 
gances the extravagances of the brilliant but some- 
what too abounding amateur one must pay one's 
respects to Miss Ridge for her very frequent verbal 
felicities, for her images brightly lighted, for a 
few shorter poems which are clusters of glittering 
phrases, and for the human richness of one longer 
poem, The Ghetto, in which the vigorous and the 
tender are admirably fused. Here Miss Ridge's 
reactions are fullest and truest. Here she is under 
no compulsion to be strident. And it is precisely 


January 25 

because here she is relatively most successful that one 
is most awkwardly conscious of the defects inher- 
ent in the whole method for which Miss Ridge 
stands. This is a use of the "provocatively incom- 
plete" as concerns form in which, unfortunately, 
the provocative has been left out. If we consider 
again, for a moment, Michelangelo's abbozzi we 
become aware how slightly, by comparison, Miss 
Ridge's figures have begun to emerge. Have they 
emerged enough to suggest the clear overtone of the 
thing completed? The charm of the incomplete is 
of course in its positing of a norm which it suggests, 
approaches, retreats from, or at points actually 
touches. The ghost of completeness alternately 
shines and dims. But for Miss Ridge these subtle- 
ties of form do not come forward. She is content 

to use for the most part a direct prose, with only sel- 
dom an interpellation of the metrical, and the metri- 
cal of a not particularly skilful sort. The latent 
harmonies are never evoked. 

One hesitates to make suggestions. Miss Ridge 
might have to sacrifice too much vigor and richness 
to obtain a greater beauty of form : the effort might 
prove her undoing. By the degree of her success or 
failure in this undertaking, however, she would be- 
come aware of her real capacities as an artist. Or 
is she wise enough to know beforehand that the 
effort would be fruitless, and that she has already 
reached what is for her the right pitch? That 
would be a confession but it would leave us, even 
so, a wide margin for gratitude. 


The Biology of War 

IN OCTOBER 1914, when ninety-three of Ger- 
many's savants signed their famous Manifesto to 
the Civilized (sic) World, defending the course of 
their government in the negotiations that had led 
to war, one man, Dr. G. F. Nicolai, Professor of 
Physiology at the University of Berlin and consult- 
ing specialist to the German Empress, refused to 
lend his name to the document. Rather he de- 
nounced it as venially evasive and insincere, drew 
up a contrary document indicting the whole diplo- 
macy of imperialistic Europe, and went about, 
Quixote-like, seeking signatures. Getting none, he 
wrote with angry vigor The Biology of War (Cen- 
tury; $3.50), had it published in Switzerland, 
allowed it to be smuggled into Germany, and 
naturally found his way into jail. There two young 
scientists, won by his passionate courage, came to his 
rescue, hurried him in latest romantic style to a 
waiting aeroplane, and flew with him to Denmark. 
Artistry in style and method must not be asked 
of a book so conceived and born ; nor any sustained 
calmness of speech or judgment in contemporary 
reference. The book is not so much a scientific 
treatise as an extended polemical pamphlet, almost 
a diatribe but it would have taken a bloodless man 
to write with frigid impartiality in the midst of 
war-mad foes. What most stirs Dr. Nicolai to 
impassioned rebuttal is the contention of Junker 
scribes that war is biologically natural, inevitable, 
and desirable. It might be one or another of these : 
but to argue for all three is to fall on the other side 
of the truth. Of course the fact in this matter 
eludes absolute statement and lurks among distinc- 

tions. If war mean merely individual fighting, it 
is natural enough, and conceivably desirable as an 
occasional relief from "law and order" ; if war mean 
fighting between two groups of the one species, then 
war is an unnatural, exceptional thing in the animal 
world, being popular only among ants and men. 
Almost throughout nature struggle is with environ- 
mental obstruction rather than within the species: 
. the teeth and claws of the tiger are for other species, 
not for other tigers. Struggle within the species is 
indirect: the best equipped 'for getting food and 
fighting other species survive; the worst equipped 
succumb. Struggle is natural, but war is human. 
"There is nothing natural, nothing great, nothing 
noble about war ; it is merely one of the numberless 
consequences of the introduction of private prop- 
erty." Hence the ants, which accumulate property, 
also know the arts of slavery and war. 

It is less than half a truth, too, that war is 
naturally based in the pugnacity of the "herd" 
(Trotter's view). It is clear enough that we love 
our families and our homes, and are by native dis- 
position ready to fight for them; it is not clear that 
we are by nature disposed to fight for 60,000,000 
people whom we have never seen. We must be 
taught that these three score millions are to be 
fought for, and that these others over the border 
are "natural" food for our powder. It is true that 
we are born with a disposition to fight for our 
goods ; it is not true that we are born with a disposi- 
tion to fight to protect the goods of others. We have 
to be taught that the goods of others are (only for 
the passing purpose) our own. If we were born 


with a disposition to fight for other people's goods, 
and for people whom we have never seen, we would 
have fought without urging for the wage-slaves of 
Lawrence and the slaughtered serfs of Colorado. 
Without urging we would not do it. And it is not 
otherwise with war: a thousand reams of print and 
a thousand reels of film must stretch our little 
pugnacities to the mighty scope of war. And so 
those who, like Freud and Jones, reduce war to 
"unconscious" motivation, miss the center of the 
fact. These unconscious sources will suffice to pro- 
duce a scrimmage on the campus or a quarrel in the 
streets; but war calls for conscious organization, 
stimulation and direction, and its sources are to be 
found rather in the minority that stimulates and 
organizes and directs than in the really gentle mob 
that fights and dies or lives to pay. Hence, finally, 
the error of those who (like our author) think to 
destroy war by proving it financially injurious to the 
victorious nation. War will go merrily on, genera- 
tion after generation, so long as it may seem 
profitable to the minority that chances to be in 
power and in the present structure and complexity 
of states it is always a minority that wields the 
power. Therefore democracy, if it is democracy, 
does in some modest measure make for peace; for 
to distribute power is to decrease the individual 
share in the spoils, and so to lessen the temptations 
that call to arms. 

But the biologs of wars are not so easily routed. 
Surely war weeds out the unfit, and aptly serves 
selection. So far as "the unfit" means individuals, 
the argument is among the casualties of the war. 
It is the "unfit" that have survived to increase and 
multiply; it is the "fit" whose clear flame has been 
snuffed out in the painless ecstasy of battle. "The 
blind, deaf and dumb, idiots, hunchbacks, scrofulous 
and impotent persons, imbeciles, paralytics, epilep- 
tics, dwarfs, and abortions all these . . . can 
stay at home and dress their ulcers while the brave, 
strong young men are rotting on the battle-field." 
So far as "the unfit" are groups and institutions, 
the argument has better ground; it was this, no 
doubt, that Heraclitus, Carlyle of Ephesus, had in 
mind when he declared that "war is the father of 
all things." But it is as clear as a day in June that 
the fitness by which institutions and groups are 
selected in war is not fitness in general but fitness 
merely for war. And in this process of elimination 
and survival many groups and institutions may be 
selected which for vital purposes other than war 
are not as obviously "fit" as they might be: auto- 
cratic class-structures, for example, and the coercive 

state, and collective conceit, and a tongued-tied 
press, and the subtly poisoned wells of public 
thought. Selection might conceivably proceed by 
economic competition (as now, to some degree, 
within the state) rather than by ordeal of battle; 
and there are some who believe that the last ordeal 
would not have come had economic competition been 
left quite free. When selection by war replaces selec- 
tion by economic ability, premium and incentive are 
taken from the creative capacities of production and 
placed upon the disruptive faculties of competitive 
destruction. The trouble with war is not that it is 
a dangerous struggle there were more deaths by 
infantile disease in England during the first year 
of the war than by bjattle on the English front but 
that it is a foolish one, unfair and unproductive of 
anything but further war. 

The bald truth of the matter, of course, is that the 
biological argument for war is an afterthought, an 
effort some have made to conceal economic privilege 
jn the decent drapery of science, as others have tried 
to cover it with idealistic gloss. A victorious Ger- 
many would have withdrawn the drapery and shown 
us a Belgium conquered and a middle Europe ab- 
sorbed and feudalized ; a victorious England frankly 
forgets that she fought for "the rights of small 
nations," and prepares to add some unwilling col- 
onies to her vast collection. Germany is learning 
the lesson of this deceit; victory may blind us to it. 
Germany began with Bernhardi, and ends with 
Nicolai ; we began with Nicolai, and seem resolved 
to end with Bernhardi. Nicolai appeals to Ger- 
many to think internationally; one wonders will 
she be permitted. Apparently, if the imperialistic 
bloc that signed the Pact of London on September 
5, 1914 maintains ascendancy at Paris, the nations 
that have lost this war for democracy and against 
militarism will have won it, and the nations that 
have won it will have lost it. The Allies have given 
freedom to Germany, and seem willing to accept 
Prussianism in return. 

One is reminded of the story (source forgotten) 
of the Dukhobor who, forgetting the geographical 
variability of morals, tried to go naked in' the streets 
of London. A policeman set out gravely to capture 
him, but found himself distanced because of his 
heavy clothing. Therefore he divested himself, as 
he ran, of garment after garment, until he was 
naked : and so lightened caught his prey. But then 
it was impossible to tell which was the Dukhobor 
and which was the policeman. 




January 25 

An American Pendennis 

IHE CHANCES for the great American novel grow 
fewer and fewer. The novels which we regard as 
characteristic of England, or France, or Spain were 
written when the social classes of those countries 
were still in the stratified contact prescribed by 
feudalism, or when it could be truthfully said that 
certain of these classes did not count. If these 
characteristic and circumscriptive novels had not 
been written, it is safe to say that we should forever 
lack them. The American novel delayed its advent 
beyond the time when our life was simple and homo- 
geneous, until its program has become too ambitious 
for fulfilment. American novelists have chosen to 
work within sectional limits or class limits: where 
they have attempted to transcend the boundaries 
alike of locality and class they have merely illus- 
trated the magnitude of their task without perform- 
ing it. The great American novel must remain a 
goal to be approximated, not attained. 

But though this be true, the approach to the 
American novel will continue to intrigue us in no 
book of the past year more subtly than in Mr. 
Booth Tarkington's The Magnificent Ambersons 
(Doubleday, Page; $1.50). The primary demand 
that the American novel shall give us the specific 
quality of American life, not in its local manifesta- 
tions and dialect but in its general bearing and 
language, is here eminently fulfilled. The scene 
of the story is clearly the Middle West, and the 
atmosphere is that of a newly arrived city, Indian- 
apolis, or Cleveland, or Omaha; but the spiritual 
values are no less current in Boston, or Atlanta, or 
San Francisco in short they are American. The 
limitation that it is a class novel is balanced by the 
fact that it is the typically American class which is 
presented the class which incarnates the American 
ideal and to which all good Americans aspire. And 
its period is that of the flowering of American civil- 
ization after the Civil War, the last truly American 
period before foreign influence set in with the 
World's Fair. 

How total is Mr. Tarkington's recall of the 
American Biedermeyer period is evident in the 
pages of his mise en scene. It was the period when 
elegance of personal appearance was believed to 
rest more upon the texture of garments than upon 
their shaping. "A silk dress . . . remained 
distinguished by merely remaining silk." He re- 
mjinds us of the stovepipe hat, in which "without 
self-consciousness men went rowing" ; and "the long 
contagion of the Derby," of which the crown varied 
from a bucket to a spoon; and of the "Side-burns 

that found nourishment upon youthful profiles." 
He notes with uncanny precision the architectural 
arrangements of the houses, just beginning to boast 
the bathroom, in which "the American plumber 
joke was planted"; the domestic service, at wages 
of two to three dollars a week ; the horse cars which 
would wait for a lady who whistled from an up- 
stairs window, "while she shut the window, put oh 
her hat and cloak, went downstairs, found an um- 
brella, told the girl what to have for dinner, and 
came forth from the house." He recalls the habit 
of serenading with such songs as Silver Threads 
Among the Gold, and Kathleen Mavourneen; the 
sports, croquet and archery, with euchre for indoors ; 
and the esthetic movement. He delights us with 
the brilliant slang of the period when "Does your 
mother know you're out?" was a mild insult, and 
the conventional repartee to "Pull down your vest," 
was "Wipe off your chin." 

In this period Major Amberson built Amberson 
Addition, the local Versailles, with cast-iron statues 
at the intersections of the streets Minerva, Mer- 
cury, Gladiator, Emperor Augustus, Wounded Doe 
and in the center the Amberson Mansion on a 
four-acre lot, with sixty thousand dollars' worth of 
black walnut woodwork inside. The Addition is a 
symbol of the magnificence of the Ambersons and 
of their period. Its decay marks the destructive 
progress of the American city with its waste, mean- 
ness, and squalor. The last view of Amberson Ad- 
dition has a grotesque pathos which we all recognize : 

Other houses had become boarding-houses. . . One 
having torn out part of an old stone-trimmed bay window 
for purposes of commercial display, showed two sus- 
pended petticoats and a pair of oyster-coloured flannel 
trousers to prove the claims of its black-and-gilt sign : 
"French Cleaning and Dye House." Its next neighbour 
also sported a remodelled front and permitted no doubt 
that its mission in life was to attend cosily upon death: 
"J. M. Rolsener, Caskets. The Funeral Home." And 
beyond that, a plain old honest four-square gray-painted 
brick house was flamboyantly decorated with a great gilt 
scroll on the railing of the old-fashioned veranda: 
"Mutual Benev't Order Cavaliers and Dames of Purity." 

The combination of characters embodies the 
typical American family group with external ma- 
terial for complications of the purely American 
variety. There is young George, his grandfather, 
Major Amberson, his mother and her consort of 
the inferior Minafer clan, his uncles, the congress- 
man and the would-be ambassador, his aunt- Fanny 
on the Minafer side; and challenging the magnifi- 
cence of the Ambersons there are Eugene Morgan, 
the wanderer returning to the scenes of his youth 
with his strange belief in horseless carriages, and 




Lucy, his daughter. There are materials for two 
romances in two generations, which Mr. Tarkington 
develops with his usual enthusiasm for youth and 
tenderness for middle age. But the real love of 
the book is that of Isabel Minafer for her son 

George Amberson Minafer is the product of the 
magnificence of the Ambersons and the love of his 
mother. He lives with intolerable egoism in the 
world which these have created for him. He is the 
aristocratic tough boy, who in his Fauntleroy suit 
and brown curls fights the street boys and tells the 
minister to go to hell. Later he drives furiously 
through the streets of his native town to the exasper- 
ation and danger of its citizens. He insults his 
guests, scorns his father, bullies his aunt. He 
completes the climax when he interferes brutally to 
blight the second blooming romance of his mother. 
Yet in all this George is but the victim of the dead 
hand of the former generation. His mother's love 
is as a congenital ailment which leaves him incom- 
plete. George Minafer is in fact a moral idiot; in 
destroying his mother's romance he wrecks his own. 
There is something very powerful in Mr. Tarking- 
ton's working out of this theme the love of Isabel 
Minafer for her son is really a monstrous paradox 
but it is clothed in a garb so usual, so domestic, that 
we do not recognize -it for what it is. It is the fate 
of Greek tragedy in an American home. 

It is this sense that George is a victim and not 
morally responsible which occurs again and again 
just in time to keep the reader from renouncing 
him utterly as a cur and a cad. It is this that 
justifies his redemption. Here Mr. Tarkington's 
hand is less sure than in the downward movement 
of his story, and the result less convincing. We 
have to take George's regeneration by virtue of the 
purging power of enforced renunciation, of poverty 

and work, largely on faith. Our confidence in the 
telepathic machinery by which the reconciliation of 
George and the Morgans is brought about is im- 
perfect. This machinery, however, is to be taken 
in part symbolically. It represents the love of Isabel 
Minafer still watching over and protecting her son. 
Once again we have an old and dignified theme, this 
time the theme of atonement, wrought into the 
common stuff of American life, but so subtly that 
we are hardly aware of it. The love of Isabel 
nearly ruined her son; but in some mysterious way 
the spiritual value of it is not lost, and in the end 
it becomes his salvation. 

This solution gives the final touch of American 
quality to Mr. Tarkington's novel. It is not with 
him merely a matter of crude optimism or of pro- 
viding the novel reader's satisfaction. It is rather 
an assessment of life values in which the world ap- 
pears to America. Readers of the Education of 
Henry Adams will remember his question "The 
woman had once been supreme why was she un- 
known in America ?" Mr. Tarkington's novel gives 
one answer. Sex in one form is prepotent in 
America. "An American Virgin would never dare 
command," says Adams. True, but an American 
mother in her subjection is stronger than the Virgin 
on her throne. It is to Mr. Tarkington's credit as 
an artist that he fits this theme perfectly into the 
American setting and handles it with reserve and 
proportion, in good faith and without cynicism. His 
method is disarmingly simple and his touch gentle, 
with the good nature that in America takes the 
place of urbanity. Above all, he' gives us spiritual 
values according to American standards, and pro- 
fesses his own artistic belief in them. 


Empty Balloons 


FEW OF THE Victorian letter writers, at their 
best, are the best. Fitzgerald, for instance; often 
Rossetti; and somewhat less often, Morris. More- 
over they were all almost unimaginably voluminous. 
( So the field was white for the reapers, and indefat- 
igably has it been reaped. Even now we occasion- 
ally get a new collection with power to charm. 
Even when, as in a recent volume which dealt with 
the sculptor Woolner, the letters center about some 
wholly second-rate figure they occasionally give side- 
lights that are marvelously revealing. Darwin, 
wishful to know from a careful student of nude 
models how far down he had ever seen a blush 

extend, repays for a hundred pages of common- 

But most of the collections of these Victorian 
letters are stodge. They lie upon the readers with a 
weight heavy as frost. Often the letters are signed 
by great names, but even the signature of a Pickwick 
lends no thrill to chops and tomato sauce. When 
they foreshadow publication, as they often do, they 
have the dullness of a rehearsal ; they lack the inspi- 
rational realization of an actual audience. 

Why were the Victorians, or so many of them, 
so dull off the platform of their public appearance? 
To ridicule their set performances is in itself ridicu- 



January 25 

lous. Tennyson, for all his sentimentality, will last 
in the grateful memory of men till melody no longer 
charms the ear. We did hear his voice, far above 
singing ; we hear it still. The world is full of clever 
women nowadays, but the Mill on the Floss remains 
serenely above their competition. Ruskin and Mat- 
thew Arnold, according to Professor Phelps in The 
Pure Gold of Nineteenth Century Literature, are 
pyrites; but careful smelting seems still to reward 
many readers of their articles. But oh the letters of 
Tennyson and George Eliot and Ruskin and Arnold ! 
Solemn or playful, they are equally ponderous. 

The Victorians were like great balloons. In pub- 
lic they were rilled with purpose. That purpose 
buoyed them up and carried them soaring. In pri- 
vate life they seem to have become somehow de- 
flated, and in consequence lax and flabby of thought. 
And this laxity and flabbiness appears in their cor- 
respondence. Their letters are neither natural and 
friendly, like Fitzgerald's, nor vivid and powerful, 
like Emerson's; merely dull. 

In this sad world one demands either to be in- 
formed, or to be inspired, or to be diverted. Grant- 
ing for the sake of the argument that the English 
letter-writers seldom inspire the reader, may one 
further inquire why they so seldom divert? Are 
the English really not a humorous people, such as 
Lord Bryce in his well-known analysis of Americans 
declares us to be ? Certainly Bairnsf ather is humor- 
ous but then Bairnsf ather is Scotch, is he not? 
Wells is humorous but then Wells is Wells. But 
how about Charlie Chaplin? No, the charge fails. 
And there are few Americans who will not admit 
the immense superiority of Punch to Life, provided 
they have read both publications, or even provided 
they have read Life only. And yet Punch is always 
self-conscious, and usually pompous; can humor be 
pompous and self-conscious? 

These are not profound speculations. But then, 
the volumes that educed them Correspondence of 
Sir Arthur Helps, Edited by E. A. Helps (Lane; 
$4) and Some Hawarden Letters: 1878-1913, edited 
by Lisle March-Phillipps and Bertram Christian 
(Dodd, Mead; $4) are not very profound, either, 
although in both cases the attitude of the editors 
might fairly be called reverential. The correspond- 
ence of Sir Arthur Helps is edited by his son. Sir 
Arthur was Clerk of the Privy Council of England ; 
had the honor of editing the Prince Consort's 
Speeches and Addresses and the Queen's Leaves 
from the Journal of Our Life in the Highlands; 
wrote many volumes, including fiction, all forgotten 
now, but in their day highly praised by Helps' many 
friends. Helps died in 1875. 

The letters include both his own and many writ- 
ten to him. His own letters are, as Carlyle re- 
marked of his writing in general, mild and lucent. 
They deal mostly with the abstractions of political 
and social reform. Infrequently Helps comments 
on people he meets, Mrs. Stowe for instance, of 
whom he says, "She seems to me a ladylike, very sen- 
sible, unassuming person." The description does not 
badly fit Sir Arthur. Of the letters he received, the 
most numerous are from Ruskin and Carlyle. 

Ruskin and Carlyle appear not infrequently also 
in the other volume letters written to Mrs. Drew. 
She was Mary Gladstone, third daughter of Wil- 
liam E. Gladstone. As the letters in the Helps col- 
lection run to 1875, and those in the Drew collection 
from 1878 to 1913, one might naturally conclude 
that the two volumes taken together would give a 
sort of consecutive general view of England for the 
sixty years or so preceding the war. No conclusion 
could be more erroneous. Consecutiveness of im- 
pression is entirely lacking even the consecutive- 
ness of the kaleidoscope, which at least falls into pat- 
terns. Ruskin, Burne- Jones, and George Wyndham 
are the only individuals in the volume whose char- 
acters stand out in any relief. 

Of these Ruskin unfortunately is made to appear 
unpardonably silly. Of course, he was an old man 
writing to a young girl ; the years had battered him, 
and his indignations had weakened his mentality; 
yet these were the years of Praeterita, and the mushy 
futility of Ruskin's letters in this volume we really 
ought to have been spared. Burne-Jones' letters are 
quite another matter. A letter from him on the 
threatened restoration of St. Mark's Cathedral in 
Venice is nearer to vigor than anything else in the 
whole languid book ; and his industry, his kindliness, 
and his melancholy are all made plain. But easily 
the most attractive figure of them all is Wyndham 's. 
An utter aristocrat, he prayed from the bottom of 
his heart for the welfare of the people, in whose 
capacity to manage themselves he was never able to 
believe; a cultivated and fastidious gentleman, he 
loved above all things directness, strength, and 
vigor; he never cherished an animosity, never for- 
got a favor, and never made a dull speech. But even 
he has written some dull letters which the editor 
faithfully includes. 

Some Hawarden Letters is attractively illus- 
trated, including a photograph of Mrs. DreW's mar- 
riage certificate, with the signatures of Edward VII 
and George V as witnesses. Somehow this particu- 
lar illustration seems to epitomize the volume. 







In Charge of the Reconstruction Program : 





endure our shameful intervention in Russia? How 
much longer are we to permit our troops, enlisted 
under a democratic banner, to be used as pawns in 
the imperialistic political game which the Allies have 
been and are now openly playing in that country? 
We have no hesitation in asking these questions, for 
the truth is that if our Government does not see fit 
soon to put a stop to this anti-American adventure, 
the American people will put a stop to it themselves. 
We have already endured too many mistakes in our 
Russian policy quietly to endure many more. The 
most recent incident in that policy the mishandling 
of the communication from the British Government 
by our State Department shows how little our 
officials are to be entrusted with the formulation of 
any democratic foreign policy, when left unchecked 
or uncriticized. The British note proposed recogni- 
tion, at least tacitly, of the Soviet Government in 
Russia, and representation of that Government at 
the Peace Conference. Yet incredible as it may 
seem, this proposal of supreme importance appar- 
ently did not even reach the eyes of Acting Secretary 
of State Frank L. Polk until after the publication 
of M. Pichon's statement in Paris rejecting the 
proposal in the name of France. Needless to add, 
the proposal was not communicated to the President 
in Paris, and if newspaper dispatches report cor- 
rectly, our peace delegates there were as much 
astonished as the general public at the revelation 
that the proposal had been made. This is only one 
incident among many where important documents, 
either through malice or through ignorance, have 
been lost somewhere in the red tape of the State 
Department so that they have never reached the 
people who ought first to have seen them. All the 
evidence goes to show that our State Department is 
an example of monumental inefficiency. This recent 
incident is appalling enough to make people lose all 
confidence in its method of handling our foreign, 
and especially our Russian, policy. We have no 
doubt that had President Wilson been informed of 
those important developments in the situation of 
which he ought to have been informed, he would 
today be the advocate of a simple and direct and 
democratic Russian policy instead of being, as he is, 
obviously embarrassed by a policy which is personally 
distasteful to him a policy, moreover, which is 

thoroughly ambiguous. But we have conclusive evi- 
dence that the President has never been so informed 
until it has become too late. We may here point 
out that Lloyd George has been forced to change his 
attitude toward the Soviet Government in Russia by 
the rising anger and protest of the British people. 
For us also but one Corrective force remains the 
force of a united and angered public opinion. It 
must be made clear to our Government and to the 
President that the lives of our men in Russia are not 
a matter of negligible importance. It must be made 
clear that we entered this war to crush German 
militarism, and that with this task accomplished, 
we are not interes!ed in acting as the bond collectors 
for any European Government. It must be made 
clear that we are disgusted and ashamed at the 
campaign of falsehood and misrepresentation about 
Russia which our Government has seen fit to allow. 
It must be made clear that our Government is the 
servant and not the master of the American people. 
It is for the people and not for a small autocratic 
clique to say whether our men are to remain in 
Russia killing Russian peasants and workingmen. 
As the New Statesman succinctly says of English 
policy in its issue of December 21 : 

What we now seem to be drifting into is a war against 
a Government which now commands the allegiance of 
the mass of the Russian people, a war which, whatever 
it may be in theory, would in effect inevitably prove to be 
a war on behalf of a small monarchist class. However 
certain we may be that the Bolsheviks' experiment in 
"catastrophic Socialism" will fail, it is not our business 
to stop it. We may watch it with interest, or we may 
contemptuously say that we will "leave Russia to stew 
in her own juice." But we have neither the duty nor 
even the right to suppress it merely because we dislike 
it and to kill British soldiers in the operation. 

It is the duty of every American to infbrm himself 
of the real situation. Already there has been organ- 
ized a Truth About Russia Society, composed en- 
tirely of patriotic Americans, for the purpose of 
giving the public the established and undisputed 
facts. Everyone should join this organization. 
Everyone should help in the arrangements for mass 
meetings, in the circulation of petitions. Everyone 
should write or telegraph his representatives at 
Washington. This type of legitimate pressure upon 
our elected representatives should not be relinquished 
until there is no mistaking the will of the American 
people or their temper. 



January 25 

four groups of questions: penological, territorial, 
commercial, and social. Of these the first three are 
most interesting to the type of mind of members of 
the Conference ; but while they are in the fore- 
ground, the social situation enforced by the challenge 
of Bolshevism must be latent in every discussion. It 
is this situation which makes the all-inclusive and 
transcending problem of the Conference the question 
whether it can make peace at all, whether the ele- 
ments in control of the dominant nations can so 
harmonize their penological, political, and commer- 
cial interests that the fabric of international relations 
can be restored. For if they fail if they cannot 
end war and the menace of it the present civiliza- 
tion is doomed. Now the restoration of the inter- 
national fabric is brought within bounds of possi- 
bility by the proposed League of Free Nations. 
There has been much discussion as to whether its 
establishment should be given priority over other 
matters, or be relegated to the background, to be 
taken up after territorial claims and financial penal- 
ties have been adjusted. Such postponement, how- 
ever, was promptly seen to imply that the League 
of Nations would be dealt with perfunctorily, half- 
heartedly, and skeptically; at beist it would b.e a 
vague union, valuable chiefly as a preliminary sketch 
of what good intentions might accomplish if backed 
by an authority that would in all probability be lack- 
ing ; at worst it would be a Holy Alliance designed 
to insure the permanence of such arrangements, 
territorial and commercial, as the dominant powers 
might impose. Only if the establishment of the 
League of Nations be given priority is there much 
chance of its becoming an effective power in the 
world. Those who regard the League as the pri- 
mary object' of the Conference will probably not 
have the strength to secure this priority of considera- 
tion, but the territorial and commercial questions are 
so complicated and difficult that it may prove that 
the sponsors of this or that claim or policy may be 
driven to support the priority of the League, as the 
only possible means of securing progress. It is com- 
ing to be perceived that only by renunciation is any 
political settlement of the world possible. The 
Central Powers have already been notified pretty 
clearly of the sacrifices expected of them ; the ringer 
of the world is pointed at grasping Italy; Poland, 
Roumania and the New Slavic States will be called 
upon to modify their demands. Nothing would 
advance the settlement so much as the inclusion of 
Ireland, Egypt, India, and the Philippines under 
the formula of self-determination. Now the League, 
truly conceived, represents essentially just this idea 
of renunciation it undertakes to insure that sacri- 
fice of sovereignty or possession shall not mean loss 
of safety or prosperity. It is evident that the 
League, if it were already in existence, would sim- 
plify enormously the problems of settlement by pro- 
viding machinery and safeguards for their solution. 

It is, therefore, possible that the urgent need will 
result in the creation of the instrument. And it is 
further possible that through the League such a sys- 
tem of political and commercial readjustments 
throughout the world may be reached that the 
social question may be kept in the background, and 
left to be answered by the nations individually, 
under the aegis of self-determination. The connec- 
tion between the social situation and political policy 
in the minds of the diplomats who compose the 
Conference is obvious. It is the pressure of social 
unrest that is impelling certain nations to demand 
the uttermost fruits of victory in territory and in- 
demnity. But only the blindest fail to see that 
extreme demands enforced against one nation will 
make that nation a home for the anarchy which 
is a menace to all. And only the dullest imagine 
that the people of any nation will support the strain 
of continued preparedness for a war made inevitable 
by a peace of conquest. To put it plainly, the funda- 
mental necessity for a better world is a great sacrifice 
of the instinct for possession. If the Peace Confer- 
ence can arrange a plan under which this sacrifice is 
made primarily b,y the existing nations, through a 
generous arrangement of their political and com- 
mercial relations, then we may look with some confi- 
dence toward a relatively peaceful social readjust- 
ment within their borders. But if this plan fails if 
the predatory instincts sway the Conference to con- 
cern itself chiefly with demands for territory, in- 
demnity, and commercial privilege on the part of the 
victors then, indeed, the rulers of the world will 
have proved once more their unfitness, and this time 
the people cannot be deceived. It will then be cer- 
tain that no beneficent world order can come out of 
societies which are based on the possessive instincts 
of mankind. To deny priority to the League is to 
grant it to the Revolution. The choice is before the 
Conference a peace of generosity, self-denial, and 
good will or anarchy. 


Research marks two departures from the conven- 
tional academic attitude toward the social sciences. 
One is in the direction of realism in education an 
application of principles as old as Comenius. 

The object of the school will be to give properly 
qualified and earnest men and women, whether they have 
had an academic education or not, an opportunity to 
carry on serious and profitable advanced research in the 
fields of government and social organization. Here they 
may not only study the actual conditions and follow the 
changes which are constantly taking place in our dynamic 
society, but they will be enabled to see our present dif- 
ficulties in the light of scientific, philosophic, and his- 
torical knowledge. Hitherto there has commonly been a 
fatal gap between so-called theory and practice. It is 
the chief business of the new school to bridge this gap; 
for all intelligent practice is based on theory, and all 
theories that are calculated to aid reform are nothing 
but, broad and critical ways of viewing practice. 

The other is in the direction of simplifying 


9 1 

academic machinery and releasing both students and 
teachers from the regimentation which is the basis 
of academic organization and hierarchy. Of the 
students the program has this to say: 

The regular students will be presumed to be in the 
school to carry on each for himself his own chosen work 
with the help of the men and books which are put at his 
disposal. In every case each of them will have his special 
line of outside investigation into the social and economic 
and political phenomena of the world in which we live. 
This line he will be pursuing, regardless of terms and 
lectures, with such persistence as his energy permits. 
Informal discussion, reading, individual pondering, and 
above all a constant anxiety to get a first hand acquaint- 
ance with what is actually going on, will be the main 
ambitions of this new school. 

There will be no ordinary "examinations," no system 
of accountancy which enables the indifferent student to 
accumulate academic credit bit by bit. The only credit 
possible will be the willingness of the instructors to ex- 
press approval of the student's ability, achievements, and 

And of the teachers: 

It is hoped that no "inferiority complex" will be formed 
among the younger members, who in many institutions 
feel themselves hopelessly subordinated to men who have 
passed the state of active readjustment. There will be no 
academic ranks or hierarchy, except the distinctions, in 
no way invidious, between the regular staff, upon whom 
the conduct of the school will devolve, the temporary 
assistants or apprentices, and the lecturers from the out- 
side who will be appointed for a term only. 

There is a third departure, implicit though not 
formally expressed in the present announcement. It 
is obviously the intention of the founders to emanci- 
pate the new School for Research from any depend- 
ence upon capitalistic interests which have been as- 
sumed to influence social and economic teaching in 
American colleges. In this respect it may be re- 
garded as a movement in the direction of dissent, 
non-conformity, Congregationalism, similar to that 
which marks the decline of established churches and 
is a prelude to their disestablishment. By the dis- 
establishment of a church Irish, Welsh, Anglican, 
or Gallican is understood not only the exclusion of 
its clergy from official sanction, but, more important, 
the separation of the institution from endowments, 
official revenue, and patronage. The disestablish- 
ment of university education in the United States 
may scarcely be prophesied from the appearance of 
the new school as a sort of free kirk outside the 
jurisdiction of the synod. Nevertheless it is a sign of 
the times which may become a portent. 

The school opens February first at 465 West 
Twenty-third Street. The presence among the 
teachers of Professors Veblen, Beard, J. H. Robin- 
son, W. C. Mitchell, and others will indicate to 
readers of THE DIAL the character and value of 
the instruction offered. THE DIAL greets the New 
School with cordial good wishes. 


for Armenian and Syrian relief, which will last the 
week of January 12 to 19, should enlist the sympathy 

of everyone. Millions of Armenians, Greeks, Syri- 
ans, and Persians were deprived of all their posses- 
sions and of the very means of life in 1915, when 
they were deported and massacred by the Turks. 
Nearly four millions of these people have survived, 
struggling into precarious safety in Syria, Mesopo- 
tamia, and the Russian Caucasus. Here for months 
past they have been utterly dependent on the charity 
of strangers. To all their miseries the final over- 
whelming sorrow of family separation has often 
been added indeed the marvel is that any remnant 
has survived, that any refugees, after years of wan- 
dering and torment, staggered, starving and half- 
naked, into any sphere of help. These pathetic 
beings, alien in race, religion, and sympathies to the 
government under which they have lived for cen- 
turies, make an especially immediate appeal. For 
the chaos of the Near East has for so long been 
everybody's business that it runs the risk of soon 
becoming nobody's business. It sfiould be a point 
of honor with America that we will not allow these 
people to perish. And fortunately the American 
Committee does not contemplate mere charity. To 
feed the hungry and clothe the naked is only the 
beginning. The commission intends to examine 
causes and so far as possible devise preventive work 
for the future. The American expedition will in- 
clude trained nurses, doctors, expert mechanics, 
sanitary engineers, agriculturists, orphanage super- 
intendents, and teachers. Yet important as this 
work is, it must be financed entirely by voluntary 
subscription. We are offered a practical oppor- 
tunity to show what esprit de corps among nations 
means. For whatever the foundation of the future 
League of Nations, it must rest for its last security 
upon the spiritual sanction of fellowship and human 
pity for unmerited suffering. 

SINCE its last issue THE DIAL has received many 
communications in confirmation of its demand for 
the release of political prisoners, including conscien- 
tious objectors. It is possible to publish only one of 
these the admirably reasoned statement of the 
problems of conscience and martyrdom in war which 
appears on page 93. The facts in regard to the 
treatment of conscientious objectors are now appear- 
ing in the press, notably in the New York World. 
They bear out the conclusion that American soldiers 
can be guilty of atrocities no less mad than those 
attributed to their enemies and further establish 
the impotence of a well-intentioned Secretary of War 
to deal with his subordinates committing them. 
His original order discharging three officers was 
withdrawn because they were in the regular army 
and could not be dismissed without trial and no 
charges have been brought. The release of con- 
scientious objectors now in confinement, the pun- 
ishment of men who tortured them, are responsibili- 
ties of the American people. They are a challenge 
to its chivalry a test of its morale. 



January 25 

Foreign Comment 


From the day that President Wilson landed in 
France we have been learning of the French Social- 
ists' attempts to "capture" Wilson. This may have 
been somewhat confusing to those not acquainted 
with the partisan bitterness of French politics, for 
the truth of the matter is that all the radical parties 
in Europe are hoping to use Wilson as a club over 
the more reactionary members of their own govern- 
ments. In Italy, especially, the overtures of the 
Socialist Party to President Wilson over the head 
of the regular Government had a dramatic directness 
and appeal. The following article written by Henri 
Barbusse, author of Under Fire, in the December 
15, 1918 issue of Le Populaire, the Paris Socialist 
paper, reveals what high hopes the radical parties 
of France place in President Wilson. The transla- 
tion is by Andre Tridon. The article in Le Popu- 
laire was called Wilson, Citizen of the World, and 
follows : 

Wilson is one of the loftiest figures in this war and in 
our times, if not the loftiest. Above ambition, compro- 
mise, and world-wide intrigue, he has stated principles 
which are to regulate the common life of human societies, 
in words which are admirably clear and accurate. The 
body of his messages constitutes the noblest and most 
complete presentation any statesman ever made of the 
essential postulates of internationalism. He has not been 
the first to formulate a doctrine of international politics 
which in its main points and in its general spirit is that 
of the socialist party, but at least he has seen far ahead, 
he has seen the ultimate goal. He has understood that 
advance in one direction is inseparable from advance in 
other directions, that truth begets truth and that all truths 
become one, and that the important thing is to create 
something consistent, to be really Constructive. f 

The very importance of his presidential post enhances 
his glory, not only because it has given more weight to 
his words, but because it raised obstacles which he had 
to surmount. He is a great ethical teacher, a great human 
type. He is a forerunner of the integral democracy. 
Thanks to him and regardless of what tomorrow may 
bring, the first step taken by democracy was a giant 

Compared to him the men who govern Europe cut 
small figures, and as far as we French are concerned, we 
shall have no cause to pride ourselves, some day, on the 
small stir created, after Wilson's creative words, by the 
harangues of those academicians who preside over our 
republic and our cabinet, and who have only been moved 
by the thought of a peaceful organization of the world 
the ones, to silence ; the others, to irony. 

It is not difficult for anyone to say that he desires justice 
and universal peace. That was the constant pretension 
of Napoleon I and of William II. Nor it is difficult for 
anyone to say that he agrees with Wilson. Many have 
been proclaiming that they do. 

It would be better, however, to realize what such a 
profession of faith binds one to. It would be better to 
understand that whosoever wants the end must want the 
means. It would be better to want both the means and 
the end. 

If at this time, when the future of the world is being 
built up under conditions which are not such as to re- 
assure the righteous-minded, we did not feel so deeply 
perturbed, we would smile at all those projected Leagues 

of Nations shrinking to the dimensions of exclusive or 
official clubs, at all those grand appeals to a hate-ridden 
fraternity, at all those machinations that would bring 
about an internationalism devoid of any international 

But we would usurp the prerogatives of those who shall 
judge us some day, if we should assign his proper place 
to the man whose public promises are not a mere veil 
cast over secret dealings; to the man who, in our 
troublous times, has been not only the mightiest among 
men, but the most clear-sighted and the most sincere ; to 
the man who has been able to define masterfully the 
complex world problem by planting the accurate stakes 
of his formulas democracy versus autocracy, self-deter- 
mination of nations, open diplomacy, no annexations and 
no indemnities, no economic barriers; to the chief of state 
who has not jeered at the democratic strivings of Russia 
and Germany; to the splendid logician who dared to say 
that general interest must be placed above national in- 
terest, a noble saying which casts upon world ethics a 
radiance comparable to that which, emanating from the 
precepts of the early Christians, revolutionized the souls 
of men. 

It is the duty of the Socialist Party to greet respectfully 
and to acclaim gratefully the President of the United 
States. It may come to pass (for the very purity of his 
thought does not allow us to retain many illusions) that 
Wilson the Exceptional will become some day Wilson the 
Lonely; that the ambitions of other dominating forces may 
succeed in discarding or in disfiguring by burlesquing it, 
a doctrine whose complete, or simply honest, application 
would officially deal a death blow to imperialism; and 
that little by little all beauty shall be taken away from the 
Wilsonian Commandments. We shall wage a stubborn 
fight that such a thing may never be. Regardless of 
whatever may happen, however, the great party of the 
poor, of the workers, of mankind, will never cease to 
give his deserts to the ruler who has proved the most 
sensational broadener of ideas and destroyer of abuses. 

The socialist ideal must not become identified with 
any man, whatever his genius or his sense of justice may 
be. That ideal has become too lucid, too conscious, too 
concrete. The Peoples' International will sooner or later 
put an end to the deepest and most interminable of human 
tragedies, and that organization shall be reared by the 
masses themselves, over the age-worn remains of a 
cankered society. But it shall be elementary justice on 
the part of the new society to recognize the enormous 
advance achieved by the ideas of social liberation, thanks 
to^the school-teacher who became the ruler of the world's 
mightiest nation. It shall be said then that, alone among 
the mighty, in these days of deluge, he found himself in 
accord with eternal truth, and that, after all, no human 
being has done more than he has to eliminate an order 
of things which for the past six thousand years has been 
breeding war, and to eliminate war which for the patt 
six thousand years has upheld this order of things. 



In the Toronto Statesman of January 11, 1919 
appears a list of questions which the British Labor 
Party, in the recent election in England, asked of 
Lloyd George. Needless to say, the British Gov- 
ernment did not answer them. Neither were they 
answered in the campaign speeches of the Coalition 
candidates. The text is substantially as follows: 

1. Are there now 50,000 soldiers of the Allies at 
Archangel fighting Bolshevik Russia? Is their com- 
mander now in London asking for reinforcements? Will 
the safety of these men be endangered unless they are 
recalled before the winter ice makes their return impos- 




sible ? Is the Government influenced in this matter by the 
fact that the French Government accepted Russian cou- 
pons as payment for war loans? 

2. Does the Government believe that the documents 
proving the Bolsheviki to have been in league with the 
German militarists are genuine? Does the Censor pass 
them for publication in the press? Were they refused 
here as forgeries before a more credulous institution in 
Washington accepted them? 

3. Is the British Government taking any steps for the 
restoration of the Czardom in Russia ? Is it true that the 
new currency for Northern Russia was sent from this 
country and was found on arrival to bear the imperial 
eagle? Was this just folly or intelligent anticipation? 


On February 24, 1918, Nicolai Lenin made the 
following statement (given only in its essential 
part) in justification of his contention that the 
harsh terms of Brest-Litovsk, imposed upon helpless 
Russia by the Germans, should be ratified. The 
statement was part of his fight against revolutionary 
ideology which issued in no definite action. It 
presents a striking contrast to the fiery invective 
of Trotsky : 

The reply of the Germans, as the leaders see, gives 
us terms of peace even more difficult than those of Brest- 
Litovsk. And yet I am absolutely convinced that only 
complete intoxication with the revolutionary phrase can 
persuade anyone to refuse to sign these terms. This is 
why I began in articles in the Pravda signed "Karpov" a 
merciless struggle against the "revolutionary phrase" and 
against the "revolutionary itch" because 1 saw in it the 
greatest danger to our party and therefore to the revo- 
lution. Revolutionary parties that strictly carry out 
revolutionary slogans have been ill with "revolutionary 
phrase" many times in history, and perished on account 
of it. . . In thesis 17 I wrote that if we should refuse 
to sign the proposed peace, then "hardest defeats will 
compel Russia to make an even more unprofitable peace." 
It proved to be even worse because our retreating and 
demobilizing army refused altogether to fight. At the 
present moment only impetuous phrases could force Rus- 
sia, in its immediate hopeless condition, back into the 
war; and I personally will of course not remain for a 
second in a government or on the central committee of 
our party, if the policy of phrase is to take the upper 
hand. Today the bitter truth has shown itself so horribly 
clear that it is impossible not to see it. The entire bour- 
geoisie of Russia is rejoicing and celebrating the arrival 
of the Germans. Only those who are intoxicated with 
mere phrases can shut their eyes to the fact that the 
policy of a revolutionary war w ithout an army is water 
to the mill of the bourgeoisie. In Dwinsk Russian offi- 
cers are already wearing their shoulder straps. In 
Riezhitza the bourgeoisie greeted the Germans with great 
joy. In Petrograd, on the Nevsky, in the bourgeois news- 
papers the Rietch, the Dielo Naroda, the Novy Lutch, 
and others everyone is preparing to celebrate the an- 
ticipated overthrow of Soviet power by the Germans. 
Everybody must by this time see that those against this 
immediate, against this supremely difficult peace, are 
ruining Soviet power. We are compelled to go through 
a most difficult peace. This peace will not stop the 
revolution in Germany and in Europe. We will organize 
a Revolutionary Army not by phrases and exclamations 
as it vaas being organized by those who, from the 7th 
of January on did not do anything to prevent our armies 
from running away but by organization, by action cre- 
ating a serious, national, mighty army. 



SIR: The letter of John Nevin Sayre, which 
was published in THE DIAL of December 28, 
prompts me to write to you in regard to the treat- 
ment of political prisoners in America a matter 
which touches the conscience of each one of us. 

For several months I have followed with increas- 
ing interest and amazement the discussion and 
communications published in some of our journals 
concerning the small group of conscientious objectors 
to physical combat, who are now caught between 
the upper and nether millstones of popular supersti- 
tion and inertia. I have finally come to believe that 
the circumstances concerning these men constitute 
so intricate and curious a problem that their rescue 
can only be effected by finding whose peculiar wards 
they are, and which of our institutions should claim 
the right of interpreting their situation in a manner 
to secure their exemption from further punishment. 
The liberal press has put the burden of this responsi- 
bility quite squarely upon its readers and it is now 
necessary that a still further specialization of re- 
sponsibility be accepted. 

In the first analysis the release of these prisoners 
will be a thoroughly practical issue and will have 
to be undertaken on definite grounds by persons to 
whose special keeping has been entrusted the order 
of interests peculiarly menaced by the incarceration 
and legalized illtreatment of these men. 

Instinctively some of us turn to the Church, feel- 
ing that the Church does truly claim the right to 
protect the man or woman who clearly follows the 
dictates of that which we have grown accustomed to 
call conscience. All of us know that the human 
lineage of the Church militant is a lineage of saints 
and martyrs, and that in all ages these have con- 
stituted a small residue of beings differing from the 
mass of persons with whom they have been con- 
temporaries, and who, because of some phase of 
other-mindedness concerning right and wrong nor 
in consonance with the common-mindedness, have 
opposed the common will rather than betray the 
truth as it appeared to them. Such beings in all 
times have brought upon themselves monstrous suf- 
ferings. The crowd which has condemned them 
for sin has also condemned them for ' folly, since 
they have chosen sorrow and bitter hardship rather 
than speak the word or give the sign of yielding 
which would place them once again in harmony with 
their fellows and bring relief from their sufferings. 
Personally, I shall always believe that the Church is 
the rightful apologist for all those who suffer for 
conscience' sake; but I also believe that her his- 
torical affiliation with the State, especially in times 
of war, makes her sincerely doubt the genuineness 



January 25 

of any call which inclines an individual to place 
himself at variance with the national decree in war 
time. So that, although the Church honors above 
all other possessions those martyrs who in past cen- 
turies have shed the bitter tears and blood of physical 
anguish rather than submit to decrees which were 
repugnant to their conscience, she appears to find 
herself unable to defend the same quality of conduct 
when such conduct is in disaccord with the generally 
recognized interests of the State in times of war. 
Such a thought causes infinite distress and raises 
within one the question as to how far the temporal 
kingdom has made ground over the kingdom where 
"we wrestle not against flesh and blood, but against 
principalities, against powers, against the rulers of 
the darkness of this world, against spiritual wicked- 
ness in high places." 

If we admit that these men are sincere in their 
convictions, then we must look upon them whether 
or no as martyrs, since they suffer for conscience' 
sake. On the other hand, if we consider martydom 
an inconvenience and anachronism in these later 
days, our celebration of such virtues as practised 
in the past becomes simply a fashion of homage and 
tribute to a legendary and mythical period, of great 
beauty and dignity. No other way seems open to us 
unless we are prepared to admit that God himself 
has so unmistakably sanctioned warfare between 
nations that the man who obeys a contrary indication 
is misled by the voice of the Evil One and therefore, 
from the medieval point of view, can only be turned 
from his evil way by torture. 

The difficulty may lie far deeper than many of us 
realize and may be inherent in the origin of the 
Church itself, which, rooted and grounded as it is in 
the Mosaic tradition, may carry with it an uncon- 
scious sanction of war and therefore an instinctive 
execration of those who fail to defend the State. 
If we admit such a conclusion we must indeed seek 
elsewhere for the protection of these beings, though 
with a heavy heart and much sorrow, since we 
believe these -men to be innocent and believe also 
that the living Church is our greatest medium for 
the expression of lasting good. 

Turning to the body of men to whom justice as 
embodied in law is especially committed, one also 
finds great difficulties, for this body is in a practical 
sense dedicated, it seems to me, rather to the defense 
of that which is legal than to the reinterpretation of 
man's relationship to his fellow man in a living, 
changing race. In its estimation, what law has here- 
tofore sanctioned by use and confirmed by honorable 
precedent is lawful ; so that the past, with its earlier 
beliefs and practices, conditions most heavily the 
acceptance of a later concept. How, therefore, can 
we ask its protection for men who have in a sense 
become a law unto themselves and are in conflict 
with the common will as embodied in the laws? 

Nevertheless, many and bitter are one's reflections 
at this point when one considers the countless and 
flagrant instances known to us all wherein the most 
respectable and honored citizens continually evade 
enacted law concerning such questions as payment of 
taxes, customs duties, and many other matters where 
sophistical cunning and manipulation of the letter 
enable the "wise" to defeat entirely the spirit of the 
law. Such offenders have no sense whatever of sin 
or even of wrongdoing; and yet among groups of 
such wilful evaders of the law one finds 'the strong- 
est condemnation of the conscientious objector 
to physical combat, as one who defrauds the 

Would it not be safer in the long run to turn this 
group over to the pathologist, and to acknowledge at 
once that the age is rightly committed to the cult 
of pseudo-pragmatic values, and that such persons 
as are willing to endure suffering and anguish 
rather than relinquish their ideals are defective, in 
the sense of being ignorant of how to obtain what 
they want at the expense of others rather than at 
their own expense? From this point of view, cer- 
tainly, these persons have been lacking in common 
sense to entail upon themselves consequences so out 
of proportion to their fault, when, by a little ma- 
neuvering, they could have had an easy time with 
not too much loss of dignity or without violating 
too obviously their own ideals. If there is any justi- 
fication whatever for a man's willingness to endure 
great sorrows rather than yield to the temptation of 
betraying by one jot his conception of right, then 
these men deserve to find protection at the hand of 
such institutions as proclaim the reality and claim 
of a spiritual life ; but if, on the other hand, no such 
claim can be defended in any vital sense, then these 
men should be protected from further persecution 
on the ground that they are defective in ordinary 
intelligence and victims of a kind of pathologic 
obstinacy and hallucination. Whichever way we 
put it, it seems to me that they are entitled to rescue 
and to amends from society itself, which through its, 
heedlessness and lack of inquiry into affairs for 
which it is entirely responsible allows injustices 
of this nature to go unrebuked and unchallenged 
nay more, to be actually committed in its name. 

The anguish of these abandoned ones cries out 
upon our comfort and upon our easily held creeds. 
Even though we do not succeed in righting their 
grievous wrong so that they gain relief through such 
action, I have an inner feeling that they will be the 
last of America's sons sacrificed to a medieval con- 
ception of disciplinary punishment, and that in spite 
of the material conceptions of our age vicarious 
sacrifice will again have justified itself and that the 
suffering of this little company will not have been 




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When writing to advertisers please mention THE DIAL. 

9 6 


January 25 

Notes on New Books 

Henri Fabre. Dodd, Mead; $1.60. 

The cult of Fabre appears to be enjoying a rather 
longer lease of life than customarily falls to any 
fashion, whether of clothes, the dance, or literature, 
so that a superficial observer would stoutly deny that 
it was merely a cult. But the simple fact remains 
inexorable: the extraordinary, humanistic genius of 
Fabre, coupled with the talent of his translators 
and the faith of his publishers, has succeeded in 
making it rather clever and stylish to know some- 
thing about the humble insects to whose lives the 
great French naturalist devoted his own. The 
Souvenirs Entomologiques are, in their way, as 
unique and permanent as Brehm's animal studies in 
theirs, or White's Selborne; and unquestionably 
Fabre will endure as a master of his particular 
field. The Sacred Beetle and Others is the eighth 
of the Fabre translations. Alexander Teixeira de 
Mattos gives us every nuance and charm of the 
original; and the various life-cycles narrated with 
such quaint anthropomorphism and side-glances ,at 
philosophy make us regret, very keenly, that the 
stern requirements of animal and comparative 
psychology forbid them the name of "Science." 

YOUNG ADVENTURE. By Stephen Vincent 
Benet. Yale University Press; $1.25. 

A tonic humor is one of the chief gifts of this 
charming young poet. Whether he paints a Portrait 
of a Baby, writes a stinging Elegy for an Enemy, 
or makes acute analysis of The Breaking Point, he 
evinces an intellectual vigor which rarely accom- 
panies so profound a passion for beauty. That he 
has the latter is clear, in the very opening of the 
book, in that curiously uneven and intriguing poem, 
The Drug-Shop, or, Endymion in Edmonstoun: 

Night falls; the great jars glow against the dark, 

Dark green, dusk red, and, like a coiling snake, 

Writhing eternally in smoky gyres. 

Great ropes of gorgeous vapor twist and turn 

Within them. So the Eastern fishermen 

Saw the swart genie rise. . . 

The same evocative magic is in his ballad The 
Hemp, one of the most dramatic poems in the book. 
Take for example the manner in which he induces so 
different a mood as this: 

The sky was blue, and the sea was still, 
The waves lapped softly, hill on hill, 
And between one wave and another wave 
The doomed man's cries were little and shrill. 

Drama is of the essence of his verse. In one 
poem at least Benet is not so much at Browning's 
feet as in Browning's chair. One can imagine old 
Robert looking with a fond eye at this young man 
who so perfectly comprehends the fascination of 
gorgeous Roman settings and murders of finesse. 

Throughout, however, Benet has a lyricism rather 
reminiscent of Noyes. Indeed his poem on Keats 
suffers by these foreign echoes. 

But what is good in his poetry is naturally what 
is his own. And his own is versatility. Perhaps 
it is, rather, poetic understanding, for what Benet 
does is to paint against a sympathetic background 
people caught in an emotion. But because he is a 
man and is young, it is courage that most engages 
him not the fearlessness of brute strength, but the 
indomitable Galahad in men. These poems make 
one paraphrase the familiar line to read: "The 
quality of courage is not strained." Mr. Benet 
writes of battle and writes well. It is not to de- 
preciate the worth of his achievement to say that 
this is a book of promise. 

Donald B. MacMillan. Harper; $4. 

If you have ever stepped from an overheated com- 
mittee-room into the clear, frosty air of a November 
night, then you have a physical parallel for the 
sort of mental lung-filling with which one turns the 
pages of this book after too much perusing of war 
volumes. Sledging over uncharted wastes at the top 
of the world far from Soviets and censorships 
may not be the best way to keep in touch with war, 
but it is an admirable way to keep in touch with 
some things which war-logged folk are in danger 
of losing. Even the illustrations of this book are a 
relief, after endless Sunday supplements with their 
rotogravure revelations of devastation. The author 
has set down the varied adventures of the Crocker 
Land Expedition during four years of exploration 
in North Greenland, an undertaking which, though 
it disproved the existence of Crocker Land as placed 
upon our latest maps, resulted in many discoveries 
of positive value. Mr. MacMillan writes with the 
enthusiasm of a pathfinder rather than the cold pre- 
cision of a scientist, filling the narrative with bits 
of experience in which the human and humorous 
elements have been retained. There is, for example, 
this appreciative passage with its tribute to crafts- 
manship and orderliness. Somehow, we always had 
the idea that igloos were messy, murky holes: 

It is a pleasure to see an Eskimo cut and handle snow. 
One cannot but admire the skill and dexterity with which 
he cuts it on the surface, breaks it out with his toe, lays 
it up on the wall, bevels the edges, and thumps it into 
place with his hand. I wonder if there are any other 
people in the world who attempt to build an arch or dome 
without support. Starting from the ground in a spiral 
from right to left, the blocks mount higher and higher, 
ever assuming a more horizontal position, until the last 
two or three appear to hang in the air, the last block 
locking the whole structure. 

Entering a newly constructed igloo seems like a vision 
of fairy-land, the light filtering through the snow a beau- 
tiful ethereal blue ; everything the bed, the two side plat- 
forms, the wall absolutely spotless. 

In the course of the narrative the author contrives 
to drop sufficient historical background of Arctic 
travel to put this expedition in its true perspective. 




Which Shall It Be ? 

Wilson or Glemenceau 

Smuts or Lodge 

Cecil or Reed 

Economic Freedom or Rival Armaments 

League of Nations or Balance of Power 

Over 7,000,000 men have been killed. Over 14,000,000 men have 
been wounded. The debt of France equals half her total wealth. 
That of England equals 37% of her total wealth. Ours will equal 
50 billion dollars. Your children will pay. 

Do You Want Another War? 

Mass meetings are cabling Wilson their support. Senator after 
senator is taking his stand. The liberal forces are throwing 
their weight in the scales for the new statemanship. 
The League of Nations hangs in the balance. The next few 
weeks will decide. Shall your influence be lost? Your only 
time is nou?. A cable from you to the President a cable from 
your club, church, union, chamber of commerce will help. 

We want MEMBERS, MEETINGS, MONEY, to promote a 
more general realization and support by the public of the condi- 
tions indispensable to the success, at the Peace Conference 
and thereafter, of American aims and policy as outlined by 
President Wilson. 


130 West 42nd Street, N. Y. G. 

Here are a few of the 
John R. Commons 
John Dewey 
Edwin F. Gay 
A. Lawrence Lowell 
Judge Julian W. Mack 
Thomas W. Lamont 
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John F. Moors 

signers of our Statement: 
Charles A. Beard 
John Graham Brooks 
Felix Frankfurter 
Judge Learned Hand 
Thomas L. Chadbourne 
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Herbert Croly 
Lawson Purdy 
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WENDELL T. BUSH, Treasurer 


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January 25 

There are illuminating bits of observation concern- 
ing the life and habits of the Eskimos and the animal 
life of that region. Supplementary chapters by W. 
Elmer Ekblaw and an ornithological appendix com- 
plete the volume. 

leen Howard. Knopf ; $2. 

These are no't confessions in the Rousseau sense. 
The threat in the title is withdrawn in the text, 
giving place merely to a series of reminiscences 
operatic experiences in France, England, and Ger- 
many. The singer is discreetly brief regarding the 
Metropolitan Opera House. If there is any con- 
fessing to be done about that, it will have to wait, 
for she dismisses it in a single paragraph at the end. 
Pictures of pension life abroad, of rehearsals and 
trial performances, are penned with considerable 
vividness, and there are amusing sidelights on the 
management of opera in Germany, ranging all the 
way up to the artistic efficiency of Prince Henry 
of Prussia, who sent word to the contralto on one 
occasion that she played Carmen with skirts too long. 
Discussing the cramped dimensions of some of the 
stages in Germany, Miss Howard admits once play- 
ing through an entire scene with the end of her 
train caught in the door by which she had entered, 
and she did not know it. Those who revel in peeps 
backstage will welcome the contralto's "confessions." 
But did she, or the printer, write "the acoustic is"? 

bourg. Macmillan; $1.50. 

Although, from the first page to the last, this book 
bears evidence of authentic personal reaction, it is 
the closing chapters dealing with the returned 
soldier's halting readjustment to his pre-war sur- 
roundings that are most significant. Perhaps it is 
because we are so sated with the fighting reac- 
tions (since more writers have chosen to deal with 
them) that these closing pages of The Flaming 
Crucible seem to carry a fresher note. Both in 
poignant literary expression and in illuminating 
flashes of psychology, this groping of a war-racked 
consciousness among the strange yet familiar paths 
of security gives the book distinctive merit. 

Fribourg writes in the febrile, sometimes almost 
brittle, style of a man whose calmer faculties have 
been swept aside in an abrupt clash with the primi- 
tive elements of his nature. And with this surrender 
comes acceptance of the fatalism of the soldier : 

Why should I go more quickly? If I hasten I shall be 
hit by the bullet that would have passed before me ; if I 
delay, by the bullet that would have passed behind. In 
any event I shall exhaust myself the sooner. . . Learn 
to wait. Whatever you do your blood is going to course 
more swiftly in this night's journey, and the passing min- 
utes, any one of which may be your last, are infinitely 
precious. Every bullet that grazes you will reveal some- 
thing and show the way; for, when the mortal stroke 
comes, illusions fly away. Death, face to face, is clearly 

Here the facts of hardship and privation are not 
glossed, but baldly painted i/i quick strokes. Here 
are the mud and misery and madness, made real in 
unadorned sentences. In between, however, there 
are passages of eloquence which seem to be set off 
not without the suspicion of a time-fuse. The inter- 
est ebbs at these soarings by appointment. The 
translation, by Arthur B. Maurice, testifies to a 
sympathetic absorption in the original. 

By Gary F. Jacob. Columbia University 
Press; $1.50. 

It is only natural that the rapid development of 
freer forms of verse should be attended by a re- 
crudescence of interest in problems of prosody. The 
old problem of the essential basis or bases of English 
verse is now being threshed out all over again. The 
relation in point of rhythm between prose and verse 
has become a curiously live question. Some see in 
prose and verse two naturally distinct and unbridge- 
able forms of expression; others consider them as 
merely the poles of a continuous gamut of possible 
forms, some of which are only now being consciously 
explored as artistic media. 

In his conscientious if somewhat dull book Dr. 
Jacob takes us over a great deal of familiar ground, 
leads us, with shrewd deliberation, into many a 
blind alley of negation, leaves himself apparently 
little or no ground to stand on, and triumphantly 
concludes with a statement of principles and natural 
limitations. Too much space is devoted to prelim- 
inaries acoustic, ethnographic, psychologic. It is 
difficult to see, for instance, what meat the humble 
prosodist is expected to extract from the lengthy 
chapter on pitch, with its array of citations from 
technical treatises on acoustics and from antiquated 
works of an ethnographic nature. On the whole 
one gathers that Dr. Jacob's psychologic and purely 
musical equipment is superior to either his culture- 
historical or his linguistic equipment. This may 
well be erring on the right side, but it also tends 
to limit his perspective in a way that is not always 
fortunate. Phonetic phenomena are as good as 
ignored. Again, the problems of English verse 
structure are not set against a historical or compara-^ 
tive background that would serve to bring out in 
proper relief its own essential peculiarities. 

The book offers nothing really new. To the dev- 
otees of freer prosodic forms it will prove a dis- 
appointment. No natural basis, however broad, is 
pointed out that would justify free verse as a realm 
of artistic promise. Between the accidental rhythms 
of prose and the more or less rigidly recurrent metric 
units of normal verse Dr. Jacobs throws no bridge. 
The book strikes one, despite its liberal employment 
of psychologic and prosodic authorities, as needlessly 
narrow in outlook. Like many prosodists, Dr. 
Jacob attaches probably too great importance to the 
purely objective and experimental study of rhythmic 







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The Fall of the Old Order, 1763-1815, by I. L. 

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From Metternich to Bismarck, 1815-1878, by L. 
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extra.) $1.50 

Outlines of European History, by M. O. Davis. 
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January 25 

phenomena. A subtler and ultimately more fruitful 
analysis would have demanded a wider definition of 
the concept of periodicity and a greater willingness 
to evaluate the more intimately subjective rhythmic 
factors. The same stanza may be truly verse to one 
subject, just as truly prose to another, according to 
whether or not a rhythmic contour (not necessarily 
a rigid metrical pattern), is clearly apperceived by 
the reader or hearer. 

SOME HAPPENINGS. By Horace Annesley 
Vachell. Doran; $1.50. 

The Englishman, though he travels extensively 
and frequently writes about his travels, is not usually 
credited with taking on much color from the scenes 
and people he visits. This cannot be said of Horace 
Annesley Vachell, who in his collection of short 
stories, Some Happenings, tells tales of Western life 
with true appreciation of its quality, tales of peasant 
life in France with sympathetic understanding of the 
Breton character, and tales of the West and East 
Ends of London with insight and humor. Through- 
out these stories the human values are emphasized 
and the writer brings to light the essential kindli- 
ness which is said to be inherent in every man, how- 
ever rough or arid or vulgar he may appear to be. 
Especially noteworthy for its Cockney wit is Bean- 
feasters, and for its poignant appeal the tragic story 
of The Death Mask. Those who like love and 
laughter love that is not too urgent, and laughter 
that is not too loud who enjoy humorous character- 
ization and varied settings, will find this book to 
their taste, but those who require the complexity 
that exists in actual life may find the texture of these 
tales somewhat flimsy. 

OUT OF THE SILENCES. By Mary E. Waller. 
Little, Brown; $1.50. 

Miss Waller has neglected that quite necessary 
duty of the novelist to fix the tempo of her story, 
and then to remain faithful to it. Her failure to 
do this results in a compositional defect which 
thwarts the reader at every turn. She improvises 
upon her material, running her hands up and down 
the emotional keys for a series of loosely articulated 
effects, some of which carry and some of which fail. 
This absence of tempo a tempo in harmony with 
the mood of the story is evident in the lagging 
and disproportionately detailed beginning, which 
throws the ensuing chapters out of focus, and in 
the author's inability to rivet attention upon her 
central figure of the "man-boy, indomitable of will, 
inbued with the symbolism and nature worship of 
the Indians, eager for the new, the strange." In 
order to bring the threads of the improvisation into 
the semblance of harmony, there is a final chord 
echoing the thunders of war, but even this device 
contributes little sweep to the story. Miss Waller 
here displays little of that warmth of insight which 

gave a certain quality to The Woodcarver of 
'Lympus. One has difficulty in accepting the reality 
of a man brought up in the wilds of western Can- 
ada, schooled in stoic repressions and hardship, only 
to slip simultaneously into love and rhapsody thus: 

"What more can a man ask for in this world? This 
one hour here with you. And then my luck think of it! 
to be one infinitesimal human atom sandwiched in be- 
tween the upheaved, broken-in-pieces, red-lava-overflowed 
strata of two ages in humanity's history; and, just at the 
right moment, to be given a fighting chance to strike one 
blow for the survival of what should be most fit for this 

Guided by Miss Waller's pen, out of the silences 
comes hyperbole. 

Books of the Fortnight 

The following list comprises THE DIAL'S selec- 
tion of books recommended among the publications 
received during the last two weeks: 

The League of Nations: Today and Tomorrow. 
By Horace M. Kallen. 12mo, 181 pages. 
Marshall Jones Co. $1.50. 

American Charities. By Amos G. Warner. With 
a biographical preface by George Elliott How- 
ard. Third edition, revised by Mary Roberts 
Coolidge. 12mo, 541 pages. Thomas Y. 
Crowell Co. $2.50. 

The Development of Rates of Postage: An Histori- 
cal and Analytical Study. By A. D. Smith. 
With an introduction by Herbert Samuel. 8vo, 
431 pages. Macmillan Co. $5. 

The History of Religions. By E. Washburn Hop- 
kins. 12mo, 624 pages. Macmillan Co. $3. 

Thirty Years in Tropical Australia. By Gilbert 
White. With an introduction by H. H. Mont- 
gomery. Illustrated, 12mo, 264 pages. Mac- 
millan Co. $3.75. 

The History of Henry Fielding. By Wilbur L. 
Cross. Illustrated, 8vo, 1273 pages. 3 vols. 
Yale University Press. Boxed, $15. 

The Early Years of the Saturday Club: 1855- 
1876. By Edward Waldo Emerson. 8vo, 
514 pages. Houghton Mifflin Co. $7.50. 

The English Poets: Selections with Critical Intro- 
ductions. Edited by Thomas Humphry 
Ward. Vol. 5: Browning to Rupert Brooke. 
12mo, 653 pages. Macmillan Co. $1.10. 

Collected Plays and Collected Poems. By John 
Masefield. 12mo, 1161 pages. 2 vols. Mac- 
millan Co. $2.75. 

Counter-Attack and Other Poems. By Siegfried 
Sassoon. With an introduction by Robert 
Nichols. 12mo, 64 pages. E. P. Dutton & Co. 

Beyond Life. By James Branch Cabell. 12mo, 366 
pages. Robert M. McBride & Co. $1.50. 

Tin Cowrie Dass. A novel. By Henry Miller 
Rideout. 12mo, 163 pages. Duffield & Co. 





By Setsuko Koizumi 

A fresh, vivid and intimate portrait of Lafcadio 
Hearn by his Japanese wife. $1.00 net 

Houghton Mifflin Company BOSTON 

By Dr. G. F. Nicolai 

A vital conception of war supplying: solid ground for sane men and 
women to stand on. 8vo, 594 pages. $3.50. 

Published by THE CENTURY CO., New York. 



Sixty-fqpr titles now published 1 4 new volumes just issued. The Dial 
says * There is scarcely a title that fails to awaken interest. The series 
is doubly welcome at this time" only 70c. a volume wherever books 
are sold. Catalog on request. 

BONI & LIVERIGHT, 105^ W. 40th Street, New York 

Le Livre Contemporain 

A magazine devoted 
to French Literature 

Sent free on 


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128 Tremont Street Boston, Mas*. 


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Dealers in Rare Books and First Editions: Dickens, Thack- 
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Dunsany, etc., etc. 

Catalogues mailed free on request 

WANTED; Position as Companion-Secretary by young woman, 
capable, active and loyal to employer's interests, with several years' 
experience in business and travel. Address "X" care of The Dial, 
152 West 13th Street, New York City. 

I wish to buy any books or pamphlets printed 

in America before 1800 
C. GERHARDT, 25 West 42d St., New York 

The Latest Authoritative Book .on 
Bulgaria, Turkey and the Balkans 

The Cradle of the War : 


A really valuable work, based on intimate first-hand 
knowledge of the Near-East and its Rulers. Special 
chapters devoted to the Dardanelles campaign, the 
Salonica operations, the Bagdad Railway and the de- 
signs or Germany under her Mittel - Europa scheme. 
With valuable maps and illustrations. $2.50 net. 


The League of Nations 
Today and Tomorrow 

By H. M. Kallen 

Purpose, principles, organization 
and administration of a world-republic 
and a practical working programme. 

$1.5O Net 

If your dealer has sold all his copies of 
this important book, order direct, at 
$1.60 postpaid, from the publishers. 

Marshall Jones Company 

212 Summer St., Boston, Mass. 



BOOKS at : 1 44 East 20th Street, New York; Friends 
Book Store, -Richmond, Ind. 

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REVISION OF MSS. Advice as to publication Address 
DR. TITUS M. CO AN. 424 W. 1 1 9th St., New York City 

Abraham Lincoln 

As a Man of Letters 

By Luther Emerson Robinson, M.A. 

The first comprehensive study of the life and work of the great Eman- 
cipator from the literary point of view. The author traces Lincoln's 
development as a man of letters, and describes the growth of those 
personal and governmental ideals which enabled him to reach the 
mind and heart of the people. 

With Appendix, containing all of Lincoln's notable addresses, 
state-papers and letters: Bibliography and Index. 12 mo; 342 pages; 
$rjo net. 

At all bookstores, or from the publishers, 


Whe* writing to advertisers please mention TH DIM.. 



January 25 

Current News 

A novel by Sir Gilbert Parker, Wild Youth and 
Another, is announced for February by the Lippin- 

Percy MacKaye's new play, Washington: The 
Man Who Made Us Famous, is to be issued at once 
by Alfred A. Knopf. 

The February list of the Stokes Co. announces 
Gertrude Atherton's novel, The Avalanche, for 
early issue. 

John Reed's book on the Russian Revolution is 
shortly to be brought out by Boni and Liveright 
under the title Ten Days That Shook the World. 

The American Jewish Historical Society is to hold 
its twenty-seventh annual meeting at Newark, New 
Jersey, February 11 and 12. The program of the 
Convention will consist mainly of addresses on Jew- 
ish history. 

The New America: By an Englishman, is the 
title of a book by Frank Dilnot, soon to be issued 
by the Macmillan Co. Mr. Dilnot has for some 
time been a correspondent from this country to 
English newspapers. 

A series of lectures delivered last winter by Pro- 
fessor A. C. McLaughlin of the University of Chi- 
cago on the derivation of American political prin- 
ciples is to be issued in book form by E. P. Dutton 
and Co. under the title America and Britain. 

Abraham Lincoln as a Man of Letters, by Luther 
E. Robinson, has recently appeared from the press of 
the Reilly and Lee Co. The volume has an appen- 
dix which includes all of Lincoln's notable addresses, 
state papers, and letters. 

Captain H. G. Gilliland, who was for some 
months a prisoner of war in German prison camps, 
has written a book on My German Prisons, which 
Houghton Mifflin Co. are now publishing. The book 
was previously issued in England, but owing to the 
rigorous censorship at that time, was suppressed. 

The gathering up of the results of modern Biblical 
criticism into an attractive and popular book is the 
difficult task George Hodges has accomplished in 
How to Know the Bible ( Bobbs-Merrill ; $1.50). 
He has treated the significant problems arising from 
a critical study of the Old and New Testaments, 
the making of the Bible, inspiration, and the origin 
and value of each separate book; and he has com- 
bined these subjects in an easy, flowing narrative 
replete with delightful and fascinating turns. Dean 
Hodges is a popularizer of rare ability. 

D. Appleton and Co. have in preparation a series 
of thirty volumes to be published during the winter 
and early spring under the general title Problems 
of War and Reconstruction. The volumes an- 
nounced for immediate publication include Govern- 
ment Organization in War Time and After, by 
W. F. Willoughby; Government Insurance in War 
Time and After, by Samuel McCune Lindsay; The 
Colleges in War Time and After, by Park R. Kolbe ; 
The Redemption of the Disabled, by Garrard Har- 

ris ; The American Air Service, by Arthur Sweetser ; 
The Strategy of Minerals, by George R. Smith ; and 
Commercial Policy in War Time and After, by 
W. S. Culbertson. 

The League of Free Nations Association, whose 
Statement of Principles was published in the Novem- 
ber 30 issue of THE DIAL, has announced a series 
of luncheon discussions at the Cafe Boulevard, New 
York City, every Saturday during the Peace Con- 
ference. The meetings of January 11 and 18 were 
devoted to discussions of The Problem of the Adri- 
atic and The Problem of Poland and Dantzig. 
January 25 the Association will present a program 
on Armenia, and a subsequent meeting will be de- 
voted to general discussion of the League of Nations. 
The luncheons are open to the public. 

P. Blakiston's Son and Co. (Philadelphia) have 
recently issued the second edition of their series of 
handbooks on nursing and first aid, which were pre- 
pared for and endorsed by the American Red Cross. 
The list includes two volumes by Colonel Charles 
Lynch of the Army Medical Corps American Red 
Cross Text-Book on First Aid (Woman's Edition) 
and American Red Cross Text-Book on First Aid 
(General Edition) and Jane A. Delano's Ameri- 
can Red Cross Text-Book on Home Hygiene and 
Care of the Sick, revised and rewritten by Anne 
Hervey Strong. 


George V. Lomonossoff, some time Professor of 
Railroad Economics and Locomotives at the Poly- 
technic Institute in Kiev and later in Warsaw, is 
now Professor of the same subject at the Petrograd 
Institute of Ways of Communication and Manager 
of the Experimental Bureau on Types of Locomo- 
tives. Under the first Provisional Government 
(Lvoff) he was Assistant Minister of Ways of 
Communication, and under the second (Kerensky) 
he was made that Ministry's Chief Envoy to Amer- 
ica. He is the author of some fifteen books on rail- 

Fullerton L. Waldo (Harvard, 1898) is an asso- 
ciate editor of the Philadelphia Public Ledger. As 
war correspondent he has been to the Balkans, to 
Turkey, and to the Western Front. His book, 
America at the Front, has just been issued by 
Dutton. . 

Previous to his entrance into the army, Lieutenant 
George Soule was for four years on the editorial 
staff of the New Republic. 

With this number Professor Veblen concludes his 
series of papers on The Modern Point of View and 
the New Order. 

Mabel K. Richardson has contributed poems to 
Contemporary Verse, the Midland, and other 
periodicals. She is Librarian at the University of 
South Dakota, Vermillion. 

The other contributors to this issue have pre- 
viously written for THE DIAL. 





Norman Angell a series of articles on INTERNAL SOCIAL 

Thorstein Veblenz series on CONTEMPORARY PROBLEMS 
IN RECONSTRUCTION, a concrete application of 
his theory outlined in 'The Modern Point of 
View and the New Order/ 



EIGN WRITERS a series of critical essays. 


Is this the first or the second 
or the third time you have picked 
up THE DIAL at a newsstand? 

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More George Moore and his "Conver- 
sations." More Richard Aldington and 
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and important documents. More gen- 
eral articles on art, literature, and the 
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in America. 

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January 25, 1919 

// you have read GREEN MANSIONS or FAR 
AWAY AND LONG AGO, you will want to 
get W, H. Hudson's exquisite story for chil- 
dren of all ages 

Illustrated. SI .50 net 

JAVA HEAD is a novel of the American merchant marine at the beginning of the great clipper 
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carmine and jades and. crusted gold. There is a drama as secret and poisonous as opium, lovely 
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made beautiful by women in peacock shawls. 



A Ballad Play 

This play chooses boldly as its central figure, for the first time 
in our drama, the great character of Washington, whose still 
living spirit leads today the revolution and reconstruction of 
the world. 

Washington, the Man "neither statue nor statehouse painting. " 
but dynamic human being is here depicted: the man in his prime 
and vigor from a glowing lad of eighteen, fresh from the soil of 
Virginia, to the scarred veteran of fifty, grappling the human 
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These books may be obtained from any bookseller. If you order direct from the publisher add 8% to cover postage. 

ALFRED A. KNOPF, 220 West 42nd Street, NEW YORK 


68 PRESS, INC., N. Y. 






NO. 783 

FEBRUARY 8, 1919 

THE PAPER WAR t . Robert Herrick 113 

THEODORE ROOSEVELT ... John Dewey 115 

THE GREAT TRADITION Ashley Ii . Thorndike 


DEBUSSY. Verse ' H. H. Bellamann 



REMAKING THE PAST Walton H. Hamilton 

PELLEAS ET MELISANDE . . ; . . . . . ,".-. Paul Rosenfeld 



COMMUNICATIONS : A Lance for Max Eastman. Poetry in the Laboratory. Automatic 
vs. Autocratic. 

NOTES ON NEW BOOKS : The Garden, of Survival. Newspaper Building. Madame 
Roland: A Study in Revolution. Camps and Trails in China. Men of the Old Stone 
Age. American Railway Accounting. Principles in Accounting. The Catskills. A 
History of Spain. City Tides. The Other Side. Bentoh of the Royal Mounted. My 
People. Capel Sion. 






THE DIAL (founded in 1880 by Francis F. Browne) is published every other Saturday by The Dial Publishing Com- 
pany, Inc. Martyn Johnson, President at 152 West Thirteenth Street, New York, N. Y. Entered as Second Class 
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106 THE DIAL Februarys 


The selected works of the great northern writers in authoritative 

translations in 



Comedies by Holberg, " The Moliere of the North." 

Poems by Tegner, in the translations of Longfellow and W. Lewery 


III Poems and Songs By Bjornstjerne Bjoruson. 

IV Master Olof, Strindberg's great national-religious drama. 

V The Prose Edda of Snorri Sturluson, mythical tales by a master of Old 
Norse prose. 

VI Modem Icelandic Plays, including " Eyvind of the Hills." 

VII Marie Grubbe, a Lady of the Seventeenth Century. 

VIII Amljot Gelline, Bjornson's verse romapce. 

IX Anthology of Swedish Lyrics from 1750 to 1915, collected and translated 
in the original meters by Charles Wharton Stork. 

as Volumes X and XI of the Series, 


the first great novel by 


in the translation of 
Lillie Tudeer and Velma Swanston Howard. 

The romance of the twelve vagrant gentlemen in the cavaliers' wing at 
Ekeby, and especially of an unfrocked clergyman, the cavalier of cavaliers. 
These books attractively printed and bound in red and gold by D. B. Updike 
at the Merrymount Press. 

Eleven volumes each $1.50 

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Lieut. Col. H. J. KOEHLER, Director of Military Gymnastics, etc., at the United States Military Academy, 
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An extraordinarily beautiful account of the manner in which a young man gradually learned to withdraw 
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A Symposium by twenty-seven experts of national reputation, discussing the present and future of finance, 
commerce, labor, industrial research, transportation, etc. Dr. L. Rowe, Asst. Sec'y of the Treasury, and 
Pres. of the Amer. Acad. of Political and Social Science declares that " Mr. Friedman has done a real 
public service in bringing together this collection of essays." Third edition, revised with the addition of 
an article by Dr. F. W. Taussig, Chairman of the United States Tariff Commission on " Tariff Problems." 

Net $4.00 


The time has not yet come when the Revolution can be set in its true perspective; until then and as an aid 
when that time comes, such a first-hand account of conditions and events as is here given by a corre- 
spondent for the Associated Press in Russia in 1917, is very valuable. Ready February 19 


A collection of Ulster traditions of " wee folk," whch suggest a reminiscence of some very early dwarf 
race, of a warfare in which the capture of children perhaps originated a whole group of fairy tales. With 
fourteen illustrations. Ready February 5 


A series of beautiful little essays which originally appeared In the Outlook in 1915, In which the reader was 
enabled to turn from the warfare then absorbing the world's attention, to dwell awhile In the affairs of 
the soul. Ready February 5. Net $1.25 



An airy trifle the Pranks and Passions of the Poet Tricotrin in the gay brilliant Paris that was; its light 
inconsequence is extraordinarily skilful, exceedingly amusing. There is scarcely one novelist in a generation 
who can put on paper such escapades as those of elegant, preposterous Tricotrin and his light-hearted com- 
panions without dulling their sparkle. In these days there is only Leonard Merrick. Rea-dy. Net $1.75 


A new, entirely reset edition with a preface by WILLIAM DEAN HOWELLS, who describes the book as 
" one of the fullest and richest In modern fiction, worthy to rank with the greatest Russian work and 
beyond anything yet done in English." The tragic moment when the hero who has preached " freedom " 
finds that he has but destroyed the restraint which kept his hearers from becoming criminal, has a very 
timely bearing. Ready. Net $1.90 

THE CRESCENT MOON By the Author of "Marching on Tanga." FRANCIS BRETT YOUNG 

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A significant story written with a quiet power and sureness of touch that is unusual. Its scenes swing from 
a sleepy Sussex village by way r' T 
in Yucatan and back in full circ 

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A gallant romance of conspiracy, misunderstanding, and of as high-hearted love as ever banished pride of 
place or hope of preferment, and made even crowns and kingdoms seem of minor worth. Ready. Net $1.60 

AMALIA From the Spanish of JOSE MARMOL 

A romance of the Argentine in the exciting days of revolution against the tyranny of the dictator Rosas. 
The English version is by Mary J. Serrano, translator of that famous sensation " The Journal of Marie 
Bashkirtoeff." Net $2.00 


Edited by BARNET J. BEYER, sometime Lecturer at the Sorbonne 

A series which aims to present through tranulations of French masterpieces, the life of all sections, types, 
and classes of modern French society. Six further volumes are either in press or in process of translation. 


Reveals the sturdy rural communities of Perigord, where neither the condfMons of life nor the gentle 
qualities of the people had changed from the period of this novel to the time of the present war. 

Ready. Net $1.90 


A forceful story of life In the wine-growing district of Burgundy, a deep drama in which stark realism 
is combined with the finest and firmest faith in human nature. Ready. Net $1.90 

, All of these may be ordered (postage extraYof any bookseller or direct from 

E. P. DUTTON & COMPANY, 681 Fifth Avenue, New York 

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February 8 


organized to meet the needs of intelligent men and women interested 
in the grave social, political, economic and educational problems of the day. 
Courses of lectures on important phases of reconstruction will be offered to 
those who desire to attend. In addition, small groups of specially qualified 
persons will be organized for the practical investigation of important ques- 
tions. The work will be arranged with a view of preparing those who desire 
to enter the fields of journalism, municipal administration, labor organiza- 
tion, and the teaching of social sciences. 

The school will be open with an enlarged staff and a full program in 
October, 1919. In the meantime the following preliminary lectures will be 
offered from Monday, February tenth, to Friday, May third. 

Preliminary Lectures February-May, 1919 

Transition from the Eighteenth Cen- 
tury to the Twentieth. 

An inquiry into the nature of the changes 
which have taken place in industry from the 
eighteenth to the twentieth centuries, their 
consequences, and the relation of these 
changes to current questions of peace and 
the self-determination of nations. 

lation of Education to Social Progress. 

An analysis of our current system of 
education, showing the need of its revision 
and an attempt to determine the ways in 
which it should be readjusted so as to for- 
ward the reform of existing evils. 

CHARLES A. BEARD, Director of the 
Bureau of Municipal Research and 
Training for Public Service. 
Problems of American Government. 

These lectures will be given at the 
Bureau, 261 Broadway, and will deal with 
the practical methods involved in the de- 
velopment of efficient democracy. 


How habit has dominated the individual 
in the past and how essential it is to recog- 
nize the effect of excessive and undesirable 
habit on concepts of nationalism, religion, 
the status of women, etc. 



The working out of a new theory of 
representative government, the breakdown 
of the system as conceived by the nineteenth 
century with special emphasis upon the 
recent experience of England, France and 

System and the War. 

The role of prices in modern life, the 
effect of peace upon prices, production, 
profits and wages. 

Viewed as a Factor^in Social Adjust- 

An introductory study of the technique of 
mental adjustments, the customary forms of 
social thinking, the measurement of mental 
efficiency and the methods of securing in- 
tegrity of mind in the course of social ex- 


Courses and field work in Employment 
Administration and Industrial Relations 
given at the Bureau of Municipal Research, 
261 Broadway, combining lectures, readings 
and factory visits with the object of supply- 
ing definite technique as well as a sound 
point of view toward the human problems of 
industry and government. 

All applications and inquiries should! -b'e addressed to the Executive Secretary. 

Telephone Chelsea 6636 

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Norman Angell articles on 
Internal Conditions Abroad. 

Thorstein Veblen a series on 
Contemporary Problems in 

John Dewey articles from 
Japan on The Situation in 
The Far East. 

Bertrand Russell c o n t r i b u - 

Robert Morss Lovett and others 
Studies of Contemporary 
Foreign Writers a series of 
critical essays. 

George Moore second install- 
ment, Imaginary Conversa- 
tions between himself and 
Edmund Gosse. 

Richard Aldington Letters to 
Unknown Women. 

Editorials Reprints of the most significant 
foreign comment Important original docu- 
ments General articles on art, literature and 
the drama And especially the best critical 
survey of current books that exists in America. 


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February 8 

Sir Gilbert Parker's 

Strongest and Most Daring Novel in Recent Years 


By SIR GILBERT PARKER. 4 Illustrations. $1.50 Net. 

An intense and thrilling drama, staged in the Canadian west. Into this colorful world, to 
the booming town of Askatoon, Joel Mazarine brings his young wife, Louise. She is a white 
flower of unawakened girlhood, sold to a rich old man by a selfish mother, to save their family 
fortunes. The spectators of the drama of Mazarine's Louise and Orlando are the young 
doctor, kindly and wise, the rough survivors of pioneer days, and the newcomers who are 
building up the new and modern town. Orlando Guise is the owner of Slow Down Ranch 
which adjoins Mazarine's property. Louise has almost become the hapless victim of her 
husband's cruelty, fading like a parched flower, when chance brings her in contact with 
Orlando ; they *' change eyes," without volition of their own. The result is a heart-gripping 
tale of love and jealousy, hate and exquisite romance. 

Recent Publications of General Interest 

The Springtide of Life Poems of Childhood 

With a Preface by Edmund Gosse. 
Illustrated by ARTHUR RACKHAM. 
8 color plates and many illustrations in the text. 

$3.00 net. 

Edmund Gosse has- carried out a plan once 
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The Historical Nights Entertainment 

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The Romance of Old Philadelphia 

By JOHN T. PARIS, Author of 
"Old Roads Out of Philadelphia." 
100 Illustrations. Octavo. $4.50 net. 
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Clear the Decks! 

A Tale of the American Navy Today. 

20 Photographic Illustrations. $1.50 net. 
A thrilling tale of our navy boys in action 
based on fact. Thousands of our American 
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A wholly enthralling story of American naval 
activities is here described the fun, the dan- 
gers, the everyday life, the encounters with the 

Decorative Textiles 

580 Illustrations in color and halftones; hand- 
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Important February Publications 



Author of "A Rogue by Compulsion" 

A riotous tale of fantastic adventures, of an Englishman of title and his prize 
fighting friend, of a lady who didn't want to be a queen, and of several swarthy 
skinned gentlemen of sinister and devious ways an amazing, exuberant story 
with a chuckle in it. 12. 6 full page Illustrations. $1.60. 


Author of "The Life of Voltaire," etc. 

The letters portray the man " in his habit as he lived," and not only display his 
extraordinary mind, but show him in love and in prison, recovering from small- 
pox, lamenting a mistress, visiting a king, righting human wrongs, attacking in- 
human laws, belittling Shakespeare, and belauding Chesterfield. 6*. Portraits. 


Lieut .-Colonel John McCrae, M.D. 
With an Essay in Character by Sir Andrew Macphail 

John McCrae was a physician, soldier, and poet, and died in France a Lieutenant- 
Colonel with the Canadian forces. 

The poem which gives this collection of his lovely verse its name, has been exten- 
sively reprinted, and received with unusual enthusiasm. 

The volume contains, as well, a striking essay in character by his friend, Sir 
Andrew Macphail. 12. $1.50. 


Guglielmo Ferrero and Corrado Barbagallo 

Part II. of this important history embracing The Empire, 44 B.C.-476 A.D., ready 
now. Part I. includes the Monarchy and the Republic, from the foundation of 
the City to the death of Julius Caesar, 754 B.C.-44 B.C. Though the history is 
primarily intended for use in classes, it is written with a broad, sympathetic feel- 
ing which will appeal greatly to the casual reader. 12 '. Two volumes. $1.90 


William Herbert Hobbs 

Introduction by Theodore Roosevelt 

Theodore Roosevelt said, after reading the manuscript : " It is the literal truth 
that if I could choose only one book to be put in the hand of every man and woman 
in the United States, I would choose the book of Professor Hobbs." 12. $2.00, 

NEW YORK At att Booksellers LONDON 


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February 8 





IN RUSSIA 1914-1917 

By Arthur M. Simons 

By General Basil Courko 

A brilliant study in reconstruction showing 

Chief of the Russian Imperial Staff. 

the need for conscious continuance of proc- 

A book of permanent historical value and in- 

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terest. These memoirs of General Gourko 

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affairs. Illustrated, $4.00 

By an Englishman (Frank Dilnot) 


A series of short, vivacious sketches of im- 
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England of life in the United States during 

By Edward D. Trowbridge 

1917 and 1918. $1.25 

A comprehensive statement of the general 


situation in Mexico political, social, financial 
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/? v ff M Pr* i/J *> r Q 

*-fjf ** MM f C/U/C/ o 

A highly original and brilliant discussion of 


Nationality and the general principles on 

By W. Reginald Wheeler 

which the new order must be built. $2.25 

A clear and succinct account of affairs in 


China since the outbreak of the war. 
Illustrated, $1.75 


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The political institutions, ideals, and practices 


national and international of the belliger- 

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An unbiased analysis of the financial and polit- 


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By Walter E. Weyl 

" The most courageous book on politics pub- 

WHO'S WHO 1919 

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and verse. Vol. I, Poems ; Vol. II, Plays. 

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The Paper War 

.T ONE END of the Piazza di Spagna in Rome 
rises an old building bearing the legend " Collegia 
di Propaganda Fide." Here, in the middle of the 
seventeenth century, was founded by Pope Urban 
VIII the first school of propagandists to spread 
the true faith among Teutonic peoples. I do not 
know that the Imperial German Government in its 
wide-reaching plot for world conquest consciously 
revived this ancient Roman institution. But it is 
certain that to the German example the world is 
indebted for the curse of propaganda, which in the 
last four years has spread like a pestilence through- 
out every corner of the world; and today shows no 
sign of abatement. Ample revelations have be- 
trayed to what extent German propaganda was engi- 
neered chiefly in the two Americas, also the prodigal 
sums of money spent by the German Government in 
this and the allied activities of arson and violence, 
which may be considered as the " direct action " arm 
of propaganda. Opinions will differ as to the effi- 
ciency of German propaganda. It is probable that, 
on the whole, the efforts of these German agents 
indirectly assisted the United States into the world 
war. At any rate, if it takes several tons of metal 
to kill a soldier in modern battle, it takes as many 
tons of presswork and picture reels, as well as mil- 
lions of money spent on special missions to gather 
in a few converts, who, judging by the German 
results, do not stay converted. German propaganda 
has been a colossal failure and a costly one. 

During the first months of the war the Entente 
Governments were too busy about other matters to 
organize their propaganda and counter-propaganda. 
Their cause, it seemed, was good enough of itself 
broken treaties, invaded Belgium and France to 
dispense with special pleading. Sometimes, when 
one contemplates their later activities in the ramifi- 
cation of propaganda, one wishes that the Allied 
Governments had continued to let the great Cause 
speak for itself without the efforts of an army 
of proselytizers. For it is debatable whether allied 
propaganda has materially hastened the victory, 
but it is hardly debatable that it has been 
attended with evil consequences which may far out- 
run the scope of the present conflict. Early in 1915 
it was apparent that the activities of German propa- 
gandists were worrying the Allied authorities. The 
English felt that, especially in the United States, 

they suffered from the lack of an organized press 
propaganda, though most of the better known and 
more responsible newspapers were distinctly friendly 
to the cause of the Allies. The French had already 
begun the organization of a propaganda bureau as 
an adjunct to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. To 
the small rooms in the rear of the Quai d'Orsay 
building, where the Peace Conference is now sitting, 
visiting journalists were led by the back stairs to 
obtain those privileges of information and military 
observation which, at that time, the French rather 
timidly and grudgingly granted. 

By. 1916 the simple installation in the rear of the 
Quai d'Orsay Ministry had evolved into the famous 
Maison de la Presse, which occupied, with its many 
bureaus, a large six story building on the Rue 
Frangois Premier. This was one of the busiest 
hives of wartime Paris ; there the promising novelist, 
the art critic, the publicist, or the well-recommended 
belle chanteuse, as well as the more vulgar film 
operator and press agent, found directions and mate- 
rial support for patriotic activities in the propa- 
gande. From the Maison de la Presse were de- 
spatched to every neutral and Entente nation select 
" missions." The chief focus of all this Allied 
propaganda was the United States, especially Wash- 
ington and New York, though itinerant propagand- 
ists in great variety have covered every section of the 
country. By this time the English propaganda, 
also, was in full blast, under the blunt leadership of 
Lord Northcliffe, with a Minister at home in the 
person of Lord Beaverbrook all to itself. In those 
days Fifth Avenue became a multi-colored parade of 
Allied propaganda. One could scarcely dine with- 
out meeting a fair propagandist or distinguished 
Frenchman or titled Englishman (titles in war be- 
ing chiefly for American consumption!), or enter 
a theater without suffering some secret or overt 
stimulation from the propaganda. 

When we entered the war the game grew more 
furious, for to the Babel of the existing propaganda 
was now added not only the voices of Jugo-Slavia, 
Czecho- Slovakia, and other small nationalities strug- 
gling to be born, but our own. For it was decreed 
that, just as we must have a real general staff, our 
own heavy artillery, and manufacture our own 
poison gas, so we must have our own Bureau of 
Public Information, with an export division for 



February 8 

conveying our special U. S. brand of propaganda 
into friendly and neutral countries. This com- 
pleted the full bedlam of Allied propaganda, with 
the ironic situation of a proud democracy taxing 
itself to pay the interpreters and corrupters of 
its national thought. For eighteen months the 
United States has suffered mentally and morally 
from the nuisance of conflicting propaganda 
(Jugo-Slav versus Italian, French and English 
versus Russia, and so on) besides the output of 
its own official opinion-makers. As a crowning 
touch for the comedy, the President set sail for the 
Peace Conference accompanied by his Minister of 
Propaganda and a chosen staff of press agents. For 
what purpose? To persuade Europe of the purity 
of our national motives? Or to persuade our own 
citizens that their chief executive was really doing 
things in Europe? 

Much of all this shooting of paper bullets has 
had merely negative results. Russia is an excellent 
example of how much can be spent on propaganda 
with no result. Not to dwell on the fruitless efforts 
of the official United States propagandists to get 
their wares into Russia and what effect could there 
be in telling the Russians how benevolently we felt 
towards them while we were sending troops to 
Vladivostok and Archangel? the general Entente 
propaganda on Russia has been especially bewildered. 
The object of this campaign in the United States 
was to create a state of public opinion that would 
compel immediate armed intervention on a large 
scale in Russia, which was desired especially by 
England and France. To that end our newspapers 
were regularly fed with reports from .Stockholm, 
Paris, and London, of Soviet atrocities. The same 
stories were frequently repeated as fresh news after 
short intervals. Finally came the ludicrous yarn of 
a St. Bartholomew massacre in Moscow- which 
proved to be pure hoax. The German end was 
worked by inducing our official Bureau of Public 
Information to father the discredited Sisson docu- 
ments in order that the unwary citizen might be 
led to believe that armed intervention in Russia 
meant fighting Germany's allies, and hence Ger- 
many. Meanwhile alternate currents of fear" and 
hope were sent over the propaganda wires by two 
generaal reports: one that the rule of the Russian 
Soviets would collapse "in a few weeks " ; the 
other, that the "Red Army " was making dangerous 
progress. ( I have seen the two reports side by side 
in the columns of a New York newspaper, where 
evidently the propaganda time schedule had become 
confused!) The net results of the whole immense, 
wasteful, and misleading propaganda on Russia 
would seem, at the present moment, to be zero. 

Now that peace is remotely in sight, our friends 

of the Associated Governments should see the pro- 
priety of removing at once their tutorial forces from 
the United States. If London and Paris would but 
release their stranglehold on the cables and permit 
uncensored news to circulate freely, there is enough 
intelligence still left in this democracy, even after 
suffering the passions of war, to enable us to reach 
our own conclusions on world problems. Other 
means of employing the intellectual classes and of 
giving deserved vacations in comfortable America 
to war-worn heroes can be found. Most of us would 
welcome our guests more warmly if they did not 
arrive, each with a brief in his pocket and a fixed 
resolve to do our thinking for us. These are but 
the ephemeral annoyances of the war, however. 
They will pass with the over-production of TNT 
and mustard gas. The real menace of propaganda 
is the discovery by governments and other interested 
agencies that this extension of advertising for that 
is what propaganda essentially is can be readily 
utilized to sway and control democratic masses. 
Hereafter no government will confront its electorate 
without a secret or open bureau of propaganda, and 
every great " interest " will organize propaganda as 
an essential activity. (Witness the appeal of the 
liquor forces against the prohibition amendment to 
the Constitution by gravely warning the country of 
the danger of Bolshevism if the nation becomes 
dry!) Already, to the cautious-minded citizen, the 
press has become more than suspect. Not that our 
newspapers are bought, but the news which they 
offer is tainted at the source and inspired by a govern- 
mental or other interested agency. By becoming 
merely a channel for various propaganda the press 
has lost much of its dignity and authority during the 
war. An' increasingly common remark upon the 
daily news is, " I guess it's just propaganda!" 

The spirit of propaganda is special pleading. Sup- 
pression, distortion, as well as misrepresentation and 
direct falsehood, are the methods of the zealous 
propagandist. Propaganda, to be sure, kills itself, 
like many evil things, by its own excesses. Truth 
has a habit of struggling into men's minds in spite 
of all the poison so prodigally poured out to kill it. 
In the end, public opinion clarifies itself, separating 
fact from propaganda but at what cost of time and 
of deception! Truth, the complete, open, unbiased 
truth, is the only atmosphere in which freedom can 
grow, in which democratic ideals can mantain them- 
selves. Therefore we should regard the propagand- 
ist, no matter how sincere his intentions or how 
good his cause, much as the hired bravo, the poisoner, 
or the suborner of justice, all of whose trades flour- 
ished when Pope Urban VIII, devised this engine 
of mental corruption known as Propaganda. 



Theodore Roosevelt 

AN THE DEATH of Theodore Roosevelt the America 
of the generation of 1880 to 1910 lost its typical 
representative. Indeed, he was its living embodi- 
ment rather than its representative. Successful public 
men are not merely themselves. They are records 
and gauges of the activities and aspirations of their 
own day. It is futile to praise them or blame them 
except as we remember that in so doing we are 
appraising the time and the people that produced 
them. Hero worship of the olden type is gone, at 
least so far as statesmen are concerned. For in a 
democracy the people admire themselves in the man 
they make their hero. He is influential with them 
because he is first influential by them. The ordinary 
politician is fortunate when by dint of keeping his 
ear to the ground he can catch and reflect in articu- 
late speech the half-formed sentences of the people. 
Roosevelt did not have to resort to this undignified 
posture. He was the phonograph in whose em- 
phatic utterances the people recognized and greeted 
the collective composition of their individual voices. 
To praise or condemn Roosevelt is, then, but to 
pass judgment on the America which suddenly awak- 
ened from the feverish and gigantic expenditures of 
energy that followed the Civil War to find itself in 
the face of vast problems and in need of vast reforms. 
We can better tell the qualities and defects of the 
period by looking at Roosevelt than in any other 
way. Through long living in the public eye he had 
become with extraordinary completeness a public 
character. It almost seems as if his native individu- 
ality, his private traits, disappeared, so wholly did 
they merge in the public figure. Of every man who 
goes into political life there gradually grows up a 
double. This double consists of the acts of the 
original individual reflected first in the imaginations 
and then in the desires and acts of other men. Just 
because Roosevelt's capture of the imagination of his 
countrymen was so complete, his public double was 
immense, towering. One cannot think of him ex- 
cept as part of the public scene, performing on the 
public stage. His ordinary and native acts gained a 
representative significance. He shook hands with a 
locomotive engineer, chopped down a tree at Oyster 
Bay, hunted big game, or wrote a magazine article 
on his hunting. Each of the acts somehow swelled 
with an almost ominous import. Each provoked 
applause or rebuke, enlisting the partisanships of the 
crowd. In all of these acts he was delightedly our 
Teddy, ours with admiring acclaim or with disgusted 
irritation. In these acts, almost equally with those 
of Roosevelt making a stump speech, writing a state 
paper, taking a canal, or sending a fleet round the 

world, he was the man in whom we saw our own 
ideals fulfilled or betrayed. One of the things that 
rankled most in the minds of those who did not 
like him was* that they could not get rid of him, 
even in the innermost recesses of their minds. His 
representative, incarnating force was such that he 
stayed by them. Everything in American life re- 
minded them of something which Roosevelt had said 
or done. The assimilation of the private individual 
with the publicly assumed figure is so complete that 
for all except his personal intimates the former is 
non-existent. All that an outsider can say of it is 
that it must have been great to permit such thorough 
identification with the public self built up out of 
impacts upon others, and out of reflections back into 
the native self of the successes and failures, the ap- 
plause and dislike of others. Only an individuality 
at once mediocre and great could have become so 
wholly a public figure. In thinking of him one is 
never conscious of mysteries, of unexplored privacies, 
reticences, and reserves, hidden melancholies, or any 
touch of inaccessible wistfulness. His inherited ad- 
vantages of social position, comfortable wealth, edu- 
cation without personal struggle against obstacles, 
afforded external conditions from which he could 
launch himself the more easily, without preliminary 
apprenticeship and without waste of time, upon his 
task of representing the America of his day. For 
this America had grown self-conscious about its 
pioneer days of log-cabin and rail-splitter learning 
hardly bought by light of candle-dip. It wanted 
something less sparse and starved, something more 
opulent, something more obviously prosperous in cul- 
ture and social standing. It felt the struggles of 
the earlier day in the scars it had left behind, and 
rested easily only in the contemplation of a figure 
which never reminded it of a past which the nation 
for so it seemed had so happily left forever be- 
hind. It was a period of the complacent optimism 
born of success in overcoming obstacles, and of sub- 
conscious irritating memories of the shameful limita- 
tions involved in having such obstacles to overcome. 
Roosevelt was the Man of Action. In that he 
incarnated his time. He preached the strenuous life 
and practised what he taught. The age was delirious 
with activity. It wanted not only action but action 
done with such a resounding thump and boom that 
all men should sit up and take notice. Bagehot 
somewhere remarked that a large part of the avoid- 
able evils of mankind had arisen because a number 
of men at some important juncture had not been able 
to sit quietly in a retired room until things had been 
thought out. The generation had no sympathy with 


February 8 

such a notion. If evils existed it was because men 
did not act promptly and intensely enough. Gordian 
knots exist only to be cut by the sword of sharp 
and vehement action. As soon as they are cut, we 
should have statistics of the number of strands, the 
variety of snarls, of the size of the sword and the 
number of foot-pounds in the blow that annihilated 
the difficulty. Refinements and subtleties and shades 
of distinction are not for such a period. 

To criticize Roosevelt for love of the camera and 
the headline is childish unless we recognize that 
in such criticism we are condemning the very con- 
ditions of any public success during this period. A 
period that is devoted to action can have but one 
measure of success that of quantity and extent. 
This measure is essentially one of social and political 
reverberations. It cannot be said that it was re- 
served for Roosevelt to discover the value of pub- 
licity for a public man. But he deeply divined the 
demand for publicity of an emphatic and command- 
ing kind, and he allowed no private modesty to stand 
in the way of furnishing it. When one has per- 
formed a resounding act it is stultifying not to 
allow it to resound. While other politicians were 
still trusting to the gum-shoe, it took courage as 
well as genial sagacity to adopt the megaphone. 
Irritated critics of Roosevelt's egotism which they 
called megalomania overlooked the fact that a petty 
deed cannot be made great by heralding, and that his 
acts commanded publicity because they were in the 
first place of a quality to command attention. 

Probably nothing in Roosevelt's career so won the 
attachment of the American people as the fact that 
he had the courage to take them into his confidence. 
If it now seems a~ simple thing for a politician to 
make the people, in form at least, members of his 
own household, politically speaking, and to share 
with them at the breakfast table the political gossip 
of the day, the simplicity of the performance is 
evidence of the thoroughness with which Roosevelt 
did his work. He established a tradition which even 
a man as opposite in temperament as Wilson has felt 
obliged to follow, .and, whatever his practice, to 
make central in profession. Just as politicians since 
Lincoln's time have studiously scanned the latter's 
methods, so future statesmen will copy the style of 
publicity which Roosevelt's courageous impetuosity 
created. Thinking out loud, or at least seeming to 
do so, is one of Roosevelt's permanent contributions 
to the American political tradition. Lack of occa- 
sional spasms of frankness will henceforth be 
resented as evidence both of lack of courage and lack 
of trust in the people. And these will become 
because of Roosevelt they are already becoming 
the cardinal vices to a political democracy. Roose- 
velt's enemies repeatedly believed that he was polit- 

ically dead, that he had killed himself. Although 
the vehemence with which they announced his de- 
mise was part of a calculated technique for making 
their prediction true, they nevertheless sincerely be- 
lieved that no man could recover from what they 
took to be stupendous blunders such as the New 
Nationalism speech, the recall of judicial decisions, 
and so on. What they never understood was the 
admiring affection and unbounded faith with which 
the American people repaid one who never spoke save 
to make them sharers in his ideas and to appeal to 
them as final judges. Because of the power thus 
given him combined, of course, with his own power 
to learn and to grow probably no public man of 
any country ever equaled Roosevelt in power to 
" come back." 

Perhaps the best proof of the completeness with 
which Roosevelt embodied the belief of his genera- 
tion in action, action unhesitating, untroubled by 
fine distinctions or over-nice scruples, is the irritation 
which his personality aroused in academic men. 
There are a few exceptions, but upon the whole up 
to the time of the Progressive campaign they fol- 
lowed him with distrust and only, as they felt, from 
compulsion of circumstances. A mind which ap- 
parently never engaged in criticism, certainly never 
in self-criticism, which in fact identified criticisms 
with instantaneous assault, was the natural opposite 
of the mind tangled in the timidities which result 
from always criticizing, and hence never acting save 
when external pressure compels. 

It would require a history of the life of the 
United States in the last quarter of the nineteenth 
century to explain how and why there developed 
such devoted admiration of action as action, provided 
only it was on a large scale. But that Roosevelt 
was a great figure because he was the exponent in 
word and in personality of this faith there can be 
no doubt. Nor can it be doubted that power accrued 
to him because he exemplified his period in thinking 
and speaking of action exclusively in moral terms. 
And with Roosevelt as with the type which adores 
action for its own sake, to think and to speak were 
synonymous. There are those who think that 
morality does not enter into action until morality 
has become a problem until, that is, the right 
course to pursue has become uncertain and to be 
sought for with painful reflection. But by this 
criterion Roosevelt rarely if ever entered the moral 
sphere. There is no evidence that he was ever 
troubled by those brooding questions, those haunting 
doubts, which never wholly leave a man like Lincoln. 
Right and wrong were to him as distinctly and 
completely marked off from one another in every 
particular case as the blackness of midnight and the 
noonday glare. Nothing more endeared him to the 




American people than the engaging candor 
with which he admitted that in the face of this 
immense and fixed gulf he was always to be found 
on the side of righteousness. As he repeatedly con- 
fessed, he " stood " for justice, for right, for truth, 
against injustice, wrong, and falsity. When he did 
not stand, he fought. Wherever his activities were 
engaged at all, he saw the combat between the 
forces of the Lord and of the Devil. The battle at 
Armageddon was, after all, but the consummating 
fight in the campaign for Righteousness in which he 
enlisted when he entered public life. And if upon 
the whole the moral battle was a cheery thing in 
which one was stimulated rather than humbled into 
thoughtful meditation that too reflected the moral 
simplicity of his generation. 

It is true, of course, that the cult of action for its 
own sake tends to demand for its successful pursuit 
either a cynical immoralism or the certainty of being 
on the side of the Lord. No politician in America 
can be successful beyond the local stage who takes 
the former course. The good old Anglo-Saxon habit 
of thinking of politics in moralistic terms was 
strengthened rather than weakened by its voyage 
across the Atlantic. Not, however, till the time of 
Roosevelt were economic problems treated in terms 
of sin and righteousness. 'Roosevelt borrowed much 
from Bryan, but Bryan came from Nazareth in 
Galilee, and spoke the cruder language of the ex- 
horter and the itinerant revivalist. When Roosevelt 
uttered like sentiments, his utterances had the color 
and prestige of a respectable cult and an established 
Church. It is no part of my intention to appraise 
what Roosevelt did for our American life in the 
years around nineteen hundred. But events move 
rapidly, and if for a time Roosevelt, as the prophet 
of a new social day, loomed larger than facts justi- 
fied, it is already easy to underestimate what we 
owe him. Positively speaking, pitifully little has 
been done with our industrial inequities and con- 
flicts. But in addition to what Roosevelt did in 
arresting some of the worst tendencies of the time, 
he brought men to where they could behold the 
newer problems. And it is very doubtful if they 
could have been led to such a place by any other 
than the moral road, or by any one who did not 
spontaneously appeal to ethical convictions and en- 
thusiasms. He made the problem of economic read- 
justment the problem of rebuke of unrighteousness. 
He endued the cause of the reformer with the 
glamour of virility and vitality and all those other 
terms of romantic energy that come to the lips when 
Roosevelt is spoken of. 

If under the cover of a buoyant and readily 
vocalized idealism, Mr. Roosevelt took the steps 
which a " practical man " interested in success would 

take irrespective of moral considerations, he was in 
this also the embodiment of his generation of Amer- 
icans. The generation was not hypocritical and 
neither was he. Prosperity is the due reward and 
recognition of righteousness. Defeat (in that reign 
of moral law which Americans were brought up to 
feel all about them) is the sign manual of evil. 
The cause of righteousness was too precious to be 
compromised by the danger of defeat; it not only 
needed to win but it needed the moral sanction that 
comes from triumph. And Mr. Roosevelt's glory in 
the fray and his astuteness in discovering the condi- 
tions of success blended with his belief in righteous- 
ness. He endowed his frequent dickers with machine 
politicians and compromises with machine politics 
with a positive moral glow. They were to him 
proof that he was not as those academic reformers 
who profess high ideals and accomplish nothing. His 
belief in righteousness was of the sort that " brought 
things to pass." He trusted and correctly enough 
to a certain ingrained rectitude which would pro- 
tect him from being compromised beyond a given 
point; meantime it was the corrupt politicians who 
took chances, not he. This dualism of theoretical 
idealism with a too facile pragmatism in action has 
still to be faced in American life. 

When an epoch is closed, the following epoch is 
not usually generous, or even just, to it. What it 
achieved is taken for granted ; what it failed to do is 
the outstanding and irritating fact. Roosevelt's 
period has not wholly passed. The men who fought 
hitn are now just beginning to " appreciate " him, 
and their acclaim mixes with the reverberations 
from old fights and victories. The fact that the 
old interests have, in profession at least, moved up 
to about where Roosevelt stood in his heyday 
measures the progress made. But it also leaves him 
by association in a somewhat reactionary light. 
Above all, men are beginning to realize that our 
serious economic problems are complicated, not 
simple; that they have to do with deeply rooted 
conditions and institutions, not with differences be- 
tween malefactors of great wealth and benefactors 
of great virtue; and that for the most part even 
the most arduous fights of Roosevelt were waged 
with symptoms rather than with causes. The epoch 
of " Onward, Christian Soldiers " ended with the 
Progressive campaign in which it consummated. We 
are in an epoch of special problems of industrial 
democracy in farm and shop to which the older 
idealistic slogans of righteousness and the strenuous 
life are strangely foreign. Roosevelt's " luck " did 
not desert him. He has been forever saved from 
any danger of becoming the figurehead and leader 
of reactionaries. 




February 8 

The Great Tradition 

OR MOST American jeaders the first acquaint- 
ance with Mr. Masefield's poetry was made in 1912, 
with the publication in this country of The Ever- 
lasting Mercy and The Widow in the Bye Street, 
both written in the preceding year. That publica- 
tion marked a notable revival in the popularity of 
poetry in the United States, and since then a verit- 
able freshet of verse has run through the mill. Both 
in England and in this country there have been new 
poets, new subjects, fresh impulses to expression, 
innovations in technic, and an unfailing supply of 
new readers. An era of poetry seemed to be just 
breaking into dawn when the great war came 
threatening the annihilation of all beauty and art. 
But the war itself has sown seeds of creation as well 
as of destruction, and amid its horrors and fatigues 
has already quickened an early harvest of verse that 
throbs with the ardor of dauntless youth. 

Mr. Masefield's plays and poems have now been 
collected into two crowded volumes (The Poems 
and Plays of John Masefield Macmillan; $2.75 
each, $5.00 a set) which enable us to survey as a 
whole the work of one of the leaders in this imagina- 
tive awakening of the early years of the twentieth 
century. As a record of literary achievement ex- 
tending over scarcely a single decade, these volumes 
must be pronounced a most impressive monument. 
In copiousness and variety, in originality and distinc- 
tion, in their power to seize upon our sympathies 
and to exalt and enlarge the scope of our imagina- 
tions, these plays and poems reveal a genius that is 
not only equal to a worthy leadership in the new 
movement, but is assured of a welcome among tHose 
who have created abiding beauty out of the English 
language. It may have been possible to maintain 
an attitude of skepticism or suspended judgment 
toward the individual productions of Mr. Mase- 
field's busy pen; but the barriers of conservative 
criticism are swept aside by the full tide of imagi- 
nation, vigorous, sustained, irresistible, that sweeps 
through these thousand pages. 

One volume contains nine plays, two in verse 
Philip the King and Good Friday four one-aqt 
plays, and three tragedies in prose. These prose 
plays would excite great interest of themselves, even 
if their author had never written a line of verse. 
The three tragedies in particular, with their close- 
woven structure, and their direct and vivid dialogue, 
add an independent and novel page to our dramatic 
literature. There are not many authors able to 
evoke poignant and elevated emotion alike from the 
downfall of Pompey the Great, from a Japanese 

feud, and from the gruesome murders of an English 
countryside. But the plays even at their best are 
more experimental than the poems, where their out- 
standing virtues recur in more abundant measure. 
The passional tension, even in Nan, is maintained 
with less certainty, and the course of the action 
rushes not less impetuously but more spasmodically 
than in the poetic narratives. 

Mr. Masefield won and established his reputation 
by four stories in verse, all written within the space 
of twenty months. They helped to turn poetry back 
into the open field of narration where it has always 
had its greatest popularity and where, perchance, its 
longer pieces are destined still to find full success. 
Narrative poetry in English in the nineteenth cen- 
tury has been often over-weighted either by descrip- 
tive ornamentation or by the philosophical obsessions 
of the author. Mr. Masefield had some amazing 
stories to tell and he told them with the onrushing 
sweep of one of the full-rigged ships he loves to pic- 
ture, bounding before a favoring wind. The-moral 
implications are plain enough, but there is no ser- 
monizing. The verse varies with the shifting mood 
and rises to passages of opulent beauty, but it rarely 
loiters over description and it never for a moment 
loses hold on the stirring action. Many readers 
could scarcely believe that this was poetry, for it 
held their minds glued to the story from its first 
word to the last. 

The Widow in the Bye Street and the Daffodil 
Fields tell of wayward passion resulting in ugly mur- 
der and bringing punishment to the just as well as 
the unjust. Their vivid realism is unusual, but their 
themes are those oft-told in verse and hence more 
secure of an appeal to our sympathies and offering 
less technical difficulties to the poet than the other 
tales, The Everlasting Mercy and Dauber. The 
first of these tells of an unworthy rascal who cheated 
his friend, won a prize fight, went blind drunk, then 
experienced religion, and awoke to a richly unde- 
served happiness. Dauber tells of a boy who, im- 
pelled by an irresistible desire to become an artist, 
goes as ship painter on a vessel voyaging round the 
Horn. His paintings are wretched daubs and he is 
accidentally killed before the voyage is over, but 
not before his brave spirit has triumphed over frail 
flesh and sordid environment. Here are new 
stories told in a new way. That animal, man, is 
shown brutal, cruel, violent, and yet the abode of 
spiritual exaltation. The vocabulary of the prize 
ring, the alehouse, the brothel, and the forecastle 
mingles with words remindful of Shelley or Shake- 




speare, and the terse rhythms of the crudest collo- 
quialisms somehow unite with a melody rich and im- 
pelling. There is never any doubt about the facts. 
You are never allowed to question whether this is 
actuality or illusion. You see the prize-fight; you 
are in the midst of the tavern brawl; you climb out 
on the icy yard to reef the straining sail, or you 
feel your soul the surprised recipient of a heavenly 
blessing. Everything is intensely real. 

In 1912 and 1913 even those of us who were not 
theoretical pacifists believed that this was a pacific 
world. Its villains and tyrants might still rob the 
poor but they would not murder and rape. Adven- 
ture lay in commerce, in science, and not in pain 
and battle. Nearly every one of Mr. Masefield's 
tales contains a fight, and usually a brutal and 
horrid fight; but we were not sure that we were 
any longer fighting animals. The life of physical 
violence described in the stories of Jack London and 
in Masefield's poems seemed romantically remote 
from our daily experience, real enough doubtless 
on the frontiers of civilization, not typical of mod- 
ern life, but rather sensational and melodramatic. 
The war, with its terrible revelations, has brought 
an undesired and sudden justification to the imagi- 
native genius of the poet who had found in his own 
experience with men both the brute and the idealist, 
and who had seen spiritual desire linked with animal 
frenzy. We look now for a lasting peace and for 
a return of civilization to its more orderly ways 
with a renewed and surer vision of its purpose ; but 
it will be long before the imagination can forget the 
shock of battle, the anguish of flesh, the trial by 
combat. Will poetry ever be content again with 
"soft Lydian airs " or " To sport with Amaryllis in 
the shade " ? 

The sensational incidents and scenes of Mr. 
Masefield's narratives made him appear at first as 
an innovator, and to some as an innovator reckless 
and disregardful of the idols of English poetic tra- 
dition. He faced life as he had experienced it and 
sought beauty in its toil and poverty, in its places of 
violence and sensation, such as are rarely visited by 
poets or modern book-readers. But it soon became 
evident that neither in the choice of subjects nor in 
the technic of his art was he steering a course that 
departed widely from the traditional path. He 
sings of the spell of the sea, of its cruelties, hard- 
ships, its ships and sailors, more vividly, more com- 
prehendingly perhaps than has any other but the 
sea has always roused the imagination of British 
poets. He is modern, but there is much in modern 
life than does not engage his interest. He shows 
none of the painstaking devotion to the poverty and 
drabness of the working classes which we find in the 

poetry of Mr. Wilfrid Gibson. The enormous and 
ever-expanding technology of our modern era excites 
neither his wonder nor his protest. Railways, engi- 
neers, factories, and machines do not inspire him. 
His ardor is all for the square-rigged ship, never for 
Macpherson's turbines. Nor does his art seek 
methods that are novel or that threaten revolution. 
He has not experimented with vers libre or with any 
of the many variations of impressionistic technic. 
The well-known measures of English verse have 
afforded him ample variations for an expression 
that has ever turned for guidance to the great mas- 
ters of English poetry. 

Mr. Masefield has known toil and privation, but 
he was as surely born a man of letters and an art- 
ist as was Keats or Carlyle. At fourteen he was 
indentured to a captain in the merchant marine, 
and there he lived the life that found expression in 
the Salt-Water Ballads. At twenty-two, after some 
months ashore in various employments, he was 
working in a carpet factory in Yonkers; and then, 
as he tells us, he first began " to read poetry with 
passion and system." " Chaucer was the poet and 
The Parliament of Fowls, the poem of my con- 
version." After that, the factory worker crowded 
his evenings and Sundays with the wealth of Eng- 
lish pottry, especially Chaucer, Shakespeare, Milton, 
Shelley, and Keats. One thinks of Keats in com- 
parison and of the " new world of wonder and 
delight " that was similarly opened to the surgeon's 
apprentice. The two experiences are indeed 
strikingly alike, only the new world for Keats was 
created not from his own contact with men, but 
out of old stories, the Elgin marbles, the myths, 
legends, and fancies that had ever swayed the heart 
of the poet; while Masefield found in his own 
experience with the passions of the sea and of un- 
sophisticated men the material that through the 
alchemy of verse might glow with the beauty of 
Lamia, or Adonais, or Lear. 

The poetic creed he adopted in that humble 
Yonkers room and which he has sustained and 
strengthened in the following years of great 
achievement was the creed of the romanticist^ only 
enlarged to fit a wider experience of which his own 
life had given him an insight. The poet was the. 
one divinely gifted to feel and understand* beauty 
hidden from less imaginative men, and the poet's; 
duty was to search ever for " the butterflies andl 
petals of blossoms blowing from the unseen worU 
of beauty into this world." Through his per- 
sonality, by the processes of his creative expression", 
men's emotions and sympathies were to be touched 
by these glimpses of a transcendent world. In his 
plays and tales Mr. Masefield oftenest finds beauty 



February 8 

in emotional ecstasy, or to use his own words in 
defining tragedy, " in the agony and exultation of 
dreadful acts." But he finds it everywhere bright- 
ening experience in conversion, aspiration, in phy- 
sical bravery and effort, in landscape, and in his- 
torical associations, and in the manifold moods of 
" air, earth, and skies." 

All had their beauty, their bright moments' gift 
Their something caught from Time, the ever-swift. 

The full volume of Mr. Masefield's poetry is an 
expression of that noble text of Wordsworth's 
which declares to us as to Toussaint : 

Thy friends are exultations, agonies 

And love, and man's unconquerable mind. 

Many wise judges of literature will prefer some 
of the later poems, such as Biography, the Sonnets, 
or kollingdon Downs, with their more reasoned 
and less vehement emotion and with their more 
frequent reminiscences of traditional thought and 
imagery, to the naked rapidity of the earlier tales. 
I am not sure that I share their preference. In the 
sequence of sonnets in the Shakespearean manner, 
there are poems of such thoughtfulness and such 
perfection that they must be given high rank 
among examples of that form which has com- 
manded the best endeavors of the greatest poets; 
but the difficulty of a sonnet sequence is that it 
calls for a continual harping on the same strings. 
Mr. Masefield's crooning cadences that describe his 
searchings for beauty do not escape monotony. 
Beauty becomes his favorite word, like Wit in 
Pope and God in Browning; and after many 
repetitions it loses its effulgence. The danger of 
this seeking after beauty is like that of too much 
seeking after religion. The seeker comes to rely 
on his power to excite emotional ecstasies; he is 
forever irritating his soul. Keats, at least in his 
earlier poems, found beauty through this excited 
sensibility, but not so did Chaucer conceive and 
create the Canterbury Tales. Too much refine- 
ment of a phrase sometimes recalls the condemna- 
tion that Mr. Masefield puts into the mouth of 
one of his unlettered women : 

There's a feckless brood 
Goes to the devil daily, Joe, in cities 
Only from thinking how divine their wit is. 

The discovery of beauty, so far as it lies in 
poetry, depends on the variety and flexibility of art 
in meeting the ever-growing wealth of experience 
and knowledge. And Mr. Masefield wins our ad- 
miration because he has mastered so wide a range 
of artistic means and because he has tried boldly 
much that art had hitherto found intractable. It 
is through a personality, vigorous, independent, in- 
quiring as well as sensitive, that we have been led 

to enlarge our sympathies and to gain a broader 
acquaintance with fact at the same time that we 
have understood " the bright moments' gift." 

In concluding testimony of Mr. Masefield's 
great and varied power, I may recall two of the 
best remembered passages in all his poems the one, 
expressive of the fervor of " agonies and exulta- 
tions," the other rather of brooding reverie on 
" man's unconquerable mind." After the rascal 
Saul Kane has found the everlasting mercy he 
awakens to a transformed world, and his raptures 
are described in a torrent of images. He sees Christ 
and joy and paradise everywhere, in bird, flower, 
brook, railway, and plowman. His opened eyes 
see everything, well, bridge, shunting engine, hunts- 
man, clovertops, gipsies' camp, one old wagon, dew- 
berry trailers, the young green corn, the golden 
harvest, " the sea with all her ships and sails," the 
lark overhead, the cows plodding up to milking 
house and all these and much else focus upon 
" Old Callow at his autumn ploughing," and this 
picture of useful service holds its place amid the 
other shifting images of damnation and salvation 
until it fixes itself on Kane's mind as his call to 
work and as a symbol of his redemption. 

And in men's hearts in many lands 

A spiritual ploughman stands 

Forever waiting, waiting now, 

The heart's " Put -in, man, zook the plough." 

In this wonderful passage with its richness of pic- 
ture and image, its sense of fact, and its emotional 
vitality, its rapid but constructive imagination, is 
there anything lacking which could add truth or 
beauty to the rapture of a redeemed drunkard? 

The other passage is from August, 1914, the 
poem that hailed the opening of the great war. In 
cadence and image it is not strikingly inventive, its 
emotion and thought are not different from those 
that have ever and again stirred poet and artist, yet 
is it more or less beautiful than the amazing con- 
clusion of The' Everlasting Mercy ? The poet broods 
over the quiet landscape, the loved Berkshire valley, 
the long ancestry that makes England beautiful and 
brave, the spirits watching over those now ready 
also to suffer and to die. And who has said all this 
more perfectly? 

All the unspoken worship of those lives 
Spent in forgotten wars at other calls 

Glimmer upon these fields where evening drives 
Beauty like breath, so gently darkness falls. 

During the war Mr. Masefield has been render- 
ing service at the front and through his writings. 
In a preface he speaks longingly of the peace that 
may release him again for the quest of the trans- 
cendent world of beauty known to the poets of his 
race, and for the effort to image more fully " what 




England and the English may become, or spiritually 
No one will desire any diminution of idealism, 


or of spiritual sensitiveness in the poetry we may 
assuredly expect from his matured powers; but I 
for one do not desire any lessening of actuality, of 
grip on fact, of probe into the hearts of men. Mr. 

Masefield's poetry is itself witness that both 
idealism and beauty may be found in an enterprising 
as well as in an exquisite art, and through a com- 
prehending knowledge and faith in human will as 
well as by searching one's own soul. 



Newspaper Control 


HILE VAST differences of opinion with regard 
to the war exist in the minds of absolutely sincere 
men and women, there are sqme propositions, at 
any rate, to which practically all assent. One of 
these is the duty of seizing and preserving for future 
sober study every scintilla of evidence which these 
years have afforded as to the nature of war, its 
remote springs, its influence on character, and its 
ability to achieve what it claims to achieve. Upon 
some or all of these vital things American students 
of war and democracy will find valuable material 
in the Canadian general election of December 17, 
1917, fought upon the issue of conscription. Little 
news of that election filtered through into the Amer- 
ican press, and much of what did appear there was 
colored or, indeed, false. Prime Minister Borden 
when in New York in the spring of 1918 took 
occasion, it may be remembered, to deprecate the 
highly sensational despatches from north of the 
border as to disturbances in the Province of Quebec. 
The choice of the Canadian electors a year 
ago lay between the candidates of a Union Gov- 
ernment, headed by Sir Robert Borden, and the 
candidates of Sir Wilfrid Laurier, for some thirty 
years the leader of the Canadian Liberal Party. 
The new Union Government pledged itself to im- 
mediate enforcement of a compulsory military 
service act, passed by the Canadian Parliament a 
few months previously, while Sir Wilfrid Laurier 
undertook, if returned to power, to consult the 
electorate upon the question by way of a referen- 
dum, pledging himself to enforce conscription if 
the referendum carried. The conscription issue 
drove a wedge into the ranks of the Canadian 
Liberals and many threw in their lot with that of 
the Union Government. The latter had been 
formed during the fall of 1917, but not without 
deep heart-searching, much running to and fro 
between Ottawa and the provincial capitals, refrac- 
tory conventions, and the intriguing of political 
Warwicks. To Sir Wilfrid Laurier a large sec- 
tion of his followers remained true. Among the 
faithful were former federal ministers, provincial 

ministers, and members both of the Canadian House 
of Commons and of provincial legislatures. The 
Canadian Labor Party, newly formed, elected to 
make common cause with the Liberals. Hopes of a 
Laurier victory, almost to the eve of the polling, 
were widely entertained. The veteran statesman 
traveled in midwinter from one end of the Dominion 
to the other and was given everywhere an ovation 
the warmth of which is probably without a parallel 
in Canadian political history. 

Although in the end overwhelmingly defeated, 
Laurier had a popular majority in two of the eight 
English-speaking Provinces. In the Province of 
Quebec there was a Laurier landslide, his candi- 
dates securing sixty- two out of the sixty-five seats. 
A determined attempt in the three Provinces to 
drive the Laurier candidates from the field proved 
unsuccessful. With unimportant exceptions they 
stood to their guns, often without any political 
machinery, and went to the polls. Taking the 
English-speaking Provinces as a whole, Laurier 
polled more than one vote in three. In these Prov- 
inces 780,141 votes were cast for the Borden candi- 
dates, and 461,592 for the Laurier candidates, while 
35,581 votes were cast for Labor candidates either 
opposed to conscription or in favor of a referendum. 

Opposition to conscription had been shared up 
to the middle of 1917 by the vast majority of the 
Canadian people, by the majority of the Canadian 
newspapers, and by the majority of Canada's public 
men. But how did Laurier fare at the hands of the 
press when the election campaign came along a few 
months later? In the eight English-speaking 
Provinces there were in existence at the time 
thirty-three daily newspapers, each with a 'circula- 
tion of over 10,000 according to official returns. 
These thirty-three, newspapers comprise practically 
the whole daily press of the larger cities. They 
include all Canada's large and well established 
dailies in the English Provinces. In politics thirteen 
of these newspapers officially described themselves 
as "Conservative" or "Independent Conservative;" 
eleven as "Liberal" or "Independent Liberal," and 



February 8 

nine as "Independent." Now consider the follow- 
ing facts: 

Nine of the eleven Liberal or Independent Liberal 
dailies which had supported Laurier in previous cam- 
paigns deserted him. 

In the whole of English-speaking Canada Laurier 
had three dailies with a circulation of over 10,000, 
and his opponent thirty. 

In Ontario, the most populous Province of 
Canada, Laurier had the support of one daily of 
over 10,000 circulation and his opponents of nine. 

In the Maritime Provinces of New Brunswick 
and Nova Scotia Laurier had not a single newspaper 
of the size stated. His opponents had six. (In 
New Brunswick Laurier polled 44 per cent of the 
vote and in Nova Scotia 51 per cent.) 

in five out of the eight English-speaking Prov- 
inces, namely, British Columbia, Saskatchewan, 
Manitoba, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia, 
Laurier had not a single daily of over 10,000 circu- 
lation. His opponents had fourteen, six of which 
were former Laurier organs. 

In the cities of Toronto (capital of Ontario), 
Winnipeg (capital of Manitoba), Vaucouver, B. C., 
Ottawa (capital of the Dominion), Regina (capital 
of Saskatchewan), Saskatoon, Sask., Hamilton, 
Ont., St. John, N.B., and Halifax (capital of Nova 
Scotia), Laurier was without a single daily of the 
size mentioned. In the same cities his opponents 
had twenty-six such dailies. 

I have already said that Laurier swept the 
French Province of Quebec. Naturally the news- 
paper situation in this Province does not present 
the phenomenon that characterizes it in the English- 
speaking portion of the Dominion. But the posi- 
tions were not reversed. In Montreal and Quebec 
City both sides had the assistance of strong dailies 
and no newspaper in the Province of Quebec, as far 
as I am aware, changed its coat before the election. 

When Sir Robert Borden, on May 18, 1917, in- 
troduced his conscription measure into the Canadian 
House of Commons, four days after his return 
from a visit to Great Britain, the news came to the 
Canadian people like a bolt from the blue. For no 
hint of conscription had been dropped by any mem- 
ber of Sir Robert's Government when the Canadian 
Prime Minister left Canada for London early in 
February, 1917. In the spring of 1916 not much 
more than a year before the announcement of con- 
scription Sir Robert said in the Canadian Parlia- 
ment : 

In speaking in the first two or three months of this war 
I made it clear to the people of Canada that we did not 
propose conscription. I repeat that announcement today 
with emphasis. 

The chief newspapers of Canada, especially the 
Liberal newspapers, had pronounced strongly against 

conscription. Thus, in July, 1916, the Toronto 
Globe said editorially: 

The Globe in its editorial columns has consistently 
pointed out that in a country such .as Canada conscription 
is an impossibility, and that no responsible statesman 
of either party, capable of forming or leading a war 
ministry, would propose compulsory service. 

The Manitoba Free Press, the largest news- 
paper in Western Canada, spoke even more 
strongly. It expressed the view that conscription 
would mean one half of Canada garrisoning the 
other half. After and not before Sir Robert Borden 
announced his policy of conscription did he invite 
Sir Wilfrid Laurier to enter a Union Govern- 
ment. Is it not strange that Canadian newspapers 
which in the fall months of 19*17 were pouring 
abuse on Laurier's head and insulting both his can- 
didates and his followers, were able, a few weeks 
earlier, to see the unfairness of expecting Laurier 
to enter a cabinet committed to a policy to which 
he had been a lifelong opponent? Consider, for 
example, this remarkably frank editorial utterance 
from the Manitoba Free Press of June 12, 1917: 

It is impossible to regard the situation as it affects 
Sir Wilfrid Laurier without mixed feelings of indigna- 
tion and regret. It is less than five months ago since 
R. B. Bennett [at that time a member of the Borden 
cabinet], who presumably spoke with knowledge, told 
a meeting of Winnipeg citizens that conscription meant 
bloodshed in Quebec and was not politically practicable. 
. . . . Sir Wilfrid was put in an impossible position 
by the tactics of Sir Robert Borden. The theory that it 
was intended to destroy Laurier was by no means far- 
fetched. It may well have been calculated that Sir Wil- 
frid, when confronted with the inevitable division of 
the party, would retire from public life. 

Within two or three months of printing the 
editorial from which the foregoing is taken, the 
Manitoba Free Press had thrown over Sir Wilfrid 
Laurier, whose policies it had supported for nearly 
a quarter of a century, and was enthusiastically 
backing the new Union Government headed by Sir 
Robert Borden. Later the same newspaper said: 

For the young man who is liable to the draft to vote for 
Laurierism is a confession in his own soul, no matter by 
what high-sounding phrases he disguises the truth, that 
he is yellow. 

Efforts put forth to split the Liberal Party 
met with a large measure of success. Two methods 
were in the main relied on, one the gaining control 
of the Laurier newspapers, and the other, the rais- 
ing of a racial and religious issue. Nevertheless, 
the first attempts to stampede the Liberals into the 
Union Government fold were ill-starred. Con- 
ventions called in the Province of Ontario for the 
purpose of repudiating Laurier either endorsed him 
or produced negative results. It was after these 
failures that strong influences were felt to be abroad 
for the control of the Liberal newspapers. At this 
time the fall of 1917 desperate attempts were 




being made to form a union government. To induce 
prominent Liberals to enter the proposed coalition 
was proving extremely difficult. A conference of 
Liberal leaders held at Winnipeg demanded as the 
condition of their espousal of union government the 
resignation of Sir Robert Borden, the conference 
submitting the names of four prominent Canadians 
from whom the new prime minister was to be 
chosen. This overture was summarily rejected by 
the friends of Sir Robert Borden. During these 
days many of the Liberal papers which afterwards 
fell into line behind the Union Government were 
having their daily jest at Liberal leaders reported to 
be considering the offer of a cabinet position. 

But the silencing of the press supporting Sir 
Wilfrid Laurier was nevertheless accomplished. Al- 
though tragic enough to the Liberals remaining true 
to Laurier, the situation had much in it that was 
comic. The transition from ridiculing union gov- 
ernment to supporting it had in some cases to be 
made in unceremonious haste and under the rude 
gaze of astonished onlookers. Editorials supporting 
Laurier halted on the printing presses. Ottawa 
correspondence favoring him stopped on the wires. 
When it was all over, Laurier, Prime Minister of 
Canada through four successive administrations, was 
without a newspaper press in the English Provinces. 

During the election campaign the cry that 
French Nationalism and Roman Catholicism were 
threatening the vitals of Canada was assiduously 
spread. The idea of civil war was on the lips of 
many whose position might have suggested the duty 
of conciliation between Canada's two great races. 
To a friend of mine, a respected citizen of Winnipeg, 
a cabinet minister in the Government of Manitoba, 
said: " Quebec has got to be licked and it might as 
well be now as later." 

I had in my hands the original of a letter sent 
by one Alberta farmer's wife to another. It ran : 

How do we feel about the election? Well, we feel 
that the real Canadians showed the good stuff they are 
made of, and showed those Frenchmen where they be- 
longed. They had to do that in spite of the fact that it 
would bring conscription, and though this conscription 
bill may take my husband. 

Intimidation of Laurier voters was a general 
condition. His right-hand men were read out of 
public life forever by former Laurier organs. A 
vote for Laurier was held up in the press not mere- 
ly as the acme of disloyalty, but as a piece of down- 
right iniquity. The terrors of the living and the 
dead were threatened against those who were will- 
ing to risk conscription on a referendum. No 
chances were taken. Any Canadian coming to 
Canada from an enemy country during the previous 
fifteen years, no matter how long a citizen of the 
Dominion, was by law disfranchised. On the other 

hand a special military franchise was created under 
which the wife, mother, daughters, or sisters of a 
soldier were given a vote, all other women remain- 
ing as before unenfranchised. 

From practically every Protestant pulpit con- 
gregations were exhorted to vote for the Union 
Government. Colonel (the Rev. Dr.) Chown, 
General Superintendent of the Methodist Church 
in Canada, issued an encyclical in which the follow- 
ing appeared : 

We must inquire what effect each ballot will have 
upon Christian civilization as opposed to undiluted bar- 
barism, upon heaven as in contrast with hell. 

The question, it seems to me, which should 
interest American students of war and of this war, 
is: What induced the Liberal papers of Canada to 
forsake Sir Wilfrid Laurier? Was it, simply an 
honest change of opinion? Had the reasons which 
prompted them strongly to condemn conscription in 
1916 disappeared in 1917? 

Personally I do not believe that an affirmative 
answer can honestly be given to these questions. It 
is quite true that a considerable number of Canadians 
sincerely believed that a Union Government was 
desirable. Again, a certain number of Canadians, 
chiefly elderly gentlemen well beyond the draft age, 
had advocated conscription. But it is equally true 
that the idea of conscription was alien to the 
Canadian people. The suspicion is also justified that 
in many minds a Union Government, with Sir 
Robert Borden retained as its head, was preferable to 
the accession of the Liberals to office. Of the 
Borden Government whose term had expired, the 
Manitoba Free Press said : Had it gone to the coun- 
try in a party fight it would have met with an over- 
whelming defeat. 

The quick and unceremonious switching from 
Laurier to Union Government which I have de- 
scribed does not suggest a genuine change of heart, 
and many other things do not suggest it either. 
What was it, then? Frankly, I do not know, but I 
do know that ever since the election there has 
been a profound conviction in the minds of large 
numbers of Canadians that something happened a 
year ago which has never yet been explained. This 
belief persists in Canada and was never more alive 
than at the present moment. A few things may be 
noted. On May 17 last, in the Canadian House of 
Commons, Mr. Lucien Cannon, a French member, 
speaking in a debate on Taxation, asked : . " How 
are those millionaires who bought and bribed the 
press of this country during the last election taxed ? " 
Mr. Cannon was roundly denounced for this utter- 
ance and it must be confessed that he produced no 
evidence in support of it. The Voice, a Winnipeg 
Labor weekly, said editorially on Dec. 4, 1917, three 

I 24 

February 8 

days before the polling: "Wherein then lies the 
significance of this frenzied campaign? It coincides 
with the visit to Ottawa weeks ago of the biggest 
autocrat of the press in the world Lord North- 
cliffe." His lordship's visit to Canada certainly 
left behind it a crop of rumors, and one may note 
with interest that the Toronto Globe went to some 
pains to prove that its stock, at any rate, had no 
Northdiffian taint. 

There is another powerful figure in British 
politics whose moves are regarded by large numbers 
of Canadians with distrust and suspicion. I refer 
to Lord Beaverbrook, whose rapid accumulation of 
wealth through the " organization " of the Canadian 
cement merger a few years ago by no means en- 
hanced his reputation in his native Dominion. 
Shortly after the Canadian general election Prime 
Minister Lloyd George, in the British House of 
Commons, spoke of the marvelous success which had 
attended the propaganda work of Lord Beaverbrook. 
Mr. Lloyd George unfortunately did not specify 
to what particular " success " he had reference, but 
the context seemed plainly to indicate that the tri- 
umph of the Union Government in Canada was 
what the Prime Minister had in his mind. ' Ever 
since the election assertions of independence have 
been appearing in the Canadian newspapers. I have 
before me as I write, half a dozen editorials, clipped 
from the few Canadian dailies which come into my 
hands, all protesting journalistic honor. One from 
the Toronto Globe strongly condemns the President 
of the United Farmers of Ontario for remarks about 
the Canadian " subsidized press " made to a gather- 
ing of several thousand farmers. The editorial 
proceeds to preach a little homily on the robust in- 
dependence and absolute integrity of Canada's lead- 
ing newspapers. Since then, however, on Oct. 5 
last, to be exact, the Toronto Globe has had to 
admit that all is not as it should be in Canadian 
journalism. In a Montreal court case it came out 
that two evening papers in that city, the Star and the 
Herald, although differing in politics, were under 
the same ownership. Commenting upon this the 
Globe said: 

The Herald, with a long history as a Liberal paper, 
was acquired a few years ago by Lord Atholstan of the 
staunchly Conservative Star. The union ended a bit- 
ter quarrel between the Star and the Herald over issues 
not unrelated to Lord Atholstan's interest in certain 
municipal franchises. Since then they have been in 
serene and perfect agreement on civic questions, but 
they maintain their party differences. . . . Many citi- 
zens will not regard it as an ideal condition that the 
control of the English press in the evening field of a 
great city like Montreal should be in one man's hands. 

The Kingston Whig, another Ontario daily, 
in an editorial quoted by the Toronto Globe on 
June 27 last, said: 
Here and there rumors still persist that the prers of 

Canada', which almost unanimously supported Union 
Government, did so from the basest and lowest motives 
that, in fact, it was bought with a price. 

The Whig's editorial went on to denounce 
those who spread such rumors and declared that 
" The press of the country supported Union Gov- 
ernment ... for a principle, not for mercenary 

It is worth while noting that in one or two 
instances there was concrete evidence that the 
switch from Laurier had been made reluctantly. The 
Regina Leader, for example, was one of the papers 
that made a rapid transit from the Laurier to the 
Union Government camp. But in the opinion of 
the Manitoba Free Press there was still some hank- 
ering after the fleshpots of Egypt in the editorial , 
office of the Leader, for the former, during the elec- 
tion campaign, accused its contemporary of duplicity. 
It said: 

The Leader's idea of fighting for the Unionist cause 
is to give it a transparently hypocritical support upon 
the editorial page and to knife it in every other column 
of the paper. 

Canadian newspapermen of standing with 
whom I conversed recently, assured me that the 
editors and editorial writers on the newspapers 
which deserted Laurier were spiritually coerced and 
yielded to influences which they found irresistible. 
I pressed these Canadian journalists for a careful 
estimate of the proportion of editors and editorial 
writers who were, in their opinion, thus coerced 
and left Laurier reluctantly. They assured me 
that it amounted to ninety per cent, and they pro- 
ceeded to name to me editors and editorial writers 
who, in their opinion, would beyond question have 
supported Laurier had they felt free to do so. 

I believe that in the foregoing I have revealed 
a condition of journalism which is thoroughly un- 
healthy and under which neither the press of Canada 
nor that of any other country can truly serve the 
people. Just what the solution* is I do not pretend 
to know. I simply offer the above as evidence 
worthy of serious study by those who wish to see 
the press a greater factor in human progress. Since 
I began this article a statement recently made in 
the Westminster Gazette by Mr. J. A. Spender, a 
prominent British journalist, has come under my 
notice. I am disposed to think it throws some light 
upon the Canadian situation. I will close by quot- 
ing it. It reads as follows: 

The public would be astonished if it knew how few 
writers are regularly engaged in political journalism in 
these times and how little opportunity there is for the 
exercise of a free judgment. . . . During the thirty- 
three years during which I have been connected with 
journalism I have seen the power of the editor con- 
stantly diminishing and the power of the proprietor con- 
stantly increasing. 





A silver dragon, 

Slender as a reed, 

Wakes from his sleep on a lacquered tray 

And drops his length, 

Shining coil on shining coil, 

Among the gray-green leaves 

Of a tiny garden 

Patterned on a table top. 

Poising his carved and lustrous head, 

He delicately intones 

A slow, fantastic monologue. 

Crystal cold and thin 

The ancient measures flow, 

While a dragon-fly, 

Perched, like a painted eagle, 

On a pygmy pine, 

Listens in silence. 

A passing swallow 

Hurls his shadow on the garden's elfin lake 

The dragon-fly takes sapphire flight, 

And the silver dragon 

Climbs to his vermilion tray 

To sleep. 


Rain, . 

Like waving threads of raveled silk, 
Curls across the window glass 
And breaks the picture of the garden 
And the flowers 
And the fountain 
And the little black pagoda 
Into a quivering kaleidoscope. 
The wind bells 

Shiver under the beating clappers of the rain, 
And the long green vines 
With purple blossoms 
Shake from the trellis 
Like inverted fireworks. 
Under the eaves 
A cheerless bird complains, 
And a little lost wind 
Goes among the leaves 
And sings a song about the stars. 

A flower moon, 

Tall stemmed above a bank of clouds, 

Stands in the east ; 

Some fallen petals of her light 

Float on the sea. 

Mellow gold notes 

From a mandolin 

Sound outside an ancient wall 

On which dark lichens 

Mold an apograph 

Of legends carved on stone. 

Behind the high, heraldic gates 

A tracery of leaves, 

Stiff and precise, 

Conceals a faun 

Who dances to the mandolifl, 

And wriggles his furry ears, 

And grins. 


The dark 

Filled with muffled sounds: 

Rustle of silk, 

Soft tap of canes, 

Exclamations of polite surprise, 

And the exquisite staccato of murmured French. 

Colored globes, 

Deep in the crowded trees, 

Reveal the flutter and hurry of preparation. 

The rising moon, 

Hung in a turquoise arch, 

Gilds the terrace 

Of waiting audience. 

From far, high towers 
Comes the unhurried, 
Chiming of bells. 



Wheels of sparks 

Darting blue! 

Chain and lattice and lace* of light ! 
Fringe and spangles and fret of fire ! 

High above the gulf of black, 

The curving flight 

Of rockets 

Blossoms in a shower of white and sudden stars. 

Fading jewels of fairy gift ' 
Fire-drake dancing with Will-o'-the-wisp, 
And dark. 


A droll-mouthed minstrel 

In tattered black and red 

Struts round the cathedral corner. 

A girl 

Leans from a balcony in the Rue des Ponts s 

And listens to his cynical strumming. 

Freedom sings on the lute-strings 

Sings of the sunny road to Provence, 

And the tavern fire; 

Hints of two-edged jests, 

And wine- warm kisses 

Of . . . just such a red-lipped minstrel boy 

As he, whose graceful leg 

Struts round the cathedral corner 

In tattered black and red. 



February 8 

Tuba mirum . . . spargens sonum, 

Rolls in Gregorian solemnity 
From old St. Louis en 1'Ile, 

Coget omnes ante thronum, 

And drowns irreverent couplets 

Sounding still 

Down the Quai d'Anjou. 

Liber scriptus proferetur . 

The girl in the balcony 
Suddenly closes her eyes, 
And sighs. 


Golden tents 

Are pitched upon the wide, blue plain ; 

Temple gongs 

Sound across an ecstasy of light. 

The vista 

Leads beneath the painted torii 

To the golden tents 

And the perfect mountain. 

Shall we go 

And lift the silken doors of tents, 

Or shall we pluck the scarlet poppy-petals 



Anatole France and the Imp of the Perverse 

J.HERE CAME to a dreaming boy in a Parisian 
bookshop a good fairy who touched his lips with 
the " honey of romance." < She was akin to the 
sprightly fairy who teased the boy as an old man, 
and she was first cousin to the salamander who loved 
for a time the pupil of Jerome Coignard. She 
brought to life little leaden soldiers and many other 
myths. She nourished the boy in naive and gentle 
imaginings, persuading him that nothing exists save 
by imagination which is why she existed. They 
played together in the Jardin des Plantes and formed 
a bowing acquaintance with Latin heroes. The 
fairy heard the terrible prophecy : " You will always 
be occupied with things not pertaining to class- 
work," and she consoled her friend by endowing 
him with a sincere and lasting beauty-worship. All 
his life the boy dreamed of a lovely villa by a blue 
lake, of classic repose and conversations. In his 
first maturity, he came to feel a gay dilettantism, 
an optimistic zest for life, a mild irony which 
assuages it. Irony and pity were the rules of his 
order; a blithe humor could be wedded with a love 
for all noble and generous things. When the boy 
is called Bonnard, his Abbaye de Theleme includes 
gentleness to animals, Unobtrusive acts of kindness, 
care for people's feelings, the charm of early sou- 
venirs. It includes indignant action in behalf of 
justice and it enshrines vistas and breezes from the 
garden of Epicurus. 

Thus the good fairy seemed to have gifts for 
every age: "desires and adorations, winged per- 
suasions and veiled destinies." . Everything was 
found in Pandora's box, except Hope, who flew out 
of the window ; in her place came a character whom 
I shall call the Imp of the Perverse; he sat grin- 
ning on the edge of the box and said to Anatole 
France: " Do you really think you can get through 
on that schedule? Your deliberate dilettantism 
means love for the beautiful but it also means 

hatred for the ugly. You will come to hate more 
than you love and your irony will grow bitter and 
your Evolution will become Fate and your desire 
sensuality. You will no longer admire the lofty 
gestures of the Romanticists and you will see that 
classic art is largely a legend. History, you will 
perceive, is either archeological and keeps the life 
out, or it is imaginative and keeps the truth out. 
You have read so much, Bonnard, that you know 
that Relativity is the only extract of truth which is 
beneficial to the health. There is really no knowl- 
edge, no ethics, no esthetics. Therefore you re- 
nounce your old allegiance, speaking of artistry as 
doll-making and of religious traditions as largely 

But- Anatole Jerome Bonnard Bergeret declared 
. that the beautiful still existed, epitomized in the 
love of women. He would not forget the fair- 
haired Clementine of his boyhood, and he would 
cherish the image of Dido, wandering in the myrtles 
with her immortal wound. He would still see Thai's 
the actress as " a lovely statue, sweet and proud, 
communicating to all the tragic thrill of beauty." 
He would dwell, in his fancy, with Madame de 
Gromance, " flower-eyed, empty of thought, and 
therefore more desirable." As an old philosopher 
he contemplated with delight the winsomeness of a 
street-girl, and he approved the stark passion of the 
lovers in his " Lys Rouge." For he held that the 
Venus of Milo is really symbolic of Voluptas, of 
creative life, and sensualism is a good thing, making 
for the grandeur and value of man, inspiring all art. 
The Imp leered in assent. " I taught you that! 
Illusion and sense are the foundations of creative 
beauty but they are contradictory. Among Pagans 
and Penguins love was a simple, unimportant pleas- 
Illusion came with the seven veils of Chris- 


tianity and civilization. When the Church made 
love a sin, you have said, the Church created its 




charm and mystery. It's not the fault of women 
that men prolong a simple unit into infinity, and 
Madame de Gromance, who hardly speaks to you 
anyhow, has no use for your ideal admiration. 
There is much perversity in the way women follow 
the forceful and brutal, only to swerve away when 
their heroes become tender. So Thais follows 
Paphnuce to the desert; so Chevalier and Balthasar 
are cruelly deserted when they truly love. For the 
sensual law is cruel, your pleasure is somber, the 
act of love is really a sign of death, arrd pleasure in 
beauty comes to be a sharp pain." 

The good fairy had long since disappeared. It 
seemed to the great ironist, watching the tossing 
waves of illusion, that the Epicurean was still the 
only way. It was the way of the ancients and the 
friends of Thai's. They teach us to adapt happiness 
to our paltry condition, they maintain the innocence 
and the w r orth of joy. Combining this with the 
simplicity of St. Francis, thought the brooding phil- 
osopher, we are left with the master-keys of Irony 
and Pity, the charitable skepticism of the Abbe 
Coignard. There is one thing further about the 
Epicurean garden: it should not be cultivated, for 
that is an act, and action is almost as deadly as 

The Imp retorted: "Then why do you think?" 

Conceding the inhumanity of thought, Anatole 
thought further that this self-questioning carries on 
the world through the grace of the goddess Maia. 
This earth is a spectacle in which ignorance and 
folly are the true forces ; whereas truth is single and 
inert, illusion is multiple, moral, and individual. 
The races live by their harmless mythologies, and 
nothing really exists save my thought. That is why 
I should send my imaginative adventures forth as 
criticism, my impressions as science, my reactions as 
a creed. Let us accept universal prejudices, remem- 
bering further that the universe is as incoherent as 
a novel by Anatole France. As clouds dissolving 
are the appearances of life ; it is a succession of ruins, 
changes, miseries. To think that we should people 
other planets ! 

The Imp rejoined, choosing always from Ana- 
tole's own words: "That is what you think, Ber- 
geret, when discouraged. But when you are called 
to the Sorbonne, you brighten up and consider that 
Sirius might very .well be populated by Bergerets. 
Besides, you accept the likelihood of the Eternal 
Return ; in all the permutations of worlds, A. 
France has been, is, and will be again your Goubin 
is wiping, has wiped, and will wipe his glasses 
through all eternity. Progress, of course, is illusory 
except when we see it. Inventions are the defor- 
mations of the herd except when our advantages 

over our forefathers allow us to perceive how little 
we are superior to them. Science merely adds spec- 
tacles to our poor eyes, prolongs and multiplies our 
ignorance through knowledge." 

" Exactly! " said Anatole. 

" And thereby furnishes a desirable criterion for 
progress. Tell us how you work for progress." 

Anatole then wearily repeated that knowledge 
was pure foolishness and metaphysics so much 
" romancing." Because there are no absolutes, there 
can be no real justice. And as for humanitarian. 
Positivism, " the great fetish scarcely seems to me 

" Yet," said the Imp, " you are always contending 
for positivism in other fields whenever you are not 
contending for illusion. The fact is, Anatole, that, 
like poor Flaubert, you were always at seesaw be- 
tween realism and romanticism. You were playing 
Truth, He wins Beauty, I lose. It's a good thing 
that Dreyfus came along to set you straight." 

" It's all Illusion," said Anatole, staring gloomily 
at his tormentor. " Where do I show any taste for 
positive realities? " 

"Everywhere! In love, religion, politics, and 
philosophy. You find that justice is utilitarian 
and you regret it. You make everything depend on 
hunger and love and you think it's a shame. You 
rationalize Joan of Arc, you materialize the impulses 
of chivalry, you think that killing is an ordinary 
human enterprise, you see history as a crude mess. 
But are you satisfied with all this? You once said 
that your mind contained both Sancho Panza and 
Don Quixote, and I think Don Quixote is still 
there. Your cynicism is really a disappointed ideal- 
ism, as I could amply prove, you mocking Benedic- 
tine, from your whole attack on religion, of which 
it would scarcely become me to speak. Let us take 
politics. And Think ! " 

Avoiding that main issue, the Voltairian then 
submitted a few of his neatest paradoxes, trusting 
thereby to appease the Imp. He described life as 
" delicious, horrible, charming, bitter," and himself 
as amused by its contradictions, interested in epochs 
of conflict like the Alexandrian and the eighteenth 
century. Life is evidently ill-arranged, for youth 
should come at the close, climactically ; butterflies do 
not need to cry, like the dying dauphin, " Fi de la 
vie!" But why try to adjust anything? Beneficence 
has been spoiled by the Pharisees, charity is mothered 
by pride, and the improvement of man can only be 
forwarded by his extinction. The Rousseauists 
carry him back to monkeydom and become indignant 
when the monkey does not behave. On the other 
hand, the Declaration of Rights would establish an 
" excessive and iniquitous separation between man 



February 8 

and the gorilla." It is easy to show that great 
sinners become great saints, that neighbors are natu- 
ral enemies, that Blue Beard was a henpecked genial 
gentleman, and that Pilate might readily forget the 
episode of Christ. 

His own works, insisted the novelist, were de- 
signed to show this world as one huge paradox. In 
Thai's, a woman is carried from happiness to misery 
by the illusions of a bigot ; he renounces the illusions 
as she swims to heaven on their wings. In the 
Revoke des Anges, the angels become men of the 
world, the devils become angels. The Histoire 
Comique is a tragic story, the Abbe Coignard dies 
with gay songs on his lips, the man who married a 
dumb wife has the tables turned on him and turns 
them again. There is the juggler who offers his art 
to Our Lady; there is a whole library called in to 
witness a kiss. In Les Dieux Ont Soif, we see the 
underside of the Revolution, in which the author 
none the less believes, and among the Penguins 
there are accumulated climaxes and anticlimaxes. 
Anatole sighed. " Henry James once told me that 
the only thing my intellect left standing was 

" I should like," said the Imp pointedly, " to 
hear your views on politics." 

It seemed to Anatole that his satires on democ- 
racy had settled that point. Had he not shown that 
liberty, equality, and the like were unrealizable or 
undesirable fetishes? Had he not shown that the 
state really subsists through the wisdom of a few 
strong statesmen and that the best thing to be said 
for the Republic is " Elle gouverne peu " ? Had he 
not given dozens of cases where fraud, vice, and 
self-interest moved both the Dreyfusards and their 
opponents? Popular governments are self-enslaved, 
weak through their lack of secrecy, their poor ser- 
vants, their whole " turbulent menagerie." 

The Imp inquired : " Do you like our aristocrats, 
then, our ' god-given hierarchies ? ' 

" It is a great irony that so much power was 
wielded by the Royalists and Nationalists, who 
were weaker-brained than those whom they 
oppressed." Thus spoke M. Bergeret, professor of 
eloquence at the Sofbonne. And he passed the 
sponge of universal raillery over the established 
classes the nobles, the bourgeois, the bureaucrats, 
the military, the clergy. He jeeringly asked how 
two French war councils could possibly be wrong 
in the Dreyfus affair. He thought it fortunate that 
the state really subsists not through the wisdom of a 
few strong statesmen, but through the needs of sev- 
eral million lowly workers. 

" You are really more at war with institutions 
and organizations than with the people," said the 

Imp slowly. " Why did you come out for Drey- 

" Because I could never stand by and see injustice 
done ! I hold that all fetters will fall before a single 
just idea. The greatest compliment I received in 
the Affair was when a workman told me : ' You 
have come out of your caste and you have not wished 
to fraternize with the defenders of the saber and 
the holy-water sprinklers.' There is no paradox in 
the bond of the proletariat and the intellectuals. 
With whom do you wish that thinkers and artists 
should consort? With the sly blind calloused bour- 
geoisie ? " 

" Go on! " said the Imp. 

" The education of the people has scarcely begun, 
but it is better to have a clean sheet than one 
scrawled over with the wrong prejudices. And the 
workmen are in earnest about what they learn 
witness the night schools; whereas the lackadaisical 
sons of the bourgeois avoid education as a pest. 
Vital enthusiasm heart! Down with luxury!" 

" And you declare," the Imp took him up, " that 
your dream of the future is the true evolutionary 
dream, because it is founded on economic history, 
and always wise thinkers have been the masons of 
the future. Barring your attenuations and my per- 
versities, you see Socialism as truth, goodness, and 
justice, and the greatest of these is justice. You 
believe that through the first Revolution France 
owes herself to 7 the world. You see the confused 
movements of modern labor as tending towards 
universal peace and unity. You say that after the 
world conflagration the monster of militarism will 
burst from obesity. You have even constructed a 
somewhat mechanical Utopia, like Wells. And 
when it comes to the Great War " the Imp sank 
his voice, and Anatole France looked at him uneas- 
ily. " When it comes to the Great War, you have 
uttered nothing which is not perfectly human, just 
and banal. You have shown the sense, feeling, 
and patriotism which are now common among UP. 
You have spoken of the ancient town whose ' robe 
of stone ' has been violated, you have execrated .the 
Satanic science that was arrayed against us, you have 
defended with your great pen our ideals, traditions, 
genius. And like the rest of us, you will have no 
peace until this horror is conjured forever from the 
human horizon." 

Anatole France looked at the speaker in great 
wonder and bewilderment. " You, my other self, 
have made me say all this. Who are you, brother? " 

And the Imp of the Perverse answered : " My 
other name is the Spirit of Reality." 





The American Press Since the Armistice 

UNDERSTAND the temper and direction of 
American newspaper opinion since that far-away 
day, November n, 1918, it is imperative briefly to 
review the public opinion of this country for the 
period just before the end of hostilities. When the 
armistice actually came, the American press like 
the American public was intellectually unprepared 
for it; for nineteen months we had been living in 
a fictitious and unreal world of war hysteria, and 
the corrective of suffering had as yet been only 
feebly administered. Quite aside from the Espion- 
age Act, which of itself inevitably forced a homo- 
geneity of opinion, the American press as a whole 
merely reflected the mood of the country that the 
Germans were devils in human form and the begin- 
ning and end of all things were to smash them. 
The good man, bad man theory of our regular 
political life our manner of carrying over religious 
emotions into political contests, otherwise purely 
formal struggles between the " ins " and the " outs " 
had successfully given the direction to popular 
conceptions of foreign policy. Germany became the 
unregenerate and wicked sinner nation (or in more 
nai've minds, the Kaiser, as a symbol of his nation), 
and our war problem was the really simple problem 
of how to crush that nation. President Wilson's 
attempt to distinguish between the German Govern- 
ment and the German people had never really fired 
popular imagination; indeed, even if it had, our 
patriotic organizations throughout the country 
would have seen to it that the distinction was quickly 
forgotten. Since long before the armistice most of 
our regular newspapers had merely aped the worst 
form of current Northcliffian vulgarity: the ignor- 
ance and provincialism of the ordinary newspaper 
editor's views of foreign relations was almost as 
ludicrous as the German foreign office's idea of the 
psychology of the American people. Propagandists, 
like Cheradame (now busily attacking the League 
of Nations and threatening to undermine President 
Wilson by appealing to disgruntled Republican Sen- 
ators in America to start a backfire against him) 
were gravely accepted as prophets, just as the weekly 
discussions of the " military experts " were taken 
seriously by many good citizens. The liberal news- 
papers as, for instance, the Evening Post of New 
York (before its change of ownership), and the 
Springfield Republican and the liberal magazines 
were frightened into timidity by the wave of mass 
opinion. To suggest that any of the Allies, or 
rather, that any of the members of the Governments 
of the Allies, had anything except the purest and 

highest of motives was (aside from the possibility 
of letting oneself in for a term in jail) to be guilty 
of vile pro-Germanism. Even to suggest, on the 
other hand, that Germany might have a revolution 
was regarded dubiously, for there was a kind of 
hidden fear of a real revolution in Germany. All 
newspapers gave lip service to the revolution and 
announced that if it did happen they would welcome 
it; actually they feared it, and hence said it was im- 
possible. For a revolution would have meant the 
end of the war, and hardly anyone really wanted 
the war to end just when it did. Even pacifists, if 
they are honest, will confess that the sudden termina- 
tion of hostilities was somewhat irritating. There 
is a deep instinct in all of us which resents making 
elaborate preparations for something which doesn't 
happen, even if that something is suffering and war. 
We did not quite like, to use a popular phrase, hav- 
ing an army all dressed up and no place to go. 

But Germany committed the ultimate sin she 
surrendered. And art editorial writer of the New 
York Tribune honestly confessed that never again 
would his morning coffee have quite the savor it had 
had during the glorious four years of blood-letting. 
The war had ended. Everybody knew that. It was 
only several days later that we discovered that Ger- 
many had not. Some 80,000,000 of Germans were 
still alive; Berlin and Munich were still on the map ; 
the fact of Germany as a nation had not been over- 
come by the signing of the armistice. This was 
really too difficult and embarrassing! But if Ger- 
many had so unkindly robbed us of the opportunity 
of punishing her by force of arms, we still could 
punish her in the peace terms. The mood of the 
pre-armistice days inevitably persisted for a con- 
siderable period. If our war problem had been to 
smash everything German, our peace problem was 
how to inflict adequate punishment for crimes com- 
mitted. Our newspapers beguiled themselves with 
theories as to what was to be done to Germany, and 
busy arm-chair diplomatists spent hours carving up 
the map of Europe. Many newspapers started 
popular series like " How Shall the Kaiser Be Pun- 
ished? " and telegrams were sent all over 1 the coun- 
try asking the advice of leading citizens on this grave 
question of world policy. The severity of the armis- 
tice conditions somewhat relieved the tension. 
There was practically no criticism of these condi- 
tions, though they frankly shocked all European 
neutrals, who invariably compared the terms to the 
peace of Brest-Litovsk. American liberals contented 
themselves with pointing out that the armistice 



terms were not the peace terms. The newspapers 
as a whole delightedly approved. Even the New 
York World, which since has become a fairly liberal 
paper, wrote on November 12, "Terms less severe 
would not have met the situation at all." This 
followed the very sensible observation that " De- 
mocracy will establish no enduring peace except as 
it shall be generous and just." In most places, 
merely ignorance and malice; in others, good inten- 
tions with no realistic criticism of how to make 
those intentions effective. Compare, for instance, 
the World's admonition to be generous with an 
editorial in a Danish paper of the same day : 

After the capitulation of Paris in 1871, the victors were 
at pains immediately ! to facilitate transport so that the 
famishing population might be provided with food. But 
the Allies are not following the example of 1871. On 
the contrary, the pressure is being intensified by the con- 
ditions formulated in the armistice. Not only is the 
blockade maintained, but {simultaneously demands are 
made for the most important means of transport. We 
venture to hope that Solf's appeal, which describes the 
fearful gravity of the situation in simple and dignified 
words, will create an impression not only in Washington 
but also in London and Paris. Germany is rendered mili- 
tarily powerless by the other terms of the armistice in 
such a degree, and the Allies' victorious position is so 
completely insured that they might display a chivalrous 
magnanimity to an enemy in distress. 

But how was' this condition met by the Ameri- 
can press? With the skepticism which a long period 
of war-time emphasis upon the duplicity of all things 
German had rendered both unimaginative and un- 
discriminating. The New York Globe said suc- 
cinctly of Solf's appeal, " Same Old Germany." 
The American Women's National Committee said 
of the pathetic plea of the National Council of the 
Women of Germany to Mrs. Wilson and to Jane 
Addams, " It seems evident that this is just another 
piece of German trickery." The New York World 
headed an editorial on the subject: " i) Order; 2) 
Food; 3) Peace." This, when it is obviously the 
sensible thing to say that you cannot have order 
without food and peace as precedent conditions. 
Mr. Hoover had to explain how reluctant he was 
to give food to Germany, while most newspapers 
assumed an attitude which was not far from what 
might be summed up in the phrase, " Let 'em 
starve." It was really difficult for most American 
editors to imagine that even German hunger was 
anything more than another " trap." Begging for 
food must be either whining or hypocrisy. Many 
newspapers received glowing accounts from their 
correspondents in the occupied regions of course 
luncheons, with real meat and butter, at less than 
Paris prices. Emphasis was laid upon the extraor- 
dinary success of the last German harvest. Of 
course editors 'do not take the trouble to read much 
pf the news, but considering the gravity of the 

situation it really would seem that they might have 
informed themselves from undisputed official docu- 
ments of the frightful malnutrition in many parts 
of Germany and of the shocking statistics of in- 
crease in the rate of infant mortality and suscep- 
tibility to infectious diseases, especially tuberculosis. 
And their skepticism came with special bad grace 
from editors who every other week during the 
course of the war took pains to write an article 
showing Germany on the verge of collapse through 
starvation. In a word, they were more preoccupied 
with morale than with facts. If Germany appeared 
for a few months to have the military upper hand, 
then morale was strengthened by pointing out that 
nobody need be worried because she really couldn't 
go on another month. If Germany became in a 
military sense helpless, then the morale necessary for 
the imposition of harsh terms was strengthened by 
proving that she was a land flowing with milk and 
honey, and that therefore there was no need for 
going easy with her. 

In the case of the food question this technique 
after a few weeks lost its effectiveness. For the 
shadow of Bolshevism hovered over Germany, and 
the increasing tendency of the revolution towards 
the Left could only be explained by famine. This 
gradually became the popular view. But here again 
the pre-armistice dogmas which editors of news- 
papers had done so much to promulgate persisted 
to embarrass them. Until the recent elections in 
Germany, most newspaper editors were torn between 
their desire to support the Ebert Government as 
the one protection against the Spartacides and their 
desire to prove that the members of the Ebert Gov- 
ernment were really all " the same old gang " and 
no more to be trusted than the Hohenzolierns. For 
the myth that whatever any German did must have 
behind it some evil ulterior motive had been so 
drilled into American public opinion that it was 
difficult to find any reason for sanctioning anybody 
in Berlin. There is such a thing as damning too 
indiscriminately. Gradually, however, the mere 
force of events made the editorial writers abandon 
the technique of juggling with the food question 
and haltingly admit that perhaps the Ebert Govern- 
ment might be strengthened by allowing it to pur- 
chase food. This, it was stated, was necessary to 
protect the German people from the dangerous in- 
fluence of the fanatic Liebknecht (the hero of the 
war, when he served the Allies' purpose), by whom 
they were being exploited. This ironic vacillation 
was continued until, for a few brief days in Jan- 
uary, it appeared that the Spartacan revolt might 
be successful. Then opinion became frank and 
open. " Unless," wrote the New York Globe on 



January 9, " the forces of order and democracy in 
Germany are able to re-establish control there is no 
option but to send forward liberating troops." The 
New York Evening Sun of earlier date had calmly 
stated, " There may remain no choice to the Allies 
save to pacify the country and turn it over to a 
sobered and stable popular government inspired 
by the judgment of the citizens, not by the pas- 
sions of the mob." Many newspapers advocated 
the occupation of all large German cities a 
bayonet in one hand and a loaf of bread in an- 
other, as one newspaper explained the method of 
bringing real democracy to Germany. The recent 
exhibition of impatience at the slowness of de- 
mobilization by the men of all armies has some- 
what modified the editorial popularity of this 
view; it is now hoped that by economic concessions 
of one sort and another the German revolution can 
be guided into the safe channels of imitation of 
Western democracies. How, it is now asked, can 
Germany pay indemnities unless she is in position 
to work off her debt? To make Germany strong 
enough to pay and weak enough not to be a menace 
that is the paradox which our editors are now 
trying to resolve after many weeks of attempting 
to get both contradictory things at the same time. 
How are these aims to be accomplished? 

Here we touch upon the whole subject of the 
League of Nations. Public opinion is being grad- 
ually swung around into warm favor of it. To be 
sure, some reactionary and incurably nationalistic 
papers like the Chicago Tribune do not want a 
League of Nations any more than they want Presi- 
dent Wilson's fourteen points to become effective. 
On January 17 the Tribune wrote: " The fourteen 
points were good fighting points, taking it by and 
large; but are they good peace points? Probably 
not. The first one wasn't, as we have seen. 
Thirteen remain. It's an unlucky number." And 
the next day the same paper referred flippantly to 
the thirty-eight or more different kinds of Leagues 
of Nations under consideration at Paris. But jin- 
goism of this type is exceptional for, after all, most 
of the heated criticism of the league idea in the 
Senate is of the partisan kind. Even the New York 
Times, which no one would accuse of radicalism, 
mildly reproved Marshal Foch for his statement 
that the Rhine was the " natural " defense of France, 
pointing out the best defense of France lay in the 
international guarantees of economic boycott and 
the like implicit in any effective League of Nations. 
All liberal papers and those with even a slight liberal 
bias quite warmly approve the idea: only the ex- 
tremists at both ends are disgruntled. But criticism 
of what a League of Nations should be like or how 

it should function, or realistic considerations of the 
difficulties that stand in the way, are appallingly 
infrequent. For here we touch, I think, one of the 
fundamental defects of American newspaper edi- 
torial writing namely, an almost perverse un- 
willingness or inability (or both) to face the facts. 
Not to envisage any other kind of league except 
that which includes only nations like ourself is an 
understandable intellectual astigmatism. That only 
" stable " democratic governments of our type, based 
upon the principle that " the will of the people " 
must be expressed by local self-government instead 
of free association by economic union, are to come 
in is merely conventional lack of imagination. But 
let me cite three examples from the New York 
Globe, typical of many others in different journals, 
of downright stupidity. 

In an attempt to exonerate Italy from any im- 
perialistic ambitions the Globe, in an editorial dated 
January 7, 1919, states inter alia: " Italy has been 
industriously misrepresented by those who are seek- 
ing to serve Teutonism and Bolshevism, those twin 
evils of the world." But the Globe's own corre- 
spondent in Paris, Mr. John F. Bass, in a dispatch 
printed on the first page of the Globe on November 
23, wrote, "At the present moment the action of 
one of the powers of the entente [Italy] is threaten- 
ing the possible peace of Europe." The dispatch 
went on to accuse Italy of doing a very serious 
thing breaking the terms of the armistice she had 
solemnly signed with Austria. And on December 
1 6, 1918, another dispatch from the same corre- 
spondent spoke of the disruptive effects of the secret 
treaties, with especial emphasis on Italian unjust 
claims. Will the editor of the Globe say that his 
own correspondent is seeking to serve Teutonism 
and Bolshevism? Or can it-be that he does not read 
his own newspaper? Or that if he does, he does 
not understand what words mean? Another ex- 
ample: on December 19 the Globe had an editorial 
discussing the Brest-Litovsk treaty in which oc- 
curred this sentence : " The world absolves Rou- 
mania, for she was flat on her back, but Russia was 
not similarly hopeless." This is such a plain mis- 
statement of proved fact (admitted even by those 
who detest the Bolsheviki) that one can only won- 
der how far ignorance can carry prejudice. A final 
example: in an editorial on January 2, 1919, the 
Globe tried to prove that Clemenceau did not urge 
a "balance of power" in the old sense. No; he 
urged a " preponderance of power." " Balance 
means a poise. Clemenceau through a coalition 
would have no poise, but overwhelming weight with 
the democratic nations." Who could define this 
as intellectual honesty? 



February 8 

Yet distortion of the facts or ignorance of them 
is not confined to the editorial pages. It extends 
to the news columns and even to the headlines, 
where the caption is often at variance with the sub- 
sequent text. The news from Russia furnishes 
plenty of examples. The New York Times, for 
instance, solemnly reprinted Tchicherin's note to 
President Wilson as a document secretly circulated 
about the city weeks after it had appeared in the 
December Liberator, where anyone could have read 
it for himself. So skeptical has the average reader 
now become that even accredited dispatches are dis- 
trusted, the popular attitude being, " Better wait a 
few days; they'll be contradicting it a week from 
now." That mysterious creature, the man in the 
street, is tired of trying to determine how the Soviet 
Government is collapsing on one day and is a world 
menace the next; of reading on the first page of the 
New York Times an Associated Press dispatch inti- 
mating clearly that one of the reasons the Allies and 
ourselves had decided to invite the Soviet officials to 
a meeting was because their strength was too formid- 
able to be ignored, and then of reading on the edi- 
torial page of the same paper that the real reason 
they had been invited was because the Soviet Gov- 
ernment was going out of existance rapidly ; of being 
told that Admiral Kolchak and Generals Somanoff 
and Horwarth are representatives of democracy; of 
learning that Lenin has been arrested in Moscow 
and has landed in Spain on the same day. 

It is held, however, that recently there has 
been a reaction in the newspaper world towards 
fairness and liberalism. There is a certain amount 
of justice in the claim. Many newspapers have 
taken up the cudgels for a square deal for Russia 
and for uncensored news from that country. Papers 
like the Springfield Republican and the New York 
World have somewhat timidly backed Wilson in 
his liberal policies. Inevitably, as the pressure of 
hard facts increases and we emerge from the cloud 
of war rhetoric into the sharper realities of inter- 
national trade competition, problems of demobiliza- 
tion, and labor unrest, many of our newspapers will 
return to something like common sense. But the 
evidence is all against our Coming out of the war 
with anything like an enlightened or forceful liberal 
opinion in our newspapers. The effect of the Es- 
pionage Act has been psychologically disastrous it 
has caused any real differences of opinion to disap- 
pear and has made political discussion in a popular 
sense jejune and tepid. Where liberal opinion exists 
it is spasmodic, half-hearted, and at cross-purposes. 

We have nothing in this country to compare with 
the two English liberal newspapers, the Manchester 
Guardian and the London Daily News. When the 

most momentous decisions of history are being made, 
we are left without any liberal newspaper guidance. 
The record of American newspaper opinion since 
the armistice raises again the disturbing question of 
what is the function of the press in a democracy. 
Where local affairs of immediate interest are con- 
cerned the press is subject to a constant corrective. 
People find out the facts for themselves and cannot 
be long imposed upon. But in foreign affairs where 
ignorance and apathy are the rule for the great mass 
of people, the power of the press is practically om- 
nipotent. It is almost as great as that of the Church 
in the old days and certainly greater than the power, 
of the State itself today indeed, the governing 
power of the State is the creature of that mightier 
power of publicity. Nor does this power of publicity 
reside chiefly or even to a small degree in the edi- 
torial " guidance " given its readers by the daily 
press; it lies rather in the direction and color given 
to opinions by its entire treatment of the news, by 
what it leaves out as fully as what it prints. The 
question of the relation of the press to govern- 
mental propaganda in time of war especially in a 
democracy has been raised sharply for America in 
the last fourteen months. In a country as large as 
our own a rumor can be started and never caught up 
with by the belated denials. Most of our larger 
cities west of the Alleghenies have but one or 
two morning newspapers compared with the many 
party organs of a simpler and less highly cen- 
tralized day. The independent local editor has 
been replaced by a small business man who makes 
use of syndicated material and " boiler-plate " edi- 
torials and cartoons prepared at some central office. 
The great news-gathering agencies, without which 
any newspaper is merely a local or trade affair, can 
be counted on the fingers of one hand and are sub- 
ject to internal limitations. The power of censor- 
ship over news and the readiness of the public to 
swallow all sorts of lies about foreign affairs have 
revealed a weapon which is too good for the finan- 
cial and interested parties to miss. In England 
careful observers declare that the Government itself 
is but the whim of the " stunt " press. In America 
that result seems more remote, although after our 
recent experience with our newspapers it must be 
reckoned a danger. A little more accentuation of 
the present tendency towards consolidation, and the 
press can easily dictate the kinds of national cam- 
paigns which must succeed. That this is a mockery 
of what we mean by democracy goes without saying. 
Without free opinion and free expression of that 
opinion, without a minority opposition which com- 
mands respect, so-called self-government is a failure. 




The Laughter of Detachment 

k N OBJECT of humor must be both of us and apart 
from us. A meteor, for instance, is too remote from 
our life to be a matter of jest; on the other hand, 
our mother is too near to us. But a mud pie or a 
mother-in-law combine the alien and familiar in the 
piquant proportions to be traditionally humorous. I 
dislike lugging in serious philosophers to testify in 
so pleasant a matter as humor, but I suppose I owe 
it to Bergson to say that he explains that human 
things are laughable in exact proportion as they are 
machinelike, that is, alien. This recipe for humor 
is obviously easier to understand than to carry out, 
for a multitude of conditions and forces conspire to 
prevent us from withdrawing sufficiently from life 
to afford us even a wan smile. Of course, it is easy 
in our human relations to laugh at a stranger. Our 
primitive blood-lust takes care of that; indeed it is 
difficult to refrain. It is likewise easy to become 
amused at alien peoples, providing their civilization 
is sufficiently below or above our own to afford little 
in common. We smirk at the Hindu, and the 
Eskimo undoubtedly smirks back at us. This sort 
of fun-making at the foreigner, which concentrates 
on his unfamiliar habits and relies on the minimum 
of similarity running through all mankind to keep 
the raillery at a smiling point, is only one step above 
plain belligerency. One word too much and the 
, smile is a snarl. There is that famous occasion 
when Mark Twain directed Paul Bourget's atten- 
tion to the efforts Americans make to find out who 
their grandfathers were, and Frenchmen their 
fathers. Bourget got all heated up over it. 

We can also laugh with considerable ease at the 
things at home which we dislike, for our antagon- 
ism, if not too intense, furnishes the necessary alien- 
ation. In fact our laughter, in this case, indicates 
our hatred and our impotence to remove the object 
of it through direct action. This is often the ter- 
rible laughter of Swift and Juvenal. Thoughtful 
men admire the courage and judgment required to 
condemn an age; perhaps they regret the weakness 
this laughter betrays. Often, indeed, their hatred 
pushes its theme so far from their sympathies that 
the note of pure belligerency hardly fails to domi- 
nate; and we write them down for satirists. Their 
phrases are a jester's bauble to begin with, and in 
the end a naked sword. The satirist occasionally 
fools us in our bent toward mocking strangers by 
throwing a mask of unfamiliarity over contemporary 

life. So Gulliver goes traveling in foreign climes, 
and Montesquieu writes letters from Persia. How- 
ever, the satirist is never fully honest; he always 
makes a partial reservation in favor of himself. He 
can laugh a world to scorn, but he somehow leaves 
the impression that he fortunately doesn't belong to 
that world. The rub comes when we attempt a 
withdrawal from our own life and our own interests. 
In addition to the pressure of the age, the trampling 
forces of the herd, entrenched conventions and tra- 
ditions, barrage fires of invested privilege, we meet 
the supreme enemy in our own ego. There is* a , 
dignity in mocking the universe Satan found it. 
There is exaltation in a magnificent and inclusive 
opposition; we equate the cosmos with ourself by 
the apposition. But to expose our own little person 
to the pitiless bolts of humor demands a rare soul. 
Yet only through this exposure of self does the 
humor we cast upon the rest of the world become 
noble and regenerative. There is necessary the 
courage of heroes and the humility of saints and 
something more, for heroes and saints are not notori- 
ously humorous. Even in their sacrifices lingers a 
residue of reserve, a prejudice for their own cause. 

I can perhaps make clear the extraordinary de- 
tachment of the humorist by saying that he attains 
a cosmic point of view. From the promontory of a 
fixed star he observes our world and his own ridicu- 
lously obscure place in the poor stream of humanity, 
while the bond of sjanpathy necessary for humorous 
expression becomes as tenuous as ether and yet as 
universal as space. In these moments the humorist 
shares with the philosopher that primary wonder 
which is the mother of speculation. This philosophic 
wonder, as Schopenhauer phrases it, " becomes a sad 
astonishment, and, like the overture to Don Giovanni, 
philosophy," together with cosmic humor, " begins 
with a minor chord." Adversity and disillusionment 
are the classic guides to this lone observatory where 
the real wonderland is situate, and 'it is their com- 
panionship which gives our great humorists an un- 
relinquishable sadness, and which seasons their 
laughter with the salt of tears. 

This cosmic watchtower is never far away ; at any 
moment one may stumble upon it. Okakura Kakuza 
assures us it can be reached in the cult of Tea which 
" is the noble secret of laughing at yourself, calmly 
yet thoroughly, and is thus humor itself the smile 
of philosophy." There you can " dream of evanes- 


February 8 

ence and linger in the beautiful foolishness of things." 
There is no reason for presuming that Mark Twain 
frequented this ghostly station on the peak of the 
universe more often than any other humoristic specu- 
lator indeed, I have a suspicion Rabelais built him- 
self an inn on the very crest, near the spot where 
Aristophanes used to shy pebbles at Olympus but 
no other has left us such wealth of biographic detail 
in the way of reminiscence, chronicles, and letters 
to indicate these excursions in disillusionment. His 
Letters, arranged by Albert Bigelow Paine (2 vols., 
Harper; $4), particularly reveal him in his freest 
speculative mood, and because this mood is the 
Parnassus of his merry brotherhood, the present two 
' volumes hold an assured place on the uncertain 
border between literature and philosophy. Again, 
Mark Twain was happy in the possession of friends 
who invited freedom of expression: Howells, who 
is an old lounger-about at that cosmic rendezvous; 
" Joe " Twitchell, no slouch himself at mountain- 
eering in those laughter-swept heights; and a host 
of free men whom Twain met during seventy-five 
years of pilgrimaging in a world of Innocents. 

I began to reread the letters for quotation at this 
point, but, when I had earmarked forty in less than 
as many minutes, I saw that the best thing to do was 
to tell anyone interested to go through the two 
volumes himself. He will learn what Howells 
meant by the " bottom of fury " existing in Mark's 
fun and what I mean exists in all great fun when 
he reads, as Howells once did: 

I have been reading the morning paper. I do it every 
morning well knowing that I shall find in it the usual 
depravities and basenesses and hypocrisies and cruelties 
that make up civilization, and cause me to put in the 
rest of the day pleading for the damnation of the hum^n 
race. I cannot seem to get my prayers answered, yet I 
do not despair. 

As an example of this sort of civilization, the Boer 
War was of course " nuts " for the author of Tom 
Sawyer. We need his lightnings today. 

Privately speaking, this is a sordid and criminal war, 
and in every way shameful and excuseless. Every day 
I write (in my head) bitter magazine articles about it, 
but I have to stop with that. For England must not fall ; 
it would mean an inundation of Russian and German 
political degradations which would envelop the globe. 
. . . . Even wrong and she is wrong England must 
be upheld. Why <was the human race created ? Or at 
least why wasn't something creditable created in place 
of it? God had his opportunity. He could have made 
a reputation. But no, He must commit this grotesque 
folly a lark which must have cost him a regret or two 
when He came to think it over and observe effects. . . . 

It was my intention to make some disparaging remarks 
about the human race ; and so I kept this letter open for 
that purpose . . .but I can do better for I can snip 
out of the Times various samples and side-lights which 

bring the race down to date, and expose it as of yester- 
day. If you will notice, there is seldom a telegram in 
a paper which fails to show up one or more members 
and beneficiaries of our Civilization as promenading in 
his shirt-tail, with the rest of his regalia in the wash. 

I love to see the holy ones air their smug pieties and 
admire them and smirk over them, and at the same mo- 
ment frankly and publicly show their contempt for the 
pieties of the Boer confidently expecting the approval 
of the country and the pulpit, and getting it. 

I notice that God is on both sides in this war; thus 
history repeats itself. But I am the only person who has 
noticed this; everybody here thinks He is playing the 
game for this side, and for this side only. 

This could be the scolding of a satirist if there 
were not behind it the cosmic view that lumped 
mankind with himself: 

Am I finding fault with you and the rest of the popu- 
lace 1 ? No I assure you I am not. For I know the 
human race's limitations, and this makes it my pleasant 
duty to be fair to it. Each person in it is honest in one 
or several ways, but no member of it is honest in all the 
ways required by by what? By his own standard. 
Outside of that, as I look at it, there. is no obligation 
upon him. 

Am I honest? I give you my word of honor (private) 
I am not. . . . Yes, even I am dishonest. Not in 
many ways, but in some. Forty-one, I think it is. We 
are certainly all honest in one or several ways every 
man in the world though I have reason to think I am 
the only one whose black-list runs so light. Sometimes I 
feel lonely enough in this lofty solitude. 

To command these impersonal vistas requires a 
certain innocence of heart that we associate with 
adolescence, when the world first reveals itself to 
the heart of the child. Mrs. Clemens always called 
her husband " Youth." Time and again he saw 
himself as though for the first time with gaping, 
chuckling wonder. And simultaneously he would 
boast and mock. He once concluded a ten paragraph 
sketch of his life with the gay confession, " I have 
been an author for twenty years and an ass for 
fifty-five." This is no more the disillusionment of 
age than the following, written in the flush of 
twenty-eight, is the callow cynicism of youth : " If I 
were not naturally a lazy idle good-for-nothing vaga- 
bond, I could make it [journalism] pay me $20,000 
a year. But I don't suppose I shall ever be any 
account. I lead an easy life, though . . . and I 
am proud to say I -am the most conceited ass in the 
Territory." Both are quick and keen glances at 
himself from the top of the universe. 

The final detachment comes when we separate 
ourself not only from mankind and from our own 
person but from the tyranny of time. This measures 
the height of our withdrawal as plainly as the snow 
line on a mountain. Our detachment from time, 
however, is never complete ; here our sympathies are 
hardest to subdue, and often the mere consciousness 
of the tragedy of years is as near as we can come 
to freedom from it. Under the date of January 22, 
1898, Twain writes: 



Dear Howells: Look at these ghastly figures. I used 
to write it "Hartford, 1871" . . . and how much 
lies between . . . you speak of the glorious days of 
that old time and they were. Ifs my quarrel that 
traps like these are set. 

Perhaps the gist of the humor, pathos, and pene- 
trating vision of cosmic detachment are concentrated 
in the lines he once wrote " Joe " Twitchell: 

Well, we are all getting along here first-rate; Livy 
gains strength daily, and sits up a deal ; the baby is five 
weeks old and but no more 'of this; somebody may be 

reading this letter 80 years hence. And so, my friend 
(you pitying snob, I mean, who are holding this yellow 
paper in your hand in 1960) save yourself the trouble 
of looking further ; I know how pathetically trivial our 
small concerns will seem to you, and I will not let your 
eye profane them. No, I keep my news ; you keep your 
compassion. Suffice it you to know, scoffer and ribald, 
that the little child is old and blind, now, and once more 
toothless; and the rest of us are shadows, these many, 
many years. Yes, and your time cometh ! 

I suppose, Boswell, you recognize Johnson's 

Remaking the Past 

HAVE BEEN taught that the past is gone be- 
yond recall and that the future is ours to command. 
But this is one of the bundle of untruths that con- 
stitutes the moral instruction of youth. We have 
learned, all too painfully, that nerve cell, environ- 
ment, and the cumulative sweep of change are mak- 
ing a rigid future which we can neither determine 
nor anticipate; that " what is to be will be." It is 
the past which is ours. Memory is short and un- 
certain, records are voluminous and fragmentary, 
and we can make of what is gone very much what 
we like. 

Evidently it will not do for each one of us to 
create for himself our national past. So very re- 
luctantly we entrust that work to the historians. 
They still talk as if the past were the result of the 
skill and cunning of Franklin, Lincoln, Hanna, and 
James J. Hill, and without doubt such " historical " 
persons had something to do with it. But the past 
which lives in our minds and animates our conduct 
is much more the result of the craft of Fiske, Osgood, 
Rhodes, and Becker, and even more the compiler of 
the school history. If the historians give us the 
truth, we accept the labors of their minds and 
thumbs. If they give us a story we do not like, or 
can not understand, or one that is untrue, others 
can be found who will say truthful and acceptable 
things. Of course there is a minimum of issue, in- 
cident, character, and event, which the most obliging 
maker of the past cannot avoid. But this gives zest 
to his game rather than restricts his art. Within the 
limits the stores are ample and varied enough for 
the purpose. An issue can be variously formulated ; 
the meaning of an incident can not be exhausted; 
the fulness of personality cannot be absorbed by a 
pen-picture; and the actuality of an event ramifies 
unto the ends of the earth. The historian must not 
be denied his right to select, to infer, to assemble, 
to interpret. He must be allowed to satisfy his 
sense of proportion, of unity, of relation. He is 
obliged to write in terms that his readers can under- 

stand. Thus there is no sense of artifice in his ef- 
forts. Unconsciously he mistakes creation for ex- 
position and knows not himself as the maker of the 

Of the process of supplying the nation with a 
comfortable past there can be no end. The creations 
of an earlier period have been replaced by the 
" scientific " histories of yesterday. The past which 
they have made for us is on the whole quite satisfy- 
ing to the great democracy. The. shorter works, 
which are read, tell how consciously the men of old 
labored together in order that just such a society 
as we have now might exist. The larger ones, which 
are not, in their many volumes present mute testi- 
mony to the stupendous greatness of our past. But 
a small class of intellectuals, not at all representative 
of the healthy-minded nation, and rather fussy about 
things which they call " truth " and " reality," dis- 
like this. They demand a past created in the intel- 
lectual likeness of themselves. They insist that 
histories glorify rather than narrate ; that they select 
their materials by canons of social respectability; 
that they neglect matters of significance of which 
only inferential evidence lies in the documents; that 
they try to picture the whole by getting together a 
mass of unrelated details; and that the artificial 
characters which run across their pages are animated 
by motives which are a combination of the spirit of 
Regulus and Paul's advice to the Corinthians. They 
insist that those who profess to be writing history 
based upon " the facts " and " free from any 
philosophical bias whatever " are merely deluding 
themselves into doing uncritical work. They insist 
that there can be no " scientific " history without 
cognizance of what the humanistic sciences have to 
teach of human motives and conduct. They demand 
a history conscious of its problems, and one whose 
assumptions square with the latest conclusions of 
psychology, economics, and sociology. They demand 
a past that is true and intelligible to people who 
babble about " economic determinism," " pragma- 



February 8 

tisra," "human behavior," and "social guidance." 
To one anxious to see what stuff our latest past is 
being made of and how the materials are put to- 
gether The Eve of the Revolution: a chronicle of 
the Breach with England, by Carl Becker (Chron- 
icles of America Series Yale University. Press; 
$3.50) is to be commended. Its appeal is alike in 
theme and authorship. Few episodes can vie with 
the breach with England in tempting the latter- 
day historian. It is a convenient thread whereon to 
hang a theory that attempts to fathom the mystery 
of human conduct. It offers a practical test of the 
influence of the economic motive in history. It 
gives a chance to see Americans of another age else- 
where than on dress parade. It shows something of 
the way in which incidents somehow get tied to- 
gether into what later is mistaken for a historical 
sequence. The name of the author is equally invit- 
ing. It is guarantee of a sprightly style, happy 
phrasing, and a disproof of Thoreau's dictum, " The 
sun never shines in history." Even better, no his- 
torian of the present day knows more clearly what 
he is about, is more sensitive to the nature of his 
materials, or is more artful in their use. The book 
is a type of a new class of historical works which 
bids fair to become increasingly numerous and 

In form the book is a simple, straightforward 
narrative with never a word about " motives " or 
" conduct " or "causation." Like a good workman 
the author keeps his craft knowledge to himself or 
expounds it elsewhere. He presents a rapidly mov- 
ing and entertaining volume of incident, quotation, 
and comment.' This runs from 1757, when Frank- 
lin was " ordered home " to England, to the Dec- 
laration of Independence in 1776. He attempts 
" to convey to the reader, not a record of what men 
did, but a sense of how they thought and felt about 
what they did." The thread about which doings 
and thought and feelings move is the conventional 
one of stamp tax, protest, and repeal; of customs 
duties, non-importation, and tax on tea ; of the rights 
of colonists, of Englishmen in America, and of men ; 
and of the other matters indigenous to the sequel. 
The narrative quality is so well sustained that even 
amid disputation and polemic the reader would ac- 
count the story only an interesting episode well told, 
were it not for the author's reference to it in his 
preface as " an enterprise of questionable ortho- 

Perhaps this confession of heresy is a mere device 
for tempting the reader. None the less it raises the 
question of the element of novelty in the past as Mr. 
Becker fabricates it. It is not to be found in the 
sequence of incident, in the event, in the backbone 

of the story. It lies rather in a creative or, if you 
will, a selective touch deftly applied to issue, inci- 
dent, and character. Note the setting for the ac- 
tion. To the dignitaries of an imperial British 
government " colonial rights " are incidental to a 
schedule in a tax bill. But American aristocrats 
" clothed themselves " in " the homespun garb, half 
Roman and half Puritan, of a virtuous republican- 
ism," and " stamped small matters " with " great 
character." Or observe how Mr. Becker shapes the 
issues. He quotes from George Seville, " Our 
trade is hurt; what the devil have you been doing? 
For our part we don't pretend to understand your 
politics and American matters, but our trade is hurt ; 
pray remedy it, and a plague on you if you won't." 
He observes that a pamphlet of " twenty-three small 
pages," written by Mr. Soame Jenyns, in answer to 
the arguments of the colonists, was " highly satis- 
factory to himself and doubtless to the average read- 
ing Briton who understood constitutional matters 
best when they were humorously expounded in 
pamphlets that could be had for sixpence." He 
shows how Hutchinson, and for that matter many 
another pamphleteer, loyal or liberal, arrived at con- 
clusions which were identical with his assumptions, 
but none the less satisfying for all of that. And he 
points out how repeatedly during the quarrel the 
colonists pronounced themselves " humble and loyal 
subjects," " dutiful children," " yielding in loyalty 
to none." 

The author's creative touch is even more in evi- 
dence in portraying the men who took part in the 
incidents. He pictures the industrious Ben Frank- 
lin, " Friend of the Human Race," charged with an 
important mission to England and yet spending two 
months " more uselessly than ever he could remem- 
ber " in deciding what boat to take. He implies 
that the Sage's return from the mother country, 
postponed month by month until five years had 
rolled around, was delayed largely by his overfond- 
ness for " interesting and agreeable conversation." 
Grenville is to him " a dry, precise man ... al- 
most always right in little matters." John Adams, 
a rising young lawyer, who was " just on the point 
of making a reputation and winning a competence," 
when trouble over the stamp act led to the closing 
of the courts, insisted that " This execrable project 
was set on foot for my ruin as well as that of Amer- 
ica in general." His description of Samuel Adams, 
the personal ingredient most essential to the Revolu- 
tion, indicates' where the sources of great events 
sometimes lie. S. Adams was " a poor provider." 
" For business " he " was without any aptitude 
whatever, being entirely devoid of the acquisitive 
instinct, and neither possessing nor ever being able 




to acquire any skill in the fine art of inducing people 
to give for things more than it cost to make them." 
He was a well-known member of the " Caucus 
Club," founded in the likeness of the " Caulkers 
Club " of his father's day, which had existed for. the 
purpose of laying " plans for introducing certain 
persons into places of trust and power." The 
Copley portrait might be supplemented by another 
representing him " placed in Tom Dawes's garret, 
dimly seen through tobacco smoke, sitting, with coat 
off, drinking flip, in the midst of Uncle Fairfield, 
Story, Cooper, and a rudis indigestaque moles" the 
while he devised schemes for making " Brutuses of 
the men of Boston." 

Beneath this easy narrative the stuff of which 
Mr. Becker remakes the past displays itself. It con- 
sists of act, thought, and feeling, in every tem- 
poral sequence in which the three can be arranged. 
The incident to the British ministerial mind was a 
mighty matter when eyed by the colonial aristocrat. 
The issue which separated residents of the mother 
country and colonists and rent each into parties and 
factions was an ever changing one. As the matter 
in dispute came to be newly formulated, colonists 
shifted from one to the other side of the argument; 
those who quarreled with England meant by opposi- 
tion everything from submissive protest to open de- 
fiance; and many, too, even unto the last, remained 
in a " neither-nor " attitude. The incidents of the 
story, rather than the outcome, concerned most the 
actors. Together they lack much of being a record 
of a human purpose moving relentlessly to its con- 
summation. The actors are men of capacity and 
frailty. They respond to that within which makes 
one man different from another. They vary in sen- 
sitiveness to conventions of thought and conduct, to 
the sense of duty, and to their own material in- 
terests. They are wise and stupid, capable of under- 
standing others and too obstinate to try, prone alike 
to tolerance and jealousy. They are given to im- 
petuous action which they can afterwards defend as 
an expression of a well-thought-out purpose. They 
can selfishly respond to their own material interests 
and without manifest dishonesty vindicate their 
actions on high moral grounds. Their feeling that 
they were actors in a great drama came rather from 
a sense of their own importance than from a clear 
appreciation of the event which emerged from their 
activities. The independence which came to them 
was a by-product of much concern with immediate 
things. It clothes polemic and shaken fist with ex 
post facto values alien alike to the man and the occa- 

It is the stuff of which Mr. Becker makes the 
past that one must take into account who would 

appraise his volume. In the matter of assessing 
values the issue is clear. The honesty, workman- 
ship, and artistry of the author are beyond ques- 
tion. There is no quarrel over " facts." He has as 
many as he needs; his picture would be spoiled by 
many more. He might insist as truthfully as the 
" scientific " historians that his art is that of per- 
sonal restraint, and that he " has allowed the facts 
to tell their own story." But he knows as well as 
the critic that the facts tell different stories for dif- 
ferent men. Something back of them is to be called 
up for judgment, a something that we may call " a 
conception of history." A judgment upon his work 
is a judgment upon a new adventure in history 

Manifestly the verdict will depend upon who 
makes it. Fortunately there are many historians 
and there is no reason why anyone should not have 
the past of America arranged according to his liking. 
There are the successors of Bancroft who see " the 
hand of God " guiding national development to ks 
consummation in the glorious present. There is 
McMaster with his curious mosaic that contains 
everything about the development of " the people " 
save the few things one wants to know. There is 
Channing with a collection of material far too large 
and miscellaneous to be turned into a past, but' 
which none the less he persists in using. There is 
Hart, weighing and assessing men and events by 
canons juggled out of a provincial conscience as if 
they werq: the cosmic verities themselves, and being 
" scientific " all the while. And there is Beard re- 
cording a clear-cut struggle between opposing eco- 
nomic groups, with property in the offing imparting 
values to events. 

As against these, and many others, the " new 
history," of which Mr. Becker's book is so valuable 
a type, will find readers. It will appeal to those 
who have acquired " modern notions " of human 
motives and conduct and what is meant by cause in 
history. They are likely to call his entertaining 
little volume, which contains statements that are 
not recorded in any document, " realism," the whil 
they hurl the charge of "romanticism " against the 
several tome atomic histories of the "scientific 
school." Books like his are filled with issues, inci- 
dents, and persons whom they can understand. 
And if at times they cannot escape the feeling that 
the author in his detachment is saying, " Interesting 
antics, these of the humans; watch them," they can 
forgive him for not furnishing a new refuge to the 
homeless economic man. But they cannot escape 
the conviction that there is quite a bit of Mr. Becker 
in the episode of the past which he has remade. 


i 3 8 


February 8 

Pelleas et Melisande 

"EBUSSY'S music is our own. All forms lie dor- 
mant in the soul, and there is no work of art actually 
foreign to us, nor can such a one appear, in all the 
future ages of the world. But the music of De- 
bussy is proper to us in our day as is no other. For 
it moved. in us before its birth, and afterward re- 
turned upon us like a release. Even at a first en- 
counter the style of Pelleas was mysteriously fa- 
miliar. All its novelty was but the sudden con- 
sciousness that we had always needed, say, such a 
rhythm, such a luminous chord, perhaps had even 
heard them faintly sounding in our imaginations. 
The music seemed old as our separate existences. It 
seemed an exquisite recognition of certain intense 
and troubling and appeasing moments. It seemed 
fashioned out of certain ineluctable moments that 
had budded out of our lives, ineffably sad and sweet, 
and had made us new, and set us apart. And, at the 
music's breath, at a half-whispered note, at the un- 
closing of a rhythm, the flowering of a cluster of 
tones out of the warm still darkness, they were 
arisen again in the fullness of their stature, and 
were become ours entirely. 

For the music of Debussy is proper to an im- 
pressionistically feeling age. Structurally it is a 
fabric of exquisite and poignant moments, each one 
of them full and complete in itself. The phrases 
contribute to the whole, compose a richly, clearly 
organized mass, and yet are independent, and sig- 
nificant in themselves. No chord, no phrase is sub- 
ordinate. Each one exists for the sake of its own 
beauty, occupies the universe for an instant, then 
merges and disappears. The harmonies are not, as 
in other music, preparations. They are apparently 
an end in themselves, flow in space and then change 
as a shimmering stuff changes hue. For all its 
golden earthiness, the style of Debussy is the most 
liquid and impalpable of musical styles. It is for- 
ever gliding, gleaming, melting, crystallizing for an 
instant in some savory phrase, then moving quiver- 
ingly onward. It is well-nigh edgeless. It seems 
to flow through our perceptions as water flows 
through fingers, and the iridescent bubbles that float 
upon it burst if we but touch them. It is forever 
suggesting water fountains and pools and glisten- 
ing sprays and the heaving bosom of the sea or the 
formless breath of the breeze and storms and per- 
fumes, or the play of sunshine and moonlight. At 
the bidding of Debussy the sound of the piano, 

usually but the ringing of flat-colored stones, be- 
comes rich and dense, seems to take on the prop- 
erties of satins and velvets and aromatic wines. At 
each new employment the pedal seems to wash a 
new tint over the keyboard. The orchestration of 
Debussy infallibly produces all that is cloudy and 
diaphanous in instrument. There is no other 
style that could have transmitted so faithfully the 
essential qualities of that most glimmering, floating 
of poems, L'Apres-midi d'un Faune. The fruity 
climbing of the chromatic flute, the drowsy pizzicati 
of the strings, the languorous sighing of the horn 
have caught, quite as magically as Mallarme's verses, 
the atmosphere of the daydream, the sleepy warmth 
of the sunshot grass, and the white wonder of arms 
and breasts and thighs. 

And yet, the music of Debussy is classically pre- 
cise and firm and knit. There is neither uncertainty 
nor mistiness in his form. His lyrical, shimmering 
structures are logically irrefragible. The line never 
hesitates, never becomes involved nor lost. It pro- 
ceeds directly, clearly, and passing through jewels 
and colors fuses them into a single mass. The music 
plots its curve sheerly, is always full of its own 
weight and timbre. It can be said, quite without 
exaggeration, that his best work omits nothing, neg- 
lects nothing, and that every component element 
has been justly treated. His little pieces occupy a 
space as completely as the most massive and im- 
passioned of compositions. It is just because of their 
formal purity that they succeeded in imparting the 
sensations intended in them. In the hands of others, 
in the hands of so many of Debussy's imitators, his 
style becomes confused and soft and unsubstantial. 
For the fluidity and the restlessness dominate them, 
whereas in Debussy these qualities are controlled by 
an indomitable love of clarity and concentration. 
For he is of the race of Moliere and Pascal and 
Verlaine. He is of the classical French traditions 
in his intolerance of all that is vague and murky 
and pointless, in his instinctive preference for what 
is aristocratically temperate and firm and reason- 
able. Despite the modern complexity of his spirit, 
his latter-day subtlety and delicacy and weariness, his 
mundane grace and finesse, he is neither spiritually 
soft nor uncertain. From the very commencement of 
his career he was nicely conscious of himself. Few 
musicians have been more sensible of their gift, bet- 
ter aware of its quality and limitations. He had a 



sureness of taste, a sense of fitness and values, that 
was rare and singular. It is just the superposition 
upon a subtle and sensuous nature of so classical a 
tendency that gives his music its character. For he 
could fix precisely the most elusive emotions, emo- 
tions that flow on the borders of consciousness, 
vaguely, and that most of us cannot grasp for very 
dizziness. For him the shadowy places of the soul 
were full of light. 

There are moments when this work, the fine fluid 
line of sound, the phrases that merge and pass and 
vanish into one another, become the gleaming rims 
that circumscribe vast darkling forms. For, not in- 
frequently, Debussy captured what is distinguished 
in the age's delight and tragedy. All its fine sensu- 
ality, its Eastern pleasure in the infinite daintiness 
and warmth of nature, all its sudden joyous dis- 
covery of color and touch that made men feel as 
though neither had been known before, are con- 
tained in this music. Debussy's art, too, is full of 
images of the "earth of the liquid and slumbering 
trees," the "earth of departed sunset," the "earth 
of the vitreous pour of the full moon just tinged 
with blue." It is full of material loveliness, plies 
itself to its innumerable forms to the somnolence 
of the Southern night, to the hieratic gestures of 
temple-dancers, to the fall of lamplight into the 
dark, the fantastic gush of fireworks, the romance 
of old mirrors and faded brocades and Saxony 
clocks, to the green young panoply of spring. And, 
just as it gives again the age's consciousness of the 
delicious shell of earth, so too it gives its sense of 
weariness and oppression and powerlessness. The 
century had been loud with blare and rumors and 
the vibration of movement, and man had apparently 
traversed vast distances, and explored titanic heights 
and abysmal depths. And yet, for all the glare, the 
earth was dark, darker perhaps because of the 
miasmic light, and the life of man seemed as ever 
a brief and sad and simple thing, the stretching of 
impotent hands, unable to grasp and hold; the in- 
terlacing of shadows; the unclosing, a moment be- 
fore nightfall, of exquisite and fragile blossoms. 
And this sense of the infirmity of life, the conscious- 
ness that it had no more than the significance of a 
dream with passing lights, or halting steps in the 
snow, or an old and half-forgotten story, had mixed 
a deep wistfulness and melancholy into the very 
glamour of the world, and had itself become heavier 
for all the loveliness. And both sentiments, the 
delicious and the oppressive, are caught in this music. 

If at times Debussy is so great a poet, it is because 

of his rare sensibility. Few musicians have felt with 
a greater tenderness, a greater poignancy. So de- 
cisively did the particular sentiments of his time 
obtain over Debussy, so fully did his music grow out 
of them, that he appears to stand in almost symboli- 
cal relationship to his day. In a fashion he is the 
artist most typical of it. He is amongst us fully. 
He is here in our midst, in the world of the city. We 
seem to know him as we know ourselves. He seems 
to live our manner of life, and there is no experi- 
ence of his that is not, intensified perhaps by his 
poet's gift, our own, or that cannot possibly become 
ours. He seems almost ourselves as he passes through 
the city's twilight, intent upon some errand which 
we too have gone, journeying a road which we our- 
selves have traveled. We know the room in which 
he lives, the moments that come upon him there in 
the silence of the lamp. For he has found there 
quintessence. Few musicians have been so persever- 
ingly essential, have managed to maintain their 
emotion at a height so steadily. Perhaps Bach 
and Moussorgsky alone have found phrases as 
pithy and inclusive as those with which Pelleas 
is strewn, phrases that in a few simple notes 
epitomize profound and fine emotions. There are 
moments in the work of Debussy in which each note 
opens a prospect. There are portions of Pelleas that 
are like those moments of human intercourse in 
which a single word unseals deep reservoirs. In- 
deed the most impassioned utterances of the drama, 
Melisande's half whispered "Pelleas! Pelleas!" in 
the turret scene, and the almost toneless avowal of 
love in the last scene by the fountain, nearly approach 
that silence which is the largest form of speech. 
And though the work is to a degree apart from all 
his others, ajid is indeed the ultimate flowering of 
his art, none of the remainder of his compositions, 
not even the slightest, is unworthy of it and devoid 
entirely of its fine poesy. He never doffs his singing- 
robes. His work is always the expression of pure 
and clear, often intense and incandescent, feeling. 
He always was aware of beauty, always revealed it. 
He never wrote ugly or dull or insignificant tones. In 
his brain, the thick-lipped sentiment of the coon-song, 
even, gets a delicacy, a humorous tenderness. A 
thing as trifling as the little waltz Le Plus Que Lent 
has a lissome grace and sweetness. Perhaps his 
music wants the exalted and majestic mystical tone 
of certain other music. Nevertheless it has a lumi- 
nous tenderness that is scarcely to be duplicated in 
musical art, perhaps only in the work of so rare and 
solitary a figure as Josquin. And tenderness, after 



February 8 

all, is the most intense of all emotions. 

A complex of determinants made of Pelleas et 
Melisande the most eloquent of all Debussy's works, 
and his eternal sign. Issuing as he did from the 
classical French tradition, abhorring overemphasis 
and speciousness and exaggeration, want of taste and 
lucidity, it was ordained that Debussy should turn 
upon the excesses of the Wagnerian music-drama 
and, fortified by the knowledge of Rameau's works, 
oppose his proper standards. His own deep sense 
of the French term and the possibility of its treat- 
ment in dramatic recitative almost compelled his re- 
volt to assume the form of an opera. Maeterlinck's 
little play afforded him his opportunity, offered it- 
self as a unique auxiliary. In itself it is by no means 
an insignificant piece of expression. It has the pro- 
portions, the accent, of the time. It too is full 
of a constant and overwhelming sense of the 
evanescence and flux of things, and establishes a 
thing by fixing its atmosphere. And this "vieille et 
triste legende de la foret" is filled with images the 
old and somber castle, inhabited by aging people, 
lying lost amid melancholy land and sunless forests ; 
the rose that blooms in the shadow underneath 
Melisande's casement; Melisande's hair that falls 
farther than her arms can reach that called a vital 
and profound response from Debussy's imagination. 
But it was the figure of Melisande herself that ulti- 
mately made him pour himself into the play, and 
intensify it into the perfect and poignant thing it is. 
This shadowy little drama permitted Debussy to 
give himself in the creation of his ideal image. It 
is Melisande that the music reveals from the moment 
that she rises from along the rocks in the mystery 
of her golden hair, perhaps from the very moment 
that the orchestra begins the work. The entire score 

is but what a man might feel towards a woman, a 
woman that was his, and yet was strange and mys- 
terious and unknown to him. There are moments 
when it is all that lies between two people, when 
it is the fullness of their knowledge. It is the per- 
fect sign and symbol of an experience. For this is 
what we ourselves have lived. 

Debussy's art could have no second climax. 
For it is a unit. His task was the establishment 
of a style. It was for that that he came into the 
world. It was in the order of things that, once his 
genius having assumed its definite form and received 
its definitive expression, the remainder of his music 
should be comparatively less important. It is not 
that the two series of Images for piano, or some of 
the later orchestral poems, or the music to Le Mar- 
tyre de Saint Sebastian, are not perfect and astound- 
ing pieces of work, and do not contain some of his 
loveliest ideas. It is only that they are the applica- 
tions to the medium of the piano and the orchestra of 
a style already achieved in Pelleas. There is not the 
progression in the art of Debussy which there is in 
Wagner's a progression which permitted the com- 
poser of the third act of Tristan to write Die Meis- 
tersinger and, afterward, Parsifal. Debussy's was an 
art, mature already in his quartet, that rounded it- 
self out during twenty-five years of his life. His 
death robbed us of no fair development we might 
reasonably have anticipated. Indeed, in his very last 
works, the gold is spread more thinly, the emotion 
is less warm. He had completely fulfilled himself. 
His age had demanded of him an art that it might 
hold far from the glare and tumult, an art into 
which it could retreat, an art which could com- 
pensate it for a life become too cruel and demanding. 
And this he gave it, in perhaps imperishable form. 


The Unrelegated Quill 


NE OF THE minor after-war adjustments is a 
sort of cerebral spring-cleaning which invariably 
sends a lot of pretty notions to one's mental junk- 
heap. The plush albums and what-nots of the 
mind are out of harmony with new conceptions of 
interior decoration, and must go into the discard. 
It is in some such dusting about in corners that one 
is impelled to abandon the theory that certain de- 
vices, of our civilization have succeeded in their con- 
spiracy to discredit the writing of letters. And it 
is surprising to discover how well entrenched the 
idea has become. All such facilities somewhat 
ironically labeled "modern conveniences" as the 
telephone at one's elbow, the telegraph office at the 

corner, typewriters and social secretaries, have been 
jointly and severally accused, and we have been 
quite content to tuck them snugly under one blanket 
indictment, and thus give them credit for a dev- 
astation beyond their deserts. Sheer repetition of 
the remark that "no one writes letters any more" 
put the observation in the realm of the unques- 
tioned gave it, in fact, a certain social standing. 
We were trapped into a false security, and it was 
not until the war came along and tumbled us out 
of it that we realized how far from moribund the 
art of correspondence really is. Instead of framing 
the obituary of letter writing, everyone appears to 
be writing letters. 




Doubtless the telephone, and its co-conspirators 
did play a part in an attempt to outmode the pen, 
but it has become apparent within recent months 
that their success was destined to be fleeting not 
final. These poisoners of the ink-wells have failed 
in their large purpose. The pen and the sword, 
linked for so long in the old proverb, have again 
revealed their kinship in a new manner. The sluice 
gates are opened; once more there is a free flow of 
ink. But that is not the full extent of what has 
happened. Not only has war shattered the letter- 
writing inhibitions, in so far as they were operative ; 
but it has shattered publishers' aversions to the 
traffic in letters as a business hazard. One hesitates 
to say which is the greater havoc the undoing of 
the inhibitions or the undoing of the aversions, but 
the consequences of the two in conjunction have 
resulted in an apparently inexhaustible flood of 
letters especially letters from the front. 

It has seemed as though letters no sooner got 
written than they got printed. They began to 
stream steadily into newspaper columns, into maga- 
zines, and into books. Any missive which passed 
the military censor became ipso facto eligible for 
the market. Collections of letters threatened to 
become as numerous and as miscellaneous as collec- 
tions of relics. Had it not been for the sudden 
termination of hostilities, which doubtless has 
checked the momentum of the flood, it is difficult to 
say where we might not have been carried at its 
crest. In fact, it began to appear that the most 
feasible method of dealing with the outpouring 
would be upon a basis of military rather than of 
literary rank, although the problem of promotion 
might have proved baffling. In any event, the har- 
vest of recent books serves to reveal how far from 
vanquished the ancient practice of writing letters 
really is and how adequately it has been reassert- 
ing itself. We may rest assured that the letters if 
not the spirit of the war will be preserved. 

As for those devices which sought to supplant the 
quill, they have been relegated to their former 
role that of mere go-between in the humdrum 
business of making and canceling engagements, of 
taking and canceling orders. They failed utterly 
to loosen our hold upon the older mode of com- 
munication. While the reactions of an army may be 
recorded by wire, the reactions of an individual 
demand a more sensitized medium. 

To grasp the full significance of this epistolary 
renaissance, one need but glance back over the ante- 
bellum decade. What was it this pre-war period 
in which we were allegedly "too busy to write let- 
ters"? As one seeks for some distinguishing mark, 
one is tempted to designate it as the age of the 

souvenir postcard a universal medium of exchange. 
Its applications to the exigencies of existence ap- 
peared almost endless. If one went on a vacation, 
one played a variation of the English game of "hare 
and hounds," with postcard "views" to mark one's 
trail. When one wished to be humorous, one mailed 
an appropriate "comic" card, acquired in one of 
the "shops" which flourished and even yet enjoy 
a diminished vogue in the vicinity of railroad sta- 
tions. If one visited an "amusement park" in 
which, one may do everything but be amused it 
was considered desirable to acquire several "views" 
of it. One could discharge one's social obligations 
simply by "placing a one-cent stamp here." Just 
how much joy the recipient of a boat house or city 
hall facsimile succeeded in extracting from the 
cardboard is a detail which has never been suffici- 
ently studied. The chances are that he got as much 
as he deserved. 

However, war is no tourists' attraction. There is 
more to be written than may be crowded into the 
confines of the "correspondence space" things too 
intimate to be sent unsheathed through the mails. 
There are dramatic things to be said and one can 
hardly be dramatic on a postcard. "The blot which 
ended my last sentence was not entirely my fault. 
A shell landed at the entrance to our dug-out, killed 
one runner, wounded two, and blew the candle out." 
These sentences, from The Love of an Unknown 
Soldier (Lane; $1.25), are inconceivable upon a 
postcard, for they would be robbed of all sig- 

It appears to be a common characteristic of prac- 
tically all this war correspondence that it carries a 
certain degree of literary polish. You discover 
little of the hasty scribbling of the postcard era. 
Taking into consideration the reputed disabilities 
of the average citizen, when it comes to the graces 
of communication, it must be admitted that he has 
done himself proud. The volume mentioned above 
is a case in point. Incidentally, it differs from the 
main body of the war correspondence in that the 
author's identity is unknown, that the manuscript 
was found in a dug-out, and that the girl to whom 
the love letters were addressed is equally anony- 
mous. The publisher emphatically admits that he is 
publishing the volume in the hope that it will be 
the means of finding "the American girl, who, all 
unknowingly, had quickened the last days of this 
unknown soldier's life with romance." 

Bearing in mind that this continued confession 
of love was not to be mailed until the end of the 
war and possibly not even then one finds one's 
credulity a bit overstrained occasionally. Under the 
circumstances the officer might write "I must leave 



February 8 

off something is happening," when he is inter- 
rupted by the signal of an attack, but it is more 
reasonable to imagine that he would simply "leave 
off" and do his explaining later on. 

This sort of parading of the dramatic effectives 
occurs frequently. As a spontaneous outpouring of 
soul, The Love of an Unknown Soldier reveals a 
literary morale which never wavers. There are 
sentences which touch the imagination. "I have 
seen so many men rise up in the morning and lie 
still at night." "These unposted letters, written 
out of loneliness, make the future seem too valuable. 
You ran up the steps without turning your head 
when we separated. That's the way I would pre- 
.fer to go out of life." He speaks of the English, 
"who do magnificent things and voice them in the 
language of stable-boys," and of the French: "I wish 
to God we Anglo-Saxons shared some of the vices 
that produce their virtues." 

Jack Wright, in A Poet of the Air (Houghton 
Mifflin; $1.50), is another of the correspondents 
who cherished the public even in the most private 
of his letters. The people who were to buy the 
book in which his letters appear were never quite 
excluded from his mind, nor from his epistles. Un- 
restraint and egotism and poetic felicity are com- 
pounded in his pages. Asked what he thought of 
France, it is not likely that he would have answered 
with the flourish with which he writes: "Paris is 
for me a Babylon and the country of France is for 
me a plain overflowing with the fever of the Huns ; 
the incense of bursting shells and smoking powder." 
This is letter writing from the rostrum. 

Of course the key to much of this one-sidedness 
in published letters lies in the blue-penciling of 
their editors. The editors have been, in many in- 
stances, relatives and relatives exercise a rigid cen- 
sorship sometimes. The flights of fancy are 
garnered, but the prosaic grumblings are deftly ex- 
cluded. The transient discomforts have ne place 
in the record beside the felicities of phrase. That, 
perhaps, is why such details even when they do 
creep into the narrative are so touched with the 
gloss of humor that nearly all trace of the actuality 
has been swept away. Wainwright Merrill writes, 
in A College Man in Khaki (Doran; $1.50), that 
"here the ensemble is a sort of quintessence of 
mud, piles of brick, jagged earth, mud, banging 
lorries, booming, and mud." And in another place, 
"the little village fully justifies its name nom de 
guerre 'Codford-in-the-Mud.' " Surely this must 
refer to a substance far more amenable than the 
stuff which clings to one's boots, and splashes into 
one's ears. 

Sheer modesty doubtless dictates the excision of 
many lines. A favorite aunt may make wonderful 
crullers, but she naturally shrinks from having the 
fact blazoned to posterity. Hence, when the youth- 
ful enthusiast begins to compare army fare with 
memories of her cooking to the utter discredit of the 
nation's commissariat, it is time to wield the shears. 
These intimacies must be stricken from the record. 
And it is not fitting to expose little details of finan- 
cial stringency, such as happen in the best regulated 
squads, to unsympathetic readers. Such incidents 
are, in the abrupt Americanism, "nobody's business." 

The sight-seeing instincts come to the surface in 
these American letters, as though many of their 
authors aware that they were enjoying their first 
European tour kept a finger on their pulse to 
measure their reactions. This kaleidoscopic flare 
for the historic, this eagerness to thrust a pin through 
each passing impression, makes itself apparent par- 
ticularly in the Merrill volume, where the writer 
reveals an impatience to crowd everything into one 
paragraph. There isn't much of London left over 
after a few pages of such characteristic cataloguing 
as this: 

My eyes darted right the Adelphi, yes, far down; 
behind it I knew were Covent Garden, Maiden Lane, 
and old Drury. Boardings, significantly new, covered 
corners of two buildings: the Hun had come to "mighty 
London" not long since but that thought was chased 
gaily away by our wheeling left of course. The Grand 
ahead, high and dark ! Then, behind a big 'bus, a lion 
couchant, black-grey! Whistling and swaying we went; 
people laughing; a kid messenger's pill-box oscillating 
as he * chewed something; "Canidians, wot' o!": then I 
felt the imposing triumphal arch of the New Admiralty 
over against me, tall square and grey the Mall be- 
yond, yes and we swung into the Square." 

But the letters which have attained the distinction 
of publication must be but the chosen representatives 
of the great body of our epistolary renascence. They 
do little more than shadow forth the real bulk of the 
outpouring much of which is destined never to 
know the permanence of book covers. Some of it, 
of course, will make its appearance at a later day, 
possibly in the guise of memoirs or as source ma- 
terial in the threshing out of historic controversy. 

And then there will be the cherished personal 
missives well-thumbed messengers about which 
will cluster the memory of anxious days and unex- 
pressed' but ever present fears. These are the let- 
ters which, tied with ribbon in neat packets, ulti- 
mately will find their way into the sacred corners 
of old trunks to be almost forgotten for a time, 
and then to be unwrapped with trembling fingers 
the stuff of dreams and fireside reverie. 







In Charge of the Reconstruction Program: 





of the war in possession of immense stores of muni- 
tions of all kinds, including vast quantities of ex- 
plosives and poison gas. Some of this material can 
be converted to peaceful uses for example the De- 
partment of Agriculture is said to have a use for 
the 80,000,000 unexploded pounds of TNT. If 
the expected revision of the rules of war takes place, 
poison gas may be outlawed in future, along with 
submarines, and the only problem will be to set free 
the accumulation of this substance without injury 
to animal and vegetable life. There are other prod- 
ucts of our feverish period of preparation, spiritual 
instead of material, but no less explosive and 
poisonous because intangible. In order to bring the 
nation to a maximum of efficiency for war it was 
thought necessary to develop a large quantity of 
hate for our enemies. The systematic production 
of this force was undertaken by newspapers and 
magazines, by moving-picture houses and patriotic 
societies, by schools and churches. It was frequently 
remarked that hate seemed of little use at the front, 
but throughout the population at large it was re- 
garded as a valuable aid in preparing for the draft, 
in selling bonds, in maintaining morale in general 
so much so in fact that persons who objected on 
grounds of national self-respect to the production 
of hate through the invention of atrocity stories 
were informed that they were interfering with the 
success of their country at war, much as if they had 
opposed the floating of its loans or the drafting of 
its soldiers. Even during the war the hate generated 
for use against our enemies produced untoward 
results like the explosion of ammunition at Black 
Tom and Halifax. More than once the President 
raised his chiding voice to rebuke those enthusiastic 
spirits whose hate for Germany would not permit 
them to grant a legal trial- to Americans who hated 
less than they. But now that the war is over and 
our object is no longer victory but peace, it is clear 
that the presence of this commodity is likely seri- 
ously to embarrass us. It undoubtedly embarrassed 
the President at the moment when the Germans 
requested an armistice. Our hatred demanded un- 
conditional surrender, a march to Berlin, the laying 
waste of German territory to an extent equal to 
the devastated regions of France and Belgium. It 
forced the President to adopt a tone which dimin- 

ished the chance that the new German Government 
could hold its footing between Junkers and radicals, 
and even so it supported the indictment brought 
against him by Roosevelt and Lodge. President 
Wilson was called pro-German in the Senate of the 
United States, and repudiated at the polls. In the 
ten weeks that have elapsed since the armistice was 
signed this hatred has made it impossible for the 
leaders of opinion in this country to formulate any 
consistent or dignified policy toward our late 
enemies. But already there are frequent signs 
that astute and far-seeing journalists are beginning 
to realize that hate, however essential in war, is dan- 
gerous to the peace of mutual self-interest, the 
structure of which is being so painfully laid that 
the explosives and poisonous gas must somehow be 
drawn off or neutralized. The gingerly way in 
which they approach their task is evidence of their 
wholesome fear of being blown up. For instance, 
Mr. Grasty in the New York Times reminds us 
that "with all of the barbarism of Germans in the 
war, they have certain qualities order, discipline, 
thoroughness. Because we justly despise the Germans 
for their brutality and militarism is no reason why 
the Allies as victors in the war should not employ 
the German qualities to stabilize Central Europe." 
The New York Evening Post is equally guarded. 
" We do not love the Germans . . . but ... we 
recall that they owe the victims of Germany's on- 
slaught on civilization billions of money. The 
sooner they straighten out their affairs and get to 
work, the sooner they will be able to pay." Self- 
interest that is undoubtedly the best neutralizing 
agent for poisonous hate. But a large portion 
of our hatred is undoubtedly too recalcitrant to 
yield to this treatment. It can doubtless be resolved 
by signal penalties inflicted on those who can be 
held personally responsible for the war. Prpbably 
no statesmen believes that such personal punishment 
has the slightest relation to the aims for which the 
war was fought, and yet all agree in the utility of 
such punishment as a means of satisfying the hatred 
of their peoples. It might be well for the world 
if the Kaiser could thus become the scapegoat, if 
he could be miraculously preserved to suffer the 
tortures invented for him by imaginative ladies over 
their knitting. Failing this it is to be feared that 
no little residue of hate will remain a constituent 



February 8 

of our national atmosphere. Deprived of its original 
destination, it is already being directed elsewhere 
by able manipulators. Months ago prudent men 
began to turn hatred for Germany against the Bol- 
sheviki of Russia and those who in this country asked 
a hearing for them. Other unpopular groups 
readily suggest themselves as likely to become the 
residuary legatees of the superfluous hatred left by 
the war the^. Non-partisan League, the I.W.W., 
the Oriental/ the Negro. Now these groups and 
the questions which they raise are precisely those 
which in the interests of our own social well-being 
as well as that of countless millions of our fellow 
men should be treated honestly^ dispassionately, gen- 
erously. They remind us that the demobilization 
of hate should be the immediate object of those who 
have the civic as well as the spiritual welfare of the 
country at heart. It may be hoped that some effort 
in this direction will be initiated, now that the war 
is over, by that class whp believe and teach that 
their Lord came to earth and said : " Love your 
enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them 
that hate you, and pray for them which despitefully 
use you and persecute you." 


affecting Asia which will come before the Peace 
Conference. In the long run the peace of the world 
may depend even more upon China than upon Rus- 
sia. No one in his senses even though some of the 
French have parted temporarily with theirs 
believes that Russia can permanently be governed 
from outside itself. Disorganization in China is 
almost as great as in Russia, and China never has 
been a great power. In other words, it is one of 
the countries that has been regarded as the Happy 
Hunting Grounds for the Great Powers. Few 
realize how far the parceling out has gone, or the 
extent to which the path from the Open Door leads 
into secret and blind alleys of foreign exploitation. 
Superficially the report (which is probably authen- 
tic) seems reassuring that China and Japan have 
agreed upon the policy to be pursued by China at 
the Conference. When this report is backed by 
semi-official news that Tsingtao will be returned by 
Japan to China, the omens seem most propitious. 
All the more disquieting then are the rumors coming 
from the Far East that Japan has exercised tremen- 
dous pressure, diplomatic and financial, upon China 
to determine the Peace Conference program of the 
latter. It is even said that some demands are 
included only because they are sure of rejection, and 
Japan can then make the better claim to be China's 
real friend. Others are said to be more in the 
interest of Japan than of China. One circumstantial 
story goes so far as to say that one of the Chinese 
delegates was detained in Tokyo to make him sign 
a promise that certain questions would not be raised 
by China at Paris this even though it is stated 
that Japanese pressure had already controlled the 
selection of Chinese delegates. These rumors come 

from the foreign settlements in Peking. They are ex 
parte and partisan. But they follow upon reports of 
activities of Japan in China during the war that are 
most sinister. Wholesale opium smuggling with 
government connivance is the most unpleasant, but 
not the most serious, of these tales. They are to the 
effect that Japan has subsidized the militarists of 
the north in order to keep China weak and divided ; 
that all sorts of loans have been made merely to 
involve China hopelessly; that bribery is regularly 
resorted to. in order to get concessions of railways, 
mines, and forests ; that the famous or infamous 
demands of the twenty-one points have been with- 
drawn only because the Japanese faction which is 
now uppermost believes that the conquest of China 
can be effected better by economic means than by 
military. These reports are not proved. But also 
they are not put in circulation by merely irresponsi- 
ble parties. The concentration of interest upon 
Europe has cooperated with the censorship to keep 
us all ignorant of the vast conflict of factions and 
interests going on in China. The rumors, even if 
not adequately authenticated, are worth setting 
down. They, as well as the facts behind them, 
declare the necessity for the League of Nations. 
They make apparent even more what kind of 
League it should be. Only some permanent body 
having scientific experts constantly in its service can 
ascertain the facts. Only such a body can command 
attention and belief for its reports. Only such a 
body can investigate and report without exciting 
all sorts of nationalistic suspicions and hatreds, and 
without itself becoming an instrumentality of 
intrigue. Secret diplomacy is not limited to treaties. 
Our whole. international life goes on in secrecy. It 
is this secrecy which allows rumors to flourish which 
are abominable if they are false, because they carry 
the seeds of distrust and war. It is secrecy which 
permits the abominable events to occur, if the 
rumors turn out to be justified. Only an interna- 
tional agency can introduce real publicity based 
on knowledge of facts into -the situation. The 
nee,d is most crying when colonies, backward regions, 
spheres of influence and Siberia and China are in 


of the Peace Conference is a remarkable, if to a 
great extent unconscious, disappearance of the pre- 
rogatives of State sovereignty in the old-fashioned 
sense. This is especially true of smaller nations. 
For what is happening in Paris in the field of diplo- 
macy is much like what has happened for some time 
past in the field of industry consolidation and 
amalgamation, the big interests becoming bigger and 
the smaller, smaller. The real importance of these 
incidents lies in their illustration of a fundamental 
difficulty facing a League of Nations in which the 
smaller powers, theoretically equal before the law 
exactly as all private citizens are theoretically equal 
before it within any civilized state, are from an 



economic and industrial point of view practically 
impotent and dependent upon the crumbs of favors 
of the great powers. Just as small competing busi- 
nesses have been, in this era of large-scale corpora- 
tions, to a great extent eliminated, so are the smaller 
nations coming to count less and less in the more 
extensive decisions of world policy of trade, finance, 
commerce, and industry. The truth is, sovereignty 
in the old-fashioned nationalistic sense has become a 
misnomer except for the great powers and even 
with them, it is rapidly becoming a tenuous and 
fragile possession however much Republican Sena- 
tors rage against a Le*ague of Nations. Nations are 
no longer sufficient unto themselves. No matter how 
adequate and flexible a system of representation is 
devised for individual countries within the frame- 
work of a League of Nations, what will really deter- 
mine decisions of world polity will 1 be the interplay 
of economic and industrial forces bigger than 
national boundaries. The groupings will be of a type 
necessarily different from that in the old days when 
nations were self-sufficient and self-supporting blocs, 
with a numerical weight of men who could take up 
arms. What we are witnessing is the passing of the 
old order of national irresponsible sovereignty. And 
there are few left today to weep over its expected 

ernments so interested in supporting the Paderewski 
faction in Poland ? Aside from the sinister financial 
cliques in both countries, which are frankly desirous 
of a reactionary Poland as a buffer state between an 
imperialistic Germany on the one hand and a Bol- 
shevik Russia on the other, there are reasons more 
or less inherent in the genius and national tempera- 
ment of both France and America which make the 
phenomenon explicable. ( How many people in this 
country showed any concern when our official Gov- 
ernment in Washington failed to interfere with the 
creation here in America of a Polish expeditionary 
force which was frankly a partisan army? Very 
few. Since our muck-raking days we have accepted 
with magnificent unconcern the presence in our 
country of what we aptly term " an invisible gov- 
ernment." We appear to have carried over this do- 
mestic conception into" our ideas about foreign policy. 
It never seems to occur to us that Poland may some 
day vigorously resent the entrance of an expedition- 
ary force carrying the United States flag, yet with- 
out the sanction of the official American Govern- 
ment with which Poland must ultimately deal. It 
is evident that Paderewski and his expeditionary 
force decided that the people of Poland, like the 
people of this country, would submit gracefully to 
the imposition of a particular government which, in 
our own parlance, " has the goods." French diplo- 
matists, with their penchant for intrigue and with 
their natural inability to believe that a moderate 
Socialist government such as that of General Pilsud- 
ski could possibly succeed in creating a strong na- 

tion, seem equally determined to make a mockery 
of the principle of " self-determination " which 
we have apotheosized with so much rhetoric. They 
are backing the Paderewski faction for all they are 
worth, utterly indifferent to the fact that the ma- 
jority of the plain people of Poland have shown no 
interest and no affection for that faction. Our 
genius for an " invisible government " and the 
French genius for intrigue seem to have combined 
successfully to wreck the prospects of a united 
Poland. Only one remedy for this destruction of 
the fundamental principle of the League of Na- 
tions remains to see that the representatives of 
Poland, which represent the wishes of the Polish 
people, and not interested cliques in Paris, are ad- 
mitted to the Peace Conference as accredited dele- 


recent war is the espionage habit. During the past 
year it has not been unusual to see in the press 
editorial notices " Call number " followed by 
adjurations to report to the Department of Justice 
words and deeds which might be interpreted as 
showing hostility or even lack of sympathy toward 
the American part in the war. The Department of 
Justice and the American Protective League have 
prided themselves on the sheer number of cases so 
reported, however trivial or malicious the grounds. 
It was useless to point out that by encouraging the 
espionage habit we were fixing on our people one 
of the worst vices of the Prussian Police system. 
The temptation to the active exercise of patriotism 
was too strong, and men and women accepted the 
suggestion to become spies and informers who in 
saner moments would have spurned the idea. How 
strongly this espionage habit has been fastened on 
the country, even in the brief period of its exercise, 
is shown by the novel activity of the United States 
Senate. This body has recently emitted two lists of 
persons whom it desires to brand with pro-German- 
ism or pacifism. The constitution of the lists shows 
by what methods of irresponsible tattle and gossip 
they have been made up. In this respect they form 
an accurate mirror of the mind of the country 
under the influence of the espionage habit, and it is 
because the country at large so well understood the 
propensities which produced them that it dismissed 
the incidents with a humor which was touched with 
shame. The repudiation of responsibility by Secre- 
tary Baker, for the War Department, represents 
the better mind of the whole country toward prac- 
tices which lower the prestige of government and 
degrade the name of justice. In his words the list 
of infamy becomes one of glory. " In the particular 
list accredited to Mr. Stevenson there are names of 
people of great distinction, exalted purity of pur- 
pose, and lifelong devotion to the highest interests 
of America and of mankind. Miss Jane Addams, 
for instance, lends dignity and greatness to any list 
in which her name appears." 



February 8 



SIR: Mr. Louis Untermeyer's review of Max 
Eastman's new book of poems Colors of Life 
which appeared in the issue of THE DIAL of De- 
cember 28, has caused me so much bewilderment 
that I cannot refrain from commenting on it. The 
review is so obviously acrimonious, and so delib- 
erately polemic as to appear almost invidious, much 
to the detriment of Mr. Untermeyer's reputation 
for critical sobriety and equanimity. 

My purpose, however, is not so much to take 
issues with his judgment of Max Eastman's art, as 
to deplore the method by which it is arrived at; for 
Mr. Untermeyer discusses Eastman's conception of 
poetry, as embodied in the splendid preface to the 
book, for nine-tenths of the review, and devotes 
only one-tenth to the poems. I am indeed surprised 
that once having decided on this very unconven- 
tional procedure, Mr. Untermeyer did not use this 
last remaining tenth for a scholarly condemnation 
of the binding and typographical make-up of the 
book, and ignore altogether the seemingly unimpor- 
tant fact that perhaps, as I strongly suspect, the 
book was chiefly intended to present Eastman's 
poetry, and only incidentally to inform us of its 
author's opinions of Poe, Whitman, and free verse. 

But whatever may have prompted Mr. Unter- 
meyer to follow this extremely original and brilliant 
method of reviewing a work of art by not saying 
anything about it, the fact remains that Max East- 
man has written a book of verse, and that he is 
entitled to have it criticized fairly and directly on 
its own merits, or not at all. It is, therefore, to be 
desired that when Mr. Eastman writes another book 
THE DIAL will invest someone other than Mr. 
Untermeyer with the judicature unless, of course, 
Mr. Eastman gives up his bad habit of writing 
prefaces and excoriating free verse. 

In the meantime, there is one thing that I cannot 
let pass unchallenged, and that is the statement that 
Mr. Eastman is " an artist anxious to capture 
beauty, rather than a captor driven by it." This, 
allowing that it is true, seems to me a mere quibble, 
for surely the pursuit of beauty is as much a part 
of the creation of it as the pursuit of liberty is a 
condition of its inauguration. But it is not true, for 
much of Eastman's poetry is so replete with genuine 
and spontaneous beauty as to miss some of the more 
rugged, and by no means less poetical aspects of 
life, a fact that most of his friends sincerely regret. 
I need only call the attention of the interested reader 
to a single poem, Hours, to bear out my assertion; 
for to me at least, those six lines are the most beauti- 
ful and exquisite in their particular field that have 
been written in many a year. 

But I am afraid that Mr. Untermeyer has over- 
looked this poem, with many others, if the only one 
he can quote is At the Aquarium, whose appearance 
in an earlier volume has won for its author the 

reputation of being the foremost poetical ichthyolo- 
gist in America. The singling out of this aquatic 
feat from so much terra firma reveals the whole 
motive of Mr. Untermeyer's review. Decidedly, 
he was fishing for something. But then, why not 
say, like the Roman gladiator to his Gallic opponent 
who wore a fish on his helmet : " Non te peto, pis- 
cem peto quid me fugis, Galle?" 

New York City. 


SIR: I think Mr. John Gould Fletcher is unfair 
to Dr. Patterson. In his article, A Rational Ex- 
planation of Vers Libre, he does not for a moment 
make clear that Dr. Patterson is a scientist wha 
has made important contributions to a little known 
science. It is a mistake to dismiss " this atmosphere 
of the laboratory " as Mr. Fletcher does. In olden 
days art and science were one, and art can be but 
superficial which does not make use of the wisdom 
collected in the data of scientific experiments. 

Vers Libre is composed by the aborigines of Aus- 
tralia, by the Negro in West Indian Islands, and 
by all " primitive " folk. Its introduction into 
poetry coincides with the primitive turn given to art 
by Cezanne, Van Gogh, and Gaugain and with 
the development of the sciences of anthropology and 
ethnology, and the " back to nature " movement in 
dancing and in music. The Psalms as translated 
in the English Bible are vers libres. 

Washington, D. C. 


SIR: The excellent article by Mr. Roe in THE 
DIAL of January n suggests two important points 
in the question of free speech which are worthy of 
some elaboration. In the first place we can now see 
that some of the -important liberties which we sur- 
rendered in wartime are not to be restored to us 
automatically. If we get them back we shall have 
to fight for them. They are in the hands of the 
autocracy which we thought necessary to win 
the war, and this autocracy can urge plausi- 
ble reasons for the further suppression of them. 
And autocracies do not relinquish powers where 
there is any possibility of retaining them. 

In the second place, we should note that the 
organization of the people to wrest their rights 
from an autocratic officialdom is a tremendously 
difficult task. The agencies of social control are 
everywhere in the hands of the Government and 
terrific pressure can be brought to bear on all indi- 
viduals restive under restraint. The people are 
likely to learn in this present upheaval that relin- 
quished civil liberties are not restored to them 
graciously by an autocratic officialdom which finds- 
advantage in restraining such liberties. 

Middlebury College. 



Another Sheaf 

By John Galsworthy 

Another volume of Mr. Galsworthy's charm- 
ing and characteristic essays and studies. It 
has a particularly timely interest in that it is 
so largely concerned with questions, material 
and artistic, of reconstruction ; and it has a 
more special interest for Americans in many 
of its studies, which deal with American 
standards, intellectual and practical. Among 
the titles are: "American and Briton," "The 
Drama in England and America," " Impres- 
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workman," " The Road," etc. 

$1.50 net 

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By Professor David Saville Muzzey 

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New York Tribune. 

Jefferson Davis 

By Armistcad C . Gordon 

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is through ending the struggle for exclusive ter- 
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and the conquest of weak peoples. He would 
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Turkey, and Asia Minor under international 

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Present Day Studies in American Nationalism 

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Col. Roosevelt's last published message 
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February 8 

Notes on New Books 

Blackwood. Button; $1.25. 

To read Blackwood is to descend into a valley 
where the mists lie mists that soften and subdue 
the outlines of reality. Often these mists bring a 
breath of enchantment and mystery, and yet there 
are other times when they merely react upon the 
reader as a sort of esthetic damp. Occasionally one 
wishes that Blackwood might come up into the 
sunlight, instead of delving in the shadows, flitting 
from the phantasy that is half-formed to the phan- 
tasy that is half-uttered. In the case of the present 
book it is difficult to lay one's finger upon the pre- 
cise flaw, yet we suspect that the secret lies in the 
author's so complete absorption in his method that 
he permits a false harmony to creep into his mate- 
rials. In spite of all the expert modeling, he has 
not made us forget the clay. 

Blackwood sets himself to unfold the conception 
that out of an imperfect and unequal love there 
comes a perfection of beauty. His starting point is 
the marriage between a man and a woman who are 
not mated. He descends into flashiness by having 
the woman meet death in an automobile accident a 
month later. And from these ingredients he seeks to 
clothe his thought the belief that " those who loved 
beauty and lived it in their lives follow that same 
ideal with increasing power afterwards and for- 
ever." Had he chosen a more harmonic set of facts, 
a more ideal framework, he might have heightened 
the beauty of what he sought to interpret. The 
weakness of the book is not in its message, but in the 
early part of the narrative which is hot attuned to 
the idealistic pinioning which is to follow. 

Harper; $5. 

The application of efficiency to editing, to mechan- 
ical production, to circulation, and advertising, is the 
main thesis of this interesting book. Curiously 
enough, the opening chapters are devoted to a study 
of the personalities and methods of Melville E. 
Stone and Victor F. Lawson of the Chicago News, 
Colonel Nelson of the Kansas City Star, Adolph S. 
Ochs of the New York Times, and others. Out of 
this concrete study of previously successful news- 
papers, Mr. Rogers and his associates built up the 
New York Globe into a paying newspaper property. 
The various problems were subjected to a -searching 
analysis, and out of that thorough study the best 
methods of conducting the various departments of 
the paper were worked out. In the present state of 
competition and high cost of production only the 
most ably and most skilfully edited and conducted 
newspaper can attain enduring success. A mixture 
of brains and wise methods on the business side is as 
necessary as on the editorial side. The right kind of 
building, a knowledge of costs in both labor and 

material, a budget system, a clear understanding of 
conditions, and an exact knowledge of income and 
outgo are necessary today. Guessing at half and 
multiplying by two lead to failure. . A chart or graph 
pictures the leaks. This book is an interesting and 
vivid presentation of the business methods plus the 
enthusiasm mixed with brains necessary to make a 
newspaper a financial success and also to make it a 
permanent and influential factor in the community. 
The price of the volume seems excessive, although 
the book gives the results of years of study of the 
newspaper business freely and with great frankness. 

By Mrs. Pope-Hennessy. Dodd, Mead; $5. 

By our readiness to let our thoughts revert from 
time to time to Madame Roland we acknowledge 
that nothing is so attractive in the long run as per- 
sonality. Product of conditions that gave birth to 
that doctrinaire and futile revolutionary type, the 
Girondist Republican, she proved that she alone of 
her numerous political family possessed the energy 
and persistance necessary for leadership in critical 
times. And that leadership she often exercised, 
though just as often she refused to do so, at least 
openly, because the age had a strong prejudice 
(which she fully shared) against la femme politique. 
Even her Prison Memoirs, frank and proud confes- 
sions of fully emancipated, political opinions, show 
an anxiety as laughable as it is sincere, to reduce her 
role in the councils of the Girondist group to the 
proportions of the good wife who plied her needle 
and listened while her betters held the floor. Her 
newest biographer was able to uncover so many of 
these modestly concealed trails that we shall be 
obliged henceforth to accept her as the only leader 
the poor Gironde ever had. This is perhaps the 
special contribution of the book, which shows quite 
conclusively that the party policy adopted in the 
great crisis of 1793 and calling for a federal organi- 
zation of France as well as for a departmental guard 
for the Convention, was her work. True, with 
these ill-starred measures she broke the necks of her 
Girondist friends and, incidentally, her own, but one 
is tempted to think that if circumstances had per- 
mitted her to act as field general for her party instead 
of being just a secret, unofficial chief of staff, the 
Girondists might have come out on top. -However, 
there was Danton no, she could never have won 
against the elemental energy of an adversary who 
very accurately took her measure when he said : " In 
revolutions one doesn't write, one acts." Beside 
Danton, savior of his country through action, she 
shrivels to a little quill-driving blue-stocking. 

The author has a singularly just outlook enabling 
her to range in orderly perspective the crowding 
figures and forces of the Revolution. In consequence 
of this happy poise she steadily holds her heroine to 
the human level and makes her political illusions as 
palatable as her sprightly wit, her love of nature, 
and her extraordinary gift for friendship. One 

1919 THE DIAL 149 

Read it during the coining All Russian Allied Con- 
ference. It clearly explains for the first time *who's 
who and what's what in the highly complicated 
Russian situation 


Long awaited book on Russia will be 
published February 25th 

"Ten Days That 
Shook the World" 

This book is a moving picture of those thrilling days, 
whose reverberations were felt throughout the world. 
Written in John Reed's inimitable style; It tells 
facts hitherto unpublished, and will be used as an 
original source by historians. Profusely illustrated. 

We suggest that you place your order now at any 
bookstore $2.00 net, postage 15c extra. 


Recent Important Publications 

MEN IN WAR Andreas Latzko 

Accepted by the best judges as one of the three masterpieces of the war books of our time 
and a book that will live for all time. For a time impossible to obtain at bookstores, but now again 
in wide circulation. Now in its eighth American and third English edition. $1-5 

THE PRESTONS Mary Heaton Vorse 

Published late in December, now in its sixth large printing. Called by the New York Sun, Phila- 
delphia Record, Brooklyn Eagle, Richmond Evening Journal, Review of Reviews, The Bookman, 
etc., one of the best, if not the best, novels of American family life written in the last decade. $i-75 


Fourteen New Titles (64 now ready) Francois Villon, Gautier, Frank Norris, D'Annunzio, 
Nietzsche, Henry James, May Sinclair, Leo Tolstoy, Woodrow Wilson, etc. 

Hand bound in limp Croftleather. Send for catalogue. 70 cents per volume. 

Boni & Liveright, 105% W. 40th St., N. Y., publishers 

When writing to advertisers please mention THE DIAL. 


February 8 

misses the philosophic penetration that would have 
delved into the origin of Madame Roland's ideas 
and uncovered their relation to the conflicting ideas 
and programs of the age. However, when all's said, 
the author chose well in telling a very personal and 
pragmatic story, for Madame Roland as a thinker 
is at best second-rate, while her personality with its 
fine sympathies and rancors, bewitching gaiety and 
noble courage, bubbles for our delight like a peren- 
nial spring. 

man Andrews and Yvette Borup Andrews. 
Appleton; $3. 

Mr. and Mrs. Andrews tell the story of the 
Asiatic Zoological Expedition in a manner calcu- 
lated to appeal to popular taste. Yiin-nan, a prov- 
ince in southwestern China, was selected as the 
region in which the main work of the expedition was 
to be conducted. This province is about the size of 
California, and, says Mr. Andrews, it is safe to say 
that in no similar area of the world is there such a 
variety of language and dialects as in this region. 
Its faunaL range is also very wide. 

In Fukien Province, whither the party first went, 
the author spent several weeks vainly hunting the 
" blue tiger," an elusive man-eater that had long 
been spreading terror in the region. Curiously 
enough, a more interesting chapter is that which 
vividly describes a cave tenanted by thousands of 
bats, and the manner in which Mrs. Andrews 
braved its terrors in the cause of science. " All 
about is the swish of ghostly wings which brush her 
face or neck, and the air is full of chattering noises 
like the grinding of hundreds of tiny teeth. Some- 
times a soft little body plumps into her lap." Any 
but a naturalist's wife would find a blue tiger far 
more desirable company! 

The scientific reputation of the expedition, as the 
preface points out, will rest upon the technical 
reports of its work, which will be published in due 
course by the American Museum of Natural His- 
tory. 'The book includes, besides the data on the 
fauna of the regions visited, references to the state 
of Chinese politics in the days of 1916-17, the social 
and religious customs of the inhabitants, and numer- 
ous more or less lively adventures. 

vironment, Life and Art. By Henry Fair- 
field Osborn. Scribner; $3.50. 

Here is a popular edition, at a considerably 
reduced price, of Professor Osborn's synthesis of 
knowledge of our Paleolithic predecessors. With 
its wealth of first-rate illustrative material it repre- 
sents a valuable compendium for teachers, both as 
to the anatomical and the archeological finds. The 
very full account of Magdalenian arj: doubtless 
forms one of the most attractive features of the book. 
As to the precise value of the restorations from 

ancient human remains, opinions will differ. Doubt- 
less they help to visualize what Paleolithic man may 
have looked like, but the probable error as to the 
soft parts is a large one which may not be appre- 
ciated by the laity. Every book of this type suffers 
from the difficulty that it must keep in view the 
disparate needs of several classes of readers of pro- 
fessional colleagues, of students, of the cultured 
layman. The author's endeavor has evidently been 
to omit nothing that is in any way significant, and 
while this renders his book a most convenient work 
of reference, a certain amount of judicious skipping 
is advisable for the general reader. Thus the latter 
will be less interested in the history of all the vari- 
ous Neanderthal finds and their minor variations 
than in the general characteristics of this human 
type. However, the success of the work from the 
publisher's point of view may possibly indicate a 
greater willingness to wrestle with scientific detail 
than was even recently noticeable among the Ameri- 
can public. There can be no doubt that on the 
whole Osborn's book is the most useful general 
treatment in English at once sounder and more 
up-to-date than Sollas' Ancient Hunters, its only 
serious rival. 


C. Adams. Holt; $3. 


Paton and R. A. Stevenson. Macmillan; 


The government control of the railroads brought 
about by the war has relegated to the scrap heap 
much of the regulation previously practised. The 
one definite result which remains of the work of 
the Interstate Commerce Commission since its estab- 
lishment in 1887 is the standardization of railroad 
accounts. Chiefly responsible for that standardiza- 
tion has been Professor Henry C. Adams, who was 
in charge of the statistical and accounting work of 
the Commission from 1887 to 1911, and who has 
worked out a scientific method of accounting. 
Originally Professor Adams intended to write . a 
book on the abuses and uses of railway accounts, 
which would have led to a criticism of most that 
had been done relative to rate regulation. Instead 
he has written a commentary on the standard system 
of railway accounts used by American railways. 
Accounting, according to the author, is the de- 
termination of relative equities: it can claim the 
dignity of science because it is subject to the strict 
rules of formal logic. The language used is that 
of figures and the underlying conception is that of 
a mathematical equation. Exactness, as in any other 
science, is the end sought. Hence the railway ac- 
countant is not so much a bookkeeper as an execu- 
tive, personally responsible for the observation of 
all accounting rules and thus subject to accounting 
principles instead of, as formerly, to the whims of 
a superior officer. This of course does not mean 
that the peculiarities of the business must not be 



Have You a 
Progressive Conscience? 

Have you fixed ideals ? Do you approve actions 
today that you condemned yesterday? Have you 
acquired the urge of Evolution? Is your belief 
in rightness and wrongness based upon ancient 
doctrine, or is it grounded on a personal study 
of what really constitutes Tightness and wrong- 
ness ? 

Read this most interesting book 


by the distinguished thinker and writer, 


and learn his conclusions regarding the Progress- 
ive Conscience. 

An example of fine bookmaking. To be had 
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Maker and Publisher of Books 
502 Sherman Street Chicago 

Also privately printed books and memorial volumes. 

The Brick Row Book Shop, inc. 


We beg to announce that Part Two 
of Catalogue Number Five, embrac- 
ing a choice selection of books on 



is now ready for distribution. We 
shall be pleased to send a copy of the 
same on request. 

High St., New Haven, Conn., and 489 Park Ave., New York 


^An exceptional opportunity -to 
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Books on Polish Matters 


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" The most satisfactory account of Poland 
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An excellent essay on the true significance of 
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The Polish Book Importing Co., Inc. 

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February 8 

studied. Professor Adams does this in an illuminat- 
ing chapter concerning the structure of a system of 
railway accounts. The details involved in construc- 
tion costs prior and after operation are shown* to 
have a vital relation to the questions of investment 
and surplus as well as to renewals and betterments. 
In his last five chapters the author discusses with 
scientific thoroughness operating expenses and 
revenues, the income account, profit and loss ac- 
counts, and the general balance sheet accounts. Not 
the least valuable part of the book is the appendices, 
which reprint the classifications promulgated by the 
Interstate Commerce Commission. 

The influence of the ideas on railway accounting 
outlined in the above noted volume can be seen in 
Principles of Accounting. The authors use to some 
extent the terms adopted by the Interstate Com- 
merce Commission in its prescribed classification as 
representing the most logical system of accounting 
phraseology at present developed. The whole field 
of accounting, however, is covered under the rubrics 
of elements of accounting, the equity accounts, the 
interest problem, the valuation of assets, the construc- 
tion and analysis of financial statements, and special 
fields of accounting. Further laboratory material 
is furnished in the appendices. The book is in- 
tended for the student of economics who desires a 
broad training in accounting principles as a part of 
general educational equipment. The general reader 
will also find it valuable and interesting because it 
is based on logical and scientific principles. Details 
have been subordinated and the result is an eminent- 
ly suggestive and valuable work. The appearance 
of these two books is an encouraging sign of the 
times in that scientific principles and ideas are being 
applied in business. Guessing at half and multiply- 
ing by two is rapidly becoming obsolete. A scienti- 
fic methqd of accounting is the foundation for cor- 
poration honesty and general business efficiency as 
well as for the regulation of public utilities or ef- 
ficient government ownership. 

THE CATSKILLS. By T. Morris Longstreth. 
Century; $2.50. 

Go to the Catskills in April, and you will not only 
avoid the depressing horde of " summer boarders " 
that seem to lurk behind every stone wall and corn- 
stalk in that region, but you will find its modicum 
of scenic attraction in one of its most inspiring 
phases. There were yet a few snow flurries to come 
when the author began a several weeks' walking trip 
that had its beginning at Woodstock, where artists 
are wont to congregate, and ended, toward the 
middle of June, at Arkville. For company he had 
a young man native to the mountains, who had 
never read Rip Van Winkle, but who nevertheless 
had the advantage of imagination and no little love 
for the open road. Together they saw the ice break 
up, the snow melt, and the world come to life with 
the advent of spring. They traversed much of the 
so-called heart of the Catskills, climbing mountains, 

stopping to see John Burroughs, getting lost on dim 
trails, and observing all the worthwhile things that 
seem to hide during vacation months. 

Mr. Longstreth is something of a philosopher, 
though by no means an aggressive one. He is pleas- 
ant company in a book, and we find ourselves rather 
envying the young man who accompanied him on 
his walking trip. The book is provided with an 
excellent map, and in the back are addenda giving 
directions to those who would see the Catskills in 
the same way. 

A HISTORY OF SPAIN. Founded on the His- 
toria de Espana y de la Civilization Espanola 
of Rafael Altamira. By Charles E. Chapman. 
Macmillan; $2.60. 

The renaissance of interest in things Spanish may 
be in part a reflection of the heightened public 
interest in all international affairs, but it is certain 
that it was bound to come, and indeed was on its 
way even before the war lifted us into a conscious 
cosmopolitanism. The Iberian peninsula, to be sure, 
is neither politically nor economically great as world 
centers go, and in latter months Spain has been con- 
spicuous chiefly in the dummy part of a chief among 
neutrals. But for all that, the political world can- 
not, if it would, overlook the fact that the greater 
Iberia in language, law, tradition, and ideals in- 
cludes more than the whole of 'one of Earth's great 
continents. Latin America may never again be 
merely Spanish in civilization, but it is little likely 
that it w r ill ever be non-Spanish; and it is beyond 
doubt that as time passes it will grow in world 
importance. The part which Spanish culture is yet 
to play in the affairs of mankind is surely to out- 
shine aught that Spain has achieved in the past: this 
is clear, and it is a sufficient reason for the growing 
interest in Spanish history and politics. 

Professor Chapman's contribution in this field is 
a book which fills an obvious gap, for he gives us a 
readable and capable one volume history, compendi- 
ous in matter yet comprehensive enough in time to 
cover the whole historic range from the Cartha- 
ginian settlements to Spain in the great war. The 
work, as the title states, is founded upon the most 
eminent of Spanish historians, the four volume work 
of Altamira, but it is not merely an abridgment; 
the author has written in the light of his own studies 
and has expressed his own opinions, and the two 
final chapters, dealing with the period from 1808 
to 1917, are entirely his. The book's special claim 
to originality in addition to an amount of original 
research and the use of new materials lies in the 
fact that it endeavors, if not to subordinate the 
political to the social, economic, and cultural phases 
of history, at least not to allow them to be over- 
shadowed by the political narrative. This is an aim 
so wholly laudable, and indeed so well attained 
within the possibilities of a limited book, that it is 
near to carping to remark upon its shortcomings 
or upon the something approaching the pamphleteer's 



Fifth Printing 

War Verse 


Editor of " The Living Age " 

" We are accustomed to think of poetry as the 
expression of soft-handed, pleasure-loving, even 
if impoverished, men and women, and have be- 
lieved that whatever else might be lacking in 
wooing the muse, quietude was an indispensable 

"But here is verse written to the accompani- 
ment of the deafening roar of exploding shells 
and the anguished cries of the wounded and 
dying; and through it all runs that note of a 
wonderful awe that peculiar conviction of the 
presence of a Great Miracle the awakening of 
the god in man. 

" One feels that to have missed this book would 
have been an almost irreparable loss, and to have 
read it is to have acquired an almost unforget- 
table heartache, and yet over and above all other 
emotions is the one of exaltation, the positive 
assurance that the Great War means the triumph 
of Good over Evil, the end of the old regime of 
Autocracy and the beginning of the reign of 
World Democracy." 

Review of " War Verse" by Margaret Mclvor- 
Tyndall in "National Service." 

303 pages, Flexible Cloth, Net $1.25; Limp Leather, Net $2.00 
Postage extra. Order of Your Bookseller 

THOMAS Y. CROWELL COMPANY, Publishers, New York 


Reconstruction is in the air. One of the first principles of reconstruction is 
the freedom of women through birth control. 

The Birth Control movement is dedicated to the cause of voluntary mother- 
hood. The Birth Control Review is the voice of this movement, which 
George Bernard Shaw has termed " the most revolutionary doctrine of 
the Nineteenth Century." 

No League of Nations, nor Government, no matter how ideal, can main- 
tain peace until it recognizes the danger of over-population and advo- 
cates the practice of birth control as a fundamental principle. 


Special Eugenics and Havelock Ellis Issue 

Articles by: Havelock Ellis, Margaret Sanger, Jessie Ashley, W. F. Stella Browne, C. V. 
Drysdale, Genevieve Grandcourt, and Mothers of the Unfit 

$1.50 a year 15 cents a copy 

Published Monthly by The New York Women's Publishing Co., Inc. 
Margaret Sanger, Editor 104 Fifth Avenue, New York City 

When writing to advertisers please mention THE I>IAI.. 



February 8 

flamboyancy in the characterization of the modern 
Spaniard which closes the book. Certainly the pub- 
lishers had aided their author valuably had they seen 
fit to add to the volume illustrations drawn from 
Spanish art, architecture, and nature, which the text 
eminently deserves. 

CITY TIDES. By Archie Austin Coates. 
Doran; $1.25. 

THE OTHER SIDE. By Gilbert Frankau. 
Knopf; $i. 

City Tides is a compound of the good and evil 
influences of Spoon River. At its best, this first 
book of Mr. Coates' is an honest, and often colorful, 
attempt to delve into the human consciousness and 
unconsciousness and select those rare things which 
are true beneath the illusions of the commonplace. 
At its worst, it is very thin stuff, psychologically and 
rhythmically. The poorer side is probably due to the 
fact that one influence other than inspiration and 
Masters played a part in shaping these creations: a 
newspaper " column." That sophisticated brother 
of the Poets' Corner does much, perhaps, to arouse 
the interest of the average reader in things literary; 
but there is, too, a tendency to " smartness " which 
is amusing on the way downtown, but which falls 
flat, for some reason, between the covers of a book. 
Scattered among the free verses of City Tides are 
a few rhymed lyrics and sonnets ; and it is curious to 
note that when the poet thus restricts himself, he 
gains an intensity which is so often lacking in his 
other pieces. Felicitously illustrative of this is the 
first (and perhaps best) poem in the book The 
Ticket-Seller, who rarely sees the faces of his cus- 
tomers, but more often their hands. 

In his Conscription, Mr. Coates takes an attitude 
distinct from that in The Other Side. It might be 
said that the attitude of the American Conscrip- 
tion was written when he was facing the draft 
was that of the man who had learned about war 
from Over the Top, and the attitude of Mr. Fran- 
kau that of the man who had learned about war 
from war. There are "blacker things than death, 
there are sweeter things than living, Mr. Coates ro- 
mantically says in the prospect of the trenches. 
War, says the English soldier, is " dirty, lousy, 
loathsome. . ," 

Men disembowelled by guns five miles away, 
Cursing, with their last breath, the living God 
Because he made them, in His Image, men. 

Versification plays a much larger part in Mr. 
Frankau's book than poetry. There is much capital- 
ization of names and symbols, lending it a Kipling- 
esque effect when taken in conjunction with the 
meters. But there is a sincerity in many of the 
verses so passionate and whole-hearted that the 
impression is vividly made of a frank and rather fine 
nature instantaneously reacting against the false 
glamour of war when coming into the knowledge of 
what it actually is, yet not blind to its braveries and 
austerities. And in at least one poem, Music and 

Wine, there is a charming pathos of thought and 
expression, beauties remembered: 

Here in the mud and the rain 

God, give me London again! 

I would lose all earth and the heavens above 

For just one banquet of laughter and love. 

When my flesh returns to its earth, 
When my body is dust as my sword ; 

If one thing I wrought find worth 
In the eyes of our kindly Lord, 

I will only ask of his grace 

That he grant us a lowly place 

Where his warriors toast him, in heaven above, 

With wine and laughter, music and love. 

S. Kendall. Lane; $1.50. 

There is a certain type of mind which likes its 
fiction labelled fact. It seems to hold that books not 
founded upon " the actual experiences of the author," 
or not crowded with characters " which the reader 
would instantly recognize, if their names were 
given " are scarcely worth reading, and it probably 
dismisses The Mikado and Alice in Wonder- 
land as obviously and equally spurious. Fortu- 
nately this type of mind is not particularly prevalent,, 
but since it does exist in some measure, one really 
cannot quarrel with fiction writers who cater to it. 
But it is equally true that the kind of fiction which 
starts out with a certificate of authenticity is seldom 
endowed with the credentials of genuine imagination. 
This applies to Sergeant Kendall's book, which de- 
tails some of the adventures of an officer of the Royal 
Northwest mounted police. Fidelity to fact is, in 
its place, an admirable attribute, but it has here been 
taken with a literalness that is the antithesis of taste. 
Dealing largely with the apprehension of criminals, 
the author feels constrained to write with all of a 
police reporter's accuracy and less than a police 
reporter's imagination. Profanity is transcribed, 
and the course of a bullet traced with care worthy 
of a better cause. And when one comes to the love- 
scenes, one is hardly prepared to find the Royal 
Mounted reciting Marie Corelli stanzas, seven lines 
long. Here the problem is perhaps more for the 
alienist than for the critic. 

MY PEOPLE. By Caradoc Evans. Boni & 


CAPEL SIGN. By Caradoc Evans. Boni & 


Is this revelation or fiction? Such uniform 
squalor and bestiality scarcely seems consistent with 
truth. The author appears to have used up his 
literary faculties on variations of the general themes 
of sexual degradation and avarice. It is not to be de- 
nied that he has made excellent literary material 
out of these unpleasant themes, but it is the excel- 
lence of his handling which makes it so difficult to 
suppress a question concerning the truth of his tales 
and sketches. It is not at all impossible that these 
peasants of West Wales may be violent distortions 



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Public Accountant; Lecturer on Cost Accounting 
at New York University. 

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Member of the New York Bar; Secretary of the 
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TJO ^Parents and TJeachers: 

Here is a new 'book which is meeting with 
much favor among those who are interested in 
the proper training of children. 

It ia extremely practical and helpful, and 
can be recommended unreservedly for use at 
home or school. (Listed in A. L. A. bulletin.) 



Miss Wrightson has had long and effective experi- 
ence in the training of children ; and the methods 
she employed in developing their minds, their bodies, 
their social instincts, are now revealed in this book. 
It is well known that some games will enliven the 
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others will sharpen the imagination. In this book, 
the games have been carefully planned to do these 
very things ; and the instructions given are simple 
and easy to follow. 

" The clever combination of mental and 
manual training makes the games doubly 
valuable. The book should find a grateful 
reception from mothers and teachers, and 
especially from the volunteer workers in the 
city's playgrounds." The Independent. 

12 Mo. Cloth. 238fp Illattrated. $1.SO net 

Prospect Press, Inc., Publishers 

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Have You Left School? 

with a diploma, or without it? In either case, 
you of course do not wish to leave off being edu- 
cated. When education ends, life ends. 

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For many years, the very mention of a reading 
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The Book of the Hoar 


Freedom of International Exchange the Sole 
Method for the Permanent and Universal Aboli- 
tion of War 



A Statement of the Cause and Solution of the 
European Crisis, and the Outline of a Treaty of 
Economic Peace. 

Being a Sketch of the only Possible Conclusive 
Settlement of the Problem Confronting the 



Manufacturer in Charleroi, Belgium 

Titular Member of the Societe d'Economie r 
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" No Treaty of Peace is worthy of its name, if 
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Third Edition. Revised, and Enlarged to 167 pages. 
Price, 75c. postpaid. Special terms to public libraries. 


38 St. Botolph Street Boston, Mass. 

When writing to advertisers please mention THE DIAL. 


February 8 

of our correct selves, to whom the veiling of emo- 
tion and desire has become like a sixth sense. But 
whether the tales and sketches are faithful transcrip- 
tions of truth or merely fiction, they possess force 
and vitality. If Mr. Evans has not written of the 
people of West Wales, then he has created a new 
type of peasant and, in any event, his work is literary 
creation which our moral prejudices or preconcep- 
tions should not permit us to neglect. He has told 
us of a people who live their lives on a non-moral 
basis and who are yet so conscious of sin and of their 
moral responsibility to the Big Man and the "little 
white Jesus" that what might easily have been in- 
different non-morality becomes gross and repulsive 
immorality. These peasants, in spite of their 
anthropomorphic religiosity, seem naively uncon- 
scious that filth is dirty. Their God is a primitive 
patriarch, between whom and themselves there is 
hardly any barrier of ritual, though at the same time 
there is no beauty in the communion. The Big Man 
speaks in the vulgar language of the commonest 
peasant being, one supposes, in common with all 
gods, a reflection of his worshipers. , He doesn't 
hedge himself about with any symbols of divinity 
though he does insist on being invisible to mortal 
eyes and may be induced to wink at any subversion 
of the moral laws, provided that the Respected, or 
the minister, intercedes (for a consideration) on be- 
half of the sinner. "lanto opened his Bible and 
read. Afterwards he removed the tobacco from his 
mouth and laid it on the table and he reported to 
God with a clean mouth." 

The tales and sketches have at least the sound 
of truth. And perhaps it is only our desire to have 
people live cleanly that makes it so very easy for 
us to believe that the peasants of these books are 
nothing more than creatures of the author's imag- 

Books of the Fortnight 

The following list comprises THE DIAL'S selec- 
tion of books recommended among the publications 
received during the last two weeks: 

The Cambridge History of American Literature. 
Edited by William Peterfield Trent, John 
Erskine, Stuart P. Sherman, and Carl Van 
Doran. 8vo, 658 pages. Vol. II. G. P. Put- 
nam's Sons. $3.50. 

James Madison's Notes of Debates in the Federal 
Convention of 1787 and Their Relation to a 
More Perfect Society of Nations. By James 
Brown Scott. 8vo, 149 pages. Oxford Uni- 
versity Press. $2. 

National Governments and the World War. By 
Frederic A. Ogg and Charles A. Beard. 8vo, 
603 pages. Macmillan Co. $2.50. 

An Introduction to the Study of the Government 
of Modern States. By W. F. Willoughby. 
I2mo, 455 pages. Century Co. $2.25. 

How the World Votes: The Story of Democratic 
Development in Elections. By Charles Sey- 
mour and Donald Paige Frary. I2mo, 761 
pages. 2 vols. C. A. Nichols Co. (Spring- 
field, Mass.). 

Experiments in International Administration. By 
Francis Bowes Sayre. I2mo, 201 pages. Har- 
per & Bros. $1.50. 

Racial Factors in Democracy. By Philip Ains- 
worth Means. I2mo, 278 pages. Marshall 
Jones Co. $2.50. 

Can Mankind Survive. By Morrison I. Swift. 
I2mo, 20 1 pages. Marshall Jones Co. $1.50. 

Fighting the Spoilsmen: Reminiscences of the 
Movement for Civil Service Reform from the 
Passage of the Act of 1883 Down to the Out- 
break of the Present War. By William. Dud- 
ley Foulke. I2mo, 348 pages. G. P. Put- 
nam's Sons. $2. 

The Soul of Denmark. By Shaw Desmond. I2mo, 
277 pages. Charles Scribner's Sons. $3. 

Russia: From the Varangians to the Bolsheviks. By 
Raymond Beazley, Nevill Forbes and G. A. 
Birkett. With an introduction by Ernest 
Barker. I2mo, 60 1 pages. Oxford Univer- 
sity Press. $4.25. 

From Czar to Bolshevik. By E. P. Stebbing. Il- 
lustrated, 8vo, 322 pages. John Lane Co. 

The Unbroken Tradition. By Nora Connolly. 
Illustrated, I2mo, 202 pages. Boni & Live- 
right. $1.25. 

New and Old. By Edith Sichel. With an intro- 
duction by A. C. Bradley. Illustrated, 8vo, 
364 pages. E. P. Dutton & Co. $5. 

Joyce Kilmer: Poems, Essays and Letters. Edited, 
with a memoir, by Robert Cortes Holliday. 
Illustrated, I2mo, 559 pages. 2 vols. George 
H. Doran Co. $5. 

The British Navy in Battle. By Arthur H. Pol- 
len. Illustrated, I2mo, .358 pages. Double- 
day, Page & Co. $2.50. 

Gb'sta Berling's Saga. A novel. By Selma Lager- 
lof. Translated by Lillie Tudeer. I2mo, 609 
pages. 2 vols. American Scandinavian Foun- 
dation. $3. 

The Great Hunger. A novel. By Johan Bojer. 
Translated by W. J. Alexander Worster and 
C. Archer. I2mo, 327 pages. Moffat, Yard 
& Co. $1.60. 

The Roll-Call. A novel. By Arnold Bennett. 
I2mo, 417 pages. George H. Doran Co. 

The Desert of Wheat. A novel. By Zane Grey. 
Illustrated, I2mo, 377 pages. Harper & Bros. 
$1.50. . 

The Choices of an Etonian. A novel. By Horace 
Buckley. I2mo, 314 pages. John Lane Co. 

Sinister House. A novel. By Leland Hall. I2mo, 
226 pages. Houghton Mifflin Co. $1.50. 




The authorized biography 
of a great American artist. 



This volume is doubly welcome both on 
account of the interest attaching to 
Duveneck and the clear, honest criticism 
of his work (twenty reproductions of the 
more important canvases appear as illus- 
tration). Art criticism is not as a rule 
of great interest to the layman, but this 
book deals not only with a great artist, 
but with a great man. New York Sun. 

Illustrated $2.00 net at all bookstores 



does man live by lying? 

Do you believe that it is only by evading the 
realities of life and by erecting in their stead 
a lovely, unattainable dream that any human 
progress is made possible? That is the rather 
astonishing theory advanced in 

beyond life 

By James Branch Cabell 

In this teasing, provocative book Mr. Cabell 
defends the romantic spirit in life and letters, 
touching incidentally upon such matters as witch- 
women, prohibition, The Cinderella Legend as a 
social force and a multitude of other curious 
topics, including a discussion of certain aspects 
of literature from Sophocles to Harold Bell 

Those who are interested in writing of very 
real distinction and merit will find their antici- 
pations more than fulfilled in this book, which 
shows its author to be a literary artist of 
singular excellence. 

Opinions of Mr. Cabell 

H. L. Mencken : " An artist of the first consid- 
eration. . . . He is an original and will be 
talked of hereafter." 

John Macy : " A joyous anomaly a satirist in 

Wilson Follett : " He is a realist of the realities 
which have nothing to say to fashion and 

Burton Rascoe : " Cabell is the biggest event in 
American literature for many, many years, and, 
I am convinced, the greatest living master of 
English prose.". 

$1.50 Net. At All Bookstores 
Robert M. McBride . Co., New YorK 


Captain Paul Popenoe 

Formerly Editor of the Journal of Heredity 
(Organ of The American Genetic Associa- 
tion), Washington, D. C. 


Roswell Hill Johnson 

Professor of The University of Pittsburg 

Presents a more comprehensive development of 
the eugenic idea than any book so far published. 
In addition to a thorough discussion of the bio- 
logical aspects of the question, particular empha- 
sis is laid upon the practical methods of race 
betterment. The wide sociological significance of 
eugenics and its bearing on specific reforms, is 
treated with originality in chapters on the color 
line, war, taxation, rural life, socialism, child 
labor, unionism, vocational training, housing, 
feminism, sex hygiene, celibacy and prohibition. 
450 pages, $2.10 

THE MACMILLAN CO., Publishers, New York 

The Governments 
of Modern States 

By W. F. Willoughby 

Director of the Institute for Government Research, 

Late McCormick Professor of Jurisprudence 

and Politics, Princeton University. 

" The Governments of Modern States " is of a char- 
acter quite unlike any other book now in existence. As 
would be expected, it describes in detail the mechanical 
structure and operation of the governments of modern 
nations. In addition it gives for the first time a thor- 
ough analysis of the problem of government as a prob- 
lem; it furnishes a scientific classification of different 
types of government, and it not only gives the 1 features 
in respect to which governments differ among them- 
selves, but in all cases points out the advantages and 
disadvantages of the different types. 

8vo, 455 pages. Price, $2.25 

Published by 

THE CENTURY CO., New York City 

When writing to advertiser! please mention THE DIAL. 



February 8 

Current News 

The 1919 edition of Who's Who is announced 
as ready for immediate issue by the Macmillan Co. 

Little, Brown and Co. announce for March Green 
Valley, a chronicle of country life, by Katharine 

Dodd, Mead and Co. have in hand the manu- 
script of a new novel by Richard Baldock, The 
Clintons and Others. 

A Gentle Cynic, a translation of Ecclesiastes 
by Morris Jastrow, with a history of the conditions 
surrounding the writing of the book, is to be pub- 
lished at once by the J. B. Lippincott Co. 

Miss E. M. Delafield's War Workers, issued 
late in the autumn by Alfred A. Knopf, is to be 
followed in March by the publication from the 
same press of her novel, The Pelicans, recently 
brought out by Heinemann (London). 

Charles Scribner's Sons are shortly to bring out 
Another Sheaf, by John Galsworthy; Hospital 
Heroes, by Elizabeth Black; The Only Possible 
Peace, by Frederick C. Howe; and Deer Godchild, 
by Edith Serrell and Marguerite Bernard. 

Lemcke and Buechner have ready for early pub- 
lication, following the Entente " Baedeker " and 
Entente " Almanach de Gotha," an Entente " Min- 
erva" from the press of Gauthier-Villars (Paris) 
under the title Universitatum et Altarum Scholarum 
Index Generalis, Annuaire General des Facultes, 
prepared under the direction of R. de Montressus de 

A. L. Humphreys (London) has issued at one 
shilling* a prose translation of Bion's Lament for 
Adonis, by Winifred Bryher,. with the Greek text 
that of the Loeb Classical Library edition of The 
Bucolic Poets (Putnam) on parallel pages. Using 
a simple, flexible prose devoid of archaic affecta- 
tions, the translator has rendered the poem faith- 
fully enough and the poet with a sensitive fidelity 
to the Greek clarity and Oriental ritualism that 
were blended in him. She has, moreover, made a 
beautiful piece of English. 

D. C. Heath and Co. have just issued at $2 a new 
edition of President Wilson's The State: Elements 
of Historical and Practical Politics, revised by 
Edward Elliott, of the University of California. In 
this edition the chapters on the Theory of the State 
are substantially unchanged; but the chapters on 
government in the several nations have been re- 
vised to December, *i9i8, and new chapters have 
been added covering the governments of Italy, Bel- 
gium, Serbia, Roumania, Bulgaria, Modern Greece, 
Russia, Turkey, and Japan. A postscript looks to- 
ward the League of Nations. 

To write a bookful of poems in which the sea is 
the dominant theme is to challenge the reader to a 
particularly critical sensitiveness to the presence 
or absence of rhythm. It may be possible for the 
writer of verse to falter in this respect in other 
fields, but when the reader turns page after page 

of Songs and Sea Voices (by James Stewart Double- 
day Washington Square Bookshop; $1.25), he be- 
comes keen to detect the flaws. Consequently by 
the time one has reached the forty-seventh page of 
Dr. Doubleday's volume, he resents the " choppi- 
ness " of such stanzas as 

The fisher sails are floating 

In the blue evening calm, 
And I sense the breath of still waters 

On my torn spirit like balm. 

The author now and then rides the crest of a 
wave, and then one catches the freedom of rhythm, 
but he is quite as likely to destroy the mood, no 
sooner than it is achieved. 

The reader should be grateful to Boni and Live- 
right for three translations lately made available 
in their Modern Library (Croft leather, 70 cts. 
each) Nietzsche's Genealogy of Morals, trans- 
lated by Horace B. Samuel; Gautier's Mile, de 
Maupin; and Maupassant's Une Vie, with the 
Henry James introduction. Another recent issue 
in this series contributes to the current vogue for 
publishing Villon; fortunately this reprinting of 
John Payne's translations (with his introduction) 
gives him the credit that at least one contempor- 
ary edition has withheld. 


H. H. Bellamann is dean of the School of Music 
of the College for Women, Columbia, South Caro- 
lina. Mr. Bellamann was educated in Paris and was 
closely associated with new movements in music 
during his residence there. He is a frequent con- 
tributor to American musical journals. 

A. Vernon Thomas is a native of Manchester, 
England, and has done considerable journalistic 
work for the Manchester Guardian. In 1907 Mr. 
Thomas joined the staff of the Manitoba Free Press 
and remained with that paper for ten years, for the 
greater portion of that time as editorial and special 
article writer. Mr. Thomas served as secretary of 
the People's Forum, Winnipeg, 1913-16. 

Walton H. Hamilton (University of Texas, 
1907) has been Olds professor in economics in Am- 
herst College since 1917. He has served with Mr. 
Felix Frankfurter on the War Labor Policies 
Board. Mr. Hamilton is the author of Current 
Economic Problems, Exercises in Current Econo- 
mics, and an associate editor of the Materials for the 
Study of Economics series. 

Ashley H. Thorndike (Wesleyan University, 
1893) has been professor of English at Columbia 
University since 1906. Mr. Thorndike is a frequent 
contributor to various journals, and is the author of 
The Influence of Beaumont and Fletcher on Shake- 
speare, Tragedy, Everyday English, Facts About 
Shakespeare, Shakespeare's Theater; and editor of 
Tudor Shakespeare, Library of the World's Best 
Literature, and Longman's English Classics. 

The other contributors to the issue have previ- 
ously written for THE DIAL. 



Only a few copies left 


IN 1890 & 1891 

A complete account of the relationship and intercourse be- 
tween Whitman and a little group of friends in Lancashire 
during the last years of his life. The story of the book is 
completed by an account of Whitman's last illness, which 
began soon after the return of J. W. Wallace, and of his last 
messages to the Group. The final chapter gives copies of, 
or extracts from, nearly eighty of Whitman's letters and 
postcards. American Edition. Two Dollars net. Postage 12c. 

Published by 

EGMONT H. ARENS at the Washington Square Bookshop 
17 West 8th Street New York City 

First Complete American Edition of 

Labor in Irish History 


Commandant-General of the Irish Forces in the 

Insurrection of 1916 

A historical review of the economic and political 
conditions which have given birth to the psychology 
of the Irish proletariat. 
Cloth, $1.00 - Paper Cover, 60c 

166 East 37th Street New York City 

The one book on after-the-ivar problems that faces 
the issues of labor and bolshevism squarely 


By Carl H. Grain* 

pleads that political democracy shall rest on a founda- 
tion of industrial democracy. 

$1.25 net at all bookshops 


Professor of Romance Languages, Harvard University 
The book consists of a series of eight lectures delivered 
at the Lowell Institute in the autumn of 1917, reinforced 
with other material. The translations are by the author. 
Price $2.00, postage 15c. 



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Deals with the formation of a permanent league 
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At all Booksellers or from the Publishers 




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Translated by J. W. Greenstreet, M.A. Pages 253. Price $2.00 
These essays appear now for the first time in Eng- 
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Victorian and Modern 

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A Series of Dramas which illustrate the prog- 
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This Volume contains the complete text of 21 
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873 pages. $4.00 net. 
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160 THE DIAL February 8, 1919 

The Disabled Soldier 

By Douglas C. McMurtrie 

An Important New Book Published by the Macmillan Company 

THIS BOOK, the first on the subject to be published in this country, tells 
in non-technical form, of the achievements in the new science of rehabilita- 
tion, whereby the disabled man is no longer obliged to live in idleness dependent 
alone on his pension but is retrained for self-support and returned to the commu- 
nity well able to earn his own living. 

The efforts of the belligerent countries to give a square deal to the soldiers disabled 
in their service have laid the foundation for a revolutionary policy in dealing with 
the physically handicapped, civilian as well as military. 

The historical evolution of public attitude which he can hold these and other questions 

toward the disabled, the beginnings of con- are covered clearly but concisely, 

structive dealing with the cripple, how re- The organization of rehabilitation in the 

habilitation begins in the hospital bed, in allied and enemy countries, the special prob- 

what trades it has been possible to train lems of the blinded, the deafened, the tubercu- 

disabled men for 100 per cent, performance, lous, and the mental cases, and finally the 

the extent to which public opinion can help government program for disabled soldiers and 

or hinder the cause of the disabled soldier; sailors of the American forces are likewise 

how the handicapped man is placed in a job described. 

This is not a book for the specialist, but for any reader interested in social progress. It 
deals with a subject on which no intelligent citizen can afford to be uninformed. 

The author has long been identified with activities for the welfare of the cripple. He is now 
Director of the Red Cross Institute for Crippled and Disabled Men, President of the Federa- 
tion of Associations for Cripples, and Editor of the American Journal of Care for Cripples. 

Twenty-five remarkable illustrations showing crippled men on the high road to economic 
independence vitalize the text. 


Order the volume from our local bookseller, or it will be 
sent postage prepaid on receipt of check for $2.15 by the 

American Journal of Care for Cripples 

2929 Broadway New York City 

When writing to advertisers please mention THE DIAL. 

at the Crossways 





NO. 784 

FEBRUARY 22, 1919 


NOCTURNE. Verse Mildred Johnston Murphy 168 

MR. BALFOUR'S CHARM Norman Hapgood 169 


BOLSHEVISM Is A MENACE TO WHOM ? Thorstein Veblen 174 


ROGUE'S MARCH : To A FLEMISH AIR James Branch Cab ell 181 

BRIDGES. Verse Annette Wynne 182 

LETTERS TO UNKNOWN WOMEN . . . . . . . Richard Aldington 183 

To the Amaryllis of Theocritus 

Louis COUPERUS AND THE FAMILY NOVEL . . Robert Morss Lovett 184 




THE THEORY OF FICTION Henry B. Fuller 193 

LONDON, JANUARY 30 Edward Shanks 195 

To ONE WHO Woos FAME WITH ME. Verse .... Ralph Block 196 


FOREIGN COMMENT: Long Live the German Republic ! The Last Paradox. 2OO 

COMMUNICATIONS : The Test of Democracy. Soviet Russia and the American Con- 203 
stitution. When Dreams Come True. Mr. Untermeyer Raises His Shield. Banishment 
or Death. 

NOTES ON NEW BOOKS : Birth. The Poetry of George Edward Woodberry. Tin Cowrie 
Dass. Jungle Peace. Our National Forests. Kipling the Story-Writer. Backgrounds 
for Social Workers. Colonial Merchants and the American Revolution. Anthropology 
Up-to-Date. God's Responsibility for the War. Stakes of the War. The Great 
Change. Campaigning in the Balkans. Echoes and Realities. Gargoyles. The Winged 
Spirit. Where Your Heart Is. 

THE DIAL (founded in 1880 by Francis F. Browne) is published every other Saturday by The Dial Publishing Com- 
pany, Inc. Martyn Johnson, President at 152 West Thirteenth Street, New York, N. Y. Entered as Second Class 
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The Dial Publishing Company, Inc. Foreign Postage, 50 cents. 

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February 22 


Translated by ERNEST HUNTER WRIGHT. The Point of View of the Premier of France and Chairman 
of the Peace Conference. "A notably interesting, illuminating, inspiring book " says the New York Times 
It goes far to explain the passionate admiration the world feels for the man whose fiery eloquence sus- 
tained France in the darkest hour of the war. 2fet $2.00 


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By Lieut.-Col. H. J. KOEHLER, U. S. A. With a Foreword by 

Director of Military Gymnastics, Swordsmanship, etc., U. S. Military NEWTON D. BAKER 

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Secretary Baker testifies to the amazing rapidity with which Col. Koehler's method, formed by years of 
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By following them any man can keep himself fit. Net $2.00 


Introduction by the Rt. Hon. Sir EDWARD CARSON, K.C., M.P. A valuable study not only of the chief 
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garia and Croatia but of the submerged peoples, Jews, gypsies, etc. Ready February 19. Net $5.00 


The time has not yet come when the Revolution can be set in its true perspective ; until then and as an 
aid when that time comes, such a first-hand account of conditions and events as is here given by a cor- 
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An extraordinary beautiful account of the manner in which a young man gradually learned to withdraw 
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A series of beautiful little essays which originally appeared in the Outlook in 1915, in which the reader 
was enabled to turn from the warfare then all-absorbing, to dwell awhile in the affairs of the soul. 

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WHILE PARIS LAUGHED Being the Pranks and Passions of the Poet Tricotrin 

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Translated by MRS. W. A. GILLESPIE. New edition entirely reset with an Introduction by WILLIAM 
DEAN HOWELLS. Frontispiece showing the Cathedral of Toledo. 


By the author of "Mollie Make-Believe," ELEANOR HALLOWELL ABBOTT 

Crisp, sparkling dialogue and a series of breath-takUig episodes, quite unbelievable but refreshingly enter- 
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Edited by BARNET J. BEYER, Sometime Lecturer at the Sorbonne, Paris 


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Scandinavian Review 

AN UNSIGNED LETTER By Theodore Roosevelt 

" It seems to me we should consider far more carefully than we have done our duty 
in connection with the neutral nations in immediate proximity to the European com- 
batants : Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Holland and Switzerland. These are small na- 
tions of exceptionally high ethnic and cultural type. I believe that in their hearts they 
sympathize with us in this war. They are probably on the whole in more fundamen- 
tal agreement with us, socially, politically, and in the deeper relations of life, than any 
of the larger continental powers." So wrote Theodore Roosevelt in a letter published 
for the first time in the REVIEW. Professor W. H. Schofield, of Harvard, tells 
how the letter came to be written. 


Stefansson belongs to the select Log Cabin type of great men now almost as rare as 
buffalo fur coats. His youth was spent on the prairies of North Dakota in a home 
stripped of all cultural advantages except the sagas on his father's book shelves. 
Mr. Holme tells of his adventures in hay at the age of fifteen, when a blizzard saved 
him from a business career and of how he side-stepped politics and the puplit, jour- 
nalism and poetry, until finally he struck the Arctics. 


Scandinavia has her own way of meeting the Russian and Finnish Bolshevik propa- 
ganda, with freedom and ever more freedom, according to the Socialist editors, Jacob 
Vid-nes of Norway, and Otto Johanssen of Sweden. Plural voting and all remnants 
of caste and privilege have just been swept away in Sweden, and woman suffrage is 

A GLIMPSE OF DANISH ART. Part II. By Maurice Francis Egan 

Interest in art extends through all classes in Denmark. Royalty opens the annual 
exhibition at Charlottenborg and buys the first picture, and the legation barber begins 
the usual tonsorial conversation with an allusion to the work of the modernists. Dr. 
Egan's essay is illustrated with reproductions from Kai Nielsen, Kroyer, Michael and 
Anna Ancher, and others. 

In the March-April Number of the AMERICAN-SCANDINAVIAN 
REVIEW Now Ready 


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February 22 






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IN RUSSIA 1914-1917 


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Labor at the Crossways 


N ENGLISHMAN WRITES, " We cannot get 
the hang over here of your labor movement." Ap- 
parently he has been talking with optimistic Ameri- 
cans and reading our press reports. From these he 
has learned that American labor secured unprece- 
dented wage returns during the war; that trade 
union officials were granted extravagant represen- 
tation on war boards and state committees; that a 
host of labor officials held executive jobs under the 
government for the administration of the war in- 
dustries. All of this was represented for more than 
it was worth according to British labor evaluation. 
Union officials of Great Britain were also given 
administrative posts and held positions of influence 
for purposes of war. But these positions and the 
wage concessions paid British labor were regarded 
with a characteristic skepticism suggesting the state 
of mind toward industry of the British worker as 
it differs from our own. The American habit of 
mind in relation to the industrial institution is not 
the English ; moreover, our war industrial policy 
was extraordinary. 

In regard to the latter it will be remembered 
that when we entered the war we were conscious 
that we were late for the accomplishment of our 
avowed part in the conflict. If we paid sufficiently, 
it was argued, we stood the chance of making 
up for our tardiness. As a practical people we 
decided to pay, to pay any price that would avoid 
delay. The delay that was most feared was short- 
age in industrial output. Immediate steps were 
taken to insure vested interests against loss, or 
rather to assure them of ample reward for any 
cooperation they stood ready to give. Assurance 
was given the unions that workers would be re- 
warded in wages as never before. It was appar- 
ently accepted that wage payments would not meet 
I. W. W. requirements, so the I. W. W. was 
jailed. But high wage rates could be counted on 
to settle any difficulties that might arise with the 
A. F. of L., particularly if union officials were 
given ample representation on war industry coun- 
cils. The concessions came high, but it made no 
serious difference what was conceded to labor while 
the government was the purchaser and business 
reaped its necessary profits. It was not as though 
the unions wanted to run the industries; all they 
asked was " a voice " and a fair wage. 

Of course we wondered, while we were still at 
war and all the concessions were being made, what 
risks were in store for business when the competi- 
tive market should take the place of the assured 
market and bills should be paid no longer by the 
government. As a matter of fact we are won- 
dering about that now more than ever. Before the 
armistice was signed it seemed so wonderful to 
have the strong arm of the state offering its pro- 
tection that to many it was inconceivable that this 
beneficent power should be withdrawn. Now, 
dumb as usual, we are watching with the helpless- 
ness of little children the disintegration of the War 
Labor Board, the War Labor Policies Board, the 
failure of the Department of Labor to protect the 
women workers against sudden discharge, discrimi- 
nation, and cuts in wage rates. These agencies I 
speak of particularly because their failure to survive 
the first murmur of peace left, with the timid who 
place their dependence on state machinery, a dis- 
quieting sense of the futility of government pro- 
tection in labor affairs. 

Nobody has seemed to know \yhat to do about 
it. We are at sea: the government, the labor 
unions, and business. Business claimed the right 
to manage the situation. The national legislature 
was glad to shunt the responsibility, and the na- 
tional administration blithely threw the problem 
over to the claimants. Since then events have been 
moving at an unwonted pace. The labor market 
has overflowed. The Federal Employment offices 
reaching up and down and across the country are 
clogged and unable to function as factory doors 
remain closed and men fail to fit the jobs that offer 
and the jobs fail to fit the men. We are told by 
the employment managers that the refusal of sol- 
diers to go back to routine and confinement adds 
a new element to a situation already on the verge 
of breaking. ' 

In spite of the insistence of the business men 
that they be allowed to resume their sponsorship 
over the production of wealth and resume it un- 
hampered, the Secretary of Labor states that the 
statistics from the employment bureaus show that 
the unemployment is due not to any unusual labor 
surplus, but to the timidity of the business men 
themselves. An industrial manager said to me, 
" If you think that labor is without a policy and 



February 22 

unequal to the present emergency, I wonder what 
you would say of the business man if you knew 
him as well as I do?" With the price of raw 
material floating in upper regions, attainable only by 
government agents because they are unhandicapped 
as are business agents with the payment of divi- 
dends; with Mr. Gpmpers shouting across the 
continent that wage fates shall not be reduced what 
can a sane business man do? He could of course 
treat with Mr. Gompers. It has always been the 
boast of the American Federation that it can treat 
with any sane business man. 

But what the business man is now seeing, which 
causes his discomfort, is not Mr. Gompers, but 
that Specter which raised its head in Russia two 
years ago, which a little later faced west, crossed 
Europe, and passed into Great Britain. No one 
can say that this Specter will cross the Atlantic. 
But the fear that obsesses many of the business men 
is that cuts in the wage rates which were created in 
war times with the government's underwriting, 
might furnish the Specter its incentive for a trial 
trip. It is difficult to tell whether this Specter 
could create havoc of grave importance in America, 
should it make an attempt. But it has taken up 
its abode for the time in England, and looks so 
like a native there that they forget to call it by its 
Russian name. It has made it clear in Great 
Britain that its special mission is not confined to the 
protection of wage rates but that it is concerned 
primarily in jacking up labor into the belief that 
political states and financiers are incompetent to 
carry industry forward to the satisfaction of the 
people of any land. The most recent reports which 
have come from England, Scotland, and Ireland 
show developments which were not defined when 
Mr. Cole's article which appears in this issue of 
THE DIAL was written. The strikes are develop- 
ing unusual significance as they are advancing. The 
latest reports show that the men are ou,t for some- 
thing quite different from collective bargaining be- 
tween employer and employed. The most favorable 
settlement terms fail to bring a sense of permanent 
peace. A forty-hour week seems to be no greater 
accomplishment than a forty-eight. There are 
boilermakers, shipbuilders, and engineers who " im- 
pudently " assert that they are out for the control 
of industry, that they intend to see that it no longer 
pays business men to carry on. But more signifi- 
cant is the fact that the strikes represent a rank 
and file movement; that the old leaders and or- 
ganizations are defied; that the movement in 
throwing off the old leadership has substituted an 
organization which has a centralizing power of its 
own rather than one imposed from above and ex- 
isting by the weakness of its membership. The 

European movement on the continent and in Great 
Britain is characterized by a decentralization of 
power and an attempt of the worker to gain status 
through control and self-government, in his organi- 
zations as well as in the workshop. 

The intention of the American unions, to form a 
national political party expresses a new desire for the 
extension of political control rather any new sense 
of industrial sovereignty. It will be said that the 
intention is to develop both. But I can find noth- 
ing in the platforms as they were issued which 
shows desire for change in industrial status, or in- 
terest of the unions in the extension of labor con- 
trol. The platforms of the Chicago and New 
York trade unions, it is true, as well as a recent 
manifesto of the American Federation (declaring 
against a political party) are all opposed to the ex- 
tension of privilege to corporations. They all stand 
for a tax on land values, but they stand for a tax 
as well on inheritance and incomes. In other 
words, they have no conception of clearing industry 
of legal handicaps so that it could be pursued and 
developed; they are not concerned, indeed, with its 
development. They leave development and control, 
as a matter of fact, to others to any others, to the 
business men or to the state. There is the tacit 
assumption throughout that labor has no interest in 
the running of industry. The American wage 
earner, the American stockholder, financial manipu- 
lator, and employer of labor are alike concerned 
with the possession of goods. That is what these 
labor platforms are about and that is what the 
manifesto of the Executive Council of the A. F. 
of L. is about. They demand the right of organi- 
sation to maintain wage rates. There is no sug- 
gestion that these organizations shall represent 
industrial self-government in the sense in which 
they use that term in Europe. The Chicago plat- 
form and the New York platform call for a demo- 
cratic control of industry, but no further reading 
of the platforms suggests that democratic control 
means more than the higgling which the unions 
have heretofore carried on with employers the jug- 
gling with a wage which was followed by a more 
skilful juggling with a market. 

The Federation and these new labor parties in 
the states are relying on the government to regu- 
late industry as they lay stress on a proportionate 
representation of labor in government administra- 
tive and legislative bodies. Such political represen- 
tation might well. follow an organization of indus- 
try where self-government had been effected or 
where labor had assumed responsibility and status 
in the work of wealth production. But preceding 
labor's industrial control and responsibility, political 
representation, as it is demanded in these platforms. 




means labor's administration of industry through 
politics. Conceive for a moment the realization 
of this demand for political representation. The 
legislatures and government offices would be domi- 
nated by labor. Under such circumstances labor 
would block the movements of those who controlled 
wealth wherever such action appeared to serve the 
purposes of the trade unions. The situation, as we 
know, is inconceivable, and it is further to be con- 
sidered what can be gained by a policy which de- 
pends on blocking? Is not this effort of labor to 
gain a strategic position through the state only 
another move in a defensive policy? Does it not 
indicate that labor is admitting weakness, is side- 
stepping the extension of its function from its 
position of routine and employment to participa- 
tion in the management and control of wealth pro- 
duction? So far as these recent pronouncements of 
organized labor indicate, the union position is un- 
changed. Labor is to be bought and sold in the 
market as usual. No reiteration of the American 
Federation that labor is not a commodity can be 
seriously regarded while the union movement leaves 
the workers without status in their industry, or 
control in the development of the enterprise of 
which they are an integral part. 

We have believed in our industrial institution 
because we were confident that our resources were 
unlimited, that wealth was to be had, and that 
sooner or later it would come our individual way. 
The chances were good if we could only get next to 
some one in power. What could a union move- 
ment do against such a cheering thought? This 
temper is unintelligible to our English friends: it 
it because of it that they cannot understand our 
movement or realize why it is hung up. It is hung 
up, but no one will predict for how long. With 
the government leaving industry to business men, 
and business men coming back for protection to the 
government; with a desperate cutting in wage rates 
in some-of the industries in spite of what may hap- 
pen later; with production blocked in other indus- 
tries; and with food, clothing, and shelter maintain- 
ing their purchase price, will the American labor 
movement come down to the business in hand? 
Will it remain sublimely unconscious that such a 
thing as labor control of production is being born 
into the world? 

Today, for the first time, organized labor has 
given a sign that it is conscious. Up to the present 
moment there was no public evidence that 2,000,000 
organized workers in the United States would pro- 
pose in regular form to Congress that the railroad 
workers of the country should take over the entire 
operating control and financial management of the 

roads. There is no precedent in trade union prac- 
tice for such an astounding proposition. There is 
no tradition among the wage workers in America, 
such as still lurks in the minds of the British, of in- 
dustrial responsibility. Our American unions have 
not been discussing labor status as the English have. 
On the contrary they have displayed a marked aver- 
sion to the idea of industrial management or con- 
trol. Even these same railroad workers, it is ru- 
mored, turned down a short time ago a tentative 
invitation to participate in the administration of the 
roads when the government took them over while 
we were at war. Today with cool confidence they 
make a proposition which might have sprung from 
any corporation that was properly endowed with 
its usual quota of common, preferred, and watered 
stock. In making their proposition they remark, 
or their attorney does for them, that operating 
ability is the sole capital of this corporation. Has 
any greater heresy than this been spoken in Russia? 
The proposition wears indeed the same air of 
" impudence " which was objected to in England. 
But the animus is not the English nor the Russian. 
It is not impudent and is not impelled by any revo- 
lutionary thoughts or intention. Specifically it is a 
defensive move against the federal regulation which 
denies government employees the full right of organi- 
zation. Although the proposition,may be no more 
than a matter of trade-union strategy, as it comes 
at this time when the industrial and labor situa- 
tion is highly sensitive to suggestion, it cannot fail 
to mark a new era in labor psychology. What will 
be said in the next few weeks on the question of 
acceptance or rejection of the proposal must in- 
evitably leave an indelible impression on the future 
if not on the present policy of the labor movement. 

In the first place the proposal involves a com- 
plete shift from craft to industrial unionism. It is 
implicit in the very statement of the proposition 
that industrial organization is the prerequisite of 
mastery and control, for the very simple reason that 
it is the basis of actual industrial operation. What- 
ever disposition is made of the scheme, the 500,000 
members of the Railroad Brotherhood and the 
1,500,000 members of the A. F. of L. craft unions 
which are involved in the proposal will all recog- 
nize that any suggestion which insures a cha'nge of 
status for labor or places it in a position of control 
will require this shift from craft to industrial or- 
ganization. For the advancement of industrial 
unionism the event could not have been more timely. 
During the war the development of efficiency 
methods in the factory reduced many of the so- 
called skilled processes to mechanical operations 
which would fit the strength and experience 



February 22 

women and young people. This dilution of skill and 
of male labor has its serious, direct, and obvious con- 
sequences for the craft unions. 

One of the most important effects of industrial 
unionism is the compulsion which it imposes on 
labor to think in terms of the enterprise rather 
than the job. On the other hand, industrial union- 
ism does not, as is often supposed, insure industrial 
democracy or give of necessity opportunity for self- 
government. In respect to the latter this scheme of 
the Railroad Unions furnishes a striking contrast 
to the English movement of the shops, which is also 
industrial in its direction. It is not the industrial 
form of organization of the shop stewards move- 
ment which gives it its democratic character; it is, 
the desire of the shop workers to participate in in- 
dustrial management. The existence of this desire 
in England and its absence in America is a pertinent 
illustration of the differences which exist in trade 
union psychology. The division of labor and the 
successful competition of machine production with 
hand production, of the factory with the workshop 
or the craftsman, never destroyed completely the 
British tradition that bound the workman to his in- 
dustry. This tradition which has persisted for 
nearly two centuries without apparent warrant or 
value has made its contribution at last in the swift 
development of labor organization which is deter- 
mined by the men at work in the shops. Even 
should this shop steward movement end without 
complete victory over the unionism which is super- 
imposed, this habit of mind of the British worker 
toward industrial responsibility is a labor asset with 
which the vested interests of Great Britain will 
eventually reckon. 

Because modern industry has made little im- 
pression in Russia, the Russian workers as a whole 
have never experienced an industrial environment 
which is as irresponsible as is our own for pro- 
duction. Producing wealth in Russia has always 
been a matter for serious concern, and the brunt of 
the concern as well as the labor was borne by the 
peasant. It is not difficult to trace the idea of in- 
dustrial self-government for which the Soviet 

stands to the old Zemstvos and to understand that 
the Russian workers are better prepared for the 
assumption of industrial responsibility than the 
workers of the United States. It is important to 
remember in estimating the elements which have 
given the workers of Russia and Great Britain their 
impetus for industrial democracy that in both of 
these countries the workers' cooperative enterprises 
have persisted with the strong tendency to pre- 
serve the idea of responsibility for productive en- 
terprise which had rested with workers before the 
days of business enterprise. 

The attitude of American labor toward produc- 
tion is the national attitude of giving as little and 
taking as much as we can get away with. This 
attitude is common enough in modern Europe but 
in America it is without inhibitions sufficiently im- 
portant to have had their effect, either conscious, 
or unconscious, on industrial responsibility. I have 
not space to speak of the part this attitude may play 
in the revolutionary changes which are apparently 
scheduled to come off sooner or later on this side 
of the Atlantic. But" as industry is reorganizing 
for the benefit of financial interests it has become 
apparent that the interest of labor and its sense 
of industrial responsibility must be aroused if 
American industry is to hold its own in the world 
market. There is no known way of developing 
responsibility except by experiencing it, and this 
proposal of the railroad workers is the first sugges- 
tion that the unions may seriously regard them- 
selves as responsible factors. While this proposal 
is not as yet representative of current thought in 
labor organizations, it will be received there as a 
highly agitating event and one with which the in- 
terests in some connection will have to deal. Today 
the situation is this: the officials of unions represent- 
ing 2,000,000 wage workers have broken down all 
precedent as they have proposed in serious form 
to take over the management of the railroad sys- 
tems of the United States. Here is adventure and 
imaginative matter injected at a time when sug- 

gestion counts. 



When night-winds blow, I open wide 
My window to the sounding seas, 
And the strange sea-birds come with cries, 
Their wings all wet from the wild seas . 
(And the long-drown'd arise). 

When night-winds blow, I open wide 

My heart to loud and breaking seas; 

Oh the strange, passionate thoughts fly near, afraid, 

Their wings all wet with wild sea-water! 

(And on my heart cold hands, long dead, are laid). 




Mr. Balfour's Charm 

J-HE MIND of Arthur James Balfour: Selections 
from his Non-political Writings, Speeches and Ad- 
dresses, 1879-1917 (edited by Wilfred M. Short 
Doran; $2.50) is a challenge to consider Mr. Bal- 
four apart from his political record: as a thinker, a 
spirit, a personality. The two aspects of the man 
are not altogether separable. If the tradition of his 
class had not forced the languid and philosophic 
youth into public life, his literary record would not 
have forced THE DIAL and me to destroy white 
paper talking about him. He is a fascinating 
creature, of a fascinating entourage, but his indi- 
vidual importance for history lies in his policy of 
force and the British style of reform in Ireland in 
those long years when he led either the Government 
or the opposition and in his success as a diplomat 
in the greatest of wars. As his uncle believed in 
him, he was put in Parliament at twenty-six; five 
years later he made himself famous by applying to 
Ireland coercion plus sensible concrete proposals as 
seen by a mind bred across the Channel; and at 
forty-four he was prime minister. Nobody claims 
for him a constructive legislative record in his 
three most conspicuous subjects, Ireland, education, 
and tariff, he solved nothing but the House of Com- 
mons, which knows so much about England's prog- 
ress, through many years loved and followed him. 
England always has her men of action her Rhodes, 
Gladstone, Chamberlain; she has a quiet and pre- 
vailing instinct for getting things done; but her 
governing class also love a measured manner and 
calm indifference to political prizes. Sir Edward 
Grey's known preference for fishing over public life, 
the Duke of Devonshire's devotion to country occu- 
pations, Lord Salisbury's indifference, fitted the 
taste of an assembly of gentlemen long accustomed 
to rule. Mr. Balfour's manner, his love of philoso- 
phy, his rapier-like debating, his personal charm, 
and his courage reached the House of Commons, as 
they will reach some who merely read his written 
words. A Briton will pass final judgment on some- 
one by saying he is the sort of man with whom one 
would like to go tiger-hunting. He is picturing 
character in an emergency, when it would stand 
surely to its undertaking. Nobody ever doubted 
Mr. Balfour's character. 

This firmness is not to be exploited. Even 
tragedy is questionable. A perfect type of the Brit- 
ish aristocrat has a kind of unobtrusive preference 
for the agreeable. " I personally like the Spring 
day," Mr. Balfour says, in responding to a toast to 
literature, " and bright sun and the birds singing, 

and if there be a shower or a storm, it should be 
merely a passing episode in the landscape, to be fol- 
lowed immediately by a return of brilliant sun- 
shine." It is not the Lear or Oedipus type. I know 
not how true it is, but there used to be a statement 
current, about the time Mr. Balfour was coming 
into prominence, that the most quoted book in the 
House of Commons was Alice in Wonderland, and 
surely there is no book that appeals more unques- 
tionably to a high and rather late culture. The 
fact that the House of Commons liked it so much is 
not unrelated to their love of Mr. Balfour, to whom 
human reasoning appears much as a grotesque. 
This type of mind has made him more formidable 
in destructive criticism than in positive propaganda 
or enactment, and it is fit that his most notable piece 
of writing should be entitled* A Defense of Philo- 
sophic Doubt. It is an entirely successful defense 
of philosophic doubt. It is not so conclusive a 
foundation for the doctrines of the established 
church, or for any other affirmation, nor is its suc- 
cessor, The Foundations of Belief. The ability ex- 
hibited in these volumes is forensic. The misty 
notions of evidence harbored by the unskilled have 
small chance against the writer; and his favorite 
target is the cruder skepticism: 

Suppose for a moment a community of which each 
member should deliberately set himself the task of throw- 
ing off as far as possible all prejudices due to education; 
where each should consider it his duty critically to ex- 
amine the grounds upon which rest every positive enact- 
ment and every moral precept which he has been accus- 
tomed to obey; to dissect all the great loyalties which 
make social life possible, and all the minor conventions 
which help to make it easy; and to weigh out with 
scrupulous precision the exact degree of assent which in 
e~ach particular case the results of this process might 
seem" to justify. To say that such a community, if it 
acted upon the opinions thus arrived at, would stand but 
a poor chance in the struggle for existence is to say far 
too little. It could never even begin to be; and if by a 
miracle it was created, it would without doubt imme- 
diately resolve itself into its constituent elements. 

Hence we take our stand for Authority : 

It is true, no doubt, that we can, without any great 
expenditure of research, accumulate instances in which 
Authority has perpetuated error and retarded progress, 
for unluckily none of the influences, Reason least 1 of all, 
by which the history of the race has been moulded, have 
been productive of unmixed good. 

" Least of all," Mr. Balfour? And again: 

if we would find the quality in which we most notably 
excel the brute creation, we should look for it, not so 
much in our faculty of convincing and being convinced 
by the exercise of reasoning, as in our capacity for in- 
fluencing and being influenced through the action of 

Note the capital A. But this preference really fails 
at a glance. Our young chickens reproduce the 



February 22 

habits and conclusions of their ancestors. On the 
Other hand, reasoning, and reasoning against the cur- 
rent, guided Galileo, Darwin, Socrates, and Jesus. 
Also if man has passed into a world unknown to 
apes, it is because he was able to reach a conclu- 
sion that if he put wood on fire he could maintain 
himself in warmth. By the heterodox has he gone 
forward. No doubt the first ape to walk on his 
hind legs was deemed an opponent of Authority and 
a Danger to the Community. 

I would not willingly be frivolous. The Tory 
tradition has a role of value in the world, and it 
will have value in the new world that we approach. 
Even we democrats should welcome an intelligent 
questioning of democracy. There will be a new 
Tory party, whatever it may be called. The public 
is the right judge of public affairs, but the public 
is compelled to experiment, and it is subject to at- 
tacks of caprice, fashion, and mob despotism. The 
future will do something strange to Oxford and 
Cambridge, Heaven knows what; languid, critical 
charm will not mark the prime minister of 2019; 
but there will be other Cambridges, other Balfours, 
questioning the new, calm with the memory of cen- 
turies, guided (and limited) by taste. To that new 
Toryism let us hope that some of our best men and 
women may adhere. " Democracy is one of the most 
difficult forms of government to administer, though 
it be the greatest." Mr. Balfour was talking to 
Americans when he said that, in 1911, and he 
warned them that the problems of democracy are 
not simple; are not going to solve themselves; re- 
quire the services of the best men ; are of increasing 
difficulty ; and indeed, " while the word progress is 
perpetually on our lips, we may yet be face to face 
with a danger and difficulty of %vhich the solution 
may escape even the wisest." 

The Tory was a person with a privilege to which 
was attached an obligation. He is not to be classed 
with the Bourbons. He recognized his obligations 
more than his successor in power, the captain of in- 
dustry; and indeed the best of the Tories are 
lining themselves up with those who would shake 
the hold of finance. Mr. Balfour said some years 
ago, and his cousin, Lord Robert Cecil, has said 
within a few weeks, that the hope of civilization 
lies in actual partnership between capital and labor, 
not in minor concessions. Yet Lord Robert re- 
signed from the Government on the issue of Welsh 
disestablishment, and Mr. Balfour fights modern 
education in behalf of the established church. The 
Tory is an extraordinarily worthy and interesting 
tnimal. Moriturum te salutamus. Your day is 
passing, but we give you our applause. 

The British aristocrat, whether Tory or Whig, 

has known singularly well how to fit himself to ad- 
vancing circumstance. If the Bourbon forgot 
nothing and learned nothing, the .British aristocracy 
renews itself with men of mark and respects in its 
own ranks not the wasters and the drones but the 
industrious and responsible. To a near relative of 
Mr. Balfour's I once said, " The British populace 
has taken over political power just about in propor- 
tion as it -has needed it," and she replied, " We have 
given it to them." The " we " was a trifle proud, 
perhaps, but it is true that one of the greatest ac- 
complishments of the ruling class in England has 
been in knowing when to yield. It has never sat on 
the lid until it was blown up. Mr. Balfour is over 
seventy today, and his ideas are more liberal than 
they were when he was twenty. Perhaps if the 
German aristocracy had been as sound in instinct as 
the British, the world-war would have had another 
ending, or there would have been no war. The 
Briton can tell pretty well the substance from the 
shadow. If he had been in power in Germany, and 
had seen his country rapidly conquering the mar- 
kets of the world, he would never have given up 
such solid conquest for a dazzling grandiose idea. 
No shining armor or terrifying noises for him. He 
finds out what is essential and quietly makes it his. 
In the growth of the mighty empire the liberal and 
the conservative forces have kept so close together 
that their differences have amounted to supplement. 
It is even true that a large part of the progressive 
legislation has been enacted by the Tories. As I 
look back at Mr. Balfour's record, even at such 
parts of it as Ireland, I hesitate to dogmatize. He 
is always intelligent; perhaps he might admit that 
the more characteristic doctrines of Jesus have not 
shown conspicuously in his politics. This may be 
for him or against him, for all I know. The Brit- 
ish Empire is a big place. It might have been 
smaller if only democratically and spiritually minded 
men had formed its governments. It certainly 
would have been smaller if stern men had ruled 
alone, for in that case South Africa would have 
joined Germany in this war, with what remoter 
consequences we know not. Possibly the combina- 
tion of compulsion and freedom, of idealism and 
business, of skepticism and hope, that the British 
elector has stood for represents as sound political 
government as there is. 

However, in insisting on Mr. Balfour's essential 
Toryism, we must emphasize also the superiority of 
his individual intelligence. Why did he cease to be 
the leader of his party? Why were the letters, 
B.M.G., " Balfour Must Go," posted over Lon- 
don? Who succeeded him? He lost his leadership, 
in the fight of a decade ago, over the House of 




Lords because he was not sufficiently rigid and nar- 
row-minded to meet the spirit of the unbending 
Tories. It was the Bitter-Enders, in the House of 
Lords contest, who threw Mr. Balfour out. Since 
those days the leader of the Unionists has been an 
industrious and mediocre business man, with no 
troublesome individuality, and apparently Mr. An- 
drew Bonar Law managed his task, before the 
world war and since, to the satisfaction of those 
immediately concerned. Mr. Balfour's reputation 
seemed to have started on the decline until in the 
war he emerged as the man most trusted in foreign 
diplomacy not for imagination, for conceiving or 
embracing a startling future, but for tact, negoti- 
ating ability, forensic shrewdness, and judgment. 
The acts of leadership and faith in this greatest of 

all crises are not what we expect of him; but if 
these acts give promise it will not be in Mr., Balfour 
to oppose. If mankind masters itself, to settle in a 
better way the problems that arise between states; if 
Germany and Russia are made welcome partners ; if 
the method of governing this new assembly is well 
advanced in liberalism; and if all countries, includ- 
ing Britain, are asked to make sacrifices for a suc- 
cess so high facing such a world Mr. Balfour will 
at least acquiesce. Afterward he will go back to 
England, happy to spend the evening of life with 
books and simple exercise, but ready whenever 
needed to enter the ranks, and not afraid to contem- 
plate any new world that the wisdom or folly of 
man may choose. A Balfour is not a Knox, Lodge, 

or Reed. X r TT 


The Industrial Councils of Great Britain 


.EADERS WHOSE knowledge of the industrial 
situation in Great Britain is confined to the 
speeches of Cabinet Ministers and the comments of 
the daily press are apt to imagine that a new heaven 
and a new earth are being created by some magical 
process initiated by the Whitley Report. Joint 
Standing Industrial Councils representing employers 
and employed, so the press and the politicians in- 
form us, are being set up almost every day, and a 
new spirit of fellowship and good will is animating 
masters and workmen alike. I can only say that I 
have sought for this new spirit, and I have not 
found it. Joint Standing Industrial Councils are 
indeed being established in considerable numbers; 
but most of the vital industries have hitherto shown 
no anxiety to establish them, and, even where they 
have been established, there is not much evidence of 
the " new spirit " of which we hear so much. In 
fact, the Whitley Report, loudly as it has been ac- 
claimed in governmental circles, has almost entirely 
failed to stir the world of Labor. In some indus- 
tries, notably on the railways and in the big engi- 
neering group, it has been definitely rejected. In 
other cases it has been accepted as a useful piece of 
machinery, but without any particular enthusiasm, 
and certainly with no idea that it provides a panacea 
for all industrial troubles. The only case in which 
its adoption has been urgently pressed by the workers 
is that of State employees, and in this instance the 
urgency arises largely from the desire to use it as a 
means of securing full recognition and the right of 
collective bargaining. 

The first Whitley Report, to which the later Re- 
ports are hardly more than supplements, proposes 

that in the better organized industries Standing 
Joint Industrial Councils should be set up nationally 
in each industry, with District Councils and Works 
Councils under them. The National and District 
Councils are to consist of an equal representation 
from Employers' Associations on the one side and 
from Trade Unions on the other. They are to be 
voluntary in character, and the Endowing of their 
decisions with any legal power is to be a matter for 
further consideration. The State is not to be repre- 
sented, and is to appoint a chairman only when re- 
quested to do so by the Council itself. At the same 
time the Government has announced its intention of 
recognizing the Councils as advisory bodies repre- 
senting the various industries, and of consulting 
them on matters affecting their interests. 

In all this there is nothing in the smallest degree 
revolutionary. In most industries in Great Britain 
there have long existed regular means of joint nego- 
tiation and consultation between employers and em- 
ployed. In some cases these have taken the form of 
Boards of Conciliation with agreed rules and 
methods of procedure; in others there have been 
merely regular arrangements for periodic confer- 
ence. The important point is that, in the majority 
of organized industries, recognition of Trade Union- 
ism and frequent negotiation between Trade Unions 
and Employers' Associations have long been the 

The Whitley Report does not in reality carry 
matters very much further, though at first sight it 
may seem to do so. It hints again and again that 
one of its principal reasons for urging the establish- 
ment of Joint Industrial Councils is in order to 



February 22 

satisfy the demand of the workers for a greater con- 
trol over industry; but the actual constitutions of 
the Whitley Councils which have been established 
do nothing at all to make this aspiration a fact. 
They provide,' indeed, for joint consideration of 
questions affecting the industry; but they do nothing 
to affect the final and exclusive control of the em- 
ployer over the way in which he runs his business. 
I am not complaining, or saying that they could do 
more. I am merely criticizing the prevalent view 
that the Whitley Report makes a new and revolu- 
tionary departure in the sphere of industrial rela- 
tions. It does not:- it only regularizes and formal- 
ises a process which has long been going on in most 
of our principal industries, and one which would 
have continued whether there had been a Whitley 
Report or not. In fact, the control of industry can- 
not be altered merely by the setting up of a few 
Joint Committees. The control of industry rests on 
the economic power of those who control it; and 
only a shifting of the balance of economic power 
will alter this control. Such a shifting of power 
may be, and I believe is, in progress at the present 
time; but it is quite independent of such events as 
the issuing and adoption by the Government of the 
Whitley Report. The view most current among 
Trade Unionists that the Whitley Report does not 
matter much one way or the other is certainly the 
right one. 

Nevertheless, though it is not likely to produce 
large permanent results, the Report has for the time 
being attracted a good deal of attention. Official 
Trade Unionism, represented by the Parliamentary 
Committee of the Trades Union Congress, accepted 
it without enthusiasm and subject to its remaining 
purely voluntary. Even official Trade Unionism 
will not tolerate compulsory arbitration in any form, 
except under protest as a war measure. Unofficial 
rank and file Trade Unionism, represented by the 
shop stewards' movement and other agencies, 
roundly denounced " Whitleyism " as an attempt to 
sidetrack the growing movement of the class-con- 
scious workers towards the control of industry. 
" Whitleying away our strength," one rank and file 
critic entitled his article upon the Report, and went 
on to urge that the capitalists, fearing the rising 
tide of rank and file committees, had inspired the 
Report in the hope of substituting for them joint 
committees of masters and men, and so depriving 
them of their dynamic and revolutionary character. 
The National Guilds League, also representing the 
left wing, declared against the underlying assump- 
tion of the Report that industrial peace is possible 
and desirable under capitalism, and pointed out that, 
whatever the merits or demerits of joint committees, 
they cannot provide the dynamic for securing con- 

trol, or offer any alternative to workship agitation 
and workshop organization for the purpose of a 
gradual assumption of control by the workers. 
Other critics, largely among State Socialists, dwelt 
rather on the dangers of Whitleyism to the con- 
sumer and the risk of establishing a common soli- 
darity between employers and workers in a particu- 
lar industry against the public a risk also noted by 
the Guild Socialists. In fact, everywhere the left 
wing, and often a part of the right also, rejected the 
Whitley proposals. 

What, then, of the Whitley Councils and other 
bodies on similar lines, which are being established? 
The first thing to notice about them is that many 
of them affect only small and often ill-organized 
groups. The Whitley Committee itself recom- 
mended the establishment of Joint Industrial Coun- 
cils only in those industries in which employers and 
employed were comparatively well organized. For 
the industries in which organization was weak, it 
recommended the establishment of Trade Boards 
under the act recently passed to extend the scope 
of the original Trade Boards Act of 1909. Never-' 
theless, Whitley Councils have been established in 
a number of industries which cannot by any means 
be regarded as well organized. Instances of this 
are the Pottery Council and the Match Makers' 
Council. Moreover, Councils are being set up for 
certain small sectional trades which can hardly by 
any stretch of imagination be regarded as industries. 
The Bobbin Industrial Council and the Spelter In- 
dustrial Council are notable examples of this undue 
tendency to sectional organization. On the other 
hand, Councils have been or are being set up in a 
number of important industries, including the 
woolen, printing, building, baking, and other in- 

In addition to the Industrial Councils set up 
under the Whitley scheme, the Government, 
through the Ministry of Reconstruction, has estab- 
lished a number of Interim Reconstruction Com- 
mittees, principally in industries in which the for- 
mation of Industrial Councils has not been found 
possible, but also in some cases for small or almost 
unorganized industrial groups, such as needles and 
fishhooks, and furniture removing and warehous- 
ing. Altogether there are about twenty Indus- 
trial Councils now in existence, and a considerably 
larger number of Interim Reconstruction Commit- 
tees. No steps have yet been taken to extend the 
Trade Boards Act to new trades, unless not very 
definite promises to distributive workers, to tobacco 
workers, and to one or two other groups are treated 
as steps in this direction. 

It is too early yet to say what the new Indus- 
trial Councils are likely to do when they get to 



work. Their constitutions are, as a rule, drawn so 
as to embrace a large variety of purposes, without 
giving much indication of the course which they will 
actually pursue. One significant clause, which oc- 
curs in the constitution of several Councils, makes it 
one of the objects to maintain selling prices at a 
level which will secure reasonable remuneration to 
both employers and employees. This recalls the 
professed objects of many trusts and employers' com- 
binations too closely to require detailed criticism; 
but it is important to note it because it is clearly 
based on the assumption of a common interest be- 
tween employers and workers in a particular indus- 
try a common interest which clearly may easily 
become anti-social in its effects, and in any case runs 
counter to the Socialist theory of a common soli- 
darity of all workers irrespective of craft or indus- 
try. Apart from this provision the constitutions 
contain few notable features, except that in many 
cases the provision for District Councils and, still 
more, for Works Committees is allowed to fall very 
much into the background. All the constitutions 
provide for regular discussion on matters affecting 
the industry, and for communication with the au- 
thorities on questions of legislation affecting the in- 
dustry; but it is too soon to see how this consulta- 
tion will work in practice. 

Apart from the Whitley Councils, there are a 
riumber of agencies at work with the declared object 
of promoting industrial peace. The Industrial Re- 
construction Council exists mainly in order to push 
the ideas of the Whitley Report, and sometimes 
seems to acquire in the process an almost official 
status. The so-called " Reconstruction Society " is 
merely the old Anti-Socialist Union suitably dis- 
guised. The National Alliance of Employers and 
Employed is, directly or indirectly, an offshoot of 
the big employers' Federation of British Industries, 
and includes many prominent employers and a few 
well-known Trade Unionists of the right wing, 
among them Mr. Havelock Wilson and Mr. John 
Hodge. This body has so far devoted itself mainly 
to the question of demobilization, urging that the re- 
construction of industry should be undertaken co- 
operatively by employers and Trade Unions with 
the minimum of Government interference. The 
Industrial League is a less formal prqpagandist body 
with much the same obj'ects as the National Alli- 
ance. None of these bodies has secured much Trade 
Union backing, except among the Labor leaders of 
the extreme right wing. In fact all these move- 
ments for industrial cooperation are of little effect 
in relation to the really vital problems of industrial 
reconstruction. Whatever joint machinery may be 
set up, it seems unlikely that the gulf between em- 
ployers and workers will be in any way bridged. In 

almost every industry of importance the workers are 
already busy formulating extensive programs, em- 
bodying demands which will hardly be granted with- 
out a struggle. The railwaymen have already put 
forward their National Program, which includes not 
only the eight-hour day and heavy demands for 
wage increases, but also a definite claim for an equal 
share in the control of the railway service. The 
promise of the" eight-hour day, already given by the 
Government, has staved off the crisis for the mo- 
ment but has done nothing really to solve the prob- 
lem. The engineering and shipyard trades, which 
have just received the forty-seven hour week, have 
an extensive list of further demands in preparation. 
The miners in most of the coalfields are already put- 
ting forward comprehensive programs. The cotton 
workers have just come through a wage crisis, and 
are about to put forward a claim for a substantial 
reduction in hours. The transport workers are 
formulating a series of national demands for the 
various sections of their membership. Nor is the 
position in these industries peculiar. Almost every 
group of workers has a long list of grievances and 
demands which have been perforce laid aside during 
the war, and all these may be expected to emerge 
during the next few months. The existence of 
Whitley Councils or Reconstruction Committees 
will do nothing to alter the character of the eco- 
nomic conflict which seems to be impending. 

I do not mean, of course, that the British workers 
are class-conscious revolutionaries aiming definitely 
at the overthrow of the existing industrial order. 
Nor do I mean that all, or even the majority, of the 
demands which they are making will result in 
strikes. Most of them will probably be settled by 
negotiation, unless a general upheaval occurs. This 
however is nothing new. The strike has never been 
more than an occasional weapon, and the fact that a 
dispute is settled without a stoppage does not alter 
the fact that the terms of settlement usually depend 
on the relative economic strength of the parties. My 
point is that all the talk about industrial peace and 
all the action in setting up new machinery will be 
found to have made very little difference when it is 
actually put to the test. Employers and workers 
will continue to differ about their relative status in 
industry and about their respective shares -of its 
fruits; and they will continue to settle their differ- 
ences mainly by the balancing of economic forces, 
whether the balancing is done by negotiation or by 
the open force of strike or lock-out. In fact the 
tendency is to attach far too much importance to 
joint machinery such as that which is recommended 
in the Whitley Reports, and to forget that no 
amount of machinery can alter the essential facts 
of the economic situation. _ 


February 22 

Bolshevism Is a Menace to Whom? 

HEN TAKEN at its face value and trans- 
lated into its nearest English equivalent " bol- 
shevism " means " majority rule." Another 
equivalent would be " popular government," and 
still another, " democracy " although the latter 
two terms are not so close a translation as the 
former, particularly not as " democracy " is under- 
stood in America. 

In American usage " democracy " denotes a par- 
ticular form of political organization, without ref- 
erence to the underlying economic organization ; 
whereas " bolshevism " has primarily no political 
signification, being a form of economic organiza- 
tion, with incidental consequences mostly nega- 
tive in the field of politics. 

But in the case of any word that gets tangled 
up in controversial argument and so becomes a 
storm-center of ugly sentiments, its etymology is no 
safe guide to the meaning which the word has in 
the mind of those who shout it abroad in the heat 
of applause or of denunciation. 

By immediate derivation, as it is now used to 
designate that revolutionary faction which rules 
the main remnants of the Russian empire, " Bol- 
sheviki " signifies that particular wing of the Rus- 
sian Socialists which was in a majority on a test 
vote at a congress of the Russian Social-Democratic 
Party in 1903; since which time the name has at- 
tached to that particular faction. It happens that 
the wing of the Social-Democratic Party which so 
came in for this name at that time was the left 
wing, the out-and-outers of the Socialist profes- 
sion. And these are they to whom it has fallen 
today to carry the burden of humanity's dearest 
hopes or fears, according as one may be inclined to 
see it. Beyond the Russian frontiers the name has 
been carried over to designate the out-and-outers 
elsewhere, wherever they offer to break bounds and 
set aside the underlying principles of the established 
order, economic and political. 

Bolshevism is a menace. No thoughtful person 
today is free to doubt that, whether he takes 
sides for or against according as his past habitua- 
tion and his present circumstances may dictate. In- 
deed it would even be the same for any reasonably 
intelligent person who might conceivably be stand- 
ing footloose in the middle, as a disinterested by- 
stander possessed of that amiably ineffectual gift, a 
perfectly balanced mind. He would still have to 
admit the fact that Bolshevism is a menace. Only 
that, in the absence of partisan heat, he would also 
be faced with the question: A menace to whom? 

Bolshevism is revolutionary. It aims to carry 
democracy and majority rule over into the domain 
of industry. Therefore it is a menace to the estab- 
lished order and to those persons whose fortunes 
are bound up with the established order. It is 
charged with being a menace to private property, 
to business, to industry, to state and church, to law 
and morals, to the world's peace, to civilization, and 
to mankind at large. And it might prove sufficient- 
ly difficult for any person with a balanced mind to 
clear the Bolshevist movement of any one or all of 
these charges. 

In point of its theoretical aims and its profes- 
sions, as regards its underlying principles of equity 
and reconstruction, this movement can presumably 
make out about as good and wholesome a case as 
any other revolutionary movement. But in point of 
practical fact, as regards the effectual working-out 
of its aims and policies under existing conditions, 
the evidence which has yet come to hand, it must 
be admitted, is evidence of a trail of strife, priva- 
tion, and bloodshed, more or less broad but in any 
case plain to be seen. 

No doubt the available evidence of this working- 
out of Bolshevism in the Russian lands is to be 
taken with a much larger allowance than anything 
that could be called " a grain of salt " ; no doubt 
much of it is biased testimony, and no doubt much 
of the rest is maliciously false. But when all is 
said in abatement there still remains the trail of dis- 
order, strife, privation, and bloodshed, plain to be 
"seen. How much of all this disastrous run of horror 
and distress is to be set down to the account of 
Bolshevism, simply in its own right, and how much 
to the tactics of the old order and its defenders, or 
how the burden of blame is fairly to be shared 
between them all that is not so plain. 

Bolshevism is a revolutionary movement, and as 
such it has necessarily met with forcible opposition, 
and in the nature of things it is bound to meet op- 
position, more or less stubborn and with more 
or less unhappy consequences. Any subversive 
project such as Bolshevism can be carried through 
only by overcoming resistance, which means an 
appeal to force. 

The Russian democratic revolution of the spring 
of 1917 was a political and military revolution 
which involved a number of economic readjust- 
ments. The merits of that move are not in ques- 
tion here. In the present connection it is chieflj 
significant as having prepared the ground for the 



later revolution of November 1917 out of which 
the rule of the Soviets and the Bolshevik dictator- 
ship have grown. This latter is an economic revo- 
lution in intention and in its main effect, although 
it involves also certain political undertakings and 
adjustments. Its political and military undertakings 
and policies are, a't least in theory, wholly provi- 
sional and subsidiary to its economic program. Any 
slight attention to the Declaration of Rights and the 
provisions of the Constitution, promulgated by the 
All-Russian Convention of Soviets last July, will 
make that clear. The political and military meas- 
ures decided on have been taken with a view singly 
to carrying out a policy of economic changes. This 
economic policy is frankly subversive of the existing 
system of property rights and business enterprise, in- 
cluding, at least provisionally, repudiation of the 
Russian imperial obligations incurred by the Czar's 

These documents of the Soviet Republic, together 
with later action taken in pursuance of the policies 
there outlined, give a summary answer to the ques- 
tion: A menace to whom? The documents in the 
case draw an unambiguous line of division between 
the vested interests and the common man; and the 
Bolshevist program foots up to a simple and com- 
prehensive disallowance of all vested rights. That 
is substantially all that is aimed at; but the sequel 
of that high resolve, as it is now running its course, 
goes to say that that much is also more than a suffi- 
cient beginning of trouble. In its first intention, 
and in the pursuit of its own aim, therefore, in so far 
as this pursuit has not been hindered by interested 
parties, this Bolshevism is a menace to the vested in- 
terests, and to nothing and no one else. 

All of which is putting as favorable a construc- 
tion on the professions and conduct of the Bolshe- 
viki as may be ; and it is all to be taken as a de- 
scription of the main purpose of the movement, not 
as an account of the past year's turmoil in Bolshe- 
vist Russia. But it is as well to keep in mind that 
the original substance and cause of this Bolshevist 
trouble is a cleavage and antagonism between the 
vested interests and the common man, and that the 
whole quarrel turns finally about the vested rights 
of property and privilege. The moderate liberals, 
such as the Cadets, and in its degree the Kerensky 
administration, are made up of those persons who 
are ready to disallow the vested rights of privilege, 
but who will not consent to the disallowance of the 
vested rights of ownershop. 

And it is at this point that the European powers 
come into the case. These democratic or quasi- 
democratic powers and their democratic or pseudo- 
democratic statesmen are not so greatly concerned, 
though regretful, about the disallowance of class 

privileges and perquisites in Russia. Of course, it is 
disquieting enough, and the European statesmen of 
the status quo ante, to whom European affairs have 
been entrusted, will necessarily look with some dis- 
taste and suspicion on the discontinuance of class 
privilege and class rule in the dominions of the late 
Czar; all that sort of thing is disquieting to the 
system of vested rights within which these Euro- 
pean statesmen live and move. But privilege simply 
as such is after all in the nature of an imponder- 
able, and it may well be expedient to concede the 
loss of that much intangible assets with a good 
grace, lest a worse evil befall. But it is not so with 
the vested rights of ownership. These are of the 
essence of that same quasi-democratic status quo 
about the preservation of which these elder states- 
men are concerned. " Discontinuance of the rights 
of ownership " is equivalent to " the day of judg- 
ment " for the regime of the elder statesmen and for 
the interests which they have at heart. These in- 
terests which the elder statesmen have at heart are 
primarily the interests of trade, investment, and na- 
tional integrity, and beyond that the ordered sys- 
tem of law and custom and businesslike prosperity 
which runs on under the shadow of these interests 
of trade, investment, and national integrity. And 
these elder statesmen, being honorable gentlemen, 
and as such being faithful to their bread, see 
plainly that Russian Bolshevism is a menace to all 
the best interests of mankind. 

So there prevails among the astute keepers of law 
and order in other lands an uneasy statesmanlike 
dread of " Bolshevist infection," which it is con- 
sidered will surely follow on any contact or com- 
munication across the Russian frontiers. There is a 
singular unanimity of apprehension on this matter 
of " Bolshevist infection " among the votaries of 
law and order. Precautionary measures of isola- 
tion are therefore devised something like quaran- 
tine to guard against the infection. It should be 
noted that this statesmanlike fear of Bolshevist in- 
fection is always a fear that the common man in 
these other countries may become infected. The 
elder statesmen have no serious apprehension that 
the statesmen themselves are likely to be infected 
with Bolshevism, even by fairly reckless exposure, 
or that the military class, or the clergy, or the land- 
lords, or the business men at large are liable to such 
infection. Indeed it is assumed as a matter of 
course that the vested interests and the kept classes; 
are immune, and it will be admitted that the as- 
sumption is reasonable. The measures of quaran- 
tine are, accordingly, always designed to safeguard 
those classes in the community who have no vested 
rights to lose. 

It is always as a system of ideas, or " principles," 


February 22 

that Bolshevism spreads by communication ; it is a 
contamination of ideas, of habits of thought. And 
it owes much of its insidious success to tjie fact that 
this new order of ideas which it proposes is ex- 
tremely simple and is in the main of a negative 
character. The Bolshevist scheme of ideas comes 
easy to the common man because it does not require 
him to learn much that is new, but mainly to un- 
learn much that is old. It does not propose the 
adoption of a new range of preconceptions, so that 
it calls for little in the way of acquiring new habits 
of thought. In the main it is an emancipation from 
older preconceptions, older habitual convictions. 
And the proposed new order of ideas will displace 
the older preconceptions all the more easily because 
these older habitual convictions that are due to be 
displaced, no longer have the support of those ma- 
terial circumstances which now condition the life of 
the common man, and which will therefore make 
the outcome by bending his habits of thought. 

The training given by the mechanical industries 
and strengthened by the experience of daily life in a 
mechanically organized community lends no sup- 
port to prescriptive rights of ownership, class per- 
quisites, and free income. This training bends the 
mental attitude of the common man at cross-pur- 
poses with the established system of rights, and 
makes it easy for him to deny their validity so soon 
as there is sufficient provocation. And it is 
scarcely necessary for him to find a substitute for 
these principles of vested right that so fall away 
from him. 

It is true, these prescriptive rights, about whose 
maintenance and repair the whole quarrel swings 
and centers, do have the consistent support of those 
habits of thought that are engendered by experience 
in business traffic; and business traffic is a very large 
and consequential part of life as it runs in these 
civilized countries. But business traffic is not the 
tone-giving factor in the life of the common man, 
nor are business interests his interests in so obvious 
a fashion as greatly to affect his habitual outlook. 
Under the new order of things there is, in effect, a 
widening gulf fixed between the business traffic and 
those industrial occupations that shape the habits of 
thought of the common man. The business corh- 
.munity, who are engaged in this business traffic and 
whose habitual attention centers on the rights of 
ownership and income, are consistent votaries of the 
old order, as their training and interest would dic- 
tate. And these are also immune against any sub- 
versive propaganda, however insidious, as has al- 
ready been remarked above. Indeed, it is out of 
this division of classes in respect of their habitual 
outlook and of their material interests that the 
whole difficultv arises, and it is by force of this divi- 

sion that this subversive propaganda becomes a 
menace. Both parties are acting on conviction, and 
there is, therefore, no middle ground for them to 
meet on. " Thrice is he armed who knows his quar- 
rel just "; and in this case both parties to the quar- 
rel are convinced of the justice of their own cause, 
at the same time that the material fortunes of both 
are at stake 1 . Hence an unreserved recourse to 
force, with all its consequences. 

By first intention and by consistent aim Bolshe- 
vism is a menace to the vested rights of property 
and of privilege, and from this the rest follows. 
The vested interests are within their legal and moral 
rights, and it is not to be expected that they will 
yield these" rights amicably. All those classes, fac- 
tions, and interests that stand to lose have made 
common cause against the out-and-outers, have em- 
ployed armed force where that has been practicable, 
and have resorted to such measures of intrigue and 
sabotage as they can command. All of which is 
quite reasonable, in a way, since these vested inter- 
ests are legally and morally in the right according 
to the best of their knowledge and belief; but the 
consequence of their righteous opposition, intrigue, 
and obstruction has been strife, disorder, privation 
and bloodshed, with a doubtful and evil prospect 

Among the immediate consequences of this quar- 
rel, according to the reports which have been al- 
lowed to come through to the outside, is alleged to 
be a total disorganization and collapse of the indus- 
trial system throughout the Russian dominions, in- 
cluding the transportation system and the food sup- 
ply. From which has followed famine, pestilence, 
and pillage, uncontrolled and uncontrollable. How- 
ever, there are certain outstanding facts which it 
will be in place to recall, in part because they are 
habitually overlooked or not habitually drawn on 
for correction of the published reports. The Bol- 
shevist administration has now been running for 
something over a year, which will include one crop 
season. During this time it has been gaining 
ground, particularly during the later months of this 
period; and this gain has been made in spite of a 
very considerable resistance, active and passive, 
more or less competently organized and more or less 
adequately supported from the outside. Meantime 
the " infection " is spreading in a way that does not 
signify a lost cause. 

All the while the administration has been carry- 
ing on military operations on a more or less extended 
scale; and on the whole, and particularly through 
the latter part of this period, its military operations 
appear to have been gaining in magnitude and to 
have met with increasing success, such as would 




argue a more or less adequate continued supply of 
arms and munitions. These military operations 
have been carried on without substantial supplies 
from the outside, so that the administration will 
have had to supply its warlike needs and replace its 
wear and tear from within the country during this 
rather costly period. It has been said from time to 
time, of course, that the Bolshevist administration 
has drawn heavily on German support for funds and 
material supplies during this period. It has been 
said, but it is very doubtful if it has been believed. 
Quite notoriously the Bolsheviki have lost more than 
they have gained at the hands of the Germans. And 
imports of all warlike supplies from any source have 
been very nearly shut off. 

Such information as has been coming through 
from the inside, in the way of official reports, runs 
to the effect that the needed supplies of war ma- 
terial, including arms and ammunition, have in the 
main been provided at home from stocks on hand 
and by taking over various industrial works and oper- 
ating them for war purposes under administrative 
control which would argue that the industrial col- 
lapse and disorganization cannot have been so com- 
plete or so far-reaching as had been feared, or hoped. 
Indeed these reports are singularly out of touch and 
out of sympathy with the Associated Press news 
bearing on the same general topic. It appears, 
dimly, from the circumstantial evidence that the 
Bolshevist administration in Russia has met with 
somewhat the same surprising experience as the 
Democratic administration in America that in spite 
of the haste, confusion, and blundering, incident to 
taking over the control of industrial works, the 
same works have after all proved t6 run at a higher 
efficiency under administrative management than 
they previously have habitually done when managed 
by their owners for private gain. The point is in 
doubt, it must be admitted, but the circumstantial 
evidence, backed by the official reports, appears on 
the whole to go that way. 

Something to a similar effect will apparently hold 
true for the transportation system. The administra- 
tion has apparently been able to take over more of 
the means of transport than the Associated Press 
news would indicate, and to have kept it all in a 
more nearly reasonable state of repair. As is well 
known, the conduct of successful military opera- 
tions today quite imperatively requires a competent 
transport system; and, in spite of many reverses, it 
is apparently necessary to admit that the military 
operations of the Bolshevist administration have on 
the whole been successful rather than the reverse. 
The inference is plain, so far as concerns the point 
immediately in question here. Doubtless the Rus- 
sian transportation system is in sufficiently bad 

shape, but it can scarcely be in so complete a state of 
collapse as had been reported, feared, and hoped by 
those who go on the information given out by the 
standard news agencies. If one discounts the selec- 
tively standardized news dispatches of these agen- 
cies, one is left with an impression that the railway 
system, for example, is better furnished with rolling- 
stock and in better repair in European Russia than 
in Siberia, where the Bolshevist administration is 
not in control. This may be due in good part to the 
fact that the working personnel of the railways and 
their repair shops are Bolsheviki at heart, both in 
Siberia and in European Russia, and that they have 
therefore withdrawn from the train service and re- 
pair shops of the Siberian roads as fast as these roads 
have fallen into non-Bolshevist hands, and have mi- 
grated into Russia to take up the same work among 
their own friends. 

The transportation system does not appear to have 
precisely broken down; the continuance of military 
operations goes to show that much. Also, the crop 
year of 1918 is known to have been rather excep- 
tionally good in European Russia, on the whole, so 
that there will be at least a scant sufficiency of food- 
stuff back in the country and available for those por- 
tions of the population who can get at it. Also, it 
will be noted that, by all accounts, the civilian popu- 
lation of the cities has fallen off to a fraction of its 
ordinary number, by way of escape to the open 
country or to foreign parts. Those classes who 
were fit to get a living elsewhere have apparently 
escaped. In the absence of reliable information one 
would, on this showing, be inclined to say that the 
remaining civilian population of the cities will be 
made up chiefly, perhaps almost wholly, of such 
elements of the so-called middle classes as could not 
get away or had nowhere to go with any prospect 
of bettering their lot. These will for the most part 
have been trades people and their specialized em- 
ployees, persons who are of slight use in any pro- 
ductive industry and stand a small chance of gaining 
a livelihood by actually necessary work. They be- 
long to the class of smaller " middle-men," who are 
in great part' superfluous in any case, and whose 
business traffic has been virtually discontinued by 
the Bolshevist administration. These displaced 
small business men of the Russian cities are as use- 
less and as helpless under the Bolshevist regime as 
nine-tenths of the population of the American coun- 
try towns in the prairie states would be if the retail 
trade of the prairie states were reorganized in such 
a way as to do away with all useless duplication. 
The difference is that the Bolshevist administration 
of Russia has discontinued much of the superfluous 
retail trade, whereas the democratic administration 
of America takes pains to safeguard the reasonable 


February 22 

profits of its superfluous retailers. Bolshevism is a 
menace to the retail trade and to the retailers. 

Accordingly it is to be noted that when details 
and concrete instances "of extreme hardship in the 
cities are given, they will commonly turn out to be 
hardships which have fallen on some member or 
class of what the Socialists call the Bourgeoisie, the 
middle class, the business community, the kept 
classes more commonly than anything of lower 
social value or nearer to the soil. Those that be- 
long nearer to the soil appear largely to have 
escaped from the cities and returned to the soil. 
Now, on a cold and harsh appraisal such as the Ger- 
mans have made familiar to civilized people under 
the name of " military necessity," these " Bour- 
geois " are in part to be considered useless and in 
part mischievous for all purposes of Bolshevism. 
Under the Bolshevist regime they are " undesirable 
citizens," who consume without producing and who 
may be counted on to intrigue against the adminis- 
tration and obstruct its operation whenever a chance 
offers. From which it follows, on a cold and harsh 
calculation of " military necessity," that whether 
the necessary supplies are to be had in the country 
or not, and whether the transportation system is 
capable of handling the necessary supplies or not, it 
might still appear the part of wisdom, or of Bolshe- 
vist expediency, to leave this prevailingly Bour- 
geois and disaffected civilian population of the cities 
without the necessaries of life. The result would 
be famine, of course, together with the things that 
go with famine; but the Bolsheviki would be in a 
position to say that they are applying famine selec- 
tively, as a measure of defense against their enemies 
within the frontiers, very much as the nations of 
the Entente once were in a position to argue that the 
exclusion of foodstuffs from Germany during the 
war was a weapon employed against the enemies of 
the world's peace. 

These considerations are, unhappily, very loose 
and general. They amount to little better than 
cautious speculations on the general drift and upshot 
of things. On the evidence which has yet come to 
hand and which is in any degree reliable it would 
be altogether hazardous, just yet, to attempt an 
analysis of events in detail. But it is at least plain 
that Bolshevism is a menace to the vested interests, 
at home and abroad. So long as its vagaries run 
their course within the Russian dominions it is pri- 
marily and immediately a menace to the vested 
rights of the landowners, the banking establish- 
ments, the industrial corporations, and not least to 
the retail traders in the Russian towns. The last 
named are perhaps the hardest hit, because they 
have relatively little to lose and that little is thejr 

all. The greater sympathy is, doubtless properly, 
according to the accepted scheme of social values, 
given to the suffering members of the privileged 
classes, the kept classes par excellence, but the 
larger and more acute hardship doubtless falls to the 
share of the smaller trades-people. These, of 
course, are all to be classified with the vested in- 
terests. But the common man also comes in for his 
portion. He finally bears the cost of it all, and its 
cost runs finally in terms of privation and blood. 

But it menaces also certain vested interests out- 
side of Russia, particularly the vested rights of in- 
vestors in Russian industries and natural resources, 
as well as of concerns which have an interest in the 
Russian import and export trade. So also the vested 
rights of investors in Russian securities. Among 
the latter claimants are now certain governments 
lately associated with Russia in the conduct of the 
war, and more particularly the holders of Russian 
imperial bonds. Of the latter many are French 
citizens, it is said ; and it has been remarked that the 
French statesmen realize the menace of Bolshevism 
perhaps even more acutely than the common run of 
those elder statesmen who are now deliberating on 
the state of mankind at large and the state of Rus- 
sian Bolshevism in particular. 

But the menace of Bolshevism extends also to the 
common man in those other countries whose vested 
interests have claims on Russian income and re- 
sources. These vested rights of these claimants in 
foreign parts are good and valid in law and morals, 
and therefore by settled usage it is the duty of these 
foreign governments to enforce these vested rights 
of their several citizens who have a claim on Rus- 
sian income and resources; indeed it is the duty of 
these governments, to which they are in honor 
bound and to which they are addicted by habit, to 
enforce these vested claims to Russian income and 
resources by force of arms if necessary. And it is 
well known, and also it is right and good by law 
and custom, that when recourse is had to arms the 
common man pays the cost. He pays it in lost 
labor, anxiety, privation, blood and wounds; and by 
way of returns he comes in for an increase of just 
national pride in the fact that the vested interests 
which find shelter under the same national estab- 
lishment with himself are duly preserved from loss 
on their Russian investments. So that, by a 
" roundabout process of production," Bolshevism is 
also a menace to the common man. 

How it stands with the menace of Bolshevism in 
the event of its infection reaching any other of the 
civilized countries as, for example, America or 
France that is a sufficiently perplexing problem to 
which the substantial citizens and the statesmen to 
whose keeping the fortunes of the substantial citi- 




zens are entrusted, have already begun to give their 
best attention. They are substantially of one mind, 
and all are sound on the main fact, that Bolshevism 
is a menace; and now and again they will specify 
that it is a menace to property and business. And 
with that contention there can be no quarrel. How 
it stands, beyond that and at the end of the argu- 
ment, with the eventual bearing of Bolshevism on 
the common man and his fortunes, is less clear and 
is a less immediate object of solicitude. On scant 
reflection it should seem that, since the the common 
man has substantially no vested rights to lose, he 

should come off indifferently well in such an event. 
But such a hasty view overlooks the great lesson of 
history that when anything goes askew in the na- 
tional economy, or anything is to be set to rights, 
the common man eventually pays the cost and he 
pays it eventually in lost labor, anxiety, privation, 
blood, and wounds. The Bolshevik is the common 
man who has faced the question: What do I stand 
to lose? and has come away with the answer: 
Nothing. And the elder statesmen are busy with 
arrangements for disappointing that indifferent hope. 


The Poetry of Edmond Rostand 

Ou fleurit le Droit? 
Ou luit la Raison? 
C'est dans un endroh 
Nomme PHorizon. 

So sang Edmond Rostand in what was to be his 
swan-song, published in the Mid-December number 
of the Revue des Deux Mondes only a few hours 
after his death. In 1897 he had became famous at 
a stroke. His heroic-comedy Cyrano de Bergerac 
had in the opinion of the critics given back to 
France her birthright. It was heralded as a re- 
action against the depressing naturalistic drama and 
proclaimed as the beginning of a new literary 
epoch. " Quel bonheur," exclaimed the critic of 
Le Temps, " the play is graceful, it is clear, it has 
movement and measure, all of them qualities that 
characterize our race." Catulle Mendes, in a burst 
of ecstasy, had called Rostand a great poet, divers, 
multiple, heureux, follement inspire, et prodigeuse- 
ment virtuose. More temperate voices either were 
drowned in this wave of general approval or re- 
solved themselves into the peal of laughter which 
greeted the absurd suit brought by a Chicago pundit 
to show that Cyrano was plagiarized from the 
Merchant Prince of Cornville. To all this we shall 
return presently. Let it be said now, without 
derogation, that Rostand remains in death, as in 
life, the " poet of the horizon." This is his dis- 
tinction and his limitation. Like his own Chantecler 
he heralds the dawn, he does not for he cannot 
realize it. In passionate protest, the Lady-Pheasant 
reproves the worthy Cock with : " One is every- 
thing for a heart, nothing for a horizon"; little did 
she know that his view was yet to triumph. In La 
Princesse Lointaine, the weakling Bertrand says to 
Melissinde : " I should fear too much to see the 
sail on the horizon " symbol that it is of Rudel's 
love and their betrayal of it. But the great war 
also has its horizons. Rostand, the herald of the 
dawn, had lived to see France victorious. Cer- 

tainly, he had done his share with the munificence 
of the spirit. Not only Cyrano, but all his plays 
and poems had been a rallying cry for those who 
despaired of the future. The celebrated " Mais 
quel geste " of Cyrano, after he has hurled his purse 
to the indigent players, is not merely panache, it is 
also the act of faith of a generous and valiant soul. 
" Moi, c'est moralement que j'ai mes elegances," 
says Cyrano, and rightly. For it was to the moral 
conscience of his race that Rostand made his appeal. 
Therefore, the lesson of the war is clear. The 
poem I have cited says " Que devons-nous aux 
morts? Rendre leur mort feconde"; and it tri- 
umphs with the lines: 

Qu'un peuple d'hier 
Meure pour demain, 
C'est a rendre fier 
Tout le genre humain! 

Is there not discernible in the moment of Rostand's 
death, as throughout his life, the shielding hand of 
Providence ? 

There is no doubt that he owed much to Fortune. 
Born at Marseilles (1868), he was educated in 
Paris at the College Stanislas. There is a Provencal 
flavor to the tale that he urged his schoolmates to 
curl their mustaches before they had any " meme 
si vous n'en avez pas." At twenty-two he published 
his first poems: Les Musardises. Dedicated to his 
" bons amis les Rates" [the unsuccessful], these 
early verses have a freshness, a boldness and a lim- 
pidity which made them popular at once. Imme- 
diately after their publication he married Rosemonde 
Gerard, his companion in letters. The refusal of a 
one act comedy by the Comedie frangaise was ac- 
companied by the request for " another act," and a 
week later Rostand handed M. de Feraudy the 
beginning of Les Romanesques. The performance 
of the latter in 1894 at the Theatre frangais estab- 
lished Rostand's position as a writer of verse-drama. 

But it was the two great actors of the Theatre 



February 22 

de la Renaissance, the Divine Sarah and Coquelin, 
who turned Rostand's budding fame into glory. La 
Princesse Lointaine, despite its dramatic third act 
on which the masterful actress lavished all of her 
wonderful technique, was too subtle for " the stage 
optics " to win more than a succes d'estime. At 
least, Sarcey's criticism was not favorable. Two 
years later, in La Samaritaine, Rostand treated a 
religious subject which was quite beyond his poetic 
grasp. Thus it remained for Cyrano to produce the 
magic that opened the hearts of the world. Here 
the poet's gifts had full play. Revival to be sure, 
yet what a revival! We can trust Rostand's words 
that the idea of recreating the story of Corneille's 
blustering but inspired contemporary had long been 
slumbering in his mind. It was the contact with 
Coquelin and the desire to eternalize the actor in the 
play that impelled Rostand to put his idea into exe- 
cution. In this way Coquelin became Cyrano and 
Cyrano Coquelin. 

I wished to dedicate this poem to Cyrano's soul 
But since it has passed into you, Coquelin, to you I 
dedicate it. 

For this reason it is so difficult, not to say impossi- 
ble, for any other actor to take the part. To the 
French, however, the play had also a deeper signifi- 
cance. Granting that Cyrano is reminiscent of 
Gautier, Banville, and Hugo, we must not forget 
that it was especially Rostand's footing in the seven- 
teenth century, the period of the Fronde, the age 
when France was really in the making, when the 
French spirit still flowed free and untrammeled by 
les regies du devoir and classical precepts, that ren- 
dered the comedy what it is to the French. 

The gratitude of France won for Rostand the 
croix de chevalier the very evening of the perform- 
ance. And in 1903 he entered the portals of the 
Academy with an address in which panache, the 
key-word of Cyrano, is ,, wittily but euphuistically 
described : 

Plaisanter en face du danger, c'est la supreme politesse, 
un delicat refus de se prendre au tragiqile; le panache est 
alors la pudeur de I'hero'isme, comme un sourire par lequel 
on s'excuse d'etre sublime. 

The rest is quickly told. L'Aiglon, written to the 
theme of Hugo's antithesis (1'Angleterre prit 1'aigle 
et 1'Autriche 1'aiglon), was the success of Sarah 
Bernhardt's Hamletizing period, but for Rostand it 
marks a relapse into excessive Marivaudage. The 
' princeling ' is too shadowy a figure for a nation to 
whom Napoleon is an ever-present reality. As for 
the long-awaited Chantecler the performance of 
which was delayed by Coquelin's death it too was 
a disappointment. True to French tradition as the 
animal world is, and deeply as Chantecler's hymn 
to the sun stirred the audience, nevertheless the 

action of the play lags; Rostand's favorite trick of 
playing on words le cliquetis des mots is over- 
done, and the disguise of the characters as birds and 
beasts hampers the actors in their movements. 

Thus Cyrano de Bergerac remains the outstand- 
ing production in Rostand's career and work. 
Pellissier, who realized more clearly than the other 
critics the epigonous character of Rostand's art, yet 
cannot withhold from Cyrano the epithet of 
chef-d'oeuvre. It is true, strictly speaking, the play 
has but one character and that character is a type 
rather than a person. True too that the action 
does not conform to genre as well as one would 
expect of one of Rostand's virtuosity ; the fourth 
act comes close to opera-bouffe in spite of the tragedy 
of Christian's death, while the fifth is in the tone of 
sentimental romance. Nor can it be denied that 
again and again the speeches are tours de force, 
clever and almost always scintillating, but often just 
that. Still, as was indicated above, what makes the 
play is the complete adjustment of the modern lyric 
mood to the freedom, the gaiety, the bravado of the 

And the romanesque is not necessarily the "ro- 
mantic." Cyrano is no dark figure in cape and 
dagger like Hernani. He is not " une force qui va," 
a man of destiny. None of Rostand's characters 
are. He is simply a frondeur, an individualist if 
you like, but with no ax to grind; a rate like so 
many of us, because of some physical or other de- 
formity, but taking it gaily, humorously, poetically, 
with a sense of hope and freshness in his heart. In 
comparison, the lover Rudel in La Princesse Loin- 
taine and the Duke of Reichstadt are sublimated 
creatures. Chantecler alone has Cyrano's valor, his 
willingness to sacrifice himself for a beautiful cause, 
and in addition his trust in the future. " C'est que 
je suis le Coq d'un soleil plus lointain," Chantecler 
tells the doubting Pheasant. As for his song, his 
song of Light and the Day " Je chante ! . . . et 
c'est deja la moitie du mystere." 

In Rostand, then, there is fancy rather- than 
imagination. His lyricism is optimistic, wholesome, 
even buoyant. It would be a profanation to call 
so delicate a flower great. Moreover, he came to 
literature via the consecrated channels of literary 
norms and formulas. Therein he is singularly 
French. His works bristle with near-quotations, 
as they abound in quotable lines. What French- 
man, fond of his literature, does not know the 
verses : 

Et ma raison s'endort au bruit sempiternel, 

Au bruit sempiternel des jets d'eau dans les vasques, 

and admire their beauty? Thus French wit and 
sentiment, always so close together that they seem 
to merge, are reborn in the works of Edmond Ros- 




tand. If others who are more materially minded 
had forgotten the Gallic sources of inspiration at 
least, not he. So the critics realized, and so felt 
the French nation. The Princesse Lointaine that 
true Princess of the Horizon reminds her worldly 
lover : 

" Combien dans le mediocre ou vivre nous enserre, 
Le sublime de cet amour m'est necessaire." 

Rostand, as we said at the beginning, is the " poet 
of the horizon," but of the eastern heavens, where 
the sun does not set but rises. 



Rogue's March: To a Flemish Air 

.1 is A GENEROUS publishing season that to The 
Education of Henry Adams and The Great Hunger 
adds The Legend of the Glorious Adventures of 
Tyl Ulenspiegel (McBride; $2.50). Not often, 
one may assert, are thus coincidently given for the 
first time to Americans three volumes with such a 
plausible air of being destined to longevity al- 
though the cautious will affix to such assertion the 
<; rider " that each book centers about a personality 
which is by way of being unfairly beguiling (in 
that it is a personality evocative of the reader's 
friendship, in the instant happy way in which peo- 
ple between bookcovers are privileged to establish 
such relations with beings less permanently boun,d 
in flesh) and so evades calm judgment. For to 
many of us these figure nowadays as new-found, 
heart-delighting, and eminently " personal " friends, 
this Ulenspiegel and this Peer Holm, come severally 
from Belgium and Norway, and this wistful Adams, 
lately freed from the decent reticences of living 
so that we appraise them with the bias of friend- 
' ship, doubtless, rather than by any code of "literary" 

The honest can but confess as much, and must 
then pass on to further confession that of the in- 
triguing trio one finds Tyl Ulenspiegel the most dif- 
ficult to judge with any pretense of equky, because 
this Tyl is so frankly a rogue. It would be pleasant 
here to digress into speculation as to why in Bnglish 
literature there should be so few rogues portrayed 
full-length ; and above all, as to why America, that 
in daily life derives such naive pleasure from being 
cheated by " fine business men " and " far-seeing 
statesmen," should have produced in its writings no 
really memorable rogue, with the possible exception 
of Uncle Remus' Brer Rabbit. But, upon the whole, 
it appears preferable to say quite simply that Tyl 
Ulenspiegel has been for some five centuries famed 
among the people of Belgium and the Nether- 
lands as a sort of Dutch Figaro or Scapin as 
" mischief-maker, jack-of-all-trades, and by turn 
fool, artist, valet and physician " ; that this char- 
acter was appropriated and ennobled by Charles de 
Coster as the central figure of a heroic romance, La 
Legende de Tiel Uylenspiegel, published in 1867, 
and since known as " the Bible of the Flemings " ; 

and that this book has been, recently translated into 
our tongue by Geoffrey Whitworth. This much 
it appears preferable to say as simply as possible 
and with frank egoism, because I am endeavoring 
to record my personal belief that an exceedingly 
splendid and great-hearted example of literary art 
has for the first time been rendered into delight- 
fully adequate English; as likewise my belief that 
a masterpiece, such as I personally take this book to 
constitute, should be greeted simply, and reverently, 
and without vain speaking. Even to " recommend " 
it seems rather on a par with saying pleasant things 
about a sunrise. 

So honest comment can but come back to this: 
for Tyl Ulenspiegel himself one straightway estab- 
lishes a sort of peculiarly personal liking, a liking 
quite unbased on " literary " values, and an un- 
moralizing liking such as entraps you into indigna- 
tion when the reforming Henry the Fifth ' re- 
pudiates that other not-unlovable rogue, Sir John 
Falstafr. " A Fleming I am," says Tyl, " from the 
lovely land of Flanders, workingman, nobleman, 
all in one and I go wandering through the world, 
praising things beautiful and good, but boldly mak- 
ing fun of foolishness." So does Tyl describe him- 
self, and the description is apt, as far as it reaches, 
but is overmodestly incommensurate to the speaker's 

Thus Tyl can be upon occasion a very pretty 
fightingman indeed, performing salutary homicides 
with heroic thoroughness. Here is a random taste 
of his quality : 

Ulenspiegel took careful aim, and with his bullet 
shattered the tongue and the entire jawbone of Don 
Ruffele Henricis, son of the Duke. At the same time 
Ulenspiegel brought down the son of the Marquess 
Delmares, and in a little while v more the eight ensigns 
and the three cohorts of cavalry were thoroughly worsted. 
The prisoners imagined that some angel from heaven, 
who was also a fine marksman, had descended 'from the 
sky to aid them, and they all fell upon their knees. 

Such a deduction was natural enough, to illiterate 
prisoners; but the erudite will recognize forthwith 
the authentic manner of a national hero; for thus 
it was that Roland laid about him at Roncesvaux, 
and in very much this fashion did Achilles choke 
Scamander with slain Trojans. 

So much of physical prowess one has the fair and 


February 22 

ancient right to expect of a national hero. But 
quite another facet of the jewel is the roguish, not 
at all " heroic " Tyl who delights in jokes that are 
not always pre-eminent for delicacy. Then, too, 
although Tyl is of course devotedly attached to 
the fair Nele, and their marriage at the end of his 
wanderings is a foregone conclusion, nobody can ex- 
pect a rogue meticulously to emulate Joseph. And 
Tyl, be it repeated, is frankly a rogue. One there- 
fore must regard with equanimity the Walloon 
maiden to whose house Tyl went to sing some 
Flemish love-songs which, what with one thing and 
another, were not ended until midnight. Then 
there was the beautiful, gay-hearted dame whom Tyl 
guided to Dudzeel ; in all dealings with young men 
she abhorred in particular the sin of cruelty, and so 
Tyl left her with flushed cheeks but not displeased. 
Moreover, there was the Comtesse de Meghen, an- 
other benevolent lady, who offered Ulenspiegel hos- 
pitality, in the to him inadequate form of ham and 
bruinbier.' " Ham! " he cried, " that is good to eat, 
and bruinbier is a drink divine. But blessed above 
all men shall that man be to whom it is given to 
dine off thy loveliness." " How the fellow does 
run on ! " she exclaimed ; and then : " Eat first, you 
rogue ! " " Shall we not say grace 'ere we con- 
sume all these dainties? " said Ulenspiegel. " Nay," 
answered the lady ; and presently congratulated Tyl, 
as in nothing resembling her husband. In fine, Tyl 
marches, in the pride of youth, about a world of 
brightly colored and generous women, and graces a 
world wherein he displays as much continence as 
appears consistent with politeness, and wherein 
Joseph, in the final outcome, could not manage to 
combine these virtues. 

So likewise this rogue marches, with chance for 
guide, about a world that even then was ruled by 
folly and bigotry; and he treads blithely, as be- 
fits " a master of the merry words and frolics of 
youth," in shadow r ed places where his gibbeted 
kindred swing between him and the sun. For the 
ashes of a martyred father lie upon Tyl's breast 
without at all oppressing a heart whose core is 
roguishness. Therefore in the presence of injustice 

Tyl Ulenspiegel does not slink, not even into draw- 
ing morals; instead, with chance for guide, he 
marches. For those who would wrong him his 
eye and tongue and sword stay equally keen, and 
the rogue knows these weapons to be in the long 
run sufficient ; meanwhile, that there should be over- 
troublesome fellows to be killed now and then is 
as naturally a part of wandering as that there 
should everywhere be girls to be kissed and flagons 
to be emptied, and songs to be made beyond any 
numbering, but never the last song. So the rogue 
marches and puts all things to their proper uses. 
And the heart of the reader, given something better 
than the heart of a flea, goes out to this resistless 

It is around this sprightly figure that De Coster 
has woven ( cotemporaneously, it is bewildering to 
reflect, with the weaving of a dreary mystery about 
one Edwin Drood) a romance as cruel as life and 
considerably gayer. Somewhat to deviate meta- 
phorically, in this tale of fifteenth century Flanders 
under the yoke of Spain and the Holy Inquisition, 
De Coster has builded a story that is not unlike a 
time-mellowed cathedral, with the gentry about their 
devotions, and with peasants joking on the porches, 
and with a stately organ music accompanying both 
aspiration and laughter; a cathedral, too, that is no 
less opulent in glowing paintings than in captivat- 
ingly hideous gargoyles. And here again one is 
tempted to expatiate concerning these gargoyles as, 
say, upon the chapter that depicts the death of 
Charles the Fifth and his trial in heaven; or per- 
haps upon Tyl's hunting of the werwolf; or else 
to dw r ell upon that really intolerable " catharsis by 
pity and terror," when Katheline the good witch 
attempts to share her cup of cold water with Joos 
Damman in the torture chamber although this last 
is a stroke of genius with which perhaps no author 
has the" right to unsettle his reader. 

Yes, one is tempted to expatiate. But once more 
it appears preferable to remember that a masterwork 
should be greeted simply, and reverently, and with- 
out vain speaking. 



A hundred bridges over the river 

And never a bridge to you, 

Not one. 

Ah, but was it a river 

The deep, dark hole where they took you. 

Too deep, too far, too dark 

For a bridge! 

A hundred bridges over the river, 

And not one bridge to you! 





Letters to Unknown Women 



You cannot have known, O white violet of Si- 
cilia, that immeasurable tedium and exhaustion 
which weighs upon those who endure today the 
tyranny of existence, Certainly the poet who cre- 
ated you from his yearning for the valleys of Sicily 
in the dust and clatter of Alexandria would under- 
stand us, but you, whom he created free from that 
malady, ^saw life with eyes not feverish as ours are. 
It is your exquisite animality, with perfect freedom 
from self-consciousness, which makes us love you. 

Your presence is as soothing to our wearied des- 
perate souls as white violet petals pressed against 
tired eyes. 

We are not of those who, by some sudden deed 
or by a life of activity, impress their personality 
upon centuries. We think in millions and act in 
millions; we know with only too dread a certainty 
that each and every one of our acts is imitated, un- 
consciously and precisely, by thousands about us. 
We have just a slim thread of that divine common 
sense your Athenians called " Pallas," which pre- 
vents our falling into uncouth extravagances or dis- 
sonant obstinacies, as some do, to avoid the banality 
of this vast mediocrity. We are cut off from almost 
every exercise of talent or power which would 
satisfy us. Who speaks of Euripedes to the Beo- 
tians ? 

We are driven back upon a form of existence 
which has been named " the life of imagination " 
a weak substitute for that bright burning life you 
lived a life we liken from our darkness to a clear 
gold flame. It seems the only existence compatible 
with calm and intelligence, two qualities you could 
not fail to appreciate. But even the exercise of that 
faint simulacrum of your intensity is denied us now. 
We had willingly abandoned most of those actions 
and possessions which men consider desirable, so 
that we might possess full liberty within that 
shadowy but vast world which was ours. But 
through a disastrous sequence of events which no 
wisdom could foresee or cunning provide for, we 
are deprived even of that which we had, and are 
abandoned helpless, or nearly so, to the vulgar in- 
stincts of mob passion and control. Ah, Amaryllis, 
those who gave Socrates the hemlock were merci- 
ful; and did Hyacinthus die today, we should feel 
through our sorrow a kind of gladness and grati- 
tude to that jealous blast of wind. 

We know, O Sicilian, that your life was impos- 
sible, a dream, that you are the product of a sick 

imagination; but for that very reason you burn like 
a flame before us, you seduce us, you entrance us, 
you are mysterious as a flower, you are the un- 
known. In the midst of our incredible helplessness 
your beauty makes one clear ray. Because, for 
your sake, the singers contended upon the slopes of 
Aetna, among the still valleys, beside the cold 
brooks, life is not utterly valueless to us. 

For your sake the first narcissus of the year 
catches our hearts with a sudden new beauty; be- 
cause of you the five-petaled roses along our north- 
ern hills become doubly lovely. With such roses 
you bound your dark hair; such narcissus flowers 
you laid upon the altars of your half-gods. And 
through you also we understand the correspondence 
between love and flowers, we feel suddenly the 
presence of gods. We stagger through life blindly; 
we fumble among half-perceptions, half-desires. 
But with the dear melody of your speech in our 
ears there are moments when the world becomes 
clear. We perceive for a flash that there is more 
truth in your simplicity than in the subtilty of all 
our learned men and women. We come to value 
kindness and simplicity above almost all other 
qualities. You give us, just for a moment, the 
power to reach that blitheness which for you was 
natural, for us an effort. We are seduced yes, 
literally seduced by a glimpse of brown breasts and 
by a snatch of shrill song from our gloomy strug- 
gle, our perpetual fronting of grim unknown 
forces. Our universe shrinks from an overwhelm- 
ing vastness to your pastoral shores; our desperate 
fever yields to the touch of your hand. We see that 
there is more beauty in one wreath of your perfect, 
conventional flowers than in all our intellectual 
striving. We leave the great gods for the less, con- 
tent to realize that indeed there is a spirit in an oak 
and a white girl in a brook rather than to search 
vaguely for the " deus ignotus." 

There was a learned man of our country who was 
so stirred by your poets that he spent many months 
alone in your woods and saw the white nymphs 
flitting from tree to tree, heard with awe the rush 
of Artemis' hounds and the sough of her shafts 
through the pine boughs, watched the daughter of 
the Earth-Shaker sitting at night upon weeded 
rocks above cool water. His name I have forgot- 
ten; I have never seen the strange book he wrote 
after those mysterious days; but it is happiness to 
know that he also is your lover and knows the 

Sicilian singing. 




February 22 


Louis Couperus and the Family Novel 

[E FAMILY novel as distinguished from the heroic 
has an equally honorable lineage. Undoubtedly the 
first principle of structure recognized in fiction was 
the persistence of the hero, usually in a series of 
enterprises which took him far from home; but 
when the chronicler of a more sophisticated day 
sought to deal with man in society, he naturally 
chose as his unit the immediate form of grouping 
known to him, and we have the family dramas of 
the House of Atreus and the House of Oedipus. 
When the novel succeeded in modern times to the 
place of the epic we have the same opposition. 
Early novels followed the simple heroic type. In- 
deed, in the popular form of the picaresque novel 
the hero was separated from his forebears as soon 
after birth as was consistent with survival what do 
we hear of the family of Lazarillo de Tormez or 
Moll Flanders? and proceeded to weave for him- 
self a pattern of adventure quite independent of 
organized society. With greater sophistication on 
the part of the novelist the family background plays 
an increasingly important role. The first part of 
Pamela is of the heroic type: the second part of 
the family. Fielding after Joseph Andrews and 
Tom Jones achieved a family novel in Amelia. In 
Tristam Shandy the flagrant omission of the hero 
leaves what pattern there is to be supported by the 
Shandy family. In the nineteenth century the 
romantic novel tended toward the heroic, with its 
picaresque variant; the novel of manners toward 
the family type. Jane Austen set her heroines in 
families; and in Thackeray families persist from 
novel to novel, giving a sense of social fabric to 
the whole "of his work. In The Newcomes, indeed, 
he gives a family the power of a chief and determin- 
ing character a position analogous to Nature in 
Thomas Hardy 1 and it may be said comes near to 
creating a family novel in the true sense. 

Only with the artistic concentration and technical 
self-consciousness of very modern work do we reach 
the true family novel that in which hero and hero- 
ine disappear as types and are merged in the back- 
ground, and their family group becomes the recog- 
nizable entity in which the characters live and move 
and have their being. One does not readily find 
examples of such concentration and self -conscious- 
ness in English fiction, but two instances in con- 
tinental fiction emerge Buddenbrooks by Thomas 
Mann and Books of the Small Souls by Louis 
Couperus. (Small Souls, The Later Life, Twilight 
of Souls, and Dr. Adriaan, translated by Alexander 
Teixeira de Mattos Dodd Mead; $1.75.) In the 
former the family lives though the characters die 

lives from the end of the Napoleonic era through 
four generations of births, marriages, scandals, and 
deaths. The center of this life is the family business, 
in the old Hanseatic city of Lubeck, and the family 
fortune. Though Lubeck was out of the main cur- 
rent of events, scarcely shaken by the Revolution of 
1848, and prudently avoiding the fate of Frankfort 
in 1866, it affords an excellent vantage ground 
whence to follow the development of Germany 
politically, economically, culturally. The Budden- 
brooks did not keep up with this expansion; they 
were small people, well fitted to play their part with 
dignity in old Germany, quite unfit for it in the 
new. They perished in sign that the old Germany 
had passed away. 

Couperus has chosen another pattern: he has 
arranged his characters, also four generations, like 
stars in their orbits about the ancient mother of 
the race, Mamma van Lowe, widow of a former 
Governor General of Java, who lives alone in her 
mansion at the Hague, and draws her family about 
her every Sunday night. These reunions recur 
throughout the four volumes and remind us, if 
need were, of the fact that this multitude of small 
souls lives chiefly in the family. There is Bertha, 
the eldest daughter, married to van Naghel van 
Voorde, Secretary for the Colonies, the only one of 
her children who recalls to Mamma van Lowe her 
own former state and her children, Otto, and 
Louise, Henri and Emilie, Marietje and Marianne 
and Karel the fourth generation appearing in 
Otto's children. There is Adolphine Saetzema, 
eager to rival her sister's position with only an 
under secretary for husband, and an unkempt brood 
of girls and boys. There is Gerrit, Captain of 
Hussars, married to plump bread-and-butter Adeline 
who has brought him nine children; there is Karel 
who lives in selfish sloth with his stupid wife 
Cateau; and Paul, the exquisite; and Ernst, the 
connoisseur; and Dorine, who flits about, messen- 
ger of the family. And there is Constance, bright- 
est star of all, who had married her father's friend 
De Staffelaer, ambassador at Rome, .and then shot 
madly from her sphere into intrigue, scandal, and 
divorce; had been raised thence only by a marriage 
of reparation with her lover Henri Van der Welcke, 
and who comes at the opening of the first volume 
with her son Addie to revolve again, with tarnished 
glory and in remote orbit, among her sisters and 
brothers. There is Mamma van Lowe's brother, 
Uncle Ruyvenaer, and his half-caste family with 
their East Indian words and ways and food ; and 
her two old sisters, the Aunts Rina and Tina who, 




deaf and half-witted, sit on Sunday evenings at 
opposite sides of the conservatory door, and shriek 

So resolute is Couperus in the enforcement of 
his formula that scarcely a person is mentioned who 
is not of the van Lowes or connected with them 
by marriage or domestic service. We hear of the 
world of people only as it looks on the family drama 
or comments and gossips. Like the Buddenbrooks, 
the van Lowes are little people, living out the life 
of a family the initiative impulse of which has 
passed away. And yet, through them we feel the 
very essential things in Dutch life and culture, not 
historically, through the development of an epoch 
of political creation, but statically, as befits a nation 
retired from business and living in the suburbs of 
the world, intent on its own comfort and well-being. 
Now and then there comes a breath from over-seas, 
from the Indies, reminiscent of the adventuring days 
of the race and the glory of the family when Grand- 
papa van Lowe was Governor General in his palaces 
at Batavia, and Buitenzorg; reminiscent also of the 
source of the income which gives the nation and 
the family their patent of respectability as of the 
leisure class. But this only serves to emphasize by 
contrast the dull montony of the world in which 
they live. We feel the ease and well-bred indolence, 
the triviality and mechanical precision of life, the 
lack of creation and ambition, the morbid fatigue 
which takes possession of the consciousness. There 
is no career for the boys to choose except in one of 
the various routines; there is none for the girls 
except to marry into one. There is no outlet for 
artistic impulse except Ernst's collection of bibelots 
and Paul's effort to keep himself clean. When 
Emilie and her brother Henri revolt and flee to the 
Bohemia of Paris, it is to a bizarre mockery of art ; 
she paints fans and he becomes a clown. On such 
a stage the motives and passions sink to a Lilliputian 
scale. Couperus has written a family novel 
of small souls clinging pitifully together; he has 
written likewise a national novel, an argument 
against the right of self-determination of small 

Among these characters it is impossible to say that 
any one has preeminence, nor is there any sustained 
plot. The personal title makes Dr. Adriaan, Con- 
stance's son Addie, the hero of the last volume, as 
throughout he has been the rising hope of the family, 
but even here his emphasis is not unduly great. In- 
stead of a plot, or a predominance of character, 
Couperus has elaborated a structure depending on 
the recurrence of themes as in a symphony. Small 
Souls begins with the sin of Constance, brought 
home to her after twelve years as she rejoins the 
family circle, and this theme is sounded through the 
different characters, each responding with a single 

quality as recognizable as that of a musical instru- 
ment in the clear, boyish honesty of Addie, in the 
whining gossip of Karel and Cateau, in the vindic- 
tive jealousy of Adolphine, in the selfish caution 
of Bertha, in the screams of\the ancient aunts. The 
Later Life is built on themes of passion, the tender 
wistful love of Henri van der Welcke for Marianne 
van Naghel, and of Constance for Brauws loves 
more pitful because born of small souls and destined 
to such brief bloom. And these themes again are 
sounded by character after character as in strings, 
woodwinds, and brasses. The Twilight of Souls 
is a madness Ernst going mad with fear for the 
souls imprisoned in his vases, Gerrit, the brawny 
hussar, with horror of " the great fat worm, a 
beastly crawling thing which rooted with its legs 
in his back and slowly ate him up, the damned 
rotten thing." The two strains mingle and respond 
Ernst's thin, anxious treble, and Gerrit's deep, 
tortured bass, which falls at least into broken, 
childish quavers and finally to silence. And in Dr. 
Adriaan there is weariness and calm soft with sub- 
dued pathos and monotonous melancholy. The old 
themes are recalled and repeated but they have lost 
their tragic import. Nothing matters nothing but 
rest. And at the end the old Mamma van Lowe 
dies. It is a symphony pathetique, with its four 
massive subjects, sin, love, madness, rest, rendered 
in four movements allegro non troppo, andante 
cantabile, scherzo feroce, and adagio lamentoso. 

As the human background of Dutch life and in- 
terests is implicit, in the Books of Small Souls, so 
without formal description the Dutch landscape is 
everywhere present, its flatness and humility in 
physical congruity with the beings that crawl upon 
it. And the weather is a perpetual reminder of the 
melancholy of the Northland. The first words of 
Small Souls are: " It was pouring with rain," the 
rain in which Dorine had gone about to collect her 
brothers and sisters for Constance's home coming. 
It was raining at the beginning of The Twilight of 
Souls when Dorine appears to summon Gerrit to 
Ernst's help. It was raining when Constance went 
to Driebergen to be forgiven by Henri's dying 
mother : 

It had rained steadily for days upon the dreary wintry 
trees, out of a sky that hung low but tremendously wide 
and heavy, as oppressive as a pitiless darkness. The 
day was almost black. It was three o'clock, but it was 
night ; and the rain, grey over the road and grey over the , 
houses and gardens, was black over the misty landscapes 
which could be dimly descried through the bare gardens. 
The dreary trees looked dead and lived only in the de- 
spairing gestures of their branches when a wind, howling 
up from the distance, blew through them and moved them. 

It was mist through which the stricken Gerrit 
wandered while the worm ate deeper into his back: 

The clouds seemed to be bending over the town in pity, 
an immense, yearning pity which turned into a desperate 



February 22 

melancholy while Gerrit hurried along with his great 
strides ; the wintry trees lifted their crowns of branches 
in melancholy despair; the rooks cawed and circled in 
swarms; the bells of the tram-cars tinkled as though 
muffled in black crepe; the few pedestrians walked stiffly 
and unnaturally; he met ague-stricken black-clad figures 
with sinister, spectral faces: they passed him like so many 
ghosts; and all around him, in the vistas of the woods, 
rose a clammy mist in which every outline of houses, 
trees and people was blurred into a shadowy unreality. 

It is wind and cloud which emphasize the pathos of 
the humble landscape at the beginning of Dr. 
Adriaan : 

The afternoon sky was full of thick dark clouds, drift- 
ing ponderously grey over almost black violet; clouds so 
dark, heavy and thick that they seemed to creep labor- 
iously upon the east wind, for all that it was blowing 
hard. In its breath the clouds now and again changed 
their weary outline, before their time came to pour down 
in heavy straight streaks of rain. The stiff pine-woods 
quivered, erect and anxious, along the road ; and the 
tops of the trees lost themselves in a silver-grey air hard- 
ly lighter than the clouds and dissolving far and wide 
under all that massive grey-violet and purple-black which 
seemed so close and low. The road ran near and went 
winding past, lonely, deserted and sad. It was as though 
it came winding out of low horizons and went on towards 
low horizons, dipping humbly under very low skies, and 
only pine-trees still stood up, pointed, proud and straight, 
when everything else was stooping. The modest villa- 
residence, the smaller poor dwellings here and there 
stooped under the heavy sky and the gusty wind ; the 
shrubs dipped along the roadside; and the few people 
who went along an old gentleman ; a peasant-woman ; 
two poor children carrying a basket and followed by a 
melancholy, big, rough-coated dog seemed to hang their 
heads low under the solemn weight of the clouds and 
the fierce mastery of the wind, which had months ago 
blown the smile from the now humble, frowning, pensive 
landscape. The soul of that landscape appeared small 
and all forlorn in the watery mists of the dreary winter. 

It is snow which falls like a pall and marks the 
bitter peace of the winter of souls. 

Days had come of endless flaking snow; and the hard 
frost kept the snow tight-packed in the garden, alongside 
the house, the silent, massive building whose thick white 
lines stood out against the low bending snow-laden skies: 
one great greyness from out of which the grey of the snow 
fell with a sleepy whirl until it was caught in the grip of 
the frost and turned white, describing the outlines of 
villa-houses and the branching silhouettes of black and 
dreary trees with round soft strokes of white. The road 
in front of the house soon soiled its whiteness with cart- 
tracks and footprints; and with the snow there fell from 
the sky, like so much grey wool, the pale melancholy of 
a winter in the country, all white decay and white lone- 
liness: days so short that it seemed as though the slow 
hours slept and, when awake, but dragged their whiter 
veils from grey dawn to grey twilight, so that dawn 
might once again be turned to night. And the short days 
were like white nights, sunless, as though the light were 
shining through velvet, velvet cold as the breath of death, 
the breath of death itself, striking down and embracing 
all things in its chill velvet. 

As the characters appear like musical instruments 
in an orchestral composition, so such passages as 
these represent the great bursts of sound of the 
organ, more frequent and sustained and overwhelm- 
ing as the finale comes to its close. 

The Small Souls series is not the only example 
that Couperus has given us of the family novel. 
In Old People and Things that Pass (translated by 
Alexander Teixeira de Mattos Dodd Mead; 
$1.75) two characters detach themselves more de- 
cisively from the background than any in Small 
Souls, the old grandmother Dercksz, and her lover 
Takma. But these figures are static, fixed as the 
result of the spell laid on them by their crime ; the 
action of the story evolves in the learning of this 
crime by their descendants, and the learning that 
the others know. Slowly and fatally the guilty 
secret which has been kept for sixty years makes its 
way until the circle is complete. By virtue of this 
plot the novel is more concentrated than Small 
Souls, and the characters are presented with a 
bolder outline, physically and spiritually. There is 
no portrait in Small Souls of such definiteness as 
this of Anton Dercksz, whose aged sensuality has 
taken refuge in his mind. 

He grinned, with a broad grin. He sat there, big and 
heavy; and the folds and dewlaps of his full, yellow-red 
cheeks thrilled with pleasure at her outburst; the ends of 
his grey-yellow moustache stood straight up with merri- 
ment; and his eyes with their yellow irises gazed pen- 
sively at his sister, who had never been of the flesh. 
What hadn't she missed, thought Anton, in scoffing con- 
tempt, as he sat bending forward. His coarse-fisted hands 
lay like clods on his thick knees; and the tops of his 
Wellington boots showed round under the trouser-legs. 
His waistcoast was undone ; so were the two top buttons 
of his trousers, and Stefanie could just see his braces. 

On the other hand the natural background is en- 
tirely suppressed. Once more a single family is 
sufficient to itself except Takma almost the only 
intruder is Dr. Roelofsz,. and he by sharing the 
knowledge of the crime has likewise shared in the 
love of the woman who inspired it. Again through 
a single family we gain a vivid impression of Dutch 
life, its local concentration varied by a sterile cosmo- 
politianism Therese, one of the daughters, is a 
nun at Paris; Ottilie, a granddaughter, lives with 
her Italian lover at Nice. As in Small Souls the 
structure is musical the variations of the theme 
of antique crime as it is sounded in the characters, 
quavering in the strings, sobbing and groaning in 
the winds and brasses ; with passages of tender 
joy as where the great great grandmother em- 
braces the babies, the fourth generation of her body 
alternating with those of horror when she sees 
with her terrible second sight the form of her mur- 
dered husband. That Couperus should have solved 
so completely the artistic problem of the family 
novel in the four books of Small Souls is a wonder- 
ful achievement: that he should have repeated the 
performance in a single volume marks him as a 
technician of the highest power a virtuoso. 





The League and the Instinct for Competition 

1 N A MOMENT of relaxation, and distinctly not for 
publication, a well-known defender of corporations 
from the Sherman Anti-Trust Law said to me re- 
cently: "I have come at last, after ten years of 
fighting it, to perceive that the Sherman Law repre- 
sents a more or less permanent instinct in the com- 
mon run of American people. I do not believe it 
will ever be repealed, and I believe it is hopeless to 
fight it." Occasional appearances before Congres- 
sional Committees, the Federal Trade Commission, 
and other bodies to debate matters involving the 
principles of competition have given me inklings of 
the truth and profundity of this opinion. The mass 
of men are combative and competitive in instinct, 
and they distrust and fear any and all combinations, 
even government centralization of power. They 
feel safest when they buy from small competitors 
vying with each other; they revel in contest in all 
matters political and commercial; in athletics and 
in love. The very doom of autocracy consists to a 
certain extent in its fixity and lack of contest. There 
are no excitements in America equal to those in- 
spired by four typical competitions a presidential 
election, business, baseball, and until recent years 
the pugilistic championship. The cockfight and 
counter revolutions in Mexico, bullfights in Spain, 
politics in England, bristling war preparation and 
economic penetration in Germany these have been 
elemental competitive matters closest to the common 
heart. Average mankind adores competition ; is un- 
easy without it; hugs it, indeed, with almost the 
love of a tippler for his flask ! 

America is very especially addicted to competi- 
tion, because of its individualistic traditions. The 
feud and turmoil between politics and 'business in 
the past twenty years have been due largely, I verily 
believe, to the collision between the inveterate in- 
stinct for competition on the part of the common 
people and the natural tendency of brains to appre- 
ciate cooperation and combination. There is no 
immediate .hope that America will change greatly 
in this respect, nor is there any indication that com- 
petition between nations after the war will be less 
than before the war. On the contrary there are 
many signs of a strongly renascent nationalism. It 
is well, therefore, to introduce a note of caution 
in the high hopes of idealists and intellectuals for 
approaching a millennium through the gateway of a 
League of Nations or after-the-war reconstruction. 

There is an impending tragedy in the develop- 
ment now growing before our eyes the sharpening 
up of the instinct for competition among nations. 

Even though it is now economic instead of military, 
already it is compressing seriously the idealistic 
hopes for the League of Nations. Every European 
country, great and small, is literally "on its toes" 
with economic ambition made all the more for- 
midable by a national integration heightened enor- 
mously by the war. There are going to be a great 
many disappointed intellectuals everywhere, even 
under the most favorable outcome, because the new 
nationalistic aspirations, freed and stimulated by the 
passing of autocracy, turn instinctively to economic 
contest, to economic self-determination. In a com- 
petition between instinct and brains, popular instinct 
will inevitably be the master, since in a democracy 
it usually gets its way. And that popular instinct 
for competition is not ready, I fear, for the national- 
istic sacrifices necessary for an economically inte- 
grated world for competitions of a more sublimated 

As a matter of fact it may safely be predicted 
that the intelligent constructive minds of the world, 
in their work for a League of Nations of broad 
scope inclusive of the all-important economic ele- 
ments, will now run up against a veritable unwritten 
Sherman Anti-Trust Law among the peoples of the 
world. In other words, the universal human in- 
stinct for competition and against organized com- 
binations will very likely stubbornly balk the forma- 
tion of what might be the great master combination 
of all history, in the same manner and for the same 
reasons that the antiquated and stupid Sherman Law 
has balked wise and honest combination in America. 

The common run of people and nations do not 
believe what they do not see ; do not trust organiza- 
tions because they are abstract. Only the Germans, 
with their genius for abstraction, could thoroughly 
visualize even the State. It has taken the war to 
teach other countries nationalism. And, though it 
has also taught some internationalism, it is without 
the same enthusiasm. The individual whether 
man or nation remains the most dramatic and 
effective unit on the stage of consciousness, because 
the common man knows how an individual feels 
and moves and does. A great corporation is a 
logarithmic abstraction to the common intelligence, 
hated and distrusted because it is both superhuman 
and often inhuman. A League of Nations will be 
a veritable fourth dimension conception to the aver- 
age mind, and whatever part of its logical scope and 
outline will finally be agreed upon will need desper- 
ately to be "sold" and kept "sold" continuously to 
the people of the world if it is not to suffer the 



February 22 

disaster of innocuous desuetude or worse. Strong 
counteracting efforts will be necessary to remove the 
curse of abstraction from such a League and give 
it some of the strength arising from competitive in- 
centives. The streams of competition are already 
racing through the national sluiceways with a swirl 
that will rise to a roar of elemental power as soon 
as all the dams of war 'are removed. This most for- 
midable commercial and industrial nationalism, 
which is mobilizing itself within all such nations 
as have remaining any mobilizing power whatever, 
must now, if ever, be led toward constructive inter- 
national competitions. 

The present policy of individual nations is essen- 
tially one of economic self-determination, or as our 
Department of Commerce reports it the word in 
itself is a condemnation "economic self -sufficiency." 
As such it represents virtually a nationalistic prep- 
aration for economic battle; represents a conviction 
that nations must hereafter be not more, but less, 
dependent upon any other nation or group of nations. 
Never again, such nations virtually proclaim, shall 
we be surprised in a condition of dependence upon 
other nations for vital "key" products. Social cost 
and international efficiency and logical subdivision of 
world tasks are as nothing in this intense national- 
istic view. Except that it is economic, the spirit of 
this resolve is nevertheless militaristic in principle, 
even though purely defensive. It is flatly antag- 
onistic in spirit to the principle of a World State 
and disarmament, and as such breathes the same old 
instinct for competition; comprises, in unwritten 
essence, a universal Sherman Anti-Trust Law stand- 
ing in the way of a real League of Nations. It 
amounts to the substitution of economic armament 
for military armament. 

It is doubly formidable, and- withal contradictory, 
in that it aims to use the powerful tool of internal 
combination to attain nationalism following the plan 
of German state-fostered combinations for com- 
peting with other nations. England is earnestly 
urging her industries to combine as a national unit 
to meet the foreign competitor, saying that England's 
industries, disunited, cannot meet world competition, 
but united, can. We thus have combination along 
national lines to combat other national or inter- 
national combinations an infinitely more effective 
trigger for war explosions than disorganized indi- 
vidual competition, because it represents industrial 
mobilization of nations for international aggression. 
State-fostered as such effort must necessarily be, it 
will virtually duplicate the old Germany in spiritual 
principle, and invite fatal trials of strength. 

The struggle for existence has always been three- 
fold : ( 1 ) struggle between individuals of the same 

race or nation; (2) struggle with other races or 
nations; (3) struggle against conditions of life. The 
war has knit individual nations and races into 
amicable, effective units as never before. Can now 
this new and vivid sense of economic self-determina- 
tion and economic rivalry among individual nations 
and races be carried upward and diverted to the 
international ends of a logical League of Nations 
for universal amelioration of conditions of life, in- 
stead of wasteful competition between groups? It is 
indeed doubtful. Even amidst the most earnest co- 
operation of nations for war and under dire 
necessity, the nationalistic feelings, prides, pre- 
judices, and jealous self -consciousness of the 
various nations have at least unmistakably indi- 
cated their presence, even if not obstructively. 
The one pivotal decision of the war unity of 
military command was almost fatally delayed 
by this instinct for competition, this distrust 
of combination. He is a bold man who will predict 
that with the weight of war once off his chest, the 
average man's instinct will not again take him to 
his tipple, his delusion of competition, which cares 
much less for efficiency and logic and wise equilib- 
rium than for a good fight. (Fabre has abundantly 
proved how little instinct has to do with reason.) 
The fact that he is sick of bayonet and gunpowder 
battle does not make him any the less keen for battle 
of goods and markets and price ; in fact, by contrast, 
it has made him very especially keen for it not real- 
izing in his fatuity that he may merely make certain 
another round of the old, old human savagery. 

The League of Nations must be made successful 
much after the manner of any great organization 
by the use of rivalry and enthusiasm for common 
ends, kept skilfully in sight; by the most minute tech- 
nical pains and coordinative ability. It must produce 
something which the common man wants, and lose 
no opportunity to advertise itself to him in terms 
he can understand. It is with no disrespect either 
to the League of Nations or to business a business 
proposition, pure and simple. It must enter very 
prosaically into the workaday endeavors of nations 
and show them its specific advantages in even a 
salesmanlike manner. It was with some such com- 
bination of vision, optimism, and practicality that 
Morgan, after Carnegie announced his vigorous 
competitive program, showed the steel industry the 
value of combining, by chart, statistic, hard sense, 
practical program and showed also a clear picture 
of the disintegrating alternatives. The League of 
Nations must become part of the daily desk and 
bench labors of man or remain merely a trailing 
cloud of intellectual glory. 




Possessor and Possessed 



.HE WORK OF Mr. John Gould "Fletcher has 
hardly attained the eminence in contemporary poetry 
that it deserves. One is doubtful, indeed, whether 
it will. For not only is it of that sort which in- 
evitably attracts only a small audience, but it is also 
singularly uneven in quality, and many readers who 
would like Mr. Fletcher at his best cannot muster 
the patience to read beyond his worst. Mr. 
Fletcher is his own implacable enemy. He has not 
yet published a book in which his excellent qualities 
are single, candid, and undivided: a great many 
dead leaves are always to be turned. The reward 
for the search is conspicuous, but unfortunately it 
is one which few will take the trouble to find. 

Mr. Fletcher's latest book, The Tree of Life 
(Macmillan; $1.50) is no exception to this rule: 
it is perhaps, if we leave out of account his five early 
books of orthodox and nugatory self-exploration, 
the most remarkably uneven of them all. It has 
neither the level technical excellence, the economical 
terseness of his Japanese Prints, nor, on the other 
hand, the amazing flight of many pages in Goblins 
and Pagodas. Yet certainly one would rather have 
it than Japanese Prints; and even if it contains a 
greater proportion of dross than is to be found in 
the symphonies, it has compensating qualities, quali- 
ties which one feels are new in the work of Mr. 
Fletcher, and which make one hesitate to rate it too 
far below Goblins and Pagodas, or, at any rate. 
Irradiations. For the moment, however, it is in- 
teresting to set aside these new qualities and to 
consider, or savor, the astonishing unequalness 
which alone would constitute a sort of distinction in 
the work of Mr. Fletcher. It is the custom in 
such cases to say that the" poet has no self-critical 
faculty, and to let it go at that. But that explana- 
tion is of a general and vague character, and 
operates only under the fallacy that any such com- 
plex is reducible to the terms of a single factor. It 
should be clear that any given complex will consist 
of several factors; that " absence of a critical facul- 
ty " is to a considerable degree a merely negative 
diagnosis; and that perhaps one would wisely look 
for a more express clue to the particular personal 
equation in something more positive as for example 
in some excess rather than lack. It is in a kind of 
redundancy, on the psychic plane, that an artist's 
character is most manifest. Here will lie the key 
to both his successes and his failures. It should be 
the critic's undertaking to name and analyze this 
redundancy and to ascertain the degree in which 
the artist has it under control. 

Unfortunately, this undertaking, in the present 
state of psychology and criticism is a branch of 
psychology is as yet highly speculative; it borders, 
indeed, in the opinion of many, on the mythological. 
Criticism of this sort must be, confessedly, supposi- 
titious. Thus in the case of Mr. Fletcher we shall 
perhaps find the most suggestive light cast from a 
direction which to many literary folk is highly 
suspect from psychology itself. Kostyleff, it will 
be recalled, maintains that a very important part of 
the mechanism of poetic inspiration rests in the 
automatic discharge of verbal reflexes the initial 
impulse coming from some external stimulus, but 
the chain of verbal association thereafter unraveling 
more or less of its own momentum, and leading, as 
far as any connection of thought or emotion is con- 
cerned, well beyond the premises of the original 
stimulus. Of course Kostyleff does not limit him- 
self to this. He grants that it is only a peculiar 
sensibility which will store up, as in the case of a 
poet, such a wealth of verbal reflexes : and he grants 
further that there is often though not always 
the initial stimulus from without. For our part, as 
soon as we apply this engaging theory to the work 
of poets, we see that certain aspects of it are more 
illuminating in some cases than others; in other 
words, that while the principle as a whole is true 
of all poets, in some poets it is one factor which is 
more important, and in some another. It is true, 
for example, that Mr., Fletcher has a very original 
sensibility, and it is also true that his initial stimulus 
sometimes comes from without, but whereas in the 
work of certain other poets these factors might be 
paramount, in the case of Mr. Fletcher the striking 
feature has always been his habit of surrendering 
himself, almost completely, to the power of these 
automatically unraveling verbal reflexes. In fact 
the poetry of Mr. Fletcher is as remarkable an il- 
lustration of this principle as one could find. 

The implications are rich. What occurs to one 
immediately is that, as the functioning of these 
verbal reflexes is most rapid when least consciously 
controlled, the poet will be at his best when the 
initial stimulus is of a nature to leave hirn greatest 
freedom. To such a poet, it will be seen, it would 
be a great handicap to have to adhere too closely, 
throughout a longish poem, to a fixed and unalter- 
able idea. The best theme for him will be the one 
which is least definite, one which will start him off 
at top speed but will be rather enhanced than im- 
paired by the introduction and development of new 
elements, by rapid successive improvisations in un- 



February 22 

foreseen directions. Any sort of conceptual frame- 
work prepared in advance with regard either to 
subject or form would be perpetually retarding him, 
perpetually bringing him back to a more severely 
conscious plane of effort, a plane on which, the 
chances are, he would be far less effective. These 
suppositions gain force when we turn, in their light, 
to Mr. Fletcher's work. In Irradiations w r e find 
him taking his first ecstatic plunge into improvisa- 
tion formalism is thrown to the winds, and with 
it much which for this poet perplexes and retards; 
and an amazingly rich treasure house of verbal 
reflexes, the gift of a temperament almost hyper-" 
esthetic in its sensitiveness to color, line, and tex- 
ture a temperament in which some profound dis- 
harmony is most easily struck at and shaken through 
these senses is for the first time rifled. It is in this 
stage of a lyric poet's career that his speech most 
glistens. Impressions come up shining from their 
long burial in the subconscious. The poet is per- 
haps a little breathless with his sudden wealth he 
is at first content to bring up only small handfuls 
of the most glittering coin; he is even perhaps a 
little distrustful of it. But the habit of allowing 
himself to be possessed by this wealth grows rapidly. 
The mechanism becomes more familiar, if anything 
so vague as this kind of apperception can be said to 
be truly recognizable, and the poet learns the trick 
of shutting his eyes and not merely allowing, but 
precisely inviting, his subconscious to take possession 
of him. The trick consists largely in a knowledge, 
abruptly acquired, of his own character, and of such 
ideas as are, therefore, the " Open Sesame! " to this 
cave. It was in colorism that Mr. Fletcher found 
this password. And it was in Goblins and Pagodas 
that he first put it to full and gorgeous use. 

For in the idea of a series of symphonies in 
which the sole unity was to be a harmony of color, 
in which form and emotional tone could follow 
the lead of coloristic word-associations no matter 
how far afield, Mr. Fletcher discovered an " Open 
Sesame ! " so ideal to his nature, and so powerful, as 
not merely to open the door, but at one stroke to 
lay bare his treasure entire. One should not over- 
look here also an important secondary element in 
Mr. Fletcher's nature, a strong but partial affinity 
for musical construction, a feeling for powerful 
submerged rhythms less ordered than those of 
metrical verse, but more ordered than those of 
prose; and this element, too, found its ideal oppor- 
tunity in the color symphonies. The result was, 
naturally, the most brilliant and powerful work 
which Mr. Fletcher has yet given us a poetry 
unlike any other. It contains no thought: Mr. 
Fletcher is not a conceptual poet. It contains, in 

the strictly human sense, extraordinarily little of the 
sort of emotion which relates to the daily life of 
men and women; there are despairs and exaltations 
and sorrows and hopes, and the furious energy of 
ambition, and the weariness of resignation, but they 
are the emotions of someone incorporeal, and their 
sphere of action is among winds and clouds, the 
colors of sky and sea, the glittering of rain and 
jewels; and not among the perplexed hearts of 
humanity. In a sense it is like the symbolism of 
such poets as Mallarme, but with the difference that 
here the symbols have no meaning. It is a sort of 
absolute poetry, a poetry of detached waver and 
brilliance, a beautiful flowering of language alone, 
a parthenogenesis, as if language were fertilized by 
itself rather than by thought or feeling. Remove 
the magic of phrase and sound, and there is nothing 
left: no thread of continuity, no relation between 
one page and the next, no thought, no story, no 
emotion. But the magic of phrase and sound is 
powerful, and it takes one into a fantastic world 
where one is etherealized, where one has deep emo- 
tions, indeed, but emotions star-powdered, and 
blown to flame by speed and intensity rather than 
by thought or human warmth. 

Unfortunately it is only for a little while that a 
poet can be so completely possessed by the subcon- 
scious: the more complete the possession the more 
rapid the exhaustion. One or two of Mr. Fletcher's 
color symphonies showed already a v flagging of 
energy, and in addition to the unevenness which is 
inevitable in a blind obedience to the lead of word- 
association alone (since it leads as often to verbosity 
as to magic) that unevenness also is noticed which 
comes of the poet's attempt to substitute the con- 
sciously for the unconsciously found an attempt 
which for such a temperament as Mr. Fletcher's is 
frequently doomed to failure. There are limits, 
moreover, as we have seen, to the number of themes 
which will draw out the best of the possessed type 
of poet. Failing to discover new themes, he must 
repeat the old ones; and here it is not long before 
he feels his consciousness intruding, and saying to 
him, " You have said this before," a consciousness 
which at once inhibits the unraveling of word-asso- 
ciation, and brings him back to that more deliberate 
sort of art for which he is not so well fitted. It is 
to this point that Mr. Fletcher has come, recently 
in Japanese Prints, and now in The Tree of Life. 
Here and there for a moment is a flash of magic 
and power there are pages, even whole poems, 
which are only less delightful than the symphonies 
but intermingled with how much that is lame, 
stiltedly metrical, verbose, or downright ugly. The 
use of regular meter or rhyme brings him down with 




a thud. . . The Tree of Life is a volume of 
love poems, more personal than Mr. Fletcher has 
given us hitherto, and that has an interest of its 
own. But the colorism has begun to dim, it is often 
merely a wordy and tediously overcrowded imitation 
of the colored swiftness of Goblins and Pagodas, the 
images indistinct and conflicting; and if one is to 
hope fpr further brilliance it is not in this but in a 
new note, audible here and there in the shorter 

lyrics, a note of ironlike resonance, bitterly per- 
sonal, and written in a free verse akin to the stark 
eloquence of Biblical prose. . . Are these lyrics 
an earnest of further development, and will Mr. 
Fletcher pass to that other plane of art, that of the 
possessor artist, the artist who foresees and forges, 
who calculates his effects? There is hardly enough 
evidence here to make one sure. 


The Significance of Redon 


'HEN THE WORK of Odilon Redon was first 
shown in this country, at the International Exhibi- 
tion of 1913, its success was immediate and, beyond 
a doubt, more complete than that of any other artist 
represented in the epoch-making show. There was 
naturally more of popular discussion about the 
Cubists and others whose work seemed revolution- 
ary, but the man who came in 'for most admiration 
more even than was given to Cezanne was 

Should we see in this merely a sign that the 
artist had something which the American public 
demands, through the nature of its preferences? I 
think not; twenty years earlier his reception here 
would have been different, as it was different in 
Paris. Only in the last ten or fifteen years has 
there been anything like a solid appreciation of 
Redon anywhere, and his success here was not a 
question of place but of time. Indeed the fact is 
that in a number of European countries the recog- 
nition of his genius was coming about, more and 
more positively, in the decade before the exhibition 
here. It was late in coming, among laymen at 
least, for Redon was born in 1840 and the time 
when he had made clear the bearing of his art may 
easily be placed before his thirtieth year. With an 
exhibition of Redon's etchings and lithographs be- 
fore us again (at the Ehrich Print Gallery, until 
March 12) it seems incomprehensible that his fame 
does not date back fifty years, but the world is 
probably no more interested in living genius now 
than it was then. 

Artists were naturally the first to recognize his 
importance, but even among them it was long before 
the major quality in his art was understood. For 
there are in Redon the two phases which we find 
in every master the qualities of idea and of form. 
The first generation which turned to Redon for 
guidance the men who began to play a role in 
art about 1890 were followers or successors of the 
Impressionists who had come to see that Cezanne 
with his infinite world of form, Gauguin with his 

startling design and Van Gogh with his intensity 
of expression had given a new turn to the line of 
art development. If they did not see Redon's full 
importance, it was because they were content to 
skim the surface of their elders' production and to 
draw from it the elements of a merely decorative 
art, agreeable but light. They did see in him the 
colorist and designer, and much that is good in the 
work of Bonnard, Roussel, and numerous minor 
artists is to be traced to Redon. 

Of the same generation, but of a far deeper talent 
and mind, Matisse consulted Redon to better pur- 
pose. Not only was his native gift of color enriched 
by contact with the rare opulence of Redon, but the 
quality of significance which lifts him above his 
contemporaries was intensified by his study of the 
older man. Redon, while always glad to receive 
the visits of young artists and to give them advice, 
never undertook teaching in a school. The teacher 
who most nearly approached him in ideals (though 
far from approaching in his results the plane of 
Redon) was Gustave Moreau, and it was from 
Moreau that Matisse had his most important les- 
sons. Another student at the atelier, whose later 
achievement has been admirable, was Georges 
Rouault. The preoccupation of both men with 
the problem of expression is proof of their ad- 
herence to that art of the idea of which Redon is 
the chief exemplar in the whole Nineteenth Century. 

But it is the group which appeared after these 
men which goes deepest into the significance of 
Redon. A few years ago there was exhibited in this 
city a sheet of drawings by Picasso in which that 
surprising person gave imitations of four of the 
older artists unmistakable by themselves, but on 
each of which he wrote the name of the man in 
whose manner the sketch was made. One of them 
was Redon. And what has Cubism to do with 
the old sage who invented for us this mythology, 
ancient and modern, these grand illustrations for 
The Temptation of Saint Anthony and of the 
Apocalypse, this recounter of dreams who portrays 



February 22 

for us with equal sureness the Buddha, a bunch of 
flowers, or the Spanish guitarist who has delighted 
him the evening before? On the surface, Redon's 
art and the art of the men but halfway described 
by their surname of Cubists have little or nothing 
in common. Indeed the geometrical side of Cubism 
is in strong contrast with the spontaneous, impro- 
vising quality so apparent in the work of Redon. 
He himself felt this and spoke in gentle distrust of a 
theoretical method of procedure in art. 

But he also understood the other side of the new 
school and was well pleased with its homage. The 
man whose work proclaims most unequivocally the 
latter-day attitude toward art as an expression of 
what takes place in the world of the mind, Marcel 
Duchamp, is also the man of the new generation 
who most frankly acknowledges his debt to Redon. 
In the essentials of the question, then, there is a 
close bond between the master whose works are 
before us an'd the advance guard who have so far 
departed from his external forms. Together they 
continue the line of those who tell us that art is 
not " homo additus naturae," but a pure expression 
of the purpose of man through his joy in form and 
color the " natura " v of Bacon entering into the 
operation only in so far as it is useful as a means. 

A part of the reason why it has taken long for 
the world to see the greatness of Redon is, as I 
have shown, that the artists took long. For it is 
often through the inheritors or even the vulgarizers 
of a creative work that the mass of men come to 
know its quality. But another reason is that Redon 
was really that unusual being, the man ahead of his 
time. It is only a thoughtless use of the phrase that 
applies it to artists like Delacroix, Courbet, or 
Cezanne. They are of their time, not ahead of it, 
the violent opposition they had to face having been 
only a natural reaction on the part of the mediocre 
mob w r hich resented being dragged from its com- 
fortable wallowing in the refuse of the past. 
Among the leaders, Cezanne and all the great Im- 
pressionists (save Pissarro) were born within a year 
of one another and of Redon. The former group 
dominates the years from 1870 to 1900. Redon be- 
gins to emerge only about the end of that period, 
as a man of sixty, with a great work behind him 
and, most fortunately, with sixteen years of glorious 
production still before him. 

He was clear in his own mind about the differ- 
ences between himself and his contemporaries, as 
we see in some notes of 1913, in which he tells of a 
friend and preceptor of his youth, the fine artist 
Rodophe Bresdin: 

He said to me once, in a tone of gentle authority: " Look 
at that chimney; what does it tell you? To me it re- 
counts a legend. If you have the strength to observe it 

well and to comprehend it, imagine the strangest, the most 
bizarre subject, if it is well based and if it remains within 
the limits of that simple stretch of. wall, your dream will 
be living. Therein lies art." Bresdin made these re- 
marks in 1864. I note the date because it was not thus 
that art was taught at that time. 

The artists of my generation, for the most part, [and 
he does not mean the masters], have assuredly considered 
the chimney. And they have seen nothing but the chim- 
ney. All that can be added to the stretch of wall through 
the mirage of our personal essence has not been rendered 
by them. Everything that passes beyond, illumines or 
amplifies the object, and lifts the mind into the region of 
mystery, into the trouble of the irresolute and of its de- 
licious unrest, has been totally closed to them. Everything 
which lends to the symbol, everything which our art holds 
of the unexpected, of the unprecise, of the undefinable, and 
which gives it an aspect which borders on the enigma 
they have hidden from it, they have feared it. True para- 
sites of the object, they have developed art in the visual