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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
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DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE
OF
COUNT AXEL FERSEN
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OLD FRENCH COURT MEMOIRS
VLAXf AND CORRESPONDENCE OF
(COUNTj^AXEL FEIISEN
RELATING TO
THE COURT OF FRANCE
TRANSLATED ST KATHARINE PRX8O0TT WORM EI. ET
ILLUSTRATED WITH PORTRAITS FROM THE ORIGINAL
VOLUME VIII
NEW YORK
BRENTANO'S
PUBLISHERS
r d3&
Copyright, 1902
By Hardy, Pratt & Company
All Rights Reserved
Printed in the
United States of America
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I. —1755-1780.
Page
Introductory. — Count Fersen's first and second Visit to the French
Court. — The Dauphine and Queen, Marie-Antoinette. — Fersen
joins the French Expedition to America as Aide-de-camp to the
Comte de Rochambeau 1
CHAPTER II. — 1780-1782.
Letters of Count Axel Fersen to his Father, Field-Marshal Fersen,
during the French War in North America in aid of the Indepen-
dence of the United States 21
CHAPTER ni. — 1783-1791.
Return to France. — Confidential mission of Count Fersen to the French
Court from King Gustavus III. — Letters to his father and the
King of Sweden on the political aspects of France at the opening
of the Revolution. — The Emigration begins in July, 1789 ... 65
CHAPTER IV.— 1791.
Preparations for the Departure of the King and Royal Family from Paris.
— The King has a settled Plan not fully revealed. — Safe Departure
from Paris driven by Count Fersen. — The Stoppage at Varennes. 91
CHAPTER V. — 1791.
Vain efforts to induce the European Powers to take steps in behalf of
the King and Queen of France. — Gallant Proposal of Gustavus
IH„ King of Sweden 119
Ver. 8 1 Mem.
VI CONTENTS.
CHAPTER VI. — 1791.
Correspondence of Qneen Marie-Antoinette with Count Fersen. —
Official Letters of the same Period, showing the vain Efforts em-
ployed to induce the Powers to act in behalf of the King of France
and his Family 144
CHAPTER VII. — 1791.
The same continued. — Efforts to obtain a Congress. — Memorial of
Count Fersen to the Queen, explaining the political Situation of the
Powers and advising a Course of Action for the King and Queen
of France 175
CHAPTER VIII. — 1791-1792.
Proposal of the Kiug of Sweden to rescue the King and Queen of
France declined by the King. — Louis XVI. compelled to declare
war against the Princes of Germany. — Further Negotiations for a
Congress 206
CHAPTER IX.— 1792.
Count Fersen's Diary. — His fruitless Mission to the King and Queen in
Paris. — Death of the Emperor Leopold. — Death of Gustavus III.,
King of Sweden. — Advance and repulse of the French army under
the Comte de Rochambeau. — Efforts to induce England to assist
in the rescue of the King and Queen. — The 10th of August. —
Imprisonment of the Royal Family in the Temple. — Fatal retreat
of the Dake of Brunswick. — The Due de Choiseul's Account of
August 10th, and of the Stoppage at Varennes 242
CHAPTER X.— 1792-1793.
Diary continued. — Battle of Jemmapes. — Evacuation of Brussels and
Flight of the Austrians and Emigres. — Trial and Execution of
Louis XVI. — Dumouriez proposes to the Prince de Coburg to dash
on Paris with fifty thousand Men and rescue the Queen. — Scheme
defeated by Dumouriez's Army revolting against him. — The Queen
removed to the Conciergerie. — Last fruitless Efforts of her few
faithful Friends. — Her Death 278
CONTENTS. Vll
CHAPTER XI. — 1792.
Correspondence of Count Fersen with the King of Sweden until his
Death, and with Queen Marie-Antoinette until the 10th of August,
1792, when the Royal Family were imprisoned in the Tower of the
Temple, and all written Communication with them ceased. — Brief
Statement of Count Fersen's After-life and of his Death, June 20,
1810 304
APPENDIXES.
Letter from Count Fersen to Baron Taube, November 19, 1792. —
Letter from the Archbishop of Tours to Count Fersen describing
the death of Louis XVI 347, 349
LIST OF
PHOTOGRAVURE ILLUSTRATIONS.
Count Axel Fersen Frontispiece
From a miniature, painted in Paris, belonging to the Comtesee
Louise Gyldenstolpe, nee Fersen.
Chapteb Page
I. Marie-Antoinette, Dauphins 8
By Duplessis ; Maltres Anciens.
II. General Comte de Rochambeau 57
From a print.
V. Dcchebse de Polignac 130
By Mme. Vigee Le Brun ; Maltres du XIX Siecle.
VM. Gustavo 8 III., King of Sweden 206
Portrait of the time. Engraved by Girardet.
IX. Princesse de Lamballe 254
By Rioult (Louis-Edouard) Versailles.
X. Queen Marie-Antoinette 274
Sketch by Mme. Vigee Le Bran ; Maitres du XIX Siecle.
FAC-SIMILE LETTERS
Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen, Dec. 28, 1791, Written in
White Ink and Addressed on the Outside to Monsieur
L'Abbe de Beauterin 223
Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen, Jan. 4, 1792 225
DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE
OF
COUNT AXEL FERSEN.
CHAPTER I.
1755-1780. Introductory. — Count Fersen's first and second Visit to the
French Court. — The Dauphine and Queen, Marie-Antoinette. — Fersen
joins the French Expedition to America as Aide-de-camp to the Comte
de Rochambeau.
The Diary of Count Axel Fersen was not intended for
publication. It is a collection of notes written daily to aid
his memory from 1780 to 1810, the year of his death. He
mentions with deep regret, in a letter to his intimate friend
Baron Taube, that the portion from 1780 to 1791, was
destroyed in Paris in 1791, as a matter of precaution, by the
friend in whose care he had left it at the time of the flight
to Varennes. A precious record was thus lost of Louis XVI.
and Marie-Antoinette during their last years of peace and
the first years of the Revolution, written by one who judged
them nobly, and apart from the vile prejudices and jealousies
of their Court. But enough remains to form a connecting
thread for his valuable and interesting Correspondence.
These letters, papers, and documents are in the possession
of Count Fersen's family, and the parts concerning his con-
nection with the Court of France were published by his
2 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. i.
great-nephew, Baron Klinckowstrb'm, in 1878 (Paris, Firmin-
Didot and Co.), from wlrich edition this translation is made.
The sketch of Count Fersen's life, which begins the present
volume and is continued now and then through the course
of it for the purpose of elucidating the diary and correspon-
dence, is taken chiefly from the anonymous Introduction to
the French edition, with a few comments from other sources
which will be named as they occur.
Count Jean Axel Fersen was born September 4, 1755, of a
noble Swedish family distinguished in war by three field-
marshals. He was the son of Field-marshal Frederick Axel
Fersen, the eloquent leader of the political party called
"Les Chapeaux," which, in harmony with France, followed
a steady course of liberal opposition. Count Fersen, the
father, battled, under support of fundamental laws, for the
liberty of citizens against the assumptions of royal power
tending to despotism. In this struggle King Gustavus III.
was the chief actor on one side; on the other were the
nobles, defending the cause of national liberty and the main-
tenance of laws against despotism, and always inclining to
oppose or ignore the sacred right of kings.
Gustavus III. played an important part in the affairs of
France at the beginning of the Revolution. No other king
has been so variously judged by his contemporaries and by pos-
terity. He has been lauded beyond measure by his admirers,
and regarded by them as the saviour of the country, the
founder of a new era, a great statesman, a hero, a conqueror,
the promoter of religious liberty, a literary man, a dramatist,
devoid of vanity as a man and as a king.
His political antagonists, on the other hand, charged him
with all the worst propensities and faults of kings, and even
with the foibles and vices of humanity, — levity, falsehood,
1771] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 3
prodigality, indifference to the welfare of his people ; they
called him tyrannical, despotic, perjured; attributing great
crimes and evil-doings to him. The truth lies, as usual, be-
tween the two extremes. The reason is that the life and
actions of this king have never been sufficiently made known
to warrant an impartial judgment. Gustavus III. was not
the same man, the same king, at the beginning of his life
that he was at the close of it : principles, views, will, plans,
resolutions, all were changed in his versatile and fluctuating
mind. The object of his actions also varied much. And
yet, he began his reign by an act of great importance to his
country, — the revolution of 1772 ; which crushed anarchy,
and freed Sweden from dependence on foreign powers and
from the evil effects of degrading corruption. That is one
of the finest pages in the king's history. The ball of an in-
famous assassin put an end to his life, March 6, 1792, made
a martyr of him, and drew a veil over his faults and his
foibles.
When young Axel Fersen was sixteen years old he was
sent by his father, in charge of a tutor, to study the art and
profession of arms in foreign countries and thus complete
his education. During this journey, which lasted four years,
he studied in the military schools of Brunswick, Turin, and
Strasburg. A journal which he kept very punctually during
those years gives a picture of his youthful mind and his way
of looking at what he saw.
Basle, October 17, 1771. I find here all sorts of extraor-
dinary customs which divert me much. For instance, the
town clock is always one hour in advance of the clocks of
other countries. This difference, they tell me, goes back to
a remote period when the inhabitants resolved to kill their
chief magistrate, who, warned of the plot, foiled the con-
4 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. i.
spirators by putting on the hands of the clock. — It is not
permissible to dance in Basle unless the master of the house
plays the violin himself; and you can drive in a carriage
only up to ten o'clock at night, without servants behind, and
in a plain carriage of one colour only and no gilding. It is
forbidden to have silk fringes in the carriage or on the
harness when you drive to church, and the ladies must wear
black, not gowns but dishabilles. Diamonds, pearls, laces,
and pretty things of all kinds are forbidden. It is good taste
not to go out before five o'clock; at that hour visits are
made to family circles.
One of my acquaintances offered to take me to the
Assemblee du Printemps [assembly of Spring-buds] ; he pre-
sented me first to his sister and she introduced me to this
assembly, which is entirely composed of young girls. What
surprised me extremely was to see these young ladies arriv-
ing alone, or with a gentleman, and no maid or man-servant.
They played cards and talked with foreigners or with the
young men of the town who had the honour to be admitted.
They go to walk in the promenades all alone.
Geneva, October 30, 1771. We had a letter to M. Con-
stant, an intimate friend of M. de Voltaire. He took us the
next day to the country-house of Mme. Jennigs, a very agree-
able woman, who talked to us much about Sweden. From
there we went to see M. de Voltaire at Ferney, a very pretty
house which he built himself on French soil. But he did
not receive us ; he had taken, they told us, a purgative ;
which is the pretext he gives when he does not wish to see
people ; he appointed for us to come on the following day,
which obliged us to stay longer than we intended. We were
received at the appointed time and talked with him for two
hours. He was dressed in a scarlet waistcoat with old em-
broidered buttonholes, which his father and his grandfather
1774] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 5
had doubtless worn before him. An old wig, not curled, old-
fashioned shoes, woollen stockings, pulled on over his drawers,
and an old dressing-gown completed his toilet, admirably in
keeping with his wrinkled face ; but we were struck with the
beauty of his eyes and the liveliness of his glance. The
whole air of the face was very satirical.
He had with him Pere Adam, a Jesuit, and a valet de
chambre who knows the whole library of his master by
heart. M. de Voltaire does much good in his village ; he
has collected all the watch-makers of Geneva and makes
them work at his house ; the part of his house where he once
had a theatre he has now converted into lodging-rooms which
he puts at their disposal, and he provides for their wants.
Turin, November 11, 1771. While we were at the Acad-
emy the governor presented us to the king [Charles-Em-
manuel III ], a little wrinkled old fellow walking with the
help of a cane. After several compliments he gave me a
lecture, saying that I ought to diligently profit by the teach-
ings of the Academy in order to defer to the wishes of my
relatives who had sent me to Turin. His son, the Due de
Savoie, was very polite, and so were all the family.
Paris, January 1, 1774. New Year's day, as they call it
here. I had to go to Versailles to pay my court to the king
[Louis XV.] and see the ceremony of the Order of the Saint-
Esprit. By ten o'clock I was at Versailles. The ceremony
consists of a mass at which the king and all the chevaliers
of the Order are present in full dress. After having dined,
I went with Count Creutz1 to pay a visit to Mme. du Barry.
She spoke to me then for the first time. Leaving her, we
returned to Paris.
January 3. I went to pay a visit to the Spanish am-
1 Swedish ambassador to the French Court, often mentioned by Mile, de
Lespinasse. See preceding volume of this Hist. Series. — Tb.
6 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. i.
bassador ; Count Creutz took me later to see the Comtesse
de Brionne, who received us in her dressing-room. I thought
her very good-looking, although of a certain age : she is tall,
well-made, pretty in face, amiable, and very gay. I saw a
part of her toilet which amused me very much. After hav-
ing powdered herself, she took a little silver knife, about a
finger long, and carefully removed the powder, going over
her face several times. Then one of her women, of whom
she had three, brought a large box, which she opened ; in it
were six pots of rouge, and another box, small, which was
full of a pommade that seemed to me black. The Comtesse
took some rouge on her finger and daubed it on her cheek,
it was the prettiest rouge that ever was ; she increased it by
taking more from all the six pots, two and two. Then she
rose, and went into her bedchamber, where her daughter,
Mile, de Lorraine, came and joined her ; the latter did not
seem to me as handsome as they said she was, but she has a
very lively and piquant face.
January 10. I went at three o'clock to the ball of
Madame la Dauphine [Marie- Antoinette]. The ball began,
as usual, at five o'clock, and lasted till half-past nine ; I then
returned to Paris.
January 30. I dined with M. Bloome, Danish minister ;
thence I went to Mme. d'Arville, and, after talking with
her half an hour, I went to the assembly at the Spanish
ambassador's, where Count Creutz took me up and drove
me to the house of the Princesse de Beauvau, and then to a
concert of Stroganoff. At nine o'clock we all went together
to sup with Mme. d'Arville, whence I started at one o'clock
for the masked ball at the opera. It was crowded : Mme. la
Dauphine, M. le Dauphin, and the Comte de Provence came
and spent half an hour there without their presence being
noticed. Mme. la Dauphine talked to me a long time with-
1774] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 7
out my recognizing her. At last she let it be known who
she was, and then every one crowded round and she retired
into a box. At three o'clock I left the ball.
January 31. Went to Versailles at three o'clock. Re-
turned to dress and was, by a quarter past nine, with Mme.
d'Arville, who had invited me to supper the evening before.
We were five, and the supper was very gay. At one o'clock
we separated.
Wednesday, February 2. Had to get up at eight o'clock
to go and order a suit to be ready at midnight for the ball at
the Palais-Royal. In the afternoon I paid visits to the
Duchesse d'Arville, Mme. du Deffand, and the Comtesse de
La Marck, the latter of whom loaded me with civilities.
She had been so good as to write me a note, a few days
earlier, excusing herself because I had made frequent visits
at her house without finding her: she now reiterated the
same excuses and said she hoped I should not feel discour-
aged ; in short, I was enchanted with her politeness and her
gracious manners. It was a quarter past nine when I left
her. I then went to see de G£er, where Poniatowski came
at midnight. They went off together to the Palais-Royal.
I had waited impatiently all the evening for my suit, and I
felt myself getting angry, when they brought it just as de
G6er went off. I dressed in haste and went to the Palais-
Royal. On entering, I was much surprised to see all the
women dressed as shepherdesses, in gauze and taffeta gowns,
and all the men in rich suits embroidered along the seams.
The ball had begun ; I thought at first it was a public ball
and that the girls who were dancing were wantons; I
imagined that ladies always wore rich costumes. There
were only twenty women present, and the ball was not very
lively and only lasted till six o'clock ; I then escaped, for no
one remained but the Duchesse de Chartres, the Duchesse
8 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. i.
de Bourbon, Mme. de Laval, and Mme. de Holstein, who is,
beyond contradiction, the best and prettiest dancer in Paris.
As I went away I reflected that the French do not know
how to amuse themselves ; they have the bad habit of say-
ing, " I am ennuyed," and that poisons all their pleasures.
February 15, Mardi gras. Ball at Versailles. I went
towards the end of it. Mme. la Dauphine, Mme. de Pro-
vence, Mme. d'Artois, Mme. de Lamballe, and two other
ladies came with the Dauphin, M. de Provence, M. d'Artois,
MM. de Se'gur, de Coigny, and one other, all wearing the cos-
tume of Henri IV., which is the old French style. They
danced different entries, some of them very badly, especially
the Dauphin and M. de Provence; the others pretty well
The coup-d'osil was charming.1 I returned from there to sup
with de G£er, then at one o'clock I went to a ball given by
the ambassador of Malta.
Sunday, February 20. Supped with the Duchesse d'Arville,
who, as usual, overwhelmed me with kindness and civilities,
and so did her sister, the Duchesse d Estisac.
I paid visits pretty regularly, and often went to the theatre.
1 Description of Marie-Antoinette as Dauphine in the " Me'moires
Secrets" by Bachaumont: "Here is the exact portrait of Madame la
Dauphine. This princess is of a height proportioned to her age, thin,
without being emaciated, and such as a young girl is when not fully
formed. She is very well-made, well-proportioned in all her limbs. Her
hair is a beautiful blond; I judge it will some day be a golden chest-
nut ; it is well planted on her head. Her forehead is fine ; the shape of
her face a handsome oval, but a little long, the eyebrows are as well
marked as a blonde can have them. Her eyes are blue, but not insipid ;
they sparkle with a vivacity full of intelligence. Her nose is aquiline, a
little sharp at the tip; her mouth is small, the lips full, especially the
lower one, which every one knows to be the Austrian lip. The whiteness
of her skin is dazzling, and she has a natural colour which dispenses her
from putting on rouge. Her carriage and bearing is that of an arch-
duchess ; but her dignity is tempered by gentleness, and it is difficult on
seeing this princess to refuse her a respect mingled with tenderness."
— Tk.
1774] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 9
Count Creutz took me to the house of the Marquis de
Brancas, where much politeness was shown to me. I supped
there several times, and on Friday, March 4, they gave a
charming little ball ; five gentlemen and six ladies danced
from eight in the evening till six in the morning. We only
left off one hour for supper. These dancing-suppers are
often given during Lent in Paris ; where times of abstinence
are not so strictly kept as in Italy, where people would think
themselves excommunicated if they danced at this season,
and a woman who committed such a fault would hurry the
next morning to confess it and obtain absolution.
[It was at this time that the Swedish ambassador, Count
Creutz, wrote to King Gustavus III., May 20, 1774, in praise
of the youth as follows : —
" The young Count Fersen has just departed for London.
Of all the Swedes who have been here in my time he is the
one who has been the most welcomed by the great world.
The royal family have treated him remarkably well. It is
not possible to have shown a more discreet and becoming
conduct than he has maintained. With the handsomest
face and much intelligence he could not fail to succeed in
society, and he has done so completely. Your Majesty may
certainly be content with him ; but what makes Count Fersen
even more worthy of Your Majesty's kindness is that he
thinks nobly and with singular loftiness."
Count Axel arrived in London May 15, 1774, and stayed
there four months ; amusements of all kinds interfered with
the regularity of his journal, but some of his notes are of
permanent interest.]
Monday, May 16, 1774. At eight o'clock we went to
Kanelagh. I ,was struck, on entering, with the magnificence
10 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap, t
of the coup-d'oeil, and the beauty of the hall, built in a circle
and of great height. In the centre is a species of altar, very
large, and the seats surround it ; it is there that they heat
the water for the tea. The seats, as well as the boxes,
which are built round the outer wall, are filled from seven
o'clock till midnight, at which hour every one withdraws.
Above the boxes are galleries where people promenade, and
nothing is more agreeable than to sit there and watch them
as they circulate about. The illumination is very fine. The
men are not allowed to give their arm to the women, unless
they are married to them. They leave them to walk about
alone and come and speak to them only occasionally.
Wednesday, May 18. At midday I went to Court with
Baron Nolcken. The apartments are neither large nor mag-
nificently furnished ; nothing about them bespeaks the gran-
deur of a king. The chandeliers are of wood, gilt or silvered
according to the importance of the room. When the king
was dressed we entered his chamber, where we saw an old
bed of red velvet, blackened by smoke and shiny with
grease, before which was a sort of railing of silver wire. The
king [George III.] is obliged to speak to every one, and when
he came to Baron Nolcken I was presented. He spoke to
me, but in a very low voice, for that is his way. As his con-
versation is limited to three or four topics, he is afraid the
others shall hear that he asks the same questions of every-
body.
Thursday, May 19. I have been presented to Queen
Charlotte, who is very gracious and amiable, but not at all
pretty. In the evening I was taken by the Earl of ... to
Almack's, a ball which is given by subscription ^throughout
the winter. The hall where they danced was well-arranged
and brilliantly lighted. The dancing ought to begin at ten
o'clock, but the men stay at their clubs till half-past eleven ;
Ver. 8 1 Mem.
1778] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 11
during the interval the women wait, sitting on benches to
right and left of the long gallery in great ceremony; one
would think they were at church; they are all sad and
serious, and never even speak to each other. The supper,
which takes place at midnight, is very well served and is a
little less sad than the rest. I was placed beside Lady Car-
penter, one of the handsomest young girls in London ; she
was very agreeable and talked much. I had occasion to see
her a few days later, and addressed a few polite words to
her ; which she did not even answer. I was much surprised
to see the young ladies talking tete-a-tete with men, and go-
ing about by themselves. It reminded me of Lausaunne
where they enjoy entire liberty.
[The young count returned to Sweden at the beginning of
the year 1775. He was already a lieutenant, unattached, in
the Eoyal-Baviere regiment of the French army ; he was
now made a captain, unattached, of the light-horse cavalry of
the King of Sweden. He took part in all the amusements
of the Court of Gustavus III., then considered the gayest in
Europe ; but the desire to follow the example of his ances-
tors on the battle-field pursued him. Sweden being at peace
without prospect of war, he had to seek a military career in
foreign countries. He went first to London in 1778, where
he stayed three months. Thence he went to Paris, arriving
there during the dull season, when the great world had
scattered into the country.]
Paris, August 25, 1778. I had to begin by being pre-
sented to the persons who were still in Paris, of whom there
were but few. Creutz took me to call on Mme. de Boufflers,
a charming woman and one of the most renowned in Paris
for her wit. She is in close correspondence with the king
Ver. 8 2 Mem.
12 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OP [chap. i.
[Gustavus III.]. I was perfectly well received. She has a
daughter-in-law whom she loves to adoration, who is beauti-
ful as an angel, but capricious to the last degree. I saw
Mme. Dusson, the wife of our ambassador ; she is a good, fat
Dutchwoman, malicious and caustic as a demon when she
takes a dislike to any one ; but otherwise very polite. She
has always overwhelmed me with civilities and friendship.
Mme. du Deffand is still blind.
August 26, 1778. Last Tuesday I went to Versailles to
be presented to the royal family. The queen, who is charm-
ing, said when she saw me, " Ah ! here is an old acquaint-
ance." The rest of the family did not say a word to me.
September 8, 1778. The queen, who is the prettiest and
most amiable princess that I know, has had the kindness to
inquire about me often ; she asked Creutz why I did not go
to her card parties on Sundays ; and hearing that I did go
one Sunday when there was none, she sent me a sort of ex-
cuse. Her pregnancy advances and is quite visible.
November 19, 1778. The queen treats me with great
kindness ; I often pay her my court at her card-games, and
each time she makes to me little speeches that are full of
good-will. As some one had told her of my Swedish uni-
form, she expressed a wish to see me in it ; I am to go Thurs-
day thus dressed, not to Court, but to the queen's apartments.
She is the most amiable princess that I know.
In a letter to his father, dated November 19, 1778, he
says : —
" My stay here becomes every day more and more agreeable.
I make new acquaintances all the time, and I think I can
soon, without incommoding myself, cultivate them all. I
have not yet seen the Due de Choiseul ; he is in Paris, but
his house is not open. All the persons whom I knew on my
first visit seem to see me again with pleasure. In short, it
1778] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 13
is a charming place, where nothing is lacking to me to be
perfectly happy but the satisfaction of seeing you, my dear
father."
[During this time, however, the jealousy of the courtiers
was roused. Fersen was received into the queen's most pri-
vate circle ; much was said about the little fetes given by
Mmes. de Lamballe and de Polignac to which very few were
admitted, but Fersen was among them. The malice of dis-
appointed courtiers was the origin of the calumnies against
Marie-Antoinette, and it was convenient to publicly connect
them with the name of the young foreigner. An allusion to
these tales appears in a private despatch of Count Creutz
addressed to Gustavus III., April 10, 1779 : —
" I ought to confide to Your Majesty that the young Count
Fersen has been so well received by the queen that this has
given umbrage to several persons. I own that I cannot help
thinking that she had a liking for him ; I have seen too
many indications to doubt it. The conduct of the young
count has been admirable on this occasion for its modesty
and its reserve, but above all, in the decision he made to go
to America. By thus departing he avoided all dangers ; but
it needed, evidently, a firmness beyond his years, to sur-
mount that seduction. The queen's eyes could not leave
him, during the last days, and they often filled with tears.
I entreat Your Majesty to keep this secret, for her sake and
that of Senator Fersen. When the courtiers heard of Count
Fersen's departure they were delighted. The Duchesse de
Fitz- James said to him, ' Why ! monsieur, is this the way
you abandon your conquest ? ' ' If I had made one, I should
not abandon it,' he replied. ' I go with freedom, and, un-
fortunately, I leave no regrets behind me.' Your Majesty
will agree that that answer shows a wisdom and prudence
14 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. i.
beyond his years. In other respects the queen behaves with
much more reserve and wisdom than formerly. The king is
not only quite submissive to her will, but he shares her
tastes and her pleasures."
These mischievous rumours had and could have had no
real foundation, because young Fersen was at this time
meditating a marriage with Mile, de Leijel, of a noble
Swedish family, whose father was naturalized in England,
where he had inherited an immense fortune from two un-
married uncles, members of the East India Company of
London, where the family resided. Many letters from Count
Axel communicated this project to his father, who highly
approved of it. The war in North America and an absence
of five years caused the young people to forget their first
attachment, and Mile, de Leijel married, in 1783, John
Eichard West, fourth Earl of Delawarr.
Perhaps, the most cruel fact in the history of Marie-
Antoinette is that the calumnies against her began in the
circle of her friends, whom she unwisely trusted. What
wonder if her heart were touched by the youth who was
destined (as we shall presently see) to give her, from first
to last, the chivalrous devotion of a knight of old, high
above all personal considerations. Two men have spoken
of Marie-Antoinette in words that should never be forgotten :
one is the gay, light-hearted Prince de Ligne, who knew her
intimately during these very years ; ' the other is M. de
Sainte-Beuve, whose words are as follows : — ]
" There is a way of considering Marie-Antoinette which
seems to me the true way, and I would fain define it, be-
cause it is in this direction that, as I believe, the definitive
1 See the " Memoirs of the Prince de Ligne, " of the present Hist.
Series. — Tk.
1778] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 15
judgment of history will go. Some persons may, from a
lofty feeling of compassion, fall in love with the ideal in-
terest attaching to her, endeavour to defend her at all points,
make themselves her advocates, her knights toward and against
all comers, and resent the mere idea of stains and foibles
that others think they have discovered in her life. The
role of such defenders is to be respected when it is sincere ;
and we can well understand it in those who worship the
traditions of the old royalty ; but it moves me far less in
others with whom it is merely a chosen view. That point
of view is not mine, and it is difficult that it should be that
of men who were not brought up in the religion of the
ancient monarchy.
" What seems to me safer, more desirable for the tender
memory of Marie-Antoinette is to see that it is possible to
disengage from the multitude of writings and testimonies
of which she has been the object a noble, beautiful, and
gracious figure, — with its weaknesses, its frivolities, its
frailties perhaps, but with the essential qualities, preserved
in all their integrity, of woman, mother, and, at moments,
queen ; with kindness ever generous, and, in the final hours,
with the virtues of resignation, courage, and gentleness
that crown a vast misfortune. It is thus that, once estab-
lished historically on that plane, which is noble indeed,
she will continue in future ages to interest all those who,
indifferent to the politics of the past, treasure the delicate
human sentiments which form part of civilization as of
nature, — all those who weep over the sorrows of Hecuba and
of Andromache, and who, reading the tale of sorrows like
theirs, but greater still, will mourn them in reality.
" But there is this difference, that poesy alone presents the
traditions of Andromache and Hecuba ; we have no memoirs
of the Court of Priam ; whereas we have those of the Court of
16 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. i.
Louis XVI., and there is no way to avoid taking account
of them. What say these memoirs about Marie- Antoinette ?
I speak of the true memoirs, not the libellous ones. What
says the Comte de La Marck, who presents so well the spirit
of that first epoch of the young dauphine's life. Arriving
in France when fifteen years of age, she was not nineteen
when she found herself a queen beside Louis XVI. That
prince, furnished with a solid education and endowed with
the moral qualities which we know, but feeble, timid,
brusque, rough, and particularly ungainly towards women,
had nothing of what was needful to guide his young wife.
She, the daughter of an illustrious mother, was not brought
up by Maria Theresa, — too busy with the affairs of State to
attend to the affairs of family, — so that her early education
in Vienna had been much neglected. No one had given her
a taste for, or even the idea of serious reading. Her mind, by
nature quick and honest, ' seized and rapidly comprehended
the things that were said to her,' but it had neither a wide
range nor great capacity, — nothing, in short, that could re-
pair the want of education, or take the place of experience.
Amiable, gay, and innocently merry, she had, above all,
'great kindness of heart and a persistent desire to oblige
the persons who surrounded her.' She had also a great
need of friendship and intimacy, and she at once sought for
some one with whom to ally herself in a manner that was
not customary at Court. Her ideal of happiness (every one
has his or her ideal) was, evidently, that of escaping from
ceremonies which bored her, to find an agreeable, merry,
devoted, chosen society, in the bosom of which she could
forget she was queen — all the while remembering it very
well in her heart. She delighted in giving herself the
pleasure of this forgetfulness, and in recalling what she was
only in shedding kind favours around her. We have seen,
1778] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 17
in comic operas and pastorals, disguised queens who thus
made the joy and charm of all around them. Marie-
Antoinette had precisely this ideal of a happy life, which
she might have realized without impropriety had she re-
mained a mere archduchess in Vienna, or reigned a simple
sovereign in some Tuscany or Lorraine. But in France she
could not lead that life with impunity ; her little Trianon,
with its dairies, its shepherdesses, and its comedies, was too
near Versailles. Envy prowled about those too exclusive
regions, — Envy, beckoning to stupidity and calumny.
" M. de La Marck, in a brief Notice inserted in the Intro-
duction to a work lately published on Mirabeau, has very
well shown the injury it was to the queen to confine her-
self at first so exclusively to the circle of the Comtesse Jules
de Polignac, giving to the latter with the name of friend
the attitude of a favourite, and to all the men of that coterie
(the Vaudreuils, Besenvals, and Adhdmars) pretensions and
rights which they speedily abused, each in the line of his
own temper and his own ambition. Although she never
knew the extent of this injury she nevertheless perceived
some part of it ; she felt that where she had looked for re-
pose and relief from high rank, she found only selfish
besetments; and when some one said to her that she
showed too much preference to foreigners of distinction who
passed through France, and that this might do her injury
with Frenchmen, she answered sadly, 'You are right, but
they at least ask nothing of me.'
■ Some of the men who, admitted into this intimacy and
favour of the queen, were the most bound to gratitude and
respect, were the first to speak of her disrespectfully, be-
cause they did not find her sufficiently docile to their wishes.
Once, when she seemed to separate herself a little from the
Polignac circle, 'a frequenter of that circle' (whom M. de
18 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. i.
La Marck does not name, but who seems to have been one
of the most important men of it) • wrote a very malignant
couplet against the queen ; and that couplet, founded on an
infamous lie, circulated through Paris.' It was thus that
the Court itself and the private circle of the queen supplied
the first leaven that mingled with the scurrilities and in-
famies of the outside public. She herself was ignorant of
all this ; she did not suspect what influenced people against
her at Versailles, any more than what alienated the public
of Paris.
" To-day, even, when testimony is quoted in reference to
Marie-Antoinette — testimony of some one of note — it is from
the ' Memoirs of the Baron de Besenval ' that it is usually
taken. She sends for Besenval in 1778 on the occasion
of the duel between the Comte d'Artois and the Due de
Bourbon ; he is introduced by Mme. Campan (her secretary)
into a private room which he did not know, ' simply, but com-
modiously furnished. — I was astonished,' he adds in pass-
ing, ' not that the queen should have desired such facilities,
but that she dared to procure them.' That single sentence,
dropped by the way, as it were, is full of insinuations, on
which the queen's enemies have not failed to fasten.
"Here I shall not affect more reserve than is proper;
neither shall I fear to touch on the delicate point of all this.
There are persons whose prepossessions deny absolutely all
levity and all weakness in the heart of the queen (supposing
always that such persons still exist at this period). For
myself, I boldly think that the interest which attaches to
her memory, the pity excited by her misfortunes and the
noble manner in which she bore them, the execration that
her judges and executioners deserve, do not in any way de-
pend on anterior discovery of some frailty of womanhood, and
cannot in the slightest degree be invalidated by it. And now,
1778] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 19
in the present state of historical information about Marie-
Antoinette, taking into account all true testimony, remember-
ing also what we have heard related by contemporaries who
were sufficiently well-informed, it is very permissible to think
that this affectionate and eager woman, wholly given to impres-
sions, loving elegant manners and chivalrous forms, needing,
simply enough, expansion and protection, may have had,
during those fifteen years of her youth, some preference of
the heart ; indeed, it would be strange had it been otherwise.
Many ambitious men, many fatuous men had pretensions
and failed ; attempts were made, beginnings without number.
Lauzun in his Memoirs tells of his, and explains it after his
fashion ; but the fact remains that, in one way or another,
he failed.
* The Prince de Ligne, who was often in France at this
period, and was one of those foreigners wholly French and
charming who particularly pleased the queen, speaks of her
thus: 'Her so-called gallantry was never anything but a
deep sense of friendship, which, perhaps, distinguished one
or two persons, and a general coquetry of woman and queen
which sought to please every one.' This impression, or conjec-
ture, which I find in other good observers who were near to
Marie-Antoinette is, and will remain, I think, the probable
truth. These ' two persons ' whom she particularly dis-
tinguished at different periods appear to have been the Due
de Coigny, a prudent man already mature, and, later, Count
Fersen, colonel of the Royal-Swedish regiment in the service
of France, a man of lofty and chivalrous nature, who, in
the days of misfortune, proved himself such by an absolute
devotion."
[From the beginning of the year 1779 Count Axel Fersen,
liberal in opinion through family tradition and parental ex-
20 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. i.
ample, and inspired by the new enthusiasm then reigning in
France, demanded earnestly to be allowed to take part in the
expedition of French troops to the war of independence then
going on in North America. At last, thanks to the recom-
mendation of the King of Sweden [Gustavus III.] and to the
exertions of his ambassador, Count Creutz, thanks also to
the friendship of the Comte deVergennes for his father, young
Fersen was appointed aide-de-camp to the Comte de Vaux,
who had just been made commander of the first expedition,
which was to have sailed from Havre-de-Gr&ce, where the
troops assembled, but never did so.
It was not until the spring of 1780 that young Fersen
embarked at Brest, as aide-de-camp to the Comte de Eocham-
beau, commanding the expeditionary corps of the French
army to aid the Americans in their war of independence
against England. His letters to his father, from that period
until 1783, extracts from which here follow, are of very-
great interest from their contents during three campaigns.
After taking part in the expedition to Ehode Island, Count
Fersen was present at the siege and capitulation of York-
town when the English general, Cornwallis was made prisoner
with all his troops, October 19, 1781, which contributed in a
great measure to put an end to the war. Young Fersen had
been employed by General Comte de Kochambeau, in pref-
erence to the other aides-de-camp, during the conferences
with General Washington and the other leaders of the
American army ; and it was he who conducted the negotia-
tions, — a preference founded as much on his personal quali-
ties as on his knowledge of the English language.]
1780] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 21
CHAPTER II.
1780-1783. Letters of Count Axel Fersen to his Father, Field-Marshal
Fersen, during the French War in North America in aid of the Inde-
pendence of the United States.
Paris, March 2, 1780.
You see me, my dear father, at the summit of my wishes.
A great expedition of 12,000 men is being fitted out, but they
assure me it will mount up to 20,000. I have obtained per-
mission to belong to it as aide-de-camp to the general, who is
M. de Rochambeau ; but I am told to keep this secret, for it
has been refused to many others. Every one wishes to go,
so they have taken a firm resolution not to send any but the
officers belonging to the marching regiments. I owe this
obligation to M. de Vergennes ; he took charge of the affair.
I am in a state of joy that cannot be expressed.
When I spoke to M. de Rochambeau, he said all sorts of
civil things to me, and talked to me a long time of you,
father ; he ended by saying he was charmed to have me with
him, and be able to show how much he esteemed you and
how sincerely he was attached to you. The generals who
are with him are: the Marquis de Jaucourt, the Comte
de Caraman, and the Marquis de Viomesnil ; the last two
have much reputation ; that of M. de Rochambeau is already
secure ; it is, in general, the best choice that could have been
made. There are three German regiments : Anhalt, Royal-
Deux-Ponts, and Royal-Corsican. I have not yet seen the
list of the French regiments, but their colonels have orders to
be at Brest on the 15th, — we on the 25th, to sail April 1st to
4th. The convoy will be escorted by twelve ships of the
22 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ii.
line and a sufficient number of frigates. Our fleet is com-
manded by M. Duchaffaud, and Comte d'Estaing commands
that of observation, which is to remain in the Channel all
winter. The navy will burst with vexation ; but I think it
is for the good of the thing.
Brest, April 4, 1780.
Our embarkation is getting on; the artillery, munitions,
and commissariat are already on board, and we shall be busy
now with that of the troops. The first regiment arrives to-
day, and all will be embarked by the 8th. M. de Eocham-
beau wants to be in the roadstead by the 10th so as to set
sail the 12th or 13th. I am so glad I do not know what to
do with myself, but my joy will not be perfect till we are
off Cape Finisterre.
I wrote you, my dear father, that our division (for it can-
not yet be called an army) was of 7,683 men ; that number
has been reduced to 5000 by the negligence and inefficiency
with which everything is now done in this country. You
shall judge : when it was first a question of this expedition,
the number of men was fixed at 4000. M. de Eochambeau
refused to take charge of it in view of that small number ; he
said that he could not accept the command if there were
less than 7000 men ; on which every one blamed him for the
modesty of that number; he replied that he was sure of
having more than he could carry with him. The event justi-
fied his speech ; for instead of a tonnage of 30,000 which M.
de Sartine [minister of the navy] promised him, there proved
to be in all the transports collected at Brest only 10,000
tons ; the allowance being a man to each two tons, — the third
of what was promised ! However, by dint of management
we found means to leave only 2595 men behind us and to
sail with 5088.
This puts us in despair, and we cannot help being sur-
1780] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 23
prised and indignant that they never thought of sending the
ships from Havre and Saint-Malo to Brest during the winter,
instead of waiting till spring, when the pirates of Jersey
prevent communication between the three ports. This is
happening now ; we had counted on ten or twelve large ships
from Havre and Saint-Malo ; but they had to return to port
for fear of being taken ; and we have written to Bordeaux to
get others. We expect them daily ; but if they do not come
before the 12th we shall sail without them, and the rest of
our little army must join us when it can. I have reason
to think it will be increased by 4000 men; this is very
necessary.
"We have four general officers : the Chevalier de Chastellux,
the Chevalier and the Baron de Viomesnil (two brothers), and'
M. de Wichtenstein, formerly colonel of the Anhalt regi-
ment ; all four are brigadier-generals. We are taking much
artillery ; the siege train is very considerable. We have pro-
visions for four months at sea, and three months ashore.
We shall be escorted by seven vessels of the line : the " Due
de Bourgogne," 80 guns, the " Neptune," 74, the " Conquer-
ant," 74, the " Jason," 64, the " Eveille\" 64, the " Provence,"
64, the " Ardent," 64 (that is the one that was taken by the
English last year), and two frigates. The convoy is of 24
transports.
At sea, May 16 (Monday), 1780, on board
the " Jason " off Finisterre.
I have only time to write you two words to tell you I am
well. I have not suffered from seasickness. We have al-
ready had rough weather, which dismasted one of our ships.
The wind is fair, and I think that in forty days Ave may
reach America. We have sighted a large vessel in the dis-
tance, and do not know whether it is friend or enemy. I
have no time to write more.
24 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ii.
August 5, 1780. Newport, in Rhode Island.
The letter I wrote you on July 16, which returned to
Newport on the 23d on account of the appearance of the
English fleet, is now at the bottom of the sea. The ship that
carried it sank as it left the harbour July 30, having struck
a rock. In it I sent you an account of a naval fight we
had, also a plan, and a short account from my journal of our
voyage. I have no time to rewrite the fight,, or sketch the
plan ; as for the journal, here it is : —
May 4, left Brest; met a gale in the bay of Biscay 11th;
17th, doubled Cape Finisterre ; went southward to the 27th
degree of longitude ; then steered west ; June 20, off the
Bermudas, met five English vessels and fought them two
hours without doing ourselves much damage. In the dark-
ness they disappeared; our escort would not let us follow
them. We intended to anchor in the bay of the Chesapeake ;
but July 4, when we were only thirteen leagues distant,
we sighted eleven vessels which we took to be men-of-war ;
this induced us to change our course and sail for Ehode
Island, where we arrived safely on the evening of the 11th
and anchored in the roadstead. It was not without strong
fears of meeting the English fleet on our way from the
Chesapeake here; which were well-founded, for Admiral
Graves, despatched from England to intercept and fight us if
possible, reached New York on the 13th, shipped more
sailors, and appeared before our roadstead on the 17th. Had
he got here before us he would have occupied Ehode Island,
and we could have entered it only after a fight in which we
should certainly have lost our convoy, whatever gains we
might otherwise have made.
I can tell you nothing, my dear father, about our cam-
paign, for I know nothing. We wish to join General Wash-
ington, who is only 25 miles from New York, because we
1780] COUNT AXEL FEUSEN. 25
think that is the only means of operating and doing something.
I do not know if this junction can be made. Meantime we
are blockaded by twenty sail, ten of which are ships of the
line. They come in daily very near the coast; it is said
they will do nothing, and I believe it. We are expecting
General Clinton at any moment ; he sailed from New York
with 10,000 men ; we are ready to receive him, all disposi-
tions are made; I hope he may come, but I can hardly
believe he would commit such folly.
Newport, September 8, 1780.
No event since my last. We have not left our island ;
we occupy it peacefully, and with the best order, in a very
healthy camp, well placed and perfectly well trenched ; the
works are not yet finished, but they are going on. The
strictest discipline is maintained ; nothing is taken from the
inhabitants except by their free will and for ready money ;
we have not yet had a single complaint against the troops.
Such discipline is admirable and astonishes the inhabitants,
who are accustomed to the pillage of the English and even
of their own troops. The greatest confidence and the best
harmony are established between the two nations; if that
could suffice for the success of our expedition we might feel
sure of it.
For the last four or five days we are no longer blockaded.
We are expecting every moment news from Jamaica ; if that
is taken I fear we shall not have much to do here. General
Sir George Clinton, who commands in New York, is still in
Long Island with twenty thousand men, where he has made
a great provision of wood and commissariat supplies. He
seems determined to pass the winter there. I fear much
that we shall pass ours here ; I shall be consoled if we be-
gin a campaign in the spring. Our army is in the best con-
26 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OP [chap. h.
Jit ion ; officers and soldiers, all are full of good-will, and
ardour for the common cause. From time to time there are
trifling squabbles, — that is inevitable; but the order and
discipline which reign are admirable, especially among the
French troops. That proves that they only need a good
leader. We have not yet begun to manoeuvre, but we shall
begin in a few days.
You know Frenchmen, my dear father, and what are
called courtiers enough to judge of the despair of our young
men of that class, who see themselves obliged to pass the
winter tranquilly in Newport far from their mistresses and
the pleasures of Paris; no suppers, no theatres, no balls;
they are in despair ; nothing but an order to march on the
enemy could console them. We have had excessive heat
throughout the month of August ; I have never felt the like
in Italy. Now the air is' cooler; the climate is superb, and
the country charming.
The general went upon the mainland a week ago. I was
the only one of the aides-de-camp who accompanied him.
We stayed two days and saw one of the finest regions in the
world, — well-cultivated, situations charming, inhabitants
prosperous, but without luxury or display; they content
themselves with mere necessaries, which, in other lands, is
the lot of the lower classes ; their clothes are simple, but
good, and their morals have not yet been spoiled by the
luxury of Europeans. It is a country which will surely be
very happy if it can enjoy a long peace, and if the two
political parties which now divide it do not make it suffer
the fate of Poland and so many other republics. These two
parties are called " Whig" and "Tory :" the first is wholly
for freedom and independence ; it is composed of men of low
extraction who own no property ; the greater part of the in-
habitants of the country belong to it. The u Tories " are for
l?l&
1780] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 27
the English, or, to be more correct, for peace, without caring
much about freedom or independence. These are persons of
a more distinguished class, the only ones who own property
in America ; some have relatives and property in England ;
others, to preserve what they have in this pountry, take the
English side, which is the stronger. When the Whigs are
the stronger they pillage the others as much as they can.
That excites between them a hatred and animosity which
can be extinguished only with much difficulty, and will
always be the germ of great trouble.
Newport, September 14, 1780.
I have no news that is very interesting or very good for us
to send you. There is some that is very grievous to us : the
defeat of General Gates by Lord Cornwallis in South Caro-
lina on the 10th of August. The American general had
advanced imprudently; he was attacked; half his troops
were killed, the other half captured; he himself escaped
with one aide-de-camp. As yet we have no details of the
affair. M. de Kochambeau received the news by express the
day before yesterday, but he has not yet made the matter
public ; he does not speak of it ; yet all the town knows it.
An American, with whom I talked this morning, told me he
had seen a letter written to a member of the council, in
which the writer said that the militia under General Gates
all went over to the English at the beginning of the action.
If that is true, what reliance can be placed on such troops ?
a brave man is much to be pitied for having to command
them.
This, my dear father, is our present situation ; it is not gay ;
we must hope it will change before the arrival of our second
division, which we are expecting with the greatest impatience
The garrison of Newport is becoming very melancholy.
Ver. 8 3 Mem.
28 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. n.
Newport, October 16, 1780.
This is the first safe opportunity I have had for a long
time to write to you, my dear father. I am certain this
letter will reach you, and without being read ; it goes by a
frigate that M. de Eochambeau is sending to Europe. The
Due de Lauzun sends one of his servants in it, who promises
to deliver my letter to Count Creutz, to whom I write by the
same opportunity. An officer is to be sent to France in this
frigate to give an account of the state and situation of the
army and of our dear allies, both of which are bad enough.
We do not know who will be charged with this commission;
every one names me ; several of the general officers, M. de
Chastellux and the Baron de Viomesnil have spoken of me
as one who could carry out the intentions of the general in
this respect. I do not know what will be the result ; I shall
take no steps to obtain the appointment, neither should I
refuse it if the general were to offer it to me. Nevertheless,
I would much rather not be selected for this service.
Something interesting might happen during my absence, and
I should be in despair at having missed it.
Our position here is very disagreeable. "We vegetate at
the gate of the enemy, in the saddest and most dreadful idle-
ness and inactivity ; we are compelled to take, owing to our
small numbers, the wearisome role of the defensive ; we are
of no use whatever to our allies ; we cannot quit our island
without exposing our fleet to be taken or destroyed ; in fact,
our fleet could not get out without delivering us up to the
enemy, who, vastly superior in vessels and men, would not
fail to attack us and cut off our retreat to the continent.
English vessels, more or less large, continue to reconnoitre
us closely ; we dare not attack them, for they have other ves-
sels stationed at Gardner's Island, twenty miles to the south-
west, andVe can nearly always count fifteen or twenty sail
1780] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 29
of the English fleet in the offing. So long as we are not the
stronger of the two we shall be obliged to stay where we are,
unless we decide to send away the fleet and abandon Ehode
Island to the English. The one would follow the other.
Far from being useful to the Americans we are only a
burden upon them; we do not reinforce their army, for we
are twelve days' march away from it, and separated by arms
of the sea which cannot be crossed in winter on account of
the drifting ice. We are even an expense to them, because,
in consuming so much we make provisions scarce, and by
paying ready money we bring down the value of paper and
thus deprive the army of General Washington of its facilities
for subsistence, which the dealers now refuse to sell for
paper money. Our condition as to money is not any better
than our military position. We brought with us two million
six hundred thousand francs, half of which is in ready
money, and the remainder is in letters of exchange on a
banker in Philadelphia, M. Holcher. We ought to have
brought the double of this. This want of specie, in a nation
where one always needs to have money in hand, forces us to
great economy ; whereas what is needed is magnificence and
profusion. This ruins our credit. The forage department
has been neglected and left in the hands of a commissary,
who relied on the contractors ; the latter did not view the
matter in a military way ; they consulted their own interests
solely, and instead of storing the forage of the island and for
thirty or forty miles round it, which is easy to transport, they
used that first, and kept the more distant supplies for winter.
God knows how we shall get them ; we have twice been two
days without forage, obliged, each of us, to buy it where
we could.
The generals are not agreed among themselves. The
whole army is discouraged at staying here so long with noth*
30 DIARY AND, CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap, it
ing to do. The second division has not arrived ; without it
we can do nothing, or at least not much. M. de Eocham-
beau has sent a report of his condition to France with a re-
quest for the increase of his forces, both in men and money.
We shall see what will be the result.
I went with M. de Eochambeau, about two weeks ago, to
Hartford, which is forty leagues from here. We were six in
party : the general, the admiral, the chief of the engineers,
the Yicomte de Eochambeau the (general's son), and two aides-
de-camp, of whom I was one. An interview was to take
place with General Washington. M. de Eochambeau sent
me in advance to announce his arrival, and I had time to
see that illustrious, not to say unique, man of our era. His
noble and majestic, but at the same time gentle and honest
face agrees perfectly with his moral qualities ; he has the air
of a hero; he is very cold, speaks little, but is polite and
civiL An air of sadness pervades his whole countenance,
which is not unbecoming to him, and makes him the more
interesting. His suite was more numerous than ours: the
Marquis de Lafayette, General Knox, chief of artillery, M.
de Gouvion, a Frenchman, chief of engineers, and six aides-
de-camp in attendance. He had, besides, an escort of twenty
dragoons ; which was necessary, for he had to cross a region
full of the enemy, and as there are no post-houses in this
country one is obliged to travel with one's own horses, and
nearly always on horseback on account of the bad roads.
However, on this occasion, all were in carriages, except the
two aides-de-camp. It took us three days to reach Hartford ;
General Washington the same. On the way we heard of the
arrival of Eodney's fleet at New York, but we continued our
journey. The two generals and the admiral were shut up
together during the whole day we stayed at Hartford. The
Marquis de Lafayette was called in as interpreter, for Gen-
1780] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 31
eral Washington can neither speak French nor understand
it. They separated very well pleased with one another ; at
least they said so.
It was on his way baek from there that General Washing-
ton heard of General Arnold's treachery. The latter was
one of his best generals ; he had two balls through his body
and his conduct was always excellent. General Clinton had
bribed him ; he agreed to deliver up West Point, where he
commanded. Major Andre*, chief aide-de-camp to General
Clinton, went to West Point, disguised as a countryman, to
examine the fortifications, and agree as to the manner of
attacking and the way by which General Arnold should
retreat in order to cause no suspicion. A frigate was waiting
for the aide-de-camp in the Hudson River, and a boat was to
be at a spot agreed upon. After arranging everything with
General Arnold, Major Andre* went to take the boat, but
could not find it. The frigate had been obliged to change
her position as the guns of West Point fired upon her. She
was now lying five miles farther down the river. Major
Andre", ignorant of this, fancied he could reach New York
by land. He was arrested by a party of countrymen, who
were patrolling that region very carefully, on account of the
passing of General Washington. He (Andre) showed his
passport, given him by General Arnold; they doubted its
authenticity and, in spite of all the offers he made to them,
they took him to the army.
At this same moment General Washington arrived at
West Point from Hartford. He sent his aides-de-camp to
General Arnold to say that he would dine with him, and
meantime was going himself to inspect the forts. The aides-
de-camp found Arnold at breakfast with his wife. A mo-
ment after they were seated some one came and whispered
into the general's ear ; on which he rose, said a word in
32 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. „.
•
a low voice to his wife, and went out. The words were,
■ Good-bye forever." The wife fainted. The aides-de-camp
succoured her without knowing what was the matter ;
but a few moments later a courier arrived with the news
for General Washington. They pursued the traitor, but it
was then too late. If the English had succeeded in seizing
West Point they would have been masters of the whole Hud-
son Eiver ; they could have prevented all communication and
junction of our forces with those of the Americans (unless
by a very great de*tour) and Washington, who is camped at
Orange-town, between West Point and New York, would
have been between two fires and certainly destroyed before
we could get to his assistance. It might, perhaps, have been
all over for America, and we, ourselves, would have had the
shame of coming here to be mere spectators of the ruin of
our allies. Our own position would have been no better, for
the English, no longer fearing the Americans, would have
turned all their forces against us, and we are not strong
enough to resist them. Happily, the thing failed. They say
that Major Andre" has been hanged. That is a pity ; he was
a young man twenty-four years of age, with great talent.
The general has no news of this, and I hope it is false.
I have already told you, my dear father, that I am particu-
larly intimate with the Due de Lauzun. Opinions are di-
vided about him. You will hear both good and harm ; the
first is right, the second is wrong ; if people knew him, they
would change their ideas and do justice to his heart. He
has taken a friendship for me, and proposes, in the most
courteous manner in the world, that I shall accept the place
of colonel, commanding his legion, which is vacant ; and he
wishes to cede the proprietorship to me a year hence, at
which time he intends to retire from service. His legion
has one thousand infantry and three hundred hussars, with a
1780] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 33
few small pieces of artillery. The proposal is too agreeable
and too advantageous to me to be refused. The Due de
Lauzun has written about it to the queen, who has much
kindness for him ; she has a little for me also, and I have
written to her; I hope that the frigate which brings back
her answer will bring me also my brevet. Lauzun assures
me there can be no difficulty.
Newport, October 26, 1780.
You have already heard of General Gates' defeat in the
South. I wrote you about it. Congress has just recalled him
to Philadelphia and has given the command of his corps to
General Greene. He is suspected, because he was closely
allied with Arnold. It seems that his defeat has had no
further results. All is quiet. Two battalions of grenadiers
and chasseurs, with detachments from other regiments, have
just been embarked, to the number of four thousand, at New
York for service in the South. A fleet has arrived at New
York from Cork in Ireland, laden with provisions, of which
they were beginning to be in great want. The same fleet
brings four thousand recruits, both English and Hessians.
What a war this is for the English ! — obliged to bring every-
thing, even subsistence ! That Power must have great re-
sources to be able to maintain the war so long.
Newport, November 13, 1780.
The frigate that carried our letters sailed on the 28th
of last month ; on the 27th we had seen a fleet of thirteen
vessels of war, but not seeing them the next morning, and
hearing that they had steered east, three of our frigates left
port ; I do not know the destination of the two others.
The affair of Arnold has had no results. Poor Major
Andrd, a young man twenty-eight years of age, of the
highest promise, a friend of General Clinton, has been
34 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ii.
hanged. The sight touched the whole army ; arid the two
officers whom General Washington gave him as a guard of
honour to attend his execution had not the strength to fol-
low him.
General Gates, of whose defeat you have read in the
gazette, was recalled to Philadelphia; they say that Con-
gress suspects him, because of his intimate relations with
Arnold, and that this is the cause of his recall. The three
States of New York, Connecticut, and Massachusetts have
just named General Washington dictator, with absolute
power over military affairs. It is thought that the ten other
States will do the same. This determination will give
vigour to affairs, by changing their aspect and rousing the
sluggish indolence of the Americans. Fourteen Spanish and
nine French vessels have just captured in the neighbourhood
of Madeira a convoy of fifty ships, coming partly from the
Indies and partly from the Isles, and richly laden.
Our war is not more active than it has been. There is talk
of a little advantage gained by the Americans over the
English ; the news is not sure, and I doubt it. Of the six
thousand men embarked at New York (nearly all grena-
diers and chasseurs), three thousand have already been
landed in the Chesapeake Bay. It is said that General Clin-
ton goes with the rest. This is undoubtedly an expedition to
the South, either to seize North Carolina and Virginia or do
them as much injury as possible. It will meet with little
resistance. The American corps oVarmee stationed there is
only four thousand strong, with a few militia who cannot be
relied on. Half, or perhaps three-fourths, of the four thou-
sand finish their time of service in January, which reduces
that army to nothing. General Washington cannot quit the
position he has taken without abandoning to the English the
'whole course of the Hudson River and its adjacent territory ;
1780] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 35
and we, for want of sufficient means, cannot quit our island,
where we are forced to stay like an oyster in its shell. The
English will therefore have full liberty to act as they please
in the South ; they have a garrison of six thousand men in
Charleston, from which they can reinforce their army, and
one-half of the country is for them. Their position is a fine
one, if they know how to profit by it , ours is disheartening
if it does not change.
M. de Rochambeau has just sent the Lauzun legion into
quarters on the main land twenty-nine miles from here.
The lack of forage made this necessary. The Due de Lauzun
treats me with the same friendship ; he talks to me inces-
santly of my affair, and says how happy he shall be when
he can hand over to me the proprietorship of his legion ; he
wants no money for it, and when I spoke of it he replied :
" I do not sell men — though I have bought them some-
times ; besides, I pay myself in finding a man to whom I
can leave my corps, whom 1 love as my children, with the
confidence that I place in you." His manner in saying this
was perfect and shows the man. The hope of the speedy
success of this plan enchants me and makes me happy.
Newport, December 7, 1780.
You see, my dear father, that we are still in Newport ;
we do not even think of leaving it. We are living tran-
quilly in winter-quarters. Washington's army went into
theirs two weeks ago. Admiral Rodney has returned to the
Isles with his ten vessels ; we now have Arbuthnot here
with seven ships of the line and three or four frigates.
Affairs at the South are going well ; Colonel Ferguson has
just been defeated by the Americans ; his corps of fourteen
hundred men was almost destroyed ; this has obliged Lord
Cornwallis, who commands the English troops in that
36 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ii.
region, to retire to Charleston, with his corps of four thou-
sand men, most of whom are dying of fatigue and disease.
The English had sent Brigadier-general Leslie with twenty-
rive hundred men to join Cornwallis. By a letter from
that officer to Lord Cornwallis, which was intercepted, we
learn that he landed his troops at Portsmouth, Virginia,
where he was awaiting orders for the junction. Apparently
it will not be made, in view of the retreat of Cornwallis ; it
is even said that Leslie is returning to New York.
Before going into winter-quarters General Washington
wished to make a descent on Staten Island ; he wanted to
draw the attention of the English to that side while he
made a forage around Kingsbridge ; but they were not mis-
led by it ; all their posts on Staten Island had been
strengthened, and he therefore abandoned the project.
M. de Eochambeau has just made a little journey of six
days on the mainland. I went with him; we were only
three, and we did not see a fine country or pleasant
people; they were, as a rule, lazy and selfish; how is it
possible with those two qualities, to make them useful in
war?
Newport, January 9, 1781.
Nothing new as to our military operations, my dear father.
It seems that we are all, on both sides, on the defensive, and
it is very difficult to know who will begin the next campaign ;
it will probably depend on the arrival of reinforcements from
Europe : whoso receives the first will, it seems to me, profit
by that advantage to attack the other. If the reinforcements
which, they say, are intended for us in France, are really
coming, we shall have, at any rate for a moment, the
superiority at sea. That is the only means of operating and
of ending a war both long and ruinous. As long as we are
not masters of the sea we may prevent the English from
1781] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 37
penetrating into the interior, but nothing obliges them to
leave the coast ; their commerce will continue to flourish,
and will furnish them means of subsistence, which they
would lack without it. So long as they are masters of
Quebec, Halifax, New York, Charleston, and Jamaica, they
will not make peace ; they will do so only when their com-
merce is ruined and one or two of those places are captured.
We missed the chance of taking Jamaica this year, and
I do not believe it will ever come again. The reinforce-
ments which, they say, are preparing for us in France are
eight ships of war, — one of one hundred and ten guns, three
of eighty guns, three of seventy guns, and one of sixty-four
guns. We do not know the number of troops. This news
reached us by a merchant ship which came from Nantes to
Boston in thirty-eight days. Since we have been here we
have had no letters. Such forgetfulness of the minister, or
the ministry, is unpardonable.
The campaign in the South seems more active than ours
at the North. ... It is said that Cornwallis's army is sur-
rounded at Camden ; that it suffers much from sickness and
from hunger, being now reduced to eat its horses; this
rumour needs confirmation. That of the embarkation of
twenty-five hundred men from New York for the South is
more certain. Their destination seems to be to join another
corps of the same size off Cape Fear, march from there to
Camden, relieve Cornwallis if he is hemmed in, join him,
and begin operations. If this junction is effected, and it
can scarcely fail, the South is lost ; the Americans have
no army there; the one they had was destroyed under
General Gates, the little that remains of it does not de-
serve the name of army ; the men are without coats, shoes,
or arms; there is nothing to oppose well-disciplined and
veteran troops but raw militia, who are assembled only
38 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ii.
when danger is imminent, nnd who ran away when it
becomes great.
That is the state of affairs at the South ; ours are not
much better. We are forced to be tranquil spectators of the
loss of that part of America, and we cannot do otherwise.
I have not yet travelled through the country ; many officers
of the army have done so ; I await their return ; what they
have seen and the mistakes they have made will be useful
to me ; I await the month of March.
The different States of America have passed a resolution
to raise an army of twenty thousand men for three years ;
the assessment to each State has been made, and minds are
again excited. They hope to get the new recruits by
March 1. I desire it, but I am not convinced it will be
done. Some will be enlisted for three years, others for the
whole war ; but neither will serve for nothing ; and it will
be by very large pledges only that they will succeed in fill-
ing up the regiments. Money is scarce ; in fact, there is
none ; the taxes do not suffice ; no credit, no resources.
This is the moment when we might be of some use to them,
and redeem our idle and useless campaign by furnishing the
money and clothes of which they are in need ; but we our-
selves are in danger of needing both if no supplies are sent
from France, and of being reduced to the mortifying ex-
pedient of paying our troops with paper money.
You see, my dear father, from this statement, which is
strictly correct, the reasons which prevent the formation of
an army, which can only be raised and maintained by force
of money. Add to this that the spirit of patriotism exists
only in the leaders and principal people of the country, who
are making the greatest sacrifices ; the others, who form the
greater number, think solely of their personal interests.
Money is the prime mover of all their actions ; they think
1781] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 39
only of means to gain it ; each is for himself, and none
are for the public good. The inhabitants along the coast,
even the best Whigs, carry provisions of all kinds to
the English fleet which is anchored in Gardner's Bay ; and
that because the English pay them welL They fleece us
pitilessly ; the price of everything is exorbitant ; in all the
dealings that we have with them they treat us more like
enemies than friends. Their cupidity is unequalled ; money
is their god ; virtue, honour, seem nothing to them compared
to the precious metal. I do not mean that there are no
estimable people whose character is equally noble and
generous, — there are many ; but I speak of the nation in
general ; I think it is derived more from the Dutch than
from the English.
That, my dear father, is my opinion on this country, on its
inhabitants, and on this war ; it conforms to that of persons
who are more enlightened and in a better position to see and
to judge than I am. With more troops, ships, and much
money, all may be changed ; but if the government does not
send us enough of the latter article for our needs and that
of our allies, nothing is repaired, and the French ministry
will have crowned its folly.
We have just received some very sad news ; that of the
desertion of the Pennsylvania " line " — that is what they call
the twenty-five hundred men raised in that State ; they went
over to the English because of their discontent at lacking
everything. They had neither coats nor shoes; and they
were left without food for four days. There is a rumour that
on the way they thought better of it and returned to their
duty, sending six sergeants to negotiate with Congress the
terms on which they were willing to do their duty ; this last
rumour lacks confirmation. However it may be, this deser-
tion sets a very dangerous example; it proves how little
40 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ii.
reliance can be placed on such troops. We have no fresh
news from the South, and are ignorant of what is going on
there.
Newport, January 14, 1781.
We have received details of two little affairs at the South
in which the Americans had the advantage. It was only
the repulse of small detachments. The Pennsylvania " line "
did not go over to the English ; it has taken up a very strong
position at Morristown. All has been done in the greatest
order. Sergeants are the leaders ; they have no officers. They
keep guard perfectly ; they send about the country to get the
supplies they want, giving receipts, which they say that
Congress will pay. General Clinton sent two spies to them
with a letter in which he offered to give them the fourteen
months' pay now due to them, a present of money besides,
also new clothes, and pay them in future the same that the
English soldiers receive. He promised to keep them a corps
apart in the British army, commanded by their own officers ;
and to their leaders he promised ranks and considerable
rewards. In spite of all these promises they arrested his
spies and hanged them. Congress has just sent three of its
members to treat with them, and they have appointed six of
their sergeants charged with powers to negotiate. They
demand the fourteen months' 'pay which is due to them, with
clothes and their future subsistence. These demands will
certainly be granted ; but the difficulty is to find the money ;
it can only be found with difficulty. This is the moment
when we ought to furnish it and secure to the Americans all
that is needed to suppress this mutiny ; but we have nothing,
and unless we receive immediate succour from France we
shall not have enough a month hence to pay our own army.
There is a coolness between General Washington and
M. de Bochambeau; the displeasure is on the side of the
1781] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 41
American general ; ours is ignorant of the cause of it. He
has charged me with a letter to take to General Washington ;
I am also to inform myself as to the causes of this dis-
pleasure, and remove them if possible ; or, if the matter is
more serious, to send him an immediate. report. So you see,
my dear father, I am entering diplomacy ; it is my first at-
tempt, and I shall try to come well out of it.
Newport, April 3, 1781.
It is impossible to judge of the campaign we are about to
make here ; I cannot even form a plan without first seeing
the turn that affairs are likely to take after it. The war
cannot be a long one, — not more than one, or two campaigns
at the most. I even think that if the present one is vigorous,
as it seems likely to be, it will be the last. This country is
not in a state to support a long war. It is ruined; no
money, no men ; if France does not succour it vigorously, it
must make peace. Up to the present moment we have not
made great efforts. Here we are for the last ten months a
handful of men on this little island ; we have been of no use
whatever ; the South has been devastated by the English ;
we can take no troops there on account of our small number,
and if the English conduct themselves well the whole South
will be captured ; discouragement will be the result of such
a loss, and peace is a sure consequence.
We are now expecting news from that region ; Lord Corn-
wallis, who commands the English troops there, having
made an imprudent advance, was obliged to retreat. It is
said that he had taken a very favourable position, but that
he is surrounded by the militia of the region, and that,
according to all appearance, he may be furiously attacked, or
mauled during his retreat. But it is now a whole month
that we lack confirmation of this news, and I find it hard to
42 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. II.
believe it. The first news that" reaches us will be very
interesting.
I wrote you, my dear father, that Arnold had been sent to
the bay of the Chesapeake to do all the damage he possibly
could. He is there since the month of January. It was re-
solved to send down a detachment and try to take him, by
a combined operation with fifteen hundred Americans under
the orders of M. de Lafayette. Seventeen hundred men
were embarked in the fleet, under the command of the
Baron de Viomesnil ; they started the 8th of March. I join
to this letter a report of what took place, and of the fight
there ; you will see that it was not to our disadvantage ; we
say that we won it, but we did not win our object, for the
English are where we ought to be, and we are forced to
return here. Until now I had always believed that in war
a detachment was not victorious unless it amply performed
the purpose for which it was sent. Two of our vessels were
so battered that when M. Destouches made the signal to
renew the battle, those two vessels signalled that they were
considerably disabled. Only four of the English vessels
were closely engaged; the others fired from a distance.
The number of our dead and wounded amounts to about
three hundred; only two hundred are mentioned in the
report. I have corrected the gross blunders in one of the
copies which I send you ; if one tried to correct all it would
have to be rewritten.
Newport, April 11, 1781.
In the South, the English, under Lord Cornwallis, have
just won a very ^considerable advantage 'over General Greene,
who commands the American army in those parts. We do
not know what results may come from this advantage ; I
believe, myself, there will be none, except that of rendering
Cornwallis's retreat very safe. He advanced too far into the
1781] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 43
country, and supplies began to fail him. If he gets no
other fruit than this victory it is still a great thing. I hear
him taxed by every one with heedlessness and incapacity ;
but I cannot bring myself to regard as a bad general a man
who, up to the present moment, has always been successful,
and who, having advanced too far into an enemy's country,
surrounded, they say, on all sides, and certain of being taken,
begins a retreat in face of the enemy, halts in a very advan-
tageous position, beats the enemy, forces him to retire twenty
miles from the battle-field, and procures by doing so an easy
retreat. This war does honour to the English, although
their generals behave badly in America. I fear the war
will not be equally to our credit.
It seems that our winter is quite over here : we are now
enjoying the finest weather in the world ; it is even very hot
at times.
Newport, May 13, 1781.
Since my last, nothing has happened here. We are still
tranquilly in Newport, the English in New York, and General
Washington at New Windsor on the Hudson River. God
knows when we shall get out of this position ; it is very long
since we got into it. The campaign at the South is ending ;
summer is approaching, and at that season all military opera-
tions are impossible without a very considerable loss of men
from heat and malaria. As I have already told you, Lord
Cornwallis advanced too far into the enemy's territory and
was forced to retire. General Greene, with four thousand
soldiers and as many more militia, harassed his retreat.
Lord Cornwallis took up a good position, waited for General
Greene, and fought him. All the militia, after the first dis-
charge, gave way and went home ; not one of them stopped
until he reached his own house. The rest were repulsed
and forced back twelve miles. Lord Cornwallis then con-
Ver. 8 4 Mem.
44 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ii.
tinued his retreat to Camden, and thence, I suppose, to
Charleston, where he will spend the hot season and renew
the campaign in the autumn.
We are making all our preparations to march ; every one
is getting ready his equipments. I have already told you,
my dear father, of what mine consist. My comrades have
canteens — supply-boxes; but I thought that expense very
great and useless. Possibly I shall be less comfortable, but
no matter, it involved too much expense.
Newport, May 17, 1781.
It is impossible to form any conjecture about the cam-
paign on which we are entering ; nothing has transpired as
to the news which our general has received from France, so
that we do not know what reinforcements have been sent to
us ; some say 650, others 1500 men ; others again declare
that M. de Grasse, who went to the West India Islands with
21 ships and 10,000 troops, will come here with part of them
when the wet season renders all operations impossible in
that region, that is to say, in the months of July and August.
If that were so, we should at once begin the siege of New
York, and we might reasonably hope for success. Without
it the whole thing is a chimera and an impossibility, to which
we have sacrificed much. If supports as considerable as
those I speak of do not arrive we shall evacuate this island ;
we shall establish our storehouses in Providence, where we
have already sent part of our artillery and army waggons.
We should then march along the North Eiver and approach
New York to threaten it and prevent General Clinton from
sending away detachments. This would give General Wash-
ington the time to go into Virginia, drive out Arnold, and
destroy the settlement that the English seem inclined to
make there. Perhaps the Americans will remain before
J 781] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 45
New York and we shall be charged with the expedition to
Virginia ; I should prefer that.
This was our general's plan of campaign before the arrival
of the frigate which brought out the new admiral and de-
spatches from Court. Since then I do not know what changes
may have been made ; but I think that, unless M. de Grasse
arrives, there will be none. There is to be a conference
shortly between General Washington and M. de Eochambeau
at the same place as that of last year, namely, Hartford, forty
leagues from here. There they will probably decide on the
plan of campaign. Provided it is active, and something is
done, that is all I desire. We have had too much inaction,
mortifying inaction. It would have been more useful to
America had we sent her the money we are costing the king
here; the Americans would have employed it better. We
ought to have had here an army of 15,000 men; only 5000
were sent, who have been a year in garrison in Newport and
of no use whatsoever, except to eat up provisions and make
them dearer. I hope we shall soon get out of this sloth and
be active.
I say nothing to you about my own affair, my dear father-,
since my last letter, in which I spoke of it, nothing new has
taken place, or rather I have heard no news of it. I desire
it much, for I begin to be tired of being with M. de Rocham-
beau. He treats me with distinction, it is true, and I feel
it ; but he is distrustful in a very disagreeable and sometimes
insulting manner. He has more confidence in me than in
my comrades, but even that is paltry; nor does he show
more to his general officers, who are much displeased, and so
are the superior officers of the army. They have, however,
the good sense to conceal it, and to concur for the good of
the cause.
We push economy to such an extent that we have not
46 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ii.
even one spy in New York, because it would cost us perhaps
fifty louis a month ; we prefer to receive news from General
Washington, and to leave to the Americans, who have no
money to pay for news, the duty of obtaining it. The spies
who are there do it from love of country. For this reason
we get our information very late, and we shall end by having
none at all, for men soon weary of doing gratis a business
which leads to the gallows.
We are preparing to march, but I do not know when we
shall really do so. Part of the artillery munitions and the
heavy baggage of the army are already stored in Providence.
The general officers are now getting ready their own equip-
ments. Our army is just as little disciplined as a French
army usually is. Nevertheless the leaders are very severe :
there is seldom a day when two or three officers are not
under arrest; I have seen indecent scenes when a whole
corps deserved to be cashiered, but we are only 5000 strong
and we cannot spare a man.
The fleet received orders yesterday to sail, and we supply
500 men to complete the crews of the ships; they have
scarcely any sailors left, so landsmen have to be supplied.
This puts the colonels in very bad humour, and with reason ;
it gives me pain, — 500 men less, when we have need of all
our soldiers ! I think the squadron is going to meet the
convoy which they say is on its way to us.
Newport, June 3, 1781.
At last we depart ; in eight or ten days the army will be
on the march. This is the result of the conference between
the two generals. What the plan of campaign is and where
we are going is a secret, and ought to be one. I hope we
shall be in active service, and that they will not make us
quit Newport only to put us in garrison in some other little
1781] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 47
town. Our fleet stays here, guarded by American militia
and 400 of our own troops. I pity those who are selected
for this detachment. The whole army is enchanted to
depart.
Nothing has happened in these parts since my last. The
English are making progress in the South ; they burn or
plunder everything ; but they spend money and that makes
them friends ; before long the whole of that part of America
will be conquered; then the English will recognize the
independence of the Northern States, or at least, will treat
them as independent, and will keep the South for them-
selves. Imagine how glorious this will be for the arms of
France ! What confirms me in this idea is that all things
indicate the total evacuation of New York; they have al-
ready sent away several detachments ; the last, within a few
days, of twenty-five hundred men. Moreover, they are ship-
ping a great many things at night, after taps, when the
inhabitants of the town are not allowed to be out. If they
totally evacuate New York to take their forces south, they
do well. — I am obliged to finish.
Yorktoww, October 23, 1781.
As I have had no time to write you the slightest detail of
the siege I annex here a little diary of our operations. They
are over for this year, and we are going into winter-quarters
in the neighbourhood ; headquarters will be at Williamsburg,
a villanous little town that looks more like a village.
Journal of Operations during the Siege and Surrender of
Yorktoum.
After spending eleven months at Newport in total inac-
tion, our army started from there June 12, 1781, leaving
six hundred troops, and one thousand militia, under com-
48 DIARY AND COERESPONDENCE OF [chap. ii.
mand of M. de Choisy, brigadier-general, to defend the works
we had made there, protect our little squadron of eight
vessels, and cover our storehouses in Providence, where we
had placed our siege artillery. The army went by water
from Newport to Providence, and then marched by land to
Philipsburg, fifteen miles from King's-Bridge, where it ar-
rived July 6, and went into camp on the left of the Ameri-
cans. The Lauzun legion had all along covered our left
flank, marching eight or ten miles apart from us on the sea
side. Our army was about five thousand strong ; that of the
Americans three thousand.
During our stay at Philipsburg we made several great
forages and reconnoitrings about King's-Bridge. August
14 we received news of the arrival of M. de Grasse. He left
the Isles July 24. I was sent back to Newport to hasten the
departure of the fleet and the embarkation of our artillery at
Providence. On the 17th the army left Philipsburg and
arrived on the 21st at King's-ferry, on the banks of the
North, or Hudson, Eiver. It was four days in crossing ; on
the 25th we began our march; two thousand Americans
were with us ; three thousand had been left to guard the
defiles near Philipsburg. All things seemed to announce
the siege of New York. The setting-up of a bakery and
storehouses at Chatham, four miles from Staten Island ; our
crossing of the North Eiver and the march we made to
Morristown seemed to indicate that we intended to attack
Sandy Hook, in order to facilitate the entrance of our vessels.
We were not long, however, in perceiving that New York
was not our object, but General Clinton was completely
duped and that was what we wanted.
We crossed Jersey, one of the finest and best cultivated
provinces in America, and the army arrived at Philadelphia,
September 3. It crossed the city on parade, and won the
1781] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 49
admiration of the inhabitants, who had never before seen so
many men armed and clothed uniformly, and so well-disci-
plined. After staying there two days, it marched for the
head of Elk Eiver at the upper end of the Chesapeake Bay.
On the 6th we heard that M. de Grasse had arrived in that
bay on the 3d with twenty-eight vessels, and that three
thousand troops under command of M. de Saint-Simon,
brigadier-general, had disembarked and joined the eighteen
hundred under the Marquis de Lafayette at Williamsburg.
The march of the army was therefore hastened, and on the
7th the whole army arrived at the head of Elk Eiver. It was
there decided to embark the army; but the lack of boats,
which the English had either taken or destroyed during the
five months when they were masters of the bay, prevented
us from shipping more than our grenadiers and chasseurs
(eight hundred men) and seven hundred Americans. The
rest, with the baggage and equipments, marched to Annapolis,
and were there embarked on the frigates. The whole arrived
and were in camp at Williamsburg about the 26th. Two
days after M. de Grasse entered the Chesapeake he descried a
large English fleet of twenty vessels. Admiral Hood with
twelve ships had joined the eight of Admiral Graves. M.
de Grasse at once went out with twenty-four vessels, leaving
four to guard the New York and the James Rivers ; and after
a fight, which was not very sharp, the English retired. M.
de Barras with eight ships joined M. de Grasse, and on the
8 th they were all in the bay.
As soon as we reached Williamsburg, they went to work
to land the field artillery and the equipments ; all was ready
by the 28th [of September], and the army marched to invest
Yorktown, where Lord Cornwallis was. He occupied York-
town, which is on the right bank of the river, and Gloucester
which is on the left bank. The river is one mile wide, that
50 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ii.
is to say, the third of a French league. We began bur in-
vestment the same day, but the Americans could not finish
theirs till the day after. They had a marsh to cross ; the bridge
was broken, and they were forced to make another. On the
29th the investment was complete and we went to work to
land our siege guns and make the quantity of fascines, sau-
cissons [bundles of faggots], hurdles, and gabions necessary
for the siege. On the 30 th the enemy evacuated their ad-
vanced works and retreated within the body of the place.
The works consisted of two large redoubts, and a battery of
two cannon, which were separated from the town by a deep
ravine of twelve hundred yards. We took possession; and
this advanced our own work very much, leaving us the ability
to put our first parallel on the other side of the ravine.
Though that was a blunder made by Lord Cornwallis, it is,
perhaps, excusable, because he had express orders from Gen-
eral Clinton to retire within the place, and a promise that he
(Clinton) would relieve him.
October 6, at eight in the evening, we opened the trench
at nine hundred yards from the works. The right rested on
the river, the left on a great ravine which falls perpendicu-
larly on the town to the right of the works, and thence to
the river on the right of the town. Our trench had twenty-
one hundred yards of development, and it was defended by
four palisaded redoubts and five batteries. The ground, which
is much intersected by little ravines, facilitated our approach
and enabled us to reach our trench under cover without
being obliged to make a branch way. On our right we
opened another trench, resting its left on the river and its
right on a wood. There we had a battery of four mortars,
two howitzers, and two pieces of twenty-four which com-
manded the river, making communication between Yorktown
and Gloucester insecure and rendering the ships in the
1781] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 51
river very uneasy. The enemy did not fire much during
the night.
On the following days we worked at perfecting the trench,
palisading the redoubts, and putting the batteries into con-
dition. On the 10th, they all fired during the day. We
had forty-one guns, either cannon, mortars, or howitzers.
Our artillery was marvellously well-served; the quality of
the works, which were of sand, did not allow our cannon,
though so well directed, to have all the effect they would have
had on other ground ; but we learned by deserters that our
bombs had great effect and that the number of dead and
wounded was increasing. The besieged fired little; they
had none but small cannon, — the largest was of eighteen ;
their mortars were only of six or eight inches, while ours
were of twelve. During the day we sent in many bombs and
royal-grenades ; at night the enemy established flying bat-
teries. In the daytime they usually withdrew their cannon
and put them behind the parapet.
On the night of the 11th and 12th the second parallel of
360 yards was opened, the left resting, like the first, on
the ravine, the right on a redoubt. We could not push the
parallel to the river, on account of two redoubts belonging
to the English, which were half a musket^shot in advance of
our right. It was resolved to attack them first and then
finish the parallel. On the 14th, at eight o'clock in the even-
ing, four hundred grenadiers and chasseurs, supported by one
thousand men, attacked the redoubt and carried it sword in
hand. There were one hundred and fifty men in it, half
English, half Germans ; we took only thirty-four prisoners
and three officers. The Americans carried the other re-
doubt ; they worked all night to continue the trench, and by
morning on the 15 th it was well covered. The English
plied us with bombs all night and the next day.
52 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. h.
On the 16th, our batteries were finished, and they
worked at mounting the guns. Next morning at five o'clock
the enemy made a sortie of six hundred men, entered a bat-
tery, and spiked four cannon. They were repulsed at once,
and we had about twenty men killed and wounded. They
made seventeen prisoners, of whom one was an officer. Our
soldiers, who have been extremely tired since the beginning
of the siege, were asleep and surprised.
On the 17th, the enemy sent in a flag of truce, and Lord
Cornwallis asked to capitulate. They were occupied the
whole of the 18th in settling the articles ; on the 19th the
capitulation was signed and the troops laid down their arms.
There were but ten cannon-balls and one bombshell left in
the place. We had in our second parallel six batteries and
sixty cannon, which would have opened fire on the 17th, and
on the 18th or 19th we hoped to be in a condition to
assault.
The legion of Lauzun, eight hundred troops, vessels, and
one thousand militia were on the Gloucester side, to prevent
any passing out in that direction. On the night of the 14th
and 15th Lord Cornwallis sent two thousand men to Glou-
cester to force a way through for him, intending to march
two hundred leagues through an enemy's country to reach
[New ?] York. The enterprise was bold, but crazy ; it might
have succeeded with two hundred men. The only fault
committed by Lord Cornwallis was that of having stopped at
Yorktown ; that fault, however, was not his, it was that of
General Clinton, who ordered him to stay there, and he
could only obey.
We have taken seventy-six hundred men in Yorktown, of
whom two thousand are sick and four hundred wounded,
four hundred fine dragoon horses, and one hundred and
eeventy-four cannon, seventy-four of them being of bronze.
1781] COUNT AXEL FEBSEN. 53
Most of these guns are small mortars of four to six inches.
There are also some forty vessels, the greater part of which
are sinking or damaged. There was one fifty-gun ship,
which our left battery set on fire with red-hot shot and
burned.
Our army was composed of eight thousand men ; that of
the Americans had about the same number ; in all, fifteen to
sixteen thousand men. We had two hundred' and seventy-
four killed or wounded, and ten officers.
Yorktown, October 23, 1781.
There is every appearance that we shall make our cam-
paign of next year towards Charleston and end by besieging
that place. The English will not fail now to send troops
from New York to this part of America, so I think we
may have an active war. It seems as if General Clin-
ton would have nothing else to do. M. de Eochambeau
has asked for reinforcements, and I think that M. de Grasse
will return here from the Antilles with his twenty-eight
ships. If they leave him in command he will bring troops
with him. With his forces and ours united we shall be in
a state to make a pretty campaign, and the taking of Savan-
nah, where M. d'Estaing has failed, and that of Charleston,
may well be the result of the campaign and crown the
work we have now so well begun.
I have no doubt they will send M. de Eochambeau the
troops for which he asks. He knows too well how to use
them, and has just done too great a service to have so just
a demand refused at such a moment. I fear peace only, and
I offer prayers that it may not yet be made.
All our young colonels belonging to the French Court are
departing to spend their winter in Paris. Some will return ;
others will stay there and will be much surprised if they are
54 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap, ii
not all made brigadier-generals after being at the siege of
Yorktown ; they think they have done the finest thing in the
world. I shall stay here, having no other reason to go to
Paris than my amusement and pleasure, and those I must
sacrifice. My affairs can get on without me ; I should spend
a great deal of money, and I ought to be careful of it. I
prefer to employ it in making another campaign here and in
achieving what I have begun. When I took the resolution
to come here I foresaw the annoyances I should have to put
up with ; it is fair that the instruction I have acquired should
cost me something.
Williamsburg, March 25, 1782.
The last letter I had the honour to write to you, my dear
father, was dated March 4 from Philadelphia. I left there
on the 9th with the Chevalier de Luzerne, and we arrived
here on the 17th. We made a charming journey and the
cantines [provision boxes] he took with him, which were
well furnished with pates, hams, wine, and bread, prevented
our feeling the misery that reigns in the inns, where nothing
is found but salt pork and no bread. In Virginia the people
eat nothing but cakes made of the flour of Indian corn,
which they bake before the fire ; that hardens the outside a
little, but the inside is only dough not cooked. They drink
nothing but rum (a brandy made from sugar) mixed with
water ; they call it " grog." The apples have failed this year,
and that prevents them from having cider. At 250 miles
from here, in a part of Virginia which they call " the moun-
tains," all this is quite different. The country is richer, and
it is there they cultivate tobacco ; the soil also produces wheat
and all sorts of fruits. But in the part of the country near
the sea, called " the plains," where we are, they grow nothing
but Indian corn.
The principal product of Virginia is tobacco ; not that this
1782] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 55
State, which is the largest of the thirteen, is not capable of
other cultivation, but the laziness of the inhabitants and
their conceit are great obstacles to industry. It really seems
as if the Virginians were another race of men; instead of
occupying themselves with their farms and making them
profitable, each land-owner wants to be a lord. No white
man ever works, but, as in the West India islands, all the
work is done by negro slaves, who are ordered by the whites,
and by overseers under them.
There are, in Virginia, at least twenty negroes to one
white man ; so that this State has sent but few soldiers to the
army. All persons who do business are regarded as inferior
by the others, who say they are not gentlemen, and they do
not choose to live with them socially. These Virginians have
all the aristocratic instincts, and when one sees them it is
hard to understand how they came to enter a general con-
federation and to accept a government founded on perfect
equality of condition. But the same spirit which has led
them to shake off the English yoke may lead them to other
action of the same kind, and I should not be surprised to
see Virginia detach herself, after the peace, from the other
States. Neither should I be surprised to see the American
government become a complete aristocracy.
We have no political news here ; you know already of the
taking of Saint-Christopher, — a fine possession which the
English have just lost. There is much talk about the evacu-
ation of Charleston. Thirty transports have arrived in New
York to fetch the troops. Forty or fifty were there already,
armed for the same service. Our politicians differ much as
to the object of this evacuation ; some think it is to concen-
trate all their forces at New York ; that seems to me little
probable ; others that it is to send succour to Jamaica in case
of need. Since the capture and total dispersion of M. de
56 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ii.
Guichen's convoy the English might feel easy in that direc-
tion, and I am more of the opinion of those who do not
believe in the evacuation at all. What makes me doubt it
is that General Clinton would never dare to take such a
great step without orders from his Court, that such orders
could only be the result of some plan of campaign, and that
no plan, if made, has had time to get here.
The taking of part of M. de Guichen's convoy is a terrible
loss for us. Besides the munitions of war and the commis-
sariat stores with which the ships were laden, and which can
be replaced, we lose time which cannot be recovered, and the
expedition to Jamaica will fail. Admiral Eodney has arrived
in the West Indies with ten sail of the line and troops. This
makes him superior to M. de Grasse, and may change the
whole face of things in that part of the world.
Williamsburg, May 27, 1782.
We are in great consternation on the subject of a battle
between the fleets in the West Indies. The first news we
received said that we had won the advantage ; but yesterday
we heard more through the English, that is to say, by a New
York gazette, which reports that the "Ville de Paris," 110
guns, on which was the Comte de Grasse, was taken, with
six other vessels, and that we were totally defeated. This
news seems certain, because of the particulars that accom-
panied it. The ships taken are named, the number of killed
and wounded on each ship is specified, and in short, it seems
impossible that this should be news manufactured by a news-
paper. We do not bear this reverse well; I see that we
allow ourselves to be easily depressed. One would think
we were not much accustomed to success from the excessive
joy we show when we have any, and the gloom into which
we are plunged by the slightest reverse. This reverse, how-
1782] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 57
ever, is considerable, and will render the whole campaign
null; it gives the English the upper hand in the West
Indies ; if they act well they can do us great damage there,
and reinforcements from Europe, if they get them, may cause
us to lose our conquests. This disaster will have a great
effect upon us here, and will force us to pass this whole cam-
paign in total inactivity. This is dreadful, — especially if we
are unfortunate enough to stay in this place. The heat is al-
ready extreme ; imagine what it will be in July and August.
We have no news as yet from M. de Lauzun ; we expect
some with great impatience, — at least I do, and we are be-
ginning to feel uneasy.
Philadelphia, August 8, 1782.
The last letter I had the honour to write to you, my dear
father, was dated July 6, also from Philadelphia. I came here
with M. de Kochambeau, who had a rendezvous here with
General Washington to confer together on the operation of the
campaign. The result of the conference was that I was sent
on the 19th to Yorktown, Virginia, with a commission then
secret, but not so at present : it was to ship as soon as pos-
sible our siege artillery, which we had left at West-Point,
eight leagues above Yorktown on the same river, and bring
it up the bay of the Chesapeake to Baltimore. This opera-
tion required great secrecy and much promptitude, for we had
but one forty-gun ship to escort the convoy, and the English
with two frigates could have kept us from leaving the York
Eiver, or else have captured some of the convoy.
I started ill with a very bad cold, which was considerably
increased by fatigue and the heat. As soon as I had at-
tended to the embarkation and seen that all was under way,
I returned to report to M. de Eochambeau, who was with
the army at Baltimore, and after remaining with him a
couple of days I started with the Chevalier de Chastellux for
58 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. „.
Philadelphia, where the Chevalier de la Luzerne loaded me
with care, attentions, kindness, civilities, and friendship.
The army is to leave Baltimore on the 15th to come here,
and go hence to the Hudson Eiver. I shall wait here till it
arrives ; I have need of rest, and I could not be in any house
where I should be more agreeably and better situated.
Our campaign this year will not be as brilliant as that of
last year. The defeat of the Comte de Grasse, the disper-
sion of M. de Guichen's convoy, the taking of that intended
for the Indies — all these disasters united have deranged our
plans and made all projects miscarry. We have nothing
now to do in this country but the siege of New York, and
we are too weak for such an enterprise, the success of which
depends entirely on superiority at sea, and that we have not
got. Admiral Kodney has taken good care of that ; and be-
sides, when we had it we did not know how to profit by it.
We are daily expecting news from France. We are told they
are preparing to lay siege to Gibraltar ; for up to the present
time it has been nothing but a fruitless blockade. If the
French are set on that difficult operation I fear that our cam-
paign here will be very inactive, and will end in nothing but
long and laborious marches. I doubt if they can succeed
in taking Gibraltar, though I fear the Spaniards will jus-
tify the witty saying of some one who replied to a friend
who said it would be another siege of Troy, " Yes, but
Spaniards are not Greeks."
The heat is very great here; I bear it very well. The
drouth has been extraordinary ; all the brooks are dry, and
our army has the greatest difficulty in finding water, which
is very necessary in such hot weather.
'." JZ&w&wz^ C2s<?e&?^&' ^c& K^^^G^ay^^^^e^x^^-
2782] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 59
Philadelphia, August 17, 1782.
On the 8 th of this month the army was at Baltimore, a
little town at the upper end of the bay of the Chesapeake.
Thence it was to march on the 15th of the same month to
the North, or Hudson, Eiver. But the rumour and appear-
ances of peace which we have received from England by way
of New York have delayed our march, and we shall not put
ourselves in motion till the 20th. This is the upshot
of a deliberation that the generals had together. By this
news from England (we have none as yet from France) it
seems as though peace were near. England appears to be
much inclined to it if France is modest in her demands.
The Americans desire nothing else, now that the King of
England has declared them independent, and I think that
Holland does not find itself enough benefited to wish to con-
tinue the war.
The English seem to behave with less hostility in these
regions ; they have forbidden all their partisans, called
" tories " or " refugees," to make incursions or expeditions
into the country without a permit signed by the commandant
of the station. They have sent back from England all
prisoners, without demands for their exchange. General
Carleton, who commands in New York, has informed General
Washington in a very polite letter, that the king, his master,
has granted the independence of America ; that he has sent a
man to Paris with full powers to negotiate ; and he proposes
to General Washington to agree to an exchange of prisoners.
All this seems to indicate peace ; we all think that, if it is
not already signed, it certainly will be in the course of the
winter, and that we shall embark in the spring.1 This idea
1 John Adams, Franklin, Jay, and Laurens signed a preliminary treaty
of peace in Paris, November 30, 1782. The English evacuated Charleston,
December 14. — Tk.
Ver. 8 5 Mem.
60 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap, it
causes universal joy; it gives me a pleasure I cannot ex-
press ; the hope of seeing you again, my dear father, is one
that I can only feel.
Camp at Crompond [?], October 3, 1782.
The last letter I had the honour to write to you, my dear
father, was written in August. Since then we have been al-
ways on the march, and I have had no opportunity to send
you a letter. The army has crossed the Delaware, also the
North, or Hudson, River, and we are now encamped ten miles
from the latter, and twenty-four miles from the island of
New York. There is every appearance that we shall finish
our campaign here, and start from here for our winter-
quarters ; no one yet knows where they will be, and I dare
not tell you.
Charleston is evacuated, they say; consequently the
English have nothing left in the South of this continent.
Their possessions are reduced now to Long Island, Staten
Island, and the island of New York. There is much talk of
the evacuation of the latter ; I do not believe it ; while Lord
Eockingham lived it seems to have been determined on;
now all is changed. Our generals believe it, but I am not
of their opinion. I think they are sending 2000 English
troops to the West Indies, and are leaving the Germans with
the rest, 10,000 in all, in New York. If the evacuation
takes place, we shall have nothing to do but return to
France.
Though we have not seen the enemy, our campaign has
been a very rough one. We suffered much from heat, and
now the cold weather is making itself keenly felt. I bear
these changes marvellously well, and I was never better in
health. This year I have a tent and a straw mattress ; I am
not very well off for covering, but a cloak supplements that.
1782] COUNT AXEL FEIiSEN. 61
Boston, November 30, 1782.
The last letter I had the honour to write to you, my dear
father, was dated November 3 from Hartford, where the
army made a halt of eight days while the fleet of M. de
Vaudreuil was being made ready. We started on the 4th
and reached Providence on the 10 th, where our stay was
prolonged until the fleet was able to take us on board. I
profited by this delay to go to Newport, which is only ten
leagues from Providence, to see my friends there and bid
them adieu.
We left Providence on the 4th and arrived here on the
6th ; we embarked at once. I am on the " Brave," 74 guns,
with the Comte de Deux-Ponts, and our three first companies.
The Chevalier d'Amblimont commands the ship ; he behaved
very badly in the action of April 12 ; he ran away instead
of obeying signals, and when M. de Bougainville hailed him,
asking the reason of such extraordinary conduct, he replied
that, " the fleet being lost, it was best to save one vessel for
the king." He is amiable, very polite, and has a good ship ;
I have good quarters and he keeps a good table. That is all
I want ; I let him off as to bravery.
It seems certain that we are going to the Cape, under
command of Don Galvez; it must surely be to attempt an
enterprise on Jamaica, when that on Gibraltar, which has
lasted five years, succeeds or fails ; whether we make one on
Jamaica will be decided before July, and it is probably on
that decision that our return to France depends. A person
worthy of confidence, who is in the way of knowing things,
assures me that we shall not stay long in the West Indies,
and that we shall surely be in France by next summer.
We do not yet know if the English have evacuated
Charleston. This must seem to you very extraordinary ; it
is strange that having an army ten leagues distant from
62 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. n.
there we should still be uncertain as to an event so interest-
ing to us. But the communications of this country are so
slow and uncertain that we get our news for the most part
from the " New York Gazette." An express makes, bravely,
eight leagues a day, whereas it might make twelve or thir-
teen ; but perhaps the fault is in the management. There is
much talk of the evacuation of New York; they say the
English themselves are talking about it ; I do not believe a
word of it. The rendition of that place will make a useful
balance in the treaty of peace.
M. de Eochambeau left us at Providence ; the whole army
regrets him, and with reason. He went to Philadelphia,
where he embarked on the frigate " La Gloire." I gave him
a letter like this one, which you may receive at the same
time. This one goes by the frigate " Iris." Baron de
Viomesnil now commands the army, and will take us to the
West Indies ; there he leaves us as soon as we arrive, and
returns to France.
I wrote you in my last letter that the Due de Lauzun
remains in America with his legion. I thought we should
take away our siege train, but that is changed; it stays in
Baltimore, where it now is, with 400 men detached from the
different regiments, and about the same number of sick, who
will be in good health by the spring. That makes in all
1400 men under command of M. de Lauzun, who will prob-
ably have nothing to do but to wait here till peace is made.
The duke and his legion are in quarters at Wilmington, nine
leagues to the south of Philadelphia.
I cannot tell you, my dear father, how much attached I
am to the Due de Lauzun, and how I like him ; he has the
noblest and most honourable soul that I know. Among the
personal belongings which he brought, and which were all
lost, there were several things for me that he knew I needed,
1782] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 63
and a part of which I had asked him to bring me. He has
never been willing to tell me what they were, always reply-
ing that it was only a trifle, not worth speaking of. I should
never end if I told you all the delicate and kindly actions
that I know of him.
The whole army is vexed at going to the West Indies ; I
myself am not much pleased. We saw M. de Eochambeau
leave us with pain; every one liked to be commanded by
him. They will have to feel the same to the Baron de
Viomesnil. As for me, personally, I ought to be much satis-
fied; the baron has always treated me with distinguished
regard and courtesy. He is hasty and quick-tempered ; he
has not the precious sang-froid of M. de Eochambeau, who
was the only man capable of commanding us here, and of
maintaining that perfect harmony which has reigned between
two nations so different in manners, morals, and language,
and who, at heart, do not like each other. There have never
been disputes between our two armies during the whole
time we have been together ; but there have often been just
ground for complaints on our part. Our allies have not
always behaved well to us, and the time that we have spent
among them has not taught us to like or to esteem them.
M. de Eochambeau himself has not always been well-treated ;
but in spite of that his conduct has been uniform. His
example has compelled the same in his army, and the stern
orders that he gave restrained every one, and enforced that
rare discipline which was the admiration of all the Ameri-
cans and English who witnessed it. The wise, prudent, and
simple conduct of M. de Eochambeau has done more to con-
ciliate the Americans than the winning of four battles could
ever have done.
Our fleet at Boston consists of thirteen vessels ; here is the
list. . . . They will sail as soon as the wind permits. The
64 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. II.
English fleet of twenty-three sail has left New York in two
divisions ; the first of twelve ships, under the orders of Ad-
miral Pigott, departed October 27 ; the second of eleven
ships, came out of the harbour on the 21st of this month,
they say. Is it to await us and capture us, or is it to trans-
port the garrison of Charleston to the West Indies ? We do
not know ; but time will clear up the mystery.
Boston, December 21, 1782.
It is not yet known whether Charleston is evacuated ; a
Philadelphia gazette, which has just arrived, says that the
English are constructing two new redoubts there, and that the
truce they had demanded, and which was supposed to be a
certain sign of the evacuation, has come to an end, and the
place is not evacuated.
We are all going on board to-night ; the ships are ready,
and if the wind is fair we shall sail to-morrow morning. As
soon as we reach the West India Islands I will send you
news of myself, my dear father, and I shall have the pleas-
ure to assure you of my respectful attachment.
1783] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 65
CHAPTER III.
1783-1791. — Return to France. — Confidential mission of Count Fersen to
the French Court from King Gustavus III. — Letters to his father and
the King of Sweden on the political aspects of France at the opening
of the Revolution. — The Emigration begins in July 1789.
[Count Fersen returned to France with the French troops
in June, 1783. He was on the point of going to Sweden to
see his parents when he received an order to join his king,
Gustavus III., and accompany him during his journeys in
Germany, Italy, and France. It was not until the close of
the year 1784 that Count Fersen returned to Sweden in the
suite of the king. As a well-deserved reward for his cam-
paigns in America he was appointed titulary colonel in the
Swedish army, chevalier of the Order of the Sword, and
lieutenant-colonel on service of the light-horse cavalry of the
king. The King of France appointed him second-colonel of
the regiment Deux-Ponts and chevalier of the Order of Mili-
tary Merit. In September, 1783, he was made proprietary
colonel of the Royal-Swedish [French] regiment, at the
request of King Gustavus III., who, during his stay in Paris,
protected Fersen and enabled him to obtain from France a
pension of twenty thousand francs, which was reduced to
thirteen thousand in 1788, and ceased altogether in 1791.
General Washington granted to Count Fersen in 1783 the
Order of Cincinnatus. It was a flattering recognition of his
services in that memorable war which has had such immense
results. Though the King of Sweden would not allow him,
or any of the Swedish officers who had fought in that war, to
wear this decoration, it was still a great distinction to have
66 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. hi.
deserved a military Order of which the generals of the armies
of France were proud to bear the insignia, with permission
of their sovereign.
It was at this period — 1783 to 1786 — that young de
Stael-Holstein began to be noted in the diplomatic corps and
in the salons of the great world of Paris, and Count Fersen,
who had been intimate with him from childhood, contributed
much to make him so. M. de Stael, born in 1 759, saw ser-
vice early in life, was an ensign when eighteen, a lieutenant,
then a captain at twenty-three. The court which he paid
to Mile. Necker established his fortunes. Thanks to his
known hopes of obtaining her hand, in which the queen
and all the greatest ladies of her Court took an interest, M.
de Stael was appointed in the same year (1783) charge
d'affaires, envoy, and finally, ambassador from Sweden to the
Court of Versailles. Count Fersen writes at this period to
his father (August 19, 1784) : —
" You will have seen already that the idea I had respect-
ing Mile. Necker cannot come to anything, even if you con-
sented to it, on account of my friend Stael, to whom it is
perfectly suited, — much more so than to me. I really never
thought of it, except to please you, my dear father ; and I
am not at all sorry that it cannot be realized."
We see from from this that Fersen had thought of Mile.
Necker for himself, and renounced his pretensions in favour
of his friend, who saw in this match a first step to fortune.
M. de Stael was, however, compelled to wait a long time for
the consent of her parents, for he had many rivals, among
them the famous minister Mr. Pitt. Count Fersen writes
to his father, October 15, 1785 : —
" M. Necker has at last decided to give him his daughter ;
it is an excellent affair and I am enchanted for M. de Stael ;
he had numerous and powerful rivals, among others Mr. Pitt,
1783] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 67
the one who is at present at the head of English affairs ; but
the young girl preferred M. de Stae'l. I saw her a few days
ago. She is not pretty, — on the contrary ; but she has intel-
lect, gaiety, amiability ; has been very well brought-up, and is
full of talents. The wedding will take place on the 10 th or
15th of next month.
An illness of Mile. Necker delayed the marriage until
January 1786. It was concluded under very onerous condi-
tions for Sweden. King Gustavus III. agreed to give Stae'l an
annual pension of 20,000 francs, or an office in Sweden equiv-
alent to it in case he lost, through unforeseen circumstances
his embassy to Versailles during the first six months after his
marriage. When the Eevolution broke out in France this
agreement became very burdensome to the King of Sweden,
inasmuch as Stae'l sided, thanks to the influence of his wife,
with the enemies of the royal family, as we shall see
in the course of these Letters. This obliged the King of
Sweden to conceal his real opinions in his despatches to his
ambassador to France, and it is important to know this, in
order to judge correctly of the epoch and also of its docu-
ments. Baron Taube, first gentleman of the Bed-chamber
and confidential secretary of Gustavus III., wrote as follows,
to his intimate friend Count Fersen : —
"The king orders me to let you know that all StaeTs
despatches are written in the spirit of the Revolution ; his
Majesty is obliged to feign to pay attention to what he says
to him ; but it is only that he may fathom their projects and
their views more completely. The king orders you to
warn the King and the Queen [of France], so that they may
not be misled. Assure them that the king never varies in
his feelings and his attachment for them, as he will try on all
occasions to prove to them."
Count Fersen's service in the two armies of Sweden and
68 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap, hi
France obliged him to divide his time between the two
countries. During the summer of 1787 he was sent to
France with letters from the King of Sweden to Louis XVI.
"I passed a day in Paris," he writes, May 25, 1787, "to
deliver the letters with which I was laden and to see my
friends, and the next day I came to Versailles to pay my
court and give the letters to the king. It was the day of
the closing of the Assembly of the Notables, and I am very
glad to have seen that ceremony. It was very imposing,
and will probably never be seen again in our day. The
results of that Assembly are great reforms in the households
of the princes ; but most of them bear only on abuses and on
the old ostentatious splendour, which is scarcely noticed and
was of no use whatever except to absorb enormous sums.
The Comte d'Artois has already returned four hundred
thousand francs from his household to the king. The re-
form in the queen's stable amounts to two hundred and fifty
thousand francs ; in short, it seems that they have taken a
firm resolution to correct abuses as much as possible. The
king has already reduced his packs of boar-hounds and wolf-
hounds; all the falcons, and the emoluments of the grand
falconer are to be suppressed, so they tell me. There is
much else, but I cannot remember it. They talk of a dimi-
nution of two-fifths of all pensions above ten thousand francs ;
but that is not certain."
In October, 1788, Gustavus III. sent Count Fersen again to
Paris to look after his interests and correspond with him confi-
dentially. From that time the Count remained in France,
sometimes in Paris, sometimes with his regiment, the Royal-
Swedish, which was in garrison at Valenciennes, Maubeuge,
and other towns. The first rough shocks of the Revolution
were beginning to be felt, a*nd Count Fersen bestowed much
attention on the study of them. The loss of his Journal
1788] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 69
from 1780 to June, 1791, was a great misfortune. Intrusted
to a friend at the time that he was obliged to leave Paris
when Louis XVI. and family started for Varennes, these
sheets were burned, from the fear that they might fall into
the hands of the revolutionaries. They contained, as Fersen
himself said, precious information of the events of the time,
and the family of Louis XVI. Nothing relating to that time
now remains but letters, written by the count to his father,
which contain some account of the political events in France
at the beginning of the Eevolution.]
Paris, December 10, 17B8.
Affairs in this country are not in a more tranquil state
than they are in Sweden ; on the contrary, minds are furi-
ously excited ; but with what a difference ! Here we have a
patient with a good constitution and in all the vigour of his
age, for whom we need only a good physician ; but the ques-
tion is to find one. There appears to be a great schism be-
tween the nobles and the tiers etat ; the latter wants to be
represented in greater numbers and to have more influence
in the States-general than it has hitherto had. The parlia-
ments, which used to be united with the nobles, have been
abandoned by them in consequence of a late decree of the
parliament of Paris [abolishing feudal rights], which de-
mands no less "than the English constitution. There were
two parties in the Chamber on that occasion ; all the old
members were against the resolution, but' the young ones
carried it. They say also that the provincial parliaments
are not all of one opinion, and that several are contrary to
the decree of that of Paris. So here is disunion among the
great bodies of the kingdom; it remains to be seen what
will result for the king. But in any case, it seems to me
that things will go better than was thought at first, and that
70 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap, hi.
France will recover in Europe the great influence that she
ought to have there. The fermentation of minds is general ;
nothing is talked of but the Constitution ; the women, espe-
cially, are mixed up in the matter, and you know, as I do, the
influence they have in this country. It is all a delirium ;
every one is an administrator and talks of nothing but " prog-
ress ; " in the antechambers the lacqueys are busy reading
political pamphlets, ten or a dozen of which appear daily ; I
do not see how the printing-offices suffice for them all ; they
are the fashion of the moment, however, and you know, as I
do, the empire that has here.
We are having a very severe winter, freezing for three
weeks ; the cold has been up to 13° and at midday 2°, 3°, and
4°. For a week past there has been four inches of snow in
the streets of Paris and the roofs are covered. The river is
frozen, which hampers the provisioning of Paris, so that
they fear a famine ; it is also feared in the provinces. There
is very little wheat, and what there is they cannot grind be-
cause of the lack of water, for there has been no rain since
August.
Paris, January 2, 1789.
The country is still in a great ferment, but here great heats
pass off in a short time and reflection comes. The grave
question which divides all minds at the present moment
is whether the deputies of the tiers Stat will equal in
number those of the nobles and the clergy; opinions are
much divided thereon, even among the nobles, the greater
part of whom consent to this equality. The king has just
decided that for one member of the nobles and one of the
clergy there shall be two of the tiers etat, which seems just.
Meanwhile the public has been inundated with writings
and pamphlets ; there is not a day that five or six do not
appear; most of them have no common-sense and contain
1789] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 71
nothing but empty words or thoughts that are wholly sedi-
tious. Everybody is author and administrator, especially the
women ; you know, as I do, how they give the tone here and
how they like to mingle in everything. They are occupied
now with nothing but " the Constitution," and the young
men, to please them and to have an air of good style, talk
only of States-general and systems of government, though
often enough their waistcoats, their cabriolets, and their
jackets make a diversion. I do not know whether the
kingdom will gain by all these changes, but society has lost
a great deal.
Valbnciknnb8 [in camp], June 26, 1789.
The tiers etat wants to be alone in the States-general.
The origin of the quarrel is that the tiers etat claimed that
the powers of the deputies ought to be verified in common
in an assembly of the three orders; whereas the nobles
willed that, according to ancient custom each order should
verify its powers separately. This dispute heated all
brains ; part of the clergy joined the tiers etat ; so did some
of the nobles; and they have constituted themselves a
National Assembly ; whereupon the king held a royal session
at which he quashed the resolution of the tiers etat. The
National Assembly paid no attention to the king's action, but
continued its sessions. The nobles have joined the king.
The excitement is extreme. You know French heads, and
you can easily imagine to what lengths they may go ; but
never could you have conceived the indecency of all that is
being done and written. The Archbishop of Paris, a man
respectable for his age and conduct, came near being stoned
at Versailles as he was entering his house, because he is not
on the side of the tiers etat. Several of his servants were
wounded. Three or four madmen lead the whole thing, and
God knows where it will end. The king seems decided to
72 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. hi.
hold to what he has said, and they have brought about
12,000 to 15,000 troops into the neighbourhood of Versailles,
La Muette, Meudon, etc. What is most grievous is that
they are not sure of the French soldier, and they are forced
to employ foreigners as much as possible. They have also
brought up forty pieces of artillery. It is impossible to fore-
see the end.
Valknciennes, July 22, 1789.
Heads are so heated that firmness is thought more in-
jurious than useful. The Baron de Breteuil is no longer
minister. M. de Broglie and de La Vauguyon, who were
appointed with him, the first as minister of War, the second
to Foreign Affairs have gone too ; the king has recalled M.
Necker. The troops are sent back to their garrisons. The
populace of Paris has seized the Bastille and has murdered
the governor, M. de Launay, in a horrible manner. They
have captured at the Invalides 36,000 muskets ; they have
hanged M. de Flesselle, provost of the merchants ; all car-
riages are stopped ; every one in Paris is made to go a-foot.
The nobles are insulted. The Comte d'Artois and his chil-
dren, the Princes de Conde\ Conti, and Bourbon, with many
other persons, among them the Baron de Breteuil, have fled,
under assumed names to protect themselves from the people.
No one is allowed to leave Paris ; all is confusion, disorder,
consternation. The assembly of the electors at the Hotel-de-
Ville has little power, as the execution of M. de Toulon and
Berthier plainly shows.
At the present moment Paris is rather more tranquil, but
not enough so to induce persons to remain in it. Every day
great numbers of the inhabitants leave it, and by winter,
unless quiet is restored, it will be deserted. The king has
gone to Paris in the hope of producing calmness, but the
effect has not been all that he expected.
1789J COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 73
You will see in the " Journal de Paris " and other papers,
the details of all this, which are fairly correct; nothing
is exaggerated, for it is not possible to exaggerate what has
happened, and is still happening. Riots are taking place in
all the cities of the kingdom, but they seem to be only a
parody of what is going on in Paris. So far all is confined
to breaking into the tax offices and opening the prisons, for
it is the lowest of the populace who make the disorder. The
bourgeoisie was immediately armed and that did much to
restore tranquillity. We have had our little riot here [Val-
enciennes], but it is all over. Now, the idle scoundrels have
spread themselves over the country districts; they are pil-
laging, or putting under contribution all the abbeys and
chateaux; they are hunted everywhere, and yesterday, in
one spot, we captured one hundred and nineteen; many
more will probably be taken.
That, my dear father, is the sad news of this country ; it
is in a state of violent crisis; we must now see what the
States-general will do; but at this moment all bonds are
broken ; obedience has disappeared in the army, and I doubt
if it will be as easy to restore things as it has been to over-
throw them.
Valenciennes, August 15, 1789.
Disorder is increasing throughout the country, and God
alone knows what will come of it. Paris is the focus of
trouble, and nearly every one is in haste to leave it. Vaga-
bonds and deserters are taking refuge there, and the number
of the latter is very considerable. They are received into
the new militia which is being raised under the command of
the Marquis de Lafayette [the National Guard] ; they have
better pay than in our regiments and there are no means
not employed to entice them. It is said that according to
the report of the regiments rendered to the war office, there
74 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. hi.
have been, since July 13, 12,750 deserters, without counting
the Gardes Francaises. The king's authority is totally an-
nihilated, so is that of the parliaments and the magistrates ;
the States-general themselves tremble before Paris, and this
fear greatly influences their deliberations. There are no
longer in this kingdom either laws, order, justice, discipline,
or religion ; all bonds are broken ; and how can they be re-
established ? that is what I do not know, but these are the
effects of the progress of the ideas of anglomania and philoso-
phy ; France is ruined for a long time to come.
Valenciennes, September 3, 1789.
All bonds are broken ; the king's authority is null ; the
National Assembly itself trembles before Paris, and Paris
trembles before forty to fifty thousand bandits or vagrants
established at Montmartre or in the Palais-Eoyal, from which
they cannot be driven. In the provinces the people are
intoxicated with the idea, long spread by philosophers in
their writings, that all men are equal ; and the abolition of
feudal rights and others (voted so glibly by the Assembly in
three hours time, after a supper) has persuaded them that
they have nothing more to pay. Everywhere they are rush-
ing into frightful excesses against the chateaux of the nobles,
which they pillage and burn, with all their deeds and papers ;
they even maltreat the owners if they find them there. You
will see the details in the newspapers and there is nothing
exaggerated in them. In all the towns the people have
broken into the offices and driven away the clerks of the
farms ; 1 in nearly all the provinces they refuse to pay. The
taxes cannot be collected; the troops are won over, or se-
duced by the hope of liberty, or money. The king will soon
1 The farms, fermes, it will be remembered, meant under the old mon-
archy the farming out of the public revenues to " farmers-general," who
levied them for the royal treasury at a profit to themselves. — Tb.
1789] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 75
be unable to meet his engagements, and bankruptcy is immi-
nent. The nobles are in despair ; the clergy are, as it were,
struck demented, and the tiers etat is wholly dissatisfied :
it is the canaille who reign, and are satisfied because, having
nothing to lose, they can only gain. No one dares to com-
mand, and no one is willing to obey.
Such is the liberty of France, and the state in which she
is at this moment. One shudders at seeing what is going on,
and it is impossible to foresee how these things will end. All
this makes me very unhappy. I share with you, my dear
father, the attachment you feel for France, and I cannot see
its ruin without the keenest sorrow. Many regiments have
mutinied ; some have even laid hands on their chief officers.
In our regiment things have not gone so far as yet, but for
three days the soldiers forced the gates of the quarters and
of the town, and went to drink in the country, where they
committed very horrible excesses. On the third day they
would certainly have pillaged and fired the town if the
generale had not been beaten [call to all citizens to assemble].
Aided by the bourgeois militia, we have now re-established
order and quiet.
The extraordinary part is that the same thing has hap-
pened in nearly all the garrisons, and that throughout the
kingdom the mutinies have all been alike. Secret agents
distribute money ; these men are known nearly everywhere ;
the leaders of the seditions, tried and hanged, have de-
nounced them ; but whether it be weakness, or fear, or
complicity, or the absence of laws or the lack of means to
enforce those that still exist, — certain it is that the magis-
trates dare not take steps ; nothing is done against these men,
and they are left in peace to stir up anarchy, mutiny, license,
and to work for the ruin of the State. The Due d'Orle'ans
[great-grandson of the Regent, who presently took the name of
Ver. 8 C Mem.
76 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. hi.
Philippe Egalit^] is strongly suspected of being the leader
and motive-power of all this.
If I were writing from Paris I should not dare to tell you
these things ; the epistolary inquisition has been very close ;
the letters of the king and queen have not escaped it. I
think it has ceased at present ; but it is more prudent not to
trust to this. When you write to me, my dear father, you
can freely say what you please ; coming from you it can
only do good ; but you must be kind enough not to refer
to what I have written to you on this subject.
Paris, October 9, 1789.
All the public papers have told you, my dear father, of
what happened at Versailles on Monday, 5th, and Tuesday,
6th, and of the coming of the king to Paris with his family.
I was witness of it all and I returned to Paris in one of the
carriages of the king's suite ; we were six hours and a half on
the way. God keep me from ever again seeing so afflicting
a sight as that of those two days.
The people seem enchanted to see the king and his family ;
the queen is much applauded, and she cannot fail to be
when they know her, and do justice to her desire for the
right, and to the kindness of her heart. The States-general
are to come to Paris and begin their sessions ; I do not yet
know on what day.
[Towards the close of the year 1789 Count Fersen rejoined
his regiment, still at Valenciennes. He pacified a sedition
which had just broken out, and punished the leaders of it.
He then received orders from King Gustavus III. to return
to Paris and remain there near the King of France, to convey
to him letters, to explain to him the sentiments of the king,
his own master, and to facilitate to the utmost of his power
1790] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 77
communication between the two sovereigns, as will be seen
by the following letter : — ]
To His Majesty, the King of Sweden.
Aix-la-Chapblle, January 7, 1790.
Sire, — I received last night at eleven o'clock the letter
which Y. M., deigned to do me the honour to write to me
by Baron d'Ugglas. Nothing could natter me more than
the expressions and assurance it contained; they will
always be precious to me and I have been deeply touched
by them. . . .
To fulfil the intention of Y. M., I think it would be better
not to hasten my return to Paris ; it might give rise to con-
jectures at a time when all actions, even the simplest, are
watched and interpreted. Baron Taube is of my opinion;
it will be, after all, a delay of only ten days ; I shall be in
Paris on the 17th or 18th.
The details into which Y. M. has entered as to the affairs
of Sweden and France are a new proof of kindness by
which I am deeply touched. The affairs of France are dis-
tressing, and Y. M. has seized them from the right point of
view. I believe, as you do, that M. Necker is very guilty,
and that nothing but a civil or a foreign war can restore
France and the royal authority ; but how is that to be
brought about, with the king a prisoner in Paris ? It was a
false step to allow himself to be brought there. Now it be-
comes necessary to try to get him out of it ; and the declaration
made by the king in October that he was free and, to prove
it, would visit the provinces in the spring, is a good pretext
to leave the city ; meantime the Assembly must be allowed
to commit its follies.
Once out of Paris, the king ought to be able to give birth
to a new order of things. If he is prevented from leaving
78 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. hi.
Paris, his captivity will be shown to the provinces, and in
that case a great change may be looked for. His party is
already much increased in the Assembly and in the pro-
vinces ; the courage, firmness, and good conduct of the queen
have brought many back to her. All the nobles, except a
few, not worthy of being such, are devoted to her, the clergy
the same ; so is nearly the whole of the good bourgeoisie, and
the number increases daily. There are none now but the
canaille who are still stirred up by the famous words " des-
potism " and " aristocracy ; " but a winter of experience and
poverty — for everybody is saving and reforming, and nobody
spends or gives — such a winter may calm and change a great
many.
The noble, feeling, and generous manner in which Y. M.
expresses yourself on the situation of the king and queen of
France is worthy of Y. M. All the world shares that senti-
ment of indignation; but none of them dare to undertake
anything for fear of compromising themselves ; they all seem
awaiting the moment when the king shall be out of Paris be-
fore declaring their intentions openly. The letters that Y. M.
sends to the king and queen, can only touch them ; one is
always more sensitive to kindness when unhappy. The com-
mission which Y. M. gives me is too agreeable to let me fail
in endeavouring to fulfil it myself. Besides which, I know
no one to trust. . . .
I came here from Valenciennes two days ago to see Baron
Taube. I am not satisfied about his state of health. . . .
I am, Sire, with the most profound respect, Your Majesty's
very humble and obedient servant and faithful subject,
Axel Fersen.
[In consequence of these orders Count Fersen went to
Paris at the end of January 1790 and remained there until
1790] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 79
Louis XVI.'s abortive attempt to escape in June, 1791. His
letters to his father continue as follows : — ]
Paris, February 1, 1790.
I profit eagerly by the return of M. d'Ugglas to write you
freely and without restraint, for the post is not safe ; there
is such great inquisition, so many committees of search, and
so much conspiracy, that no one dares to either speak or write.
What a frightful situation this fine kingdom is in ! no force
within, and no respect without ! It is null in the political
system of Europe ; within, it is in complete anarchy. All
bonds are dissolved ; there is no obedience to laws, no respect
for religion, which does not exist except in name. They have
taught the people to feel their strength, and they are using it
with ferocity. The nobles, clergy, and parliament, who set
the first examples of disobedience and resistance, are the first
victims: they are ruined and their chateaux burned. The
upper bourgeoisie, who were also seduced, repent now, but
too late. The workmen, manufacturers, and artisans, all are
ruined and dissatisfied, for purses are closed. Every one is
desiring another order of things ; but — the populace is
armed, and having nothing to lose, it has everything to gain.
A mass of persons, whom hatreds, jealousies, and private
revenge have led to conduct themselves ill to the king and
to forget their obligations to him, hoping for no oblivion of
what they have done except in a total subversion, are incite
ing the canaille with the great words " Liberty," " despotism "
and " aristocracy."
The Assembly [the Constituent Assembly] is divided
into three parties : the aristocrats, the impartials, and the
fanatics. The first are at present for the king, because that
is also for their selfish interests. The impartials are the
most reasonable, but, from that cause alone, the weakest.
80 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. in.
The fanatics are the strongest, and are all against the king ;
and M. Necker, as ignorant in administration as he was said
to be learned in finance, imbued with philosophic ideas, has
never reflected that he ought to win opinions for the king.
He looks on means of seduction as not honest ; he has
wanted to remain an honest man in the midst of rascals, and
he has been their dupe. His immoderate conceit made him
believe he could persuade them, but England's money has
stronger and more irresistible arguments. M. Necker is not
only guilty through ignorance, he is also guilty of treachery.
He wished to be the minister of the people, to reign through
them, and to force the king to be unable to do without him.
He sacrificed the king and the State to his ambition. It is
true that he is punished for it ; his influence is completely
null to-day ; punishment, however, repairs nothing ; and the
king was wrong not to reign by him, inasmuch as he saw that
he could not reign without him.
Among the ministers there are none but MM. de la
Luzerne and Saint-Priest who are well-intentioned towards
the king ; the others are all imbeciles or knaves, in whom
no confidence whatever can be placed. M. de Saint-Priest
joins to intellect both character and firmness, and if occasion
should present itself he is the only man on whom the king
can rely. I am on very good terms with him ; his house is
mine ; he loads me with kindness, civilities, and confidence.
I know from him all that happens, and sometimes he even
consults me. In spite of that, I only tell him what I
choose; I am prudent, for reserve is more than ever
necessary.
The National Assembly continues its folly. The provinces
are more in a ferment than ever, and the king is a prisoner
in Paris. His position — but above all, that of the queen,
who feels it much more keenly than he does — is dreadfuL
1790] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 81
The queen has shown and still shows a courage, character,
and conduct which have won her many adherents.
At this moment a party of the fanatics, with M. de Lafay-
ette at their head, want to let themselves be won over to the
king. The opportunity ought not to be lost; because a
change for the better might then be hoped. You will cer-
tainly hear of the step the king has taken towards the
Assembly [agreeing to its abolishment of the rights of primo-
geniture] ; this step is blamed and approved ; one party of the
fanatics desired it ; at that price they promised to put back
into the king's hands all executive power and the army.
A fraction of the aristocrats is displeased with it; the
others have decided to remain faithful to the king and to
contribute all in their power to the good of the cause. It is
impossible to see the result of the king's action; but, at
least, if it does no good it cannot do harm.
Paris, April 2, 1790.
Little change. The States-general do what they choose,
without the slightest opposition; they reform and destroy
everything with the utmost levity ; but they do not create so
readily, and what they establish takes root with difficulty.
Poverty and discontent are increasing ; they are beginning to
touch the people, especially the populace of Paris, which
now finds itself without resource, owing to the diminution or
annihilation of fortunes occasioned by the degrees of the
Assembly. There are persons who have lost 40,000 to 50,000
francs a year, and others their whole revenue, by the aboli-
tion of feudal rights. Most of the workmen and artisans
have come to beggary. The shopkeepers are earning nothing,
for nobody buys. The best workmen are leaving the king-
dom, and the streets are full of paupers. One and all
they blame the Assembly ; they reproach it for the absence
82 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. in.
of the great world, who were their subsistence, and for
the diminution of fortunes which forces every one to econo-
mize. The royal treasury is exhausted ; the taxes are very
ill-paid or not paid at all ; there is neither credit nor confi-
dence ; money has disappeared, every one hoards it ; nothing
is seen but bills on the caisse d'escompte, which lose six per
cent in realizing them.
There, my dear father, is the present state of things. God
knows how it will end. M. Necker is worse than ever ; his
health is quite destroyed, and I do not believe he can live.
He will be regretted by very few.
Paris, June 28, 1790.
You will see by the public papers about the state of the
army ; there is no longer any order or discipline. All heads
are turned; the soldiers form committees; they dismiss,
break, judge, and sometimes execute their officers. Every
day we hear new horrors, and there is no longer any pleasure
in serving. My regiment [the Eoyal-Swedish] has behaved
marvellously well up to the present time, though everything
has been done to seduce it. There has not been the slightest
insubordination, and I hope that this may continue.
Paris, July 16, 1790.
The famous Federation, which had inspired such fears and
was made such a bugbear, driving so many persons out of
Paris, passed off very quietly. The ceremony, which might
have been very august, very fine, and very imposing, from
the enormous mass of assistants and the beauty of the scene,
was made ridiculous by the disorder and indecency which
reigned there. You will see a description of it in the public
papers, and you know the situation of the Champ de Mars.
But what the papers will not tell you is that there was no
order, no one was in his right place ; the soldiers, who ought
1790] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 83
to have lined the arena as guard, obeyed no one ; they ran
about hither and thither, dancing and singing, and before
the arrival of the king and the Federal troops, they took a
priest and two monks from the altar and, putting grenadier's
caps on their heads and muskets on their shoulders, they
marched them round the amphitheatre, singing and dancing,
like so many savages before they eat Christians. At the
moment of the mass people sang and danced, and no one
knelt at the elevation of the Host, which made many
persons who were present declare that the mass was not
said at all.
Those, my dear father, are little anecdotes which will give
you an idea of what happened, and which I am sure you will
not find in any newspaper. I ought to add that the populace
and the National Guard, even those who were armed and on
duty, forced the sentinels and entered, with their acquaint-
ances, into the box of the ambassadors to shelter themselves
from a shower ; and we should have been forced, if they had
been more numerous, to vacate the place. They were not
turned out.
Paris, November 5, 1790.
The disorders increase daily, and, to crown all evils, we
cannot foresee the end. Poverty is felt everywhere ; coin has
disappeared ; assignats, which were substituted for it, have
little or no credit ; a thousand objections to receiving them
in payment are made ; in many of the provinces the people
will not take them at all. The merchants sell nothing;
manufactories are at a standstill ; provisions grow dearer ;
the quantity of paupers has increased so much that their
number is terrifying. Paris, which is tranquil and safe
enough for individuals, is full of thieves ; one hears of noth-
ing but robberies committed, and as there is little law and
order they are not prevented and remain unpunished. This
84 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. hi.
state of things cannot last, and the discontent, which is
becoming general, will lead slowly to a change in affairs.
When once the discontent rises to its height the new order
of things will be as quickly overthrown as the old order was ;
this is the effect of the vivacity and volatility of French
heads.
Paris, January 3, 1791.
The affair of the clergy is making a great noise here at
this moment, and the consequences cannot be foreseen. The
Bishop of Clermont, who tried to propose a modification of the
required oath and a form of adhesion to the decrees of the
Assembly in all that concerns temporal matters, was not lis-
tened to ; they forced him to answer "yes " or " no " ; he an-
swered " no," and was followed by the majority of the clergy.
Ninety-five refused the oath, against sixty who took it, among
the latter two bishops, — the Bishop of Autun and the Arch-
bishop of Bordeaux. All the other bishops of France, except
the Archbishop of Sens and the Bishop of Lidda refused like-
wise, and from that moment schism was established. Many
persons think that this will make a great turmoil in the prov-
inces ; I do not believe it. The people do not understand this
article of faith, — it is not within their range ; and they will
be delighted to choose their own bishop and their own rector.
But I shall not be surprised if there are massacres, and if
evil-minded persons profit by the refusal of the rectors of
Paris to excite the canaille against them and so create an
uproar. Those men have all to gain and nothing to lose by
tumult. Unhappy country !
February 15, 1791.
My position here is different from that of every one else.
I have always been treated with kindness and distinction in
this country by the ministers and by the king and queen.
Your reputation and your services, my dear father, have
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 85
been my passport and my recommendation; perhaps a judi-
cious, circumspect, and discreet conduct have won me appro,
bation and esteem and some success. I am attached to the
king and queen, and I ought to be for the manner, so full of
kindness, with which they always treated me when they were
able to do so ; and I should be vile and ungrateful if I aban-
doned them now when they can do nothing more for me and
while I have still the hope of being useful to them. To all the
many kindnesses with which they loaded me they have now
added a flattering distinction — that of confidence ; and it is
all the more flattering because it is limited to four persons, of
whom I am the youngest.1
If we can serve them, what pleasure I shall have in re-
turning a part of the many obligations I am under to them .
what sweet enjoyment to my heart if I am able to contribute
to their welfare ! Yours feels it, my dear father, and you
cannot but approve of me. This conduct is the only one
that is worthy of your son, and, though it may cost you some-
thing, you would be the first to order me to follow it, if I
were capable of taking any other. In the course of this sum-
mer all these events must surely develop and decide them-
selves : if they are unfortunate and all hope is lost, nothing
shall then prevent my going to you.
[In the month of March, 1791, the king and queen asked
the advice of Count Fersen as to their situation, and he gave
them his opinion in the following paper : — ]
1 These four persons were (1) the Baron de Breteuil, lately minister of
state, who had emigrated in July, 1789, and was now the confidential
agent of the King of France to the European Powers; (2) the Marquis de
Bouille', commanding certain troops in Metz; (3) the Comte de Mercy,
minister and friend of the late Empress Maria Theresa, at one time Aus-
trian ambassador at the French Court, now minister of the Low Coun-
tries under the Archduchess Maria Christina; (4) Count Fersen him-
self. — Tr.
86 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. in.
Memorial of Count Fersen to the King and Queen of France.
March 27, 1791.
There seems no doubt that it is necessary to act, and to
act vigorously, if order and prosperity are to be restored, the
kingdom saved from total ruin, its dismemberment prevented,
the king replaced upon the throne, and his authority returned
to him. The steady, uniform advance of the Jacobins in
their wickedness, the disunion of the democrats in the As-
sembly, the discontent of the provinces, which visibly in-
creases but has no vent for want of a centre and point of
union, the determination of the princes, particularly the
Prince de Cond£, to act if the king does not act — all this
indicates that the moment has come to take a course; it
seems a favourable moment; and the more delay there is,
the more difficult it will be.
But how act — after the news received from the emperor
[Leopold II., the queen's brother], the slowness and indeci-
sion of Spain, and the difficulty of finding money? Two
courses present themselves: one is to undertake nothing
before having formed alliances and obtained from the differ-
ent Powers all necessary help, in men as well as money ; the
other is to leave Paris, waiting only to be assured of the
good-will of the foreign Powers and to obtain the necessary
money to pay the troops for two or three months, by which
time a loan can be made in Switzerland.
The first of these courses is, without contradiction, the
safest ; it presents less dangers for Their Majesties, and the
advantage of a less doubtful, or at any rate, a less disputable
success. But as it is not possible to see the period of it,
must we not fear that the ills of the State, increasing during
that time, may become more difficult to repair ? Will not
habit and discouragement become so fixed that it will then
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 87
be impossible to conquer them ? Will not the now excited
brains calm down and then unite to create an order of things
still more disadvantageous to the king, but which private
persons will prefer, for the tranquillity it will give them, to
the convulsions of civil war ? Moreover, will not the
princes, before the period first mentioned can arrive, them-
selves make efforts which, if successful, will give them the
honour and the fruits, rallying to their side the nobles and
all those discontented with the present regime, and will they
not then be masters of the kingdom and of Their Majesties ?
The second course is the most hazardous. The Comte de
Mercy and Baron de Breteuil seem to indicate it. Their
hope of success is founded on great probabilities. The
emperor and Spain are well disposed, but Spain will do
nothing without the emperor ; and the latter, from mis-
taken policy and timid forethought, wants to delay the period
of manifesting his good-will. (The Northern powers are
well-intentioned, but their distance and the war with the
Turks hinders them from seconding the views of Their
Majesties in a more active manner.) We are almost sure of
Sardinia and Switzerland, and it is probable that a very
marked advance of Their Majesties to those two Powers would
decide them, for they are perhaps undecided only by a doubt
of the firmness of Their Majesties' resolution, and by a fear
of committing themselves uselessly should that resolution
change; M. de Mercy seems to indicate as much in his
letter.
Such a course would have something grand, noble,
imposing, and audacious, the effect of which, both on the
kingdom and in Europe would be incalculable; it might
bring back the army and prevent its total decomposition ; it
would fix the Constitution, and prevent the factions from
making such changes in it as would consolidate the revolu-
88 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. in.
tion, and, if done at this moment, would make the move-
ment of the princes useful to the king, whereas, if they act
alone and meet with reverses they could not, at the later
period, be of service to his cause.
Whatever may be the course which Their Majesties adopt,
it seems necessary to await the answers of Vienna and Spain
on the plan communicated to them, in order to fully under-
stand their disposition and what can be expected of them.
If the first course is adopted, BouiUi's preparations must be
stopped and negotiations continued. If the second is pre-
ferred, preparations must go on and all be made ready for
execution; the necessary money must be found; a well-
intentioned and capable person chosen to go at once to
England and sound, skilfully and without compromising
himself, the intentions of that Power. This person should
not receive his instructions till the moment of departure ; they
should be to negotiate with that Court for its absolute
neutrality, either by reasonable sacrifices or by forcing it
with the help of the Northern Powers, whose disposition is
not equivocal, but who, in consequence of their great dis-
tance, cannot assist the king in a more direct manner.
From the certainty which Their Majesties have of the
intentions of the King of Sweden and his desire to be use-
ful to them, would they feel any impropriety in authorizing
me to communicate to him the plan they may adopt, and
their intention to profit by the good disposition he manifests,
and claim his good offices to restrain England in case that
Power refuses to listen to any proposal for accommodation and
tries to put obstacles to the execution of Their Majesties' pro-
ject ? This mark of confidence would flatter the King of
Sweden and could only interest him the more in the ultimate
results. As this overture would pass through Baron Taube,
whose attachment to his master and to Their Majesties is
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 89
known to me, I would tell him to make no use of it but that
which he believes necessary and most advantageous for Their
Majesties.
I have the honour to send to the queen a few reflections
on the present state of affairs, also the translation of a letter
I have just received ; it will prove still further to H. M. how
earnestly the King of Sweden is interested in the [word
omitted] of Their Majesties and the means of being useful
to them.
To his father.
Paris, April 10, 1791.
It seems as if the Assembly has taken upon itself the task
of ruining this unhappy kingdom ; it is succeeding. The re-
volutionaries have destroyed everything and put nothing in its
place. Coin has disappeared, — there are nothing but bank
bills at six per cent discount ; they wish to substitute others,
called assignats, which will be forced and bring in four and a
half per cent ; these are to be hypothecated on the sale of
the property of the clergy. But there is no confidence, and
this property will barely suffice to pay the debts of the
clergy and public worship. Credit is gone, for everybody
is ruined ; the suppression of feudal rights upset all fortunes
and diminished them by more than half ; sometimes it de-
stroyed them utterly. Up to that point the state of France
resembled that of Sweden ; but add to it that the chateaux
are pillaged or burned, the owners massacred or fugitive ;
that there is neither authority nor order ; that the Assembly
is led by the most perverted and infamous men, who have
no interest except in general disorder and misfortune ; that
the kingdom groans under the despotism of the multitude,
which is the most dreadful of all — and you will have a
true idea of the state of France. God knows how the coun-
try will come out of it; we must hope that the misery of
90 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. in.
which each individual will soon feel the weight may change
opinions, and from that change alone can we look for a
change in the state of affairs.
The situation of the king, especially that of the queen, is
pitiful; her conduct and her courage have brought minds
back to her. The army is lost ; the regiments have mutinied ;
they no longer obey their leaders, and are taking part in the
popular cause.
Note. — The second plan referred to in Count Fersen's
" Memorial to the King and Queen of France" is the one that Louis
XVI. adopted. It is nowhere fully explained in all its details ;
but in general it was as follows : To escape from Paris to Mont-
medy and there raise a rallying standard, gathering the loyal of
the army and the emigres about him, and issuing a proclamation to
France, dealing more especially with the pressing financial situa-
tion, the question of bankruptcy, and the redemption of the
assignats. This was the plan that was frustrated at Varennes.
Louis XVI. was not attempting to escape from France at that
time. — Tr.
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 91
CHAPTER IV.
1791. Preparations for the Escape of the King and Royal Family. — The
King has a settled Plan, not fully revealed. — Safe Departure from
Paris, driven by Count Fersen. — The Arrest at Varennes.
Count Fersen to Baron Taube.
Paris, April 18, 1791.
My dear Friend, — I hope you have received all mine; I
am awaiting your answer with the greatest impatience. I
wish my letter of April 1 may have reached you soon. They
are making the design for my carriage, and I hope to send it
to you very soon.
[In cipher.] An answer has come from the emperor, still
in the same style ; he fears England, and will not bind him-
self to anything until the King of France is at liberty and in
a place of safety. They have written to him to know
whether, in that case, they can count upon him ; his answer
is now expected.
The Marquis de Bouille' has proposed to the King of
France to cede some possessions in India, or even all of
them, to England, reserving the right of commerce there.
The king is repugnant to such a sacrifice, and is now await-
ing the advice of Baron de Breteuil upon it ; but all this
cannot be negotiated until he is safely out of Paris. The
King of France seems to wish to make this escape the latter
part of May. To find the money is the difficulty,
The chaplain of our ambassador [M. de Stael] is a decided
democrat. For a long time he would not pray in church for
the King of France, but for " the King of the French " as de-
creed by the National Assembly. Many persons, shocked by
Ver. 8 7 Mem.
92 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. iv.
the change, induced the ambassador to stop it ; but the chap-
lain, to avoid saying " King of France " now says " Louis
XVI.," to the great scandal of part of the congregation.
Entreat the king [of Sweden] to be cautious if he comes
to Aix-la-Chapelle, even with the best-intentioned persons,
for they will put meanings on the slightest words that escape
him, and their indiscretions might be as hurtful at this
moment as the savage espionage which will certainly seek
to discover the sentiments of the king. He may rest assured
that these madmen, who fear him, will surround him with
spies-; his reputation makes them tremble, for he is much
admired here.
From several conversations I have had with the Russian
minister I think I see that the empress [Catherine II.] dares
not trust too much to the king's dispositions relatively to
herself and England.
The King and Queen of France will not perform their
Easter duties, for they have heard that the canaille are
to be excited to make a disturbance because they have
both determined not to employ the priests who have taken
the oath; they have changed their confessor for the same
reason.
[In plain writing."] Yesterday there was a sort of mutiny
at the king's service. The grenadiers of the guard refused
to go into the king's chapel during mass, because it was said
by a priest who did not take the oath. They wanted to pre-
vent any one from entering, and the priest from officiating.
M. de Lafayette appeared for the first time to prevent an
indecency; he spoke to them and succeeded in pacifying
their minds by saying they were there as a matter of military
duty and not for worship. Since the evening before, this
guard had been worked upon ; they had been kept drinking
all night and during the morning. . . .
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 93
The king and his family leave this morning for Saint-
Cloud ; they will return on Wednesday or Thursday week.
[Added to the preceding letter.~\ At half-past eleven the
king went to mass, — M. Bailly [mayor] having previously
come to warn him that his departure for Saint-Cloud would
occasion a disturbance, and that the people seemed inclined
to oppose it. The king replied that liberty having been
decreed to every man to go and come as he pleased, it would
be very extraordinary if he were the only man who could not
go two leagues to get fresh air ; and that he was quite deter-
mined to go.
He came down with the queen, Madame Elisabeth, the
children, and Mme. de Tourzel, and as the carriages had not
been able to enter the Cour des Princes, he turned to go and
meet them in the Carrousel. On being told that the crowd
was enormous, he stopped in the middle of the Cour des
Princes, and the queen proposed to him to get into a carriage
which was in the court, although it was only a herline. They
all six got into it, but when the carriage reached the gate the
National Guard refused to open it and let the king pass. In
vain M. de Lafayette [their commander] talked to them,
declaring that none but enemies of the constitution would
behave in that way ; that by thwarting the king's will they
gave him the air of being a prisoner and defeated the decrees
which he had sanctioned. They answered only by invectives
and assurances that they would not let the king pass out.
They used the most insulting terms, calling the king a
aristocrat, a fat pig, incapable of reigning ; that he ought to be
deposed and the Due d'OrMans put in his place ; that he was
only a public functionary to whom they paid 25,000,000,
which was a great deal too much, and he would have to do
as they chose.
The same talk went on among the people. M. de Lafay-
94 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. iv.
ette called upon the mayor to proclaim martial law and dis-
play the red flag ; he refused. . . . Detachments of grenadiers
as they arrived swore that the king should not leave Paris ;
several showed balls, saying that they would put them into
their muskets and fire upon the king if he made the slightest
motion to go. All the people of the household who approached
the carriage were insulted. . . . M. de Gougenot, the steward,
having gone to the queen's side to take her orders about
the dinner, was dragged away and came near being hanged.
The queen leaned forward to tell them to let him be be-
cause he was in the king's service ; on which they told her
they had no orders to receive from her ; others said : " There 's
a pretty b who thinks she can give us orders ! " . . . M.
de Lafayette asked the king if he wished him to force a pas-
sage and make the law respected. The soldiers cried out
that he had no power to do it for they had all taken out their
bayonets and would never serve against brave citizens. The
king refused to employ force, and said : " I will have no
blood shed for me ; when I am gone you will be master to
employ all means you please to make the laws respected."
Some of the grenadiers who were near the carriage wept ;
a few advanced and said to the king : " Sire, you are loved,
you are adored by your people ; but do not go ; your life
would be in danger ; you are ill-advised ; you are misled ;
the people want you to send away the priests; they are
afraid of losing you." The king silenced them, saying it was
they who were misled, and that no one ought to doubt his
intentions or his love for his people.
At last, after two hours and a quarter of vain attempts,
and useless efforts on the part of M. de Lafayette, the king
ordered the carriage to be turned round. On getting out of it
the soldiers pressed in crowds around them. Some said : " We
will defend you." The queen answered, looking proudly at
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 95
them : " Yes, we count on that ; but you must allow that at pres-
ent we are not free." As they pressed closely and entered the
vestibule in crowds, the queen took the dauphin in her arms,
Madame Elisabeth took Madame Koyale, and they hurried
them in as best they could. The king then slackened his pace
and when the queen and Madame Elisabeth had reached the
queen's room and entered, he turned round and said, " Halt,
grenadiers ! " They all stopped as if their legs were cut
off. . . .
In the Cour des Princes there was no one but the National
Guard ; the people were in the Carrousel and the gates be-
tween were closed. Nothing was said there against the
queen, but horrors against the king. They both spoke with
much firmness and coolness ; their bearing was perfect. All
was quiet within the palace. At eight o'clock the king was
notified that the National Guard had decided to enter all the
rooms that night, even those of the king, under pretext of
seeing that no priests were there. This resolution was, how-
ever, changed at ten o'clock. In the Carrousel a man read
aloud, by the light of a torch, a paper full of horrors about
the king, exhorting the people to force the palace, fling
everything out of the windows, and above all not to miss the
opportunity they had lost at Versailles on the 5th of October.
Paris, April 22, 1791.
It is thought to be the faction of the Due d'Orleans that
caused what happened on the 18th, for the leaders of the
Jacobins are, with good reason, much disturbed by it. This
affair gives proof of the imprisonment of the King of France,
and consequently nullifies all the sanctions, and even the
Constitution. After this event, which I do not regard as
unfortunate for the King of France, his conduct ought to
change ; he ought not to oppose anything ; on the contrary,
96 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. iv.
he should yield in every way, and do all they ask of him, in
order to show that he is not free, and also to put them to
sleep about his real projects, to which he ought to hold more
firmly, and to the execution of which he ought to sacrifice
everything, however painful it may be to do so.
Their Majesties are running great dangers at this mo-
ment ; the things that are said about them are dreadful ;
they are no longer respected, and their life is threatened
openly and with impunity. But to make sure of their per-
sonal safety and tranquillity the means must he good. . . .
Last night M. de Lafayette sent in his resignation; the
majority of the National Guard and all the sections of Paris,
except three, desire him to remain, and have asked him to
do so. It is not known what course he will take. I think
he will remain if he can.
[Louis XVI. having determined to leave Paris, Count
Fersen took charge of all the arrangements and carried them
out successfully, although in the end his efforts were fatally
defeated at Varennes. The following letters relate to the
affair.]
Count Fersen to the Marquis de Bouille.
Paris, April 28, 1791.
The king [of France] will be ready to start the last two
weeks in May, and he is very determined not to put it off
any longer ; but he must have until the fifteenth to receive
the answer from Spain. He feels how urgent the circum-
stances are, and all that happened on Monday of last week
makes him more resolved than ever. He recommends you to
make on your side no more open preparations than are abso-
lutely necessary. He fears, and with reason, that by drawing
attention in your direction it may increase the watchfulness
here and that his departure will be more difficult, and sue-
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 97
cess less certain. They are negotiating for the money, but
nothing is yet settled as to that. M. de Mercy intimates in
all his letters that as soon as the king is safely out of
Paris the Powers will declare themselves and favourably
for him.
From the Baron de Breteuil to Count Fersen.
April 30, 1791.1
I have received your letter of the 22d of this month. I
needed the approaching execution of the plan to calm my
distress about that cruel day of the 18th.
I will be as quickly as I can at the place indicated ; but I
warn you that the order to leave here should not be sent to
me at the time the king leaves Paris, and not until he has
joined M. de Bouille ; because, having, before I leave, to take
certain steps towards the Cantons, in order to put them in
motion, it would be equally imprudent, dangerous, and useless
to let those steps become public before His Majesty's pro-
ject is entirely carried out. 1 hope that this reflection will
seem as right as it is necessary.
As it is impossible, no matter what diligence I may make,
that the king will not be some days before me at the place
where he is to go, I request that (excepting military opera-
tions, as to which it is important not to embarrass or delay
the views of the general [de Bouill^]), His Majesty will be
so good as to take no resolutions as to persons or things
before I have received his orders. Nothing is more essential
1 In the French, no date of place is given to the letters of the three
men who, with Fersen, made arrangements for the king's escape. From
the context it appears that the Marquis de Bouille was in a position of
command at Metz ; M. de Mercy was Austrian minister at Brussels ; and
the Baron de Breteuil was in Switzerland. Baron Taube was in Stockholm ;
he was first gentleman of the Bedchamber to the King of Sweden, and
had his entire confidence. — Tb.
98 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. iv.
for the service of the king than to avoid all precipitate steps,
which one might be compelled to retrace. I venture to add
that it is not less essential that His Majesty should make
known, even in the slightest details, the extent of the con-
fidence with which he honours me for the conduct of affairs.
The king may regard this request of my purest zeal in the
light of ambition ; I should be from that moment incapable
of becoming of any utility in the difficult position in which
the kingdom is now placed. You will judge of this truth as
I do.
Count Fersen to Baron Taube.
May 2, 1791.
My dear Friend, — I received three days ago your letter
of April 8. As for the Prince de Cond£, I have already given
to the king [of Sweden] very precise information in my
letter of April 1, sent by a Russian courier, also in one of
the 11th of that month. In those two letters you will see
[the rest in cipher'] that the Prince de Conde" is intrusted
with nothing and is ignorant of all the projects of the King
of France. His ambitious nature, his indiscretion towards
the men of his own party, would compromise the secrecy so
essential to this great object. The conduct of the princes,
who have always chosen to act without consulting the king,
and even in spite of him, without considering the dangers
to which they expose him, but above all, the dependence in
which the king would be if he charged them with so great
an undertaking, — all these things have led His Majesty to
confide nothing to them and not to make use of any of their
resources until he is at liberty.
Nevertheless, the Prince de Cond^ continues to work, but
it is on his own account; and in spite of the weakness or
nullity of his means and the impossibility of success, he
seems decided to attempt something. The king takes all
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 99
possible means to delay this enterprise until he is at liberty,
without, however, confiding anything to him, for if he did the
secret would be betrayed and all would fail. The king may
be forced by the Assembly to issue a proclamation against
the Prince de Conde ; this will be another proof of his want
of freedom, and His Majesty may give it, as he has decided
to yield everything in order to lull to sleep the factions as
to his real project, and inspire them with the confidence so
necessary to enable him to leave Paris. He still seems de-
termined to attempt it during the last fifteen days of this
month. There is much ferment in Paris, but it is chiefly
against M. de Lafayette, who has resumed command of the
National Guard, which is very lucky ; otherwise we might
have had some one more capable and worse.
The Danish minister tells me there is much political ex-
citement in Sweden, which is waiting for the departure of
the king [Gustavus III.] to break out. . . . When H. M. ar-
rives at the place where he intends to stop, I shall at once go to
him ; but if he gets there before the King of France leaves
Paris, it will be impossible, for it is quite impossible that the
escape can be made without me ; I am the sole person here
in his confidence, and he has no one on whose discretion he
can rely to take my place.
Count Fersen to the Marquis de Bouille.
Paris, May 3, 1791.
M. de Giliers has just proposed a strong plan ; namely, to
carry off the king by force of arms either from here or from
Fontainebleau. He says that M. Heimann, who is here, is in
concert with him, and that the general, who is very well
disposed, will pledge himself. They would send six hun-
dred thousand francs to win over the troops and induce them,
as well as the departments, to demand the king's liberty and
100 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. iv.
to march at once to obtain it. He says there are sixty
squadrons and eight thousand men sure. M. de Klingin
will also be with them, and M. de Giliers wishes to go and
speak with you. He says that the Jacobius have given
Heimann three millions with which to go to Prussia and
bribe the favourites, and that Heimann wants to take that
moDey and use it for the king. As he has always been
the creature of the Due d'Orl^ans it is feared that the
whole thing is a trap into which M. de Giliers has fallen.
Here is the answer signed by the king and queen. They
have also sent word verbally that if M. Heimann wishes to
give a proof of attachment he will transfer the three millions
to the king.
Copy of letter from the King and Queen of France annexed
to the foregoing.
The king, being decided at the present time to follow the
impulsions of the Assembly and to work in concert with
that body, for the restoration of order and tranquillity, can-
not and will not admit of any measure which is contrary to
its projects ; that which is now proposed to him, while giving
him fresh proof of M. de Giliers' attachment, nevertheless
seems to him more than doubtful as to success, and might
only expose uselessly the good and faithful servants who
undertook it. From the prudence and disposition that M.
de Bouill^ has manifested down to the present time, the
king has reason to think that he would not enter into any
project of that nature.
Baron Taube to Count Fersen.
Stockholm, May 6, 1791.
My dear Friend, — The king orders me to tell you that
he charges you to say to the King and Queen of France
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 101
that he will employ all possible means to try to succour
them. His opinion is, if Their Majesties can escape from
Paris, that they should at once convoke all the parliaments
of France and have the National Assembly declared illegal,
the usurper of the rights of the throne and royalty, the
individual members declared rebels and traitors and the
whole country ordered to attack them ; all the great officers,
and the chiefs of the army who were obliged to escape from
the country, also all the priests, should be recalled ; every-
thing should be re-established as it was before the revolution ;
the clergy should be replaced in their old regime and wor-
ship ; the three orders of the State, which have been abol-
ished by usurpation of the Assembly, should be re-established,
but declared at the same time to be without difference as to
the payment of taxes; the Due d'Orl^ans should be ar-
rested, and tried and condemned by one of the parliaments,
and no mercy shown to him ; above all, the army should be
brought back to discipline and the most absolute sub-
ordination ; and rigorous examples should not be spared to
compel this ; and, finally, no compromises should be made
with no matter who ; no mixed government permitted ; royalty
should be replaced in its omnipotence; the king ought to
leave Paris forever, and cause that haunt of assassins to
perish through the total oblivion of its existence ; for as long
as there is a Paris in France there will never be kings ; his-
tory proves this.
The king also thinks that it is very prudent not to confide
any secret negotiations to the Prince de Conde*; but he
also thinks it would not be prudent to show him dis-
trust, and that it would be best to make use of his military
talents without admitting him into the administration.
The king is convinced that none of the sovereigns will act
with hostility against the King of France as soon as he is
102 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. iv.
out of his prison, — not even England, which at the present
time sustains the animosity and anarchy by money and
underhand proceedings.
I have not tried to prevent the king's journey, for it would
be in vain ; besides, his health needs to be restored after the
extreme fatigue of body and mind which he has borne during
the last three years of war. I took another way to increase
his hatred to the National Assembly, which he already de-
tests from the bottom of his heart. I told him that you had
begged me to warn him that he would be surrounded by
spies of the Assembly, who would explain to suit themselves
every word he said; that he ought to distrust even those
whom he thinks well-intentioned, but who, by their indis-
cretions do almost as much harm as the madmen who sur-
round the King of France. He charged me to thank you for
that advice, which he would confide to no one, and to say
that his talk in future would be more republican than
monarchical ; and he requests you to warn Their Majesties
of this.
The king disapproves of the emperor's conduct.
Count Fersen to the Marquis de BouilU.
Paris, May 6, 1791.
Here is a copy of the letter of M. de Mercy. It is possible
to place troops along the frontier of Luxembourg, but any
movement beyond the frontier would be impossible at the
present moment. The most essential thing is the safety of
the flight. The escort should be scattered along the route ;
one shudders in thinking of the horrors that might happen
if they were betrayed and arrested.
The route agreed upon is by Meaux, Chalons, Reims, Ile-
R^thel, Pauvre. Write me if you wish it changed, and
what the precautions are that you mean to take. There are
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 103
none of the body-guard at Chalons ; the town requested that
it might have no more of them.
Count Fersen to Baron Taube.
Paris, May 9, 1791.
My dear Friend — I received two days ago yours of the
19th. The cipher of yours of the 8th was so incorrect, and you
had forgotten so many things in it that I had the greatest
difficulty in the world to make out its meaning. Towards
the end the cipher was plainer ; I managed to guess that the
king [of Sweden] had ordered M. de Stae'l to say to Mont-
morin that H. M. would not receive the new envoy, but
preferred to keep the present secretary of the embassy. The
squabbles which increase daily between our neighbour [the
Empress of Eussia] and the other Powers are very injurious
to [changes to cipher] the projects of the King of France ; but
his position is such (and it is becoming day by day more
dreadful) that it is impossible he can bear it much longer ;
he has therefore decided to risk all for all rather than live
in the daily humiliation into which a mass of factious men
have cast him. It is towards the end of this month that
he means to act.
[In plain writing.'] Nothing is changed here. The Jaco-
bins still have the upper hand. M. de Clermont-Tonnerre
just missed being hanged the other day, on leaving the As-
sembly, for having spoken against the union of the comitat of
Avignon with France, and without the assistance of the
National Guard he indubitably would have been.
The domestic household of the king is about to be sent
away in a body, and a new one is to be formed ; it is not
known yet how it will be composed, but they think that all
the old appointments will be changed and the places filled
indiscriminately by nobles and roturiers. Since April 18
104 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. iv.
the emigration is enormous ; every one is departing for foreign
countries ; Paris is almost deserted. The matter of religion
is one which drives a great many persons to other countries
where they can practise it freely. Besides, as everything
goes for fashion in this country, it is good style to go away.
People are awaiting with much impatience to know what
course the pope will take relatively to his nuncio. Since
the letter of M. de Montmorin and the insults offered to the
effigy of His Holiness, which was publicly burned together
with his brief at the Palais-Royal, it is said that they mean
to do the same with all the sovereigns, beginning with the
emperor and the King of Spain. Our master will surely not
be forgotten, especially as they are now saying, and the
rumour is spreading among the people, that he is coming to
Aix-la-Chapelle to put himself at the head of the counter-
revolution ; even sensible people believe this !
The Marquis de Bouille to Count Fersen, in cipher.
May 9, 1791.
Send me M. Goguelat ; he must be with you now. He
will be very useful to me in making the necessary reconnoit-
ring of the route in the Reims division, hereafter named ; he
could bring the money I asked of you, which is needed.
From M. de Mercy's letter it is to be feared that the Aus-
trians will not join the king ; but we must absolutely obtain
that the king may have seven or eight thousand men in his
pay, even if they are not auxiliaries. This reinforcement is
necessary to restrain the troops we assemble, for though they
are nearly all German, they are liable to be bribed ; whereas
with this reinforcement they will think all is possible, and
their fidelity will be secured. Concern yourself above all in
obtaining the money.
All reflection given, the shortest, safest, and simplest route
1791| COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 105
is by Meaux, Montmirail (whence they must not forget to
take the road by Fert^-sous-Jouarre), Chalons, Sainte-Mene-
hould, Varennes, Dun, and Stenay. From Sainte-Menehould
to Stenay there will be good detachments placed for escort ;
the distance is twelve leagues. Could we not admit M.
d'Agoult into the secret a few days before the start, and get
him to go to Chalons, with some thirty of the most resolute
of the body-guard on pretext of looking after the horses
which are there, and removing them as the town requests ?
Those thirty guards could be on horseback at the gate of the
town at a fixed hour and escort as far as Sainte-Menehould.
Tell M. Goguelat to take that route in coming here, and to
make a report to the general.
Write me what they think. You see how essential it is
to be notified in time of the day fixed ; and that it be irrevo-
cable. It must not be later than June 1. Here is the route
in detail: Paris to Meaux, 25 miles; Meaux to Fert4-la-
Jouarre, 12 miles; Ferte" to Montmirail, 21 miles; Montmi-
rail, to Chalons-sur-Marne, 35 miles; Chalons to Sainte-
Menehould, 25 miles; Sainte-Menehould to Varennes, 12
miles; Varennes to Dun, 12; Dun to Stenay, 7; Stenay to
M . . . , 5 miles. You can see this route on the map of the
departments. It makes in all about one hundred and fifty-
three miles. By leaving at night and travelling through the
next night they would arrive on the second day.
Count Fersen to the Baron de Bretuil.
Paris, May 16, 1791.
I have received your two despatches of April 30 and May
3. The king approves of all you say touching your de-
parture. His Majesty feels as you do the necessity of your
making some overtures to the cantons; but he thinks you
ought first to prepare the way with the advoyers [supreme
106 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. iv.
judges in certain cantons of Switzerland] in those cantons of
which you are sure, in order that you may get to him as
soon as possible; you might also charge the Bishop of
Pamiers (or any other you may indicate) to continue the
negotiation, which is for a loan of several millions and
twenty or thirty thousand men to be employed at will. The
cantons would have to pay them, at least during the first three
months.
As it is important to take no hasty resolution from which
we might have to retreat, and as circumstances may arise in
which decision must be made before your arrival, the king
wishes you to put in writing your general ideas and views,
which might guide him in taking a steady and uniform
course. This paper should be sent by a safe man to Luxem-
bourg early enough to reach the king on his arrival at Mont-
rn^dy. This man is not to be in the secret, and must be
told to remain in Luxembourg till further orders. You must
send me his name.
We have four millions for the first wants. It would be,
I think, good policy to take a decided course at once about the
bankruptcy, whether to be made, or not made, and about the
assignats. The property of the clergy, when returned to them,
could pay off the latter. This would make fewer enemies,
and would interest all who hold them and also all bankers
in the success of the king's enterprise. What do you think
of this ?
The king is very uneasy about the junction of the Comte
d'Artois with the Prince de Conde\ He charges you to
write to him and try to prevent it ; without, however, telling
him anything in detail of the king's projects, but reminding
him that H. M. has always promised to do nothing without
him, but that the moment and the means can be decided by
no one but the king.
1791] COUNT AXEL EERSEN. 107
You will add from him that H. M. desires that the Comte
d'Artois shall not join the Prince de Conde\ of whose pro-
ceedings he disapproves, inasmuch as they only render the
king's projects more difficult of execution ; but, on the con-
trary, he wishes him to keep near to the King of Sardinia,
in order to maintain that prince in the good inclinations he has
always shown, and to guide the Southern provinces, so that all
may work together, in concert with the king, for the ap-
proaching execution of the ideas he has adopted. You will
make the Comte d'Artois feel the necessity of the greatest
secrecy, as much towards Worms as towards the provinces
and his whole party. All would be lost if the slightest pro-
ject were suspected. And you will add that the king, having
no means of corresponding directly with him, makes his
communications pass through you. You will send him
your courier wherever you may be, whether en route or at
Worms.
The Marquis de Bouille to Count Fersen, in cipher.
No date.
The movement of Austrian troops on the frontier is neces-
sary. It is absolutely necessary that a body of troops shall
be at Luxembourg, and that squadrons be stationed at Arlon
and Verton, and that other points be guarded ; without that, I
may not be able to leave Metz and take out the four German
and Swiss regiments which at the present moment compose
the whole garrison; and I could not bring to the frontier
the cavalry who are now scattered over the flat country.
Thus, if it is desired that the king should maintain himself
with his own troops in his kingdom, he absolutely must
wait until the Austrians arrive and I can make the move-
ment on the frontier with that pretext. But if, on the
contrary, the king merely wishes to leave the kingdom I can
Ver. 8 8 Mem.
108 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. iv.
escort him at once wherever he pleases. But I believe, if
there are no imperative reasons at this moment, such as the
safety of the king, that it would be better to do as I propose
and wait till the 15th or 20 th, at which date the Austrians
will surely have arrived at the line indicated. If the em-
peror sincerely desires to help the king, he will lend himself
to this step and hasten the march of the troops to Luxem-
bourg, inasmuch as the success of the plan depends upon it
so entirely, and the delay increases the difficulties and the
risks daily.
The route is fully agreed upon, except that they will have
to go as far as Clermont. We are now reconnoitring the
road from Clermont to Dun ; they can take the cross-road
easily; horses are all ready for that purpose, so that there
may be no delay at the post-house. We shall manage to
send a detachment of hussars who will meet the king at
Chalons and escort him to Sainte-Menehould or Clermont,
where there will be other detachments. You must see to
the safety of the route as far as Chalons.
Count Fersen to the Marquis de BouilU, in cipher.
May 26, 1791.
I have written to Goguelat to go to you, and do all that
you order. He is a safe man ; he needs only to be moder-
ated. The king approves the route ; it will be fixed such as
you have sent it. They are now occupied about the body-
guard. I shall send you by diligence to-morrow or Tuesday,
in a roll of white taffeta addressed to M. de Contades, one
million in assignats ; we have four millions, of which one is
out of the country. We have received a very good letter
from the emperor, and they have written to him to reinforce
the line towards Luxembourg with eight or ten thousand
men, disposable at will.
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 109
The king intends to start during the first eight days of
June, for at that time he receives two millions from the civil
list. If you want more money they will send it. Between
the lines of this writing are written in white ink the num-
bers of the notes that I send you. Make the white ink show
out before you decipher the last two lines of this letter ; J the
word for the two is battre. There are no precautions to
take between here and Chalons ; the best precaution of all
is to take none. All will depend on celerity and secrecy,
and if you are not perfectly sure of your detachments it
would be better to place none ; or at least, place none this
side of Varennes, so as not to excite attention in the coun-
try. The king will then pass simply.
Count Fersen to the Marquis de Bouille, in cipher.
May 29, 1791.
The departure is fixed for the 12th of next month. All
was ready, and they could have gone on the 6th or 7th, but
they do not receive the two millions till the 7th or 8 th ; be-
sides which, the dauphin has a maid who is very democratic,
and she does not leave till the 11th. They will take the
last route agreed upon. I shall not accompany the king ; he
does not wish it. I shall go through Quesnoy and come
out by Bavay to Mons. I will notify M. de Vauban,
who is at Quesnoy, and I shall write you more positively
on Wednesday. Let me know at once of the arrival of
my letters ; this is very important now, and I will do the
same by you.
1 Throughout the correspondence from this point, especially in the let-
ters of Queen Marie-Antoinette, " white ink " is used and mentioned ; it
was made visible by heating the paper or by washing it with some chemical
preparation. In many places gaps in the letters occur, where the words
were illegible at the time, or later when Count Fersen himself copied
them. — Tb.
110 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. iv.
Count Fersen to Baron Taube, in cipher.
May 31, 1791.
My dear Friend; — The king and queen charge me to tell
the king [of Sweden] that they cannot sufficiently express
their feelings for the marks of interest and friendship which
he never ceases to give them; they will always feel it a
pleasure and a duty to be grateful for them. Their depart-
ure was fixed for June 12th, but M. de Bouill^ wanted it
delayed till the 15th or 20th, to give the Austrians time
to reinforce the cordon of troops about Luxembourg and
thus give him a pretext for assembling those of the
king.
The Comte d'Artois and the Prince de Conde" seem deter-
mined to act in spite of the weakness, or nothingness, of
their means. Such a course will be of the greatest danger,
and as the Comte d'Artois will doubtless see the king [of
Sweden, then at Aix-la-Chapelle], Their Majesties desire
that His Majesty should dissuade him, by proving to him
that he neither can nor should act against the will of the
king ; that he can only expose Their Majesties and himself
uselessly. The king [of Sweden] may add that he has rea-
son to think the king desires to act, but it is necessary, for
the success of his projects, to leave the sole direction of them
to him,and to second him in the manner that he desires, — he
being more in the way of judging of means and the proper
moment of execution than others.
But H. M. must not tell Comte d'Artois the king's plan, be-
cause the Prince de Conde\ who rules him, might induce him
to anticipate the king's action so as to gain the whole credit of
it for himself. Persuade the king not to give ear to all the
exaggerations of the aristocrats at Aix-la-Chapelle , above all,
not to let them know anything of the king's projects, for all
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. Ill
would be ruined. I will write you again two days before
I start.
I send this to Aix-la-Chapelle, believing you to be there
already. Take care of yourself for the sake of all French-
men. Count Esterhazy knows nothing.
Count Fersen to Baron Taube, in cipher.
Paris, June 2, 1791.
The king has just received news from the Comte d'Artois,
who tells him of the result of his interview with the emperor
at Mantua. The disposition the emperor showed in that
interview does not accord in any way with what he has
previously written. He manifested the most decided will to
serve the king with all his forces; he said he was fully
assured of Spain and Prussia, and thinks that there is noth-
ing to fear from England ; but as to that he agreed that more
assurances were needed. As for the King of Sardinia, the
Swiss, and the German princes, there was no doubt whatever
as to their intentions, and he hoped that peace with the Turks
would soon be made, which would enable him to employ all
his forces in this direction; he also said that the Powers
nearest to France would furnish troops amounting in all to
100,000 to 150,000 men.
In consequence of this, Comte d'Artois urges the king to
wait in Paris until, towards July 15, all these troops can be
set in motion and enter France at the same moment, and
then, by a manifesto which would make the city of Paris
responsible for all events, the life of Their Majesties would
be safe, and they could then deliver them.
The Comte d'Artois assures the king that the Prince de
Conde" knows nothing of this plan; he asks to be alone
charged with the execution of it ; and that the king will dis-
avow the Baron de Breteuil and all that he has dona It is
112 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. it.
M. de Calonne who is leading the Comte d'Artois at the
present moment. The king, feeling that the passive role
they want to make him play in this affair is contrary to his
inclination, and would put him later into too much depen-
dence on those who would have the credit of having done all,
and being decided not to abandon the men who serve him,
has resolved to follow his first project, and to profit, as soon
as he gains his liberty, by the good intentions of the Powers,
whose aid he will himself invoke. Moreover, as this news
is brought only verbally by a man sent by Comte d'Artois,
and the king has several times received missions which have
been contradicted by subsequent letters, he has just sent a
courier to the emperor to make sure that this news is true,
asking him as a first proof of his good-will to give him 8000
or 10,000 troops from the Low Countries on the frontier, and
to wait till the king is out of Paris to make the rest of
his good intentions effective.
The king is still fixed to his plan and expects to start from
here on the 15th, 16th, or 17th. If Comte dArtois speaks
to the king [of Sweden] of his plan, Their Majesties desire
he should answer that he cannot enter upon any negotiation
of that nature except at the request of the King of France
himself. All this has been arranged by M. de Calonne that
he may have the merit of it, enter the ministry, and exclude
the Baron de Breteuil. The King of France is extremely sur-
prised at the certainty the emperor appears to have as to the
good intentions of Prussia and England, which does not agree
at all with what M. de Mercy and even Prince Kaunitz have
always written to Baron de Breteuil. Write me if you have
any notions thereon.
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 113
Count Fersen to the Marquis de Bouille, in cipher.
No date.
Try, if possible, not to send the Due de Choiseul here [he
had already started]. No one, certainly, is more attached ;
but he is a young man, a blunderer, and I fear some indis-
cretion; he has too many friends, relatives, and possibly a
mistress to save. Send back Goguelat instead, on any pre-
text, to M. Duportail. I have had much difficulty in finding
your horses ; I hope to send them to-morrow.
Make sure of your detachments, and do not send them
beyond Varennes.
Count Fersen to the Marquis de Bouille, in cipher.
June 13, 1791.
The departure is fixed, without delay, for the 20th at mid-
night. A dangerous maid of the dauphin, whom they could
not get rid of, and who does not leave till Monday morning
has forced them to put off this departure till Monday night ;
but you may count upon it. No relays will be sent to
Chaintrix; it is simpler to go on with post-horses. The
king will wear a red coat, and will make himself known
according to what the Due de Choiseul may tell him as to
the good intentions of the troops. To avoid all suspicion,
and all excitement at Chalons the detachment for the bridge
of Sommevesle should not get there till Tuesday at midday ;
the king can be there by half-past two.
I will write you again by the courier of to-morrow. The
departure is fixed, unchangeably, for midnight on the 20th ;
it is now too late to change it. Trust to me. I am much
pleased with the Due de Choiseul. If all should fail he
will be at Metz Friday morning ; if he is not there, you can
start Sunday morning, and rely that they will start from
114 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. iv.
here Monday at midnight. I will take measures to have
you warned if the king should be stopped. There has been
no way of getting rid of the maid without compromising
secrecy.
Count Fersen to the Marquis de Bouille, in cipher.
June 14, 1791.
Nothing is changed ; they start without fail Monday, 20th
at midnight ; they will be at the bridge of Sommevesle, Tues-
day, half-past two, at latest; you may count upon this.
Have you reflected that Monsieur [the Comte de Provence]
will arrive at the same time ? Can you lodge him at Mont-
me'dy ; or else send him to Longwy ? If you could get me a
room at Montm^dy you would do me a kindness. We have
no answer as yet from the Comte de Mercy ; they have writ-
ten him again to start the troops.
Be certain that the start will be Monday, 20th, at midnight.
Monsieur will take another route than the king. The gray
horse is for you ; the little stallion for your brother, unless
he prefers the bay ; the two others are for Goguelat.
Count Fersen to his father, Field-Marshal Fersen.
Mons, June 22, 1791. 6 a.m.
I have this instant arrived, my dear father. The king and
the whole family left Paris safely on the 20th at midnight.
I drove them to the first relay. God grant that the rest of
their journey may have been as fortunate. I am expecting
Monsieur here at every moment. I shall continue my way
along the frontier to join the king at Montm^dy, if he is so
fortunate as to get there.
Axel Fersen.
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 115
Count Fersen to Baron Taube.
Mons, June 22, 1791. 11 a.m.
My dear Friend, — The king, queen, Madame Elisabeth;
the dauphin, and Madame Koyale left Paris Monday at mid-
night. I accompanied them to Bondy without any accident.
I am this moment starting to meet them.
Axel Fersen.
Count Fersen to the King of Sweden.
June 23, 1791. Midnight.
Sire, — All has failed. The king was stopped at sixteen
leagues from the frontier and taken back to Paris. I am going
to see M. de Mercy and take him a letter from the king, asking
the emperor to take steps for him. From Brussels I shall
go to see Y. M.
I am, with the most profound respect, Your Majesty's
very humble and very obedient servant,
Axel Fersen.
Count Fersen to his father.
Ablon, June 23, 1791.
All is lost, my dear father, and I am in despair. The
king was stopped at Varennes, sixteen leagues from the
frontier. Judge of my grief and pity me. It was M. de
Bouill^, who is here, who told me of it. I am just starting
for Brussels to take to M. de Mercy the letter and orders
with which the king intrusted me. I have only time to
assure you of my respect and love.
Axel Fersen.
From the Diary of Count Fersen.
June 11, 1791. Saturday. Lafayette wanted to double
the sentinels and look over all the carriages of the palace.
116 DIARY AND COBRESPONDENCE OF [chap, iv
Montmorin said, "That will be a bolt the more. I will
not take upon myself to speak of it."
12th, Sunday. Journey put off till 20th, cause a chamber-
maid. Lafayette's case sent to court-martial.
13th, Monday. Oath for officers. They say the guard is
to be doubled and all the king's carriages watched.
16th, Thursday. Went to the queen at 9.30 ; carried all
the luggage myself; nothing suspected; nor in the city.
Oath for officers ; that will make many depart.
17th, Friday. Went to Bondy and Bourget. Dined at
home.
18th, Saturday. With the queen from half-past two till
six. Good letter from the emperor; they say the English
fleet has sailed.
19th, Sunday. With the king. Took charge of eight hun-
dred francs and the Seals. Eemained at the palace till
midnight.
20th, Monday. [The Diary for 20th is written in pencil,
on detached pieces of paper, of which half are missing.] . . .
remark, and asked what he wished to do. Both answered
me that there was no hesitation ; they must go on. We
agreed as to hours, etc., etc. ; if they were stopped I must go
to Brussels and act for them, etc., etc. On leaving me the
king said : " Monsieur de Fersen, whatever may happen to
me, I shall never forget what you have done for me." The
queen wept much. At six o'clock I left her ; she went with
the children to the gardens. No unusual precautions. I
went home to finish my affairs. At seven to Sullivan's to
see if the carriage had come. Went home. At eight wrote
to the queen to change the rendezvous of the maids and
instruct them carefully to let me know the exact hour by the
body-guard. Carried the letter; no excitement. At eight
and three quarters the guards joined me and gave me
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 117
the letter for Mercy. Instructed them ; went home ; sent on
my own carriage ; gave them my coachman and horses to start
with. Went to fetch the carriage. Thought I had dropped
the letter for Mercy. At ten and a quarter in the Cour des
Princes. At eleven and a quarter the children came out,
brought without difficulty ; Lafayette passed twice ; at eleven
and three quarters Madame Elisabeth, then the king, then
the queen. At midnight started, joined the carriage at
the Barriere Saint-Martin. At half-past one reached Bondy ;
there they took the post-road, I the cross-roads to Bourget.
21st. Fine. All went well ; delay on the cross-road. The
commandant of militia asked my name ; I was alarmed ;
crossed the Quesnoy and came out by Saint- Vast.
22d. Fine. Very cold last night. Reached Mons at six.
Sullivan, Balbi, Monsieur, many Frenchmen very glad. A
monk in the street asked me if the king was saved. Left at
eleven ; plain as far as Namur, then mountains. Everybody
glad the king had escaped.
23d. Fine weather, cold. Reached Arlon eleven at night.
Found Bouille* ; learned the king was taken ; the details not
well known. The detachments did not do their duty ; the
king lacked firmness and head. . Rested there.
24th. Started half -past four in the morning ; fine. Every-
body grieved that the king was taken. The French wanted to
burn two villages near Longwy. Felt awful sadness. The
whole country about Luxembourg in despair that the king was
taken. What a change ! . . . Reached Namur at midnight.
Found Monsieur there.
25th. Fine and warm. Started in the morning ; reached
Brussels two hours after midday. Many Frenchmen lodged at
the Hotel de Bellevue. Went to Comte de Mercy's house ; did
not find him ; left the king's letter for him. Many persons
came to question me. Talked with Mercy in the evening.
118 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. iv.
Resolved to make an attempt to write. He sees black ; says,
" Say nothing to the princes ; Monsieur ought to take charge
of alL All must be done over again." No order given here,
notwithstanding the two letters of the emperor to the queen ;
he is a thorough Italian, that Leopold.
26th. Fine and warm. At one o'clock went to the arch-
duchess [Maria Christina, sister of Marie-Antoinette, Regent
of the Low Countries] ; very kind to me and much touched.
Mercy spoke to Monsieur ; he is beneath the work he ought
to do.
27th. Fine and warm. Paid my court to the Comte
d'Artois ; nothing said. Spoke to Monsieur ; he is very re-
served and embarrassed. All that gives me a bad opinion of
the state of things. People talk to me of the departure from
Paris ; they know it was my doing, and they consider me
much at Court.
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 119
CHAPTEE V.
1791. Vain efforts to induce the European Powers to take steps in behalf
of the King and Queen of France. — Gallant Proposal of Gustavus III.,
King of Sweden.
[In July the King of Sweden sent Count Fersen to Vienna
to negotiate with the emperor certain measures to facilitate
a descent on Normandy which Gustavus III. desired to
undertake with Swedish and Eussian troops, simultaneously
with the efforts of the other Powers, for the purpose of res-
cuing the royal family of France, and restoring the monarchy.
According to the king's instructions Count Fersen was to
request the emperor : (1) that the King of Sweden be per-
mitted to disembark his troops in the port of Ostend;
(2) that facilities be given to obtain supplies and recruits ;
(3) that an artillery siege train be lent to him. If Count
Fersen found the emperor favourably inclined he was to try
to make him recognize the King of Sweden as the leader
of the league, and the one who was called upon to put
the said project (of the descent on Normandy) into execution
personally.
Count Fersen reached Vienna August 2, 1771. The nego-
tiation advanced very slowly, owing to the indecision of the
Emperor Leopold, the ill-will of his ministers who were little
inclined to lend any active succour to the King of France,
and the intrigues of the princes, the Comte dArtois and the
Prince de Conde* ; the former of whom went to Vienna with
M. de Calonne to work in their own interests, and not in
those of the King of France. Count Fersen, obliged to ac-
company the imperial Court to Prague, where it went for the
120 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. v.
coronation of the emperor, returned to Brussels in October
without having succeeded in his mission.]
Diary. June 28th. Fine and warm. News from Paris
of the king's return there. Barnave and Pdtion in their car-
riage — what a horror ! No applause. Letter from Bouille, —
bad; Crawford offers to go to England. The archduchess
proposed to me to go to Vienna; accepted. The National
Assembly usurps the executive power. The king in the con-
dition of a prisoner. Talked with Comte d'Artois ; much won
over, but light-headed and too hasty ; talked to me of wrongs
done him in relation to the Baron de Breteuil, etc. ; said he
was sure of England and Prussia ; complained of Mercy be-
cause he will not march at once and compromise himself.
Boasted of Calonne, who came in just as I was leaving.
30th. Eeached Aix-la-Chapelle at 3.30. Saw the king
[Gustavus III.], very well inclined. Wished me to go to
England. Proposed Crawford for that, and myself for Vienna.
Accepted. Warm feelings of all the Frenchmen to me ; I
was touched by them.
July 4. Brussels. Went to Mercy at five p. m. Letter
from the queen. The emperor did send orders to march twelve
thousand men to protect the king's escape. Very good
memorial of Kaunitz to the emperor on the affairs of France.
Dined with Sullivan. Conversation with Mme. de Lamballe ;
gossip and nonsense.
13th. The king and queen [of France] are not lost sight
of a moment : all doors are kept open ; guards in the room
adjoining the bedchamber. The doors are only closed for one
moment while they put on their chemises ; as soon as they
are in bed they are looked at, and several times during the
night. Never alone. Cannot speak to each other unless in
whispers. No one allowed to enter the palace except by
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 121
tickets from Lafayette or the mayor. Grieved by the letter ;
still, it may be well.
17th. Started at midday ; reached Aix-la-chapelle 18th at
nine a. m., and Spa 19 th at nine a. m. Alexandre Lameth,
Bamave, Lafayette, Duport, Merreville have coalesced and
separated from the Jacobins ; they have made overtures
to Mercy through Pere Laborde to get him to induce the
king [of France] to come to an understanding with them ;
Mercy told them strong truths.
Found Crawford at home. Agreed together about what he
should say in England ; we must know if that Power regards
the continuation of anarchy in France as more advantageous
than order ; representations should be made of the danger that
will come to England itself through the disaffected.
Orders positive and urgent from the emperor to succour
the king. Writes very well of me ; says Kaunitz has an
abstracted air in affairs, but is not so really. Agrees that we
must absolutely exclude the princes, and that the whole
affair must be negotiated between the foreign Powers, because
of the intrigues among the persons who surround the princes ;
says a congress should be formed to settle all. They talk
openly at Coblentz of two parties : that of the queen, and that
of d'Artois.
21st. Presented Crawford to the king. Agreed upon
everything. Dined with the king. Wrote the whole even-
ing for him — a note in reply to questions. Talked with him.
Bouille enters the Swedish service ; he talks, like all French-
men, with much levity.
22d. Sent Crawford off to England this morning. He
hopes much. Grave him a letter for the king [of England]
and one for Pitt, and a note from myself for the archduchess.
Details from Paris from my man : dreadful.
24th. I was despatched. Letter for the emperor, foi
122 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap, v
Kaunitz, instructions, copy of letters to Berlin; etc., etc.;
started at 2 o'clock.
25th. Beached Coblentz at 4.30. At 7 went to the
princes. They breakfast at midday and dine at 7. Monsieur
better than d'Artois. Eead the papers of the king to him.
Comte d'Artois wants no negotiation, only force without
regard to dangers. Dissatisfied with the papers ; wants them
suppressed ; full powers not necessary. Showedhim Breteuil's
letter announcing 20,000 Spaniards, and 6 millions in Hol-
land for the king at liberty. D'Artois said he knew all that.
Monsieur showed signs of feeling ; d'Artois talks always, and
never listens, — being sure of everything; wants only force,
no negotiations. Monsieur would do better alone, but is
entirely subjugated by the other. Calonne is coming from
Aix-la-Chapelle ; they asked me to wait for him. . . . Conde"
here, and a number of others. The princes want to dispose
of all foreign forces, divide them, and appoint the general
officers. They have sent for Broglie and Castries; the
former will come ; doubtful if the other does, on account of
Calonne.
26th. Wrote all the morning to Mercy, Taube, Crawford.
At 4.30 to the princes to talk. Vaudreuil told them that
Lafayette wished that the king and queen should be killed.
Monsieur said : " I have no ambition for his esteem, but he
must despise me very much to have such an idea." D'Artois
proposed to stir up Paris with money. I opposed the idea
from the danger of defection and a single bad agent. Pro-
posed also, at the moment of the manifesto, safety and forget-
fulness of the past to Lafayette, with permission to leave by
any port in safety. Eeplied : that alone he was nothing ; the
same thing must be offered to his companions, whoever they
were ; and besides, the means were not safe. They agreed.
... I dined there ; much company ; the Elector of Treves,
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 123
with his sister, Princess Cunegonde ; very good to the French.
The elector defrays the expenses of the princes for their
table, lodging, and horses ; he gives pensions to the priests
and lodges the body-guard.
At 8 o'clock news came that Calonne was overturned into
the Rhine, his carriage lost, he saved by swimming ; why did
he not stay there! Arrived all wet at 9 o'clock. Comte
d'Artois begged me to see him. He told me that he was
sure of England and of her perfect neutrality ; that he had
nothing in writing, but verbal promises from the king and
his ministers ; that the Prince of Wales and members of the
Opposition had told him that action should be taken at once
because Pitt had refused to do anything. ... In short, he
was sure that England would respond well if the other
Powers took steps.
27th. Started at 4.30 and reached Vienna August 2.
August 2d. Looked for lodgings. Quantities of stran-
gers, especially Poles dissatisfied with the new government
and with their throne being made hereditary. At 6 to the
Prater to see Blanchard go up in a balloon : very good. Fine
place, much company, superb drive along the Danube ; full
of tea-gardens, very lively.
3d. Dined with Bildt and Asp at Augarten, a pavilion
belonging to the emperor, where he only breakfasts and dines ;
the garden always open to the public ; fine establishment for
dinners, — species of Vauxhall. Dined very well for two
florins and a half.
Vienna grand, especially the faubourgs ; much movement
and magnificence, but that does not strike one as much.
The emperor has forbidden the French ambassador, M. de
Noailles, to appear at Court, his master being a prisoner ; a
half-measure which is worth nothing.
4th. At 11 o'clock went to the emperor; much company,
Ver. 8 9 Mem.
124 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. v.
it was audience. I had written on the day of my arrival to
Prince Eosenberg, the grand-master. No one was there to
announce; two valets at the door, whom they called Ram-
mer herren. At the end of half an hour they ushered me
in. The emperor talked much and listened little. He
asked : " Where is the king [of Sweden] ? Has he come
away for important affairs ? what is his project ? what are
his views ? "
Fersen. The king's project is to furnish troops and
vessels conjointly with the Empress of Eussia, with whom
he has negotiated on this subject ; but as he cannot disem-
bark in France he asks Your Majesty for the port of Ostend
in which to disembark and leave his vessels.
Emperor. Yes, but I am waiting for answers from the
empress, to whom I have sent a courier ; and so I have to
England ; I must be fully assured of the latter's neutrality
— though she can't do anything else.
Fersen. The princes charged me to tell Your Majesty
that M. de Calonne assured them that England would be
neutral ; he has just come from there.
Emperor. Did you see him ?
Fersen. Yes.
Emperor. What did he say ?
Fersen. That — etc., etc., etc.
Emperor. But he is rather light-headed; I know him;
I don't trust him much ; he believes so easily.
Fersen. I think as you do; and for that reason M.
Crawford has now been sent.
Emperor. Ah ! I know him and his pretended Mme. Craw-
ford. (Details about her.) He is a man of intelligence.
Fersen. He is authorized to — etc., etc., etc.
Emperor. Ah! that is very good; but we must first
know what the King of England means to do as Elector of
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 125
Hanover. I have urged the Diet to explain itself as to the
project of the Elector of Mayence, which is very reasonable.
Naples is all right and will give vessels. The King of Sar-
dinia gives all his troops, but there is excitement in his coun-
try about the flight and arrest of the king ; I have sent into
Italy on his frontier 10 battalions and a regiment of cavalry
to ensure tranquillity. Prussia, and the King of Prussia per-
sonally, are all right ; he has sent the men on furlough
[semestricis] to their homes ; but he has kept the corps of
Prince Hohenlohe to act on this side. I know that the
King of Sweden has appealed to Hesse.
Fersen. Yes, and to Bavaria.
Emperor. That help will not be much — but it is
always something.
Fersen. Little as it is it will be increased ; and besides, it
has an effect.
Emperor. There is a very bad man there ; I believe he
has the spirit of the Assembly ; he commands the troops ; he
is very bad. He is M. Johnson, an American ; but he can'i
do much. Spain is the one from whom we must expect
least help ; not that she is ill-disposed, but she is in a bad
state. Smce the arrest of the king I have had no news
from there.
Fersen. I must inform Your Majesty of the answer
made by Spain to the Baron de Breteuil, etc., etc. ; but this
was in case the king was at liberty ; perhaps it is changed
now.
Emperor. I do not think so; I know that Spain con-
tinues to send troops to the Pyrenees ; but of eight regiments
of cavalry she could only get together three thousand men ;
she is raising ten thousand men in Switzerland, but on
ridiculous conditions. There is not to be a single one that
is not Catholic ! The Dutch consent to lend her money, but
126 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. v.
on ridiculous terms. They want her to put Corunna and
Manila into their hands. She is trying to make a loan in
Portugal, which holds out hopes to her. The declaration of
Spain is as unmeaning as it can be ; one can't tell what it is ;
it would have been better to say nothing. Naples gives
vessels to go to the coasts of Provence, but the king
cannot supply troops. I await the answers of Spain, Eng-
land and Eussia before deciding; England is the most
important.
Fersen. I think, as Your Majesty does, that before under-
taking anything we must, to ensure success, have a great
concurrence of means, which shall impose respect and insure
the individual safety of the king, the queen, and their family.
Your Majesty must feel more than any one how very neces-
sary that precaution is.
Emperor. Yes, no doubt ; I feel it and I believe that
nothing but an imposing force can save them ; all half-meas-
ures are worth nothing ; we must not act before all is ready ;
when that is so, a first proclamation must be made, then a
second, in short, all that is necessary ; and after that we must
act ; for threats without anything to carry them out only do
harm.
Fersen. I desire to render account to Your Majesty of
the projects of the Comte d'Artois. He has one of sending
persons to Paris with money to form a party. I have op-
posed it with such and such reasons.
Emperor. All that is of no use ; they are half-measures,
petty schemes which can only do harm.
After talking a little about the state of France I said : —
" The archduchess is very much embarrassed in Brussels by
this great influx of Frenchmen, especially officers. She
fears that their presence will have an influence on the sol-
diers, and may make them discontented."
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 127
Emperor. Oh, our men are of a different kind ; it would
be very difficult to do that. Besides, if we ever saw the
slightest sign of it we should immediately make a terrible
example; when it is a question of discipline there is no
venial fault.
He did not ask me for details of the king and queen
leaving Paris ; in fact he talked much and listened little.
I left him and went to dine with Asp and Bildt at
Schbnbrunn, a chateau about half a league from the town,
where the empress often goes. It is a very large and long
building, but in bad taste, backing on a hill which is made
into a garden. At the top is a pavilion, where the chateau
ought to have been placed.
Went to see Kaunitz; a very extraordinary man, who
affects to be more extraordinary still ; his wig was two
inches from his eyebrows on all sides ; red coat, black
breeches, top-boots, for his sole mania is to ride daily in the
riding-schooL As he entered he distributed nods to all pres-
ent, who seemed very eager to receive them. He is very deaf,
but he assumes that no one perceives it. He dislikes per-
fumes ; never takes the fresh air ; when he crosses the court-
yard at five or six o'clock, he holds his handkerchief before
his mouth, and in spite of the great heat he keeps all the
windows closed. He said very flattering things to me about
my recommendations. I gave him the king [of Sweden] 's
letter, which he put in his pocket without reading it. At
the end of half an hour he began to ask me details about the
king and queen [of France]. As there were many persons
present, among them Baron d'Escars, I was very laconic
and he did not press me.
6th. At six o'clock went to dine with Prince Kaunitz.
I arrived too late to see him in the riding-school which is
his sole passion ; he is vain of his riding, and it is a means
128 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. v.
of paying court to him. In summer he lives at his country-
house, which is in the suburbs of Vienna. Madame de Clary,
a little widow and his relation, does the honours. She is the
echo of the prince ; when he speaks she repeats all he says.
We sat down to table at half-past seven. Casanova, the
painter, was there ; he is the sycophant of the prince, who is
never in good humour unless he is with him. As the prince
is very vain the painter flings flattery at his head in a dis-
gusting manner; but the other swallows it with delight.
The latter talked very well at dessert on the affairs of
France. He enunciates with clearness and precision, but
slowly and methodically ; he listens to himself. One of his
manias being that he cannot bear fresh air, all the windows
were closed, notwithstanding the extreme heat. "We did not
leave the table till nine o'clock. He ate a great deal. He
spoke insultingly of the French, whom, as a general thing, he
does not like.
9th. At 5.30 went to the riding-school to see Kaunitz.
He kept strictly to the answer of the emperor, which he
repeated at length and methodically. He seemed to doubt
the sincerity of England, and dwelt on the necessity of being
sure of her. He asked me what had been the project of the
King of France, and what proposition he would have made to
the Assembly had he escaped. I told him he would have
based it on his declaration of June 23, which the prince could
not remember. He made a note of this. He made a great
eulogy on the King of Sweden, whom he called " Gustavus,"
and told me that the object of my mission seemed to him to
present no difficulty, but that it was a secondary measure to
take, after all the Powers had agreed. On the whole, it seems
to me that the thing will be long delayed, and that no great
warmth will be put into it. For that reason I should be
glad to shorten my stay here, but I am afraid I shall be
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 129
obliged to go to Prague. Prince Kaunitz was extremely
polite and obliging to me.
14th. Saw the emperor. He has received a long letter from
the queen [his sister Marie-Antoinette] through M. de
Noailles, in which she said that the Assembly was acting
well and that they had nothing to fear except from those
without. She ended by saying that he had only to "com-
pare what she now wrote to him with what she had
always written to him, and draw the necessary conclu-
sions by which to act." The emperor concluded from that
sentence that the letter was forced, and that she still wished
for help. He seems decided to give it, — but with precautions
to assure their safety from the canaille. He is awaiting the
answer from Spain ; he has no doubt of that country's good-
will, but much of her ability to act. The answer of England
is good ; he seems satisfied with it, although it says nothing
positive ; but it could not be otherwise. He does not doubt
the Empress of Russia. He said to me : —
" They all say that they must see ; that the means must be
agreed upon.; they want to be assured of payment, and how
is it possible to assure them ? I see that they want some
pledge ; but if they had it, would they return it ? For
you know what is good to take is good to keep ; and I
fear lest that should be their principle. They say, more-
over, that they must have an answer from England. But
I shall see the King of Prussia at Dresden, and learn his
private sentiments, and then we may be able to take a
course. Meanwhile I shall take advantage of this letter of
the queen to reply to her through the same channel ; I shall
pretend to think it safe and confidential and shall tell her
certain truths, but the letter will be ostensible, it will be
opened and read ; the opportunity is too good to lose. What
do you think about it ? "
130 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. v.
Fersen. I think as you do, sire, that you had better
profit by it, and appear to be the dupe of those fellows ; it is
the system the king and queen have followed for some time,
and it is the only one to adopt.
The emperor then spoke of Comte d'Artois' scheme of
offering a pardon to M. de Lafayette and Company. He did
not seem to approve of that course. He seems to me to wish
to act. I have made up my mind to go to Prague, and return
to Brussels from there.
Dined with Easumoffski. Count Bergen came after din-
ner to tell us that Madame de Polignac had arrived. . . .
Went to Madame de Polignac. She wept on seeing me. I
felt pleasure and pain at seeing her.
24th. Went to see the Duchesse de Polignac. She talks
much of public affairs, and little of her friend.
Prague, 29th. Prague is a very lively town ; many car-
riages ; customary to go about the streets with four or six
horses.
31st. Declaration of the emperor and King of Prussia pretty
good, but time is passing. Entry of the emperor into Prague
at three o'clock. Eighty carriages with six horses ; those of
the Court not very fine. Equipage of Prince Swartzenburg
fine ; the others hideous ; those of the Court very shabby.
Bourgoisie on horseback very good ; German guards in ex-
traordinary red uniforms much befrogged, a long soubreveste
[sleeveless outer coat] of black velvet braided ; they are not
mounted, and on occasions like this the first regiment of
carbineers lends them its horses. The prettiest was the
Hungarian guard and the detachment of the carbineers and
cuirassiers was superb ; so were the grenadier battalions
formed from the different regiments.
The Due and Duchesse de Polignac arrived at three o'clock.
Prague, September 2d. Saw the emperor this morning.
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 131
Met Polignac on my way. He showed me a manifesto of the
princes in which they say that if the king is not set at
liberty by the 15th of October in some frontier place in
Hainaut, Alsace, or Franche-Comte' (where he must be
guarded by foreign troops, not being able to rely on the
French army until order be restored in France), Monsieur
will then declare himself Regent, until the moment when the
king is at liberty. Polignac told me he had just given a
copy to the emperor, begging him to sign it ; but the emperor
asked him to let him keep it, and said he would reply
to-morrow.
I asked the emperor for an answer respecting the port of
Ostend, — saying that the King of Sweden was fully pre-
pared to act, and was only awaiting the emperor's answer to
start at once.
Emperor. But they tell me the king wants to disembark
at the Hogue.
Fersen. I can assure Y. M. it is not so ; it would be im-
possible without revictualling after so long a voyage.
Emperor. Yes, yes, I understand : but the Empress of
Russia will ask the same thing ; I am expecting every day
to hear from her. I must know whether her vessels are to
come in separately from those of the King of Sweden ; after
that we can arrange the whole thing together.
Fersen. Will Y. M. permit me to see the answer of the
King of Spain to Y. M. and to the King of Sweden ?
Emperor. Yes, you can ask Count Coblentz for them. I
will have a copy given to you.
Fersen. I should like to send it to Sweden in case the
courier from Spain should have been delayed. Besides, for
all the arrangements with the King of Sweden I am pro-
vided with full powers from the king and even with blank
agreements in case Your Majesty desires to sign yourself.
132 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. v.
Emperor. As for the item about Ostend there is no need
of it; those are orders which must be given in the Low
Countries.
Fersen. The king [of Sweden] desires as to that a written
agreement.
Emperor. Yes, but we must wait for the answer from
Eussia.
Fersen. Has the Due de Polignac shown Your Majesty
the draft of a manifesto ?
Emperor. Yes ; I do not approve of it.
Fersen. I think Y. M. is right. Any step whatever taken
before the troops are ready is harmful. The idea of the
regency is also harmful ; and will furnish a pretext to turn
against the princes by making it believed that they wish to
seize the government and put the king under guardianship.
None but imbeciles will think they act for the king in act-
ing for the princes. The project of having him guarded by
foreigners will never succeed.
5th. Wrote to the queen. Saw Coblentz in the morning.
He gave me copies of the letters of Spain, the demands of
the Comte d'Artois and the answers, the declaration of Spain
to Paris, and that of the emperor with the changes made by
Spain ; all this confirms them more and more in the idea of
a congress, to shorten the affair and settle everything. He
liked my idea of insisting on the liberty of the king and
fixing the place to which he should then go, without entering
upon any detail of the Constitution or any negotiation with
the Assembly. He told me that in the declaration sent to
the Courts it was proposed to recall all the ambassadors from
France and assemble them in congress at Aix-la-Chapelle. I
asked if that proposition had been sent to Sweden. He
answered, after a moment, that he was not sure, but would
ask and let me know ; whereby I saw that it had not been
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 133
sent. There is great slowness. He told me that the King
of Prussia had been against a congress, and wanted every-
thing negotiated in Vienna by the ambassadors now there.
Also that the King of Prussia advised no immediate action ;
but previous consultation as to the declarations that ought
to be made.
6th. Coronation of the emperor in the chapel of Saint-
Wenceslas in the castle; smalljnot fine, no preparations to
make the fete beautiful Ceremony lasted from 8 a. m. to 11
o'clock. The Archbishops of Prague and Olmiitz officiated ;
he of Prague put on the crown , every one applauded and
cried, " Viva ! " — little order. They dined in the Salle du
Serment — the emperor under a dais. After he had drunk,
the company sat down to the other tables of which there were
twelve, of twelve covers each. I was not at the dinner, but
I went to see it from the gallery with Prince Hohenlohe, the
Prussian general. I was rather displeased at not being at
the dinner. As a general thing, foreigners receive little
attention here.
General Hohenlohe comes on the part of the King of
Prussia [Frederick-William] to concert a plan of operations
and urge the emperor to act ; the king is all ready. They
want to go too fast and do not really know the situation in
France, but this may hasten the emperor a little. Hohenlohe
is a great man, solely military ; from his talk I see that the
animosity between the two countries still exists. He spoke
to me with disdain of the Austrian troops; nevertheless,
they are fine. He told me he was empowered to make
proposals for marching the Prussian troops ; that his master
was ready ; that he would do nothing that the emperor did
not do at the same moment ; that he had given half a million
of florins to Comte d'Artois ; that Bischoffswerder was charged
in Italy to make proposals to the emperor to cede to the
134 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. v.
Elector Palatine certain districts in Alsace; to Prussia,
Bergue and Juliers and something in Hainaut; that the
emperor had refused; but the matter ought now to be re-
vived, as it would be a means to make the emperor bestir
himself in behalf of the king and queen, if he meant to act.
I saw in all this Prussian intrigues and the distrust which
exists between the two Courts. They want to make a mere
intrigue of this matter.
7th. Went to see Hohenlohe. He wants the King of
Sweden, on the reply of Spain, to start for Ostend without
awaiting any answer from the emperor. Dined with Polignac ;
he has nothing with him but his silver service and his cook.
Hohenlohe came there ; he had dragged nothing out of the
emperor, whom he saw at midday ; he told him all the tales
and intrigues that I had told him of Calonne, Conde\ and the
hatred of the princes for Breteuil and the rest of us ; he said
the queen was against them and disapproved of them. All
this he repeated before Polignac. Fortunately he did not
quote me; he is amazingly indiscreet; nothing should be
told to him.
9th. Went to the emperor at midday ; I was ushered in at
once before every one. The emperor spoke to me like a man
decided to act at once ; but results do not follow speech. I
cannot understand it. He seems to feel the advantage it
would be to the tranquillity of the Low Countries, Normandy,
and the Mouth of the Seine to have the Swedish and Eus-
sian troops land at Ostend ; in fact, it was he who said so to
me.
10th. Dined at Court ; one hundred and four persons at
table ; not very magnificent. The emperor told me he had
received a letter from the queen through Mercy, asking that
the Powers should act, but cautiously, and without the
princes ; she said she feared — as we supposed — that the
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 135
Assembly was alarmed and had decided to do something and
employ force, and was about to issue orders. I said : " Your
Majesty, it would be well to frighten it." • No, no," he re-
plied, " we must act."
Went to a ball and concert at Czemin's; superb; house
magnificent, a perfect palace ; eight hundred persons at sup-
per at little tables. The empress spoke to me very well.
The Archduchess Marianne, who is abbess here, told the am-
bassadress of Spain that her father talked well, but she feared
he would do nothing.
13th. Went to the ball at Kolowrath's at half-past eight.
Talked with the emperor.
Emperor. I received your paper, and I think it very
good.
Fersen. I thought that it expressed the result of the views
of Y. M. and all that you did me the honour to say to me.
Emperor. Yes, yes ; perfectly right.
Fersen. I believe that a congress unsupported by troops
will have no effect ; the object is to awe them.
Emperor. Yes, yes, no doubt ; and I have already given
orders for two regiments of cavalry and several battalions to
march to the Brisgau ; the requisitions will be sent at once ;
that will have an effect ; and the recall of the ambassadors
will have more.
Fersen. I am told that Y. M. has received the answer of
the Empress of Russia.
Emperor. Yes, but not the one by my courier. The letter
of the empress is good ; she proposes a congress, the recall of
the ambassadors, and a declaration of the stoppage of all
communications and commerce with France.
Fersen. Yes, but that concerns only the maritime Powers.
England might do it, and that is another reason why she
should be pledged to neutrality.
136 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [cuap. v.
Emperor. Yes, yes, I understand ; it would be very ad-
vantageous to her, and have a great effect on the commerce
of France and on the financiers.
Fersen. What would really have a great effect in the
king's favour would be the ability to reassure the country as
to bankruptcy ; at any rate as to that of the annuities [rentes
viageres~\ and the redemption of assignats. He would then
have on his side all the capitalists and bankers ; it is they
who made the revolution or helped to consolidate it ; they
are very much dissatisfied ; they fear bankruptcy ; and I am
certain that if they are reassured as to that they will be for
the king.
Emperor. Yes, but that is very difficult ; and if the bank-
ruptcy occurs it will be general.
Fersen. I do not think the operation so difficult. At the
time the king left Paris, his project was to begin by reassur-
ing the country as to the payment of the annuities in full by
reducing the agiotage [traffic with the public funds] and the
onerous loans to a reasonable rate ; also, when returning to the
clergy their property to saddle it with paying off the assi-
gnats ; this was possible, and their property would still have
been sufficient to furnish several millions ; but the Assembly
can never derive as much from it.
Emperor. Oh ! I know that ; for this very day I have a
parallel affair in a convent reformed by the late emperor : in
order to give eight or nine old women pensions amounting to
six thousand florins there is a cost of eleven thousand florins
in administrating the property ; it is bad economy. That idea
of the king was very good, and would have had great effect.
Fersen. Would Your Majesty, in consequence of the
empress's letter, decide about the king's troops and the port
of Ostend ?
Emperor. I must wait for another courier, which the
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 137
empress informs me will arrive in two or three days, giving
me in detail what she intends to send. I imagine that she
wants' to concert about that with the King of Sweden, and
let me know the result.
Fcrsen. It is important that the matter be decided as
quickly as possible, for the season is advancing, and if the
troops do not start this autumn, they cannot arrive before
June or July of next year.
Emperor. Yes, yes, I understand ; it would be better if
they were there ; no harm will come of that ; and if they are
there, there will be no waiting for them.
He seemed to agree with me about it, and to desire to act.
Were he alone it might be done ; but he has not the force
to resist his council ; Baron Spielmann and the others are
against it. Nevertheless, the conversation gave me some
hope.
16th. Count Coblentz tells me that the answer of the Em-
press of Russia is very favourable ; she encourages the emperor
to act. As to Ostend, he told me that vessels of war cannot
enter that port ; the merchantmen are obliged to wait for the
tide, and when it is low they lie on their sides ; that the sea-
son was far too advanced to send troops this year ; moreover,
we must know what England and Holland would say to
the arrival of a fleet in that port. — I see clearly that they
are dragging things along purposely to prevent the King of
Sweden from sending troops this year ; they fear his activity,
and also that he may command in person; they want to
avoid acting, or else to act alone if it becomes necessary.
Nothing is being done ; the requisitions have not been sent,
although they assure me the troops are to march at once.
They are all agreed that the congress must be an armed
one; but they are losing time awaiting replies and doing
nothing positive. The emperor is inclined to act, and wishes
138 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. v.
it, but his ministry hold him back. He is afraid ; he feels
about him ; he does not venture to act, and the work will be
harder in the end. — He hopes to gain all by getting over the
winter. — My conversation with Count Coblentz has made me
lose heart. I see a well-formed plan to do only trifling
things during the winter ; to try to patch up matters for the
time being, and not to act until spring, and not then unless
it is absolutely necessary. This is very shameful and dread-
ful towards the queen.
17th. Keceived a despatch from Sweden. It seems that
the empress will act only indirectly ; this will delay opera-
tions very much, and all hopes of acting this year is lost
for the king [of Sweden] . The assembling of the congress
and the preliminary declarations will take all winter; we
shall be lucky if we obtain the right to support it with
troops.
18th. Prince Hohenlohe came to see me this evening.
He had talked a long time with Baron Spielmann, who told
him that the emperor would raise the number of his troops
in the Low Countries to fifty-eight or sixty thousand men,
that he could then act with thirty, or thirty-two thousand of
them ; but first, he must await the reply of England. He
added that an army would be raised from the German States ;
that the intention was not to form tetes-d' armies to support
the congress ; that the first thing necessary was to know what
reply the King of France would make about sanctioning the
Constitution ; if he accepts it, there will be difficulty in act-
ing; there will then be new inquiries to make of all the
Courts, to know if they recognize the sanction of the king as
free or compulsory ; that it would be only after all this that
any action could be taken ; that the season was already too
late, and nothing could be undertaken till the spring.
21st. Saw the emperor. Communicated the reply of Eng-
1 ttrur.
^^^es <m~£z€6€tt>e<f<Jes se&- yjy^c^^z^t^'
1791] COUNT AXEL FE&SEN. 139
land. He thought it good. Was of my opinion on every-
thing, and sent me away as soon as possible. The whole
matter embarrasses and annoys him. He told me that the
King of Prussia writes to him to place no confidence in
Prince Hohenlohe, who is not charged with any mission.
Never have I seen an affair conducted as this has been ! I
am not surprised that it goes so badly.
25th. News that the king [of France] has sanctioned the
Constitution. — There are terrible intrigues at the Court here,
as everywhere. The Archduchesses Theresa and Marianne are
strongly for France; the empress and all the sub-orders
against it ; the emperor is weak and indiscreet. All sorts
of tales are told of the French, many invented. The arch-
duchess in Brussels writes against them. The emperor tells
all this. They say that the queen is letting Barnave lead
her ; that she holds back the emperor ; that she is against
the princes. All goes ill.
26th. Took leave of the emperor; he agreed that the
King of France was not free ; that it was necessary to insist
on his liberty ; that it was fortunate he had sanctioned the
Constitution without restrictions, as that showed it was under
compulsion. In the evening he said to another person that,
now that the king had sanctioned the Constitution, there was
nothing more to be done ! This is just what I feared.
28th. Started at five o'clock in the evening, enchanted to
get away.
Coblentz, October 3d. Eeached Coblentz at five o'clock.
Went to the princes. They said they had excellent news ;
march of Austrians and Prussians to the number of twelve
thousand men, etc., etc. I denied it all, and they would
hardly believe me. The crowd of French officers at Coblentz
is enormous and alarming ; they arrive more than ever, by
hundreds ; even bourgeois are among them. The princes are
Ver. 8 10 Mem.
140 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. v.
forming corps, restoring red companies, etc. Marshal de
Broglie is living here. The princes have a numerous Court ;
the intrigues diabolical. The princes dined at nine o'clock ;
there was much company. Everybody came to ask me for
news ; which I did not give them, to their astonishment. I
started after dinner and slept at Andernach; I gave the
difficulty of finding lodgings as an excuse for getting away.
The follies that this assemblage may commit are incalcu-
lable. When they have spent all their money they had
much better be in France. The Prince of Nassau keeps
them in great state ; the empress gave them two millions.
Brussels, 6 th. Reached Brussels at six in the morning.
Saw Mercy ; the queen writes to him that the king must go
a little by the Constitution ; the princes must be checked ;
she asks for the calling of a congress, the pretext to be
Avignon. Mercy thinks a congress useless at this moment ;
for he does not see what it would find to do ; it cannot give
the lie to the king as to the Constitution. I proved to him
its utility, and the necessity of some ostensible step being
taken in order to check the princes. He agreed to suggest
to the emperor to ask for its announcement at once ; and
also for the selection of place and members, — the object
to be Avignon. He spoke very well; but thought that
nothing could be done (the king having accepted the
Constitution) except to wait until the new legislature
committed follies which would give the Powers a pretext
for interfering.
7th. The princes sent Cazales and Burke's son to per-
suade Baron de Breteuil to go to Coblentz; he refused.
Quantities of Frenchmen here ; they pass the frontier by the
fifties daily. The Due d'Uzes is their leader in Brussels.
They are all mad.
15th. Du Moustier passed through and saw the Baron de
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 141
Breteuil. He said that the King of Prussia in a conversa-
tion he had with him (in which he asked H. M. what he was
to say to the king [of France] as to his intentions) answered,
laying his hand on his sword, that he would help him with
all his forces ; that he was ready, but the emperor stopped
him ; that he would march 50,000 men if the emperor would
march as many; that he was keeping 12,000 men on a war
footing ready to march at once, and the rest should follow.
Du Moustier having told him that he had a plan of finance
by which to bring coin back to France and save the king
all embarrassments as to money, but in order to do this he
needed a credit of one hundred millions in ecus, and hoped
to obtain it from him, the king replied that if the money
were wanted for that object he would lend it to the king on
sufficient security and fixed dates for repayment.
Baron de Breteuil represented to him that he ought not to
speak of that project until the king recovered full power.
He agreed, and seemed decided to serve him ; but he, du
Moustier, is a rascal on whom no great dependence should
be placed.
18th. La Marck arrived ; I went there ; he made me an
apology for his conduct, saying that he had done nothing
except with a view to serve the king ; that was the motive
of his intimacy with Mirabeau ; he said that in the month of
October, 1789, he had made Mirabeau make the plan for the
counter-revolution ; that he had seen Monsieur clandestinely,
and had read and given the plan to him ; that the basis of
this plan was the king's departure for Beauvais. He said
shocking things of the French nation. He has bought a
house here ; he will not be looked upon favourably ; but if
he gives good dinners every one will go to them.
23d. Mercy gave me a letter from the queen; he de-
ciphered to me four or five lines.
142 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. v.
29th. Saw the Princesse de Lamballe, who started to
return to Paris.
November 13th. M. de Mercy now says that he thinks the
emperor will accept the congress, and that this is the result
of the conduct of Sweden and Eussia. On the other hand,
they sent me word from Vienna that the emperor will do
nothing, and I believe it. The Duke of York says that the
King of Prussia is sincerely for us, but that he cannot act
without the emperor ; and the duke thinks the latter means
to do nothing.
15th. The King of France has not sanctioned the decree
against the emigres ; he used his veto. This has caused agita-
tion ; evil minds are exciting the populace. The king will
lose in this way the little popularity that he has, and will
be again where he was in April ; they may prevent him from
riding on horseback ; great commotions are expected in Paris,
and a crisis. Lafayette will be mayor through the ascen-
dency of the Guard, which, being unable to have him as
general, is determined to have it thus. He will then have
great and very dangerous power. Letters from Paris are
terrifying; the newspapers are as incendiary as ever, and
point to the probable flight of the king in order to inspire
distrust. The "Journal G^ne'ral," published by the Abbe"
Fontenay, an aristocrat, says frightful things against Breteuil,
Mercy, and Thugut, and warns them not to attempt the flight
of the king. This article was certainly written in Coblentz.
It is abominable !
18 th. Finished my great letter to the queen.
20th. Went to Mercy. He gave me a letter from the
queen ; they are very unhappy, but wish to act.
December 6th. M. Luisey has arrived from Berlin. Says
the emperor has written to Prussia and Eussia to prevent
them from doing anything; that he wants to ally himself
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 143
with Prussia and Holland and invite England to join them
— which she will not do; that Prussia is very right towards
France, but will not act without the emperor.
10th. Baron de Viomesnil, a poor negotiator, is going to
Cologne and Coblentz to commission the Marquis de Castries
to be the king's man in the council of the princes. A false
step. The queen is now very sorry to have sent him ; my
letter arrived too late to prevent it. He came to see me this
morning ; I was tempted to prevent his going on, but I dared
not, because they would have thought it was by agreement
with Baron de Breteuil, whom they would then have accused
of getting rid of every one in order to have sole control him-
self of affairs. In the conference I had with Viomesnil at
Breteuil's house I proposed changes in what the former was
to say, which weakened his commission and made it as little
important as possible. It is to be hoped that Castries will
not agree to go. Viomesnil wished, not being able to agree,
that Calonne should go away. I opposed it, ostensibly
under pretext that it would be dangerous in view of the
nobles, but really because the king would then be obliged to
correspond directly with the princes, which he cannot do
without compromising himself, because of their indiscretion.
There is no danger; they cannot act without the Northern
Powers ; and it is better to let them be guided by them.
144 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. vi.
CHAPTER VI.
1791. Correspondence of Queen Marie- Antoinette with Count Fersen. —
Official Letters of the same Period, showing the vain Efforts employed to
induce the Powers to act in behalf of the King of France and his Family.
[Duking the time already noted in the Diary, letters were
passing between Queen Marie-Antoinette and Count Fersen,
in his capacity of intermediary between the King and Queen
of France, the King of Sweden, and the Courts of Europe.
The chief object of their hopes and efforts was to convoke
an armed congress, to meet either at Frankfort on the Main
or at Aix-la-Chapelle, and awe by that means the National
Assembly. Eleven letters from the queen and ten from
Count Fersen in 1791 (also seventeen from the queen and
twenty-two from Fersen in 1792) still exist as a testimony
to the count's last efforts for the expiring monarchy. Nearly
all these letters were written in cipher or with " white ink "
— invisible ink ; sometimes in both. They were deciphered
and copied by Count Fersen himself, and are now at Stock-
holm in possession of his family. Among these papers is a
memorial, dated November 26, 1791 (called by the count in
the foregoing diary " my great letter to the queen"), in which
he explains to her the political situation of Europe as re-
garded the affairs of France, suggests a plan of conduct for
the king and queen, and advises the writing by them of cer-
tain personal letters to friendly Courts asking them to guard
Their Majesties' interests. This plan was adopted.
Other letters of the same period, explanatory of current
events, are here interpersed with those of the queen.]
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 145
Count Fersen to Queen Marie- Antoinette.
Brussels, June 27, 1791.
The dreadful event which has just happened [king and
family stopped at Varennes and virtually imprisoned] will
change entirely the course of affairs, and if the resolution is
persisted in to let others act (no longer being able to act
personally), it is necessary to begin the negotiations over
again and to give full powers for that purpose. The mass of
Powers who may be brought to act must be sufficiently strong
to awe, and thus preserve the precious lives. Here are ques-
tions to which answers should be made : —
1. Is it desired that they should act in spite of all prohibi-
tions that may be received ?
2. Is it desired to give the full powers to Monsieur, or to
the Comte d'Artois ?
3. Is it desired that they shall employ under them the
Baron de Breteuil, or do they consent to M. de Calonne, or
do they leave the choice to them ?
Here is the form for the full powers : —
" Being detained a prisoner in Paris, and not being able to
give the necessary orders to re-establish order in my king-
dom, restore to my subjects happiness and tranquillity, and
recover my legitimate authority, I charge Monsieur, or, in
default of him, the Comte d'Artois, to watch for me over my
interests and those of my crown, giving him for this purpose
unlimited powers ; I pledge my royal word to keep relig-
iously and without restrictions all the stipulated engage-
ments which may be made with the said Powers ; and I bind
myself to ratify, as soon as I am at liberty, all treaties, con-
ventions, and other compacts made by him with the different
Powers who may be willing to come to my defence ; also all
commissions, brevets, and posts which Monsieur may have
146 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap, yl
thought necessary to give ; and to this I pledge myself on
the word of a king. Done in Paris, this twentieth day of
June, 1791."
This form should be written in white ink and given as
soon as possible to the person bearing this letter. As the
number of the above questions has been kept, the answers
can be very brief.
I am very well treated here. Your sister [Archduchess
Marie-Christine] ebstien [?] for you and for me.
Queen Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen.
June 28, 1791.
Be reassured about us ; we live. The leaders of the As-
sembly seem to wish to be gentle in their conduct. Speak
to my relatives of steps to be taken outside. If they are
frightened, we must compound with them [il faut composer
avec eux].
Queen Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen.
June 29, 1791.
I exist. . . . How uneasy I have been about you, and how
I pity you for having no news of us ! Heaven grant that this
letter may reach you. Do not write to me ; that would only
expose us ; above all, do not come here under any pretext.
It is known that it was you who took us out of here ; all
would be lost if you appeared here. We are kept in sight
night and day; I do not care. ... Be easy; nothing will
happen to me. The Assembly means to treat us gently.
Adieu. ... I cannot write to you again. . . .
The King of Sweden to Louis XVI.
Aix-la-Chapelle, June 30, 1791.
I beg Y. M. not to doubt the feelings with which we all
share your misfortune. Your friends will never abandon
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 147
you. Sustain your present position with firmness, as you
have already sustained the dangers that surround you ; above
all, do not allow them to degrade the royal dignity in your
person, and the kings will come to your support. This is
the advice of your oldest ally and your most faithful friend.
Powers given by Louis XVI. to Monsieur and the Comte
oVArtois.
Pakis, July 7, 1791.
I rely absolutely on the tenderness of my brothers for me,
on their love and attachment to their country, on the friend-
ship of the sovereign princes my relations and allies, and on
the honour and generosity of the other sovereigns, to agree
together as to the manner of, and the means to be used for,
negotiating, the object of which should tend to the re-estab-
lishment of order and tranquillity in the kingdom ; but I
think that all employment of force . . . 1 that, placed be-
hind negotiations, I give all power to my brothers to nego-
tiate in that sense with whom they will, and to choose the
persons to employ for these political purposes.
Louis.
Queen Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen.
July 8, 1791.
The king thinks that the close imprisonment in which he
is held and the state of total degradation to which the Na-
tional Assembly has reduced royalty, allowing it to exercise
no action whatever, is sufficiently known to Foreign powers
to need no mention here.
The king thinks that it is by negotiations alone that their
help can be useful to him and to his kingdom ; that all
show of force should be secondary, and only in case all
means of negotiation be refused here.
1 Whereyer these omissions occur in the letters it means that the parts
omitted were either lost or undecipherable. — Tb.
148 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. yi.
The king thinks that open force, even after a first declar-
ation, would be of incalculable danger, not only to him and to
his family, but even to all Frenchmen in the interior of the
kingdom who do not think in agreement with the revolu-
tion. There is no doubt that a foreign force could enter
France, but the people, armed as they are, leaving the fron-
tiers and the foreign troops, would instantly turn their arms
against those of their co-citizens whom they have been in-
cessantly taught during the last two years to regard as their
enemies, and above all. . . .
The king thinks that unlimited full powers such as pro-
posed, even if dated on the 20th of June, would be danger-
ous for him in the position he is now in. It is impossible
that they should not be communicated ; and all cabinets are
not equally discreet.
It is announced that during the next fifteen days the
articles called constitutional will be presented to the king ;
that he will then be set at liberty, and be left master of going
where he pleases, in order that he may decide whether to
accept them, yes or no ; but by keeping his son in Paris they
make this illusory. All that has been done during the last
two years must be considered null as regards the king's will,
but impossible to change so long as the majority of the
nation desire these novelties. It is to change this spirit
that all our attention must be turned.
Summary : He desires that the captivity of the king be
fully stated and known to the foreign Powers; he desires
that the good-will of his relatives, friends, and allies, and that
of other sovereigns who may wish to concur, be manifested
by a species of congress, at which the method of negotiation
shall be adopted, understanding always that an imposing
force be there to support it, but always sufficiently in the
background not to provoke to crime and massacre.
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 149
It is important that the Baron de Breteuil be united with
the king's brothers and with those they may select for these
important negotiations.
The king does not think he ought to give unlimited powers ;
but he sends the enclosed paper, written in white ink, to be
given to his brothers. [See foregoing.]
We dare not answer the King of Sweden. Be our inter-
preter to him of our gratitude and attachment.
The King of Spain to the King of Sweden.
Madrid, August 3, 1791.
Monsieur, my brother and cousin :
If things were still in the state in which they were six
months ago, I should not delay a moment in accepting the
plan which Y. M. has sent me in your letter of July 16,
and in concurring therewith by every means in my power.
But to-day circumstances have changed so much that there
is far more need for reflection, prudence, and sagacity than
for active force in favour of Louis XVI. That sovereign
might be sacrificed to popular fury on the point of being
placed by those who have torn his liberty from him in a
safe and free place, where he may accept and sanction the
reformed code of constitutional laws which will be presented
to him, or else reject it wholly or in part. If that were to
take place it would then be the proper time to sustain him
in order that his subjects may submit to the modifications
their king will make in it [the Constitution] ; and Y. M. may
count on my assistance, pecuniary especially, as far as my
possibilities can go.
Meantime it would be useless to undertake a war against
a nation enthusiastic for its apparent liberty and seduced
against its monarch, and the life of that prince would be ex-
posed to the greatest dangers. Armed conquerors, whoever
150 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap, vl
they be, can only possess the territory they occupy; the
people and the misled multitude being their enemies, they
must exterminate them and ruin the country.1 Time must
be given to clear understanding, after all that has been lost
without my yet obtaining a clear answer from the Powers to
whom I disclosed my intentions. I formed a plan according
to the circumstances of the month of April when there was,
even then, few resources; I communicated it, but I have
been unable to learn any result. At present, the plan of
escape of the Very Christian King having failed, and the
general aversion of the French for monarchy being still more
heated than in the beginning, it is absolutely necessary to
await calmness and the effects of negotiation for his liberty,
and the re-establishment of his power.
It is thus that I understand the matter, and say it plainly
to Y. M., whose ideas in themselves, even if they be not
realized, will obtain for you an immortal glory and make
you worthy of eternal gratitude, not only from the Bourbons,
but from all the sovereigns and even from humanity itself
ever interested in the maintenance of society and legitimate
authority. I forestall them to thank Y. M. in their name,
and to assure you of the constant and cordial friendship with
which I have the honour to be, Monsieur, my brother and
cousin,
Your Majesty's good brother, cousin, and friend,
Chaeles (IV).
After writing this letter, I have received one from the
emperor, in which he expresses ideas that agree with ours. I
beg Y. M. to come to an understanding and concert with H.
I. M., to whom I will propose and request the same.
1 This autograph letter is translated literally as it stands in the French ;
the wording is obscure, though the meaning is tolerably plain. Royal per-
sonages were very deficient in the art of writing — and spelling. — Tr.
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 151
The King of Sweden to Count Fersen.
Dbottningholm, August 6, 1791.
M. de Calonne arrived the day after your departure [for
Vienna]. I had a conversation of four hours with him, the
details of which would be too long and useless to send to
you. The news from England alone seems to me important.
He brings a letter from the King of England to the princes,
in answer to one which Comte d'Artois wrote to him. The
King of England expresses himself with the utmost feeling
about the affairs of France. As to succour, M. de Calonne
announces none. Nevertheless, he let it be seen that the
king and even the Prince of Wales (who on this point agrees
with his father) give some hopes of Hanoverian troops. But
M. de Calonne positively assured me that the King of Eng-
land, and even Mr. Pitt promise the strictest neutrality, and
the latter added that if he took part in the cause of the
princes, it would do harm, because the Opposition would
take the contrary view, and it was therefore more useful to
the good of the thing that the King of England should be
neutral. This language seems to me that of truth, and if the
English disposition is really such our emissary will have no
trouble in passing.
Postscript : Since writing the above I have received letters
from Petersburg in which they tell me that the first news of
the disaster of the King of France made the greatest impres-
sion on the empress. She received the news in the midst of
the f£te which was given on the anniversary of her succes-
sion. The Prince of Nassau is working with all his strength
to obtain succour ; but neither my despatch to Baron Stedingk
[Swedish ambassador to Russia] nor my memorial, sent July
6 from Aix, had arrived before the departure of the letters.
You know already that the empress has surmounted all
152 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. vi.
obstacles, and the allies have yielded everything to her.
This, joined to the victories won by the Eussians in the
Caucasus over the grand-vizier, make peace almost certain.
That will give Eussia more ability to aid France. Neverthe-
less, it seems to me essential that you should engage the em-
peror to warmly promote the success of my negotiation with
Eussia. . . . that the orders given to the ambassador from,
Sweden in Paris. . . . she tells me she will write to Vienna
to induce the emperor to give the same to his minister in
Paris. I think it necessary that you should know all these
circumstances, so as to compare them with the notions which
you yourself obtain in Vienna, and regulate your proceedings
accordingly.
Your very affectionate
Gustavus.
Count Fersen to the King of Sweden.
Vienna, August 17, 1791.
The emperor is still awaiting the answer from Spain. H.
I. M. seems to be less doubtful of the good inclinations of
the King of Spain and his willingness to act than of his
means and the possibility of making them effective. The
answer of England, though not positive, seems to him good.
He does not doubt the sentiments of Y. M. and the Empress
of Eussia ; but he does not seem well assured of the sincerity
of those of the King of Prussia ; he thinks there is more
demonstration of eagerness than of will to act. He told me
that the king seemed to wish to be reimbursed for his out-
lays, and to know how and by whom it would be done ; and
the emperor fears he will ask to be put in possession of some
lien on lands [hypothe'que'], which later he could not be
made to give up. This does not agree with what M.
Bischoffswerder [envoy of the King of Prussia to settle
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 153
terms of treaty with the emperor] told me on the evening
before his departure. He repeated to me how much his
master desired the emperor to act, and for that purpose he
was keeping on a war footing the corps of Prince Hohenlohe,
the garrison of Magdebourg, and the troops in Westphalia.
As for the reimbursement of the outlay such an expedition
would occasion, the object, he said, was in itself too impor-
tant for such considerations to stop it or delay it, and the
treaty which had just been signed ought to reassure the
emperor as to the intentions of his master.
It seems it has not, for the emperor has again told me
that when he has seen the King of Prussia and heard from
himself what he thinks, he will take a definite course.
This reply induces me to go to Prague, so that I may the
sooner get a positive answer and know definitively what the
emperor means to do. He seems to me in opposition to his
ministry, which makes delays and wants to wait before
doing anything for the action of the National Assembly
about the Constitution, and the reply that the King of France
may make to it. I have endeavoured to show them how
illusory all that is, how necessary it is for the success of the
operation not to lose time, and how useful, even from their
point of view, a demonstration of force would be in making
the Assembly more tractable. As soon as the emperor has
had his interview with the King of Prussia I hope to send
Y. M. his definitive answer.
The King of Sweden to Count Fersen.
Deottningholm, August, 23, 1791.
I send you inclosed several extracts from despatches re-
lating to the affairs of France. You will see the necessity
of urging the Empress of Eussia through the emperor. I
add nothing more at this time, because I hope to have let-
154 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF tcHAP. VI.
ters from you by the next post making plain the intentions
of the emperor. By the news from France, I see that the
Constitution will soon be ready to be presented to the king.
It would be very fortunate if the king could be induced to
refuse all answer, on the ground of his captivity. He would
risk nothing, because it is notorious that they dare not attack
his person from fear of the foreign powers ; and he would
thereby greatly strengthen the efforts of his friends.
If you still have communication with him, give him that
necessary advice.
Baron Taube has arrived and gives me the best assurance
of the firmness of the princes in not entering upon any
negotiations. They have written to the empress by M.
de . . . that the Prince of Nassau had amused them with
words of consolation from Her Majesty. I think it is very
necessary to warm up the empress in their favour, and you
would do well to talk with the Eussian ambassador in
Vienna about the affairs of France, in order that he may
write about them to the empress. That princess is a
woman who will never have a moment's peace until she
obtains what she wants.
On which, I pray God to have you, Count Fersen, in his
holy keeping, being
Your very affectionate
Gustavus.
The King of Sweden to Count Fersen.
The little castle of Haga,
September 8, 1791.
I have received to-day an answer to my letter to the King
of England, of which I send you a copy ; as a mark of the con-
fidence I like to show to the emperor, I request you to show
it to him. You will see that the King of England expresses
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 155
himself in a positive manner about the neutrality he is re-
solved to hold as to the affairs of France; and when one
considers the peculiar position of that king in view of the
spirit of his people and the British constitution, the resent-
ment he has a right to retain concerning the war in America,
and the jealous feelings of the English against their former
rival in greatness, it seems to me that we can hardly look
for anything more favourable or more positive than this
letter of H. Britannic M. announces. And if to that one
adds (with regard to Sweden) that the King of England, by
declaring himself neutral, puts himself in the position of not
being able to refuse entrance to his ports of Swedish vessels,
if forced by accidents to take refuge there (the old treaties,
especially that of 1662, always recognized as subsisting
between the two nations, give us positive rights as to this),
you will see that the words of the King of England's letter
express more than appears at first sight.
I think that the emperor will judge the matter in the same
light, and being thus assured of the intentions of the King of
Prussia and those of the King of England, he will feel the
necessity of hastening operations. The position of the
King and Queen of France is too cruel for them to be able to
bear it much longer ; the season is advancing ; prompt meas-
ures are absolutely necessary, especially for the Northern
Powers. The Empress of Russia, being now delivered from
all the embarrassments of the Turkish war, will be able to
second efficaciously the efforts of the other crowns, and her
grandeur of soul joined to the high regard she feels for the
emperor, will no doubt bring her to adopt the measures
necessary for concurrence ; still, I think it is essential that
the emperor should urge her vigorously, and I charge you to
speak of this to H. I. M. when you communicate to him the
letter of the King of England.
Ver. 8 11 Mem.
156 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OP [chap. vi.
I flatter myself that the emperor will recognize in all this
the zeal and friendship which inspire me for him and for the
safety of the queen his sister, and his brother-in-law the
king.
Your very affectionate
Gustavus.
The King of England to the King of Sweden.
St. James, August 13, 1791.
Monsieur, my brother and cousin :
In consequence of the friendly letter that I have just
received from Y. M., I profit by this opportunity to testify
how sensible I am to the assurances you give me of your
esteem and personal friendship. It will always give me true
pleasure to cultivate those feelings as well as to preserve and
increase the good understanding which has so long and so
happily existed between our States.
My conduct in relation to the troubles which agitate the
kingdom of France has been guided by the principles of a
strict and perfect neutrality, and never, in any of the
occasions which have arisen, have I departed from that system.
I am far from wishing to involve myself in the internal
affairs of that kingdom in order to profit by this crucial
moment, or obtain advantages which circumstances might
offer to me. As a result of the same principles I intend to
take no part in the measures which the other Powers of
Europe may see fit to adopt in this matter, neither to second
them, nor to oppose them. The wishes I form in this affair
tend solely to the welfare of Their Very Christian Majesties
and their subjects, and to the restoration of public order and
tranquillity in a kingdom so adjacent to my own States
and with which my subjects have relations of friendship
and commerce.
I shall see with pleasure all events that may contribute to
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 157
such important results; and if the new order of things
appears to present consequences which might affect the
interests of my subjects, I shall feel no difficulty in express-
ing myself ultimately on the subject in the frankest manner
to the different Powers of Europe with whom I have the
happiness to live in peace and a good understanding. I beg
Y. M. to be convinced of the friendship and high considera-
tion with which I am, Monsieur, my brother and cousin,
Your Majesty's
good brother, cousin, friend, and neighbour,
George E.
Baron Taube to Comte Fersen.1
Drottningholm, September 9, 1791.
I received your letter of August 20 this morning, my dear
friend; it is very curious that the reflections which you
make in the cipher part of your letter as to the reasons of
the emperor's slowness I had already said to the king some
days ago. I do not doubt that the former is jealous of the
king's success and of the reputation he has won ; he will be
still more so when he learns that the empress refers herself
to him and to his decision relatively to the affairs of France,
and relies on him for the execution of their joint operations.
There may be still a second reason why the emperor should
not wish the Northern Powers to take an active part in the
restoration of the King of France : we know that Prussia has
never made a treaty in favour of any one without turning it
to good account and getting leg or wing from her closest
allies (for as yet none of them, except England, have failed
to be her dupes). It may be that in the treaty just con-
1 Baron Taube was, it must be remembered, the first gentleman of the
Bedchamber to the King of Sweden and in his closest confidence ; for this
reason his letters are of great importance as expressing the views, inten
tions, and real policy of the king in French affairs. — Tb.
158 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. vi.
eluded between the emperor and the King of Prussia they
have mutually guaranteed to each other some portions or
possessions of France as indemnity for the cost of succouring
the king ; but that cannot be done now without the co-opera-
tion of the Northern Powers. The emperor's slowness looks
very suspicious to me since the signing of the treaty with
Prussia ; it is certain that if they can delay action for another
five or six weeks it will be a physical impossibility for us
and our neighbours to get out of the Baltic. The answer of
England reached us yesterday, and I think it is perfect and
just what we wanted ; it seems to me that all we could ask
of the King of England is not to take part for or against
the operations that other Powers may attempt for the res-
toration of the French monarchy.
There is one thing, however, that we must ask of England
(and the King of Sweden has rights by which to do so) : it is
that our fleets may winter in English ports ; England exacted
this of us at the beginning of this year (when she thought
there would be a rupture between herself and Eussia), by
reason of an old treaty existing between Sweden and Eng-
land. The king refused it only for the Baltic ports, not for
the ports of the North Sea, such as Gothenburg, Marstrand,
Uddevalla, etc. ; but the Russians have not the same claims.
We must obtain this, and money ; for what the empress gives
is not sufficient, now that Spain will pay nothing at the
present moment ; the latter promises to send it when things
reach the point of being able to act — but that point never
comes for Spain. Everything is going with abominable slow-
ness ; we are all ready to leave our ports by the end of this
month, the Russians the same; but they don't want us to
do so, my friend; I am more and more convinced of that.
The princes were to send Baron d'Escars here, but he has
not arrived.
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 159
I annex to this letter a project for the descent on Nor-
mandy, which the king desires me to send you. It is certain
that if we could get there and operate, that would soon settle
the existence of the National Assembly, for we should then
find ourselves in the heart of France. I am now getting
further information on this memorial ; the descent, if made
at a spot called the Fosse de Colleville, is very practicable ;
but it remains to be seen where our fleet can then stay, for
the roadstead of La Hogue is not tenable during the winter
months; for this reason we must obtain permission for the
joint fleets of Sweden and Russia to winter in English ports ;
because it would be impossible to get them back to Sweden.
All our sailors say that the entrance to the port of Ostend
is impracticable in the autumn, and, to judge by the charts
they show us, it must be so on account of the many sand-
banks which form at the entrance of the harbour.
Return to me this memorial by the courier; the king is
much bent on the execution of this plan. I think it very
feasible as to the descent at Colleville; but we must have
safe ports for fleets of some thirty or more ships of the line
and frigates. By this plan we should be rid of the embarrass-
ment of acting with the combined troops of several Powers,
which always retards all operations; there would be none
but ourselves and the Russians, and such of the French as
would rally to us. It would be best in every way, even for
us, if this project could be carried out; it would cause us
fewer embarrassments and less expense ; for we should take
with us on the ships what we needed in the first instance, and
once on shore we could find means of subsistence, and even
ports, later.
160 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. vi.
Count Fersen to the King of Sweden.
Prague, September 14, 1791.
I have Y. M.'s despatch of August 19. Yesterday the
emperor received an answer from Eussia, which he communi-
cated to me himself. The empress proposes to him a con-
gress, the recall of ambassadors, a declaration in common to
the Assembly, and the cessation of all communication and
commerce with France. She informs him that a second
courier will bring him information as to the troops she
means to send and the steps she proposes to take. The em-
peror supposes from this that she is waiting to concert with
Y. M., and he will determine nothing until the arrival of that
courier. He is more decided than ever on the congress, and
all we can obtain from him is to have it supported by troops.
He seemed to me to feel the necessity of that. He told me
yesterday that orders were about to be given to march two
regiments of cavalry and some battalions of infantry into
the Brisgau, and that the requisitions were ready to be
sent.
M. de Mercy has been to England and brought back the
assurance of the perfect neutrality of that Court.
If, after all this, the emperor takes no steps, I shall feel
sure that he is only seeking to gain time and so prevent the
Northern Powers from sending troops this year; in that
case I shall send him, before his departure from here which
is fixed for the 20th of this month, a note demanding a posi-
tive answer. It will be useless for me to prolong my stay
any longer, the emperor not intending to return to Vienna
till October 23. From what he says to me I ought to be-
lieve that he is determined to act, and feels how important
it is, even for his Low Countries, that the Swedish and Rus-
sian troops should arrive ; but there is a wide difference be-
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 161
tween words and actions. I gave him on the 9th a rather
detailed memorial on what I thought necessary to be done
at this moment. I insisted on the utility and necessity of
the immediate arrival of the Swedish troops. We shall see
what that will produce. ... It will be useless to negotiate
with the other princes of Germany ; they will consent to
nothing without the advice of the emperor, and he, having
declared himself head of the league, will lend himself to no
foreign negotiation with them. The subordinates here all
assure me that he will do nothing, and I know that that is
their advice to him ; I fear their influence much.
Count Fersen to Baron Taube.
Prague, September 21, 1791.
The king's courier arrived last night, and I received your
letter, my dear friend. I do not think it is solely from aver-
sion or jealousy that the emperor delays and drags along the
operations ; I think him personally inclined to act ; but his
ministry holds him back and he has not force enough to
resist it. I think their plan is all made : they want to await
an answer from England which they have asked for through
the King of Prussia; they want to form an army of the
Cercles [German States] ; they want to wait and see what
answer the King of France gives touching the Constitu-
tion, and then consult anew all the Courts to learn what
they think ; then, if the king is at liberty after that, they
will propose a congress at Aix-la-Chapelle ; but I doubt if
they will permit columns of troops to support it, or that
they mean to do anything before the spring.
The king will show you the memorial which I have given
to the emperor. It was written solely to induce him to agree
to this step [the arrival of Swedish and Russian troops] ;
but what I say in it about the proper method of interference
162 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. vi.
in the affairs of France is, I think, the only way, namely :
not to enter into any question of government, but to demand,
solely, that the king be set at liberty either at the Hermitage
or at Montme*dy. By this method we should avoid all the de-
lays into which discussion of governmental details would lead
the congress, and it would destroy the argument which the
Vienna ministry has already used to me, namely : that if the
King of France sanctions the Constitution freely, he will he
shown to be master in his own kingdom and the Powers can
interfere no further. That is incontestable ; but the king
must be really free, not apparently so. That is the one
thing to insist upon, and it simplifies matters very much. . . .
I am seeking a means of correspondence with the King of
France to inform him of all that is going on, and induce him
to make requests to the emperor and our master, which
would be very useful. Perhaps the position of the king and
queen (of which I have no knowledge at this moment) may
make them desire the project of our master and the empress.
I will get information as to this, and if it be so, my God,
what happiness ! I will send you a courier at once, and the
landing could be made effectually. It seems to me a good
scheme ; but the important, indeed the absolutely necessary
point is that the ships may have a safe roadstead in order to
have a sure retreat in case of disaster ; and that this road-
stead should be susceptible of defence to prevent the vessels
from being insulted, or burned. For this reason I should
prefer the roadstead of La Hogue, in spite of its distance from
Caen; it can be defended; whereas that of the Fosse de
Colleville is open and the fleet would be exposed. The idea
of disembarking the troops there and then sending the ships
to La Hogue seems to me hazardous ; the fleet might have
contrary winds, and part of the troops must be left on board
to seize the forts which defend the entrance to La Hogue.
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 163
However, the navy can best judge of these operations ; I do
not know the coast.
But, in any case, an enterprise of this kind can only be part
of a general plan concerted with the emperor. All partial
advance would involve great danger to whoever undertook
it, and would only expose the king and queen so long as they
are in Paris. By all that I have told you, my friend, you will
see that I could be more useful in Brussels than in Vienna
for it seems to me clear from all that I am told that the
strongest impulsion comes from the Comte de Mercy and the
archduchess [Marie Antoinette's sister, governor of the Low
Countries]. I know that to them is communicated all that
happens, every thing is passed upon by them ; it is therefore
on them that we should act, and if there I should be better
able to keep the king informed as to what is happening and
what are the intentions of the King of France. . . .
You are very right in all you say of the Comte d'Artois,
... his visit to Vienna has done more harm than good ; all
vehement action checks the emperor and his ministry still
more, and the consequence is that the former has decided to
act without the princes ; he fears the intrigues of those who
surround them, and he is confirmed in this idea by letters
from M. de Mercy, and letters from the queen written before
the attempt to leave Paris, and one which he received through.
M. de Mercy since the arrest, in which she asks that the
Powers will act without the princes ; she fears their reckless
behaviour ; she fears to find herself dependent upon them, if
it is through them that matters change ; she fears, and with
reason, that their proceedings will only irritate the factious
without alarming them, whereas those of the foreign Powers
will terrify them. The emperor has therefore decided to act
without the princes in concert with the other Powers ; we
must, however, induce the king to keep on good terms with
164 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap, vl
the princes, for that may be useful to him, but not to bring
them forward in any negotiations with the other Courts,
especially that of the emperor. Make any use ot this that
you think proper, without compromising any one. We must
also induce the king to make no partial advance without the
consent of the King of France, or else in concert with the
other Powers ; the danger would be too great for him, and
even for the King of France. . . .
I leave on the 28th for Brussels, where I hope to open a
correspondence with the King of France to find out what he
wants and if we can concert something with him in which our
master and Eussia can take the leading part ; but, as I could
from there give ideas to the king's ministers at the different
Courts, I must have the cipher, for with the one I have I
cannot communicate with Vienna. If the king desires
this, send me the cipher at the earliest moment.
Adieu, my dear friend ; God preserve you ; love always the
most tender and most sincere of your friends.
Queen Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen.
September 26, 1791.
Your letter of the 28 th has reached me. For two months
I have had no news of you ; no one could tell me where you
were. I was on the point, if I had known her address, of
writing to Sophie [his sister, mistress of the robes to the
Queen of Sweden] . . . [seven lines missing1] we are here
in a new position since the king's acceptance [of the Con-
stitution] ; to refuse it would have been nobler, but that was
impossible under the circumstances in which we are. I
could have wished that the acceptance were simple and
1 The queen's letters are nearly all in cipher, or in " white ink " mingled
with plain writing, and various undecipherable or missing passages occur.
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 165
shorter, but that is the misfortune of being surrounded by
villains ; indeed, I assure you it was the least bad project
they presented. You can judge of this some day, for I have
kept for you all that ex . . . [two lines missing] there ;
which I had the good fortune to find, as there are papers
in it belonging to you. The follies of the princes and the
Smigres have forced us to this step. It was essential, in accept-
ing, to remove all doubt of its being sincere. I believe that
the best way to sicken every one of all this is to seem to be
in it wholly ; that will soon show that nothing can go on.
In spite of the letter that my brothers have written to the
king (and which, by the way, did not at all have the effect
here which they expected) I do not see, especially in the
declaration of Pillnitz, that foreign help is very prompt.
That may, perhaps, be fortunate, for the farther we advance
the more these wretches will feel their misfortunes ; perhaps
they will even come to desire the help of foreigners them-
selves. I fear that rash heads may lead your king to do
something which may compromise him, and us with him.
Much wisdom is needed. I shall write to M. de Mercy.
As soon as you are in Brussels, let me know ; I will write
to you simply ; for I have a sure means always at my orders.
You could never imagine how much all that I do in these
days costs me ; and yet, this vile race of men, who say they
are attached to us and to whom we have never done harm,
are furious at this moment ; it seems as though one must
have a base soul to do with satisfaction that to which one is
forced ; and it is their . . . and their conduct which has
dragged us into the position in which we now are. I have
had but one happiness, that of seeing once more the gentle-
men who were imprisoned for us, — especially M. Goguelat ;
he is perfectly reasonable and his head has become balanced
during his imprisonment.
166 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. vi.
Count Fersen to Queen Marie-Antoinette.
Brussels, October 10, 1791.
I am here again.
\Four lines missing.^
I pity you for having been forced to sanction [the Consti-
tution] ; but I feel your position, it is dreadful, and you
could take no other course. I have at least the consolation
of knowing that other reasonable persons are of the same
opinion. But what are you going to do ? Is all hope lost ?
If any remains, do not allow yourself to be disheartened ; if
you desire to be aided, I hope that you can be ; but for that
we must know your desires and your plans, in order to
moderate or excite the good-will and efforts of the King of
Sweden and the other Powers ; for, in any case, the princes
must be only auxiliaries.
The Empress of Eussia and the kings of Prussia, Naples,
Sardinia, and Spain are very satisfactory, especially the first
three ; Sweden will sacrifice herself for you. England assures
us of her neutrality. The emperor is the least willing : he is
weak and indiscreet ; he promises all, but his ministry,
which fears to compromise itself and wants to avoid inter-
ference, holds him back. Hence the contradiction which you
notice between his letters and his acts. I was sent to him
by the king with full and unlimited powers, to propose and
consent to whatever might serve you. I have been unable
to do anything except prevent a few foolish acts of the
princes and persuade him to have nothing to do with them.
I made him a detailed memorial in which I proposed to him
to recall the ambassadors and have them meet in congress ;
to insist on nothing except your liberty in the terms of the
Pillnitz declaration ; to exact, as a proof of your liberty, that
you shall go to the Hermitage or to Montmddy, and call the
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 167
body-guard and whatever troops you wish around you ; to
advance columns of troops on all sides toward the frontiers ;
to demand them from Sweden and Russia and allow their
troops to land at Ostend. I asked the emperor to make this
demand at once, inasmuch as the other Powers have all said
that they would do what he did. He was of my opinion
about everything ; but nothing has been done ; all has been
allowed to go on until now you have been forced to sanction
the Constitution. But if you have any project, we can push
it by the other Powers, and as I am charged by the king [of
Sweden] to correspond with all his ministers, I will guide
myself in doing so by what you will write to me.
Here are certain questions to which it is necessary to
reply ; but to save length I keep the numbers and you can
mark your answers 1, 2, 3 : —
1. Do you intend to put yourselves sincerely into the revo-
lution, and do you think that there is no other means ?
2. Do you wish to be aided, or do you wish us to cease all
negotiations with the Courts ?
3. Have you a plan, and what is it ?
Pardon these questions; I flatter myself that you will
see in them only the desire to serve you with boundless
devotion.
October 12.
M. de Mercy has just communicated to me your letter
and I write in consequence. He was against the congress
until now, but I have decided him to support it in Vienna
by proving to him that some ostensible step must be taken
to check the princes and the assemblage whom they have
collected about them ; it is alarming. The affair of Avignon
is a good pretext for a congress, and I intend to write to the
ministry of the King of Spain asking them to induce the
pope to call for an intervention of the Powers. You must
168 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. vi.
urge the emperor to form the congress, or, at least, to an-
nounce it at once, indicating the place and naming the mem-
bers. Exaggerate your fears about the princes and say that
this announcement will calm them. Insist that the congress
be supported by a demonstration of armed force.
Comte Fersen to Queen Marie- Antoinette.
October 18, 1791.
I have nothing to add to my letter of yesterday. Con-
tinue to insist with the emperor and urge him ; ask him to
tell you frankly whether he intends to do what you request
of him ; I will try to have him urged by the other Courts.
Do not let your heart go out to those madmen; they are
scoundrels, who will never do anything for you ; you must
distrust them, and use them.
I have confided to the Chevalier de Coigny a part of my
negotiations ; I know no other fault in him than that of lik-
ing Calonne. I have had no time to decipher more than the
beginning of your letter. It is the fear of compromising us
which has kept me from writing to you. I am just now
overwhelmed with writing. I cannot return to Sweden be-
cause I am charged with the king's correspondence. The
rest of this cipher means nothing ; it is only to fill up the
paper.
Queen Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen.
October 19, 1791.
It is impossible to bring out M. de Breteuil's writing on
the papers with the liquid that the Chevalier de Coigny has
brought us. Send me word at once, by post, the right way
to use the liquid and of what it is made, because if this is
bad we must get some more made.
I have written to M. de Mercy to urge the congress; I
told him to communicate my letter to you ; therefore I will
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 169
enter into no details about that matter here. I have seen M.
de Moustier, who also desires the congress. He has even
given me some ideas for the basis of it which I think reason-
able. He refuses the ministry, and I advised him to do so.
He is a man to preserve for better times ; and he might be
lost.
Reassure yourself ; I shall not let myself go to these mad-
men, and if I see them, or have any relations with some of
them, it is only to make use of them ; they inspire me with
too great a horror ever to let myself go to them. They
intend, I believe, to put the Comte de Segur in M. de
Moustier's place. I wish he would take it ; he knows how
to speak, and that is all we need at this moment when we
cannot have ministers who are good for us, and it may ruin
him ; there would be no harm in that.
The body-guards make us very anxious ; it is certain that
they will be entirely lost for us by forming them into a
corps, as is now being done ; I am assured by these madmen
themselves that nothing will be more easy than to bring them
back later; but there certainly is an air of intending to do
something down there \lh-bas~\, and then it would be impossi-
ble. I have written of this, and so has the king, to his
brothers by the senaubr [?], to see if there is no way of
doing something to prevent it. The point is not to unite
them into a corps, and, if nothing is done this winter, to send
some of them back here. We must not, however, urge their
return, because we have a project very much like that of the
month of June ; it is not yet fully determined ; I will let
you know about it in eight or ten days ; if it takes place it
will be from the 15th to the 20th of November. If we can-
not go then we shall do nothing more this winter, but go on
waiting for the congress, which I shall urge strongly.
I cannot tell you how touched I am, the king also, by
170 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. vi.
what that good M. Crawford is doing for us. I will write
you in a few days what you must say to him from us. We
should be very glad to be able to do anything for him.
There are so few persons who show us true attachment ! It
is known here that he is concerned in our affairs, and I have
had many fears about his house.
All is tranquil enough for the time being, apparently ; but
this tranquillity hangs by a thread, and the people are al-
ways as they were — ready to commit horrors. We are told
they are for us ; I do not believe it ; certainly they are not for
me. I know the value to set on all that ; most of the time
the people are paid, and they only like us as long as we do
what they choose. It is impossible to go on much longer in
this way ; there is no more safety in Paris now than there
was before [the acceptance of the Constitution], perhaps less,
for they are now accustomed to see us degraded.
You tell me nothing of your health. Mine is good . . .
[two lines missing]. Frenchmen are atrocious in every way ;
if those here get the advantage and we have to live on among
them, we must take great care that they shall have nothing
to reproach us with ; but we must also remember that if
those now without [the emigres'] should ever again become
masters we must do nothing to displease them . . . [Jive
lines missing~\.
Baron Taube to Count Fersen.
Stockholm, Oct. 21, 1791.
The treaty of alliance [between Sweden and Eussia] was
signed yesterday. The empress gives the king 12,000 infan-
try and 4000 Cossacks and hussars, and 12 ships of the line.
What I am to tell you now, my friend, is of the greatest
secrecy, and you will see how necessary it is that I shall not
be compromised- The king has just received an extremely
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 171
friendly letter from the empress, with copies of one she has
written to the emperor and of one she has received from the
princes. In her letter to the king she says she perseveres in
her idea of contributing with all her power to the overthrow
of the new Constitution in France, in spite of its acceptance
by the king of France, which should be regarded as forced
and null ; if, however, the King and Queen of France accepted
it in good faith, so much the worse for them, and in that case
the King of France must be regarded as non ens. You can
judge what advantage can be drawn from the opposition of
a person who thinks as strongly as she does.
To the emperor she says : " We must assist the princes
efficaciously and begin operations without delay." You see
from that how necessary it is that the King of France should
himself write to the empress and tell her of his affairs and
his designs, — to her directly, or to her through the king [of
Sweden], to whom she seems to give herself up with the
utmost confidence.
As for the affairs of France, here is what the princes say
in their letter to the empress : " The spirit of delay which
is conducting the cabinets of Vienna and Madrid, the bad
faith of the latter, which we have good reason to believe is
sold to our enemies, the intrigues of the Baron de Breteuil
(for it is time to name him to Your Majesty), who prefers to
upset everything rather than see any projects succeed but
those he conceives himself," etc., etc. You can tell all this
to M. de Breteuil, without naming me ; I rely, my dear friend,
on your regard and discretion. Advise the baron to keep up
a steady correspondence with the king [of Sweden] ; the king
has a great esteem for him and has loved him from childhood.
Try, in God's name, that the king may have money so that he
may be in a position to rule all the others ; for if he does not
begin this affair, the other Powers will never do anything.
Ver. 8 12 Mem.
172 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap, vt
Count Fersen to Queen Marie-Antoinette.
October 25, 1791.
Continue to urge the emperor for this congress ; without a
very decided and prompt step in that direction, I fear all
from the folly of the princes and the emigres/ they are
much excited, and if they think themselves abandoned I
will not answer for what they may do. I have written to
the ministers of my king at all the Courts, telling them to
urge the emperor on this point ; he needs to be pushed, or he
will do nothing. Do not fear any rash advance on the part
of my king; I can stop that. His conduct in your affairs
deserves your gratitude; if all had behaved like him you
would not now be in your present state.
Stael says horrors of me ; he has even bribed my coach-
man and taken him into his service, which pains me. He
has prejudiced against me many persons who now blame my
conduct and say that I act from ambition only, and that I
have ruined you and the king. The Spanish ambassador and
others are of that opinion. They are right : I have had am-
bition — to serve you, and all my life I shall regret that I
did not succeed ; I wanted to return to you a part of the
obligations it has been so sweet to me to owe you, and I
wanted to show others that one can be attached to persons
like you without any selfish interests. The rest of my con-
duct might have proved to them that there was my sole am-
bition, and that the glory of having served you was my
dearest reward.
My horses have arrived [those with which he drove the
royal family to Bondy]. I know that you have seen the
wife of my valet. How kind ! but I ought to be accustomed
to that. They say here that you prefer to remain as you
are, and to make use of the princes; that is very proper,
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 173
but take care ; it must not be said openly, or it will be dan-
gerous for you.
My father wants me to return to Sweden, but I hope to
bring him round to my ideas; it is chiefly the matter of
money which alarms him. Tell me what you wish me to do
with that I sent for you to Holland. Am I to invest it, or
leave it on deposit where it is ? M. de Bouilld, though I told
him to remit to me what remained of the million, had the
weakness to give it to the princes; it was seven hundred
thousand francs, which would have been very useful to you
to have. If the princes can be restrained the present vast
emigration may not be an evil for you ; it may serve to en-
lighten the people and bring them back through want and
poverty.
Count Fersen to Queen Marie-Antoinette.
October 29, 1791.
I have received perfect letters from Sweden. The king
urges the empress strongly, and she is very well inclined.
She desires an interview with him, which is to take place as
soon as the frontiers are settled. It is important that your
letter should reach her before this interview ; it would have
a good effect. I have already told the king what you desire
should be done, and I will repeat it to him again. Baron
Taube has come round to my idea for the congress, and I am
sure that the king will urge it. The departure of the min-
isters and ambassadors should be on leave of absence, and
this should take place as soon as possible ; but it is necessary
to insist to the emperor that a demonstration of armed force
be made to support the congress ; or, at least, that prepara-
tions be made to march the troops, without which the con-
gress will not have the power or the consideration it ought
to have. The emperor, Spain, and the King of Sardinia
174 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ti.
could give orders to hold their troops ready to march. The
King of Prussia could order his in Wesel to prepare their
war equipment and hold themselves ready: Sweden and
Eussia the same. Insist on this to the emperor. I shall
write the same everywhere. Disunion is in the councils at
Coblentz [among the princes and emigres]; the Bishop of
Arras has departed. They are weary of Mardchal de Broglie.
Calonne and Jaucourt have quarrelled ; the first will not re-
main if the other does ; they even say that he is going back
to England. M. de Castries is here; he inclines to go to
Coblentz, but he is very reasonable and wants to induce M. de
Breteuil to go with him, which he will not do ; but I hope
Castries will put him into relation with the princes suffi-
ciently to prevent their follies. Even the two princes
[d'Artois and Cond£] have quarrelled, and I hope there will
be nothing to fear from them. We must, nevertheless, make
use of that scarecrow to urge the emperor, who needs it, or
he will do nothing. If the emigres return just now it will
be a great misfortune, but they had far better never have
come out ; as they are here, however, their return would be a
great triumph for the madmen, and you would lose much of
your power to control the latter. I therefore think it best
to have an air of wishing the return of the emigres but do
nothing to promote it ; it is only necessary to restrain them ;
and the congress will do that.
Whenever you receive blank paper or a book with blank
leaves or engravings it will be written upon in white ink ;
when the date is at the bottom of the letters, the same.
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 175
CHAPTER VII.
1791. The same continued. — Efforts to obtain a Congress. — Memorial of
Count Fersen to the Queen, explaining the political Situation of the
Powers and advising a Course of Action for the King and Queen of
France.
Queen Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen.
October 31, 1791.
I received your papers by M. de Brige yesterday; the
writing came out perfectly with the liquid which I obtained
from the apothecary. The kind sent to us from down there
[la-bas] must have evaporated, but that is no matter now.
I shall try to answer all in brief ; and I will do so as often as
I have time up to Thursday, when the man who takes charge
of this letter will start.
I was so hurried the last time I wrote to you that I could
not speak of M. Crawford. Tell him that we know the per-
fect way in which he has acted for us ; that I have always
taken pleasure in thinking of his attachment, but that now,
in the dreadful position in which we are, every new proof of
interest is a claim the more, and very sweet, upon our grati-
tude.— Monsieur's letter to the baron [de Breteuil] surprised
and shocked us ; but we must have patience and not show
too much anger at this moment ; I shall, however, copy it
and show it to my sister. I am curious to know how she will
justify it in the midst of all that is happening. Our interior
is a hell ; with the best intentions in the world there is no say-
ing anything. My sister is so indiscreet, and so surrounded by
intriguers, and above all so ruled by her brothers from with-
out, that there is no way for us to talk to one another, or we
should quarrel all the time. I see that the ambition of the
176 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. vn.
persons who surround Monsieur will ruin him entirely ; he
believed, at the first moment, that he was everything ; but
do what he will, he never can play a role ; his brother [the
king] will always have the confidence of others and the
advantage over him in all cases, from the constancy and
invariability of his conduct.
It is very unfortunate that Monsieur did not return at
once when we were arrested ; he would then have followed
the course he had always announced, — that of never quitting
us ; and he would then have spared us much pain and trouble
which may perhaps result in a formal summons [sommation]
which we shall be forced to issue for his return, to which we
feel, especially if made in that manner, he could not consent.
We groan at the number of emigres ; we feel the injury,
as much for the interior of the kingdom as for the princes
themselves. What is dreadful is the manner in which these
worthy persons are deceived and have been deceived, so that
soon nothing will remain to them but anger and despair.
Those who have had enough confidence in us to consult us
have remained, or, at least, if they thought it for their honour
to go, they have heard the truth from us. But what good
was that ? the tone and mania are not to do our will ; to say
that we are not free (which is very true) ; that consequently
we cannot speak our real thoughts, and that the reverse of
what we say should be done. This has been the fate
of the memorial sent by us to my brothers, which you saw
and approved. The answer came that we were forced to
write that memorial, that such could not be our sentiments,
and that consequently they would take no account of it ; and
then they beg us to have confidence and speak to them
frankly ; which is really saying : " Do our will and then we
will serve you, but not otherwise."
As it is possible, however, that they may at this moment
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 177
be committing follies which would ruin all, I think we
ought to stop them at any cost ; and as I hope — from what
your documents say and from the letter of M. de Mercy —
that the congress will really take place, I think we ought to
send them from here some safe person who would show them
[the princes] the danger and the extravagance of their
scheme, and also show them our true position and our
desires, and make them see that the only course for us to
follow at this moment is to gain the confidence of the people
here ; that that is useful, necessary even, to any project
whatever; for all should go on together, and the Powers
not being able to come to the help of France with great
forces during the winter, nothing but a congress can rally
and unite the means that may be possible in the spring.
But, in making this confidence [to the princes] we must
beware of their extreme indiscretion; for that reason, we
can say to the person who goes from here only that which
we want to make openly known Ik-bas.
M. Grimm has arrived here. He wished to see me, but I
answered that it was impossible for me to receive him, and
that is true in a certain way; I am too closely watched.
But I have had him told my reasons by a person who, at the
same time, will tell him in suitable terms of our feelings
for the empress [of Russia]. It is very important that we
should succeed in making her adopt the idea of a congress ;
by her character she can bring all the Powers to decide
upon it, and she can also restrain the princes. I fear
only the levity of M. de Calonne and the petulance of M. de
Nassau.
There is nothing to be gained from this Assembly ; it is a
crowd of scoundrels, madmen, and fools ; the few who want
order and less evil than the rest are not listened to, or dare
not speak. It is in the mud, among the populace even,
178 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. vii.
that the Assembly tries in every way to create excite-
ment ; but that succeeds no longer. Nothing but the clear-
ness of bread occupies their minds, and the decrees. The
journals do not even speak of it [excitement] ; in this there
is a great change, very visible in Paris, where the great
majority, not knowing whether they want this regime 01
another, is weary of troubles and does want tranquillity. I
speak of Paris only ; for I think the provincial cities are worse
at this moment ; and yet from Coblentz they never cease to
tell us that they have great good understandings through-
out the kingdom ; but the affair at Lyon makes us cautious
and little credulous on such assurances. The King of
Sweden, in sending back to the king his letter notifying his
acceptance [of the Constitution] without reading it, did a
thing which I wish had been done by all the other Powers ;
but done alone, I fear there was imprudence in the step.
Nevertheless, it is impossible to be more touched than we
are by the frankness, the loyalty, the nobleness of his conduct
to us, and I hope that some day we may at last benefit by
all that he is good enough to do for us.
I have just read two despatches from Spain, one of October
13 th, the other of the 20th. They are very well, and I think
that Spain will make no difficulty about the congress. The
idea of it is even a part of her own plan ; but she wants that
the king be free and able to go where he pleases beforehand.
That idea is impossible ; for they will always say here that he
is now the master of going where he pleases ; but in point of
fact he cannot do so, for besides the danger of getting out of
Paris (where he might be obliged to leave his wife and son),
his personal safety would be no greater in other places, for
there is not a town, and no troops, on which he can rely. It
seems to me, on the contrary, that it is only in seeking to
win daily more confidence and popularity here that we can
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 179
succeed, after the congress is opened, in joining it, or at least
in going to the frontier, to be in some sort charged with the
interests of this country. If we could gain that point, it
would be all ; and that is the object for which we ought to
aim ; for that, all our daily actions should combine to inspire
confidence. The misfortune is that we are not seconded
here by any one, and, no matter what efforts I make, I cannot
alone do all I wish and feel so necessary for the general good.
Spain has still another idea, but I think that detestable :
it is to have the princes return, accompanied by all the
French, supported only by the King of Sweden as our ally,
and announce by manifesto that they do not come to make
war, but to rally all good Frenchmen to their side and declare
themselves protectors of true French liberty. The great
powers to furnish the necessary money for this operation,
and remain themselves outside with a sufficient number
of troops to awe, but do nothing; so that no pretext of
invasion or dismemberment could be made.
But all that is not practicable; and I think that if the
emperor would hasten to call the congress, that is the only
useful and suitable manner to make an end of it all. I do
not understand why you wish the Powers to withdraw their
ministers and ambassadors at once. It seems to me that,
this congress being supposed, at least at first, to be called as
much for affairs that concern all the Powers of Europe as
for those of France, there is no reason for this sudden
recall. And besides, is it sure that all the Powers would act
alike ? and do you not think that England, Holland led by
England, and Prussia, in order to outwit the others, will
leave their ministers ? Then there would be disunion in the
opinions of Europe, which could only injure our affairs. I
may be mistaken, but I think that nothing but great harmony,
at least in appearance, can impose respect here. Distrust
180 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. vii.
Denmark; from the despatches she seems detestable, espe-
cially towards Eussia and Sweden.
I must have expressed myself ill about the body-guard;
our intention was not to recall them, but to prevent their
being formed into a corps, and, if nothing were done this
winter, that the officers, or the richest among them, should
return here to show themselves. The same thing exists for
the emigres ; I know perfectly well that, once out of the
country, and in such a manner, their return is impossible ;
but this is a great misfortune ; greater even for the rest of
France than for Paris, for the provinces are now delivered
over entirely to themselves, or to a horde of scoundrels and
factious persons. In the position in which we are, with the
horrible mistrust they are always trying to excite against us,
it is impossible that we should not do publicly all that is
necessary to bring back every one. The decree of the parlia-
ment proposed at the council of the princes was crazy ; I am
not astonished that it was rejected. It seems to me that the
best heads in that of Paris would reject such extravagance,
and not desire to leave their place here.
I understand very well all that concerns the cipher, but you
must always put two full stops when two words end at the
same time and leave the j and v ; that will facilitate things
for us. We have read very easily all that was in white ;
but in future the king will dispense with ceremony ; it will
be easier to say " you " only. I also desire that the bishop,
or some one with legible writing, shall write these letters,
and not you, who are already worn out with writing. You
must, by the next safe opportunity, send us word how much
money we have outside, at Brussels and in Holland, and the
name of the bankers. Send me word also what we owe to
Mme. de Korff, and how and when we can pay it.
As Marechal de Castries is right-minded, the baron [de
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 181
Breteuil] might agree with him as to our interests and our
ideas; so that he could go to Coblentz and speak in our
name to our brothers. We will try to find some one to send
to him from us with the authorization. I should like it to be
the Baron de Viomesnil, but I do not know if he would be
willing.
November 7.
I hope that this letter can go to-morrow. It ought to
have gone the 3d, but the person was delayed by his affairs,
and I preferred to wait, to be sure it was safely delivered.
This person, who starts to-morrow morning, returns soon. I
think the opportunity is safe.
Is it true that the King of Sweden has sent a minister to
the princes at Coblentz ? I am much afraid they will force
the king here to write a letter to the King of Sweden with
his own hand on present affairs ; if that happens, it will be
only another proof of his non-liberty. No ministry yet.
Mme. de Stael is bustling much for M. de Narbonne. I
have never seen a stronger or more intricate intrigue.1
The answer of the emperor to the acceptance contains,
they say (I have not yet seen it), a very good phrase, which
may prepare the way for the congress, provided he keeps to
it, and makes haste to announce it ; for in spite of the appar-
1 The Russian ambassador in Paris, M. Simolin, writes of this appoint-
ment thus : " No one in society has a more brilliant mind than this new can-
didate ; he spent his youth with men of letters, whom he surpassed in the
piquancy and wit of his poems. He had a stormy youth, and Madame
Adelaide covered his follies several times with great liberalities. Mme.
de Stael, the Swedish ambassadress, long possessed M. de Narbonne's
heart ; she quitted him two years^ ago for the Bishop of Autun, his best
friend. M. de Narbonne, audacious in character, and ambitious on prin-
ciple, will certainly not fail to upset everything in the department they
are going to confide to him ; all the legations, the' embassies, the bureaux
will be made over new, and his ministry may perhaps prove an epoch of
extraordinary changes in French politics." (Letter of M. de Simolin to
Mme. de Sullivan. November 4, 1791.) — Tb.
182 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. tii.
ent quiet at Coblentz, heads are much excited and it is to be
feared that the princes cannot control them much longer.
I must give my letter to-morrow morning, so I must finish it.
Adieu.
My sister has shown me a letter from Monsieur, dated
from Brussels, to justify the one that he wrote to the king,
in which he says that you had announced to him that the
king wished to charge him with everything during his
imprisonment. I warn you of this in case the same thing
should be said where you are ; as for us, we know very well
all about it. Adieu.
Queen Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen.
November 7, 1791.
Be perfectly easy ; never will I let myself go to these
madmen ; we must use them to prevent great evils, but as for
good, I know very well they are not capable of it. Adieu ; I
am tired out with writing ; never have I done such work, and
I am always afraid of forgetting, or of putting in stupidities
[line missing]. ... I see that all the aristocrats and demo-
crats are rabid against the Baron de Breteuil ; I am uneasy
at seeing you with him. It is to Coblentz and the emigres
that we owe this cruel persecution ; they have said so much
about our acting solely by the baron's advice, declaring that
he has all our secrets, that the ministry and the madmen
here are beginning to talk of it.
Count Fersen to Queen Marie-Antoinette.
November 11, 1791.
The bishop [of Pamiers] goes to Paris. I will send you
by him a long detail of your position and of what I imagine
there is to do. It is very necessary that you should write to
Spain and Russia to claim their help, and convince them
1791] COUNT AXEL EERSEN. 183
that you do not abandon yourself wholly to the Constitu-
tion. Your letter to Kussia can go through Simolin ; that to
Spain by BreteuiL One word to Sweden would be well, and
I will send it. By this means, you will prevent those
Powers from letting themselves go to the princes when
they see that you wish to act for yourselves. It would be
well to speak of the congress which you have asked the
emperor to call, and tell them that you will explain
more in detail your projects, in which you hope they will
concur.
Send me word if you have sufficient confidence in M. de
Laporte for the bishop to send letters by him as if they were
from the baron.
I cannot sufficiently tell you how important it is that you
should write as soon as possible to Sweden and Russia con-
fidentially, to prevent them from giving themselves over to
the princes under the conviction that you will never do any-
thing. This first letter to the king would be only to say
that you hope for the friendship and interest he has already
testified for you, which you trust he will continue to
testify ; that your position requires the greatest caution, but
that you will shortly let him know with confidence what
your plans are, and that, knowing his noble and generous
way of thinking, you do not doubt he will second them with
all his power, and employ his influence with the empress to
decide her in your favour, and with the princes to prevent
them from committing any rash act which might thwart
your plans. Your letter to the empress could be the same,
flattering her a little. In this way they can be made very
useful to you. Before writing the other letters wait until
the Bishop of Pamiers brings you the memorial. I am
writing of your position outside of France ; you can then
judge better what there is to do, and of the plan of conduct
184 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. vii.
which I shall propose to you. Never write to me through
M. de Mercy ; he can decipher all your letters.
Stael has just received a furlough of three months, with
orders to leave Paris immediately.
Do not forget to tell me to say something amiable from
you and from the king to M. Crawford ; he deserves it so
much !
Queen Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen.
November 25, 1791.
I await the bishop with much impatience. Here is a note
for the Baron de Breteuil ; it is an extract from a long
memorial the king has written to render account to himself
of all that he has done in these days. The paper is very well
written; but besides having arguments in it which are not
necessary, it is much too long to put into cipher.
Our position at this moment is terrible, the factious are
ceaselessly at work ; the people are ready at any moment to
rise and commit horrors ; the republicans employ all means
to excite them. I believe, nevertheless, that if we are wise,
we can gain much, and sooner than we think, from this very
excess of evil; but great prudence is needful. Without
foreign help we can do nothing [six lines missing], . . . but
the paper I mentioned will go to-morrow, by another oppor-
tunity ; I prefer that, being afraid to make too thick a packet ;
inside you will find two letters in white ink, one for Spain,
the other for Sweden ; we do not dare write otherwise. You
must bring out the writing ; the baron can take charge of the
one for Spain. If you think them bad, burn them and let me
know ; also let me know what we ought to write. The word
of the cipher is cause ; I do not know if it is in all its letters,
for I was obliged to get some one to write it. There is noth-
ing for you in it, so Breteuil can decipher it. M. de Stae'l
1791] COUKT AXEL FERSEN. 185
has not gone. He comes every day to Court. Adieu ; it is
nearly two o'clock.
Annexed to the foregoing.
Extract from the memorial of King Louis XVI.
t All policy should be reduced to setting aside the ideas of
invasion which the Emigres may perhaps undertake alone ; it
would be a great misfortune for France if the interests of
the SmigrSs were put forward on the first line ; and if they
had the assistance of only a few Powers. Who can say that
others, like England, would not furnish, secretly at least, aid
to the other side, and take advantage of the unhappy state
of France, which is rending itself to pieces.
The Smigres must be convinced that they can do no good
between now and the spring ; that their interests as well as
ours demand that they shall cease to cause uneasiness. We
feel that if they think themselves abandoned they will rush
into excesses that ought to be avoided ; we must therefore
give hopes to some of them for next spring, and provide for
the wants of the others.
A congress would attain the desired end; it might con-
tain emigres, and alarm the factious. The Powers should
agree together on the language to hold to all parties. A
combined action among them could only redound, not be in-
jurious, to the interests of the king — besides their personal
interests. Occasions may arise when these interventions
would be necessary ; if, for instance, an attempt were made
to establish a republic on the ruins of the monarchy.
Neither is it possible that they should see without uneasi-
ness Monsieur and the Comte d'Artois not returning [to
France], and the Due d'Orl^ans the nearest to the throne:
what subjects for reflection !
The firm and uniform language of all the Powers of
186 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OP [chap. vii.
Europe, supported by a formidable army, would have most
fortunate results ; it would temper the ardour of the emigres,
whose role would then become secondary, the factious would
be disconcerted, and courage would revive among good citi-
zens, friends of order and of the monarchy.
These ideas are for the future and for the present. The
Powers have many reasons for wishing to have an under-
standing with each other; these reasons are given in the
memorial sent six weeks ago to M. de Mercy.
The king cannot, and will not retract of himself what
has been done ; the majority of the nation must desire him
to do so, or he must be forced to it by circumstances ; in this
case, he must acquire confidence and popularity by acting in
accordance with the spirit of the Constitution. By causing
it to be executed literally its vices will be recognized, and,
especially, the anxiety caused by the emigres will be re-
moved. If they make an irruption without an overwhelm-
ing force France and the king will be destroyed. The Baron
de Viomesnil, who has been spoken to on this subject, can
develop the general ideas contained in this memorial.
Memorial of Count Fersen, written for Queen Marie-
Antoinette.1
Brussels, November 26, 1791.
From all that I have written you of the slowness of the
emperor and his want of active good-will for you, of which I
am convinced by all that I saw myself in Vienna, and by the
means that he never ceases to employ to paralyze the good-
will of the other Courts and prevent them from acting (of
1 This memorial is very long and is shortened here ; the parts omitted
being indicated in the text. It will be found in " Le Comte de Fersen et
la Cour de France," vol. i., pp. 233-256. Firmin-Didot et Cie, Paris,
1878. — Th.
1791] COUNT AXEL EERSEN. 187
which I will some day give you positive proofs), I think it
necessary that you should adopt another plan of conduct;
but before proposing it I ought to give you a correct idea of
your position outside of France.
The Powers which sincerely desire to help you, such as
Spain, Russia, Sweden, and, possibly, Prussia, see as yet in the
king's acceptance [of the Constitution] and in all his conduct
only weakness; above all, in his subsequent conduct, for
which they do not feel the necessity, even granting a neces-
sity for the acceptance. They fear that your intention is to
do nothing and continue to go on feebly, and always by the
Constitution ; they feel the danger of that example ; and, as
the restoration of the monarchy touches their own political
interests, they will ally themselves with the princes rather
than allow so monstrous a government to be established in
France.
The other Powers, such as the Empire, Holland, and Eng-
land, to whom the debasement of France may be of some
advantage, will seek under different pretexts to prevent the
effect of the good dispositions of the others, but without
declaring themselves. It is useful to them that disorder and
anarchy should continue, and that the kingdom should thus
become weaker without their seeming to have any hand in it,
and without its costing them anything.
The King of Spain is very well-disposed ; all his interests
unite to come to the help of the king, and the assurances
that he gives are positive. The emperor alone chooses to
doubt them. . . . The conduct of the King of Spain at this
moment, and the assurance which, I am informed, he has
given to Vienna, that he will never recognize the king's
acceptance, will show you that you cannot doubt his good
intentions. It will suffice if you direct them, and make them
concur to a common end concerted with you. The Kings of
Ver. 8 13 Mem.
188 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. vh.
Sardinia and Naples will follow the lead of Spain. I have
positive assurances of the favourable way of thinking of the
King of Poland, but, whatever be his good-will, his political
position does not allow him to act in any way.
After what took place at the interview at Pillnitz, and
after all that M. de Bischofswerder told me in Vienna and
has never ceased repeating to the emperor in the most earnest
manner, namely, that his master [the King of Prussia] was
all ready to act in your favour ; that 50,000 men were pre-
pared to march at the first requisition, on condition that the
emperor did the same ; that he would act in harmony with
him in all the steps he might indicate, and that the treaty
just signed between them would assure the emperor of his
intentions ; and finally, after what the King of Prussia him-
self sent you word by M. de Moustier, we certainly ought
to count upon him ; at any rate enough not to fear that he
will be against you, or that he would oppose what the other
Powers may try to do in your favour. . . .
The inclinations of the Empress of Kussia are not equivo-
cal ; they are even too pronounced, and might be dangerous
if influenced by others than yourself, and unless you can
bring them to concur in a plan of operations formed by you
and concerted with her. The two millions she has given to
the princes, the letter of authorization which she gave Count
Komanzoff to treat with them (for it was not a letter ac-
crediting him, merely a simple cabinet letter letting them
know they could rely on what he said to them from her), —
all this proves the desire that she feels to help you ; but not
being in any way informed of your projects, she takes the one
means that seems to her proper, and the only one that remains
to her. The emperor's slowness has inspired her with dis-
trust as to his desire to serve you. . . . The warmth she
puts into succouring you is extreme ; it is only necessary to
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 189
temper it a little and show her the ways and means of serv-
ing you. For that, you should write to her, claim her assist-
ance, let her know your plans and concert them with her.
You have long known the friendly dispositions of the King
of Sweden and the ardour that he puts into serving you-
But his spirit is eager and restless and needs to be calmed ;
it is solely occupied with the means of succouring you, and
nothing will seem to him too costly to- reach that end. You
know the sacrifices that he made for it in his treaty with the
empress, and all his actions tend to that object. Here are
some quotations from his letters : " Rumours are flying
about as to the sentiments of the Court [of France] towards
the princes, which are very unjust to them and very injuri-
ous to the common interests, so that I cannot believe those
tales; give me weapons with which to defend that Court,
especially to the empress, on whose mind I fear these things
may make a fatal impression. If every one would only
believe me, we should not wait till spring to act; it is
merely, as I think, giving time to the factious to strengthen
themselves." And he ends by thus speaking of the king:
" Even if he abandons the rights of his son, of his family, of
his equals, I shall not abandon them ; I shall use the same
ardour in serving his brothers that I have been ready to use
in his service ; and I share this feeling with the Empress of
Russia."
The King of Sweden cannot conceive the reasons which
prevent you from trusting to the good-will of the princes;
he needs, in order to feel that necessity, a closer and more
detailed knowledge of your position than he has. It is to
give it to him, and convince him of the necessity of your
conduct, that we are bending all our energies ; but a friendly
and confidential communication of your situation and your
projects would have the desired effect ; it would bring him
190 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. vn.
back to calmer ideas ; it would keep him from acting with
the princes and induce him to concert with you ; and in that
position his zeal and that of the Empress of Kussia would be
very useful to you. You could even use the influence he has
on the princes to guide their conduct, through him, without
their suspecting it, and to make their actions tend to a com-
mon end concerted with the other Powers. Denmark can
have no other will than that which Sweden and Eussia
dictate to her.
England sees with pleasure the evils that are devastating
France. The disorder and anarchy which reign there pro-
mise her, more and more, the degradation of that Power. It
is to her advantage that they should continue, and whatever
may be the private sentiments of the King of England and
the general horror of the English for the means that have
been employed, he will never do anything to check them.
But, at the same time, there is every reason to believe that
the English ministry will never contribute to foment the
trouble, or to hinder the effect of the good-will of the sover-
eigns who desire to succour the King of France ; on the
contrary, there is every appearance that the King of Eng-
land is awaiting the moment when the other powers declare
themselves in favour of the king to do so himself ; but with-
out that preliminary he will always remain in his present
passive state. This, at least, is the opinion of a man who,
by his mind, his knowledge, and the relations he has with
his own country, is better prepared than any one to see
its true intentions : I mean Mr. Crawford ; and in the jour-
ney he has kindly made to England, out of attachment to
you and to your service, he convinced himself of these
dispositions. . . .
Holland is absolutely dependent on England; neverthe-
less, it is for her interests to see the germs of democracy
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 191
smothered, or they will reach her territory and destroy the
work of the Stadtholder.
The emperor deceives you. He will never do anything for
you, and under the specious pretext of your personal safety
and of fulfilling your wishes in not acting with the princes,
he abandons you to your fate and allows the total ruin of the
kingdom to be consummated. He delivers you up to the
hatred of the nobles, whom he reduces to despair and drives
in that way to some desperate action, — equally dreadful for
you if it succeeds, by throwing you absolutely into depend-
ence on them, if it fails, by taking from you all means of
action and exposing you still further. Already you can see
the effect by the decree just hurled at the emigres and by the
letter of Vicomte d'Agoult, which the Baron de Breteuil
sends you. The emperor is personally well-disposed, but he
has neither vigour, nor means, nor character to take a course
and cany it through against the opinion of his ministry.
He is weak and kind ; he does not know how to resist his
Council, which is slow, feeble, undecided, timid, — afraid
of compromising itself. Besides which, the humiliation of
France enters into its policy as a means of obtaining for
Austria a greater preponderance in Europe.
The indiscretion with which the emperor has made known
to the whole world that he receives letters from you, and the
little effect he has given to his good-will, make it generally
concluded that you write to prevent him from acting. Your
enemies use this to spread about that you are opposed to all
enterprises ; that the desire to rule, and the fear of being
ruled made you prefer to accept the Constitution and side
with the factious, rather than owe the restoration of your
authority to the princes and the SmigrSs. They assert that
you would rather lose the kingdom than a part of that
authority, — with a thousand other tales, one more absurd than
192 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. vii.
the other. These ideas are spread among the nobles and are
believed by them ; very sensible men, to whom you were
attached, are inclined to adopt them. Baron de Breteuil is
regarded here as your agent for this purpose, and since his
arrival the great majority of the French will not see him.
I feel, as you do, how little notice should be taken of such
injustice, and you are unfortunately accustomed to worse ;
but in the position in which you are, in the uncertainty as to
events which may arise, we must try to destroy these
rumours, and let the result of what you will have done for the
emigres prove to them and to all Europe, at a future day, the
falsehood of these tales. For this, a plan should be adopted
and followed with all possible activity ; and here is the one
I now propose to you : —
If it is true, as I believe, that you cannot rely upon the
emperor, you absolutely must turn your hopes another way,
and that way can only be the North and Spain — which
ought to decide Prussia, and so compel the emperor. Of all
the Powers of Europe those are the ones on whose disin-
terestedness you can most rely. Their geographical position
precludes all views of conquest, and their political position
binds them to the maintenance of the French monarchy.
They should be asked : (1) not the recall of their ambas-
sadors from France, but their departure on leave of absence.
(2) the immediate assembling of a congress, the pretexts
to be those you have already suggested to the emperor;
(3) the despatch of troops to support the congress and
make its deliberations respected ; or, if the season does not
admit of the assembling of troops, then to make such
arrangements as shall prove the intention to march them as
soon as possible.
This action of the Powers of Europe, which you will not
appear to have instigated and which cannot expose you, will
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 193
inspire great alarm, the effect of which will probably be to
fling France into the arms of the king ; and the king, being
the sole person with whom the congress could treat, will
find himself naturally the mediator between his people and
the Powers ; he will obtain from his people the means of
acting, while indicating to them the course they ought to
follow under the circumstances. The princes and the
emigres would then become useful ; their conduct and actions
being regulated by the congress.
But as it would be impossible without a leader of some
sort to obtain any result, and as the king, not being free, can-
not be that leader, the King of Spain should be invited to
take that role ; as head of the House of Bourbon he has more
right to it than any other ; and the refusal he has given to
recognize the king's acceptance of the Constitution gives him
great facilities. Eussia and Sweden will easily adopt this
idea, which has already been broached to them, and by indi-
cating to the Court of Madrid, in concert with those two
powers, the course to follow, you will have less to fear from
Spanish slowness and indecision.
I do not think it desirable, however, to break with the
emperor or startle him ; he should be managed and treated
circumspectly ; also, in spite of the just grounds for distrust
which you have as to the sincerity of his interest for you,
you must not let him perceive that distrust, and preserve an
air of confidence in him always.
If you adopt this new plan l it will be necessary that you
should yourself inform all the well-intentioned Powers
whose assistance you decide to claim, such as Spain, Russia,
and Sweden. Perhaps, too, a letter to the King of Prussia
might be useful, judging by what he said to the King of
Sweden. You ought, after thanking the King of Spain for
1 It was adopted.
194 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap, vil
all that he has done for you, for the manner in which he
received your protest in 1789, for the firmness he shows at
this moment, to make him a picture in brief of your present
position, and show him the impossibility of remaining as you
are; you should then communicate to him the plan you
adopt ; ask him, in virtue of the friendship and interest he
has already shown you, and those you have a right to hope
from him through ties of blood, to take charge of your
interests before the Foreign Powers and support the demands
you may be in the way of making to them ; say to him that
no one has more right than he to be the head of the league
which will restore your authority and repair the insults
offered during the last two years to the House of Bourbon ;
and that you would rather owe the obligation to him than to
any one. Inform him that you have asked the emperor for
the assembling of a congress ; and request the king to pro-
pose an armed congress and point out to him the pretexts.
Say that you will make the same communication to Sweden
and Eussia, whose dispositions are known to you, and ask
him to concert with those two Powers as to the steps to take,
and say that you wish to use the influence that those Courts
possess over the princes to guide their conduct. Beg him to
rouse the zeal of Prussia, which has given you positive
assurances of interest through M. de Moustier, and, if
you decide to write to the King of Prussia, tell him so.
You should end by representing to the King of Spain how
necessary it is not to lose time, but to adopt prompt meas-
ures. Ask him also to use his influence with Portugal,
Sardinia, and Naples; or, perhaps, charge the Baron de
Breteuil to speak with the Neapolitan ambassador who is
here: then, after a few compliments, add that you do not
doubt he will consent to give you these proofs of a friend-
ship on which you have always relied. It will be well
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 195
to add that Baron de Breteuil remains in charge of your
correspondence. . . .
Your position is becoming daily more and more critical;
France is advancing with great strides to its ruin. The
factious are working incessantly to make you lose the little
popularity you were beginning to gain, and the veto of which
the king has just made use is a means they will not fail to
lay hold of. You already know the rumours that are spread
about you outside of France for the purpose of alienating the
nobles from you; they are trying to degrade you at the
Courts by representing all your acts as the result of weak-
ness ; and if you do not quickly issue from the state in
which you are, you will be abandoned by all parties and
delivered over wholly to the mercy of factious persons and
republicans, who will then have no further obstacle to the
execution of their guilty projects. The steps which I have
just indicated towards the Powers of Europe can alone save
you ; they will restore to you outside of France the considera-
tion you deserve ; they will prove to the Courts the falseness
of the imputations against you, and they will give you an
opportunity of acting by yourself and of calling back to you
the nobles, alienated by a hundred foolish tales which your
present inaction seems to warrant.1 . . .
By all that I have now said you will see how necessary it
is to take a course as soon as possible and inform me of it.
You cannot stay in the position in which you are ; and
you have everything to fear from Coblentz and the emigres,
some of whom act in good faith, others in bad. Baron de
Breteuil behaves very well; he is entirely devoted to you.
1 It is of course quite plain that in writing thus to the queen Count
Fersen was really addressing the king ; his sense of Louis XVI.'s weakness
and lethargy pierces through these sentences. — Ta.
196 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. vii.
As for me, have no uneasiness ; I am no longer anything to
the French ; I serve the King of Sweden and I have no deal-
ings with them ; the only way in which I can be pleasantly
and safely among them is to be always a foreigner. They
treat me extremely well and with distinction ; they fear me
because they know I have no need of them ; I run no risk
whatever. But I think it necessary that you should take a
course, and a course which cannot be charged in the eyes of
Europe with weakness — otherwise the Powers will be forced
to turn away from France and have nothing more to do with
her but by very distant intercourse.
As for my departure from Brussels, whatever desire I have
to satisfy and tranquillize you, it is impossible. I am here
by order of my king and I cannot absent myself. I am
charged with his affairs; he has ordered all his ministers
and ambassadors to correspond with me here and to be
guided by what I may convey to them. You see therefore
that I cannot leave my post. But you can be tranquil ; I
run no risk.
Answer me, I beg of you, at the earliest moment as to what
course you mean to take : it is absolutely necessary to write
to the different Courts ; it must be as soon as possible ; there
is not a moment to lose. You will risk nothing in writing
to Prussia, and it is necessary. Except the letter to Spain,
you can send all the others here by a safe man to me, or to
the baron, and we will send them on by courier. But all
this requires the greatest promptitude, for the season is
getting late. I received your long letter yesterday ; but M.
de Mercy, thinking it was for him, read it before he gave it
to me. It would be better not to send again through him, or
at least to make a second inclosure and write him a line to
say to whom it is to be given.
What you tell me of your home grieves me, but does not
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 197
surprise me ; you are doomed to bear all evils at once ! I
understand very well what you say about the cipher; we
will use it thus : we will put one full stop [.] at the begin-
ning ; and when there is a letter skipped we will put two
full stops [:]. There is another manner, which is less long,
and of which we had better make use, namely, to squeeze
the juice of a lemon into a glass and write with it ; the writ-
ing should be between the lines of a gazette or pamphlet ;
which can be sent to me, addressed either to " Rignon " or
simply to me. I will write to you in the same way and
send the pamphlet to the Comte de Coigny, the Due de
Choiseul, or to Goguelat ; inform them of this. If you have
confidence in M. Laporte it would be safer and more con-
venient to send through him, and to use the three others
only occasionally. Answer me as to this. You must be
careful that the printed lines are far enough apart and that
the paper is good enough not to blot. This way is brought
out, like white ink, by warming it.
You have no money in Brussels. M. de Bouill^ remitted
to the princes the five or six hundred thousand francs which
remained. As for that which I sent into Holland for you, I
will send you the details as soon as I have a moment to
look them up. You will lose at least one quarter ; for two
thousand they give me here but fifteen hundred.
You see by the refusal of the emperor what you have to
expect ; I am not content with him or with M. de Mercy.
He is very well for me and for you in words, but results do
not follow, and it is absolutely necessary that you should act
for yourself, or else renounce doing anything and decide to
stay as you are. I do my best to restrain the King of
Sweden, but it is not easy, for he has the empress with him ;
if he is once assured that you will do nothing it will be im-
possible to restrain him.
198 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. tii.
Sunday the news was spread that you had escaped and
had arrived at La Marck's house at Kaismes. All the French
were wild ; many started ; all who doubted were regarded as
bad citizens. Baron de Viomesnil had you on his arm with
the dauphin ; the Due de Choiseul had the king, disguised
as a woman. No one ventured to give me the news or even
speak of it, or ask me if it were true. They never speak to
me of affairs, nor I to them ; I keep them at a great distance.
It is a horror to have spread this story ; and they are now
endeavouring to find out whence it came. M. de Nicolai
and M. de Simon were the first to spread it here ; it is thought
it came from Coblentz or even from Paris, to prevent your
departure, if such were your intention.
Answer me as to the possibility of my going to see you,
entirely alone without a servant, in case I receive an order
from the king to do so ; he has already said a word to me
about his desire for it.
Baron Thugut told Mr. Crawford that you implored the
emperor with clasped hands to keep quiet and do nothing
for you ; consequently he could not act.
Count Fersen to Queen Marie- Antoinette.
Brussels, December 4, 1791.
I have received your letters of the 25 th and 26th. We
will send those to the Kings of Sweden and Spain in cipher.
They are admirable. If you decide to write the second
letters we will send both in the original. The Note is per-
fect. I have given it to the baron.
I deeply feel the horror of your position, but it will never
change without foreign assistance, or by excess of the evil.
The present evil may give place to another ; but you would
be always miserable, and the kingdom would fall into disso-
lution. Never will you win the factious; they have too
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 199
much to fear from you and your character. They feel their
wrong-doing too much not to fear vengeance and not to keep
you always in your present state of captivity, even prevent-
ing you from using the authority given you in the Constitu-
tion They will accustom the people to no longer respect you
and love you. The nobles, believing themselves abandoned
by you, will think they owe you no duty ; they will act for
themselves, by themselves, and with the princes ; they will re-
proach you with their ruin, and you will lose the attachment of
all parties, some of whom will accuse you of having betrayed
them, others with having abandoned them. You will be
lowered in the eyes of the Powers of Europe, who will accuse
you of cowardice, and the weakness for which they blame
you will prevent them from allying themselves to a ruined
cause which can never be of any utility to them. In the
fear the King of Sweden now feels that you will do nothing,
but await all from time and from events of which you can
foresee nothing, being unable to control them and unwilling
to make use of the princes, he writes me as follows : —
"The Empress of Eussia is very much dissatisfied with
this conduct ; especially because the Queen of France writes
letter after letter to the emperor to prevent him from acting
while she, the empress, is using all her influence on his mind
to induce him to take active steps. The empress herself
writes this to me."
In speaking of the dissatisfaction that such conduct in-
spires he says : —
" Judge yourself what would be the position of the queen
if the king should die, and she saw herself at the mercy of
her two brothers-in-law and of a noblesse who could "reproach
her with having sacrificed them and with being the sole
cause of their ruin and their proscription."
The king gives me positive assurances of the good inten-
200 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. vn.
tions of Russia and Spain, hopes as to those of Prussia, and
about the neutrality of England.
From all this you see that both for interest and for honour,
it is indispensable that you should take a course Pardon
the zeal and the attachment that I have vowed to you, and
which will never cease to inspire me for you, if I show you
hard truths ; but I know you are capable of hearing them,
and nothing can stop me when it is necessary to serve you.
Besides, I think it is a duty to hide nothing from you.
I think it certain that M. de Mercy returns to Paris. This
is a great misfortune for us. It ought to prove to you once
more all that I have said to you about the emperor, and how
little you can rely upon him.. If you accept the plan I
have proposed you should write a letter to the emperor at
the earliest possible moment. Perhaps, learning of your
action towards the other Courts, he may change his course ;
this is all the more important as one of the reasons of M.
de Mercy's journey to Paris is doubtless to influence your
conduct and direct it according to the desires and interests
of the Court of Vienna.
Queen Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen.
December 7, 1791.
Here are our last two letters. I do not know if you will
be satisfied with them. I have tried to put in all you told
me, but it is very difficult for one who has not the habit of
writing. On re-reading your papers I see that in our two
long letters we forgot a great quantity of things; happily,
they were not the most essential.
You could not believe the pleasure I have had in seeing the
bishop ; I could not leave him. I desired so much to write
you by him if only a word, [line missing] . . . but I could
not find a moment. He will tell you many things from me ;
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 201
especially about new acquaintances and intimacies [liaisons].
I found him very severe ; I thought I had already done a
great deal, and that he would admire me. Not at all; he
told me point blank that I could not do too much. — But,
joking apart, I am keeping for you, in the happy days when
we shall meet again, a volume of very curious correspond-
ence ; and all the more curious because one must do justice
to those who have taken part in it ; no one in the world
suspects it, and if it is spoken of, it is so vaguely as to
be thought one of the thousand absurdities that are told
daily.
I did not need the letter of the sans torts ["blameless
one "] to hold him in horror ; the bishop will tell you what
right I have to detest him ; he is the most dangerous one of
all, and perhaps the only one really to fear. It is absolutely
impossible that you should come here at this moment; it
would be to risk our safety; and when I say this I may
be believed, because I have an extreme desire to see you. — I
have just received a letter from M. de Mercy, who complains
bitterly of the conduct at Coblentz against the emperor. He
says : " They are trying to excite all Germany against him ;
they inflame Sweden, and above all, Eussia." He himself
proposes that I shall write to the latter Court to enlighten
it, and strengthen its good intentions by regulating them. I
am going to answer him that we have already written to
thank Eussia, without entering into other particulars with
him. The bishop will tell you that in consequence of the
emperor's extreme indiscretion I think he ought not to be
told of the other correspondences. M. de Mercy has an air
of wishing to come here ; I think he is urged to it by my
friends the madmen here. His coming would do great harm
at this time, and could do no good ; on the contrary, it would
cause a hundred thousand more tales about me. Moreover,
202 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. vii.
such a step would sharpen still further the anger of the
emigres against the emperor and me.
You must have received the Baron de Viomesnil. I do
not know what M. de Breteuil will have- said to him ; but it
is becoming rather embarrassing. I think we must throw it
all upon the slowness and delays of the emperor, which pre-
vent us from saying anything positive. The indiscretion of
Coblentz is too great; nothing can be confided to them; I
was confounded by receiving, a few days ago, a letter from
that stout d'Agoult saying : " We await with impatience the
fat Lorraine baron, so that the union may be perfect between
here and where you are." — Can you conceive of it ! Oh !
this accursed nation ! how unfortunate to have to live among
them and owe them service !
Our position is rather better since the bishop left. It
seems that all which calls itself constitutional is rallying to
make a great force against the republicans and the Jacobins ;
they have drawn a great part of the Guard to their side,
especially the Guard on pay, which will be organized and
formed into regiments in a few days. They have the best
intentions, and are burning to make an example of the
Jacobins. The latter are committing all the atrocities of
which they are capable, but at present they have only
brigands and scoundrels with them : I say " at present "
because from one day to another everything changes in this
country, and none can tell where they are. The department
is to bring, to-day or to-morrow, its address to the king against
the decree of the priests ; I am delighted, because, even if it
does no good, at least it declares war among the parties and
forces this one by this very step to rally to the king and
sustain him. The address is composed by a M. Gamier and
put in shape by Duport and Barnave ; but this is a secret.
Count Louis de Narbonne is at last minister of war ; what
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 203
glory for Mme. de Stae'l ! and what pleasure she will now
take in having the army — hers ! He could be useful, if he
chose ; having intelligence enough to rally the constitutionals
and quite the tone in which to speak to the present army.
In other respects, he seems inclined to attach himself to M.
Bertrand in the Council; and he is right; for that is the
only member of it who is worth anything. Can you conceive
my position and the role that I am obliged to play all day
long? Sometimes I do not recognize myself, and I am
obliged to reflect and see if it is really I who am speaking.
But what else can I do ? it is all necessary. Believe me,
we should be much lower than we now are if I had not
taken this course at once ; at least we gain time by it, and
that is what we want. What happiness if I could one day
become able to prove to these wretches that I was not their
dupe !
The baron must press our cause on Russia and Spain.
What a misfortune that the emperor has betrayed us! If
he had served us well, merely from the month of September
when I wrote to him in detail, the congress might have been
established next month ; and how fortunate that would have
been for us, because a crisis is advancing with great strides
here ; perhaps it will precede the congress, and then, what
shelter shall we find ? — Beware of Prussia ; M. de Schulem-
burg writes constantly to M. du Moustier, and if M. Heymann
discovers anything he will let M. de Giliers know of it.
The address of the department has come ; it is perfectly
good as to the discussion of the decree of the priests, but the
wretches are frightened and have put in a mass of imper-
tinences. M. de Narbonne made his entrance to the As-
sembly in a speech of almost unbelievable platitude for a
man of intelligence. I am waiting for Mr. Crawford with
impatience ; but I am sorry for you that he leaves you ; I
Ver. 8 14 Mem.
204 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. vii.
hope they will not pass the winter here, and that he will go
back to Brussels, for you need distraction. I am impatient
for your secretary to arrive. How is your health ? I will
wager you do not take care of it ; and you do wrong. As
for me, I bear up better than I could expect under the im-
mense fatigue of mind I have incessantly, and seldom going
out of doors; I have not a moment to myself, what with
persons I must see, and the writings, and the time I am
with my children. That last occupation, which is not the
least, is my only happiness . . . and when I am very sad I
take my little boy in my arms and kiss him with all my
heart, and it comforts me for that moment.
Adieu. The idea of the chocolate is excellent ; it is
doubly useful to you, and I shall use it with prudence, but
sometimes this winter. Adieu, again.
Friday, 9th.
I have just received your letter inclosed in an image. I
am delighted that you have received mine. I hope our let-
ters to the Powers will calm them and show them our true
natures. What they say of my letters to the emperor is in-
comprehensible; for some time past I have suspected that
my writing is being imitated to deceive him; I will clear
this up. M. de Mercy will do very wrong to come here ;
but I think that I must write him a word about our letters
to the Powers. Send me a line at once when you receive
this packet. I have not been able to finish the letter to the
king in a better manner ; for twenty-four hours I have
turned it in every way.
I think, as you do, that evil alone cannot work for good ;
and for that reason we must have the help of a foreign and
external force ; but when you think that Frenchmen reflect
and are capable of following a system you do them too much
honour ; I assure you that, for the mere pleasure of change,
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 205
they will return as quickly as they have been rabid for the
new order of things. Meanwhile, I believe we are going to
declare war, not against a power which has means to fight
us — we are too cowardly for that — but against the Elec-
tors and a few princes of Germany, in the hope that they
cannot defend themselves. These imbeciles cannot see that
if they do such a thing they serve us ; because if they begin
the war, all the Powers must unite to defend the rights of
each. But, if so, the latter need to be well convinced that
in this we are executing only the will of others, and that
the best way of serving us is to fall upon us bodily. — The
bishop will have told you the difficulty there is in writing
to me. . . . Adieu.
Count Fersen to Queen Marie-Antoinette.
Brussels, December 12, 1901.
The letters to Spain and Eussia have arrived, they are per-
fect. I await those for Sweden and Prussia. There is still
another step which is very necessary ; it is to write yourself
to the Queen of Spain a letter of politeness and confidence,
referring to the one to the king, and making her feel the
necessity for the greatest secrecy, on account of Paris. You
know the influence she has, and this step cannot be too
quickly taken. You can send it to me by diligence, in a
box of Bouc tea, addressed to MM. Daniel Danoot, Sons,
bankers.
M. de Viomesnil has passed through Brussels. The em-
peror is trying to make a close alliance with Prussia, Hol-
land, and England. It is thought that England will refuse.
206 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. vhi.
CHAPTEE VIII.
1791-1792. Proposal of the King of Sweden to rescue the King and Queen
of France declined by the King. — Louis XVI. compelled to declare war
against the Princes of Germany. — Further Negotiations for a Congress.
[The scheme of the King of Sweden for a descent on the
coast of Normandy having failed for this year, he generously
meditated another plan of escape for the unhappy royal
family, which he submitted to the King and Queen of France
in a very interesting document (dated December 22, 1791),
which he charged Count Fersen to deliver to Their Majesties
in person. The count, who had been proscribed in France
since the flight to Varennes, went to Paris disguised and under
a false name. He arrived there February 11, 1792, saw Their
Majesties, gave them the document and letters, and discussed
with them the question of another escape. The king de-
cided against making the attempt, and the count left Paris
February 21, reaching Brussels safely on the 25 th.
The correspondence between the queen and Fersen con-
tinued as before; plans for organizing the armed congress,
and for concentrating the armies of the Powers along the
frontiers of France went on ; the King of Sweden still pur-
sued nis idea of invading Normandy, carrying off the king
and queen and their children and taking them to England,
when all was brought to a sudden end by the death of the
Emperor Leopold, March 2, 1792, and by the far more
disastrous death of the King of Sweden, who was shot by
Ankerstrb'm, an ex-captain of his Guard, March 16, 1792.
The death of the brave and chivalrous king was an
irreparable blow to the cause of Louis XVI. The Duke-
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 207
regent (Gustavus IV. being a minor only fourteen years of
age) was not willing to carry out the plans of Gustavus III.
He refused to join his troops with those which the Empress
of Russia still desired to send into Normandy. It is said
that history may some day show that the Jacobins had a
hand in the intrigues that stopped Sweden from giving its
promised assistance to the unfortunate royal family of
France.]
The King of Sweden to Count Fersen.
Stockholm, December 22, 1701.
The memorial for the King of France which I send you
herewith, together with letters which I have written to T.
V. C. Majesties, will put you completely au fait as to all
that regards the affairs of France, and will serve for your
instruction regarding the conduct you have to follow in the
commission with which I have charged you. I will add
only that I regard as the most essential thing for the success
of our projects that the royal family shall escape from Paris
at the earliest possible moment. I request you, therefore,
and before all else, to use your influence to make the king
take that course, on which all the rest depends, and without
which the measures of the other Powers and those of the
princes can advance very little towards the end proposed.
You will see in the memorial itself what action I think
should be taken to avoid, as much as possible, the dangers
attending the execution of such a project. You will de-
velop, better than I could do in writing, the expedient of a
disguise, which I have only indicated as a safe means ; and
you can speak to the king and queen of the necessity of
sacrificing on this occasion, and for such paramount interests,
comfort and conveniences, the momentary deprivation of
which cannot be put into comparison with the object of this
step, on which the whole future fate of the kingdom and the
208 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. viii.
royal family depends. But for this it is absolutely essen-
tial that the king shall take another route from that of the
queen with the dauphin and Madame Elisabeth ; if the king
will go, as I think most useful, to England, and the rest of
the royal family see nothing better than to take an opposite
direction, we must, at any rate, fix their point of reunion only
at the spot whence they embark for England. Without this
precaution the scenes of Varennes may easily be renewed,
and so cause to vanish for a very long time the hopes their
friends found upon the king's flight, if he succeeds in escap-
ing with his family the slavery in which factious men now
hold him.
I have charged Baron Taube to write you at full length in
relation to the details of this project. The knowledge you
have of the country and the personages make you more
capable than any other to judge of what is, or is not practi-
cable, and I rely on the zeal, activity, and skill of which you
have already given such marked proofs. I thought at first
of proposing to the Queen of France the courageous course
of remaining herself in Paris with the dauphin, to facilitate
the king's escape ; but on further reflection I thought that
such resolutions are good only when one takes them one's self ;
it is difficult to advise them. I do not, however, regard the
step as very dangerous for the queen ; the king saved, no one
would touch her ; and as for the dauphin the worst that could
happen to him would be to be proclaimed King of France in
place of his father ; his life and person would become too
precious to them to hurt. The queen would give by this act
a great proof of courage and generosity, which would impress
not only her friends, but would make her so respected in the
eyes of the people that she would greatly influence all
minds. It would be only the first moment after the king's
escape was known that could have any dangers for her ; but
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. ' 209
besides taking all precautions and doubling the guard, or else
going herself with the dauphin to the H6tel-de-Ville and
putting herself into the safe keeping of the municipality, she
would captivate all minds and put them so to sleep that she
could later save herself and the dauphin. I communicate
these reflections to you that you may use them or keep them
to yourself, according to occurrences.
Another and easier plan would be for the queen and her
children to escape from Paris and conceal themselves some-
where for a few days till the king is safely out of France,
when they could take another route and escape easily. It is
the quantity of persons who assemble round them and travel
with them which retards the flight and leads to discovery.
For this reason, it is essential to insist that the king and
queen take different routes ; for I feel sure that that will be
the point most difficult to obtain.
As for what concerns the congress, you will have seen by
my former letters the reasons I thought myself obliged to
oppose to it so long as there was hope of bringing the
emperor to conduct more analogous to the circumstances.
At present the congress seems, on the contrary, the only
way to reach that end. I intend, consequently, to write to
the Empress of Russia, and after we have concerted to-
gether I will let you know the result, which will serve
you for instructions in the matter. Meantime I refer you
to what I have said about it in my memorial to the King
of France, and to what I have already said to you, —
namely, that all emissary from the self-styled National
Assembly must be excluded, and I even think that the pres-
ence of an envoy from H. V. C. Majesty, in his present
position, inadmissible to a congress for which the rights of
the people of Avignon and the injured rights of the Princes
of Germany are made the pretext.
210 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. viii.
I send you by this courier the passports you asked for, and
also a letter, accrediting you to the Queen of Portugal, which
will screen you more completely from all insult in France.
For this reason I have directed to the Queen of Portugal the
packets here inclosed for the King and Queen of France. On
which I pray God to have you in His holy keeping, being
Your very affectionate
Gustavus.
Postscript. I add herewith copies of my memorial and of
my letters to T. V. C. Majesties. You will keep these copies
for your private instruction; and when you start for Paris
you will leave them locked up in Brussels ; so that you may
have recourse to them in case some accident should oblige
you to destroy your papers on the road. Of the two letters
for the queen, you will see that the longest is the most
voluminous; and after what you find [in Paris] you will
decide to make use of one or the other ; you will then decide
which of them should be given to the queen. I leave you to
choose the one which you find to be written in the manner
most analogous to the circumstances.1
Last Paragraph of the King of Sweden's Memorial to the
King of France.
The king has now placed beneath the eyes of his friend
and ally all the reflections that his zeal, and the truest friend-
ship, and the most sincere interest have inspired in him.
H. M. hopes that the King of France will recognize these
sentiments ; and the king will regard it as the finest day of
his life if he can, by his person or his counsels, contribute to
1 The memorial is very long, and goes overground already known to us ;
it closes with the words that here follow in the text, and the whole will be
found in the Appendix to vol. i. of " Le Comte de Fersen et la Cour de
France," pp. 281-292. — Tb.
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 211
draw the King of France and the French monarchy from the
fatal condition into which they are plunged. The sight and
the enlightenment of men are limited ; they can judge only by
experience and the examples that history furnishes, and often
fortuitous incidents upset the best-laid plans. But kings are
born to command, and by their firmness to rule events when
they threaten their States ; and duty calls them to sacrifice
themselves for their posterity; they ought not to hesitate;
in such cases the most perilous course is the safest.1
From the King of Sweden to the King of France : Autograph
Letter.
Haga, December 17, 1791.
Monsieur, my brother and cousin :
The interest which I do not cease to take in Y. M., of
which you will find proofs that are not equivocal in all the
steps I have taken hitherto, has prompted me to write a
brief memorial on your present situation. I beg Y. M. to
read it alone, and to consult none but your own heart, your
august wife, and that sister whose devotion renders her so
interesting and so estimable. You ought to come out of the
state in which you are; and you cannot doubt the zeal of
your friends. It is with these sentiments that I am, Mon-
sieur, my brother and cousin,
Your Majesty's
good brother, cousin, friend, and ally,
Gustavus.
Postscript. This letter was written and about to be sent
when I received that of Y. M. of November 26th. You can-
1 The tone of the brave king shows plainly his sense of Louis XVI.'s
weakness, if not cowardice. Perhaps his advice to separate the king and
queen, which at first sight seems harsh, may have been dictated to his
gallant heart by a fear of the king's nervous folly, which did much to stop
them on the road to Varennes. — Tb.
212 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. tiii.
not doubt for a moment that all that depends on me is
devoted to you, but I cannot answer for events if the length
of delays reduces your faithful subjects to despair. Y. M.
will see by my memorial the warm interest that the Empress
of Russia takes in your cause. I will write to her to-day,
following your instructions ; and I await with impatience the
second letter which Y. M. is good enough to announce to me.
Copy of Autograph Letter No. 1 from the King of Sweden to
Queen Marie-Antoinette, sent to Count Fersen.
Stockholm, December 22, 1791.
Madame, my sister and cousin :
I send to the King of France a memorial relating to pres-
ent circumstances. I beg Y. M. to read it and, if you think
it useful, to further what I propose. It is the truest friend-
ship and an experience of popular movements which I have
gained in the course of a long life which have dictated it. I
beg Y. M. to consider well that it is only by violent remedies
that violent ills can be cured ; and that if moderation in the
current of ordinary life is a virtue, it often becomes a vice
when used in public matters. The King of France cannot
re-establish his kingdom except by recovering his former
rights; all other remedy is illusory; all other conclusion
will only open the door to endless discussion, which will
increase confusion instead of ending it. It is with the sword
that the king has been robbed of his rights ; it is with the
sword that he must regain them.
But I pause : I ought to remember that I am speaking to
a princess who in the terrible moments of her life has shown
a most intrepid courage.
Y. M., in reading the memorial, will at least do justice to
my sentiments for you, and to the interest inspired in me by
your sorrows and your constancy.
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 213
Copy of Autograph Letter No. 2 from the King of Sweden to
Queen Marie-Antoinette, sent to Count Fersen.
Stockholm, December 22, 1791.
Madame, my sister and cousin :
It is nearly two years since, in the midst of the war in
which I was then engaged, but profoundly touched by the
misfortunes that were overwhelming Y. M. and the King of
France, I expressed to the latter my sincere regret at not
being able then to come to his assistance. Sincere in my
protestations and constant in my principles, you cannot
doubt, Madame, how much I feel the difference in my
position, now that the peace which restores the union of
Eussia and Sweden enables me to offer you my help at
this moment when your troubles are increasing.
Y. M. is not ignorant of all that I have tried to do to save
you since the misfortune at Varennes, and if at that mo-
ment the treaty of alliance between the empress and myself
had been concluded, and if that princess had then had her
peace made with the Turks I do not doubt she would have
united her forces with mine to go to your assistance ; and
Y. M. will see by the memorial I send to the King of France
what zeal and ardour the empress is now putting into your
cause. I present to the king all the reflections that my
friendship and the interest I feel for you both dictate to me.
Your situation is violent, and you must issue from it by vio-
lent means. Whatever be the peril that confronts you, it
will always be less great than that of abandoning your fate
to events and leaving to others the merit and the opportun-
ity of saving the kingdom.
But I am not duly reflecting that it is useless to speak of
peril and try to diminish it in the eyes of a princess who, on
the 6th of October, showed herself with such intrepidity to the
214 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. vni.
eyes of a furious and misguided people, and who has since
been fed, so to speak, on peril. But I believe, as a true
friend of Y. M., that I ought to insist strongly on the abso-
lute and imperative duty of making the king leave Paris and
France. Not that I have any doubt of the fidelity of his
brothers, or of the greater or less obedience they would pay
to him if he were restored to the throne by them alone. On
the contrary, I am convinced by the very words of Monsieur
and the Comte d'Artois, and still more by the feelings they
showed at our interview, that not only would they never
presume upon the advantage that service would give them
over their unfortunate elder brother, but that those by whom
they are surrounded would have no power to persuade them
to evade the perfect obedience which their duty towards their
king and brother imposes upon them. Neither do I fear for
the life of the King of France, nor for yours, Madame, in case
of an attack by the princes. I am convinced that the factious
regard the person of the king and yours as the sole means to
save themselves, and I believe that you will be more impor-
tuned by the negotiations they will open to recover favour
then alarmed by their threats. But, unless the king be at
liberty, I believe it to be almost impossible to make the other
sovereigns act, especially the emperor; and if the princes
undertake an attack alone and fail, all hope is lost ; the dis-
couragement of your friends will increase the audacity of
your enemies, and in that way your danger becomes in-
calculable.
By the picture I have made to the king of the disposition
of the crowned heads, Y. M. will see that all depends upon
himself. I have, out of regard for you, Madame, softened
as much as I could the proceedings of the emperor ; but I
think I owe it to Y. M. and to the true friendship that I
profess for you to tell you the truth without alloy. It is
791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 215
essential that you should know the conduct of your brother,
in order that you may remedy it and force that prince, so to
speak, within his own intrenchments. He has done nothing
but embarrass and stop the progress of negotiation. After
the capture of the king at Varennes, he put himself forward
as head of the league of sovereigns which he proposed to
form. He lost time in negotiations, though fully able to
march his troops in the Low Countries at once into France,
where, guided by M. de Bouille, they could, in the state of
confusion in which all France then was, have reached Paris
easily. Though he had promised you to send orders to the
archduchess, governor of the Low Countries, to march those
troops at the moment of your attempted evasion, she never
received them ; they did not arrive until three weeks after
you had been taken back to Paris. At the interview at
Pillnitz, the King of Prussia offered to march his troops in-
stantly. The emperor would not consent. He wished to
wait until he knew the answer of the Empress of Eussia to
his propositions, — although that princess had never disguised
from him her sentiments and the zeal she put into your
cause ; and when Prince Hohenlohe was sent by the King of
Prussia to Prague to settle the operations and the marching
of the troops, he obtained neither an audience of the emperor
nor an answer. And finally, when the news of the accept-
ance of the Constitution came the emperor would not see in
it, as the rest of us did, the effect of compulsion and tyranny.
He received the French ambassador, and induced the King
of Prussia to do the same and to make a reply which that
prince would not have done had he followed his own feelings
supported by letters from the Empress of Eussia. But what
is still more fatal is that the emperor makes use of your
letters, Madame ; and thus, covering himself with the aegis
of your name, he embarrasses even your most sincere friends ;
216 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. viii.
and I have long trembled lest these representations should
cause the King of Spain to weaken and abandon the firm
conduct he has hitherto maintained. Happily, that prince,
being, as a Bourbon, personally interested in your cause, has
continued up to this time immovable in right principles.
There, Madame, is the truth that I owe you, given at the
risk of displeasing you ; it is in the discretion of Y. M. that
I confide. You will feel that if ever your brother should be
informed of what I have just written he would never forgive
me for it, and a misunderstanding between us might be in-
jurious to your affairs, — all the more because I am persuaded
that, by the urgent solicitations of the Empress of Russia,
and provided the king be once more at liberty, the emperor
may return to good feelings and join your defenders.
But you see by all this how essential it is to put the king
in a position to speak the language that becomes him ; to
put yourself, Madame, in the way of urging your brother to
succour you, — a succour all the more to be desired because
the territories of the emperor surround France and it is
through them or by the sea that we can reach you. The
pains he has taken to set aside the proposal for a congress,
which by its results, might have led him farther than he
wished ; the pains that he took by his last note, to induce us
to make a declaration which, though the terms were threat-
ening, was, nevertheless, in recognition of the present state
of things as accomplished in France, — all this ought to prove
to Y. M. the indispensable necessity of drawing your friends
from error, or, to express it better, to give them weapons
with which to plead your cause.
The measures which I make bold to propose to you for
your escape are also essential. The passage to England is
the shortest and least suspected, and I implore you in God's
name to make the king adopt it, and to employ all the
2791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 217
ascendency you have acquired over his mind to induce him
to take this step. I have instructed the person who will
give you this letter in all that I do not venture to confide
to paper, in order that he may give a detailed account of
it to Y. M. You know his devotion ; and the unequivocal
sign that he now gives of it in bearing to you this packet
through great perils is no slight thing. It is a proof of such
great attachment that it rouses all my gratitude and my
admiration, for I should never have resolved to command
him to go had he not offered it himself. I will not doubt that
a zeal so rare will have its reward in the fortunate success
of his commission. For myself, Madame, I count myself
happy in proving to Y. M. that in whatever position you find
yourself I will never abandon you, and never cease to be,
with those sentiments, Madame, my sister and cousin,
Your Majesty's
good brother, cousin, friend, and ally,
GUSTAVUS.
Queen Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen.
No. 1. December 22, 1791.
I received your little letter yesterday. I should be un-
easy at your not having received our letters if the date of
yours were possible; you have dated it 19 th and I received it
21st ; no post can go so quickly. I had already received four
printed sheets; I warmed them, and wet them with the
liquid, but found nothing.
I am very uneasy at getting no answer to the last letters.
It has been impossible to send any one to Vienna ; I could
find no one strong enough, or sufficiently safe and discreet
for that errand. I am sorry ; it is very important that the
emperor should know our true intentions, and that I should
at last know what we can count on from him ; for without it
218 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. viii.
I shall be daily dragged into taking false steps ; my lan-
guage and my manner to the people about me ought to
change according to what we ought and may expect from
without. I am strongly inclined to send you M. Goguelat,
if only for three days, that he may talk things to the bottom
with you. I have not yet spoken to him of this idea. Send
me word what you think of it. He knows nothing of my
correspondence with the persons the bishop named to you ;
he must not be told of it.
There is talk here of a loan of forty millions which the
emigre nobles want to raise upon their property ; this is
madness, and it will end by the pillage of their estates. If
the baron has the means of doing so, he must let our
brothers know, and we authorize him to do it, that we cannot
approve of this idea, which will be the ruin of those good
people.
I have missed the opportunity to send this letter. Begin-
ning with this one I shall number them all that go by the
post either in white ink or in cipher. Do the same. We must
keep a bit of paper on which to mark them down and see
that none are missing. Adieu.
Count Fersen to Queen Marie-Antoinette.
December 22, 1791.
I hope you have received the letter in which I proposed to
you to write to the Queen of Spain. I think that step
important. Also it will be well in the end to write to the
King of England and the Stadtholder ; but the time for that
has not come. Send me word if you will decide to do it.
Baron de Breteuil has invited M. de Brautzen, who is very
well-intentioned for you and whom it would be good to treat
well, to write to the Stadtholder [the archduchess Marie
Christine], with whom he is reconciled, asking her to induce
■
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 219
the King of Prussia to come out more firmly, and also to
make a definite proposal to the emperor, which would prove
to all Europe the falsity of the doubts the latter casts on his
good-will and show that the inaction comes only from the
emperor. These propositions will not compromise him ; for
he is always master of acting only as much as the emperor
acts.
It is very important that you should put your papers in a
safe place where they cannot be discovered, for you ought
to be prepared for everything.
M. de Toulangeon — the one who came from Franche-
Comte' — was hurt by the coldness with which his good
intentions were received. Do you not think that, without
too highly distinguishing them, it would be well to show to
persons of good-feeling and good-will certain marks of kind-
ness? No one knows better than you how to use that
money.
The Duke of Brunswick is a man of intelligence, talents,
and a great ambition. Do you not think it important to
win him ? He has always liked France ; and the French
service is the one he would have chosen by preference in
which to place his son, of whom he is very fond. An
advance toward him might do great good and promote your
affairs in Prussia. He could be made to hopd something for
his son. If you think this useful, a rather distinguished
man, who would please him, should be sent to him. The
Marquis de Castries would be good for that, or failing him,
M. de Bouille\ Let me know if you adopt this idea. I have
not yet spoken to the baron about it, but I am sure he will
approve. Your letters for Sweden and Prussia have not yet
arrived, and I feel uneasy. Sending by diligence is the
safest and surest way. Your letter for Spain went by the
Comte de Seuil by way of England, the Marquis de Bom-
Ver. 8 15 Mem.
220 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. viii.
belles, who is to carry the one to Russia, has not yet arrived
here.
Monday.
We learned yesterday of the step the king has taken; as I
am ignorant of the reasons and the object, I must own to you
that it astounds and grieves me.1 I fear that they have given
you treacherous advice. I fear that you have taken hastily
a step, good in itself, and which might have been useful to
you at another moment if concerted with the Powers, and if
the latter had been ready to act for you by seeming to sus-
tain the German princes. I think the king ought to have
let himself be forced by the Assembly, and then, yielding to
their desire, have represented to them how embarrassing such
action was at a moment when peace was needed for the
establishment of the Constitution, for the restoration of the
finances, for the security of the public debt, and to avoid
increased taxation upon the people.
As it is now, I see only a source of embarrassment for you,
additional dangers, and the bad effect that this will have in
Europe. It will be attributed to the weakness already laid
to you ; discouragement will take hold of the friendly Powers ;
in fact, what idea can those to whom you have just addressed
letters and on whom you have sought to rely have when they
learn from the public newspapers so important a step, with-
out knowing its motives or being warned of it by M. de
Breteuil ? They will be tempted to believe you have only a
1 The decree of .the Legislative Assembly against the emigre's, compelling
their return to France under penalties of death and confiscation, was
vetoed by the king November 14, 1791 ; he also vetoed, November 27th, a
decree of the Assembly forbidding all priests who had not taken the civil
oath to exercise their ministry.' On the 14th of December the king, to mod-
ify the effect of his vetoes, went in person before the Assembly and made an
explanation, ending by virtually threatening to declare war against the
princes of Germany. See Thiers' " Histoire de la Revolution Francaise,"
vol. ii., pp. 20-39. — Te.
1791J COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 221
half-confidence in him ; and that belief will make his negoti-
ations more difficult ; they will even suspect, and with some
foundation, your intentions, and the confidence you appeared
to place in them will seem doubtful. Having adopted the
plan proposed, no important step should have been taken
without consulting them ; or, at least, without consulting M.
de Breteuil, who, being better informed as to the disposition of
those Powers would have told you the effect such a step
would have ; or, at least, he would have been in a position
to give them the reasons that led you to take it, and so pre-
vent the bad impression it will produce.
I know there are circumstances in which you might be
obliged to decide and act promptly ; but as you can always
foresee the possibility of this, we ought to be informed and
the step delayed long enough for letters to reach us before
the public papers, and thus enable us to guide the first im-
pressions to the side most favourable to you. I know that
confidence cannot be given, and I am far from asking more
than you wish to grant to me; your interests alone guide
me and will ever guide me ; and even if you could doubt the
views and projects of M. de Breteuil, I have the vanity to
think that my past conduct ought to take from you the
possibility of doubting mine ; it ought, rather, to convince you
of their purity, and of the zeal, attachment, and devotion I have
consecrated to your service. My sole desire is to serve you ;
my sweetest recompense, the only one to which I aspire, is
the glory of succeeding in that — I want no other. I should be
but too much rewarded if I could know you were happy and
think that I had been happy enough to have contributed to it.
I hope to receive a word from you which will guide me in
what I must write to the King of Sweden, and give me the
possibility of justifying and defending, to his eyes and those
of the empress, the step that has just been taken.
222 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap, viii
Postscript. All that I have now written becomes useless
for your letter to the baron and M. de Mercy has just arrived.
Nevertheless, I must observe that it was very important to
have received them earlier in order that the Powers should
have been warned by you and not have learned your action
from the public papers.1
Queen Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen.
No. 3 December 28, 1791.
De Narbonne [minister of war] has a crazy idea, which I
thought had fallen through : to invite the Duke of Bruns-
wick to come here and command the army. The idea is so
out of common-sense that I supposed nothing more would be
said about it. Yesterday I heard that they were going to
send the little de Custine to the duke to negotiate the affair.
Comte de Se*gur may have been commissioned to speak of it
without our knowledge. I tell you of all this so as not to
be scolded, and also that the baron and you may take your
precautions. I have no doubt the duke will refuse; and
that will be serving us. Adieu. I have not yet received
the packet of M. Crawford 2
Queen Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen.
January 4, 1792.
I can only write one word. . . . The person who will bring
you this will tell you and make you know our position just
as it is. I have entire confidence in him and he deserves it
for his attachment and his good sense [Count Fersen writes
1 It will be observed that this letter is of the same date as the King of
Sweden's memorial and letters to the King and Queen of France, which
did not reach Count Fersen till the 8th of January, 1792. — Tr.
a This autographic letter was written in " white," or " sympathetie " ink,
addressed on the outside to " Monsieur l'Abbe de Beauyerin, Poste re-
stante, Bruxelles." Count Fersen notes on the margin, " Recu Jan.
3. Rep : Jan. 5." See fac-siraile. — Tr.
1791]
COUNT AXEL FEBSEN. 223
. 5 v ^ *^ ^ ^ * * 5 - v x
i i * 5 1 II 1 3 #■ ^<^
224
DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. viii.
1791]
COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 225
y* n*i. *>0ti? tt •*!* fan' i/ it f't(T?~0faf/<ih\
4
f,;<T<li 77/// r$ >,//if iitybri
U ' ififafjtrrf** 1, tint /'t/tip.-^'
226 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. tiii.
{•ryimrfltu' it "fine $t9ff&pt'tro
Jnrtft ftrfrnntA i/J^T-
ft* '™*»* ****** j*»¥%Zt-±
itmtin-L ti'tii'jpf,;? tntrrc rt.Vtn.ti
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179'1
COUNT AXEL FERSEN.
227
pun* *d i //v«<- 9fu*m*y /?irt,JL'
ifi*ijj9tMf 0i*'* eif***/* fail fiirt-
&*TquLJ< t'vfy9 <^*'te* *{*/"fiL
4* li€HrT*^9Tos*Tlll/t0^*9€~fifii«fy
228 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. viii.
" Goguelat " on the margin]. He carries with, him an ab-
surd memorial, but I was forced to send it. It is important
that the Emperor should be convinced there is not a word of
our own in it, nor of our manner of seeing things ; but he
must make me an answer as if he believed it was my way
of seeing things, which I can show ; for they are so distrust-
ful here they will exact an answer. The bearer of these
papers does not know by whom they are dictated to me and
must not be spoken to about them. The memorial is ill-
written and shows that these wretches are in fear ; but for
our personal safety they have to be managed, and, above all,
we must inspire confidence in them by our conduct here.
All that will be explained to you, also the reasons why I
often cannot warn you in advance of what they are going to
do here. My man has not yet returned ; I wish I could have
some news from where you are. What is the meaning of
this sudden declaration of the Emp. ? Why this profound
silence of Vienna, and even of Brussels towards me ? I am
lost in conjectures, but what I know well is this : if it is
prudence or policy that makes them say nothing to me, they
are very wrong and expose me much, because no one believes
that I can be in such ignorance ; and yet it is necessary that
I should regulate my words and my conduct on what is tak-
ing place : that is what I have told this person to say to
M. de Mercy. I must end. . . .
Queen Marie-Antoinette to the Queen of Spain.
Madame, my sister and cousin : January 4, 1792.
I desired much to be able to write to Y. M. at the same
time that the king wrote to the King of Spain, but time then
failed me, and we are forced to be so circumspect in all our
actions that I have had to await an opportunity to send this
letter to the Baron de Breteuil in Brussels, who, as you know
1791] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 229
has all our confidence. I write to you, Madame, with all
the more pleasure, to connect myself with the letter the
king has already written, because the nobleness of your
character and the double tie of blood which unites you with
us leaves me no doubt of the interest you will take in regard
to us. Be so kind, therefore, as to maintain the King of
Spain in his good-will towards our interests. The letter he
has received from the king will explain to him our true
sentiments, and we can have no others. It is unnecessary to
say to Y. M. that the greatest secrecy is necessary; your
prudence and our position make it obvious enough. As for
me, Madame, I shall be charmed to owe you an obligation,
and to add that sentiment to the friendship and attachment
I have so long, and for my life, vowed to you.
Marie-Antoinette.
Count Fersen to Queen Marie-Antoinette.
Brussels, January 6, 1792.
An aide-de-camp of M. de Jaucourt has brought to Ath
[near Brussels] an order for the assemblage of emigres there
collected to take itself to the frontiers of the Elector of Treves.
You will readily see the annoyances of this operation, and
how disadvantageous it may be: 1st, it increases the embar-
rassment of the Electors and forces you to put yourself on the
defensive, which it was desirable to delay until there was
better preparation made outside ; 2d, it is one means the less
of compromising the emperor; and 3d, it is giving the
Assembly the facility to represent this departure as the
result of the king's threats. It may excite the Electors to
the same conduct ; they will no longer be able to reply that
they conform in their States to the course of the Low Coun-
tries; and from the knowledge I have of the emperor's
intentions I should not be at all surprised if he supports this
230 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. viii.
demand. I know that he is determined not to furnish to
the Electors and princes of the Empire more than the con-
tingent he is forced to send as a co-State. He fears war ; he
fears to be mixed up in your affairs ; and having now no
assemblage of the French in his own States, he may exact
that there shall be none in those of others. Baron de
Breteuil has written to the Marquis de Castries to stop, if
possible, the departure of the emigres) I have written the
same to Baron Oxenstjerna.
The answer of the king to the emperor seems to me a
little too strong ; do you not think it best to hold one's self
in readiness to make war, but to delay the moment of begin-
ning it until a concert is established, with sufficient force to
be a support to you ? Do you not think it would have been
best to say that, if at a fixed epoch the Elector of Treves has
not dispersed the assemblages, the king will rely on the good
offices of the emperor to compel him to do so. I think it
important to grant the Elector of Treves a second period —
till the 1st or 15th of February, if possible ; this delay would
give us time to receive answers. Could not the king derive
some benefit from the desire he has to preserve peace and
avoid war, always ruinous, but especially so at this moment
when the finances require such great attention ?
The King of Prussia to his Very Christian Majesty the King
of France.
Monsieur, my brother : January 14, 1792.
I have just received the letter that Y. M. wrote to me
December 3d, and which the Baron de Breteuil forwarded.
I recognize with keen sensibility the confidence you testify
in me, and I beg you to be fully convinced that M. de
Moustier expressed to you my true sentiments in 'speaking
to you of the sincere interest I take in your situation and
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 231
that of the queen, your august wife, and the desire which
animates me to be useful to both, in order to bring about a
state of things more in conformity with your wishes.
As a result of these dispositions I am much inclined to
enter into the views of Y. M. in regard to the establishment
of an armed congress, and I shall in consequence sound H.
M. the emperor immediately on that subject, having so far
followed a confidential concert on the affairs of France with
him, to whom Y. M. informs me you have made the same
proposition. In spite of the slowness and difficulty which
the arrangement of an armed congress will necessarily meet
with, I like to think that its effects and the impression
which will result will answer the expectations of Y. M.
But, with all the good-will with which I feel myself inspired
for your interests, I cannot at the same time refuse to con-
sider the very considerable expenses to which this measure
will give rise, and, father of my people, I shall say, with
frankness, to a king who has given such strong proofs of the
same sentiments, that a just indemnity for those costs seems
to me indispensable to conciliate the services which I hope
to render to Y. M. in conformity with my cares for the wel-
fare of the State I govern.
I shall take pleasure in communicating, thrqugh my
minister, Count Schulemburg, with the Baron de Breteuil,
whom Y. M. honours with your confidence and who so justly
deserves it, on all that relates to this important object; but
I shall be charmed at the same time to receive direct news
from Y. M. as often as you judge that you can give them to
me in safety ; as for the secrecy you ask of me, the great
necessity for which I feel perfectly, I will guarantee you that
it shall be religiously and strictly observed by myself and
by those to whom the matter must be confided by me;
but you will feel, without difficulty, that I cannot answer
232 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. viii.
for the secrecy of the other Courts which must concur
in it.
I end this letter by reiterating to Y. M. the ardent and
sincere desires that I form for you and your royal family,
and the assurance of the invariable sentiments of considera-
tion and attachment with which I am, Monsieur, my brother,
Your Majesty's good brother,
Fkedekick William.
Baron Taube to Count Fersen.
Stockholm, January 17, 1792.
The courier from Hamburg arrived last Saturday evening,
and everything came safely. The King of Sweden is per-
fectly satisfied with the letter of the Queen of France to him,
and with the one she has written to the empress ; but he is
not as much so with the one that the King of France has
written to the King of Spain. The King of Sweden thinks
that the help and succour he wants of him are not strongly
enough defined, and that the king has not said to the King
of Spain that he desires no compromise with the rebels and
not to have a mixed government, but to see the monarchy
restored with the royal power in all its plenitude. The
King of Sweden charges me to tell you, my friend, that
if the King of France does not persist in those sentiments
all foreign help will be useless to him, and his power will be
equally useless to his friends and allies. The King of
Sweden strongly approves of the conduct the King of France
is holding at the present moment towards the rebels ; they
cannot be too much lulled into security ; but with his friends
he ought never to talk of, or propose, anything but the re-
establishment of the monarchy in its entirety, such as it was
before the revolution.
As for the proposal to take Denmark into the league, that
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 233
is impossible ; for the twenty years that the King of Sweden
has reigned, Russia has tried in vain to force him to make a
triple alliance between Russia, Denmark, and himself, with-
out ever being able to succeed. Therefore that idea must be
totally left out of the projects of the king and queen if they
want his support. Between ourselves, my friend, if it had
not been for the foolish consideration which France has
shown from all time for Denmark, contrary to the interests
of Sweden, we should to-day be much more powerful, and
consequently more useful at the present moment to France.
The King of Sweden has written to the King of Prussia
to warn him of Segur's arrival, so that he may send him
away. The King of Sweden will also write to the empress
on the subject of the congress ; about which Baron de Bre-
teuil is urgent in the name of the King and Queen of
France.
The King of Sweden to Count Fersen.
The little castle of new Hag a,
January 20, 1792.
I received on Saturday last the packet that Reutersvaerd
brought to Hamburg. My departure for Gene, and the
numerous occupations which the opening of the Diet occa-
sions me, prevent my writing to you at length; but the
annexed paper will prove to you that I have adopted the
measures that the King of France asked of me. I beg you
to tell this to the Baron de Breteuil, and though I hope
nothing from such a congress, which will serve more to
embroil the sovereigns than unite them, and am convinced
that the emperor will refuse it, still I wish to show the
King of France that I conform to his wishes before the
answer of the emperor can be given. If the Assembly goes
on with its present rapidity we shall be obliged to have
234 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap, vnt
recourse to methods much less slow than a congress. Mean-
time, I insist on the necessity of getting the king out of Paris.
On which I pray God to have you in His holy keeping,
being
Your very affectionate
Gustavus.
Count Fersen to the King of Sweden.
Brussels, January 22, 1792.
Sire, — According to the letter which your Majesty did
me the honour to write to me December 30, I hastened to
send to the queen the details on the disposition of the
Empress of Russia which concerned her and would prove to
her the necessity for a firm and persistent line of conduct
and plan. I hope before long and as soon as they think it
suitable, to explain everything more in detail to the king
and queen and to learn more positively their resolutions.
The Queen of France has been forced to send to the
emperor a memorial written in her name by MM. Barnave,
Lameth, and Duport, without the knowledge of the present
Assembly and in which it is very ill-treated. In this memorial,
which is very bad and ill-written, they endeavour to frighten
the emperor as to the results of a war with France ; suggest-
ing to him the seductions which will be offered to his sol-
diers, and the propagation of the new doctrines of equality
and liberty which will be spread in all the countries where
the French army may go. They next attempt to prove to
him, by very false arguments, the interest it is to him (even
for his Belgian provinces) to ally himself with France and
to maintain the Constitution such as it was decreed by the
former Assembly. One can see in every line of this memo-
rial that fear dictated it, and that it is only a means at-
tempted to detach the emperor from the general league, and
1792J COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 235
especially from the idea of a congress, — a step which they
seem to dread above everything.
The queen thought that she ought to consent to send this
memorial and have the air of adopting it; she even de-
sired that her brother should make her an ostensible reply to
it, which she could show to its authors to convince them of
her simulated sincerity ; and I have the honour to send Y. M.
a copy of a private letter which the queen wrote on this
subject to the emperor, also passages from the one she did
me the honour to write to me about it. When remitting
these papers to M. de Mercy I informed Baron de Breteuil
about them ; and in the conversation which they had about
them on the following day M. de Mercy said that he did not
think the memorial bad, that there were several good things
in it which he thought quite reasonable. Y. M. can judge
of the surprise of M. de Breteuil and his indignation ; and
finally, seeing that he was unable to convince M. de Mercy,
he ended by representing to, him that the King and Queen
of France, regarding the matter from another point of view
and asking of the emperor a reply analogous to their opinion,
had the right to hope for it. This conversation with M. de
Mercy, joined to what M. de Semonville said to General
Wrangel, has made me suspect that Mercy had already
knowledge of the memorial, and that it was made in concert
with him ; for I have long suspected and I have several indi-
cations of a correspondence between him and the factious
part of the former Assembly, of which the emperor was
aware. Baron de Breteuil has been of my opinion, and be-
lieves as I do. I have thought it necessary to inform Y. M.
of these details, in the belief that the emperor will seek to
make a further bad use of the sending of this memorial.
The dispersion of the emigres [warned out of the States of
the princes of Germany] is no doubt a misfortune for them,
Ver. 8 16 Mem.
236 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. viii.
but I do not think it harmful to the cause. To succeed, all
must advance together ; the within must not go faster than
the without. In fact, what aid would the king have at this
moment to sustain a movement made by the emigres in his
favour? These movements, whatever they are, can never
have a great effect without the aid of some foreign power ;
and the season does not allow Y. M. or the empress to fur-
nish at this moment the assistance you are determined to
give. . . .
The reason why the queen cannot inform us in time of
what is about to be done is the rapidity with which deter-
minations are made and executed. That of the summons to
the Electors [princes of Germany] and the going of the king
to the Assembly was decided at eleven o'clock at night ; the
speech was made up during the night and delivered the next
day. And so with other matters.
Count Fersen to Queen Marie-Antoinette.
January 24, 1792.
You will see by the letter of the King of Prussia that his
inclinations are good, but that he will do nothing without
the emperor. There is nothing, therefore, to do but to push
the King of Prussia into making propositions to the latter.
I have received a perfect letter from Spain, of which I will
send you the details. Those of Eussia are the same. The
empress writes to the King of Sweden : "Perhaps the Queen
of France will herself feel the necessity of claiming the
assistance of her brother. Y. M. ought to know better than
I if it would be difficult to induce her to do so." The
empress will be entirely convinced as to that by your letter.
She says, farther on: "The more the cause we plead is
worthy of all our care, and the more we neglect nothing that
will enable it to triumph, the more we shall have, my dear
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 237
brother, with our contemporaries and with posterity, the
merit of not having desisted from so noble an enterprise
without making every possible effort to surmount the diffi-
culties which we encounter."
But the king and empress both insist on another flight, as
to which I shall bring you a memorial and the letters of the
king. His project is that it be executed by sea and by the
English, of whom only two will be in the secret. I shall also
bring you new proofs of the emperor's conduct. They say
the Queen of Portugal is well-disposed ; she has a great deal
of money, and they think she would give it. I think it
would be well to write to her ; it might decide her.
Mme. de Vaudemont is in Paris to prevent the seizure of
her house or to obtain an indemnity for it ; but as she carries
with her the resignation of MM. de Lambesc and Vaude-
mont, you will believe no doubt that they are not obliged to
give her anything, nor yet to grant the pensions those men
are now demanding, especially not to M. de Vaudemont; if
M. de Lambesc gets 20,000 or 30,000 francs it is all he can
hope for. Also, as you can suppose, he will not be allowed
to sell his office. He proposed to do so to Baron de Breteuil's
son-in-law for 300,000 francs. The latter refused it, saying
he thought the king ought not to fetter himself in that way,
and that he should no longer tolerate the sale of offices. But
the baron asks the king's kindness to give that office to his
son-in-law some day, adding, when he mentioned it to me :
" He thinks well, and he is too rich to ask the king for any-
thing, and enough so to keep up a great state" — besides
which, he is too stupid ever to be troublesome or meddle in
public matters. I will pay the baron the 22,000 francs that are
due to him ; but I must be authorized to remit to him 20,000
or 30,000 more (for which he will render an account), outlay
on couriers, etc., which it is indispensable he should make
238 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap, viil
The loss ou money is terrible ; it is 40 per cent ; that is to say,
of the . . . which you have in Holland you will only get . . ,
I will send you an exact account. I have decided to draw
it all out and deposit it, for fear the loss may increase. I
have the same loss on all that I draw myself.
I shall make all my arrangements to arrive on the 3d at
six in the evening.
Count Fersen to Queen Marie-Antoinette.
February 6, 1792.
It is absolutely necessary that you be drawn from the state
in which you are, and only violent means can do it. . . .
The little archduke told the officers at the Order that all
must be ready by March 1, that 6000 men had already
started, that 14,000 more were ready to follow them ; and
that war with France seemed certain. M. de Metternich
says that they are going to change their language at last, that
he was only awaiting the decision of the council of Brabant
(about the persons lately arrested) to send a very strong
note on that subject to M. de la Graviere. He added that
we should soon hear news from Prussia more important
than that of the suicide of M. de Segur. In spite of this
I shall believe in nothing from the emperor until I see
its effects.
It is said here that they want the king to veto the decree
on passports. Those who advise this act will try to make it
seem an act of liberty. I think the king ought to sanction.
The factious would represent his veto as a proof that he
wants to go away and preserve the means of doing so. Be-
sides, this decree is a vexatious thing which bears hard upon
the people, on account of the stamped paper, and it is well
to let them feel its weight. Moreover, in spite of the king's
veto, the Jacobins, by their influence, will continue to harass
1792] COUNT AXEL FEBSEN. 239
travellers. The veto will be good for nothing; people will
still be obliged to get passports.
Count Fersen to Baron Taube.
Brussels, February 14, 1792.
My dear Friend, — All is once more changed, and I start
for Paris in an hour. It may be necessary, to avoid suspi-
cion, that I should make a turn towards Spain. In any case
I shall be back here by the 23d or 25th.
M. de Simolin [private envoy of the Empress of Eussia]
is here ; he goes to Vienna from the queen, to tell the em-
peror their true position and their desires, and to urge him
to act. In the conversation he had with her, the queen
said : " Tell the emperor there is nothing to fear for us : the
nation has need of the king, and that his son shall live ; they
must be rescued ; as for me, I fear nothing. I prefer to sub-
ject myself to anything rather than live longer in the state
of degradation in which I am ; anything seems to me prefer-
able to the horror of our position."
My friend, those words are significant, and Simolin has
written them to the empress. The queen has also written
to her about Simolin's journey : and she wrote the same to
the emperor, and a charming letter to Prince Kaunitz, beg-
ging them to put entire confidence in Simolin. I hope for
good effects from that step.
Baron. Taube to Count Fersen.
Gefle, February 16, 1792.
The King of Sweden writes by post to-day to Stael [his
ambassador in Paris] an order not to return to Sweden ; it
ought to meet him at Hamburg in case he took the course
of returning here, which is against the king's orders.
240 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. viii.
The king is very well pleased with the letters of the King
of Prussia, but he is in despair at the memorial which the
queen let herself be forced by Barnave and others to write
to the emperor, — especially after the letters she had just
written to and received from the other sovereigns. In the
tirst place, she is the dupe of the scoundrels who have wrung
this memorial from her, for they will betray her; then it
has shown them that she has means of communication, which
they will now spy upon and intercept in the end. We may
also be certain that the emperor will make a bad use of that
paper, in spite of the private letter that the queen wrote to
him. The King of Sweden has just warned the empress of
this, in order that she may not be misled by the emperor.
I disapprove strongly of what the queen has done in this
matter ; for who or what forced her to enter into negotiations
or speak with Barnave and consorts ? Besides, my friend, he
who undertakes to deceive too many persons at once, de-
ceives no one. The queen has but one role to play, so long
as she remains shut up in Paris : which is to never trust her-
self to a Frenchman while she lives in France, not even if
she believes him well-intentioned ; but she ought to make
every one, and every new-comer believe that she desires to
live according to the Constitution on all its points. That is
the only way to put those rebels to sleep.
I feel, my friend, how impossible it will be to separate the
King of France from the queen and the dauphin ; I think it
is a necessity that they shall stay together. But as for
Madame Elisabeth and the little girl, I do not think it neces-
sary that they should go too, or be even notified of the go-
ing ; all confidence in this matter is too risky. Besides, they
risk nothing in staying behind ; the fury of the rebels will
not be turned against them.
That which distresses me most is to see that nothing ad-
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 241
vances ; that all is hemmed in by intrigues and negotiations
which have no result. The king hears nothing more of
pecuniary succour from Spain; and without money it is
absolutely impossible to march his troops or send his ships
to sea. Another misfortune is, that the winter is very
severe this year, so that our ports will probably not be open
before the end of May. Otherwise, the army by land and
sea is in a complete state to advance. It only needs money
to set it in motion, provide the commissariat, and purchase
horses for the artillery and baggage-waggons.
242 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ix.
CHAPTER IX.
1792. Count Fersen's Diary. — His fruitless Mission to the King and
Queen in Paris. — Death of the Emperor Leopold. — Death of Gus-
tavus III. King of Sweden. — Advance and repulse of the French army
under the Comte de Rochambeau. — Efforts to induce England to assist
in the rescue of the King and Queen. — The 10th of August. — Im-
prisonment of the Royal Family in the Temple. — Fatal retreat of the
Duke of Brunswick. — The Due de Choiseul's Account of August 10th,
and of the Arrest at Varennes.
January 1, 1792. Brussels. The Elector of Cologne haa
given orders to all the French refugees at Andernach to leave
his State. He asked the archduchess for protection by the
troops of the emperor. She replied that she had no orders
for that.
2d. Memorial of the queen to the emperor ; detestable ;
made by Barnave, Lameth, and Duport ; intended to frighten
the emperor and prove to him that his interest is not to
make war, but to maintain the Constitution, for fear the
French may propagate their doctrines and debauch his
soldiery. Letters from the queen to the emperor, the Queen
of Spain, and to me. Memorial and letters to King and
Queen of France [from King of Sweden] well done.
11th. Letter from Crawford; he has seen queen and
talked with her. They want to send the Bishop of Autun
[Talleyrand] to London to negotiate ; little Custine to
Brunswick ; they expect to gain all by money.
14th. The Abbe* de Limon, just returned from Paris,
says that minds are amazingly changed ; that the people
desire a change, and that some one should come to
their relief; they want the Constitution, but with great
changes.
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 243
18th. M. de la Galissonniere says that two or three hun-
dred of the bourgeois of Paris are going in parties of ten
or twelve to Kehl, where they have rendezvous ; thence to
the princes. Two came to his house and asked him the
way. They each had twenty-five louis.
21st. The queen consents that I shall go to Paris.
24th. The Princesse de Tarente has arrived. News from
Paris of a riot about the dearness of sugar, which costs three
livres, five sous. They pillaged the hotel of the Americans,
it is said, and several grocers' shops. Sugar was sold in the
market for twenty-four sous. My departure for Paris is
fixed for the 3d of February.
29th. Letter from the queen, begging me to defer my
journey until the decree about the passports is given, and
tranquillity is more established in Paris. Much is being
said about the departure of the king, and the newspapers
indicate by way of Calais. This is the fruit of French indis-
cretion ; those who imagine a project tell it to everybody, and
spies are sent to the spot.
February 1. Dined with La Marck. Much talk of Mira-
beau and all his intrigues with Lafayette. La Marck is an
intriguer. The Prince of Nassau wrote to the Comte
d'Artois that he was very well pleased with the emperor,
who would act. The Comte d'Artois wrote it to the Prince
de Cond£, and the Prince de Conde" sent the original letter to
be read by all the gentlemen in his service.
3d. Letter from the queen ; says it is impossible, on
account of private passports, that I should go, and I must
renounce it. Bad for me and for affairs. They feign to sus-
pect the king's escape, and the rumour is spread in Paris to
prevent the new guard of the king from entering upon its
functions, which is for the 10th, and the decree on passports
is made to prevent his departure ; the means are not bad.
244 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ix.
6th. I have determined to go to Paris on a letter from
the queen telling me that the decree on the passports will
not be sanctioned; Frenchmen who have passed in very-
well write to say so.
9th. Simolin arrived from Paris at, eleven o'clock with-
out any obstacle. Dined with him at Breteuil's. He is
going to Vienna from the queen to inform the emperor of
their position, the state of France, and their positive desire
for succour. He saw them secretly ; the queen said : " Tell
the emperor the nation has too much need of the king and
his son for them to have anything to fear ; they are the ones
it is important to rescue. As for me, I fear nothing, and I
would rather run all possible dangers than live any longer in
my present state of degradation and unhappiness." Simolin
was touched to tears as he spoke of it. He told me of the
queen's charming letters to the emperor and the empress and
Prince Kaunitz. M. de Mercy, whom he had seen, held the
usual language. Simolin reproached him for his conduct,
so different from that indicated in his declarations at Padua ;
he told him he had deceived the Powers, and he forced him
to admit it.
The orders of the Empress of Russia to Simolin were : to
make the declaration at Padua, to rally always to the most
vigorous measure that was proposed, without waiting for new
instructions, and to leave Paris at once if the other ministers
left.
10th. All my arrangements are made to start.
11th. Saturday. Started at half-past nine in a courier's
chaise with Reutersvaerd, and no servant. "We had a
courier's passport for Portugal under feigned names. The
letters and memorial of the king [of Sweden] to the King
of France, addressed to the Queen of Portugal, I put into
an envelope of the ambassador of Sweden to Paris, with a
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 245
false cipher to which I counterfeited the signature of the
king, and another cipher, also false, for Bergstedt, charge"
d'affaires ; the whole sealed with arms of Sweden, made here.
I had also, for my own safety, a letter accrediting me to the
Queen of Portugal
By eight o'clock we were at Tournai, where we slept.
12th. Left at half-past three in the morning. Reuters-
vaerd went in the evening to see M. d'Aponcourt, command-
ant, to get the gates opened. He took him for a Swedish
courier, and told him he would not get to Paris in fifteen
days, and would be stopped everywhere. At Orchies nothing
was said to us : we breakfasted at Bouchain, dined at Bona-
vis, and slept at Gournai ; our chaise broke down at P^ronne
and we were there four hours. Eeached Gournai at half-
past one in the morning. I kept myself hidden ; I had a
wig. Everywhere they were very polite, especially at
Peronne, — even the National Guard.
13th, Monday. Fine and mild. Started at half-past nine.
Stopped two hours at Louvres for dinner; reached Paris
without accident at half-past five in the evening, without a
word being said to us. Left my officer at the H6tel des
Princes, rue Richelieu ; took a fiacre to go to Goguelat, rue
Pelletier. The coachman did not know the way. Another
fiacre told us. Goguelat was not there ; waited in the street
till half-past six. Did not come. Felt uneasy. Went to
join Reutersvaerd. He could not get a room at the H6tel
des Princes and they did not know where he had gone. Re-
turned to Goguelat. Not in. Decided to wait in the street.
At last at seven he came. My letter had only arrived at
midday that morning, and they had not been able to decipher
it earlier. Went to the queen; took my usual way ; afraid
of the National Guard ; did not see the king.
14th. Very fine and mild. Saw the king at six in the
246 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap, el
evening. He will not leave ; cannot, on account of extreme
vigilance ; but the truth is, he has scruples, having so often
promised to remain — for he is an honest man. He has,
however, consented that when the armies arrive, he will go
with smugglers, always through woods, and let himself be
met by a detachment of ligh1>troops. He wants the con-
gress to concern itself at first solely with his demands and
if they are granted then to insist that he shall leave Paris for
some place chosen for the ratification. If this is refused, he
consents that the Powers shall act, and he submits to all
dangers. He thinks he risks nothing, because the rebels
need him to obtain the terms of a capitulation.
The king wore the cordon rouge [Order of Saint-Louis].
He sees that there is no resource except in force ; but, in
consequence of his feebleness, he thinks it impossible to re-
cover all his authority. I proved to him the contrary ; told
him it could be done by force and that the Powers desired
to do it. He agreed. Nevertheless, if he is not constantly
encouraged, I am afraid he will be tempted to negotiate with
the rebels.
After a time he said to me : " Ah, ga ! here we are alone
and we can speak. I know that I am taxed with weakness
and irresolution, but no one was ever in my position. I
know that I missed the right moment ; it was July 14 ; I
ought to have gone then, and I wished it ; but what could
I do when Monsieur himself begged me not to go, and Mare*-
chal de Broglie who commanded said : ' Yes, we can go to
Metz, but what shall we do when we get there ? ' — I lost
the moment, and since then I have never found it ; I have
been abandoned by all the world." He begged me to warn
the Powers that they must not be shocked at anything he
was obliged to do ; for he was obliged, — it was the effect of
compulsion. 'They must,' he said, 'put me entirely aside
1792] Count axel fersen. 247
and let me act as I may.' He desired also that it should be
explained to the Powers that he had sanctioned the decree
on the sequestration of the property of the Smigres solely
for the purpose of preserving it ; otherwise, it would have
been pillaged and burned ; but that he would never consent
to have it sold as national property. He also wished to veto
the decree on passports.
The queen told me that she saw Alex. Lameth and
Duport ; that they told her incessantly there was no remedy
but that of foreign troops ; without them all was lost ; that
this state of things could not last ; that they themselves had
gone farther than they wished ; that it was the folly of the
aristocrats which had made their success, and the conduct
of the Court, which could have arrested all if it had joined
with them. They talked of aristocrats, but she thought it
was really the effect of their hatred to the present Assembly,
in which they are nothing and have no influence ; they are
frightened, seeing that all must change, and they wish to
make themselves a merit in advance. But she thinks them
bad ; does not trust them ; but uses them, finding it serviceable
to do so. All the ministers are traitors who betray the king.
M. Cahier de Gerville is the worst, and threatens constantly
to leave the Counil and denounce his associates. Bertrand
[minister of the navy] is good, but alone he can do nothing.
Narbonne and Lessart [war and post] will do everything to
preserve themselves, and nothing for the king. Cahier de Ger-
ville was a little lawyer at seven hundred francs a year. —
Mile. Bocherette [the dauphin's maid, in fear of whom the
flight to Varennes was delayed] was Gouvion's mistress and
told him everything. She had nothing but suspicions.
Questioned on the day after the departure, she said horrors
about the queen ; being asked if she had not heard passing
through that door, and whether, as she did not give warning,
248 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap, ix
she was afraid, she said she heard passing so often after the
king had gone to bed, that it seemed nothing new to her. —
For some time, the guard was often tripled ; it was so on the
afternoon of June 20. M. de Valori, who had been told he
would be sent as courier with his two comrades, repeated it
to his mistress, who was also the mistress of M. . . . one of
the fanatics. — As the queen crossed the Great Carrousel she
sent M. de . . . , who accompanied her and who did not
know the way, to ask the sentinel on horseback where the
Little Carrousel was. At Chalons they were recognized ; a
man warned the mayor, who took the course of telling him
that if he were sure he had only to make it public, but he
must be responsible for results. The body-guard good
for nothing. On the way back [from Varennes] M. de
Dampierre, who came to see them, gave his arm to one of
the dauphin's maids to help her into the carriage. She
warned him to go away, as they were all against him. He
said no. He mounted his horse, and fifty paces on they shot
him like a rabbit on the plain ; when he fell from his horse
they massacred him and came back to the carriage with
their hands all bloody and carrying his head. — The queen
gave a piece of beef-a-la-mode, which I had put into the
carriage, to a man ; a voice cried out : " Don't eat it ; don't
you see they want to poison you ? " The queen immediately
ate some and gave some to the dauphin. — Latour-Maubourg
and Barnave behaved very well. Potion was indecent. The
first would not get into the carriage with the king ; he told
them they might feel sure of him, but it was important to
win over the two others. Potion told them he knew every-
thing ; how they had taken a hired carriage close to the
palace driven by a Swede named — here he pretended not
to know my name and asked the queen to tell him. She
replied : " I am not in the habit of knowing the names of
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 249
hackney- coachmen." — Mile. Rocherette presented herself in
full dress ; she expected to be their chamber-maid. Before
the departure she had several times searched the queen's
desk. — They were from six o'clock in the morning till seven
at night from Meaux to the Tuileries, without daring to let
down the blinds of the carriage. — During the next six
weeks officers were in the adjoining room. They wanted to
sleep in the queen's chamber. All she could obtain was that
they would keep between the two doors ; two or three times
during the night they came in to see if she was in her bed.
Once, when she could not sleep and lit her lantern, an officer
came in and established a conversation. A camp beneath
the windows kept up an infernal uproar. Every night the
officers in the room were relieved every two hours.1
21st. At six o'clock went out ; found Reuters vaerd, with
whom I made all arrangements for departure at midnight.
I accompanied Goguelat to take leave of the king and queen.
The queen sent me word that the answer to the bad memo-
rial she had sent to the emperor, written by Barnave, Lameth,
and Duport, had just arrived and was detestable. I took
tea and supped with them. At midnight I left them.
Frantz let me out by the great gate. I did not find Reuters-
vaerd, which made me uneasy. At the end of a quarter of
an hour he came ; we went to his inn, where the landlord,
though Protestant and a democrat, had loaded him with
kindness, as did every one.
At one o'clock we got into the carriage, — a light one with
three horses.
22d. Wednesday. Passed Senlis at half-past three without
difficulty. At Pons, though the National Guard were already
1 Further particulars of these interviews with the king and queen will
be found in Count Fersen's report to the King of Sweden, February 29,
1792. — Tb.
250 DiARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OP [chap. ix.
afoot, nothing was said to us. We breakfasted at Gournai ;
it snowed there for an hour rather hard ; then fine and cold.
We were much delayed by the slippery roads. Beached
Bonavis at seven in the evening. Supped badly and slept in
our clothes, in the cartmen's room.
23d. Fine, very cold. Started at half-past six, roads
dreadful as far as Cambrai; stayed there one hour and a
half ; the postilions would not start, on account of the roads,
and the post-master told me that in times like these he could
not force them to go. At last, one of them, in view of the
lightness of our carriage agreed to do so. We passed Bou-
chain very well, but at a little village of a dozen houses, half
a league before Marchiennes, I was awakened by the stop-
ping of the carriage, and some one asked Eeutersvaerd for
his passport. I pretended to be asleep. After studying it
five minutes, the man said it was worth nothing; it said
" by the order of the king," and not " by order of the law ; "
besides, there was no description of our persons ; it was not
good. Eeutersvaerd got angry and said : " But it is a pass-
port from the embassy; they ought to know how to write
them, and our minister would never have given it to us if it
was not all right." The man said : " It does not conform to
the model we have ; it is worth nothing." Then the pos-
tilion, who saw the courier's badge, said: "But, monsieur,
don't you see that these gentlemen are couriers ? You have
no right to stop them." " Of course not," said Eeutersvaerd,
" and Swedish couriers, too ; that is in the passport ; and
here is that of our minister." The imbecile had never dis-
covered this and at first, when he saw that Eeutersvaerd was
polite, he was insolent. After reading the paper a second
time he let us pass, saying that we must not be surprised if
they stopped us at Marchiennes ; which was done at the only
gate there was to the town by a sentinel in a gray jacket
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 251
The officer, in a brown coat, let us pass on our telling
him we were couriers and showing him our passports. . . .
By four o'clock we were at Tournai, where we dined well and
in the same chamber where we slept on our way. What a
difference ! We reached Brussels at three the next morning.
My joy was great in having succeeded and being once more
at home.
27th. Baron de Breteuil warns me that M. de Mercy com-
plains of the dissatisfaction the queen shows with the em-
peror, and believes that I am the cause of it ; he gave the
baron to understand that he had discovered this. It could
only be through my letters, and I do not believe he could
decipher them, for the Swedish cipher is very difficult ; and
as for my letters to Paris, all are written in white ink, and
they would not have reached their destination intact had
they been washed and read. This is a mere suspicion on
their part because they find that the King of France has him-
self addressed the Powers. M. de Mercy let M. de Breteuil
know that I was much suspected and very inconvenient, and
he begged him never to tell me anything that he confided to
him. That does not trouble me ; it only proves that they
did not think me so clear-sighted. I went to see M. de
Mercy ; he talked to me of affairs, of the annoyance the
princes were ; he said they must be got away, and had much
better be in the South. I was of his opinion, except as to
sending them wholly away ; they could be made useful on
the second line and by directing their conduct.
5th. Dined with M. de BreteuiL Thugut and Browne
launched out against the emperor, in displeasure that he
would not act. The first added that he was sure of it. He
also doubted whether the emperor desired to restore things
as they were in France, and said that, to make sure of this,
we had better ask M. de Mercy whether he expected that
Ver. 8 17 Mem.
252 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ix.
the management of the finances would be restored to the
king as before the revolution. Thugut believes, and I am of
his opinion, that the emperor wants to avoid acting ; if
forced to do so he wants to be strong enough with Prussia
to exclude the Northern Powers and give France a mixed
government which would make her dependent on him and
take from her all her strength and influence in Europe.
For this reason he has consented to the fifty thousand men
promised by Prussia in order to represent that force to the
Northern Courts as sufficient, and so prevent them from
sending troops; and if he cannot succeed in that, at least
to have a great superiority in deciding matters. But with
the influence of the Empress of Russia, the good-will of Prus-
sia, and the ambition of the Duke of Brunswick, that
plan can easily be foiled, and then the princes must be put
forward, made to make demands (concerted with the king),
to which the Powers would have the air of yielding. He
advised the baron not to bind himself towards de Mercy for
any repayment of money until the king was restored to his
full authority.
8th. The Bishop of Pamiers came at half-past seven to
tell me that the emperor had died suddenly ; the perform-
ance at the theatre was interrupted, the actor announced the
news, and there were two or three applauses. I knew al-
ready that a courier had arrived. The archduchess was
ignorant; she even sent M. de Metternich after dinner to
inquire if there were any letters for her. Later in the even-
ing she sent for all the generals and spoke to them very
well and firmly. — The Vicomte de Verac, who came to see
me in the evening, told me the people were saying about
the streets : " The emperor is dead ; well, that 's good ! " He,
the bishop, and many others think this will change and delay
everything. I am not of that opinion ; I showed them why,
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 253
and I felt that Baron de Breteuil agreed with me. I decided
to write my opinion to the queen and send it the next day
by post.
9 th. In all societies last night the emperor's death had
little effect and did not upset the various parties. The gen-
erals did not show the slightest regret, but almost the con-
trary. Thugut told the baron he was glad. In the city the
news made no sensation; the officials were even pleased.
Papers were scattered about inciting the people to revolt,
saying this was the moment to rise, they must profit by
it and seduce the soldiery. The gates of the town were
closed after eleven in the morning, but nothing riotous ap-
peared in the streets. — Some say the emperor died of con-
gestion of the lungs, others, among them the chancellor and
M. de Metternich, that he had an attack of colic, was bled
three times ; the attack returned at midday and he died in
horrible vomitings. By which they mean that he was poi-
soned. So much the better, if it proves to them the necessity
of exterminating those French monsters. But the chancel-
lor's purpose in crediting that tale is, on the contrary, to
prove the danger of interfering in the affairs of France.
13th. M. de Narbonne is dismissed from the ministry
[of war] by the king in consequence of his base conduct
towards M. Bertrand, minister of the navy, whom he en-
deavoured in every possible way to ruin, and also because of
letters which he made the generals Eochambeau, Luckner,
and Lafayette write to him to preserve his ministry. The
Chevalier de Grave, a young democrat, twenty-eight to thirty
years of age, succeeds him. This is a triumph for the Jaco-
bins. It was MM. Duport, Barnave, and Lameth who
wanted the dismissal of M. de Narbonne; they were dis-
satisfied with him, and said he deceived them.
18th. Letter from Crawford, which makes me all the more
254 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ix.
uneasy because the Chevalier de Coigny had sent me word
of a project of the Jacobins to put the queen in a convent or
take her to Orleans to be confronted with M. de Lessart;
and a few days ago March 10, M. Vergniaud said in the
Assembly : " Terror must now enter that palace from which
it has issued so many times; let all those who are in it
tremble ; there is but one person there who is inviolable."
22d. Letter from Mme. de Lamballe to Baron de Breteuil
saying that they want to denounce the queen in the affair of
M. de Lessart [late director of posts] and separate her thus
from the king to put her in a convent. This confirms my
letter from Crawford. I believe in the project, but I doubt
its execution. The Abb£ de Saint- Albin says he thinks the
queen will go away. I do not believe she will ever separate
from the king : and where could she go ? it would be diffi-
cult to go anywhere, on account of Coblentz.
23d. Found Goguelat when I came home; he passed
through Calais, Dover, and Ostend. He left them eight days
ago. Their position is horrible. I give the details in my
letter to the king of the 24th. He heard the deputies say :
" Lessart will get out of this, but the queen will not." Go-
guelat had a little paper [to the new emperor] which read
thus : —
" I beg you, my nephew, to have confidence in all that the
bearer may tell you from us.
" Marie-Antoinette."
" I join your aunt, and think absolutely as she does.
■ Louis."
We went to see Baron de Breteuil. He had the air, I
thought, of not approving this step ; but he said nothing.
25th. Dined at home with Baron Thugut. He thinks
wonderfully well. He told me there were fifteen thousand
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 255
men in the Milanese provinces to protect the King of Sar-
dinia. He disapproved of the emperor's reply which caused
the dismissal of Lessart. He wanted an insignificant one,
and the immediate despatch of fifty thousand men, after
which a firm answer. He blames Mercy and those who
made the answer; wished they would act with vigour at
once and enable the king to leave.
April 3d. The Due d'Uzes, at the head of one hundred and
fifty French gentlemen, came to see me to ask news about the
assassination of the King of Sweden. Letter to the queen.
12th. Received letters from Sweden of the 23d and 27th.
The bulletin bad. In Brdgart's envelope a paper was added
on which was written that the king died on the 29th towards
midday. I was horror-struck. Baron Hopp, the Dutch
minister, said the same thing. I tried to hope it was false,
but I could not ; the details on his condition were too bad.
I am tortured.
17th. Dined with Breteuil. Thugut told him that the
King of Hungary 1 had written here that he was weary of
what was going on in France, and had decided to act and
put an end to it ; that he should march his troops at once,
and the French must be amused for two months until the
troops arrived; then, whether the French attacked him or
not, he should attack them.
25th. An engineer officer, named Obredi, who was sent
to reconnoitre the coimtry, the French, and the disposition
of the inhabitants, reports that M. de Eochambeau is en-
camped, since Monday at Maubeuge, opposite to Mons, in a
very fine intrenched position; and that nothing hinders the
1 Francis, son of the Emperor Leopold succeeded his father in his
hereditary dominions as King of Hungary and sovereign of Austria, but
was not called Emperor of Germany until his election, July 6, 1792 as
Francis II : — Tb.
256 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ix.
French from entering the country and coming to Brussels;
that no precautions are being taken to prevent it ; that the
troops are so placed that they can be cut off with no chance
of reuniting; that absolutely nothing is being done; that
this is horrible, and there is not a moment to be lost.
When he made this report to the archduchess she burst into
tears, and said she was lost. He thinks the inhabitants
about the frontiers are very ill-disposed. In short, he thinks
their position [that of the government of the Low Countries]
very dangerous, and their inertia and apathy extreme.
Nothing has been done. The jealousy of General Browne
against General Bender is excessive and will spoil all. The
former has never been to reconnoitre the country. A faith-
ful man in Namur, who has been a patriot, asked two months
ago, through M. de Breteuil, to be called here to give impor-
tant information to the government. M. de Metternich for-
got it, and he has not yet been called or heard. When
important affairs are talked of to the archduchess she weeps ;
Due Albert [her husband] chatters; Mercy says there is
nothing to be done, but he will talk of it with Metternich,
who forgets it — it is all abominable. If they suffered alone
it would not be so bad. Bender wanted to form a cordon
from Ostend to Luxembourg : fine stupidity ! They are
going to encamp and take a position. General Ferrari, a
man of merit is indignant. He is not employed ; but he has
pointed out several positions important to guard, which they
had never thought of.
26th. Dined at Court ; the archduchess did not speak to
me. Kochambeau's camp has only 100 cannon and 1200
men. He writes from Valenciennes to General Beaulieu at
Mons ; his letter is dated " Year IV. of Liberty." In it he
deplores the evils of war and asks, to spare blood, that no
hostilities shall take place on either side until the guerre
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 257
franche (?) has begun. He says he is not authorized to
make this proposal, but he hopes that the general will con-
vey it to the general government, and if they have not con-
fidence in him, he will send a courier to Paris and obtain the
king's orders. He speaks in his own name. His aide-de-
camp reached Mons as the parade was beginning ; they let
him see it, and then sent him back.
30th. Received news in the morning that there had been
an affair near Tournai, where the French were repulsed.
The Austrians had been very uneasy all day about Mons. At
two o'clock I met M. de Metternich ; he told me that they had
just heard of an affair at the outposts of Mons; he added
that he had felt the keenest anxiety lest the troops had not
assembled before the French attack, but that now he was
easy on that point. " At any rate," he said, " it would not
have been my fault; for I have warned them for the last
three weeks, and never ceased to urge them about it; but
they did nothing." Returning from a drive at eight in the
evening, I heard that the French had been repulsed and
well-beaten at Mons ; that at least is what Count Metternich
wrote me.
May 10th. The princes have written to the archduchess
offering her all the Frenchmen who are under their orders,
and they wrote the same to Vienna. She answered she
could decide nothing without the orders of the king [of
Hungary]. She did this by the advice of M. de Mercy, who
told M. de Breteuil they had decided not to use Frenchmen,
and not to admit them to participate in anything. He told
Thugut that his chief fear was that the Baron de Breteuil
was mixed in this affair, and he must be excluded. He
asked him to say in Vienna (where Thugut is now going)
that although he had previously decided to retire, he should
now stay on, because of these important circumstances in
258 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ix.
which he might be useful; that he would continue to
negotiate affairs and desired to be charged with making
peace; but on condition that he had full powers to make it
as he pleased. In all he says one sees his desire to negotiate
and come to some agreement, which could only be bad be-
cause he is allied, through La Borde, with the constitutionals
Barnave, Lameth, Duport, etc. ; and he has not spoken to
the Baron about the princes' offer. I advised the baron to
repeat to him the same offer, and show him the advantage of
accepting it and the danger of refusing it at a moment when
they have not enough troops and when the emigres could be
of use in enticing the French to desert, and if he refuses, to
request him to remember the fact that the offer had been
made.
26th. Strttcker has arrived. Says that disorder at Valen-
ciennes is at its height. Bochambeau would have been
massacred like Dillon if he had not kept himself hidden
in the Abbey of Saint-Sauve for three days; where they
went three times in search of him. On Monday, Luckner
wanted to break camp ; the troops refused, swearing against
that foreigner who wanted to lead them to butchery, and
threatening to hang him. The Boyal-Swedish refused to
go into garrison at Douai Three soldiers met the Due
d'Orl^ans; they stopped him and insulted him, declaring
that if he made them start they would massacre him ; that
it was he who was instigating all this ; that he was a scoun-
drel, and his proper place was at Coblentz with the other
princes, but his behaviour had been so bad he dared not go
there.
June 7th. Bergstedt [Swedish secretary of embassy in
Paris] arrived at 9 o'clock last evening; passed safely
through Valenciennes. Says the Jacobins in Paris are quiet
since the king's body-guard has been dismissed; they want
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 259
to be masters of his person and cany him off with them ; he
thinks they could succeed, for those who wish to prevent it
have no leader; and as the majors [chefs de bataillon] com-
mand the National Guard for two months, they cannot have
any. Servan has quarrelled with Dumouriez, who wanted to
rule every thing. ... It was Mme. de Stael [wife of
Swedish ambassador] who wrote the letters of the generals
to Narbonne, and who got Lessart dismissed. All the con-
stitutionals, friends of Narbonne, did not go to the Assembly
to defend him, and in that way the Jacobins succeeded in
arraigning him. It was an intrigue of Mme. de Stael. She
always carries poison on her to take in case anything hap-
pens to Narbonne. She went, disguised as a man, to see him
at Arras; her carriage was overturned on the way back;
all that made talk. She was absent from Tuesday to
Sunday.
24th. Keceived" Cosmopolite" of 21st. Frightful account
of an attack on the Tuileries on the 20th ; horrible ! the con-
sequences make me shudder.
July 8th. Lasserez has arrived with letters from the
queen to me and to Mercy. She wants them to act and
speak at once. It cannot be done until the forces arrive ;
for they must speak only when acting.
9th. Saw Mercy. He is of my opinion that they must
be ready to act when they speak. The queen asked that in
their manifesto they would hold Paris responsible for the
king and his family. She asks if it would not be best to
leave Paris. He answered, " Yes " if they were sure of per-
sons to protect their departure, and if so, they should go to
Compiegne, and appeal to the departments of Amiens and
Soissons. He talked to me very well about the manifesto ;
said hope must be left to all, except the factious, in order to
save the king ; the Constitution not to be mentioned ; make
260 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ix.
war upon it, but say nothing, and so annihilate it. He com-
plained of those who surrounded the Baron de Breteuil and
prevented him, Mercy, from confiding in him ; and said that
the king could not recover his authority at once, — that
was impossible, — only little by little. Said he himself was
calumniated, accused of coldness to the interests of the queen ;
that his correspondence would prove the contrary ; but that
he dared not trust the French, who, one and all, even the
aristocrats, were worth nothing: he had always written
urging action to Vienna, but could never bring anything
about. — He said all this with temper and impatience. He
was indignant at the conduct of Spain, which covered her,
he said, with mud.
10th. Sent Lasserez back with letter to the queen. In
the " Gazette Universelle " of the 7th a horrible speech by
M. Danton to the council-general of the Commune of Paris.
It is frightful. Wrote to the queen by post.1
14th. I have received from Paris a pamphlet entitled :
" Le Cri de la douleur" — The " Cry of Pain, or the Day of
June 20th." It is written by Mercier ; very well done and
worthy of preservation.
23d. Eeceived four letters from Paris. Their situation is
alarming ; they ask for the issuing of the manifesto and the
entrance of the armies. They think they will be removed
into the interior. The queen would not yield to the pro-
posal of the constitutionals, with Lafayette and Luckner, to
go to Compiegne, fearing to fall into their hands and give
1 From this point the Diary contains a great deal relating to the condi-
tion of the Low Countries, the movement of troops, the endless negotia-
tions and intrigues of diplomatists, princes, €migr&, in which Fersen, after
the death of Gustavus III., was more of a trusted spectator than an active
agent. In this volume only those parts of the Diary and letters which re-
late more particularly to the fate of the King and Queen of France are
wiven. — Tb.
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 261
the Powers, who have so little willingness to act, a pretext to
negotiate.
26th. Four hundred federals from Marseille passed through
Lyon ; the municipality invited them to the theatre, where
they sang horrible songs against the queen ; the honourable
citizens silenced them ; the next day those citizens were ac-
cused by the municipality.
31st. The emperor and the King of Prussia have a great
aversion to the Smigres. Mercy has no influence. Schulem-
burg says the troops, ought to be brought into action at once,
for both officers and soldiers are beginning to grumble at
their fatigues and their expenses for the affairs of France.
August 3d. A violent affray has taken place in Paris
with the National Guard on the arrival of the Marseillais ;
those of the Guard who are stationed in the palace were re-
turning from dinner in the Champs-Elyse'es when they were
insulted by the populace who were joined by the Marseil-
lais; the National Guard drew their sabres and fought.
Three guards were killed, several wounded. The mayor
arrived and quieted the people. The National Guard demand
justice and will take it.
7th. Dined with Sullivan. The municipality of Paris
demand the fall of the king. Very anxious. Mme. Sullivan,
who is deeply distressed, never ceases to concern herself
with the fate of the king and queen ; she is even ill from
anxiety, and urges me to send some one to England to en-
treat the king to take some step to save their lives, and to
make him declare he will not allow those lives to be at-
tacked, or he will take some startling vengeance. He could
be shown that this would not affect their system of neutral-
ity because it is only in the event of an attack upon the life
of the king and queen that they are asked to do anything ;
and besides, it binds them to nothing ; for if the king and
262 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ix.
queen were massacred, England would still be the mistress of
doing nothing. I thought the idea good, but a thousand
obstacles in its way, — Pitt's embarrassment lest such a de-
mand should be discussed in parliament, and the question
as to what point a nation has the right to dethrone
and condemn its king ; also, the short time there was, and
the known ill-will of the English. She answered that, ad-
mitting all that, we might at least try it; that the point
was to save their lives, and we must not regret the useless
pains we take, for even if they came to nothing we should at
least have the satisfaction of having tried everything. I had
nothing to reply to this, and I decided to induce M. de
Breteuil to undertake it. Mme. Sullivan talked with Simo-
lin, who agreed with her and thought the thing might suc-
ceed ; she begged Crawford to be the one to go to England,
and he consented.
In the evening I spoke to the Baron de Breteuil ; he was
entirely against the idea for the same reasons as mine in the
morning ; and he added his fear of ill-will in Pitt, who might
betray the whole thing and by informing the factious in
Paris expose the king. That was exaggeration and I proved
it to him. However, he persisted in his refusal, adding that
in politics a useless step is always injurious. I gave him
the arguments that Mme. Sullivan had given me in the morn-
ing, and begged him to reflect over them that night, and I
would see him in the morning to know his decision. Mean-
time I have agreed with Crawford that if Breteuil persists in
refusing, we wiU send a man with letters to the Duke of
Dorset and try to induce him to get this action taken.
8th. I went at 8 o'clock to Baron de Breteuil ; he had
entirely come round to my idea, and his letter to Pitt was
already written; he wished to send it by courier; but I
represented to him that it was better to send some one who
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 263
could speak and show the interest that was felt in it; he
wished Crawford to go. I went to see Crawford, and he con-
sented; but said a Frenchman, such as the Bishop of
Pamiers, the baron's confidential agent, would have more
effect, for they could tell him, Crawford, that this was only
an idea of his ; and that as an Englishman he ought to have
dismissed it. I represented this to the baron, and the
bishop was decided on. At two o'clock Crawford and I
were at the baron's. I begged him to write also to Lord
Granville, minister of Foreign Affairs, and to Lord Camelford
to get him to introduce the bishop. It was agreed to avoid
speaking on a single thing but this one object, namely, to
secure the safety of the king and queen, and to prove that
that object could not in any way injure the neutrality.
Crawford and I wrote letters to the Duke of Dorset, and
before night all was ready.
10th. News from Paris is reassuring; but how can we
count on anything with those scoundrels and cowards ? The
palace is still threatened, and the king and queen sleep only
alternately ; one or the other is always up.
13th. Terrible news from Paris. Thursday morning the
palace [of the Tuileries] was attacked ; the king and queen
escaped to the Assembly. At one o'clock the populace were
fighting in the courtyards and the Carrousel. Blood flowed
in streams ; many killed and hanged ; the palace forced on
all sides ; eight pieces of cannon levelled and firing upon it.
Eomainvilliers killed; Daffy also; a thick smoke makes
people believe they have fired the palace. My God, what
horrors ! — Mercy came to Breteuil ; suggests sending a man
to Lafayette to propose to join his army with that of the
Austrians : folly ; for if the object is to succour them, it is
too late ; if to negotiate with the constitutionals, it is worth
nothing and cannot save them in the end. Mercy said in
264 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ix.
the evening that the Assembly had surrounded itself with
cannon, and that step awed the factious. The king had
either been deposed, or had abdicated of his own accord.
15th. News from Paris. The Royal family in the Hotel
de Noailles, watched day and night, not allowed to see any
one. Talked to Breteuil about inducing the King of Prussia
to persuade Lafayette and the generals to come over with
their armies and dissolve them, etc., etc. . . .
17th. News from Paris. The king and his family im-
prisoned in the Tower of the Temple. Mmes. de Lamballe
and Tourzel imprisoned with them. Lameth arrested at
Rouen on his way to Havre to escape to England with his
wife. He begged for all favour not to be taken back to
Paris, where he would be massacred.
19th. The King of Prussia has written to Vienna to
propose the regency of Monsieur, on condition that Calonne
be dismissed, and Baron de Breteuil be put at the head of
affairs. Vicomte de Caraman [Louis XYI.'s envoy to Court
of Berlin] writes that the king desires much that M. de
Breteuil should go to see him. The baron does not wish to
go ; but as the King of Prussia is a yielding man and lets
himself rely on the last who speaks to him, they might give
him prejudices against the baron and his "intractability;"
so it may be better that he should go for a moment and
return here at once. All this is an intrigue of the deviL
The baron got M. de Metternich to write to Vienna and dis-
courage this idea of a regency.
21st. The Bishop of Pamiers has returned ; satisfied with
the Duke of Dorset. Pitt spoke well; more interested in
the affairs of France than he wishes to show. The bishop
took upon himself to say that it was by order of the king
that the baron took this step. He insisted on a more decided
expression at the close of the despatch to Lord Gower, but
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 265
could not obtain it. He thinks they all desired to be more
decided, but dared not, on account of the nation, which is
strongly worked upon by propagandists of all nations, with
whom London abounds. Pitt assured him that factious
persons should never be received in England ; he said they
had a great deal of money there. — Letter from Dorset to
me ; very good. Lafayette, Alex. Lameth, Latour-Maubourg,
Baron de Perzy, with thirteen others, their servants, forty
horses, and a great deal of gold, arrested at Eochefort.
27th. Duke Albert [husband of the archduchess, regent of
the Low Countries] wanted to keep Lafayette but let the
others go ; opposed in this. Baron de Breteuil has talked to
the archduchess about the duke's inaction ; he said it shamed
him ; that he might have acquired glory by attempting to
take the places that confronted him, for which there was
great probability of success. She had the air of feeling this,
but, nevertheless, put forward fears on the internal tran-
quillity of the Low Countries; she took note of what he
said, however.
30th. News from Paris. The project of the Jacobins is
the agrarian law, and the National Convention will take it
up. The Princesse de Tarente, who was at the Abbaye
with two guards over her, is taken to the prison of La Force.
Marechal de Mouchy is to be arrested. M. de Nicolai
writes me that the queen is not well M. d'Affry [comman-
der of the Swiss guards] is absolved ; he said he did not give
the Swiss an order to fire on the people, though the queen
had repeatedly requested it; and the proof was the few
cartridges he had issued, for they had but six : what infamy
for him ! — Lafayette and company have left Luxembourg on
demand of the King of Prussia. Lafayette asked the arch-
duchess to see him, he having things of the utmost impor-
tance to communicate to her; she refused, and sent him a
266 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ix.
man to know what he had to say, telling him he could put
entire confidence in him ; the man has returned, nothing has
transpired.
September 2d. M. de Eivarol came to see me in the
evening. He talked much and very well, but said little.
He told me that his brother, who was at the Tuileries on the
10th of August, wrote him that the king himself placed all
the posts : the Swiss Guard were on the Theatre side, four
thousand of the National Guard at the other end of the palace ;
the queen accompanied him, encouraged every one, took a
pistol from the Due de Choiseul and gave it to the king.
They returned to the palace. The brigands, who were ar-
riving, fired six shots and cried out that they were surrender-
ing. Five of the artillery went over to the side of the crowd
and turned their cannon on the palace ; the rest were faith-
ful. It was then that they induced the king to take refuge
in the Assembly. The Swiss and the National Guard fired,
and every one fled. Then they came and told the Swiss
they were wrong to defend the palace, for "the bird was
flown," — the king was not there. The Swiss replied it was
a trap set for them ; they knew very well he was there. They
told the same thing to the National Guard, who abandoned
the Swiss and surrounded the Assembly. M. de Eivarol here
said that the king did wrong to abandon the palace and put
himself under the blade of the Jacobins of the Assembly ;
had he stayed where he was, the canaille would have been
repulsed and the constitutionals would have had the upper
hand ; which would have been well, — for at least, the king's
life was safe. Eivarol was right; but to judge, one must
know all the circumstances.
5th. News from Paris awful. They say the Princesse de
Tarente has escaped. They say the people condemn and
execute at once. — Verdun was taken on the 1st at seven in
^m f i' w 0iil
W 1 kfe
j^Kmjr/
^^r ''
/■'
V 1
^y^^s <^/>?*c<?t^e^<l*^ ^£ T^T&mwc&££es
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 267
the evening, after a bombardment of four hours. The com-
mandant blew out his brains. The garrison sent back to
France disarmed.
6th. Dreadful details from Paris. Manuel said to the
king, when they forced him to see the dead body of Mme.
de Lamballe : " Look at it ! there may be a counter-revolu-
tion, but you shall not profit by it ; there 's the fate that
awaits you." — All these details make me fear for the king
and queen ; I decide to send a courier to M. de Breteuil and
write to him. I believe it is necessary to adopt another
course ; I have never feared so much.
7th. Saw the Prussian minister, Baron Beck; he talked
well on French affairs. He thinks the king lost. He urges
Duke Albert to act, but finds little good-will and much slow-
ness and indecision. He seems to say pretty freely what he
thinks, and disapproved loudly of delaying at Thionville and
not exterminating the Jacobins in every town they passed
through; too much mercy was shown. He added that too
many persons meddled with advice. — News from Paris ; all
is calm at present ; I am not. I wrote also to the Duke of
Dorset.
10th. Letter from Baron de Breteuil at Verdun, 8th. Ar-
rived the 6th, in the evening. Had seen the King of Prussia ;
much satisfied with him and with the Duke of Bruns-
wick ; both very right for the king [of France] ; great desire
to reach Paris. Will propose to Monsieur to keep his title
and put himself at the head of affairs with M. de Breteuil
only. The latter will act as a machine ; for that he will call
upon several persons ; it is not yet known if Monsieur will
consent. Calonne goes to Naples ; he has dilapidated their
finances ; has repaid himself all his advances, and two days
ago he presented a note to the princes informing them he
had no money, not enough even to pay the troops. Twenty
Ver. 8 18 Mem.
268 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OP [chap. ix.
thousand francs had to be sent to them. Monsieur openly
expresses displeasure with him. The Comte d'Artois is
forced to admit he has been the dupe of his own good heart.
The Duke of Brunswick hopes Duke Albert will act at
last. — Nothing new in Paris ; all is quiet. The Due de la
Eochefoucauld massacred near Koche-Guyon.
15th. M. de Mercy came to see me. Tried to get him to
speak to Lord Elgin [British minister in Brussels], with
whom I had already arranged it, and ask him to represent to
Mr. Pitt how shameful it would be for England if, being able
to save the royal family of France without arming a single
vessel, and able to do more with a single word than all the
combined armies, she would not say it ; also to ask him to
promise them safety, asylum, protection ; and even rewards
to those who contributed to save their lives. M. de Mercy
would not advance so far, nor would he let the archduchess
do so, — 1st, because he had no orders ; 2d, because he feared
that England might use the request as a means to meddle in
the affair and try to play a leading role; 3d, because the
ministers of Vienna and Naples had taken upon themselves
to make a similar demand, to which Mr. Pitt had replied very
coldly. He said he would speak to Lord Elgin that evening
at Crawford's, but only historically, and represent to him
how much the honour of England and her advantage urged
her to that course ; also that he would write a very strong
letter on the subject to M. de . . . , the emperor's ambassador
in London, and would arrange to have it read there, which
would have more effect than what he might say to Lord
Elgin. — The bishop came to read me his plan ; which seems
to me good.
17th. M. Dumouriez, knowing that General Clerfayt was
at Grandpre", started with six thousand men and turned the
Croix du Bois to attack him. Clerfayt detached four battal-
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 269
ions to attack the French at Bouc-aux-Bois, defeated them,
took their cannon, and drove them back. Prince Charles de
Ligne was killed. They lost five killed, eleven wounded,
among them four officers. — Lord Elgin sent off a courier to
London and reported in a very strong manner his conversa-
tion with M. de Mercy; he offered to go to Paris if the
ministry desired it. He had received a private letter from
Lord Granville in which the latter expressed the anxiety of
the British ministry about the royal family of France, and
their desire to contribute by all and every means to their
safety.
18th. News from Paris. The Due d'Orle'ans has changed
his name and taken that of Elgalit^ ; and he calls the Palais-
Eoyal [his residence] the Palais de la Revolution. Great
massacre at Lyon and at Besancon. They have arrested all
the relatives of emigre's.
20th. Much is said of the frugal life of the King of
Prussia : five solid dishes, no dessert, no coffee ; that is his
dinner. He usually has thirty at table. He is always on
horseback; he said to M. de Breteuil, who praised this
frugality, " It is by such economy that I feed my army."
24th. News from Paris on 21st : " Paris very tranquil
yesterday, seems to be so to-day. National Convention, to
the number of 217, assembled in the Tuileries. News of
the day makes little sensation, but that from England much ;
it will probably secure the lives of the royal family; the
desire of the sections for that object is more and more
marked ; meanwhile each is fairly well."
On a request from Count Stadion, the emperor's minister,
and M. Castelcicala, the Neapolitan minister to Mr. Pitt, that
steps be taken by England to secure the life of the king by
declaring that those who should commit the crime of killing
him would find no asylum in England, Mr. Pitt replied that
270 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ix.
the King of England had decided to take that step ; but as he
had no means of sending the notice authentically to Paris, he
took the course of sending it to all the foreign ministers, re-
questing them to forward it, if they had means of doing so.
He gave assurances of the desire of the king to contribute in
all ways to the preservation of the French royal family. This
declaration is not sufficient; he ought to have added some
active measure.
25th. Dined with M. de Mercy. He told me that much
severity was needed ; it was the only means ; all four corners
of Paris should be set on fire. — Duke Albert has marched
with his army; he made a proclamation. M. d'Orsay has
circulated a paper in which he says that the King of France
ought to be sent out of the country, and allowed to go ; that
a king driven away is an object of contempt, and can never
recover his rights ; but if he is assassinated he inspires both
pity and interest. That would be very well if we could
know by which way they would send him out, so that we
could take him, and if they did not murder him at the
frontier. — I expected to go to the army to join M. de Bre-
teuiL I should have been glad to be a witness of the opera-
tions, and more at hand to give advice and urge to what
ought to be done.
October 1st. Letters from Paris to the 27th; the com-
mandant at Valenciennes held them back. They say nothing
of Dumouriez's position ; but the evening " Journal " says that
the Due d'Orl^ans presented a letter to the Convention which
proposes an agreement on the part of the King of Prussia ;
the Convention decided not to receive it until the armies
should have evacuated French territory. If this is true a
clumsy blunder has been made; it is not in this way, nor
through the Due d'Orle'ans, that they ought to negotiate.
4th. At midnight Lord Elgin's courier brought news that
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 271
the Prussian and Austrian army retreated October 1st to
Grandpre\ and thence to Verdun. The courier was an officer :
he says the combined army is worn-out with fatigue, want of
everything, and disease; seeing no arrival of their supply
trains, the fear of being surrounded began to spread among
them; the French made a bold front; they never ceased
throwing up breast-works ; they were much fired upon with-
out answering or ceasing to work ; their sentinels scoffed at
the Prussians when they departed. He says the inhabitants
of the country were detestable ; they brought nothing to the
camp ; they fired upon every one and gave nothing to travel-
lers even if paid for. He was forced to follow the army to
Grandpre* for fear of being captured. He accuses the Duke
of Brunswick of timidity, and says he could, on the 25th,
have attacked Dumouriez and defeated him. In England
they have the same opinion of the Duke of Brunswick's
character ; they say he prefers to negotiate.
5th. Received a letter from Baron de BreteuiL This
retreat is horrible in its consequences. All is ended, it
seems to me, for this year, — unless the army can be put in a
state to act and a new plan be formed, which I doubt. I
must see the Due de Choiseul, who has just arrived. He is
perfect for the king and queen.
6th. Lord Elgin thinks it certain that it was the cabinet
of Vienna which induced the retreat of the Duke of Bruns-
wick and the project of going into winter quarters. That
cabinet desires to disgust the King of Prussia with the en-
terprise, so as to leave the emperor sole master. This is not
the personal disposition of the emperor, but that of his
cabinet.
11th. The Due de Choiseul departed. He gave me de-
tails as to all that has happened in Paris, also about the
affair at Varennes. By what he told me of Paris, it seems
272 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ix.
that after June 20th [return from Varennes] the constitu-
tionals, foreseeing their fall and the impossibility of strug-
gling against the Jacobins, resolved to get the king out of
Paris, willingly or by force, assembling and patrolling troops
along the road, and thus take him to Compiegne. Lafayette
and Luckner prepared the spirit of their armies towards this,
and had their addresses ready. At one time Lafayette came
to Paris to try his influence, but though the National Guard
received him well he could never get four hundred of them
to agree to fire on the Jacobins. The king revolted at the
idea of departure ; the queen even more, though she told the
Due de Choiseul and others that she had no opinion and it
was for the king to decide. Lafayette went away to main-
tain his army in the same disposition, and always with the
hope of getting the king to go to Compiegne. Then came
the federation ; there was one party for Potion, and another
for Lafayette. The ministry was good. The minister of
war would not send away the Swiss Guard. They all in-
trigued, and the Jacobins foiled their intrigues repeatedly.
The individuals who were to have formed the army in Paris
arrived, but without any order or any discipline. Lafayette
had a scheme to hold a review, and to profit by that assem-
bling of troops to fall upon the Jacobins. The affair was all
arranged. Pdtion [mayor of Paris] suspected it and for-
bade the review. Luckner went before the military com-
mittees and said and did a hundred follies, compromised
Lafayette, etc., etc. — At last the Jacobins made the scene
of August 10th and all was lost. That event had been pre-
dicted. Everybody had urged the king to go away, but he
would not. M. de Sainte-Croix [one of the ministry] be-
haved very well ; he predicted to the king and queen all that
happened. He read to them a paper in which all the details
were given, and clear information as to the project; one
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 273
thing he did not read, namely ; that the queen was to be put
in an iron cage and exposed to the sight of the people. The
cage was made. Two days earlier the ministers had urged
the king to start with relays for Compiegne. He could have
got into a carriage in the morning while taking his walk by
the Pont Tournant, crossed the bridge at Poissy, which they
would have destroyed behind him ; the Swiss and 600 or 700
gentlemen on foot and on horseback would have covered the
march, and (to take from this departure the look of a flight)
he was to send a note, when he got into the carriage at eight
in the morning, to inform the ministry that in virtue of the
Constitution he had gone to Compiegne. But the king
refused everything. During the day of August 9th they
were informed of the rising among the people; the guard
was doubled ; it was faithful ; all the Swiss, to the number
of a thousand, were there. M. Mandat, commanding-general
of the National Guard was there ; M. Kcederer came ; three
hundred private gentlemen were in the palace ; no one went
to bed. Eeports came in constantly. M. Mandat obtained
from the municipality an order to repulse force by force.
At midnight M. Potion arrived ; he was very ill-received by
the National Guard ; they put his carriage in a corner of the
courtyard and resolved to keep him and make him give
orders for the defence. He assured the king that all would
calm down. On going downstairs he observed the arrange-
ments of the guard and made no attempt to go away; he
walked about the courtyards and garden talking with
Roederer, who, under an appearance of devotion, betrayed the
king. The muncipality, uneasy at the non-return of Potion,
notified the Assembly of its fears that he was arrested in the
palace. He was summoned to the bar to give account of the
facts, and denied that he had been prevented from leaving.
As soon as he was out he sent reinforcements to the palace
274 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. ix.
of the very worst kind, National guards and men with pikes.
They mingled with those in the courtyards, but posted them-
selves chiefly in the garden along the terraces. The Swiss
lined the staircases; they were also in the courtyard with
the National guards.
At three in the morning shots were fired from time to
time ; an artilleryman fired a cannon in the courtyard under
pretence of awkwardness; but there is reason to think the
shots were signals. At six o'clock the king went to visit all
the posts of the gardens and courtyards. He was insulted
in the gardens and ran some risk ; muskets were aimed at
him, he was threatened with pikes, and closely pressed by
two men with pistols. A National guard who accompanied
the king returned all pale and trembling. At seven o'clock
M. Mandat received an order to go to the municipality,
under pretext of concerting plans of defence, but in reality
to evade the order for repulsing force by force and to dis-
organize the National Guard by removing its commander.
Mandat did not go, and a second order came. Koederer ad-
vised him to obey. He went and was massacred on arriving.
From that moment no one commanded. They organized the
gentlemen; M. de Viomesnil, Marechal de Mailly, Pont
Labbe\ and d'Eveilly were put in command. The National
Guard took umbrage. The king and queen talked to them
kindly and forcibly ; they were convinced, mingled with the
gentlemen, and were posted with them in the apartments.
The king had already been talked to about going for safety
to the Assembly. The ministers had warned him that this
was in the plan. Everybody, especially M. de Sainte-Croix,
dissuaded him; he was induced to remain, and the cjueen
said to the Baron de Viomesnil and M. de Clermont-Galle-
rand: "If you see me going to the Assembly I give you
leave to nail me to this wall."
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 275
At eight o'clock M. Roederer returned at the head of his
bureau. He asked to speak with the king in private ; and
passed with him, the queen, and the ministers into the king's
cabinet. M. Roederer requested him to go to the Assembly as
the only course to take. The queen opposed it strongly. M.
Roederer asked her if she would take upon herself the respon-
sibility for events, for the massacres that might take place, —
that of the king, that of her children, and of all the gentle-
men in the palace ; he told her that more than twenty thou-
sand men were marching against the palace, etc. The queen
said nothing, and the king decided to go. M. Roederer re-
quested him to go alone with his family, for fear of danger
to him if he were seen with many persons about him. The
king then ordered every one to remain, and went out through
the apartments, the grand staircase, the middle iron gate,
and the garden, and mounted the steps of the terrace opposite
to the Assembly. There was no one with the king but the
queen, the children, Madame Elisabeth, the Princesse de
Lamballe, Mme. de Tourzel, and M. de Brige\ As they
passed through the apartments the National guards and the
gentlemen wept and tried to stop them ; the king consoled
them, saying he should soon return. As soon as he was
gone discouragement fell on every one. Half an hour later
the palace was attacked ; the artillerymen opened the
great gates; the canaille rushed in, but a volley from the
Swiss Guard and the National Guard swept them back;
they seized two cannon. Meantime all who were in the
palace, National guards and gentlemen, escaped as best they
could, but the Swiss, surrounded on every side were all
taken and massacred.1
1 The well-known lion cut into the rock at Lucerne, from a design hy
Thorwaldsen, is Switzerland's memorial to the twenty officers and seven
hundred and sixty men of her soil who died faithful to their duty on thia
occasion. — Tr.
276 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap, ix
By the details which the Due de Choiseul gave me ]
see clearly that he had reason to quit his post at the bridge
of Sommevesle with his detachment [this refers to the
flight to Varennes], for the country was rising on account of
certain villages belonging to M. d'Elboeuf, which had refused
to pay taxes. The peasants were to be compelled to do so by
force, and they believed that the hussars (under young
Bouill£) had come for that purpose. The tocsin was sounded
and the peasants were gathering on all sides. Many came to
see the hussars; uneasiness was spreading as far even as
Chalons. The detachment had good reason not to repass
Sainte-Menehould, where it had been very ill-received on its
way. Still, in spite of all that, and the delay of five hours
between Paris and Chalons, and the king's thoughtlessness
in talking and letting himself be seen at Sainte-Menehould,
where the post-master recognized him, he could have got
safely through Varennes if the hussars had been mounted
outside of the town, and if there had been some one there to
tell him where the relay was, for the town was quiet. The
post-master entered the town as the king was stopping to
ask where the relay was ; but the hussars were in the stables,
or drinking in the town, the horses were not saddled, and
young Bouille" was in bed. He was awakened by the Due
de Choiseul's groom, who told him there was trouble and a
carriage had been stopped which was said to be the king's.
He ran to saddle his horse, and when the Due de Choiseul
arrived, half an hour after the king was arrested, he found no
one in the barracks but the horses, not saddled, and the
stablemen ; not an officer and not an hussar. He assembled
as many as he could. The municipal officers came and
ordered him to surrender to the municipality. For all an-
swer he marched his detachment to the house where the
king was. There was then a crowd of about three to four
1792] COUNT AXEL FEBSEN. 277
hundred persons ill-armed. He went up and found the
family all in one room. ... It was proved to the king that
with the hussars he could go on, that M. Bouille* was cer-
tainly on the march and they would meet him ; the advice
was difficult to follow, for all had to go on horseback and
there was no answering for musket-shots. The king pre-
ferred to remain and await M. de Bouille* ; for up to this time
there was no talk of making him return to Paris. Some people
in Verdun wanted him to go there, saying he would be safe ;
they spoke to Sauce, the mayor, and showed him the credit he
would have if he saved the king, and on the other hand, the
certainty of vengeance when M. de Bouill^ arrived. Sauce
seemed shaken, the municipality also. Matters were thus
when Lafayette's two aides-de-camp arrived, with a decree
from the Assembly. Then everything changed aspect; it
was resolved to take the king back to Paris. The king,
under various pretexts of illness and fatigue tried to delay ;
but the people cried out that he must go ; they must put
him into the carriage by force, etc., etc. ; and at eight o'clock
in the morning he was taken away without hearing anything
of Bouille\ Thus it appears that the fault was, 1st, the care-
lessness or ignorance of young BoiiiHe* at Varennes ; 2d,
the fact that his father, instead of being at the ceDtre of the
expedition, was at one end of it ; 3d, the delay of five hours on
the road to Chalons ; 4th, the king's imprudence in showing
himself at Sainte-Menehould.
278 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. x.
CHAPTEK X.
1792-1793. Diary continued. — Battle of Jemmapes. — Evacuation of Brus-
sels and Flight of the Austrians and Emigres. — Trial and Execution of
Louis XVI. — Dumouriez proposes to the Prince de Coburg to dash
on Paris with 50,000 Men and rescue the Queen. Scheme defeated
by Dumouriez'8 Army revolting against him. — The Queen removed to
the Conciergerie. — Last fruitless Efforts of her few faithful Friends. —
Her Death.
Brussels, October 22d, 1792. Letters from France, delayed
since the 2d, have arrived. The last gazettes are to the
18th. The royal family are reunited; the king's trial is
put off for four months. At the time of the separation the
king was put in the big tower in the middle of the Temple ;
the room had iron gratings and was lighted from above.
The farrier of M. de Nicolal, a National guard, was witness
of the parting of the king from his family, which, he said
was dreadful. The queen and the others were also separated
for some days.
25th. News of the taking of Mayence by Custine with
thirty thousand rebels ; after thirty hours' bombardment the
town capitulated ; the troops came out with arms and bag-
gage. They say the French are marching on Frankfort.
Longwy surrendered by capitulation ; they re-established the
magazines and captured artillery. The baron [de Breteuil]
adds : " This amazing conduct casts great blame on the
Duke of Brunswick ; he is a man in the mud." The letter
is dated 2 1st.
November 1st, 1792. It seems that the Duke of Bruns-
wick is a man beneath his opportunity, who is afraid of a
little resistance where he expected none; who wished to
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 279
negotiate, and was fooled by Dumouriez, who wanted to gain
time to intrench. The Prince of Nassau desired to speak to
General . . . ; the latter came with his suite to the outposts,
where the two generals talked from a distance. The French-
man spoke in a very arrogant tone; suddenly his horse
seemed to bolt forward in spite of himself quite close to the
Prince of Nassau, to whom he said in a low voice : " Mor-
dieu ! why don't you act ? To-morrow we expect a convoy
from Chalons; if you take it we are lost." Then, riding
off, he said : " Monsieur, if you have nothing else to say to me,
it was hardly worth while to bring me to the outposts."
The Prince of Nassau immediately reported this ; they hesi-
tated ; and arrived an hour too late to seize the convoy !
The King of Prussia is in despair ; but he assured the
baron that nothing was really lost, as they would now claim
the help of all the Powers and make preparations to begin a
campaign with more vigour in the spring. The Duke of
Brunswick told the baron that if it were not cowardly he
would blow his brains out. He maintained, however, that it
was impossible to attack. Nearly all the Prussian generals
were against the expedition, especially Kalkreuth.
7th. Baron de Breteuil came to tell me that the Aus-
trians have been defeated before Mons by eighty thousand
Frenchmen with one hundred and fifty cannon [Dumouriez's
victory at Jemmapes] ; that retreat from Brussels is decided
on ; that the government and the archduchess are starting
to retire to Ruremonde, and Metternich had advised him to
go. Their troops have suffered greatly. The baron told me
that he should leave for Ruremonde in three hours. At
nine o'clock the news was made public ; consternation and
fear general. One would have thought that the French were
at the gates of the town ; nothing was seen but people run-
ning about in search of means to get away. All the un-
280 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. x.
happy emigres, without money, without resources, were in
despair. Not a single hackney-coach could be found. All
were engaged to go to Antwerp or elsewhere, and the whole
day nothing was seen but departures, also equipages coming
from the army.
For two days there had been orders to give no post horses
without permission ; that was alarming. I went to tell the
news to Crawford and get them to pack their things. I
packed mine and we arranged to go together, with Simolin,
by Antwerp to Breda. I went to see Mercy to ask him if
proper care was taken of the diamonds of Jose'phinef?].
He had the face to tell me he did not know there were any ;
he had certainly received a box, but he gave the key to the
archduchess on her arrival ; whereas it was I who had written
him the letter and sent him the box.1 I tried to give him
courage and prove to him that all was not lost; that the
forces scattered through the country must be collected, a
strong position taken up between Mons and Brussels, there
to wait for the French and attack them. By this means we
should get them away from their supplies and beat them
easily. He said he had written and said all that, and should
do so again, but with a man like Duke Albert there was noth-
ing to hope, and the only thing to do was to go, for the French
army would certainly be in Brussels within a week, possibly
the next day. The archives had already gone, and they were
emptying the treasury. Terror, astonishment, and fear were
on all faces. I met Maldeghem; he told me they had
fought hard ; the Austrians attacked several times and were
repulsed; they lost heavily. The whole road from Mons
1 Possibly, even probably, these were Madame Elisabeth's diamonds
which she intrusted for safe-keeping to the Due de Choiseul. She stated
this on her examination before Fourquier-Tinville on the day preced-
ing her execution. See Life of Madame Elisabeth in this Historical
Series. — Tr.
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 281
was covered with war equipages and carts with wounded ; all
the squares were filled except the Place Koyale.
I was engaged to dine with the Neapolitan ambassador ; he
sent to excuse himself. The Court carriages and equipages
were starting constantly. We had fixed our departure for
the next day, but M. de Mercy, who came in the evening to
see Mme. Sullivan, advised us not to be in a hurry, we had
still three or four days ; he said he was not going to Rure-
monde, a vile, unhealthy place, but to DUsseldorf, and begged
us to come there too. So we decided to go, and postponed
our departure.
8th. Lord Elgin received notice last night from M. de
Metternich that the government had started for Kuremonde.
La Marck came and told us that Metternich was also leaving
in the night, and Mercy with him ; that the council of Bra-
bant was dissolved and they were about to open the prisons ;
he was starting at midnight and advised us to do the same,
for probably the troops posted along the road to protect the
departure would soon be withdrawn. Crawford wanted to
start last night; I tried to reassure them and make them
wait till the next day, swearing at Mercy for his selfishness
in not warning those he lived with daily, and leaving them
exposed to danger. Lord Elgin came repeatedly to tell us
there were plots in the town and other nonsense, for the
place was perfectly tranquil. It was decided we should
leave the next day. . . .
9th. Simolin, who took charge of getting horses to hire,
could find none. I bought four for the fourgon, and found
eight for the carriages ; I had my own. They charged twenty-
two louis d'or for four horses as far as Maestricht. — The news
of the insurrection at Antwerp was made public, and it was
said that one carriage Lord Elgin had sent there was toppled
into the canal by the rascals. . . . They urged me to burn
282 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. x.
the portfolio containing the papers of the queen ; but I did
not do so; I placed them with mine in Simolin's carriage.
The night before I had resolved to send them to England in
charge of Lord Elgin, but the insurrection at Antwerp made
me change my mind.
At last at midday we started, — Simolin and I in his car-
riage, our valets in mine ; the two women and Crawford in
another, and the lady's-maids in a third ; with the f ourgon, two
cabriolets, and my saddle-horses. In spite of what I had
said, I was not without fear of trouble in Brussels or on the
road ; but all was quiet ; every one had a look of fear and
consternation. A lamentable spectacle was that of the
unfortunate emigres along the road. Young men and old
men of the Bourbon corps were left behind, scarcely able to
drag themselves along with their muskets and knapsacks.
There were even women of elegance, with their maids or
without them, going on foot, some carrying their children,
others little parcels. I longed at the moment for a hundred
carriages to pick up those unfortunates; I felt horror and
pity. . . . We put up for the night at Louvain. . . .
11th. Beached Maestricht at one o'clock. Not a lodging
to be had. We stopped for dinner at an eating-house and
the master gave us two rooms. Simolin and I got a room
near-by; both of us in a cellar room. I went to see the
baron and found him at dinner with twenty persons well-
known in society. Nine thousand persons had arrived in
two days. Some had slept in the streets.
14th. Dined with the Prince of Hesse ; Mme. de Brionne,
Breteuil, Prince Camille de Bohan, Dangevilliers, Archbishop
of Bheims, etc., etc., there. As we decided to start the next
day for Aix-la-Chapelle, I sent a man on to engage
lodgings. . . .
December 15th. Beached Cologne at three o'clock. I
tz^M&c^T/ ^ftZz^Yrt/ *^%r?*Stwz4!:'&e
1793] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 283
lodged with Simolin at the Court of Cologne ; the two ladies
at the Domhof. Letter from Paris, sent to me by Mr. Blair,
gave me pain.
17th. Started at ten and reached Ophiden at two. Badly
lodged.
18th. Started at eleven and reached Dusseldorf at six in
the evening.
23d. Talked with Bretenil. The King of Prussia told
him he knew all the democratic talk that went on in his
army and against himself; it was always so in the ante-
chambers of his uncle, who paid no attention to it ; neither
did he.
January 2d, 1793. The king [of France] was summoned
to the bar on the 26th. Delaseze read his justification,
which is strong in points. The king added with feeling that
what hurt him most was to be accused of having wished to
shed the blood of his people — he, who throughout his reign
had sought only their happiness. The king retired, and they
adjourned the discussion from day to day until it was
decided.
12th. Mr. Murray passed through Dusseldorf on his way
to join the King of Prussia and remain with him. He says
that Pitt has fully decided to declare himself ; that they are
working to save the royal family; and they want to win
Dumouriez, for he has given himself over, with Danton,
Sainte-Foix, Eobespierre, and Marat, to the Orleans party.
The latter want to exterminate the royal family and substitute
that of Orleans; and if they cannot establish the father
[Egalit£], at least they can the son [Louis-Philippe]. Eoland
and Le Brun are against it
27th. Received last night at half-past ten o'clock, from
the Archbishop of Tours 1 the sad details of the death of the
1 See Appendix.
Ver. 8 19 Mem.
284 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. x.
King of France. Though I was prepared for it, the certainty
of so awful a crime renewed all my sufferings. The most
heart-rending memories returned to my imagination. I sent
off a courier that evening to the regent [Due Charles of
Sudermania, Regent of Sweden during the minority of Gus-
tavus IV.]. The despatch cost me heavily.
30th. Louis XVL's will superb. Nicolai offers himself
to defend the queen. He has written to the queen to make
this offer, and has sent his letter to the president of the
Convention.
31st. Letters from Paris say nothing of the queen's trial;
she is still in the Temple. La Marck proposed to Mercy to
ask the emperor to take a very simple step, and solely to save
his aunt. I opposed the idea. The step is not a useful one,
and could not save her; nothing can influence those villains,
and it might be dangerous by stirring up the question of her
trial, hastening it perhaps. A step that cannot be useful
should not, it seems to me, be taken. Crawford, Simolin,
La Marck, and I consulted the whole evening over this.
February 3d. They have written M. Quitor, who is here,
that it is proposed to declare the dauphin a bastard, degrade
the queen, and shut her up in the Salpetridre. One dares
not think of it from horror — but everything is possible.
Young Bouille says that the Prince of Wales had a scheme
with the Due de Choiseul and others to carry off the king.
That gave me an idea for the rest of the family ; but English-
men alone could undertake it, and T see a thousand diffi-
culties. Still, I fasten to the idea.
Monsieur's declaration for the regency has come; the
Archbishop of Tours brought it to me this evening. It is
well written ; but he ought to take that title only according
to circumstances, without specifying "until the majority,"
and he ought to have been silent as to pledges. The docu-
1793] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 285
ment will be printed at Cologne ; other printers have not
dared to do it; they tried to get it printed at Frankfort.
Cardinal de Montmorency, who is charged with notifying the
emigres, wished to assemble them in a court and read it to
them ; but it was represented to him that, the French being
here by fact only, not by right (inasmuch as there is an
order for their expulsion), it would be imprudent. He
wanted also to make them take an oath of allegiance ; but
the bishops all opposed that. Not even at a coronation are
individual oaths taken. Every Frenchman is born a subject.
Already there are parties among the emigres. Some approve
of the regency of Monsieur ; others remember the rights of
the queen ; and it is much to be feared that this division of
opinion may have bad results some day. The princes are
already beginning to commit follies.
6th. The death of the king does not seem to have had a
great effect upon the emigres ; they console themselves with
Monsieur's regency. Some have even been to the theatres
and to concerts.
13th. News from Cologne that France declared war Feb-
ruary 1 on England and Holland ; that a manifesto is to be
issued with an appeal to the people; that eight hundred
millions of assignats have [been decreed, twenty millions to
buy grain in foreign markets ; that wood is to be brought
from Corsica to build ships at Toulon immediately. Special
protection given to the English and their property. If this
were serious it would be laughable.
16th. Letters from Paris through the Hague tell me that
the queen is very thin and changed, but is well in health ;
that the dauphin is charming ; that his guards weep over
him. Kalkreuth says that the secretary of M. Pache, who
came with him to Mayence and is the most violent fanatic
of them all, told him that the Due d'Orldans asked to be the
286 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. x.
executioner of the king; he said if they drove him from
France he should demand to be guillotined, for he would not
be received in any other country.
26th. News from Breteuil to the 17th that he knows the
queen and her family are well in health. They tell that
Dumouriez said on leaving Paris that in six weeks he
should return and find a king there, — apparently the Due
d'Orleans, whom they want to make consul with unlimited
powers.
March 7, 1793. Nicola'i writes from Paris on the 26th
that a section deliberated in the Temple, and declared that
Louis Capet [the dauphin] was born to be a bad man and
they must make a good one of him by taking him from two
incorrigible women. There is talk of petitions to condemn
the queen. It seems certain that the Orleans party are
working hard; it is thought they may profit by the riots
caused by want and misery, that they even excite them, to
prove the necessity of a sovereign and get the Due d'Orldans
nominated.
30 th. Baron de Breteuil arrived to-night. He is person-
ally much satisfied with Pitt and the English ministers.
He says that Pitt is a poor man on all external affairs, which
he does not at all understand, and covers his mediocrity by
silence ; but he understands perfectly the internal affairs of
the kingdom, especially intrigue to keep his office and his
popularity. He thinks the ministry are working towards
the total ruin of France, and are not much interested in the
preservation of the royal family. The constitutionals have
proposed to the baron to obtain a decree to exile the queen
and her family, and for that they ask six millions payable
when the queen is on foreign soil. The baron spoke of
this to Mr. Pitt, with a view of obtaining the six millions,
but Pitt saw great difficulties ; such as dealing with people of
1793] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 287
that sort, and the fact that they would boast of it ; he prom-
ised, however, to speak to the king of it.
30th. Dumouriez has written a letter under date of March
12, which is published in the "Brussels Gazette," the last
number printed ; this letter is very strong against the As-
sembly ; by it Dumouriez seems to wish to break with the
Assembly altogether. No report of this has been made to
the Convention, at least none is mentioned in any Paris
newspaper. It seems certain that Dumouriez has made pro-
posals to the Prince of Coburg pie was defeated by the
Prince of Coburg at Neerwinden March 18] ; MM. La
Marck and Fischer went to his camp and were a long time
with him; on their return, Fischer instantly started for
Vienna.
31st. Eeceived a letter from the Duchesse de Polignac,
who tells me she has received news of the queen through a
physician ; he must surely be La Caze.
April 5, 1793. An express sent by the Vicomte de Cara-
man [French envoy to the Court of Berlin] to the Baron de
Breteuil brings the agreement made by Dumouriez with the
Prince of Coburg. I despatched it by express to Sweden.
The joy is very keen. It is all the greater to me because I
fear no longer for the queen. I asked Taube to write
me whether I was to regulate my actions according to the in-
structions I already have, in case the king [Louis XVIL]
were set at liberty, or whether I must await others ; in the
latter case to send them instantly, for things might go very
fast. As he knows the situation best, I thought it better
to leave the matter to his decision than to ask any questions
myself.
In the evening Marechal de Broglie received information
that Dumouriez was marching alone on Paris with fifty
thousand men, all wearing the white cockade ; and that the
288 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. x.
Prince of Coburg remained on the frontier ready to support
him, if necessary.
7th. I proposed to the baron to send some one who could
see the queen at the moment of her deliverance, to inform
her fully as to her position, and to give her advice on what
she ought to do, in contradiction to that which Mercy would
not fail to write to her. He liked the idea, and the Bishop
of Pamiers is to start to-morrow morning ; he is to approach
the French army and endeavour, through Sainte-Foix, to see
Dumouriez.
8th. I was occupied early in the morning in writing a
note to the queen when the Bishop of Pamiers came to tell
me that Dumouriez's army had revolted against him ; that he
had ridden through Mons with his staff, nearly all the officers
of the engineer and the artillery corps, and many troops of
the line, and that others were following him. It was Dam-*
pierre who bribed the National Guard. When Dumouriez
saw that something was plotted, he endeavoured to deliver
over the artillery and the treasure, but this was prevented,
and he could only make his escape alone. He was even
shot at by one of his own detachments. At the first moment
the news shocked me; my fears for the queen revived;
otherwise the news would have been good ; their army was
disorganized, and Dumouriez, who, at the head of 50,000
men would have been a power, was no longer anything. The
consternation among the French was as great as their joy
had been ; they now thought all was lost.
10th. The Mardchal de Castries [agent of the princes]
passed through on his way to Brussels some days ago. He
said he was going on pecuniary business ; but it was doubt-
less to get nearer to events and to Dumouriez, and negotiate
the regency. M. de Limon, who has seen Monsieur, assures
me that, from what Monsieur said to him, he had reason
1793] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 289
to believe that he would resign the regency to the queen as
soon as she was set at liberty. I told Limon how important
it was to induce Monsieur to write and send a letter to be
given to the queen at the moment of her deliverance ; or, at
least, that Monsieur should take that step the moment he
received news of her freedom. I said that if he did not do
this of his own impulse and without consulting any one, he
would surely be dissuaded by his advisers ; and that this re-
nunciation was important to avoid intrigues within the coun-
try, and prevent disunion among the Powers. Limon felt the
truth of this reasoning, and offered to be the man to induce
Monsieur to take the step, provided he could be the first to
give him the news of the queen's deliverance, and so fore-
stall the deliberations of Monsieur's council and their com-
munications to the Powers. Breteuil approved of this, and
we agreed to try, through Metternich, that he should be the
first person informed of the event.
17th. Dumouriez arrived at two o'clock; I went with
Simolin to see him at the post-house. We struggled through
a crowd of people and found him in a lower room, the win-
dows besieged by the people outside. He was alone with
three aides-de-camp. He recognized Simolin ; I named my-
self; he made me a compliment, saying he ought to have
known me by my handsome face. I thanked him for his
courtesies to Berlin; he answered that if he had not done
more it was not his fault, but that of circumstances. I told
him that I was very glad to see him here ; he answered that
he had long intended it. He told us that Sainte-Foix had
nothing to dread ; that fear was in Paris and they would not
dare to do anything to him. I said to him : " Explain to
us, monsieur, what has taken place in relation to the Due
d'Orldans." — "I can give you no explanation, monsieur le
comte," he replied, " for I have never had any relations with
290 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. x,
the Due d'Orleans, whom I have always despised, and con-
sidered a scoundrel. I know, however, that much has been
said ; and as this rumour is the only stain with which they
can blacken my conduct, I am going to issue a proclamation
which will prove that I have never had anything to do with
him." He said much good of the Due de Chartres, who, he
told me, did not resemble his father in any way. . . . He
complained much of Dampierre, who had betrayed him, and
in whom he had confidence, being, he said, a man of quality
and born to think rightly. He said his plan had been to
capture and deliver up [to the Prince de Coburg] Lille,
Conde\ Valenciennes, and Maubeuge, with the commissioners
who were there to serve as hostages; that this plan had
partly failed through the imbecility of those he intrusted
with it ; but the proposal had already been made to exchange
the four commissioners against the royal family ; 1 that his
opinion had been that everything should be granted to get
possession of the royal family ; after that, no terms should
be kept with those wretches ; and finally, he said that even
if the republic were recognized, the war should be continued
to see which were the stronger, it or the Powers. — On the
whole, I found him a true Frenchman, vain, confident, heed-
less; with much intelligence and little judgment. His
scheme failed through excess of confidence in his strength
and in his influence with the army. He did not sufficiently
prepare the thing. I noticed that he was very uneasy and
nervous at the noise made by the crowd at the door and
windows; he seemed to be afraid of some mishap. His
valet came in and complained of being insulted by an emigre;
he sent him away and said to us : " If those gentlemen push
1 Eventually these commissioners were exchanged, in November, 1795,
for the last living member of the royal family, Marie-The'rese, afterwards
Duchesse d'Angouleme. See Life of Madame Elisabeth. — Te.
1798] COUNT AXEL FERSIN. 291
the thing too far I shall show them that I can still make
myself respected." His man was in the wrong; he said that
his master had always been a good patriot. The SmigrSs
were very angry and wanted to knock him down. I left him
with the fear that some hot-heads might make a scene.
As he got into his carriage he was insulted. He told me, in
order to justify the different proclamations he had made, that
one had to talk to those fellows in their own language, for
they could not pass from the state of anarchy in which they
were to despotism without going through various gradations.
25th. Brussels. Our carriage broke down and obliged us
to pass a whole day at Aix-la-Chapelle. Propositions have
been made to exchange the royal family against the four
commissioners captured by Dumouriez, but they demand, in
addition, an unlimited suspension of arms, and the recognition
of the republic. The Prince of Coburg has asked an explana-
tion of the term " unlimited suspension," and also that the
royal family be brought, to the frontier, where the commis-
sioners would also be brought, and then they would negotiate.
The answer to these proposals is now awaited. Metternich
told Facius, the Eussian consul, that he hoped the royal
family would soon be here.
28th. The archduke made his re-entrance [into Brussels].
He was in a phaeton arranged like a car, drawn by over
three hundred persons, — a cupid on the box. He was re-
ceived with demonstrations of affection. He held a Court.
All the apartments are devastated ; in the salon the mirrors
and tables on one side are broken, the chimney-piece also";
the tapestries carried off. At the theatre they offered him
congratulations ; afterwards there was a ball and supper and
an illumination. It was quite remarkable what order reigned
among the crowds who were everywhere.
May 22, 1793. Dr. La Caze has been to the Temple : he
292 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap, x
found the queen little changed, but Madame Elisabeth so
unrecognizable that he did not know her until the queen
called her "my sister." She was in the room, wearing a
night-cap and a very common cotton gown. The little
Madame had her body all covered with ulcers, and is threat-
ened with consumption of the blood. Her youth and care
may bring her safely through it. They write from Paris
that the young king has been ill, and that the Commune re-
fused the doctor the queen asked for on the ground that he
was an aristocrat; they sent one of their own choosing.
Louis XVII. has had a rupture.
June 28th, 1793. Mercy says that the queen has been
very ill, but is now well, and that she was extremely well
taken care of during her illness.
July 10th, 1793. A woman just from Paris says they
are beginning to feel better towards the royal family. The
queen walks in the garden, and the people applaud when
they see her ; they even cry out, " Vive le dauphin ! "
12th. Bad news from Paris. The dauphin is separated
from the queen by the [word omitted] and put in another
room in the Temple ; this seems to me very bad ; what awful
suffering for the queen ; unhappy princess S
13th. The bad news confirmed. The separation of the
dauphin and queen is inconceivable. One only thing consoles
and gives me a little hope ; it is that they speak more re-
spectfully of the royal family. Letters from Paris say there
is a project of taking them to Saint-Cloud, and that General
Wimpffen is nine leagues from Paris — but this is doubtful.
25th. News of the taking of Mayence arrived this morn-
ing ; it surrendered by capitulation on the 22d. Lord Elgin
arrived last night ; the details he gives as to the operations
of the Duke of Brunswick are horrifying. He adopted an
ill-chosen and disastrous defensive.
1793] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 293
August 11th, 1793.1 Having talked with La Marck on
the means of saving the queen, and agreeing that there were
none except to push forward at once a strong body of cavalry
to Paris, — which would be the easier to do at this moment,
because there are no troops before the city and the granaries
are full, — I went to see Mercy about it, and found him all
ice to the idea. He saw the impossibilities. He believes
the royal family lost and that nothing can be done for them.
He does not think the factious would negotiate ; he believes
they will go to all lengths in order to so bind the whole of
France to their crimes that there will be no course for indi-
viduals to take but that of victory or death with them. He
ended by telling me there was no hope. I left him and urged
La Marck to speak to him. He did persuade him to write
to the Prince of Coburg, and promised to show me the letter
the next day. — I went to the theatre to avoid what might
seem like affectation. I found the French all there as usual,
even the women. Great Gods, what a nation !
12th. La Marck brought me the letter to the Prince of
Coburg, which he had himself written for Mercy; it was
very urgent and very well done. He proposes the march to
Paris. . . . Mercy exacts nothing, but the proposals are very
pressing, and if the Prince of Coburg does not yield to them,
he will be responsible far the evils that will happen. La
Marck had great difficulty in getting Mercy to take this
step ; he was afraid England would not like it, and would
accuse them of continually changing their plans. Crawford
reassured him as to the earnest desire of the English minis-
try to save the family. Mercy begged him to write to
England and explain the reasons for the new plan, and he
promised the Comte de La Marck to send off the letter to
the Prince of Coburg by express last night.
1 The queen had been taken to the Conciergerie.
294 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. x.
13th. Letters from Paris to the 6th say nothing of the
queen; one from the Duchesse de Mailly to her daughter
says, in a very involved way, that she is running great
dangers.
14th. Papers of 10th mention the queen only to refute a
false report, but they assert that she is in the Conciergerie.
Letters from Menin speak of news received there that the
Convention had proposed to the queen to write to the emperor
to withdraw his troops, and on that being done she and her
family would be set at liberty ; but she answered that the
same promise made to the late king relating to the Prussian
troops had not saved his life, and, moreover, that she could
not negotiate with assassins. All this seems to me false.
16th. The reply of the Prince of Coburg is pitiable; it
dwells on the idea of going with the whole army to Paris, and
the impossibility of such an enterprise. In his letter he con-
siders nothing but the military side, and even the mechanical
side of that ; for it is plain that the proposed operation was
the best of all to make if it had no other advantage than
carrying off all the food supplies in Picardy, the horses, carts,
etc., possess them himself, and prevent the others from hav-
ing them. . . . The Prince of Coburg covers himself with
shame ; he gives the measure of his genius and that of his
right arm, Prince Hohenlohe, who is only a military routineer ;
the departure of M. de Mack is more to be regretted than
ever ; he was the man to have led this thing.
19th. At the solicitation of La Marck the Comte de
Mercy has decided to send some one to Paris to know what
is happening, and see if we could negotiate the release of
the queen for money and the hope of pardon. He has cast
his eyes on Noverre, the ballet-master, who consents to go,
and on M. Eibbes, a financier, who has always managed the
various parties for his private interests ; but who thinks
1793] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 295
well, nevertheless. I went to talk of it with Breteuil ; I
found him rather opposed to it from the fear that instead of
quieting their malignity it might increase it by showing
them the interest taken in the matter. I have always thought
that as long as the queen was in the Temple with her son,
and was not threatened, she was safe; but now that
she is threatened and is parted from her son, and especially
since the refusal of the Prince of Coburg to march his
cavalry to Paris, I think there is nothing but this one step
to take, and that it may present advantages without dangers.
The baron resolved upon it, and I promised to see Ribbes and
propose the journey to him. — I showed La Marck, whom I
went to see, that, in order to succeed, the queen must be
isolated from all political questions, and made simply an
object of interest to the Austrian family ; it should also be
shown to those men how useless this fresh crime would be to
them, and how certain to bring down vengeance on their
heads; and above all, they should be made to see that it
could not stop the advance of the allied Powers. He was of
my opinion, and the baron also. I advised that the step
should not be taken without informing England and
Prussia.
21st. The baron has seen M. Ribbes ; he agrees to under-
take the commission ; as he cannot go himself to Paris he
will go to the frontier and send for his brother, whom he
will instruct to see Danton, and, if necessary, ask him for
an interview near Paris to which Eibbes could go.
22d. The baron has seen La Marck, and they agree per-
fectly on the sort of commission to give M. Ribbes, though
they do not agree on political points.
25th. The gazettes of Paris to the 20th say that the pub^
lie prosecutor of the revolutionary tribunal has asked for
documents against the queen, and it is decreed to give them
296 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. x.
to him. This makes me tremble ; I am very sure there are
none, but they will forge some.
In the Homburg Gazette there are details on the removal
of the queen to the Conciergerie which have not been in
any other paper; they are horrible. O'Connell, he who
served in the Eoyal-Swedish and was so protected by Comte
d'Artois and the Polignacs, and who remained in the revolu-
tion, being made a major out of his rank and before others,
gave the following details. [These details are missing.]
29th. Eibbes has seen M. de Mercy ; he thought the pro-
posed instructions good ; but made difficulties about promis-
ing money ; thought that favours, safety, protection, and
pardon should suffice. He gave in, however, or seemed to do
so ; but refused absolutely to let the overture be made in the
emperor's name. He wanted Eibbes to speak to Danton as
if from speculators interested in the political condition of
Europe and anxious to know what to expect. A miserable
method; and this change in M. de Mercy surprises and
grieves me. La Marck, without saying so, seems to disap-
prove it. I am all the more distressed because I think I see
in the second objection a doubt in Mercy's mind as to how
far the Powers and even Austria desire the liberty of the
queen. He added: "I must say it, although with regret,
that even if the queen were on the scaffold, that last atrocity
could not stop the Powers or change their course." The Baron
de Breteuil is extremely irritated against M. de Mercy, and
is to have a conversation with him. I exhort him to moder-
ation, to yield to circumstances, and try to get the best he
can out of them.
30th. The baron has seen M. de Mercy ; who, in spite of
all the baron said to him, will not yield his ideas. Breteuil
became angry and told him if that were so, Eibbes could not
go and his mission was useless. M. de Mercy wished him
1793] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 297
to go and sound Danton, and promised that during that time
he would send a courier to Vienna, so that hy the time
Eibbes returned he might be able to speak more positively.
Eibbes came to me very discontented; he already thought
himself an important personage, and regretted not being one.
In that I thought him very French. I induced him to
undertake the commission in the way M. de Mercy wished ;
and I persuaded the baron also by telling him that he ought
to authorize Eibbes and give him greater latitude by naming
the persons who sent him. The baron pointed out to M. de
Mercy that the diamonds and the money captured at Semon-
ville could be used for this purpose.
September 3, 1793. Eibbes will, at last, start to-morrow;
La Marck told him to ask Danton to send back with
him a man in his confidence with whom we could negotiate,
and to whom we could give all necessary securities. The
baron sees in this a project to have a man near Danton with
whom Mercy can negotiate without the baron's knowledge.
I think this way of looking at it too suspicious ; I see in the
arrival of such a man a surer way of negotiating.
11th. The Abbe" de Montesquieu has been to see me;
he has just arrived from England. He told me that M.
de Mercy must have in his possession, from the queen,
fifteen hundred thousand francs which he, the abb£, took
to him.
13th. The news from Paris which came last night is very
bad for the queen. It is plain they intend to begin her trial
Eibbes has returned ; he took the course of writing to Dan-
ton in a manner unintelligible to any but himself, and has
sent him the letter. I fear it will arrive too late. What
reproaches M. de Mercy will then be forced to make to him-
self, — he who made us lose eight days by his stay in the
country, and four more after his return by the difficulties he
298 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. x.
made. It is a horror to think of ! God preserve her, and
give me the satisfaction of seeing her once more !
26th. They write from Paris that the queen was subjected
to an examination before the revolutionary tribunal. They
asked her if she was the widow of Louis Capet; she an-
swered : " You know that I am the widow of your king."
To a second question she replied : " You can be my execu-
tioners, my murderers, but you can never be my judges."
After that she was seized with a nervous attack which obliged
them to take her back to her room.
October 5th. They have captured Drouet, commissary of
the Convention, at Maubeuge. He is thought to be the post-
master of Sainte-Menehould. I doubt it ; I think that man
was his brother. He is to be transferred here.
7th. Drouet arrived at eleven o'clock. I went with
Colonel Hervey to see him in his prison at Sainte-Elisabeth.
He is a man six feet tall, thirty-three or thirty-four years of
age, who would be well enough in face if he were not such
a villain. He had irons on his feet and hands. We asked
him if he was the post-master at Sainte-Menehould who
stopped the king at Varennes. He told us it was he who
went to Varennes, but it was not he who stopped the king.
He would not open his over-coat, lest he should show his
chain, which went from his right foot to his left hand. The
sight of that infamous wretch made me angry, and the effort
I made to say nothing to him, on account of the Abbe1 de
Limon and the Comte de Fitz-James, who were there, made
me ill.
An officer captured with him said the queen ran no risk ;
that she was very well treated, and had all she wanted. The
wretches ! how they lie ! — An English traveller who arrived
in Switzerland says that he paid twenty-five louis to enter the
queen's prison ; he carried in a pitcher of water. She was in
1793] COUNT AXEL FERSEtf. 299
a vault, where there was a bad bed, a table, and a chair. He
found the queen seated, her face leaning upon and covered
by her hands, her head wrapped in two handkerchiefs, and
she herself extremely ill-clothed. She did not even look at
him, and he said nothing to her, which was agreed upon.
What a horrible tale ! I shall try to be certain if it is true.
14th. There was not a word of truth in what Count
Metternich told us last night. The traveller he spoke of is
named Aubre\ a lawyer of this city who does business. He
came from Paris with goods, and never said a word of all that.
He is a species of Jacobin, that Aubre\ He says, on the con-
trary, that the queen is not ill-treated ; that her room was as
good as it could be in a prison ; that her bed was iron with
cotton curtains, good mattresses, and the necessary covering,
all very clean. Her dinner was that of a bourgeoise in con-
valescence ; when they took away the jailer of the Concier-
gerie they also took away his wife, who waited on her and
was very respectful ; since then the queen would have no one
serve her. He added that he could have saved the queen for
two hundred thousand francs which were proposed to him, but
she refused. This put it into M. de Breteuil's head to speak to
this Englishman himself and offer him two millions if he suc-
ceeded. I approved the idea, but only on condition that he
told us his means, so as to be sure he was not regarding the
queen's deliverance like a lottery ticket, and would not
expose her life to make two millions without great prob-
ability of success.
16th. I met the Prince de Ligne at Breteuil's. He is
much dissatisfied at not being employed, and consequently
blames everything that is done, in which he may be right.
He told us that the Emperor Joseph was extremely change-
able ; sometimes kind, sometimes harsh to people, but he
always became kind when any one held firm against him.
Ver. 8 20 Mem.
300 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. x. ,
20th. Grandmaison came to tell me that Akerman, a
banker, had received a letter from his correspondent in
Paris which stated that sentence on the queen was pro-
nounced the evening before, and was to have been executed
immediately, but circumstances had delayed it ; that the
people — that is to say, the paid populace — were beginning
to mutter and say that " this was the day when Marie-
Antoinette was to appear at the national window ! "
Though I was prepared for this, and ever since her re-
moval to the Conciergerie have expected it, still the certainty
overcame me ; I had no strength to feel anything. I went
out to speak of this sorrow to friends, to Mme. de Fitz-
James, and Breteuil, whom I did not find; I wept with
them, especially with Mme. Fitz-James. The gazette of the
17th speaks of it. It was on the 16th, at half-past eleven
o'clock, that this execrable crime was committed ; and divine
justice has not yet descended on those monsters !
21st. I can think only of my loss ; it is awful to have no
positive details ; to think that she was alone in her last
moments, without consolation, without a person to whom she
could speak, to whom she could give her last wishes. It is
horrible. Monsters of hell ! — No, without vengeance my
heart can never be content.
November 6th, 1793. The fate of Madame Elisabeth seems
to be decided, and those unhappy children are abandoned to
these infamous wretches ! Madame especially is to be pitied ;
she is sensitive, and has intelligence enough to feel the whole
horror of her situation ; they are capable of everything towards
her. As for the king, they will ruin his natural character,
and his existence may become an evil to France, if ever he
is king. What a horror ! and why does not divine justice
avenge such wrongs ?
17th. They say that the coach which took the unfortu-
1793] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 301
nate queen from the Temple to the Conciergerie was full of
blood. The coachman did not know whom he drove, but
suspected it. When they reached the Conciergerie they
were there a long time without getting out ; then the men
went first, and the woman last ; she leaned upon his arm ;
and afterwards he found his coach all full of blood — but
this is not authentic.
18th. I went this morning to see M. de Eougeville. 1
found a man slightly crazy, full of himself, of what he has
done, giving himself airs of great importance, but thinking
right and in no way a spy. Mme. de MaiHe* recognized him
the other day from her window as a M. de Rougeville who
spent his life in the queen's antechambers and followed her
about everywhere. Here in substance, is what he told me
of his last venture at the Conciergerie : —
He knew Mme. de Tilleul, an American, quite rich and
right thinking, and together they formed a project of saving
the queen. He made acquaintance with Fontaine, an honest
man who sold wood, and through him with Michonis,
formerly a lemonade-seller. They were both well-disposed.
Michonis was struck to the heart about the queen, and re-
fused the money Eougeville offered him, but he gave it to
two others in the service. One [day he accompanied Micho-
nis into the prison ; the queen rose and said : " Ah ! is that
you, Monsieur Michonis ? " Then, seeing M. de Rougeville
she was greatly overcome, and was on the point of falling
into her chair, which startled the gendarmes ; but he made
her a sign to reassure her and tell her to take some pinks,
among which was a note. She dared not ; and he let them
drop without being able to speak to her. Michonis left the
room on business in the prison and he went too ; the queen
sent for Michonis to return and made him attend to the
gendarmes, during which time she said to Rougeville that he
302 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OE [chap, x
exposed himself too much. He told her to take courage;
she would be succoured ; he would bring her money to bribe
the gendarmes. She said to him : a Though I am weak and
broken-down, this (laying her hand on her head) is not." She
asked him if her trial would be soon ; he reassured her. She
said : * Look at me, look at my bed, and tell my relations
and friends, if you escape from here, of the state in which
you saw me." Then they went away. They had gained the
concierge and his wife. Their plan was that Michonis
should go at ten o'clock at night with an order from the
municipality to take her back to the Temple, and then she
would escape. Thus, by signing the book of the concierge
no harm would come to him and they were free to go.
The two gendarmes for fifty louis would say nothing ; a third
opposed the plan ; Michonis told him he should have an
order from the municipality, but he threatened to call the
guard. The plan failed and Kougeville escaped.
Here are some particulars about the queen: her room
was the third door on the right after entering, opposite to
that of Custine. It was on the ground-floor; the window
looked upon the courtyard, which was filled all day with
prisoners, some of whom gazed in through the window and
insulted the queen. The room was small, damp, and fetid ;
there was neither stove nor chimney. There were three
beds : one for the queen, one beside it for the woman who
waited on her, and a third for the two gendarmes, who never
left the room, not even when the queen had wants or gave
herself natural cares. The queen's bedstead, like that of the
others, was of wood, a straw bed, a mattress, and a blanket,
dirty and full of holes, which had long served other prisoners.
There were no curtains, but there was an old screen. The
queen wore a black wrapper ; her hair, cut short in front and
behind, was gray ; she was so emaciated that it was difficult
1793] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 303
to recognize her, and so weak that she could scarcely stand
on her legs. She had three gold hoops on her fingers, but
no rings. The woman who served her was a sort of fish-
wife, of whom she complained much. The gendarmes told
Michonis that Madame ate nothing, and in that way she
could not live; they said her food was very bad, and they
showed him a thin and nearly spoilt chicken, saying : " That
is a chicken Madame could not eat, and they have brought
it to her now for four days." The gendarmes complained of
their bed, though it was precisely the same as the queen's.
The queen slept always in her black garment, expecting to
be massacred at any moment, or led to the scaffold. Eouge-
ville said that Michonis wept with sorrow ; he confirmed to
him what was told of the queen's loss of blood and said that
when it was necessary to send to the Temple for the queen's
black wrapper and the necessary linen he could not get it
until after the Council had deliberated. Those are the sad
details that Eougeville gave me.
304 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. xi.
CHAPTEE XL
1792. Correspondence of Count Fersen with the King of Sweden until
his Death, and with Queen Marie-Antoinette until the 10th of August,
1792, when the Royal Family were imprisoned in the Tower of the
Temple, and all written Communication with them ceased. Brief State-
ment of Count Fersen's After-life and of his Death, June 20, 1810.
[Carlyle, in his fine account of the Flight to Varennes,
remarks that from that day Count Fersen " disappears into
unknown space." "We have now seen that, on the contrary,
he was in the centre of European diplomacy, the trusted
envoy of the one sovereign who was true to the King and
Queen of France, and himself in the forefront of every effort
to save them until the fatal day when the axe put an end to
the object of his chivalrous devotion. After the death of the
King of France, the Duke-regent of Sweden, in a confidential
and autograph letter, appointed Count Fersen his ambassador
to King Louis XVIL, having already made him, in May, 1793,
a major-general in the Swedish army. But the honour that
Fersen longed for was denied him. In the midst of the
Powers of Europe, all able to do the thing he had at heart,
he was powerless to bring them to do it ; and there is more
of chivalry in the forlorn hope he then led than in the
initial act of devotion for which his name is famous.
The last letters (in cipher and " white ink ") which passed
between the queen and Count Fersen here follow, interspersed
with some others of interest. Fersen's general correspond-
ence until the date of the queen's death is very voluminous,
and will be found in the work already mentioned: "Le
Comte de Fersen et la Cour de France;" it relates almost
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 305
wholly to the many fruitless efforts made by a few faithful
men to save the royal family of France.]
Count Fersen to Gustavus III., King of Sweden.1
Brussels, February 29, 1792.
Sire, — Baron Taube must already have had the honour to
lay before Y. M. the details of my journey ; it would there-
fore be useless to repeat them here.
I carried to the king and queen the despatches of Y. M.
which related to my mission. I found them greatly touched
by the interest that you take, Sire, in their fate ; they have
charged me to express to Y. M. the liveliest gratitude, and to
say how dear and precious the memory of it will always be
to them. They fully feel the impulsion that their escape
would give to affairs by facilitating the good-will of their
friends, and also the advantages it would have for them-
selves ; but however useful it would be, Their Majesties are
too convinced that success is impossible at this moment to be
willing to attempt it. . . . The queen, especially, feels deeply
all the advantages, and assures me that the bad results of
their first attempt does not prevent them from making a
second ; but Their Majesties, seeing for the moment no possi-
bility of success, have refused the project absolutely. They
have, however, consented to attempt it when the forces of
the different Powers are united on the frontier and able to
serve them as a point of support, or as a protection in case
of an arrest like that of the month of June. The plan I
have proposed to them for this purpose is to keep to the
hunting forests and be guided through them by smugglers
towards the frontier ; there to be met (ten or a dozen leagues
from the frontier) by a detachment of fifty of the light-horse
1 This letter reports to the King of Sweden the result of Count Fersen's
mission to Paris in February, 1792. — Tb.
306 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap, xl
cavalry from one of the armies who could secure their issue,
while the army itself would be ready to advance to their
support, if need were. Their Majesties liked this idea, and
consented to follow it, if they saw at any moment that such
a course offered great advantages.
I next presented to the king the two methods of proceed-
ing as to the congress, which are contained in the memorial.
He preferred the second, giving as a reason that it offered him
the best chance of himself joining the congress. I represented
to him, however, that it might happen that the rebels would
consent to the demands of the Powers rather than have them
meddle with the Constitution, and then that the good-will of
the friendly Powers might find itself shackled by the bad
faith of the emperor, who would say that having obtained all,
there was nothing more to ask for. On which he replied :
" But that would be the very time to insist upon my liberty,
upon my freedom to leave Paris, and go to some indicated
spot to sign and ratify the engagements I shall have made
with the Powers ; and if, as I believe, I shall not obtain that
liberty, then the Powers will be free to act in my favour."
Another point on which I thought it important to inform
myself was the latitude which the king was willing to give
to the Powers to act so long as he was kept in Paris by the
rebels, and the degree of caution he thought necessary for
his personal safety and that of his family so long as he
remained in their hands. I thought, however, that I
ought to represent to him the dangers to which he might be
exposed ; I thought I ought to show him the possibility that
he might be taken into the Cevennes and placed by the
rebels at the head of a Protestant army ; at the same time I
told him I considered these dangers lessened by the neces-
sity to the rebels of his preservation in order to secure better
terms ; and as for the Cevennes project, I proposed to him, in
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 307
case it were again renewed, to issue a pamphlet full of
demagogy and invectives against him and the queen, in which
the Cevennes project should be treated as a scheme of the
aristocrats to get him out of Paris and bring a foreign army
into France.
The king was of my opinion on all these points, and he told
me that, in case he could not leave Paris by flight or other-
wise, he desired the Powers to take no heed of his personal
danger ; that he saw his safety, as I did, in the interest the
rebels had in his preservation; that he should employ all
possible means to prevent bis being taken out of Paris into
the provinces ; that democratic pamphlets had already been
very useful to him, and if necessary, he would use the one I
suggested to him. The king seemed to me quite decided not
to hinder the Powers in any way ; and the queen repeated to
me what she had already said to M. de Simolin : " Tell the
king there is nothing to fear for us ; the nation needs the
king and the life of his son, which must be saved ; as for me.
I fear nothing. I prefer to subject myself to all risks, rather
than live any longer in the state of humiliation in which I
am ; everything seems to me preferable to the horror of our
position." The king repeated the same thing from himself.
The queen then spoke to me of one other point to be de-
manded by the Powers, namely, the disarming of the consid-
erable forces which France now maintains, which are useless
if she has no hostile projects. This point, she said, could
not be granted by the Assembly, even if it wished to do so ;
it was contained in the memorial which the queen had sent
in the month of September to the emperor ; but M. de Mercy
never mentioned it to us.
I then declared to the king on the part of ( Y. M. that your
intention and that of the Empress of Kussia was not to per-
mit the establishment in France of a mixed government ; not
308 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. XX.
to compromise with the rebels, but to re-establish the
monarchy and the royal authority in its plenitude. The
queen seized that idea warmly, but the king, though he
desired it, seemed to think it would be difficult to carry out ;
but I had no difficulty in proving to him that by means of
foreign succour and with a firm determination (of which he
had assured me) not to compromise with the rebels, nothing
could be easier. He ended by being convinced, and assuring
me again that his intention was not to compromise with
the rebels, " for some," he said, " cannot do right, and others
will not do it." But he begged me, at the same time,
to represent to Y. M. the necessity under which his position
puts him to treat with the rebels at this moment, to make
use of them, and to do all they want, however repugnant it
may be to him. I assured the king that Y. M. felt the
necessity of such conduct and approved it, but only as a
means to gain time and lull their minds. The king also
requested that Y. M. be not surprised at any steps he might
be forced to take, and to see in them only the effect of his
misfortune and the constraint that he is under. All that
he said as to that, and as to the total abandonment in which
he was, deprived of counsel and separated from those on
whose attachment he could count and who might be useful
to him, touched me to tears. He was good enough to say in
return very touching and very flattering things for me. The
queen spoke to me with tender sensibility of the friendship
and interest that Y. M. and the empress showed for them,
comparing it with the conduct of the emperor — not to his
advantage ; and she also compared their experience of
ingratitude from those of their interior who owed them
everything with the affection of those who owed them
nothing. The king charged me to tell Y. M. that he sanc-
tioned the decree on the sequestration of the property of the
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 309
Smigres solely to prevent its being pillaged and burned, —
which would surely have been done had he refused ; but he
is determined not to consent to the seizure and sale of those
estates as national property.
To sum up all, I found the king and queen very deter-
mined to endure everything rather than continue in the
state in which they are ; and from the conversations I had
with them I think I can assure you, Sire, that they strongly
feel that all compromise with the rebels is useless and im-
possible, and that there is no means of restoring their author-
ity but force and foreign assistance.
The queen has just written to the Queen of Naples, and
the Queen of Portugal ; the latter is said to be disposed to
furnish money.
Queen Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen.
March 20, 1792.
M. de Laporte has received no newspapers for a month
past. I fear you have written to me in that way, all the
more as I saw in a letter to M. Crawford that you referred
him to me for details. We cannot use newspapers any
longer ; there is reason to think they stop them.
The despatch from Vienna makes much noise : as for me,
I do not understand it. I fear there is more ill-will ; it is
clear that he wants to gain time in order to do nothing.
M. Gog [uelat] will send you papers about all that. Adieu.
Count Fersen to Queen Marie-Antoinette.
Brussels, March 4, 1792.
I send you a note which Baron de Breteuil has given me
for you. He is in pressing need of money, and I hope you
will find his demand just. ... It is very just ; he is with-
out resources and liable to lose all he has in Saint-Domingo.
310 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. xi.
It would be well to send him one hundred and fifty thou-
sand francs for the current expenses, and thirty thousand for
his own expenses ; this would be for six months. If you
like to remit this money to P6rigord, as if for me, telling
him to send it to me, do so, but in that case you must send
at once, as the whole sum is wanted in full. Or, if you
choose, I will see if you can borrow it in Holland, where it
will cost you five per cent, instead of six or seven. As for
the sum I hold for you there, I will send you an account of
it in a few days ; it is, however, insufficient for the above
expense, and it is best to keep it ; it may be good to have it
in reserve some day. See if you can find any one in Paris
to procure you a loan of two hundred thousand francs, in
Holland or elsewhere, but out of the kingdom ; if so, take it ;
you will gain much [by exchange] ; then you can remit it
to me here to the care of the bankers, Danoot, Son & Co.
I shall pay it to the baron on your order only.
M. de Mercy has complained to the baron of the discon-
tent you show as to the emperor's conduct ; he suspects me
of being the cause, and let it be understood that he had
proof of it. I think this is only a suspicion, for all my letters
have reached you ; and if he had developed the writing he
would not have sent them to you. It is also quite im-
possible that he could decipher my letters to the King of
Sweden ; but the baron warned me that I was much sus-
pected and very inconvenient to them, and that often M. de
Mercy requested him not to tell me the things he confided to
him. From that I judge they will seek all possible means
of injuring me with you, by inventing tales, though I ought
to hope and believe that my zeal and my devotion are too
well known to you to fear you would believe them. I ven-
ture, however, to ask you not to leave me in ignorance of
them, in order that I may refute them and continue to de-
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 311
serve the flattering confidence with which you have been so
good as to honour me.
The news from Prussia is still good ; M. C . . . is ordered
to communicate it to you. The King of Prussia wants to
put himself at the head of his army. M. de Mercy is en-
chanted with the emperor's reply ; he boasted to M. de
Breteuil that he was the author of it.
Count Fersen to Queen Marie-Antoinette.
March 6, 1792.
I received yours of 2d yesterday. The details to which
I referred Mr. C. were in the baron's papers which he sent
you. As we no longer use the journals, none have been sent
for two months ; but we shall send them if there is need ;
notify M. Laporte to send you all he receives.
The emperor's reply is political galimatias, a lawyer's plea
that says nothing ; that is the only favourable way of look-
ing at it. It cannot be reconciled with what he proposed to
Berlin, — unless by supposing that he reserves to himself, in
case he is forced to act, to make a subtle distinction in his
conduct as head of the House of Austria and as head of the
Empire ; in that case, it is plain that he only wants to gain
time to save) himself from invasion and put himself in
the right. But if this is more bad faith, which is prob-
able, his answer serves him marvellously well As for
me, I believe neither the one nor the other; I think he
always wants to avoid acting, but fears to be forced into
it by the other Powers, and that he consented to Prussia's
proposal to raise their forces to fifty thousand men each,
solely in the hope of excluding thereby the Northern Courts,
by representing the Prussian and Austrian forces as more
than sufficient ; and if he does not succeed in that way, then
he will still be so superior that they will find themselves
312 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. xi.
compelled to follow the course he points out. In this way-
he expects to create in France a government which will
make that kingdom dependent upon him, take from it its
strength, and prevent it from ever again obtaining in Europe
the weight it once had.
But he does not see that with the influence of the Empress
of Eussia, the good-will of the King of Prussia, and the am-
bition of the Duke of Brunswick, his game can be foiled ; it
is then that the princes could be useful to you ; for the
friendly powers would have the air of yielding to their en-
treaties, which would secretly emanate from you. The es-
sential thing is to agree to bring the troops of the different
Powers to the frontiers of France ; and I have written to
the King of Sweden, and to Eussia and Spain, that I believe
everything ought to be sacrificed to obtain that agreement ;
and that while the troops are marching there there will be
time enough to discuss the point of representing the non-
liberty of the king, and the question of where the congress
shall be held, — an assemblage which may then seem less
important, and possibly useless. J
It is from this way of looking at the emperor's projects
that I have advised the baron not to be in a hurry, and to
specify in the promise to reimburse costs (which M. de
Mercy has asked for) that it will be done only after the
king is re-established in the plenitude of his authority such
as it was before the revolution.
You must warn Gog. that every time there is beyond the
cipher a number and a dash (for example, 49 — ) that means
there is cipher up to the next full stop [.] ; the rest means
nothing or will be in white ink. If there is 49, that is, the
dash below the number, the letter is for him. If after the
number there comes plain writing, then he will find white ink
between the lines. He must be warned of all this. When
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 313
you write to me, it will be better to do it in white ink be-
tween the lines of a cipher that means nothing; for they
might get the true cipher here. You must number each
letter carefully, that we may be sure none are lost. I am
certain they are not opened in Paris; they have not the
machine montee for that.
Count Fersen to Queen Marie-Antoinette.
No. 3. March 9, 1792.
We heard last night of the death of the emperor. This
news gives pleasure to some and pain to others, who fear the
delay it will cause in our affairs. As for me, I regard it
more as an advantage for you. The emperor is dead, but the
archduke of Austria is not; his power and his interest are
the same as ever. . . . The inclinations of the Archduke
Francis have always been favourable, and I know that he has
often blamed the feeble, slow, and undecided conduct of his
father. He is a soldier in heart ; more like Joseph than like
Leopold. This event will certainly increase the influence of
the King of Prussia, whom the Court of Vienna has strong
interest in pleasing in order to keep the imperial dignity, —
a circumstance which ought to be very favourable to you. I
think that a letter from you and from the king to the Arch-
duke Francis would be very useful at this moment; the
attention would flatter him and warm his zeal for you.
After sharing his grief at the loss he has met with in a
father, and you in a brother, you might tell him that you
have not been left in ignorance of the feeling and interest
he has shown in your fate, and that you hope, from those
sentiments in him, that he will put more activity into the
prospects his father held out to you ; and for that reason you
do not hesitate to give him the same confidence and to
repeat the request for the sending of a strong body of troops
314 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. xi.
to the frontier and the formation of a Congress at Aix-la-
Chapelle or Cologne. You could tell him that you have
been assured of the good disposition of the King of Prussia,
and that you have long had unequivocal proofs of the inter-
est of the Courts of Petersburg, Stockholm, and Madrid.
You could end by making him feel that your position re-
quires you to employ the greatest secrecy, and especially
towards the princes, on account of the indiscretion of persons
who surround them, and by asking for his good-will to
the Baron de Breteuil, who has all your confidence. The
letter cannot be written too soon. Send it by diligence,
simply to my address, in a box which will contain cloth for
a coat, some waistcoats, and new cravats — to make the thing
look natural and avoid all suspicion.
I have not yet received the papers from Gog., the papers
you mention, nor the letter for the Queen of Portugal ; that
is necessary, however. Do not forget the matter of the
money. The better to avoid suspicion, it would be well to
write at the same time a simple letter of compliments to the
archduke, and send it by M. de Lessart, to which you might
add something in the style of those gentry ; reminding him
in a few words of what you have already written to his
father, and how much you hope he may follow his steps and
be as desirous to maintain peace between the two countries.
But you must manage that the two letters arrive at the same
time, so that the archduke may not be uncertain as to your
real meaning. You could inform M. de Mercy as to this, so
that he may write to Vienna in consequence. In a conver-
sation he had with the baron he spoke very well, and said :
"We want no more declarations; the emperor has at last
changed his system ; " then rising excitedly, and laying his
hand on his sword he said: " This is what is wanted; the
emperor is decided, and before long we shall have it." I
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 315
would like to have witnessed such vivacity in M. de Mercy ;
it must have been a very extraordinary contrast to his usual
self.
Baron Taube to Count Fersen.
Stockholm, March 15, 1792.
The king orders me to direct you to make known to the
King and Queen of France that in a private audience which
the new minister of Prussia to this Court had with the king,
H. M. asked him what his master thought of the present
state of France. The minister replied: "The Queen of
France is the sister of the emperor ; my master fears that if
power is recovered by the King of France the queen will
favour her brother too much." " But," said the king, " if
France is eclipsed in the political balance of Europe, Eng-
land will lay down the law to all the Powers." The Prussian
minister assured him that if his master were satisfied that
the queen would not give all her influence for the emperor
he would at once sign a league with the other sovereigns to
replace the King of France upon the throne. The king told
him he was certain that the Queen of France, taught by these
unhappy events, would employ her influence and authority
solely in [word of cipher illegible] or for those who recov-
ered for her husband and son the crown of France now
usurped by the Assembly.
The King of Sweden wishes the Queen of France to know
of this conversation, that she may understand the fears of
Prussia, and take whatever measures she considers useful at
the present conjuncture.
Queen Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen.
March 30, 1792.
I have your letter of 27th. This is a very safe way ; you
can always write to me under this address, or that of M.
Ver. 8 21 Mem.
316 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF (chap. xi.
Broune ; but you must put an n on your letters ; and the first
time put n=, to be more sure.
Ask Mme. Sullivan about the way she told Jarjayes I
could receive ... in a box of biscuits. I must know the
name of the woman to whom it is addressed. But take care ;
Mr. C . . . knows nothing of this ; he did not even wish her
to see Jarjayes the last time.
What is the meaning of this new letter from Vienna in
reply to the one by M. de Lessart ? It seems to me as bad
as the other. Every one here thinks it superb and excellent
policy. It is certain that it will decide us to attack. They
are awaiting only an answer to M. Dumouriez's letter. I
have sent word of this to M. de Mercy. The plan is to
attack by Savoie, and the country round Liege ; they hope
that as there are not many troops on that side they can do
something. Turin was warned by me three weeks ago. It
is essential to take precautions around Liege. They are
sending to Deux-Ponts a M. Naiac, who lives in Vienna
with Cardinal de Rohan ; M. Chauvelin goes as minister to
London.
I am much harassed now about finding a governor for my
son. We have at last decided upon M. de Fleurian, but we do
not yet know the moment when we shall make it known.
Mr. Crawford will talk to you of a way to write to me
without cipher in Italian. Do not forget to send me the list
of names. Our position continues dreadful, but less danger-
ous since it is we who attack Austria. The ministers have
just sanctioned the decree on passports.
Queen Marie- Antoinette to Count Fersen.
No. 4. April 15, 1792.
M. de Maulde starts for Vienna to-day ; it seems to be the
last mission to the king [of Hungary] ; they are absolutely
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 317
determined on war here. So much the better if that decides
the Powers, for our position is no longer endurable. I have
received yours of the 9th ; there was no number, but I call
it 2. I am uneasy about the return of M. Gog. I am afraid
he is watched, he must take great precautions. Adieu. I
cannot write more ; I must give my letter.
Count Fersen to Queen Marie-Antoinette.
April 17, 1792.
You must already have heard the crushing news of the
death of the King of Sweden. You lose in him a firm sup-
port, a good ally, and I a protector and friend. The loss is
a cruel one.
The account that M. Simolin gave the baron of his nego-
tiation in Vienna promises nothing more active from that
Court than in the past. The same system is to be followed ;
and now that the King of Sweden is dead no one can be sure
what course the Empress of Kussia will take. In this un-
certainty the surest means is to try to make France attack ;
a hostile step on your part is the only thing that will decide
the Powers. Still, if it could be delayed a month it would be
better. I will explain all this in detail in the box of
biscuits.
I have spoken to Mme. Sullivan. The name of the
the woman is Mme. Toscani ; she is safe ; and if you send her
a box containing pieces of cloth or other things, as you did
for Mr. Crawford, she will pass it on. Mme. Sullivan has
said nothing about it to Mr. Crawford ; he is so timid and
cautious he would hesitate, and nothing would be done.
That is why he did not wish her to see General Jarjayes ;
for otherwise he has no secrets from her, but tells her alL
318 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. xi
Count Fersen to Baron Taube.
Brussels, April 18, 1792.
Since your crushing letter of the 29th I have heard
nothing from you, my friend ; the German post has doubtless
been delayed by the bad roads. I cannot comfort myself for
the dreadful loss we have met with. Every day my sor-
row is renewed — the memory of kindness ! that memory
will never leave me ; my gratitude can end only with my
life. My God ! shall I never again offer him my homage !
You will feel the pleasure it would be to me to have his
portrait, if I could.
The news we receive from Vienna is not good ; there will
be no more activity than under the late emperor ; Simolin
could do nothing. This disposition, and the present uncer-
tainty about the empress, have led me to advise Their Maj-
esties to incite the rebels to attack. Since the death of our
king that is the only resource left to them by which to de-
cide the Powers.
I have determined, my friend, not to return to Sweden at
this moment. As I alone hold the thread of affairs, and all
those of Their Majesties pass through me, I could not absent
myself without their interests suffering, or, at any rate being
wholly interrupted. If there is any such idea about me try
to set it aside. . . .
Count Fersen to Queen Marie-Antoinette.
No. 4 April 19, 1792.
I received No. 4 yesterday. No. 3 is missing. M. Gog.
arrived this morning. He brings good news, though nothing
certain until we receive something more positive from Ber-
lin. It seems they have at last determined to march. Baron
Thugut told Breteuil under the deepest secrecy. I will send
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 319
you the details Saturday in a box of biscuits. M. Gog.
starts to-morrow ; he goes through France.
Queen Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen.
No. 6. April 19, 1792.
What follows is in the same cipher, but you can have it
deciphered by another. Baron B. must tell M. de Mercy
from me that I dare not write to him directly, or by a
secretary, because I am horribly watched just now. Perhaps
I shall never be able to write to you again. I will still try
to find a way [two lines missing']. . . . The king desires that
the King of England be secretly informed that the letter M.
Chauvelin bears, though written by his own hand is at least
not his own style. Adieu ; I will write to you in two days
on the cover of the " Moniteur."
The ministers and the Jacobins will to-morrow make the
king declare war against the house of Austria under pretext
that by its treaties of last year it broke that of the alliance
of 1756 [Treaty of Versailles 1 ], and also that it has not
replied categorically to the last despatch. The ministers
hope that this step will create fear, and that negotiations
will begin in three weeks. God grant it may not be so, and
that vengeance may come at last for all the outrages en-
dured in this country ! In what will be said in the declara-
tion there is much complaint of the proceedings of Prussia,
but no attack upon her.
Count Fersen to Queen Marie-Antoinette.
Brussels, April 24, 1792.
I send you a despatch from Berlin which is important. It
will give you an idea of what is taking place. In support of
1 See history of this treaty in the " Memoirs of Cardinal de Bernis " in
the present Historical Series of translations- — Tk.
320 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. xi.
this despatch comes the news that Baron Thugut told the
baron that the King of Hungary [Archduke Francis] said he
was weary of all that was happening in France and Was de-
termined to put an end to it and act ; that he meant to
march his troops in concert with the King of Prussia ; that
if the French attacked they must be kept amused for six
weeks or two months till the armies could arrive; that
whether they attacked or not, he was determined to attack
them ; and they must then be amused with appearances of
peace until the moment when he was able to act. I do not
know for what reason M. de Mercy does not agree to this
letter ; he has not spoken of it.
I received yesterday the news of the declaration of war by
France, and I am very glad of it. It is the best and only
thing that will decide the Powers. The Empress of Eussia
has declared to Vienna her intention of taking an active part
in the affairs of France ; she says she wishes the restoration
of the monarchy such as it was before the revolution. It
was M. de Mercy who told me this.
The news from Spain is not good ; she will not act until the
Kings of Hungary [the emperor] and Prussia have taken a
course. The most useful thing she could do, and it agrees
fairly well with her plans, would be to station a cordon of
twenty thousand troops along the frontier, and furnish arms
and ammunition to the Catholics and discontented persons
in the southern provinces. This has already been asked and
it ought to be insisted on.
I have as yet no news as to what concerns myself person-
ally ; I do not know if I shall be continued here or not.
My father urges me to return to Sweden and abandon every-
thing. That is what I will never do, even if reduced to
penury. I have enough property here to support me for
some time by selling it. But if my father induces the Duke-
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 321
Eegent to have the same will as himself, I may find myself
embarrassed by the deprivation of my little revenue. As I
am dependent on them for that, they may hope in that way
to hold me ; and even if the duke does not lend himself to it,
I am afraid my father may try that method ; but I am deter-
mined that nothing in the world shall induce me to aban-
don all at this moment.1
Count Fersen to Queen Marie-Antoinette.
No. 8. June 2, 1792.
Prussia goes right ; she is the only one on whom you can
rely. Vienna keeps to the project of dismembering France
and of negotiating with the constitutionals. Spain is bad.
I hope that England will be otherwise. The empress sacri-
fices your interests for Poland. Our regent is certainly for
you, but he can do nothing, or little. He means to send
away the envoy they have sent to him, and that is why
he has recalled his charge d'affaires from Paris. He has
urged the empress to do the same.2 Try to continue the war,
and do not now leave Paris. Have you sent me the blank
signatures ? — and to what address ? Mme. Toscani [M.
Crawford's housekeeper] will bring you my letters.
The first Prussian column will arrive July 9th. The
whole army will be there by August 9th. It will act on the
Moselle and Meuse, the emigres on the Philippesburg side,
the Austrians on Brisgau. The Duke of Brunswick comes
to Coblentz July 5. He will advance from there, mask the
forts, and then with thirty-six thousand chosen troops, march
straight to Paris. The empress sends fifteen thousand men
1 See Appendix.
2 The Duke-Regent of Sweden continued Count Fersen in the same con-
fidential post in Brussels that he had held under Gustavus III. But the
Regent's intentions and sympathies were against the course of the latter,
and he refused to co-operate with Russia in sending troops to France. — Tb.
322 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap, xi
of whom three thousand are cavalry. They will disembark
at Wismar and march through Germany. June 22d she
sent thirty thousand men to Poland. 1
The Vicomte de Caraman has returned within a week
from Berlin. He brings the positive assurance of the King
of Prussia that he will listen to no negotiation or compro-
mise ; that he insists on the king being set free and making
what Constitution he chooses. He wishes the king to know
this, also that this resolution on his part cannot change, and
the king can rely upon it. He furnishes the money for the
troops he sends.
Queen Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen. 2
June 5, 1792.
[Plain writing."] I have received your letter No. 7, and I
immediately withdrew your funds from the Boscaris com-
pany. There was no time to lose ! the bankruptcy was de-
clared yesterday and this morning the whole thing is public
at the Bourse.
[In white ink.] Orders are given for Luckner's army to at-
tack immediately ; he opposes this, but the ministry insist.
The troops lack everything, and are in the greatest disorder.
[Plain writing.] You will send me word what I am to do
with these funds. If I am master of them I can invest ad-
vantageously in the purchase of some fine domains of the
clergy ; that is, no matter what may be said, the best way of
placing money. You can answer by the same channel by
which I now write.
1 This letter is evidently of two dates, although it is printed as one let-
ter in the French volume. — Tb.
3 Here begins a series of letters from the queen to Fersen, whom she ad-
dresses as M. Rignon. They are partly in plain writing on the fictitious
affairs of the supposed M. Rignon, with passages in cipher or in white
ink interpersed. The plain writing is not in the queen's hand, but prob-
ably in that of Goguelat. — Tb.
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 323
Your friends are fairly well. The loss they have met
with is a great trouble to them. I do my best to comfort
them, but they think the restoration of their fortune im-
possible. Give them, if you can, some consolation about
this ; they need it ; their situation becomes daily more dread-
ful. Adieu ; accept their compliments and the assurance of
my entire devotion.
Queen Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen.
June 7, 1792.
[In white ink.] The constitutionals have sent a man to
Vienna ; he will pass through Brussels. Warn M. de Mercy
to treat him as if he had been announced and recommended
by me, and negotiate with him on the lines of the memorial
I sent him. We desire that he shall write to Vienna and
announce his coming ; recommend that they keep his journey
secret, and that they hold to the plan made by the Courts of
Vienna and Berlin, but say it is necessary to seem to enter
into the views of the constitutionals, and, above all, let him
think they do this in accordance with the wishes and re-
quests of the queen ; these measures are necessary.
It is not the Abb6 Louis who goes; I do not know
the name of the man who takes his place. Tell M. de
Mercy that we cannot write to him, being too closely
watched.
[Plain writing.'] Here is the situation of your affairs
with Boscaris and Choi, of whose failure I told you in my
last letter. I am expecting news from La Eochelle to let
you know how you stand with Daniel Gareche* and Jacques
Guibert. All I know is that their failure is not consid-
erable. You would do better, as I have already told you, to
buy the property of the clergy rather than trust your money
to bankers. If you choose I will employ in that way the
324 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. to.
funds I receive for you next month. I have received your
7th and 8th.
Count Fersen to Queen Marie-Antoinette.
No. 9. June 11, 1792.
The King of Prussia wishes you to know that the Chevalier
de Boufflers returns to Paris. He asked for orders, but as
the king has a bad opinion of him he told him nothing, and
the Chevalier knows nothing of his real intentions; there-
fore you are to put no faith in anything he may tell you, the
king having changed in nothing. I think you would do well
not to see Boufflers at all.
My God ! how your situation distresses me ; my soul is
keenly and sorrowfully affected. Try to stay in Paris, where
they must come to your succour; the King of Prussia is
decided about it ; you can count on that.
The empress has asked Sweden for 6000 men ; but money
is needed for them. You have not told me whether you
have sent the blank signatures, by whom and how.
The Sieur Bergstedt, charge d'affaires of Sweden in Paris,
to Count Fersen. Report of what took place at the Tuile-
ries, June 20, 1792.
At four o'clock the Tuileries were invested by about 50,000
pikes ; the cries were : " Down wjth Monsieur Veto, Ma-
dame Veto, and all their tribe!" etc., etc. The National
Guard seemed determined to keep and defend the gates ; no
commander directed them. The royal gate was almost un-
guarded ; three municipal officers required the twelve grena-
diers who remained there to open it. The pikes then entered
in floods. The king saw this influx, which was accompanied
with horrible outcries. He ordered the door of his apart-
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 325
ments to be closed ; they opened those of the two first rooms ;
the third, that of the Swiss was defended. It was then
that axes were employed. At the noise made by the break-
ing in of that door the king called for his hat, and entered
the hall, ordering firmly that all doors be opened, saying that
he wished to show himself to the people and speak to them.
As he said the words, the door, already battered, was driven
in and a flood of pikes entered. A few faithful and coura-
geous grenadiers pushed the king into the embrasure of the
third window, telling him to trust to them and have no fear.
" Fear ! " said the king, " put your hand on my heart and feel
if it beats more than usual." As he said those remarkable
words, a man with a pike, presenting the point of his weapon
called out, "Where is he, that I may kill him!" —
"Wretch!" said an usher of the apartment, "there he is,
your king ; do you dare to look at him ? " The pikes and the
flood of men about him recoiled, seized with a sort of terror.
There was a moment's silence. The king tried to profit by
it and speak ; but another inundation of pikes arrived with
such horrible cries that Jove's thunder itself could not have
been heard. Nothing was heard but insults, curses, re-
proaches, threats. In the midst of this infernal scene
Madame Elisabeth came to throw herself into the arms of
the king ; she was fortunately caught by the grenadiers, who
were still guarding that one closed door; they pushed her
behind them into the embrasure of the fourth window.
There she remained three hours ; the king the same time in
his. The crowd flung a bonnet rouge to each of them and at
the earnest entreaty of the grenadiers the king put his upon
his head.
When the attack began the queen was with the dauphin
in his apartment. At the first outcries she wished to go to
the king ; but already the intervening room was seized. She
326 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. XX.
cried out, " I wish to die at the king's feet ! " They disobeyed
her, and took her in spite of herself to the Council chamber
where they made a rampart of the Council table, and a Mon-
sieur Blegny went to call the grenadiers, who were still
guarding a door now useless, inasmuch as the people were in
all the rooms. Two hundred grenadiers followed him up a
little staircase ; they surrounded the table behind which were
the queen and dauphin ; and certainly it was providential that
they took and occupied that position, for they were still
moving to it when the apartment of the dauphin was seized
through a door which the leader of the pikes seemed to know
better than others, for very few of the servants of the house-
hold knew of it. Two troops of pikes entered the council
chamber at the same moment by opposite doors. M. San-
terre, speaking in some sort in their name, harangued the
queen. The queen, with supernatural courage, replied with
an accent and majesty worthy of Maria Theresa. It was
noticed that as she spoke the pikes drew back. Communi-
cation was then re-established between the room where the
king was and that of the queen ; by this manoeuvre the pikes
returned to the staircase, and some went down instead of
re-entering. They succeeded by help of the grenadiers in
bringing the king to where the queen was. The people
cooled down, became pitying, some wept. The mayor, Pdtion,
harangued them, congratulated them on their "brave con-
duct," and then dismissed them.
Never was courage greater, grander, more dignified than
that of the king, the queen, and Madame Elisabeth. The
queen several times heard the people calling for her head,
but her countenance never changed.
This date recalls a like event and foretells another — the
scene, the actors, the means all changed.
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 327
Count Fersen to Queen Marie- Antoinette.
No. 10. June 23, 1792.
The sending of Gog. to Vienna was known at Coblentz on
the day he arrived here, and the same day an express was
sent from there to Petersburg to notify the empress. Bom-
belles writes it from there. There is certainly some one in
your interior who writes everything to the princes.
If Aranda [Spanish prime-minister] wants to have a direct
correspondence with you, avoid it ; he is false and wants to
negotiate, and then you are lost. Our regent thinks rightly ;
he sends me letters of notification for you, with orders to
send them to you without passing through your ministers,
with whom we hold no communication. I fear that Spain,
England, and the emperor [Francis II.] want to negotiate ;
we shall ward it off if possible. The emperor has the project
of dismemberment, and if he does not obtain it from you, he
will treat with the constitutionals and obtain it from them ;
you will then lose your authority without preventing the
dismemberment. You must decide, if this becomes inevi-
table. What is your will in the matter ? — There is perhaps
one means of preventing it, namely : to give the King of
Prussia a pledge in writing of reimbursement. He desires
it, but he wants the king's signature. I still have one blank
signature left, which I have not mentioned to the baron.
Do you wish me to make use of it if it would be useful to
us to secure the opposition of the King of Prussia to all dis-
memberment ? Have you sent me other blank signatures,
and how ? It would be well if I had three more. Buy two
pretty bonnets at the " charlotte de deuil ; " send them to
Mme. Toscani, and tell her to sew tjie three papers to their
foundations under the lining ; and tell her to send them to
M. Sullivan ; she knows how. The signature can be written
328 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. an.
in black, or if necessary in white ink. In that case make a
pencil mark where the name is. You could even (in both
cases) have the shop bill written on one page of the sheet,
for we only need the other page. Be sure that I shall use
the signatures only if necessary and useful.
I have given your message to M. de Mercy; he under-
stood it very well, and he has written to Vienna in conse-
quence. In the affair where Gouvion was killed, Lafayette
lost four hundred men, the peasants say ; the Austrians one
hundred and fourteen killed and wounded. I have warned
Eussia and Berlin of the sending of the Constitution, lest
they be tempted to make bad use of it.
Queen Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen.
June 23, 1792.
[ White ink.'] Dumouriez starts to-morrow for Luckner's
army ; he promises to incite Brabant to insurrection. Saint-
Huruge starts also for the same purpose.
[Plain writing.'] Here is the statement of sums I have
have paid for you. I will send you that of your receipts as
soon as I have made it out.
I think I have received all your letters. The last two are
8 and 9. The 9th was dated June 11th. I did not keep the
date of the other.
Your friend is in the greatest danger. His illness makes
frightful progress. The doctors can do nothing. If you
want to see him you must hasten. Inform his relations of
his unfortunate state. I have finished your affairs with him,
and I have no further anxiety on that point I will give
you news of him assiduously.
1792] COUNT AXEL FEBSEN. 329
Queen Marie- Antoinette to Count Fersen.
June 26, 1792.
[Plain writing."] I have received your No. 10 and hasten
to acknowledge it. You will receive shortly all details relat-
ing to the purchase of the property of the clergy which I
have made for you. I confine myself to-day to putting your
mind at ease about the investment of your assignats ; I have
but few left, and in a few days I hope they will be as well
invested as the others.
I am sorry not to be able to reassure you about your
friend. For three days however, the disease has made no
progress; nevertheless, the symptoms continue alarming.
He needs a crisis to bring him out of his present condition,
and there is no appearance of that ; this makes us despair.
Inform all persons who have dealings with him of his situa-
tion, in order that they may take their precautions; time
presses. I shall keep you informed of the better or the worse
of his state. Send punctually to the post. Adieu. Keceive
the friendship and compliments of all who interest you.
Count Fersen to Queen Marie-Antoinette.
No. 12. June 30, 1792.
I received yesterday your letter of the 23d. There is
nothing to fear as long as Austria is not defeated. A hun-
dred thousand Dumouriez could not incite this country
[Austrian Low Countries] to rebellion, although it is well
inclined to it.
Your position makes me ceaselessly anxious. Your cour-
age will be admired, and the firm conduct of the king will
have an excellent effect. I have already sent the account
of the king's conversation with Petion everywhere ; and I am
going to send it to the " Gazette Universelle ; " it is worthy
330 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. xi.
of Louis XIV. The same tone should be continued, and
above all try not to be made to leave Paris. That is an
essential point. There it will be easy to reach you, and
that is the object of the Duke of Brunswick. He will pre-
cede his entry with a very strong manifesto in the name of
the Allied Powers, which will render all France and espe-
cially Paris responsible for the persons of the royal family.
He will then march straight to Paris, leaving the combined
armies on the frontier to mask the forts and prevent the
troops that are in them from acting elsewhere and opposing
his operations. The empress is marching thirteen thousand
men, and our regent consents to give her the eight thousand
she asked for. They are ready, and will march as soon as
we can get the money.
The Duke of Brunswick arrives at Coblentz on the 3d of
July; the Prussian division on the 8th. Seven thousand
men are to be detached at once for this country, and sta-
tioned at Luxembourg. Those who are here have committed
a folly in not attacking Luckner on his arrival. At present
he is too well posted and intrenched ; there is every appear-
ance that they will leave him there, until the other troops
arrive. They have committed another folly in letting sixty
chefs be taken before Maubeuge.
One M. Viette has passed through here; he told the
Vicomte de Caraman that he was sent by you to Coblentz on
a mission- He showed him a letter addressed to General
Schmidt, written, he said, with white ink between the lines.
He has no doubt made the same confidence to other persons.
I wrote you on the 25th, No. 11, through Gog., and No. 10
through Mme. Toscani. Answer me about the blank signa-
tures and the dismemberment. You ought to make Gog. write
to me every Sunday and Wednesday to give me details of
all that happens. When he writes : " They say, but I do
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 331
not believe it" I shall know that the thing is certain.
All letters written by this means arrive.
Queen Marie- Antoinette to Count Fersen.
July 3, 1792.
[In cipher. ,] I have received yours of the 25th, No. 11. I am
much touched by it. Our position is dreadful, but do not be
too anxious. I feel courage ; I have in me something that
tells me we shall soon be saved and happy. That one idea
sustains me. The man I send is for M. de Mercy. I have
written him very strongly to decide to speak. Act in a way
to awe here : time presses ; there is no way to wait any longer.
I will send the blank signatures in the way you requested.
Adieu ; when shall we see each other again in peace ?
Queen Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen.
July 6, 1792.
[Jw. cipher."] They brought me your last letter, written in
white, after they had brought out the writing. This is the
second time this has happened. We must take other meas-
ures to prevent this trickery. You will see the importance
of this warning.
A terrible catastrophe is expected on the 14th in all
corners of Paris, especially at the Jacobins. They preach
regicide ; sinister plans are being laid ; but, being known,
they may, perhaps, be foiled. The Jacobins from all the
provinces are arriving here in crowds ; there is not a day
that I am not warned to be upon my guard, — sometimes by
an officious person, sometimes by an intriguer. I am not
left a moment of tranquillity.
I have the three blank signatures ; but I do not know how
to send them, as the public coaches run no longer. Point
out to me some other way.
Ver. 8 22 Mem.
332 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. xi.
Do not be too anxious on my account. Believe that
courage always awes. The course we have just taken will
give us, I hope, the time to wait ; but six weeks are very
long. I dare not write more. Adieu. Hasten, if you can,
the succour promised for our deliverance.
[ In white ink.'] I exist still, but it is a miracle. The day
of June 20th was dreadful. It is no longer I whom they
chiefly want to destroy ; they now want the life of my hus-
band, and make no secret of it. He showed a firmness and
strength which awed them for an instant, but the danger
may return at any moment. Adieu ; save yourself for us ;
and do not be too anxious about us.
Queen Marie- Antoinette to Count Fersen.
July 7, 1792.
[Plain writing.] I sent you, some days ago, a statement
of your current debts. Herewith is a supplement which I
received this morning from your London bankers.
[In white ink.] The different parties in the National As-
sembly united to-day. This union cannot be sincere on the
part of the Jacobins ; they are dissimulating to hide some
project. We suppose one of their projects to be to make the
king demand a suspension of arms and force him to nego-
tiate a peace. You must give warning that all official action
of that nature is not by the will of the king ; and if he is
forced by circumstances to manifest his will he will do so
through the organ of M. de Breteuil. M. Crawford will re-
ceive before long the three blank signatures : warn him, so
that he may open the package carefully. They are all writ-
ten in white ink.
[Plain writing.] I think you can do nothing better than
invest here. Tranquillity is being restored, and all parties
are uniting at this moment to carry out the Constitution.
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 333
Give me carte blanche and I am sure you can make good
purchases and double your funds in two years. I have just
bought the house we looked at together, rue de l'Universite' ;
it will cost me, all things included, 157,000 francs. Adieu,
my family are all well, and send their compliments ; they
desire ardently to see you again.
Count Fersen to Queen Marie-Antoinette.
Brussels, July 10, 1792.
M. Lasserez and M. Leonard have arrived and brought me
your letters. I have no need to tell you that they give me
great pleasure. Your courage is admirable, and the firmness
of your husband has had a great effect. Both must be pre-
served to resist all efforts to make you leave Paris. It is
very important that you remain there. Nevertheless, I am
of M. de Mercy's opinion as to the one case in which you
ought to leave it ; but you must take care before you attempt
it to be very sure of the courage and fidelity of those who
contrive your escape ; for if it fails you are lost beyond
redemption, and I cannot think of it without a shudder.
They are hastening the operations as much as possible ;
in the first days of August the advance will begin. But to
speak strongly at this moment without being ready to act at
the moment of speaking would be a measure that would fail
in its effect. It would not awe, and might expose you still
further.
From what you say about the sending of the blank signa-
tures, I infer that you approved what I wrote to you ; conse-
quently, under circumstances more or less urgent, I shall
make use (while awaiting the others) of the one I still have.
The conduct of Spain is shameful and blamed by all
Europe. England does well. Our regent, in consequence
of the de Stael intrigues, will not put himself forward. I
334 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. xi.
try to foil Stael all I can ; he sees much of M. de Verminac
We shall take care that the manifesto be the best possible ;
we are now busy with it. It makes the city of Paris respon-
sible for the safety of the king and his family.
The horrible scene of June 20th has revolted all Europe
and cost the revolution many of its partisans. Luckner and
Lafayette seem to be abandoning this frontier and moving
into the Bishoprics. If the Austrians had shown a little
more activity they could have carried off the Due d'Orleans,
and defeated Luckner's army at Courtrai. The princes are
to have an assembly of parliaments and peers at Manheim ;
a folly : we shall try to prevent it. It is M. de Luxembourg
who instigates all that.
Queen Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen.
July 11, 1792.
[Plain writing.] I feel, my dear Eignon, what interest you
have, relatively to your financial operations, in being au
courant of passing events; so I shall do what depends on
me to leave you nothing to desire in that respect. Neverthe-
less, I ought to inform you that, my connections being of
little extent and the circle in which I live being very narrow,
I shall be but a poor resource. But if I can be to you of
little real utility, at least I can prove to you my zeal and
good-will.
You have no doubt heard of the coming together of the
different parties in the Assembly, of the step taken by the
king to the Assembly, of the suspension of Potion and
Manuel by the department, of a few slight movements of
the people to reinstate the mayor in his functions, and the
wishes of part of the Assembly as to that. That is the
matter which chiefly occupies the Parisians to-day. It is
said that Potion will be reinstated, because there is a flaw in
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 335
the form of the suspension, so that the king will not confirm
it. Others say that the king, alarmed at the power of the
mayor, disgusted with his pride, and convinced of his bad
intentions, will confirm the sentence of the department, but
I do not believe it. The peace that Lamorette brought back
into the National Assembly only lasted a moment. Brissot
made a speech tending to inquire into the conduct of the
king since the beginning of the revolution and proposing to
suspend him ; tending also to declare the nation in danger,
and the ministers responsible in a body ; declaring also that
they had not the confidence of the nation, and proposing a
decree of accusation against Chambon, etc. This incident
set every one to quarrelling again. The result was that the
six ministers were summoned, and required to render an
account within twenty-four hours of the state of the interior
of France, of the frontiers, and of the army. They found
fault with them so harshly for four hours, and the ministers
felt so overweighted by the responsibility put upon them,
that they all resigned yesterday morning; and to-day the
king has no ministers. The cowardice of the latter is gener-
ally blamed ; they had nothing to fear by following the line
of the Constitution.
People are uneasy at the approach of the anniversary ot
the Federation. It is feared that that religious and patriotic
fgte may be the pretext of an attack upon the Tuileries. The
ceremonial is not yet arranged. The royal family are to be
present at it. The number of Federals who will attend,
especially from the Southern provinces, is much smaller than
was expected. Some are stopped by fear of being sent to
fight on the frontier; others by work on the land. The
greater number are from the neighbourhood; it is thought
that all will pass off tranquilly.
The Due d'Orleans has quitted the army in Flanders ; he
336 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. xi.
is now at Kince; he is held in such contempt among the
troops that he was obliged to depart. I will render you in a
few days a summary of the business I have done for you
since the first of the month.
[In white ink.] The constitutionals, united under Lafay-
ette and Luckner, want to carry the king off to Compiegne
the day after the Federation ; for this purpose the two gen-
erals are here. The king is disposed to lend himself
to this purpose; the queen opposes it. It is not known
what will be the upshot of this great enterprise, which I am
very far from approving. Luckner takes the army of the
Rhine, Lafayette that of Flanders ; Biron and Dumouriez go
to that of the centre.
[Plain writing.] Your banker in London is not very
punctual in remitting to me your funds. I wish you would
write him a few words about it. Adieu, my dear Eignon;
I embrace you with all my heart.
Queen Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen.
July 15, 1792.
[Plain writing.] Evil-minded people cause much anxiety
as to the event of the Federation. They announced the
arrival of a multitude of brigands and a criminal enterprise
on their part. Perhaps you are agitated by the same fears ;
so I hasten to reassure you as to the fate of all in whom you
are interested here. M. Pdtion is recalled to his functions
by the National Assembly and the will of the people. He
has the public confidence which makes us hope that if any-
one, by his personal influence can secure peace and success-
fully oppose the schemes of factious persons it is this
magistrate, father of the people ; it is thus that he is called
by true patriots.
General Luckner arrived here on the night of the 13th.
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 337
He will appear to-morrow before the National Assembly.
They say he has come to ask for an increase of 50,000 men
to his army.
Paris is still in great agitation ; they expect a great event
which each party wants to turn to its own advantage ; but I
cannot explain myself further. A single day destroys calcu-
lations and changes circumstances. To keep you informed
of events I ought to write to you twice a day.
We have here five or six thousand Federals, nearly all
issuing from the club of the Jacobins. Some mean to stay
here ; others go to the camp at Soissons. We are expecting
daily the armies of Marseille and Bordeaux. The three
regiments of the line which were guarding Paris are to start
for the frontier, by virtue of a decree of the Assembly, in two
or three days. There is much talk of sending away the
Swiss Guard.
That, my dear Eignon, is about how things now are. I
will write you to-morrow about your private affairs ; to-day
I have not the leisure. Adieu, I am wholly yours.
Send me word if you have received the gloves I sent you.
Count Fersen to Queen Marie-Antoinette.
No. 13. Bbussels, July 18, 1792.
I have received all your letters and the three blank
signatures ; but the name comes out so feebly that I am not
sure if I can make any use of them. If you could find a
safe means to send me others written in a stronger ink it
would be well.
The princes have sent a memorial to all the Powers, in
which they state that the king, by agreement with the con-
stitutionals and deceived by them, is about to negotiate for a
truce, etc, and begging them to pay no attention to it. They
have sent this memorial to the baron asking his reply to it.
338 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. xi.
He was indignant and denied positively that such a thing
had been done. He at once wrote to Count Schulemburg
and the Duke of Brunswick that the princes were in error ;
and I have written it everywhere myself. M. de Calonne,
to make it supposed that the baron was in agreement with
such conduct, said : " You will see that the baron will not
answer you." He advises many follies to the princes.
M. de Lambert does well and tries to prevent them, and the
Duke of Brunswick holds them back, but all this gives much
trouble. . . .
They are working at the manifesto. I have written one
which I gave to M. de Limon, and he has given it to M. de
Mercy, without his knowing that it is mine. It is very
good, and such as they ought to desire. Nothing is promised
to any one, no party is affronted, we are pledged to nothing,
and Paris is made responsible for the king and family. They
say that operations will begin on the 15th of August. Send
me six copies of the " Cri de la douleur." I want to send
them everywhere.
Queen Marie- Antoinette to Count Fersen.
July 21, 1791.
[Plain writing.] I send you to-day two pamphlets, two to
Mme. Sullivan, and two to Mr. Crawford. I am very glad
that you were pleased with the gloves I sent you.
All the members of the department of Paris have sent in
their resignations. A great number of the deputies of the
right will do the same. M. Mathieu Montmorin has given
his and gone to England. To-morrow they will definitely
settle the fate of M. de Lafayette ; it is generally thought he
will be decreed accused.
The king, the queen, and Madame Elisabeth never appear
in the garden without being insulted, in spite of the precau-
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 339
tion8 taken to allow none but federals and persons who have
tickets of service to enter the garden. The latter blame the
federals, but it is more likely that the matter is an abuse of
the cards rather than an abuse of their liberty by the federals.
In addition, the rumour goes — but I warn you I do not
believe a word of what I am going to tell you — that the
Jacobins have more than ever a scheme to leave Paris with
the king and go to the Southern provinces. For this pur-
pose, it is said, they are bringing from the provinces numer-
ous detachments of the National Guard drawn from all the
jacobinikres ; eight hundred are to arrive to-morrow from
Marseille. They say that in eight days this assemblage will
be strong enough to execute that project. Others say that
the Jacobins of the Assembly are awaiting the manifesto of
the foreign Powers to take a course. It is expected this
week ; it is not known why it is delayed. If you know any-
thing about its principal articles I wish you would let me
know. On my side, I will keep you informed, as best I can,
of what is going on here. Send me word if you have re-
ceived all my letters.
All in whom you are interested here are well I gave
them news of you last evening ; they heard them with pleas-
ure and charged me to tell you so and urge you to write as
often as you can. Adieu, my dear Eignon ; I embrace you
very tenderly.
Queen Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen.
July 24, 1792.
[In cipher."] In the course of this week the Assembly will
decree its removal to Blois and the suspension of the king.
Every day produces a new scene ; but always tending to the
destruction of the king and his family ; petitioners have said
at the bar of the Assembly that if he is not deposed they will
340 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap. xi.
massacre him, and they have had the honours of the session
paid to them. Tell M. de Mercy that the lives of the king
and queen are in the greatest danger ; that the delay of a day
may produce incalculable evils ; that the manifesto must be
sent at once, that it is awaited with extreme impatience;
that necesarily it will rally many persons round the king and
secure his safety ; otherwise, no one can answer for what may
happen ; the troop of assassins increases daily.
'[Plain writing.~\ I have employed the rest of your funds,
of which the above is an exact statement, in the purchase of
two houses nearly new with good rentals. . . . These two
houses can be let for ninety-five hundred francs ; thus you
see that your funds are not ill-invested.
Send me word if you have received the four preceeding
numbers. Two days ago a letter was given to me from you,
which I have sent to its address. You have probably re-
ceived the six pamphlets you asked for.
Count Fersen to Queen Marie-Antoinette.
No. 14. Brussels, July 26, 1792.
I have received your letter No. 4, and one of July 7 with-
out number. I have already given warning that nothing is
to be believed unless it comes through the Baron de Breteuil.
You did very right not to let yourself be led away by Lafay-
ette and the constitutionals. We have never ceased to
hurry the manifesto and the operations. The latter will
begin on the 2d or 3d of August. The manifesto is ready,
and here is what M. de Bouille\ who has seen it, writes to M.
de Breteuil: "They have followed your principles, and I
venture to say ours, wholly in the manifesto and the general
plan, in spite of the intrigues which I have witnessed, and at
which I laughed, feeling certain, from what I knew, that
they could not prevail." He is at Mayence, very welJ
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 341
treated by the archduke and the king. — We have insisted
that the manifesto shall be threatening, especially as regards
responsibility for the persons of the royal family, and also
that there shall be no question of the government and the
Constitution. — Schulemburg [Prussian minister] writes to
the baron that the king will listen to no negotiation, and
wants the liberty of the king. They are printing a succinct
statement of the reasons that make them go to war, which I
send you ; it is rather well done. — Here is the baron's pro-
ject for the ministry : War, La Galissonniere, who, he says,
has furnished him with good ideas ; Navy, du Moustier ; the
Seals, Barentin; Foreign Affairs, Bombelles; Paris, La
Porte ; and Finances to the Bishop of Pamiers, to avoid sys-
tems and have a man of order and firmness, with a finance
council of six members. Write me as soon as possible what
you think of this. We have succeeded in excluding La
Marck from affairs, and in preventing the emperor from send-
ing him to reside with the Duke of Brunswick. The King
of Prussia would not have M. de Mercy at the conference ;
he attributes to him the slow, nerveless, and double con-
duct of the Court of Vienna. The SmigrSs are to be
divided into three corps to act with the armies, but they will
not be the advance guard as they had requested, and they
will not be allowed to act independently. I insisted strongly
on that. The princes will be with the King of Prussia, the
Prince de Conde* with Prince Hohenlohe, the Austrian, and
M. d'Egmont who commands the 3d corps with General
Clerfayt. Mare'chal de Castries boasts of receiving communi-
cations direct from the king; he has even made the baron
believe it. He is a poor head in affairs.
342 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF [chap, xl
Count Fersen to Queen Marie-Antoinette.
Brussels, July 28, 1792.
I have this moment received the declaration of the Duke of
Brunswick [the manifesto], which is very good ; it is the one
given by M. de Limon, and it is he who sends it to me. To
avoid suspicion I do not send it to you ; but Mr. Crawford
sends it to the English ambassador, Lord Kerry, and he will
certainly show it to M. de Lambesc.
This is the critical moment and my soul trembles for
it. God preserve you all ; that is my sole prayer. If it is
useful to hide yourself do not hesitate, I beg of you, to do
so ; it may be necessary, to give time to reach you. In that
case, there is a cellar in the Louvre, connected with the
apartment of M. de Laporte. I believe it to be safe and
little known. You could make use of it.
To-day the Duke of Brunswick puts his army in motion ;
it will take him eight to ten days to reach the frontier. It
is thought that the Austrians intend to make an attempt on
Maubeuge.
Queen Marie-Antoinette to Count Fersen.
No. 7. August 1, 1792.
\Flain writing."] I have received your No. 14 of July 26,
with the printed paper inclosed. I at once terminated the
matter of which you wrote, and I now wait only for the
necessary funds to fulfil my engagements ; I think it would
be best to send the money in specie as there is much to gain
now by exchange on assignats.
I have not yet leased your houses. The troubles in Paris
are driving away the sort of people who would hire them.
The murder of M. Despre'menil, the arrival of great numbers
of suspicious strangers, and fear of the pillage of Paris are the
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 343
principal causes of this exodus. Those who do not leave
France go to Kouen and its environs. The event of the 30th
has increased the uneasiness, irritated one half of the Na-
tional Guard and discouraged the other. They are expecting
a coming catastrophe; the emigration is doubling. Weak
persons with pure intentions, those of uncertain courage and
integrity hide themselves; the evil-intentioned alone show
themselves with audacity. A crisis is needed, to bring the
city out of the state of constriction in which it is ; every one
desires it, every one seeks it in the line of his own opinions ;
but no one dares calculate the results, fearing they may be
to the profit of wretches. Whatever happens, the king and
all honest men will not allow any attack on the Constitution ;
if that is overthrown they will perish with it.
Your friends are well and send you many compliments,
desiring ardently to see you soon.
P. S. The package I sent to you by diligence bears the
number 141, and each piece of stuff the following letters
[in cipher']. White ink below.
[In white ink.] The king's life is evidently threatened,
also that of the queen. The arrival of about six hundred
Marseillais, and a quantity of other delegates from all the
Jacobins increases our anxiety, which is, unhappily, but too
well founded. They are taking precautions of all kinds for
our safety, but assassins prowl round the palace inces-
santly ; they excite the people ; there is ill-will in one part
of the National Guard, weakness and cowardice in the
other. The resistance that can be opposed to the enterprises
of those wretches is solely in a few persons determined to
make a rampart of their bodies for the royal family, and in
the regiment of the Swiss Guards. The affair which took
place on the 30th, after a dinner in the Champs Elysdes,
between one hundred and eighty grenadiers of the £lite of
344 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE OF £chap. it.
the National Guard and the Marseille Federals, shows clearly
the cowardice of the National Guard and the little reliance
to be placed on that troop, which, in point of fact, imposes
only by its numbers. The one hundred and eighty grena-
diers took to flight ; two or three were killed and some
twenty wounded. The Marseillais now police the Palais-
Eoyal and the garden of the Tuileries, which the Assembly
has ordered to be thrown open. In the midst of such dan-
gers it is difficult to concern ourselves with the choice of
ministers. If we obtain one moment of tranquillity, I will
write you what is thought of those you propose. For the
moment we can think only of escaping daggers and foiling
the conspirators who swarm about a throne so near to disap-
pearing. For a long time these wretches have taken no
pains to conceal their purpose of destroying the royal family.
At their last nocturnal meetings they differed only as to the
means to be employed. You must have judged from a pre-
ceding letter how important it is to gain even twenty-four
hours ; I can only repeat it to-day, adding that if they do not
come, nothing but Providence can save the king and his
family.
[Those are the queen's last words to the world. Before
they reached Fersen the 10th of August came and she was
lost forever to the sight of men. The story of Count Fer-
sen's subsequent efforts for her, in fact of all his hopes
and efforts for her, is one of cruel, unspeakable disappoint-
ment : the failure of Varennes ; the cold indifference of
the emperor to his sister's fate ; the dull diplomacy of the
Courts, each waiting on the others for the purpose of
doing nothing ; the refusal of Louis XVI. to leave Paris in
February, 1791 ; the death of the one true man, Gustavus III. ;
the dastardly conduct of the Duke of Brunswick ; the deser-
1792] COUNT AXEL FERSEN. 345
tion of Dumouriez by his army, — the failure of all these
great efforts and many lesser ones, the victims left at last to
die abandoned, was a crushing, hopeless grief to his knightly
souL
The close of his career carried on the fatality of its begin-
ning. He seems never to have married, and to have lost in
quick succession, soon after the queen's death, his dearest
friends : his father, to whom he was deeply attached, his
mother, sister, and his best friend, Baron Taube. For some
years he lived a private life and travelled about Europe,
always with a certain bitterness in his heart against Duke
Charles, the Regent of Sweden, for his desertion of the King
and Queen of France. In November, 1796, the young king's
minority came to an end, and he soon after appointed his
father's friend to be his ambassador at the Congress of
Rastadt. The French Republic refused to recognize Count
Fersen, and the king then sent him to arrange his marriage
with the granddaughter of the Grand-duke of Baden.
This mission, however, did not prevent him from attending
in a private capacity the conferences of the Congress.
In 1801 he was made Grand-Marshal of Sweden, and a
year later, lieutenant-generaL In 1805, when the King of
Sweden suddenly resolved to take an active part in the war
against France, Count Fersen accompanied him through the
campaign of that year in Swedish Pomerania. It is to his
honour that he opposed the continuation of the war after it
became useless through the peace made by Russia and Prus-
sia, the king's allies. His letters to the king on this subject,
a few of which have been published, show his attachment to
the welfare of his country ; but they offended the king, who
ordered him to return to Sweden and remain there as
chamberlain to the queen.
After the dethronement of Gustavus IV., the exclusion of
346 DIARY AND CORRESPONDENCE [chap. xi.
his descendants from the throne, and the accession of the
late regent as Charles XIII., the question of the succession
to the throne led to political dissensions and public riots.
Count Fersen was considered a partisan of the young son of
Gustavus IV., and on the occasion of a great public proces-
sion, which he was conducting as Grand Marshal of Sweden,
he was dragged from his carriage and murdered by the
populace, on the fatal date, to him, of June 20th in the year
1810, — nineteen years after the flight to Varennes.]
APPENDIX I.
Count Fersen to Baron Taube.
Aix-la-Chapelle, November 19, 1792.
My dear Friend, — What an epoch is this we live in ! it seems
as if Providence were accumulating fatal blows to crush that good
and most unfortunate family ; my soul is torn in a thousand ways.
You were already in despair, my friend, at the retreat of the Duke of
Brunswick ; well, you will be still more so when you learn that the
Austrians have thought themselves obliged to abandon the Low
Countries on the approach of Dumouriez and a mob of bandits,
thieves, and rebels. It is a horror to think of; especially when we
know it is to the weakness, imbecility, lack of energy in the govern-
ment and Duke Albert, who commanded the army, that we owe
this disaster — for the troops are excellent ; they did prodigies of
valour, but were badly led. The Wallons fought well, and were
faithful until the moment when they saw that Brussels and the
whole country was about to be abandoned; then only did the
majority depart; after which fear seized every one, each thought
only of saving himself, and everything was abandoned; cannon,
magazines : nothing was carried away ; all was left to fall into the
hands of the French.
The country was not in a bad state ; there has been but one at-
tempt at revolt, and that, a very slight one at Antwerp, was
smothered by the burghers themselves ; no one, except the
canaille, wanted the French; they have seen too much of the
individual misery in France to wish to follow their example ; but
the Austrian government basely fled and abandoned them : it is
horrifying. Imagine, my friend, that at Mons, when Duke Albert
at last decided, but too late, to attack, General Beaulieu was
sent with six thousand men to attack seventy thousand ; he forced
Ver. 8 23 Mem.
348 APPENDIX I. [1792
them to give way, but the rest of the Austrian army did not sup-
port him, and he was obliged to retreat to his position. I cannot
begin to tell you the many little facts of this nature of which I
have knowledge , briefly, the result of such multiplied follies is the
retreat of the Austrians. Duke Albert has resigned the com-
mand; Generals Clerfayt and Beaulieu have accepted it, after
much entreaty.
The princes and emigres are at Liege in a deplorable condition,
without money, without resources, in the greatest misery, without
knowing whether the Powers will help them out of it or not. The
whole of this neighbourhood is disaffected, and awaits the arrival of
the French to declare itself. The French maxims of liberty and
equality are gaining ground in the Electorates; in short, my
friend, if the sovereigns do not feel their own interests, and
league together to stop the evil by crushing it now, they will all
be its victims. There will soon be neither kings nor nobles, and
all countries will experience the horrors to which France is now a
victim ; to exist, and save enough to exist upon, a man must make
himself a Jacobin. If you can procure the reading of my letters
to the duke-regent you will see all the details of present events.
We have no detailed news from Paris. They are busy with the
king's trial; but there is reason to think he will not be executed,
though certainly condemned. It is dreadful to me to write of
such horrors, and I am cruelly tried.
I left Brussels on the 9th with Simolin and Crawford. We
had our own horses and others that we hired ; we reached Maes-
tricht on the 11th with great difficulty, finding little to eat and
nowhere to sleep. It was one long string of carriages and waggons
the whole way, and never was there a more painful sight : those
unfortunate French emigres on foot, or in carts, along the whole
road, with scarcely anything to eat; women of condition on foot,
with their maids, or quite alone, carrjdng bundles in their arms or
their babies ! At Maestricht we had great trouble in getting any
shelter; eleven thousand persons had arrived in three days. We
remained four days, and on the 16th came here. We shall stay a
short time and then, as MM. Metternich, Simolin, Mercy, and de
Breteuil are going to Dusseldorf, I shall go too ; so will Simolin ; and
I hope that Crawford will decide to settle there with us. Among
1793] APPENDIX n.
my other troubles I fear that I shall soon have private embarrass-
ments as to money. All my property in Paris is sold, or is to
be ; that which I have left in the Low Countries, in care of a
gentleman, will probably be pillaged by the French. I could not
bring away with me all that I had in Brussels, and I know not
yet whether I can recover it or whether it is taken. You know,
my friend, that I have never had one penny of salary ; I desired
none ; the pleasure of serving my king and the King of France
was ample compensation for my sacrifices ; but my position is be-
coming prolonged ; my prospects are very uncertain ; this removal
has cost me enormously, and I have sacrificed much money on
couriers, etc., etc., for which no one can repay me. God knows
I regret nothing, and if, in the end, I can feel that I have been
useful to them, I shall never regret anything ; I vow myself wil-
lingly to all privations. I shall calculate, when I am rather more
tranquil, what still remains to me, and then I shall see what I can
do. I have made arrangements to have my letters sent to me
from Brussels, but for the last few days none have reached me;
that is still another privation and sorrow.
APPENDIX II.
The Archbishop of Tours to Count Fersen.
[Extract of a letter from Paris.'] January 27, 1793.
On the 21st, at half-past nine in the morning, the king came
out of the Temple, escorted by four hundred cavalry and twelve
hundred infantry.
He was driven, in the midst of profound silence, along the
boulevards du Temple, Saint-Martin, and Saint-Honor^ to the
scaffold erected on the Place, formerly Louis XV., now called
" Revolution," between the spot where the statue stood and the
entrance to the Champs- l£lyse"es.
On the back seat of the carriage and to left of the king, was
350 APPENDIX II. [1793
his confessor, an Irish priest; on the front seat were two officers
of the gendarmerie.
On reaching the foot of the scaffold, the king, with great cool-
ness, allowed them to tie his hands ; he then mounted with much
courage.
He wished to speak to the people ; hut the noise of the drums
stifled his voice. Nevertheless, those who were near the scaffold
heard these words, said in a firm voice : " I pardon my enemies,
and I desire that my death may he the salvation of France."
He drew his last breath at ten and three quarters ; his fallen
head was shown to the people. At the same moment the air
resounded with cries of " Vive la nation ! Vive la re'publique
Franchise ! "
Several of the volunteers steeped their pikes in his hlood ;
others their handkerchiefs.
His body and his head were brought and buried in the Made-
leine.
The Archbishop of Tours has the honour, in conformity with
the wish of Monsieur le Comte de Fersen, to send him the sad and
horrible details of the atrocious crime, which would forever dis-
honour the French name were it not disavowed by those, in very
great numbers, who are still worthy to bear it.
Letters from Paris are absolutely silent as to the rest of the
royal family.
Sunday evening.
INDEX.
Albert (Archduke), commanding the
Austrian troops in the Low Conn-
tries, 265; 291.
Ai.mack's, 10, 11.
Andre (John, Major), 31-33.
Arnold (Benedict, General), 31, 32.
Artois (Comte d'), Charles X., 8, 18,
72, 106, 110-112, 119, 120, 122, 126,
130, 132, 140.
Arville (Duchesse d'), 6, 8.
Barnavb (Antoine- Pierre-Joseph- Ma-
rie), 234, 240, 242.
Bergstedt (M.), Charge' d'affaires
from Sweden, his account of attack
on the Tnileries, June 20, 1792, 324-
326.
Bezenval (Baron de), 18.
Boufflers (Comtesse de), 11, 12.
Bocille (Marquis de), 85, 88, 91, 96,
97, 99, 102, 104, 107-109; 113, 114.
Breteuil (Baron de), confidential en-
voy of Louis XVI. to the Foreign
Powers, 85, 87, 97, 105, 140, 141, 171,
182, 192, 235, 251 ; his efforts to save
the royal family, 262 et seq. ; his opin-
ion of Pitt, 286.
Brionne (Comtesse de), 6.
Brunswick (Duke of), 219, 222, 267,
271 ; his incapacity, 278, 279.
Calonne (Charles-Alexandre de), 111,
112, 119, 123,124, 151, 177.
Catherine II. (Empress of Russia),
joins Gustavus III. in proposing a
descent on Normandy to rescue the
King and Queen of France, 1 19, 129 ;
proposes a congress to Emperor Leo-
pold, 135 ; urges the emperor to act,
137, 151, 154, 155, 188, 199, 236.
Chastellcx (Francois-Jean, Chevalier
de), 23.
Cboiseul (Ducde), 12,113 ; gives Fer-
sen an account of the 10th of August,
1792, and of the failure at Varennes,
271-277.
Clinton (Sir George), 25, 52.
Coblentz (Comte de), 131, 137.
Conde (the Prince de), 72, 98, 99, 106.
Cornwallis (Charles, Lord), 27, 37,
41-43 ; surrender at Yorktown, 52-53.
Crawford (Mr.), 120, 121, 124, 175,
242,262, 281,284.
Cbectz (Count), Swedish ambassador,
5, 6; letters to Gustavus III. about
Count Fersen, 271-277.
Deffand (Marquise du), 7, 12.
Drodet (post-master at Varennes) ;
Fersen sees him, a prisoner, 298, 299.
Dchocribz (Charles-Francois, Gen-
eral), commanding French army to
the Low Countries, 270 ; victory at
Jemmapes, 279, 286 ; negotiates with
Prince of Coburg, proposes to march
on Paris and rescue queen and family,
287 ; his army revolts against him,
288; interview with Count Fersen,
289-291.
Elgin (Lord), British minister in Brus-
sels, 268, 269, 270, 271,281.
352
INDEX.
Elisabeth (Madame) de France, 93,
117, 175, 182, 240, 300, 325,
326.
Emigration (the French), beginning
of it, 72 ; effect on the €migr€s of the
king's death, 285.
England (George III., King of;, 10;
letter to King of Sweden promising
neutrality in affairs of France, 151,
155, 156, 190.
England (Charlotte, Queen of), 10.
Estaing (Amiral Comte d'), 22.
Fac-similes of Marie Antoinette's writ-
ing, 223-227.
Fayette (Marie-Jean-Paul-Koch- Yves-
Gilbert-Motier, Marquis de la), 30, 81,
92-94, 115, 263-265.
Federation (the Fete of) made ridicu-
lous and indecent, 82, 83.
Fersen (Frederick Axel, Field Mar-
shal), letters of his son to him from
America, 21-64; the same on the
political aspects of France, 65-90;
on Count Axel's resolution to devote
himself to the King and Queen of
France, 84, 85 ; at and after the
King's attempt to escape, 114, 115.
Fersen (Jean Axel, Count), his diary
and papers, 1 ; birth, parentage, and
education, 2, 3 ; extracts from diary,
3-12; visits Voltaire at Ferney, 5;
visit to Paris, the French Court,
5-9; visit to London, 10, 11; de-
sires a military career, 11 ; second
visit to Paris, 12-14; the courtiers
jealous of the queen's regard for
him, his discretion, 13 ; desires to
aid the Americans in their struggle
for independence, 19; is appointed
aide-de-camp to the Comte de Ro-
chambeau, 20 ; sails from Brest, May
4, 1780; letters to his father from
America, 21-64; return to France;
honours; Washington bestows the
Order of Cincinnatus upon him, 65 ;
confidential mission to the French
Court, 66-68; letters to his father
and King of Sweden on the political
aspects of France at the beginning of
the Revolution, 65-90 ; devotes him-
self in gratitude to the King and
Queen of France, 84, 85 ; memorial to
the king and queen as to their course
of action, 86-89 ; the king's adopted
course, 90; makes preparations for
the king and family to leave Paris,
96-114; the safe escape, 114, 115,
117 ; the stoppage at Varennes, 115 ;
Fersen's despair, 117; begins his
efforts to save the king and queen
by a confidential mission to Emperor
Leopold from Gustavus III. ; gallant
proposal of Gustavus III., 119-139 ;
failure to rouse the emperor to action,
138 ; visits the princes and €migr€s
at Coblentz, 140; efforts to obtain
an armed congress, 141 ; his corres-
pondence with Queen Marie Antoi-
nette begins, 144; his letters to and
from her, 164, 166, 168, 172, 173, 182,
198, 205, 218, 229, 236, 238, 309, 311,
313, 315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 321, 322,
323, 324, 327, 328, 329, 331, 332, 333,
334, 336, 337, 338, 339, 340, 342 ; let-
ters to and from the King of Sweden,
151, 152, 153, 154, 160, 207, 233, 234,
305 ; letters to and from his friend,
Baron Taube, 91-96, 98, 99, 100, 102,
103, 110-112, 157, 161, 170, 232, 239,
315, 318,347; memorial on the Eu-
ropean position of the king and queen
addressed by Fersen to the queen,
186-198 ; diary from January 1, 1792,
to November 18, 1793, 242-303 ; Fer-
sen goes to Paris to induce the king
and queen to escape, and fails, 244-
25 1 ; confidential remarks to him by
Louis XVI., 246, 305, 309 ; interviews
with the queen, 247-249 ; distress at
the death of the King of Sweden,
255 ; begins fresh efforts to save the
king and queen, 262 et seq. ; receives
news of August 10, 1792, 263-264,
266, 267; flight of the Austrians
from Brussels after Jemmapes, 279-
282, 347-349 ; horror at the death of
Louis XVI., 283 ; renewed efforts to
save the queen, 284, 293, 294-297 et seq,
INDEX.
353
to end ; hopes raised by Dnmonriez'
proposal to dash on Paris and rescue
her, 287 ; instantly disappointed, 288 ;
sees Dnmonriez, 289-291 ; angnish at
the queen 's death, 300-303 ; Carlyle
mistaken as to Fersen, 304 ; his after
career and murder, June 20, 1810,
304, 345, 346.
Gates (Horatio, General), 27, 33.
Gogublat (M.), 104, 108, 228, 322.
Grasse (Amiral Comte de), defeat of,
56.
Graves (Admiral), 24.
Gu8Tatus III., King of Sweden, sketch
of his character, 2, 3 ; his Court, 11 ;
gratitude to him of the' King and
Queen of France, 1 10 ; sends Count
Fersen to Vienna to negotiate with
Emperor Leopold a plan for the res-
cue of the King of France and his
family, 119; progress of the negotia-
tion, 124-138; its failure, 139; let-
ter from him to Louis XVI., 146 ;
letters to Fersen, 151, 153, 154, 207;
memorial from him to Louis XVI.,
210; letter to same, 211 ; letters to
Queen Marie Antoinette, 212, 213-
217 ; his ardour in their cause, 189;
his gallant efforts to save them, his
death, 206; letters to Fersen, 233;
from Fersen, describing his visit
to Paris in February, 1792, 305-
309.
Hohenlohe (General Prince), envoy to
Vienna from the King of Prussia,
133, 134, 138, 294.
Holstein. See Stael.
Jemmapes (the battle of), 279.
Kaunitz (Wenzel Anton, Prince), 112,
127-128.
Klinkowstrom (Baron), great-nephew
of Count Fersen, edits his diary and
correspondence relating to the Court
of France, 2.
Lamballk (Marie-Therese-Louise de
Savoie-Carignan, Princesse de), 13,
120, 142.
Lauzcw (Due de), 19, 32, 35.
Leijel (Mile, de), 14.
Leopold (The Emperor), 86 ; Count
Fersen sent to negotiate with him
for the rescue of the King and
Queen of France, conversations be-
tween them, 119, 124-127, 129-
132, 135-137, 138, 139, 191, 197;
his death, 206, 252, 253; the King
of Sweden's opinion of him, 215,
216.
Lione (The Prince de), 14, 19, 299.
Ligke (Prince Charles de), killed,
269.
Locis XV., 5.
Louis XVI., as dauphin, 6, 8 ; asks Fer-
sen's advice on his situation in 1791,
85 ; his adopted course, 90 ; prevented
by National Guard from going to Saint-
Cloud, 93-95 ; determines to leave
Paris, preparations for doing so, 96-
112, 116; leaves Paris, 113, 114; his
thanks to Count Fersen, 116 ; stopped
at Varennes, 115 ; lacked firmness
and head, 117; sanctions the Consti-
tution, 139 ; vetoes decree against the
eJnigres, 142; powers given by him to
Monsieur and the Comte d'Artois,
147 ; sanctions the Constitution, 162,
164, 166, 170, 171 ; memorial written
by him, 185; goes to the National
Assembly, 220 ; confidential remarks
to Fersen, 246 ; arraigned before the
convention, his death, 283 ; his will,
284.
Marie Antoinette (danphine and
qneen), Count Fersen's first knowl-
edge of her as danphine, 6, 8 ; a de-
scription of her at that age, 8 ; Fer-
sen's meution of her kindness to him,
12; the courtiers jealous of it, 13;
malignant calumnies against her, 14 ;
Sainte-Benve's estimate of her, 14-
19 ; the Prince de Ligne's defence of
her, 14, 19 ; forced removal from
354
INDEX.
Versailles to Paris, October 5, 1789,
80 ; Count Fersen's resolve to devote
himself to her and the king in their
helpless position, 84, 85 ; his memo-
rial to her and the king on their
course, 86-89 ; attempt to go to Saint-
Cloud, 93-95 ; escapes from Paris,
driven by Count Fersen, 114-117 ;
stopped at Varennes, 115 ; her condi-
tion on their return to Paris, 120;
her letters to and from Fersen till
August 10, 1792, 164-342 (see Fer-
sen); letter to the Queen of Spain,
228 ; forced by Barnave, Lameth, etc.,
to send a false memorial to the em-
peror, 234, 240, 242, 247 ; her account
to Fersen of the return from Va-
rennes, 247-249 ; her conduct on Au-
gust 10, 274 ; in the Temple, 285, 286 ;
separated from her son, 292 ; taken
to the conciergerie, 293 ; her trial,
297 ; her death, 300 ; her suffering,
301 ; her courage, 274, 302, 326.
Maria Christina, Archduchess of
Austria, Regent of the Low Coun-
tries, 118, 218,256, 265.
Marie-Therese de France, 240.
Marck (Comtesse de la), 7.
Marck (Comte de la), 16, 17, 141, 243,
293, 294.
Mercy (Comte de), 85, 87, 97, 121,
140, 142, 160, 163, 165, 168, 197-200,
201, 204, 235, 244, 251, 259, 268, 270,
281, 294.
Mettebnich (Prince), 238, 256, 257,
281.
Narbonnb (Louis, Comte de), 181, 203,
222, 253, 259.
Necker (Jacques), Fersen's judgment
on him, 80, 82.
Necker (Anne-Louise-Germaine,Mlle.),
Count Fersen thinks of marriage with
her, 66 ; Mr. Pitt one of her suitors,
66 ; marries Baron de Stael-Holstein,
67. See Stael, Mme. de.
Newport, Rhode Island, Count Fer-
sen's letters to his father from, 21-
47.
Orleans (Due d'), Philippe Egalite',
his faction, 93, 95, 258, 270, 289.
Pamiers (The Bishop of), 182, 200,
252, 288.
Pitt (William), suitor of Mile. Necker,
66; attitude to the royal family of
France, 262, 269, 286.
Polignac ( " Comtesse Jules," Duchesse
de), 17, 18, 130, 287.
Provence (The Comte de), Monsieur, 6,
114, 117, 118, 122, 176, 182, 267, 284,
288, 289.
Prussia, 133, 134, 138, 152, 153,
157, 188; letter of the king of to
Louis XVI., 230; his frugal life,
269.
Ranelagh, 9, 10.
Rochambeau ( Jean-Baptiste Donatien
de Vimeur, Comte de), Count Fersen
appointed on his staff for the expedi-
tion to America, 20, 21, 22, 26, 30,
40, 41, 45, 53, 62, 63, 255, 256, 258.
Rodney (George Brydges, Admiral),
30, 58.
Rougeville (M. de), makes an effort
to save the queen, 301-303.
Sainte-Beuve (C.-A.), his estimate of
Queen Marie-Antoinette, 14-19.
Sardinia (Charles Emmanuel, King
of) 5.
Simolin (Baron), 181, 239, 244, 281,
282.
Spain (Charles IV., King of), letter
from him to King of Sweden, 149,
187, 193, 194.
Spain (Queen of), letter, to her from
Queen Marie-Antoinette, 205.
Stael-Holstein (Baron) his begin-
ning and rise, 66 ; marriage to Mile.
Necker, difficulties caused by her in-
fluence, 67.
Stael (Mme. de), 181, 303, 259.
Sullivan (Mme.) urges efforts to save
the king and family, 261.
Swiss Guard (The), its fidelity and
INDEX.
355
massacre on the 10th of August,
1792, 273-275.
Taube (Baron), Gentleman of the Bed-
chamber to Gustavus III., 78, 88 ; let-
ters to and from Fersen, 91-96, 98,
99, 100-102, 103, 110-112, 157, 161,
170, 232, 239,315, 318, 347.
Thogot (Baron), 251, 254.
Tonus (Archbishop of), sends Fereen
an account of the execution of Louis
XVL 283, 349.
United States, French expedition
under Comte de Rochambeau in aid
of its independence, 21-64.
Vergennes (Charles Gravier, Comte
de), 21.
Viomesnil (Chevalier and Baron de),
23, 63, 143.
Voltaire, Count Fersen's visit to him
at Ferney, 4, 5.
Washington (General), Fersen's de-
scription of him personally, 30 ; his
discovery of Arnold's treachery, 31-
32, 34, 36 ; coolness between him and
Comte de Rochambeau, 40, 41.
Yorktown, the siege and surrender
of, 47-53.
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