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THE  DIARY  AND  LETTERS 

OF 

GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS 


H 


\From  the  Jraintitig  at  Old  Morrisania.] 


n^W^ 


THE 

DIARY  AND   LETTERS 


OF 


GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS 

Minister  of  the  United  States  to  France;  Member 
of  the  Constitutional  Convention,  etc. 


EDITED  BY 

ANNE   GARY   MORRIS 
Vol.  II. 

WITH  PORTRAITS 


LONDON 

KEGAN    PAUL,  TRENCH,  &  CO.,  i,  PATERNOSTER  SQUARE 

MDCCCLXXXIX 


\. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XXVn. 

Ddajs  in  tlie  iutnctioas  fnm  Amenca.     Manias  |wni<ii»  ( 

Short  entries  in  the  diaiy.  Letter  to  CififhtL  Letter  to  Short  oa 
the  Laf^ette  sobjecL  Letter  to  Miditr  de  Lalayettc.  MomskeeiB 
open  house.  The  kii^  bcfove  the  AswHy.  Letter  to  JcSedoo. 
The  Jacobin  QoIil  Trial  of  the  kiae.  Letter  to  Haimhim.  Letter 
to  Robot  Morns.  Letter  to  WiThinfitiw  Ftoposal  to  sead  the  lane 
and  his  f amilj  to  America.  Letter  to  the  Coutess  AlbsBi.  Geaet 
a|ipointed  MinkH'r  to  the  United  State%  .  .        .1 


CHAPTER  XXVllL 

Letter  to  Washii^;taa  ooaocmag  M.  GeaeL  Mioais  «|wUinat  his  alal- 
ity.  Qew  to  sone  ■jsteue*  of  Ac  Revolatiaa.  MEonis  vged  to 
leave  Paris.  Puis  a  daageroas  leadenoc.  He  <V«fiwiafA  to  stMj. 
Letter  in  veise  to  La^  .Sthnhmd.  Trial  of  Loos  Shrtwafli. 
Letter  to  JcSoaoa.  The  kin^fs  nrratina.  His  dipnfied  Baaaer. 
War  with  Ei^laad  nievitable.  Letter  to  Washii^toa.  Freach  pros- 
pects  dreadfoL  Parties  pass  a«^  like  shadows.  Monis  reported  a 
victim  a£  the  goiUotiae.  Letter  to  Robert  Monis.  Letter  to  JcAer- 
soa.  Scara^  of  men  in  Fcaaoe.  The  Rcrohrtkoaiy  Trib^al  ta^aa 
iaed.  Monis  arrested  ia  the  street.  Letter  to  JeSecna.  Growing 
treachery  to  dke  gniriamfnl  A  majiailjp  m  the  Cuawatiua  ia  bcrnx^ 
of  loyalty.  Monis  bajs  a  ouaatiy  place:  Leaves  ftzis.  ^eads 
the  suamer  at  Saii4Mi^ a^ 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

Monis  aware  tibal  his  recall  is  desired.     Difc  allif  i  of  At  miiiiiina.     Let- 
ters ddi^ed  ia  tiaasit  to  aad  from  America.     Soaroe  of  peak  aaaoy- 


IV  CONTENTS. 

ance.  Insecurity  of  letters  in  France.  Description  of  his  life  at  Sain- 
port.  Distracted  condition  of  France.  Returns  to  Paris  in  October. 
Letter  to  Washington.  At  Sainport  during  the  summer  of  1794. 
Letter  to  Robert  Morris.  Changes  hourly  take  place  in  the  govern- 
n:ent.  Difficulty  of  doing  business.  Letter  to  Washington.  The 
probable  event  of  the  opening  campaign  not  favorable  to  the  Repub- 
lic. Letter  to  Washington.  Fall  of  Danton.  Executions  still  go  on 
at  Paris.  Acknowledges  a  letter  from  Washington  over  a  year  in  its 
passage.  Concerning  the  Lafayettes.  New  minister  arrives  in  Au- 
gust.    His  advent  a  relief.     Morris  determines  to  stay  abroad,      .  47 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

Morris  leaves  Paris  and  France.  Resumes  his  diary.  Thinks  Monroe 
takes  a  wrong  tone.  Journey  through  France.  Switzerland.  Coppet. 
Madame  de  Stael.  M.  Necker.  Malet  du  Pin.  Berne.  Basle. 
Hospitality  of  friends.  Incidents  en  route.  Scraps  of  news.  Ham- 
burg. Glad  to  have  left  his  position  in  France.  Letter  to  Washing- 
ton. Extremely  cold  weather.  Princess  of  Wales  goes  to  England. 
Madame  de  Flahaut.  Treaty  between  Prussia  and  France  published, 
April,  1795.  Morris  becomes  surety  for  the  Duke  of  Orleans.  Verses 
to  Mesdames  de  Beaurepaire  and  de  Flahaut.  Riots  at  Paris.  Mor- 
ris helps  his  friends  among  the  imigris.  History  of  M.  d'Angivilliers's 
silver  plate.  Power  of  the  Jacobins  broken.  Distress  in  France. 
Letter  to  Washington,  .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .68 

CHAPTER   XXXI. 

Morris  goes  to  England.  Account  of  the  voyage  from  Hamburg.  The 
Thames  scenery.  Mr.  Pinckney.  Count  Woronzow.  M.  de  Mous- 
tier.  Dinner  at  the  Marquis  de  Spinola's.  Conversation  with 
Lord  Grenville.  He  apprehends  a  bad  disposition  on  the  part  of 
the  American  Government.  Morris  asks  to  be  presented  at  Court. 
The  Duke  of  Queensberry.  Mademoiselle  Faniani.  Conversation 
with  Moustier.  Manifesto  by  the  new  King  of  France  drafted  by 
Morris.  Riots  in  London.  Dines  with  Pitt.  Lord  Grenville  and 
Chatham.     Long  interview  with  Pitt, 90 

CHAPTER  XXXIL 

Morris  makes  a  journey  through  part  of  England.  Portsmouth.  Plym- 
outh,    Charmed  with  the  beauties  of  England.     Visit  to  Blenheim. 


CONTENTS.  V 

Lady  Sutherland.  Back  in  London.  Letter  to  Washijigton.  Mr. 
Jay's  treaty.  Journey  through  England  and  Scotland.  Letter  to 
Lady  Sutherland.  Pictures  at  Burleigh  House.  Edinburgh.  Dines 
with  friends.  Pleasant  reception  by  the  Duke  and  Duchess  of  Athol. 
Taymouth — Lord  Breadalbane's  place.  Entertained  by  the  Duke  of 
Argyll.  Loch  Lomond.  Conversation  with  the  Duke  of  Montrose. 
Glasgow.     The  English  lake  region.      The  Bishop  of  LlandafI,  .    105 


CHAPTER  XXXHL 

Examines  the  Liverpool  docks.  The  king  attacked  on  his  way  to  Par- 
liament. Stratford-upon-Avon.  Letter  to  Lady  Sutherland  from 
Warwick.  London.  Presented  to  George  IIL  Conversation  with 
His  Majesty.  The  House  of  Commons.  Fox  speaks.  French  af- 
fairs. Conversation  with  Lord  Chatham.  Count  Woronzow.  A 
great  City  dinner.  Congratulates  the  Imperial  envoy  on  the  Austrian 
victories.  Dines  with  Lord  Grenville.  Long  conversation  with  him. 
Letter  to  Washington  about  Adams.  Meets  Canning  dining  at  Lady 
Sutherland's, 131 


CHAPTER   XXXIV. 

Morris  passes  the  winter  of  1796  in  London.  News  of  the  armistice  on  the 
Rhine.  Letter  to  Washington.  Chosen  honorary  member  of  the 
Highland  Society.  Dines  with  the  Duke  of  Argyll.  The  King's 
drawing-room.  Goes  to  the  House  of  Commons.  The  Princess  of 
Wales.  Mr.  Adams.  Pitt  speaks  in  the  House  of  Commons.  Fox. 
Sheridan.  Letter  to  Washington.  Letter  to  Alexander  Hamilton. 
Mrs.  Montague's  drawing-room.  The  Queen's  drawing-room.  French 
victory  in  Italy.  View  of  St.  Paul's.  Dines  with  Pitt  at  Lord  Gow- 
er's.     The  House  of  Lords.     Dines  with  Mrs.  Vassal,        .         ,   148 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

Morris  goes  to  Switzerland  in  June,  1796.  Lord  Grenville  provides  him 
with  letters.  Altona.  The  Duke  of  Orleans.  Journey  to  Berlin. 
Berlin.  Count  de  Haugwitz.  Conversation  with  M.  Kalitchoff. 
Dines  with  Prince  Ferdinand.  Introduced  to  the  Princess  Dowager  of 
Hesse.  Dines  with  Count  Haugwitz.  First  of  a  series  of  letters  to 
Lord  Grenville,  Dines  with  the  Russian  minister.  Long  conversa- 
tion.    Madame  de  Nadaillac.     Letter  to  Lady  Sutherland.     Letter 


VI  CONTENTS. 

to  Lord  Grenville.  Dinner  at  Lord  Elgin's.  An  announcement  of  a 
victory  of  the  French  at  Brescia.  An  evening  at  Prince  Ferdinand's. 
Dines  with  Marshal  Von  Mollendorf,     Leaves  Berlin,  .         .   169 


CHAPTER  XXXVL 

Dresden.  French  emigrants  fill  the  streets.  Letter  to  Lady  Sutherland. 
Manners  and  customs  of  Dresden.  Goes  to  Court.  Dines  with 
the  Duchess  of  Cumberland.  Countess  Loos.  Leaves  Dresden. 
Vienna.  Baron  Thugut.  Sir  Morton  Eden.  Is  presented  to  the 
Emperor.  News  from  the  army.  Letter  to  Lord  Grenville.  The 
Duke  of  WUrtemberg.  Is  presented  to  the  Archduchess.  Madame 
of  France.  M.  Rassoomousky.  An  evening  at  Madame  Pergin's. 
The  French  Directory  answers  Lord  Malmesbury.  Affairs  in  Italy. 
Death  of  the  Empress  of  Russia.  Accounts  of  the  event.  Conversa- 
tion with  Baron  Thugut.  Letter  to  Lord  Grenville  apropos  of  La- 
fayette's release.  Morris's  arrival  at  Dresden  occasions  inquiry, 
Madame  de  Colorath's  assembly.  A  little  prince's  observations. 
Musicale  at  Mrs.  Peploe's.  The  levee.  Prince  Esterhazy.  Tea  with 
Sir  Morton  Eden.       .........  202 


CHAPTER  XXXVIL 

Morris  returns  to  Dresden.  Rhyming  letter  written  en  route.  Letter  to 
Lady  Sutherland.  Sir  Gilbert  Elliot.  Keeps  Lord  Grenville  in- 
formed of  his  conversations  with  public  men.  The  Duchess  of  Cum- 
berland's drawing-room.  Takes  leave  of  the  Electoral  family. 
Goes  to  Leipsic.  Berlin.  Madame  Cesar.  Presented  at  Court. 
Countess  Lichtenau.  Madame  Crayen.  Ball  at  the  Prince  Royal's. 
Baron  Munchausen.  Dines  with  the  Queen.  Conversation  at  Baron 
de  Haugwitz's.  Presented  to  Bischofswerder.  Confidential  conver- 
sation with  Count  Schmittau.  Leaves  Berlin  for  Brunswick.  Pre- 
sented at  Court.  Dines  with  the  Duchess  of  Brunswick.  Plays  whist 
with  the  sister  of  the  great  Frederick, 252 


CHAPTER  XXXVIIL 

Morris  goes  to  Hamburg.  An  armistice  signed,  April,  1797.  Letter  to 
Lord  Grenville.  Letter  to  Lady  Sutherland,  Prince  Zubow.  In- 
formation about  Russia.  Lafayette  released.  Dines  at  Neusteden. 
Lafayette  means  to  avoid  all  interference  in  French  affairs.     Intends 


CONTENTS.  vii 

to  go  to  America.  Conversation  with  Duchess  of  Cumberland  at 
Frankfort.  Prince  de  Reusse.  Fete  at  Offenbach.  Mr.  Crauford. 
The  Duchess  of  Cumberland  in  a  contradictory  mood.  Baron  de 
Beaulieu.  Mr.  Wickham.  Leaves  Frankfort  for  Ratisbon.  En- 
petite  social  at  the  Princesse  de  la  Tour  et  Taxis' s.  General  Werneck. 
Dinner  at  the  Prince  Bishop's.     Communications  of  M.  Aujard,     288 


CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

Morris  sees  the  society  of  various  towns  on  the  Continent.  Count  Rum- 
ford.  Conversation  with  him.  The  Elector  of  Bavaria.  Presented 
at  Court.  Ratisbon.  Affairs  of  Switzerland.  Stuttgart.  Frank- 
fort. Conversation  with  Mr.  Crauford.  A  drive  with  Count  d'Aspre. 
Movements  of  the  armies.  M.  de  GOrtz  and  the  citizen  Treilhard. 
Mr.  Crauford's  interesting  communications.  Riot  in  Vienna.  Gen- 
eral Holtze.  Bonaparte  goes  to  Rastadt.  Cobenzel  made  Austrian 
Minister  of  State.  Count  Cobenzel  goes  to  Rastadt  to  negotiate  for 
peace  with  Bonaparte.  Information  received  from  Prince  de  Reusse, 
Conversation  with  the  Elector.  Dines  with  the  Duchess  of  Cumber- 
land. Ukase  of  the  Russian  Emperor.  Mr.  Crauford's  history  of 
how  he  became  acquainted  with  Simolin.  Affairs  in  Paris  in  1792  of 
which  Crauford  was  cognizant, 332 


CHAPTER  XL. 

Morris  bids  farewell  to  his  friends  in  Europe.  Returns  to  America. 
Difficulties  of  the  voyage.  Rebuilds  his  house  at  Morrisania. 
Pressed  by  friends  once  more  to  enter  public  life.  Hamilton  espe- 
cially solicitous  that  he  should  do  so.  Death  of  Washington.  Morris 
pronounces  his  funeral  oration.  Elected  United  States  Senator  in 
April.  Journey  to  Northern  New  York.  Niagara.  Letter  to  James 
Parish.  Enthusiastic  description  of  the  climate  and  prospects  of 
America, 370 


CHAPTER  XLL 

Morris  goes  to  Washington.  Sits  in  the  Senate.  Presidential  election. 
Treaty  with  France.  Letter  to  Hamilton.  Letter  to  James  Leray. 
Jefferson  elected  President.  Disconcerting  proposition  from  Lafa- 
yette in  regard  to  a  loan.  Letter  to  M.  Labarte,  A  most  unpleasant 
episode  with  the  Lafayettes, .  393 


Vlll  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XLIL 

Yellow  fever  at  New  York.  Morris  describes  his  home  life  to  Count- 
ess Hohenthal.  Letter  to  Parish  on  public  affairs.  Washington. 
The  Senate  opposes  a  motion  to  repeal  the  law  respecting  the  Judi- 
ciary. Cannot  support  the  Administration.  Letter  to  Alexander 
Hamilton.  Letter  to  Robert  Livingston.  Work  in  the  Senate.  Let- 
ter to  the  Princesse  de  la  Tour  et  Taxis.  Strictures  on  the  Jefferson 
administration 413 


CHAPTER  XLIIL 

Morris  resumes  his  duties  at  Washington.  Letter  to  Parish.  Opinion  of 
the  appointment  of  Monroe  to  France  and  Spain.  Question  of  the 
purchase  of  Louisiana,  Letter  to  Necker.  Morris  describes  his 
quiet  life  at  Morrisania.  Letter  to  Livingston,  Minister  at  Paris. 
Journey  to  the  Northern  lakes, 430 


CHAPTER  XLIV. 

Morris  appealed  to  for  political  advice.  Question  of  the  constitutionality 
of  the  Louisiana  purchase.  Letter  to  Robert  Livingston.  Letter  to 
James  Parish.  Letter  to  Mr.  Tracy.  Discusses  the  cession  of  Loui- 
siana. Entertains  M.  and  Madame  Jerome  Bonaparte.  Duel  between 
Burr  and  Hamilton.  Goes  to  Hamilton's  death-bed.  Stays  with  him 
until  he  expires.  The  duel  occasions  much  excitement  in  New  York. 
Morris  pronounces  the  funeral  oration,         .....  441 


CHAPTER  XLV. 

Letter  to  Mr.  Parish.  Reflections  on  Bonaparte's  intervention  in  Ger- 
many. Ideas  on  the  re-election  of  Jefferson.  Letter  to  John  Penn, 
of  London.  The  political  world  of  America.  Takes  no  active  part 
in  politics.  Letter  to  Aaron  Ogden.  Believes  the  Constitution  has 
received  a  mortal  wound.  Letter  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans.  Gives 
his  opinion  on  the  chances  of  the  Bourbon  restoration.  Comments 
on  European  affairs,   .         . 4^1 


CONTENTS.  IX 


CHAPTER  XLVL 

The  summer  of  l8o6.  Letter  to  Samuel  Hunt.  Morris  fears  war.  Con- 
duct of  the  administration.  Letter  to  Madame  de  Stael.  General 
Moreau.  Letter  to  Chief  Justice  Marshall.  Washington's  character. 
Details  relative  to  Lafayette's  liberation  in  1796.  Waiting  for  Euro- 
pean news.  Begs  Madame  de  Stael  to  come  to  Morrisania.  Napo- 
leon's victory  at  Friedland.  Letter  to  Madame  Foucault.  Letter  to 
the  Marquis  of  Stafford,      ........  486 


CHAPTER  XLVn. 

Long  interview  with  General  Moreau.  The  first  steam-boat  on  the  Hudson 
River.  Convinced  that  war  is  imminent.  Distrusts  the  administra- 
tion. Letter  to  Madame  de  Stael.  Letter  to  Madame  de  Damas. 
Autumn  in  the  woods  of  New  York.  Marriage  with  Miss  Randolph. 
Letter  to  Timothy  Pickering.  Journey  to  inspect  the  country  for  the 
Erie  Canal.  Niagara.  Writes  on  public  topics.  Horror  of  war. 
Discusses  the  Constitution,  .......   506 


CHAPTER  XLVIIL 

Morris  makes  his  report  on  inland  navigation.  Is  one  of  the  commission- 
ers to  lay  out  New  York.  Travels  by  steam-boat  to  Albany.  Goes  to 
Washington.  The  memorable  year  of  1812.  Delivers  an  oration  at 
the  funeral  of  Mr.  Clinton.  War  declared.  Letter  to  Mr.  Hare.  Con- 
siders the  declaration  of  war  as  little  short  of  madness.  Letters  on 
the  subject.  Opinion  of  the  course  to  be  pursued  in  relation  to  Great 
Britain.  No  faith  in  the  proposed  loan.  Letter  to  Otis.  Alarm  at 
the  extent  of  the  domain  of  the  United  States,    ....   532 


CHAPTER   XLIX. 

Letter  to  L.  B.  Sturges.  Conclusions  drawn  from  Lord  Castlereagh's  cor- 
respondence. Suggests  calling  a  convention  to  consult  on  the  state 
of  the  nation.  The  coast  blockaded.  America  has  no  ships.  Eu- 
ropean peace.  Morris  pronounces  an  oration  to  celebrate  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Bourbons.     Commissioners  at  Ghent     British  treaty.     The 


CONTENTS. 

finances.  Letter  to  Rufus  King  on  the  negotiations  with  Great  Brit- 
ain. Alarming  prospect  of  increased  taxation.  Letter  to  Timothy 
Pickering, 555 


CHAPTER   L. 

Scheme  for  a  bank.  Letter  to  Rufus  King  on  the  subject.  The  Hartford 
Convention.  Letter  to  Moss  Kent.  Laments  the  existing  troubles 
and  fears  more  misery.  Peace  proclaimed.  Suggests  laws  to  protect 
game.  Letter  to  Senator  Wells.  Expresses  his  opinion  of  the  peace. 
Napoleon's  escape  from  Elba.  Letter  to  a  friend  commenting  on  the 
manifesto  of  the  combined  powers,      .         .         .         .         .         -577 


CHAPTER   LI, 

The  summer  of  18 15.  The  last  year  of  Morris's  life.  He  opposes  the 
heavy  tariff.  His  sixty-fourth  birthday.  Letter  to  Rufus  King. 
The  ratified  Convention.  Disapproves  of  direct  taxation.  Letter  to 
Moss  Kent.  Writes  of  the  exhausted  commercial  state  of  the 
country.  Elected  President  of  the  New  York  Historical  Society. 
Letter  to  the  federal  party.     Dies  at  Morrisania,         .         .         .  591 


THE  DIARY  AND  LETTERS 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS. 


CHAPTER   XXVII. 


Delays  in  the  instructions  from  America.  Morris's  position  embarrassing. 
Short  entries  in  the  diary.  Letter  to  Carmichael.  Letter  to  Short  on 
the  Lafayette  subject  Letter  to  Madame  de  Lafayette.  Morris  keeps 
open  house.  The  king  before  the  Assembly.  Letter  to  Jefferson. 
The  Jacobin  Club.  Trial  of  the  king.  Letter  to  Hamilton.  Letter 
to  Robert  Morris.  letter  to  Washington.  Proposal  to  send  the  king 
and  his  family  to  America.  Letter  to  the  Countess  AlbanL  Genet 
appointed  Minister  to  the  United  States. 

THE  delay  in  receiving  instructions  from  his  govern- 
ment, during  the  autumn  of  1792,  caused  Morris 
infinite  annoyance,  and  placed  him  in  a  most  equivocal 
position  toward  the  French  Government ;  and  it  was  not 
until  the  end  of  November  that  he  received  a  letter  from 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  committing  to  his  manage- 
ment such  part  of  the  business  relating  to  the  debt  due  to 
France  as  was  to  be  transacted  in  Paris,  which  consisted 
in  payment  of  interest  due  thereon.  November  14th  he 
had  written  to  Mr.  Short,  then  at  the  Hague,  informing 
him  of  the  difficulties  he  had  encountered  with  the  French 
ministry,  in  the  following  letter  : 

"The  ministry  had  taken  up  the  idea  that  the  manage- 
ment of  what  relates  to  the  debt  was  in  my  hands,  and  that 
you  acted  in  consequence  of  directions  from  me.     They 
wished  me  to  do  things  which  were  by  no  means  in  my 
Vol.  IL— I 


2  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XXVII, 

power.  I  endeavored  to  undeceive  them,  but  in  vain. 
Every  step  I  took  in  relation  to  it,  however  indifferent, 
was  considered  as  a  proof  of  their  hypothesis,  and  they 
treated  refusal  as  a  disavowal  of  the  late  revolution.  I 
assured  them  that  I  could  neither  adopt  nor  reject  it,  being 
merely  an  agent,  etc.  But  this  answered  little  purpose, 
and  the  whole  council  are  personally  my  enemies.  You 
may  say  that  they  are  unreasonable,  and  the  like,  but  that 
does  not  alter  the  thing.  This  inconvenience,  however,  is 
no  small  one,  under  the  circumstances  in  which  I  have 
lived  for  the  last  three  months,  and  has,  I  know,  excited 
representations  in  America  to  my  disadvantage." 

From  the  middle  of  November,  and,  indeed,  dating  back 
to  the  September  massacres,  in  the  entries  in  his  diary 
Morris  confined  himself  almost  entirely  to  records  of 
the  weather,  with  brief  non-committal  notices  of  rumors 
of  the  successes  or  reverses  of  the  armies,  and  to  contra- 
dictions and  confirmations  of  those  rumors.  Very  occa- 
sionally he  says,  "To-day  everything  is  quiet ;"  but,  as  he 
wrote  to  his  friend  Carmichael  at  Madrid,  on  the  5th  of 
November,  there  were  no  "satisfactory  or  flattering  ac- 
counts to  give."  "True  it  is,"  he  continued,  "that  the 
French  arms  are  crowned  with  great  success.  Towns  fall 
before  them  without  a  blow,  and  the  Declaration  of  Rights, 
produces  an  effect  equal  at  least  to  the  trumpets  of  Joshua. 
But  as,  on  the  one  hand,  I  never  questioned  the  force  of 
France  if  united,  and  her  natural  enthusiasm,  warmed  by 
the  ardor  of  new-born  freedom,  so,  on  the  other,  I  was 
always  apprehensive  that  they  would  be  deficient  in  that 
cool  reflection  which  appears  needful  to  consolidate  a  free 
government.  "We  read  in  the  history  of  man,  as  it  is  de- 
veloped in  the  great  book  of  nature,  that  empires  do  by 
no  means  depend  on  their  success  in  arms,  but  on  their 
civil,  religious,  and  political  constitutions,  and  that  in  the 


1792.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  3 

framing  of  these  it  is  a  useless  question,  '  What  kind  are 
best  in  themselves  ?'  the  more  so  as  good  and  bad  in  most 
things  here  below,  but  especially  in  that  which  we  now 
contemplate,  are  mere  relative  terms.  The  true  object  of 
a  great  statesman  is  to  give  to  any  particular  nation  the 
kind  of  laws  which  are  suitable  to  them,  and  the  best  con- 
stitution which  they  are  capable  of.  All  here  is  in  a  state 
of  uncertainty.  Time  will  disclose  the  events  with  which 
he  is  charged  in  their  due  season.  Some  of  them  will,  I 
think,  be  of  sable  hue." 

Morris  was  hardly  in  a  position  to  take  any  active 
measures  for  the  relief  of  his  old  friend  M.  de  Lafayette, 
although  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Short  in  November  that  he  was 
"  very  sorry  to  perceive  that  the  unhappy  prisoners  at 
Weszel  are  rigorously  treated.  I  wish,  at  your  leisure,  to 
be  informed  pretty  fully  what  has  passed  on  their  subject, 
and  whether  there  be  any  ground  to  hope  that  we  may  by 
and  by  obtain  their  liberation,  and  particularly  that  of  our 
fellow-citizen."  Hoping  to  aid  Madame  de  Lafayette  in 
her  trouble,  he  enclosed  in  a  letter  to  her  the  draft  of  a 
supplicatory  address  to  be  presented  to  the  King  of 
Prussia ;  but,  unfortunately,  there  is  nowhere  any  men- 
tion of  Madame  de  Lafayette  having  made  use  of  this 
letter. 

"  My  Dear  Madame  :  I  need  not  tell  you  why  the  en- 
closed paper  is  transmitted  to  you.  I  know  not  the  titles 
of  the  King  of  Prussia.  These  should  be  properly  placed, 
you  know,  because  monarchs  are  very  sensible  on  that 
subject.  If  report  say  true,  His  Majesty  is  more  likely  to 
listen  to  a  woman  than  to  a  man,  and  this  is  favorable  ; 
but  what  would  be  still  more  advantageous  would  be  to 
have  your  letter  presented  by  the  favorite  of  the  day,  a 
lady,  I  think  Madame  de  Guisne  ;  but  certainly  the  daugh- 


4  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XXVII. 

ter  of  Madame  de  Polignac  is  said  to  have  made  an  im- 
pression on  His  Majesty,  who  is,  it  seems,  very  susceptible 
of  violent  though  not  of  lasting  affection.  This  young 
lady  is  said  to  have  been  ill-treated  by  her  mother  and 
others,  who  are  among  the  principal  emigrants,  and  to  have 
used  her  influences  with  the  King  to  avenge  the  slight  of 
her  countrymen  and  relations.  I  am  told  that  Madame 
de  Guisne  has  lately  received  his  adorations.  If  you  were 
to  plead  your  cause  in  a  court  of  justice  it  might  be  well 
to  insist  on  the  rights  of  our  unfortunate  friend  ;  but  as 
the  person  to  whom  you  address  yourself  is  both  judge 
and  party,  the  matter  of  right  must  be  touched  with  great 
gentleness.  Be  of  good  courage,  for  sooner  or  later  the 
present  clouds  will  be  dissipated.  All  human  things  are 
liable  to  change.  You  may  remember  that  I  used  to  in- 
culcate that  maxim  when  circumstances  were  smiling.  It 
was  then  true,  and  it  is  still  true.  But  then  it  was  un- 
pleasant, but  now  it  will  afford  consolation.  Farewell, 
my  dear  madame.  It  will  give  me  sincere  pleasure  to  be 
useful  to  you  and  yours." 

The  enclosed  letter,  which  was  written  at  the  urgent 
request  of  Madame  de  Lafayette's  mother,  is  as  follows  : 

"  Madame  de  Lafayette  au  Rot  de  Prusse. 

"  Sire  :  Permettez  k  une  malheureuse  de  se  jeter  aux 
pieds  de  Votre  Majeste.  C'est  la  femme  de  Lafayette, 
Sire,  qui  s'adresse  k  votre  clemence  ;  elle  ose  esperer  que 
la  generosite  du  Roi  de  Prusse  brisera  les  chaines  de  son 
mari. 

"Je  ne  pretends  pas,  Sire,  agiter  les  hautes  questions 
qui  s'elevent  sur  la  detention  de  M.  de  Lafayette,  car  il 
est  permis  k  une  femme  de  n'etre  pas  versee  dans  le  droit 
des  gens  ;  d'ailleurs,  Votre  Majesty  attache  un  trop  grand 


1792.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  5 

prix  a  sa  propre  gloire  pour  ne  pas  observer  avec  exacti- 
tude cette  loi  supreme.  Mais  elle  daignera  ecouter  les 
prieres  d'une  femme,  a  qui  la  revolution  franfaise  a  fait 
verser  les  larmes  les  plus  ameres. 

"  Sire,  celui  en  faveur  duquel  j'emploie  la  clemence  de 
Votre  Majesty,  n'a  jamais  connu  le  crime.  Fidele  a  son 
roi,  des  qu'il  ne  pouvait  plus  lui  etre  utile,  il  s'eloignait  de 
la  France.  Au  moment  ou  il  a  ete  fait  prisonnier,  il 
traversait  les  Pays-Bas  pour  se  refugior  en  Amerique  ;  il 
se  croyait  sous  la  protection  du  droit  des  gens,  et  il  s'y 
fiait  avec  d'autant  plus  de  confiance,  que  les  sentiments 
genereux  de  Votre  Majeste  ne  lui  ^taient  point  inconnus  ; 
il  salt  qu'elle  se  conduit  dans  toutes  ses  demarches  d'apres 
les  principes  de  I'honneur  et  de  la  justice. 

"  Sire,  je  m'aveugle,  peut-etre,  sur  la  conduite  d'un  epoux 
cher,  mais  je  ne  me  trompe  pas  quand  je  me  persuade 
que  Votre  Majeste  exaucera  les  prieres  d'une  malheu- 
reuse."  * 


*  Translation  of  the  above  Letter. — Sire:  Permit  an  unfortunate 
woman  to  throw  herself  at  the  feet  of  Your  Majesty.  It  is  the  wife  of  Lafay- 
ette who  invokes  your  clemency  ;  she  dares  to  hope  that  the  generosity  of  the 
King  of  Prussia  will  break  the  chains  of  her  husband. 

I  shall  not  attempt.  Sire,  to  discuss  the  high  problems  which  have  arisen 
concerning  the  imprisonment  of  Lafayette,  for  it  is  allowed  that  women  be 
not  too  well  versed  in  the  law  of  nations ;  but  Your  Majesty  attaches  too 
great  a  price  to  your  own  glory  not  to  observe  with  exactitude  this  supreme 
law.  And  Your  Majesty  will  deign  to  listen  to  the  supplications  of  a  woman 
whom  the  French  Revolution  has  caused  to  shed  the  bitterest  tears. 

Sire,  he  in  whose  favor  I  implore  the  clemency  of  Your  Majesty  has 
never  known  crime.  Faithful  to  his  king,  he  left  France  as  soon  as  he 
saw  his  devotion  useless.  At  the  very  moment  when  he  was  taken  into 
custody,  he  was  crossing  the  Netherlands  on  his  way  to  America.  He  be- 
lieved himself  to  be  under  the  protection  of  international  law,  and  trusted 
in  it  all  the  more  because  the  generous  feelings  of  Your  Majesty  were  not 
unknown  to  him.  He  knows  that  Your  Majesty  conducts  all  your  undertak- 
ings in  accordance  with  the  principles  of  honor  and  justice. 

Sire,  I  may  be  blind  concerning  the  conduct  of  a  beloved  husband,  but  I 
do  not  deceive  myself  in  feeling  convinced  that  Your  Majesty  will  grant  the 
prayers  of  an  unfortunate  wife. 


6  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF         [Chap.  XXVII. 

Morris  occasionally  mentions  the  fact  of  dining  out 
with  some  friend  during  those  months  of  the  autumn  of 
1792 — on  one  occasion,  with  Madame  de  Narbonne ;  but 
he  more  frequently  stayed  at  home  and  hospitably  enter- 
tained those  who  were  homeless  and  miserable  among  his 
friends.  On  the  22d  of  November,  he  says  :  "  I  go  to- 
day by  appointment  to  M.  Lebrun's  office  and  urge  an 
exception  in  the  law  against  emigrants  favorable  to  those 
who  are  in  the  United  States.  The  papers  discovered  in 
the  Tuileries  affect  several  persons  who  supposed  them- 
selves safe.     I  give  a  dinner  to  French  people  this  day." 

"  Cold  weather  [December  2d].  Dine  with  the  Comte 
de  Segur,  who  gives  us  a  Greek  wine  after  oysters,  and, 
by  mistake  as  a  second  bottle  of  the  same,  some  of  the 
best  Tokay  I  ever  tasted.  I  drink  the  greater  part  of  it, 
praising  always  his  Greek  wine,  till  his  brother-in-law, 
astonished  at  my  choice,  tastes  it,  and  then  all  is  discov- 
ered." 

To  Lord  Wycombe  Morris  wrote,  November  22d,  thank- 
ing him  for  his  letter  and  for  his  "kind  congratulations 
on  the  success  of  French  arms.  The  enemies  of  the  Revo- 
lution attribute  to  numbers  the  great  success  which  has 
been  experienced,  but  they  must  at  the  same  time  allow 
that  the  appearance  of  those  numbers  in  the  field  at  their 
country's  call  is  itself  a  proof  of  the  wonders  which  free- 
dom performs.  They  flatter  themselves,  however,  that 
famine  and  bankruptcy  will  tie  up,  next  campaign,  the 
swords  of  the  valorous  Franks.  They  may  perhaps  find 
themselves  mistaken.  The  ivishes  which  your  lordship 
expresses  respecting  Britain  are  patriotic,  if  wealth  were 
the  only  index  of  national  felicity ;  but  as  man  liveth  not 
by  bread  alone,  so  the  societies  of  men  are  not  content 
with  mere  plenty  but  must  pursue  luxuries,  among  which 
the  greatest  is,  to  use  an  expression  of  one  of  my  country- 


1792]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  7 

men,  the  luxury  of  being  free.  And  you  must  not  imag- 
ine that  we  will  avariciously  confine  to  our  own  limits  this 
gratifying  enjoyment.  No,  we  declare  that  all  who  wish 
to  partake  thereof  will  find  in  us  (ye  French)  a  sure  and 
certain  ally.  We  will  chase  tyranny,  and,  above  all,  aris- 
tocracy, off  the  theatre  of  the  Universe.  Mark  that,  my 
lord.  The  declaration  was  unnecessary,  for  all  clear- 
sighted men  were  convinced,  a  year  ago,  that  such  was  the 
natural  result  of  our  endeavors.  We  begin,  as  your  lord- 
ship observes,  by  establishing  free  commerce  on  the  bosom 
of  the  Scheldt,  by  opening  the  long-shut  gates  of  Antwerp, 
and  bidding  Wealth  revisit,  with  his  sister  Liberty,  their 
ancient  temple.  In  comparison  with  these  sublime  efforts 
to  increase  the  sum  of  human  felicity,  how  cold  and  flat 
are  all  the  little  calculations  of  policy.  Adieu,  my  lord. 
I  heartily  wish  you  well,  but  I  think  you  must  prepare  for 
hard  struggles,  either  at  home  or  abroad.  The  theatre  is 
perhaps  still  left  to  your  choice,  but  certainly  not  the 
thing." 

"  The  Convention  this  day  [December  3d]  determine  to 
try  the  King.  It  grows  every  day  more  probable  that 
England  will  declare  war.  Success  continues  to  crown 
the  French  arms,  but  we  must  not  judge  from  success. 
The  enemies  of  those  who  now  reign  treat  them  as  they 
did  their  predecessors,  and  as  their  successors  will  be 
treated." 

"  Since  I  have  been  in  this  country,"  wrote  Morris  to 
Thomas  Pinckney,  December  3d,  "I  have  seen  the  wor- 
ship of  many  idols,  and  but  little  of  the  true  God ;  I  have 
seen  many  of  those  idols  broken,  and  some  of  them 
beaten  to  dust.  I  have  seen  the  late  Constitution,  in  one 
short  year,  admired  as  a  stupendous  monument  of  human 
wisdom  and  ridiculed  as  an  egregious  production  of  folly 
and  vice.     I  wish  much,  very  much,  the  happiness  of  this 


8  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF         [Chap.  XXVII. 

inconstant  people.  I  love  them.  I  feel  grateful  for  their 
efforts  in  our  cause,  and  I  consider  the  establishment  of  a 
good  constitution  here  as  a  principal  means,  under  Divine 
Providence,  of  extending  the  blessings  of  freedom  to  the 
many  millions  of  my  fellow-men  who  groan  in  bondage 
on  the  Continent  of  Europe.  But  I  do  not  greatly  indulge 
the  flattering  illusions  of  hope,  because  I  do  not  yet  per- 
ceive that  reformation  of  morals  without  which  liberty  is 
but  an  empty  sound.  My  heart  has  many  sinister  bodings, 
and  reason  would  strive  in  vain  to  dispel  the  gloom  which 
always  thickens  where  she  exerts  her  sway." 

On  the  nth  of  December  the  king  was  questioned  be- 
fore the  Assembly.  "He  answered  well,"  Morris  men- 
tions in  the  diary.  "Some  who  saw  him  conducted  tell 
me  that  the  people  seemed  rather  sorrowful  than  tri- 
umphant." 

"I  am  told  this  day  [December  12th]  that  the  commit- 
tee think  they  have  been  pushed  too  far  against  the  King, 
by  the  Orleans  faction.  The  Convention  banish  the  Bour- 
bon family." 

"To-day  [December  19th]  all  accounts  from  England 
show  a  design  to  engage  in  the  war.  Dine  with  some  of 
the  deputies.  The  decree  against  the  Bourbons  is  sus- 
pended. Several  Americans  dine  with  me.  Paine  looks 
a  little  down  at  the  news  from  England  ;  he  has  been 
burned  in  effigy." 

Writing  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  under  date  of  December  21st, 
Morris  says : 

"You  will  have  seen  that  the  Jacobin  Club  is  as  much  at 
war  with  the  present  government  as  it  was  with  the 
preceding.  Victory  or  death  is  the  word  with  both 
parties.  Hitherto  the  majority  of  the  Convention  have 
had  rather  the  advantage,  although  they  frequently  decree 
what  they  do   not  wish.     The   ministers,  possessing  far 


1792]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  9 

more  patronage  than  any  monarch  since  Louis  the  Four- 
teenth, secured  by  that  means  the  influence  of  the  major- 
ity, their  friends  and  the  Jacobins,  who,  backed  by  the 
Parisian  populace,  have  been  several  times  within  an  inch 
of  ruin.  Luckily  for  them  their  adversaries  are  many  of 
them  timid,  while  the  Jacobin  leaders  are  daring  and  de- 
termined. A  late  circumstance  brought  forward  a  show 
of  forces,  and,  though  it  is  rather  anticipating  a  different 
subject,  I  must  state  it  here.  The  Brissotines,  finding 
themselves  hard  pushed  towards  killing  the  King,  and  ap- 
prehensive, not  without  reason,  that  this  might  be  a  sig- 
nal for  their  own  destruction,  determined  on  a  measure 
not  a  little  hazardous,  but  decisive.  This  was  the  expul- 
sion of  the  Bourbons,  a  blow  originally  levelled  at  the 
Duke  of  Orleans.  The  motion  was  carried,  but  the  Con- 
vention have  been  obliged  to  suspend  the  decree,  and 
that  is,  I  think,  equivalent  to  a  repeal.  Many  members 
have  talked  of  leaving  Paris,  but  the  same  fear  which  con- 
trols them  while  in  the  city  will  prevent  them  from  quit- 
ting it ;  at  least,  such  is  my  opinion.  I  now  come  to  the 
trial  of  the  King  and  the  circumstances  connected  with  it. 
To  a  person  less  intimately  acquainted  than  you  are  with 
the  history  of  human  affairs,  it  would  seem  strange  that 
the  mildest  monarch  who  ever  filled  the  French  throne, 
one  who  is  precipitated  from  it  precisely  because  he  would 
not  adopt  the  harsh  measures  of  his  predecessors,  a  man 
whom  none  could  charge  with  a  criminal  act,  should  be 
prosecuted  as  one  of  the  most  nefarious  tyrants  that  ever 
disgraced  the  annals  of  human  nature — that  he,  Louis  the 
Sixteenth,  should  be  prosecuted  even  to  death.  Yet  such  is 
the  fact.  I  think  it  highly  probable  that  he  may  suffer,  and 
that  for  the  following  causes  :  The  majority  of  the  Assem- 
bly found  it  necessary  to  raise  against  this  unhappy  prince 
the  national  odium,  in  order  to  justify  the  dethroning  him 


lO  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XXVII. 

(which,  after  what  he  had  suffered,  appeared  to  be  neces- 
sary even  to  their  safety)  and  to  induce  the  ready  adoption 
of  a  republican  form  of  government.  Being  in  possession 
of  his  papers,  and  those  of  his  servants,  it  was  easy,  if  they 
would  permit  themselves  to  extract,  to  comment,  to  sup- 
press, and  to  mutilate — it  was  very  easy  to  create  such 
opinions  as  they  might  think  proper.  The  rage  which 
has  been  excited  was  terrible  ;  and,  although  it  begins 
to  subside,  the  Convention  are  still  in  great  straits — fear- 
ing to  acquit,  fearing  to  condemn,  and  yet  urged  to  de- 
stroy their  captive  monarch.  The  violent  party  are  clam- 
orous against  him,  for  reasons  which  I  will  presently  state. 
"  The  monarchic  and  aristocratic  parties  wish  his  death, 
in  the  belief  that  such  a  catastrophe  would  shock  the 
national  feelings,  awaken  their  hereditary  attachment,  and 
turn  into  the  channels  of  loyalty  the  impetuous  tide  of 
opinion.  Thus  he  has  become  the  common  object  of 
hatred  to  all  parties,  because  he  has  never  been  the 
decided  patron  of  any  one.  If  he  is  saved,  it  will  be  by 
the  justice  of  his  cause,  which  will  have  some  little  effect, 
and  by  the  pity  which  is  universally  felt  (though  none 
dare  to  express  it  openly)  for  the  very  harsh  treatment 
which  he  has  endured.  I  come  now  to  the  motives  of 
the  violent  party.  You  will  see  that  Louvet,  whose 
pamphlet,  with  many  others,  I  send  you,  has  charged  on 
this  party  the  design  to  restore  royalty  in  the  person  of 
the  Duke  of  Orleans.  This  man's  character  and  conduct 
give  but  too  much  room  to  suspect  him  of  criminal  inten- 
tions. I  have  many  particular  circumstances  which  lead 
me  to  believe  that  he  has  from  the  beginning  played  a 
deep  and  doubtful  game ;  but  I  believe,  also,  that  on  the 
present  occasion,  as  on  the  preceding,  he  is  the  dupe. 
Shortly  after  the  loth  of  August  I  had  information,  on 
which  you   may  rely,  that   the   plan  of   Danton  was  to 


1792]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  II 

obtain  the  resignation  of  the  King  and  get  himself  ap- 
pointed Chief  of  a  Council  of  Regency,  composed  of  his 
creatures,  during  the  minority  of  tlie  Dauphin.  This  idea 
has  never,  I  believe,  been  wholly  abandoned.  The  Corde- 
liers (or  privy  council  which  directs  the  Jacobin  move- 
ments) know  well  the  design  of  interverting  the  order  of 
succession.  They  know  how  to  appreciate  the  fluctuating 
opinions  of  their  countrymen,  and,  though  they  are  very 
willing  to  employ  the  Duke  of  Orleans  in  their  work,  I 
am  much  mistaken  if  they  will  consent  to  elevate  him  to 
the  throne.  So  that,  for  his  share  of  the  guilt,  he  may 
probably  be  rewarded  with  the  shame  of  it,  and  the  morti- 
fying reflection  that,  after  all  the  conflicts  of  his  political 
warfare,  he  has  gained  no  victory  but  over  his  own  con- 
science. It  is  worthy  of  remark  that,  although  the  Con- 
vention has  been  now  near  four  months  in  session,  no 
plan  of  a  constitution  is  yet  produced.  Nevertheless,  the 
special  authority  committed  to  them  by  the  people,  and  the 
only  authority,  perhaps,  which  cannot  be  contested,  was  to 
prepare  such  a  plan.  On  the  conduct  likely  to  be  pursued 
by  Great  Britain  I  shall  not  permit  myself  to  hazard 
much  conjecture.  I  have  already  troubled  you  with  some 
ideas  respecting  the  interior  state  of  Great  Britain,  and  I 
add  here  my  opinion  that,  sooner  or  later,  they  must  go 
into  war.  As  to  Spain,  I  think  the  Court  is  too  corrupt 
and  too  profligate  to  make  any  considerable  efforts. 
Bankrupt  almost  in  full  peace,  with  the  mines  of  Mexico 
and  Peru  at  their  disposal,  what  would  war  produce  ? 
Russia  menaces,  but  the  state  of  her  finances,  and  the 
great  distance,  must  make  her  efforts  fall  short  of  her 
wishes.  Every  art  is  used  on  each  side  to  influence  the 
Turk,  and  I  own  to  you  that  I  rather  apprehend  that 
England  and  the  Imperial  Court  combined  will  prove 
successful,  especially  as  M.  de  Choiseul  Gouffier  is  no'w 


12  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XXVII. 

openly  active  there  on  the  part  of  the  emigrant  princes. 
Austria  and  Prussia  are  making  their  utmost  efforts,  and 
the  Prince  of  Hesse,  who  (strange  as  it  may  seem)  is 
adored  by  his  subjects,  will  second  those  efforts  to  the  ut- 
most of  his  ability. 

"  Such,  my  dear  sir,  is  the  foreign  storm  lowering  over 
this  country,  in  which  you  will  see  that  my  predictions 
respecting  corn  have  been  hitherto  exactly  verified.  How 
they  are  to  obtain  supplies  from  abroad,  in  the  face  of  the 
maritime  powers,  I  am  myself  at  a  loss  to  conjecture.  It 
is  nevertheless  in  this  awful  moment,  and  immediately 
after  expediting  the  orders  to  recruit  their  army  to  six 
hundred  thousand  effectives  in  order  to  sustain  the  land- 
war,  that  they  affect  to  wish  Britain  would  declare  war 
against  them,  and  actually  menace,  as  you  see,  the  gov- 
ernment with  an  appeal  to  the  nation.  There  are  cases  in 
which  events  must  decide  on  the  quality  of  actions,  which 
are  bold  or  rash  according  to  the  success.  If  I  may  venture 
to  judge  from  appearances,  there  is  now  in  the  wind  a 
storm  not  unlike  that  of  the  2d  of  September.  Whether 
it  will  burst  or  blow  over  it  is  impossible  to  determine." 

"You  will  have  seen  from  the  public  prints,"  Morris 
wrote  to  Alexander  Hamilton,  December  24th,  "the  won- 
derful success  of  the  French  arms,  arising  from  the  fol- 
lowing causes  :  ist.  That  the  enemy,  deceived  by  the  emi- 
grants, counted  too  highly  on  the  opposition  he  was  to 
meet  with.  2d.  That  from  like  misinformation,  instead  of 
attacking  on  the  northern  frontier,  backed  by  the  resources 
of  Flanders  and  those  which  the  ocean  could  supply,  they 
came  across  the  Ardennes  to  that  part  of  Champagne  nick- 
named *  the  lousy,'  from  its  barrenness  and  misery.  3d. 
That  in  this  expedition,  where  the  difficulty  of  the  roads, 
transportation,  and  communication  was  the  greatest  they 
expected,  it  so  happened  that  the  season,  usually  dry  and 


1792]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  1 3 

fair  (when  those  bad  roads  are  at  the  best),  was  one  con- 
tinued rain  for  two  months  ;  so  that  at  length  they  were 
nearly  stuck  fast,  and  had  as  much  as  they  could  do  to  drag 
back  their  cannon  through  the  mud.  Lastly,  that  France 
brought  into  the  field,  and  has  kept  up  until  very  lately, 
the  immense  number  of  600,000  troops.  This  has  been 
done  at  an  average  expense  of  about  five  millions  sterling 
per  month  beyond  their  resources,  and  yet  they  have  or- 
dered a  like  army  for  the  next  campaign,  and  talk  boldly 
of  meeting  Great  Britain  also  upon  her  element.  What 
say  you  to  that.  Monsieur  le  Financier?  But  I  will  tell 
you  in  your  ear  that,  in  spite  of  that  blustering,  they  will 
do  much  to  avoid  a  war  with  Britain,  if  the  people  will  let 
them.  But  truth  is,  that  the  populace  of  Paris  influence, 
in  a  great  degree,  the  public  counsels.  I  think  they  will 
have  quite  as  many  men  as  they  can  maintain  ;  but  what 
that  may  amount  to  is  hard  to  determine.  The  ministers 
here  are  a  most  extraordinary  people  ;  they  make  nothing 
of  difficulties,  as  you  shall  judge  by  a  simple  trait  of  M. 
Pache,*  the  Minister  at  War.  He  had  sent  Beuernonville 
to  occupy  the  Moselle  River  down  to  Coblentz,  taking 
Treves  and  other  places  in  his  way.  Now  this  way  lies 
through  a  very  difficult,  mountainous  country,  in  which 
the  snow  is  already  very  deep ;  therefore  Beuernonville, 
having  got  a  little  neck  of  land  between  the  Saar  and  the 
Moselle,  puts  his  troops  into  winter-quarters,  pleading 
their  nakedness  as  an  excuse.  The  minister  has  sent  him 
a  brace  of  commissioners,  who  have  power  to  impress  in 

*  Jean  Nicholas  Pache,  son  of  the  Marshal  de  Castries's  Swiss  porter,  re- 
ceived a  liberal  education.  He  connected  himself  with  Brissot,  and  was  am- 
bitious to  become  a  minister.  In  1792  he  succeeded  Servan  in  the  War  De- 
partment. Madame  Roland,  in  her  memoirs,  speaks  of  the  peculation  and 
profuse  expenditure  of  Pache's  administration  as  horrible.  He  was  made 
Mayor  of  Paris  in  1793,  survived  the  Reign  of  Terror,  contrived  to  escape 
prosecution  for  his  various  misdeeds,  left  Paris  in  1797,  and  lived  in  ob- 
scurity. 


14  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF        [Chap.  XXVII. 

the  neighborhood  whatever  may  be  needful  for  the  troops 
and  then  (their  wants  supplied)  summon  him  to  obey  his 
orders.  If  I  may  venture  to  judge  from  appearances, 
there  is  now  in  the  wind  a  storm  not  unlike  that  of  Sep- 
tember. Whether  it  will  burst  or  blow  over  it  is  impos- 
sible to  determine.  It  has  occurred  to  me  that  I  never 
yet  assigned  a  reason  why  the  completion  of  the  payment 
of  6,ooo,ooof,,  which  at  Mr.  Short's  request  I  had  stipu- 
lated for  with  the  government  lately  abolished,  appeared 
to  me  desirable.  In  effect,  I  left  this,  as  I  do  many  other 
things,  to  the  sense  of  x\\q gentle  reader  ;  but  as  readers  are 
sometimes  ungentle,  it  is  not  amiss  to  communicate  that 
reason  to  a  friend.  I  saw  that  the  new  government  would 
be  hungry,  and  would  urge  us  for  money,  in  the  double 
view  of  obtaining  an  acknowledgment  of  them  as  well 
as  of  supplying  their  wants.  It  was  therefore,  I  thought, 
right  to  take  a  position  where  we  might  say  there  is  nothing 
due.  This  would  leave  open  a  question  which  it  would  be 
very  delicate  to  answer  either  way  as  things  appeared 
then,  and  as  they  are,  now  that  appearances  have  changed. 
You  will  have  seen  the  manoeuvres  to  force  me  in  that  in- 
trenchment,  but  at  last,  \\kQ  your  friend  General  Lee,  I  was 
quit,  at  the  worst,  for  a  retrograde  manceuvre.  But  I  con- 
cluded that  supplies  of  money  to  support  the  Colony  of 
Santo  Domingo  would,  in  all  events,  have  been  considered 
as  a  good  and  effectual  payment  on  our  part,  and,  had  my  offer 
of  recommending  such  supplies  been  accepted,  I  could, 
on  that  ground,  have  proposed  the  measure  which,  antici- 
pating the  next  instalment,  would  have  still  kept  open  the 
main  point  as  long  as  you  should  think  proper.  And  thus 
my  apparent  retreat  was,  in  effect,  a  mode  of  more  perma- 
nent defence  ;  and  this  is  more,  I  believe,  than  poor  Lee 
could  say  for  himself." 

Writing  to  Robert   Morris,  on   December  24th,  Morris 


1792.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  1 5 

spoke  more  fully  than  usual  of  the  horrors  he  had  seen 
enacted  about  him.  "  You  will  long  ere  this  have  learnt," 
he  says,  "  that  the  scenes  which  have  passed  in  this  coun- 
try, and  particularly  in  this  city,  have  been  horrible.  They 
were  more  so  than  you  can  imagine.  Some  days  ago  a 
man  applied  to  the  Convention  for  damages  done  to  his 
quarry.  The  quarries  are  deep  pits,  dug  through  several 
feet  of  earth  into  the  bed  of  stone,  and  then  extended 
along  the  bed  of  stone  under  the  surface.  The  damage 
done  to  him  was  by  the  number  of  dead  bodies  thrown 
into  his  pit,  and  which  choked  it  up  so  that  he  could  not 
get  men  to  work  at  it.  Think  of  the  destruction  of  hun- 
dreds who  had  long  been  the  best  people  of  a  country, 
without  form  of  trial,  and  their  bodies  thrown  like  dead 
dogs  into  the  first  hole  that  offered.  At  least  two  hun- 
dred of  these  unhappy  victims  had  committed  no  other 
crime  than  that  of  being  ecclesiastics  of  irreproachable 
lives,  who  were  conscientiously  scrupulous  of  taking  an 
oath  prescribed  to  them.  I  am  much  mistaken  if  we  do 
not  experience  similar  scenes  before  the  present  Revolu- 
tion is  finished.  Adieu,  my  dear  friend.  I  heartily  pre- 
sent to  you  and  yours  the  compliments  of  this,  which  is 
with  you  a  very  festive  season.  I  write  from  a  place  de- 
serted by  its  former  inhabitants,  where  in  almost  every 
countenance  you  can  mark  the  traces  of  present  woe  and 
of  dismal  forebodings." 

"  Since  the  date  of  my  last  letter,  the  23d  of  October," 
Morris  wrote  to  Washington,  December  28th,  "  the  ex- 
terior affairs  of  this  country  have  put  on  a  more  steady 
appearance.  My  letter  of  .the  21st  inst.  to  Mr.  Jefferson 
will  communicate  my  view  of  things,  to  which  I  could  add 
but  little  at  this  day.  I  have  not  mentioned  to  him  the 
appointment  of  M.  Genet  as  Minister  to  the  United  States ; 
in  fact,  this  appointment  has   never  been  announced  to 


1 6  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF         [Chap.  XXVII. 

me.  Perhaps  the  ministry  think  it  is  a  trait  of  republican- 
ism to  omit  those  forms  which  were  anciently  used  to  ex- 
press good-will.  In  the  letter  which  is  addressed  to  you 
is  a  strain  of  adulation  which  your  good  sense  will  easily 
expound.  The  fact  is,  that  they  begin  to  open  their  eyes 
to  their  true  situation,  and,  besides,  they  wish  to  bring  for- 
ward into  act  our  guarantee  of  their  islands,  if  the  war 
with  Britain  should  actually  take  place.  A  propos  of  the 
war,  I  am  told  that  the  British  ultimatum  is  as  follows  : 
France  shall  deliver  the  royal  family  to  such  branch  of 
the  Bourbons  as  the  King  may  choose,  and  shall  recall  her 
troops  from  the  countries  they  now  occupy.  In  this  event 
Britain  will  send  hither  a  minister  and  acknowledge  the 
Republic,  and  mediate  a  peace  with  the  Emperor  and  King 
of  Prussia.  I  have  several  reasons  to  believe  that  this  in- 
formation is  not  far  from  the  truth,  and  that  if  the  minis- 
ters felt  themselves  at  liberty  to  act  they  would  agree  to 
the  terms.  These  terms  are,  it  is  said,  consequential  to 
the  sentiments  delivered  by  the  Opposition  in  the  British 
Parliament,  which  is,  as  you  will  see,  become  quite  insig- 
nificant ;  but  it  was  thought  best  to  place  them  in  a  ne- 
cessity of  supporting  the  measures  of  administration.  I 
consider  these  terms  (or  something  very  like  them)  in  a 
different  point  of  view.  If  the  French  retire  (and  conse- 
quently eat  up  again  their  high-toned  declarations  in  favor 
of  the  people  and  denunciations  against  kings),  they  will 
at  the  next  attempt  find  as  many  enemies  as  there  are  men 
in  the  neighboring  countries,  and,  of  course,  the  itiediator 
will  prescribe  such  terms  as  she  may  think  proper.  Sec- 
ondly, as  it  is  (almost)  evident  that  the  Republic  must  be 
torn  to  pieces  by  contending  factions,  even  without  any 
foreign  interference,  her  population,  wealth,  and  resources, 
above  all,  her  marine,  must  dwindle  away.  And,  as  much  of 
her  intelligence  and  industry,  with  the  greater  part  of  her 


1793-]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  IJ 

money  capital,  must  in  this  hypothesis  seek  the  protection 
of  law  and  government  on  the  other  side  of  the  channel, 
her  rival  will  increase  both  in  positive  and  relative  power. 
Thirdly,  an  exiled  monarch  on  the  other  side  of  the  Pyre- 
nees (for  it  is  at  Madrid  that  he  would  probably  take  ref- 
uge) would  enable  Britain  at  any  moment  to  distract  the 
French  affairs  and  involve  tlie  Republic  in  a  war  with  Spain. 
Lastly,  it  seems  an  almost  necessary  conclusion  that  if 
France  (in  some  years  of  convulsive  misery)  should  escape 
dismemberment,  she  would  sink  under  severe  and  single 
despotism,  and  when  relieved  therefrom  (by  the  King  and 
his  descendants  or  relatives),  she  would  live  in  a  state  of 
wretchedness  for  at  least  one  generation.  I  understand 
that  the  French,  in  the  consciousness  that  their  principles 
have  ruined  their  colonies,  are  willing  to  pay  them  as  the 
price  of  peace,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Pitt  has,  I  am 
told,  refused  the  offers  which  the  colonists  have  made  to 
him  ;  partly  because  he  does  not  wish  to  excite  alarm,  and 
partly  because  the  only  useful  part  of  the  colonies — their 
commerce — will,  he  conceives,  naturally  fall  to  Britain,  in 
proportion  to  their  interior  ruin,  which  has  already  made 
great  ravages  in  this  country.  If  the  terms  offered  by 
Britain,  whatever  they  may  be,  are  not  accepted,  I  think  a 
declaration  will  nol  suddenly  follow,  but  only  an  increase 
of  preparations,  because  time  must  be  given  for  the  co- 
operators  (Spain  and  Holland),  who  are  both  of  them  slow. 
Besides,  it  will  be  necessary  that  a  body  of  Prussian  troops 
should  be  collected  through  Westphalia,  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Flanders,  to  be  joined  by  Dutch,  Hanoverian,  and, 
perhaps,  British  troops.  The  more  the  French  advance 
the  more  they  expose  themselves  to  this  danger,  and  you 
may  rely  that  if  a  large  body  of  troops  be  thrown  into 
Flanders,  that  country  will  join  them  eagerly  to  expel  or 
destroy  the  French.  I  think  it  possible  that  in  case  war 
Vol.  IL— 2 


l8  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXVII. 

should  break  out  there  may  be  a  treaty  of  partition,  in 
which  the  Elector  Palatine  may  have  Alsace  and  Lorraine 
in  lieu  of  Bavaria,  and  that  the  Low  Countries  may  be 
given  by  the  Emperor,  in  exchange  for  Bavaria,  to  the 
Duke  and  Duchess  of  York.  This  would  suit  everybody 
but  France,  and  she  will  not,  in  such  case,  be  consulted. 
I  have  not  yet  seen  M.  Genet,  but  Mr.  Paine  is  to  intro- 
duce him  to  me.  In  the  meantime  I  have  inquired  a  little 
what  kind  of  person  he  is,  and  I  find  that  he  is  a  man  of 
good  parts  and  very  good  education,  brother  to  the 
Queen's  first  woman,  from  whence  his  fortune  originates. 
He  was,  through  the  Queen's  influence,  appointed  Charge 
d'Aflfaires  at  Petersburg,  and  when  there,  in  consequence 
of  despatches  from  M.  de  Montmorin,  written  in  the  sense 
of  the  Revolution,  and  which  he  interpreted  too  literally, 
he  made  some  representations  in  a  much  higher  tone  than 
was  wished  or  expected.  It  was  not  convenient  either  to 
approve  or  disapprove  of  his  conduct  under  the  then  cir- 
cumstances, and  his  despatches  lay  unnoticed.  This,  to  a 
young  man  of  ardent  temper,  and  who,  feeling  genius  and 
talents,  may  perhaps  have  rated  himself  a  little  too  high, 
was  mortifying  in  the  extreme.  He  felt  himself  insulted, 
and  wrote  in  a  style  of  petulance  to  his  chief,  believing 
always  that  if  the  royal  party  prevailed  his  sister  would 
easily  make  fair  weather  for  him  at  court,  which  I  doubt 
not.  At  the  overturn  of  the  monarchy  these  letters  were 
so  many  credentials  in  his  favor  to  the  new  government, 
and  the  dearth  of  men  has  opened  his  way  to  whatever  he 
might  wish.  He  chose  America,  as  being  the  best  harbor 
during  the  storm,  and,  if  my  informant  be  right,  he  will 
not  put  to  sea  again  until  it  is  fair  weather,  let  what  will 
happen.  In  addition  to  what  I  have  said  respecting  the 
King  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  it  is  well  to  mention  to  you  that 
the  majority  have  it  in  contemplation  not  only  to  refer  the 


1792.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  I9 

judgment  to  the  electors  of  France,  that  is,  to  her  people, 
but  also  to  send  him  and  his  family  to  America,  which 
Paine  is  to  move  for.  He  mentioned  this  to  me  in  confi- 
dence, but  I  have  since  heard  it  from  another  quarter. 
Adieu,  my  dear  sir  ;  I  wish  you  many  and  happy  years." 

The  last  entry  in  the  diary  for  1792,  of  any  length,  was 
made  on  the  25th  of  December,  and  is  the  mention  of  a 
report  that  "  General  Custine  and  his  army  are  taken 
prisoners.  I  doubt  this.  Count  d'Estaing  told  me  this 
morning  that  a  majority  of  the  Convention  would  give  Mr. 
Pitt  the  French  West  Indies  to  keep  him  quiet.  He  also 
spoke  to  me  on  a  subject  which  Paine  had  communicated 
confidentially." 

The  following  letter  to  Madame  la  Comtesse  d'Albani, 
who  had  fled  from  Paris  leaving  all  her  belongings  at  the 
mercy  of  the  new  government,  is  of  interest  as  showing 
the  efforts  Morris  made  to  assist  the  unfortunate  fugitives 
and  the  encouragement  he  tried  to  give  them. 

"La  lettre  que  vous  aviez  la  bonte  de  m'adresser  de 
Bruxelles,  Madame  la  Comtesse,  ne  m'est  parvenue  qu'a- 
pres  le  delai  d'un  mois,  c'est  k  dire,  en  octobre.  Ce  delai 
est  provenu  des  mouvements  militaires,  mais  il  en  est  re- 
sulte  que  je  ne  vous  ai  pas  adresse  ma  reponse  k  Stutt- 
gart, ni  ailleurs,  parceque,  vu  les  circonstances,  je  m'im- 
aginai  bien  que  vous  aviez  dii  changer  souvent  et  votre 
route  et  vos  projets.  Je  viens  de  recevoir  celle  du  30  no- 
vembre,  qui  m'annonce  votre  arriv^e  k  Florence.  Je  me 
suis  transport^  chez  vous,  mais  votre  maitre  d'hotel  n'y 
etant  pas,  je  I'ai  fait  venir  chez  moi  hier  matin.  II  me  dit 
que  vous  aviez  du  recevoir  plusieurs  de  ses  lettres  avant 
cette  epoque,  que  les  scell^s  ont  6t6  mis  chez  vous,  et 
qu'ils  n'ont  ete  leves  que  depuis  un  mois  ;  qu'a  present 
tout  est  bien  et  en  bon  ordre  ;  qu'il  a  dispose  (en  cadeaux 


20  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXVII. 

de  trois  de  vos  chevaux  d'apres  les  ordres  que  vous  lui 
aviez  donnes  ;  que  le  quatrieme  est  mort.  II  en  reste  huit, 
qui  ont  tous  bon  appetit.  II  pense,  et  je  suis  decidement 
de  son  avis,  qu'il  serait  sage  de  les  vendre.     lis  se  vendront 

bien  a  present,  et  d'ici  au  mois  de  ils  vous  auront 

cout^  plus  que  la  difference  de  prix  entre  la  vente  et  I'a- 
chat ;  si  toutefois  vous  vous  decidez  k  revenir  au  printemps. 

"  Ensuite  il  me  parait  que  la  Republique  pourrait  bien 
s'en  servir,  en  cas  de  besoin,  malgre  les  bonnes  dispositions 
de  ses  chefs,  parce  que  nous  sommes  encore  loin  d'un 
gouvernement  regie.  II  arrive,  comme  dans  le  fort  de 
toutes  les  revolutions,  qu'on  est  oblige  de  laisser  faire. 
Quant  k  vos  meubles,  je  crois  que  si  vous  vous  decidez  k 
ne  plus  revenir  en  France  il  faudra  les  faire  emballer  et 
descendre  la  Seine  jusqu'd  Rouen,  pour  etre  embarques 
k  Rouen  sur  un  b^timent,  /ou/  exprh,  et  ensuite  trans- 
portes  au  port  le  plus  voisin  de  votre  habitation.  La 
vente  des  biens  des  Emigres  a  r^duit  k  tres  peu  de  chose 
le  prix  des  meubles,  et  ensuite  le  change  vous  ote  un  bon 
tiers  de  la  vente  telle  quelle. 

'■^  Notre  amie  a  voyag^  depuis  votre  depart,  mais  je  I'at- 
tends  sous  peu,  ou  plutot  j'espere  que  sous  peu  elle  revi- 
endra.  M.  de  St.  Andr^  est  a  Paris.  M.  et  Madame  de 
Trudaine  sont  a  Rouen. 

"Vous  me  demandez  une  id^e  de  I'etat  des  choses  ici, 
et  vous  avez  bien  fait  de  dire  :  *  Si  vous  pouvez.*  Rien  de 
plus  difficile  que  cela.  L'objet  principal  du  jour,  c'est  le 
proces  du  roi.  II  a  tres  bien  r^pondu  quand  on  I'a  mis 
sur  la  sellette,  mais  je  crains  qu'il  ne  soit  immol^.  Je 
crois  que  la  majeure  partie  de  I'Assembl^e  ne  desire  pas  sa 
mort.  En  effet,  cela  serait  non  seulement  inutile,  mais  nui- 
sible,  puisque  ses  freres  seraient  des  lors  reconnus  (par- 
tout)  comme  Regents  ;  mais  on  a  tant  fait  pour  echauffer  le 
peuple,  afin  de  faire  adopter  la  Republique,  qu'il   present 


1792]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  21 

ils  n'en  sont  plus  les  maitres.  lis  ne  me  paraissent  pas, 
au  reste,  s'apercevoir  que  le  supplice  du  roi  n'est  que  le 
preliminaire  de  leur  propre  destruction.  Voila,  pourtant, 
ce  qui  me  parait  demontre,  et  voila.  aussi,  il  me  semble, 
une  des  causes  de  I'acharnement  contre  ce  malheureux 
prince.  Vous  aurez  vu  par  les  gazettes,  si  en  effet  les 
gazettes  peuvent  vous  parvenir,  que  les  chefs  des  constitu- 
ents sont  tous  en  fort  mauvaise  odeur  ici.  La  roue  im- 
mense a  laquelle  est  attache  le  sort  de  cet  empire,  ecrase 
dans  sa  marche  ceux  qui  I'ont  fait  mouvoir.  Personne 
n'est  assez  forte  pour  I'arreter,  quoique  chacun  se  flatte  de 
pouvoir  la  faire  aller  k  son  gre  ;  mais  ils  se  trompent  tous. 
L'histoire  nous  a  toujours  presente  les  aveugles  humains 
creusant,  avec  une  Industrie  fatale,  leurs  propres  tom- 
beaux,  qt  Shakespeare  a  fait  dire  par  le  tyran  Macbeth,  a 
la  fin  de  sa  carriere  :  *  Helas  !  il  est  toujours  demontre  que 
nous  ne  faisons  que  de  donner  aux  autres  des  lefons  de  sang, 
qui,  aussitot  qu'elles  sont  apprises,  reviennent  tourmenter 
ceux  qui  les  ont  inventees.  La  justice,  avec  une  main  egale 
et  severe,  nous  fait  boire  de  la  coupe  que  nous  avons  em- 
poisonnee.'  Mais  ne  dites  pas,  madame,  que  la  vie  est  une 
triste  chose.  Sans  revers,  elle  deviendrait  bien  ennuyeuse, 
et  nous  voyons  toujours  que  les  mortels  les  plus  heureux 
sont  ceux  qui  ont  appris,  par  une  triste  experience,  la  juste 
valeur  des  objets  de  ce  monde,  II  faut  en  gouter  avec  mo- 
deration, sans  trop  s'y  livrer.  II  faut  se  souvenir,  que  le 
bonheur  et  I'infortune  sont  egalement  passagers,  et  il  ne 
nous  en  reste,  bientot,  que  les  traces  de  leur  passage.  Vou- 
loir  le  bien,  eviter  le  mal,  un  peu  de  severity  pour  nous, 
un  peu  d'indulgence  pour  les  autres,  voila,  je  crois,  les 
moyens  de  tirer  bon  parti  de  notre  chetive  existence. 
Aimer  ses  amis,  en  etre  aim^,  voilzL  le  moyen  de  Tembellir. 
Je  suis  persuade  que  vous  avez  tous  les  droits  au  bonheur 
que  pent  vous  donner  un  bon  coeur,  et  que,  par  consequent, 


22  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXVII. 

vous  serez  heureuse.  VoiU  I'horoscope  que  j'aime  k 
vous  tirer,  et  je  vous  prie  de  croire  que  personne  n'a,  plus 
que  moi,  le  desir  de  le  realiser.  Adieu,  madame,  faites 
mille  complimens,  je  vous  prie,  au  Comte  Alfi^ri,  et  comp- 
tez  toujours  sur  les  sentiments  d'estime  que  vous  m'avez 
inspires,  pour  la  vie."  * 

*  Translation  of  the  Above.—"  Madame  la  Comtesse,  the  letter  yon 
kindly  sent  to  me  from  Brussels  only  reached  me  a  month  later,  i.e.,  in  Octo- 
ber. The  delay  was  caused  by  the  military  movements  ;  and  it  prevented  my 
sending  you  an  answer  to  Stuttgart,  or  anywhere  else,  as  I  supposed  that  cir- 
cumstances must  have  induced  you  to  change  often  your  itinerary  and  your 
projects.  I  have  just  received  your  letter  of  November  30th,  announcing 
your  arrival  in  Florence.  I  presented  myself  at  your  city  house,  but  your 
butler  being  out  at  the  time,  I  had  him  come  to  me  yesterday  morning.  He 
told  me  that  you  must  have  received  several  of  his  letters  before  this  time  ; 
that  the  seals  had  been  placed  everywhere  in  your  house,  and  removed  only  a 
month  ago ;  that  everything,  at  present,  is  all  right  and  in  perfect  order ; 
that  he  has  disposed  of  [en  cadeaux]  three  of  your  horses  according  to  your 
instructions ;  that  a  fourth  horse  is  dead.  Eight  remain  still,  all  of  good 
appetite.     He  thinks,  and  I  think  myself,  that  it  would  be  wise  to  sell  them. 

They  will  sell  well  at  present,  and  from  now  until  the  month  of they 

will  have  cost  you  more  than  the  difference  between  the  selling  and  the  buy- 
ing prices — should  you  decide  on  coming  back  here  next  spring. 

"  Moreover,  it  appears  as  if  the  Republic  might  make  use  of  these  horses, 
in  case  of  need,  and  that  in  spite  of  the  kind  dispositions  of  its  chiefs,  for  we 
are  yet  very  far  from  a  well-regulated  government.  It  now  happens,  as  is 
always  the  case  in  the  heat  of  revolutions,  that  one  has  to  let  things  take  their 
course.  As  for  your  furniture,  I  think  that,  if  you  decide  not  to  come  back 
to  France,  it  ought  to  be  packed  up  and  sent  down  the  Seine  as  far  as  Rouen, 
where  it  could  be  placed  on  board  a  ship  freighted  on  purpose,  to  land  in  the 
harbor  nearest  your  present  residence.  The  sale  of  the  property  of  imigris 
has  reduced  to  nearly  nothing  the  salable  value  of  furniture,  and,  besides, 
the  rate  of  exchange  diminishes  the  value  another  third. 

"  Our  friend  has  travelled,  since  you  left,  but  I  expect  her  very  soon,  or, 
rather,  I  hope  that  she  may  come  back.  M.  de  Saint-Andre  is  in  Paris.  M. 
and  Madame  de  Trudaine  are  in  Rouen. 

"You  ask  me  to  give  you  an  idea  of  the  state  of  things  here,  and  you 
very  wisely  add,  '  If  you  can,"  for  nothing  is  harder  to  do  than  that.  The 
principal  interest  of  the  day  is  the  trial  of  the  King.  He  answered  very 
well  when  cross  questioned  ;  but  I  fear  that  he  will  be  sacrificed.  I  think 
the  majority  in  the  Assembly  do  not  desire  his  death,  for  it  would  not 
only  be  useless,  but  damaging,  as  his  brothers  would  be  recognized  every- 
where as  Regents.  But  so  much  has  been  done  to  excite  the  nation  so 
as  to  have  the  Republic  accepted,  that  they  have  lost  control  of  their  fol- 
lowing.    It  does  not  appear  to  me,  moreover,  that  they  understand  that 


I793J  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  23 

"All  accounts  from  England  seem  to  announce  war," 
Morris  wrote  to  M.  de  Monciel,  then  in  London,  Janu- 
ary I,  1793.  "En  effet,  tout  decele  une  disposition,  de 
leur  part,  d'etablir  en  France  un  despotisme  militaire.  .  . 
Helas,  monsieur,  si,  com  me  vous,  tout  le  monde  avait 
voulu  le  bien  de  la  France,  ce  serait,  en  ce  moment,  le 
pays  le  plus  libre  et  le  plus  heureux  de  I'univers.  Je  n'ai 
point  de  liaisons  avec  les  ministres  de  I'Angleterre  ;  je 
suis  trop  bon  Frangais  pour  cela.*  Les  circonstances  du 
moment  sont  bien  facheuses."  f 

the  death  of  the  king  is  but  the  forerunner  of  their  own  destruction.  All 
that  is  perfectly  clear  to  me,  and  seems  to  be  one  of  the  causes  of  their  un- 
relenting animosity  against  this  unfortunate  prince.  You  must  have  seen 
in  the  papers — if  the  papers  ever  reached  you — that  the  chiefs  of  the  Con- 
stituent party  are  all  in  pretty  bad  odor  here.  The  gigantic  wheel  upon 
which  is  attached  the  fate  of  this  empire  crushes,  as  it  turns,  those  who  gave 
it  the  first  start.  No  one  is  strong  enough  to  stop  it,  although  many  boast  of 
their  ability  to  govern  it  at  their  will ;  but  they  are  all  mistaken.  History  has 
always  showed  us  blind  human  beings,  digging,  with  a  fatal  cleverness,  their 
own  tombs,  and  Shakespeare  puts  these  words  in  the  mouth  of  the  tyrant 
Macbeth,  at  the  end  of  his  career :  '  Alas  !  it  has  always  been  proved  that  we 
go  on  giving  to  others  bloody  lessons,  which,  when  learned,  come  back  to 
torment  their  originators.  Justice,  with  an  even  and  severe  hand,  gives  us 
to  drink  out  of  the  very  cup  we  have  poisoned.'  But  do  not  say,  however, 
madame,  that  life  is  a  sad  thing.  Without  reverses  it  would  soon  become 
insipid,  and  we  find  that  the  happiest  mortals  are  those  who  have  been 
taught,  through  some  sad  experience,  the  value  of  this  world's  goods.  We 
need  to  remember  that  happiness  and  misfortune  are  both  transitory,  and 
leave  us  but  the  faint  traces  of  their  passage.  To  try  to  do  good,  to  avoid 
evil,  a  little  severity  for  one's  self,  a  little  indulgence  for  others — this  is  the 
means  to  obtain  some  good  result  out  of  our  poor  existence.  To  love  one's 
friends,  to  be  beloved  by  them — this  is  the  means  to  brighten  it.  I  am  per- 
suaded that  you  are  entitled  to  all  the  happiness  your  kind  heart  can  give— 
and  that  you  will  surely  be  happy.  Such  is  the  horoscope  which  I  delight  in 
drawing  for  you,  and  I  beg  you  to  believe  that  no  one  wishes  for  its  realiza- 
tion more  than  I  do.  Adieu,  madame ;  present,  if  you  please,  a  thousand 
regards  to  Count  Alfieri,  and  trust  always  in  the  feelings  of  esteem  with 
which  you  have  inspired  me  for  life." 

*  This  was  doubtless  an  allusion  to  the  assertion  made  in  the  columns  of 
the  Aurora,  in  America,  that  Morris  had  an  illicit  connection  with  the 
British  Government,  for  which  assertion  he  prosecuted  the  editor  of  the 
paper. 

t "  Everything  points,  in  fact,  to  a  disposition,  on  their  part,  to  establish 


24  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XXVII. 

"M,  Genet,  who  is  appointed  Minister  to  the  United 
States,  dines  with  me,"  says  the  diary  for  January  3d. 
"Mr.  Short  calls  in  the  evening,  and  I  give  him  his  pass- 
port.    The  weather  is  soft." 

"  Mr.  Short,  the  Marechal  de  S^ur,  M.  Grefeuille,  and 
the  Chevalier  de  Tremblai  dine  with  me  [January  4th]. 
The  weather  grows  colder." 

"  I  go  out  this  morning  [January  5th],  but  am  glad  to 
get  home.  The  streets  are  a  glare  of  ice,  horses  tumbling 
down,  and  some  killed  ;  mine  come  off  tolerably.  The 
situation  of  things  is  such  that  to  continue  this  journal 
would  compromise  many  people,  unless  I  go  on  in  the 
way  I  have  done  since  the  end  of  August,  in  which  case 
it  must  be  insipid  and  useless.  I  prefer,  therefore,  the 
more  simple  measure  of  putting  an  end  to  it." 

Mr.  Morris's  letters  must  carry  on  the  history  of  his  life 
in  France  for  the  subsequent  twenty-one  months  of  his 
stewardship  in  that  distracted  country,  and  but  for  his 
indefatigable  energy  in  keeping  copies  of  his  letters,  the 
editor  of  these  papers  would  be  forced  to  abandon  the 
work  at  this  most  interesting  period. 

a  military  despotism.  .  .  .  Alas !  sir,  if  everyone  had  desired — as  you  did 
— the  happiness  of  France,  it  would  be  now  the  most  free  and  most  blessed 
country  in  the  world.  I  have  no  intercourse  with  the  English  ministers ;  I 
am  too  good  a  Frenchman  for  that.  The  present  circumstances  are  indeed 
very  painful. " 


1793]  GOU VERNE UR  MORRIS.  2$ 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Letter  to  Washington  concerning  M.  Genet.  Morris  questions  his  abil- 
ity. Clew  to  some  mysteries  of  the  Revolution.  Morris  urged  to 
leave  Paris.  Paris  a  dangerous  residence.  He  determines  to  stay. 
Letter  in  verse  to  Lady  Sutherland.  Trial  of  Louis  Sixteenth. 
Letter  to  Jefferson.  The  king's  execution.  His  dignified  manner. 
War  with  England  inevitable.  Letter  to  Washington.  French  pros- 
pects dreadful.  Parties  pass  away  like  shadows.  Morris  reported  a 
victim  of  the  guillotine.  Letter  to  Robert  Morris.  Letter  to  Jeffer- 
son. Scarcity  of  men  in  France.  The  Revolutionary  Tribunal  organ- 
ized. Morris  arrested  in  the  street.  Letter  to  Jefferson.  Growing 
treachery  to  the  government  A  majority  in  the  Convention  in  favor 
of  royalty.  Morris  buys  a  country  place.  Leaves  Paris.  Spends 
the  summer  at  Sainport. 

ON  the  6th  of  January,  1793,  Morris  wrote  to  Wash- 
ington   concerning   M.   Genet,   the   new    Minister 
from  France  to  the  United  States.     Morris  says  : 

"  I  have  seen  M.  Genet,  and  he  has  dined  with  me  since 
I  had  the  pleasure  of  writing  to  you  on  the  28th  of  last 
month.  He  has,  I  think,  more  of  genius  than  ability,  and 
you  will  see  in  him  at  first  blush  the  manner  and  look  of 
an  upstart.  My  friend,  the  Marechal  de  Segur,  had  told 
me  that  M.  Genet  was  a  clerk  at  ^50  per  annum  in  his 
oflfice  while  Secretary  of  War.  I  turned  the  conversation, 
therefore,  on  the  marechal,  and  M.  Genet  told  me  that  he 
knew  him  very  well,  having  been  in  the  ministry  with  him. 
After  dinner  he  entered  into  dispute  with  a  merchant  who 
came  in,  and,  as  the  question  turned  chiefly  on  facts,  the 
merchant  was  rather  an  overmatch  for  the  minister.  I 
think  that  in  the  business  he  is  charged  with  he  will  talk 
Vol.  IL— 9 


26  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XXVIII. 

SO  much  as  to  furnish  sufficient  matter  for  putting  him  on 
one  side  of  his  object,  should  tiiat  be  convenient. 

"  I  have  endeavored  to  show  him  that  this  is  the  worst 
possible  season  to  put  to  sea  for  America.  If  he  delays, 
there  is  some  room  to  suppose  that  events  may  happen 
to  prevent  the  mission  ;  perhaps  a  British  ship  may  inter- 
cept that  which  takes  him  out,  and  I  incline  to  think  that 
until  matters  are  more  steady  here  you  would  be  as  well 
content  with  some  delay  as  with  remarkable  despatch. 
.  .  .  As  I  have  good  reason  to  believe  that  this  letter 
will  go  safely,  I  shall  mention  some  things  which  may 
serve  as  a  clew  to  lead  through  mysteries.  Those  who 
planned  the  revolution  which  took  place  on  the  loth  of 
August  sought  a  person  to  head  the  attack,  and  found  a 
M.  Westermann,*  whose  morals  were  far  from  exemplary. 
He  has  no  pretensions  to  science  or  to  depth  of  thought, 
but  he  is  fertile  in  resources  and  imbued  with  the  most 
daring  intrepidity.  Like  Caesar,  he  believes  in  his  fort- 
une. When  the  business  drew  towards  a  point  the  con- 
spirators trembled,  but  Westermann  declared  they  should 
go  on.  They  obeyed,  because  they  had  trusted  him  too 
far.  On  that  important  day  his  personal  conduct  decid- 
ed, in  a  great  measure,  his  success.  Rewards  were  due, 
and  military  rank,  with  opportunities  to  enrich  himself, 
granted.  You  know  something  of  Dumouriez.  The  Coun- 
cil distrusted  hini.  Westermann  was  commissioned  to  de- 
stroy him  should  he  falter.  This  commission  was  shown 
to  the  general.  It  became  the  bond  of  union  between 
him  and  Westermann.  Dumouriez  opened  treaty  with  the 
King  of  Prussia.     The  principal  emigrants,  confident  of 

*  Francois  Joseph  Westermann,  a  native  of  Alsace,  and  one  of  the  princi- 
pal instigators  of  the  Jacobins  to  revolution  in  Alsace.  He  was  also  one  of 
the  leaders  of  the  riots  of  August  loth,  at  Paris.  He  and  his  friend  Dantcn 
were  executed  together  in  April,  1794, 


1793-3  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.         ^  2/ 

force  and  breathing  vengeance,  shut  the  royal  ear.  Thion- 
ville  was  defended,  because  a  member  of  the  Constituent 
Assembly  saw  in  Lafayette's  fate  his  own.  Metz  was  not 
delivered  up,  because  nobody  asked  for  the  keys,  and  be- 
cause the  same  apprehensions  were  felt  which  influenced 
in  Thionville.  The  King  of  Prussia  waited  for  these  evi- 
dences of  loyalty  until  his  provisions  were  consumed.  He 
then  found  it  necessary  to  bargain  for  a  retreat.  It  was 
worth  to  Westermann  about  ten  thousand  pounds.  The 
Council,  being  convinced  that  he  had  betrayed  their 
bloody  secret,  have  excited  a  bloody  prosecution  against 
him  for  old  affairs  of  no  higher  rank  than  petit  larceny. 
He  has  desired  a  trial  by  court-martial.  You  will  judge 
whether  cordial  union  can  subsist  between  the  Council  and 
their  generals.  Vergniaud,*  Guadet,  etc.,  are  now,  I  am 
told,  the  intimates  of  Dumouriez,  and  that  the  present  ad- 
ministration is  to  be  overturned,  beginning  with  Pache, 
the  Minister  of  War.  You  will  have  seen  a  denunciation 
against  these  members  of  Assembly  for  a  letter  they  wrote 
to  Thierry,  the  King's  valet  de  chambre.  This  affair  needs 
explanation,  but  it  can  be  of  no  present  use.  The  King's 
fate  is  to  be  decided  next  Monday,  the  14th.  That  un- 
happy man,  conversing  with  one  of  his  council  on  his 
own  fate,  calmly  summed  up  the  motives  of  every  kind, 
and  concluded  that  a  majority  of  the  Council  would  vote 
for  referring  his  case  to  the  people,  and  that  in  conse- 
quence he  should  be  massacred.  I  think  he  must  die  or 
reign." 

Mr.  Morris's  friends,  as  well  as  members  of  his  family, 
had  by  this  time  become  apprehensive  for  his  life,  and 


*  Pierre  Vicorin  Vergniaud,  one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Girondin  party,  the 
most  eloquent  speaker  of  the  party,  and  one  of  the  greatest  orators  of  the  As- 
sembly. Bom  at  Limoges  in  1759,  he  died,  at  thirty-five  years  of  age,  after  a 
brilliant  but  stormy  career,  being  guillotined  October  31,  1793. 


28  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XXVIII. 

earnestly  urged  him  to  abandon  Paris  and  seek  some  less 
perilous  place.  In  reply  to  this  wish  he  wrote,  January 
14th,  to  his  brother,  General  Morris,  then  at  London,  as 
follows  : 

"  The  date  of  this  letter  will  show  you  that  I  did  not,  as 
you  hoped,  abandon  my  post,  whi^ch  is  not  always  a  very 
proper  conduct.  It  is  true  that  continuing  here  was, 
on  many  accounts,  unpleasant,  but  we  must  take  the 
world  as  it  goes.  You  are  right  in  the  idea  that  Paris  is  a 
dangerous  residence.  But  it  is  better  that  my  friends 
should  wonder  why  I  stay  than  my  enemies  inquire  why 
I  went  away.  I  will  do  what  is  right,  to  the  best  of  my 
judgment.  I  perfectly  agree  with  you  that  a  small  sum 
on  my  farm,  with  contentment,  is  better  than  anything  in 
a  situation  like  that  in  which  I  am  now  placed  ;  but  the 
first  of  all  enjoyments  is  that  which  results  from  doing  our 
duty.  An  opportunity  presents  itself  which  enables  me 
to  give  you  the  desired  certificate  that  as  yet  I  exist. 
Such  an  existence,  however,  is  very  far  from  pleasant,  so 
I  should  be  very  glad  to  pass  the  coming  summer  at  Mor- 
risania,  for,  if  it  be  possible  to  judge  of  the  future  by  the 
past,  it  will  exhibit  new  scenes  of  horror." 

The  many  "  scenes  of  horror "  through  which  he  had 
passed  had  not  destroyed  his  spirit  or  rendered  his  pen 
less  facile,  as  the  following  rhyming  letter  to  Lady  Suth- 
erland testifies  : 

"  The  science  of  politics,"  he  wrote,  "  is  at  the  best  a 
dry  one.  The  French,  therefore,  discuss  it  with  the  la- 
dies ;  and,  indeed,  the  presence  of  a  fine  woman  is  so  pleas- 
ant that  it  diffuses  general  gladness.  In  this  view  of  the 
subject,  I  am  now  about  to  converse  with  one  of  the  love- 
liest I  know,  and  thus  begins  our  conversation  : 

When  Brunswick  hither  came  express  to 
Restore  the  king,  his  manifesto, 


1793]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  29 

Denouncing  widely  war  and  vengeance, 

Was  one  of  those  destructive  engines 
Which,  if  we  do  not  safely  choose  them. 
Prove  hurtful  to  the  men  who  use  them. 

No  wonder,  then,  he  missed  his  aim. 

"  Here  you  reply  : 

An  easy  task  it  is  to  blame. 
And  when  a  general's  measures  fail, 
The  world  is  privileged  to  rail  ; 

But  would  you,  whilst  men  wound  and  curse  you. 

Present  them  naught  but  Christian  mercy  ? 
/  Mildness  to  those  abandoned  wretches  ! 

The  men  of  Paris  without  breeches, 

With  due  submission  to  your  meekness. 

"  Now  'tis  my  turn  : 

I  grant  you  that  the  sans  culottes, 

Who  please  themselves  by  cutting  throats, 

Might  well  expect,  if  times  should  alter, 

To  be  rewarded  with  a  halter  ; 
But  they  who  loved  the  Constitution — 

"  You  come  in  here  pat : 

.  Prepared  the  second  Revolution  ; 

'Twas  they  who  led  their  hapless  nation 

Out  of  the  road  of  her  salvation. 
To  follow  that  fantastic  scheme, 
The  rights  of  man  ;  a  boyish  dream 

Where  words  of  vague,  ambiguous  sense 

Conduct  to  bloodiest  consequence. 
They  pulled  unhappy  Louis  down. 
Then  mock'd  him  with  a  paper  crown 

Which  any  breath  might  blow  away 

And  leave  him  bare.     In  short,  'twas  they 
Who,  with  a  rage  perverse  and  blind, 
•  Would  fain  have  ruined  all  mankind. 


30  DIARY    AND   LETTERS  OF       [Chap.  XXVIIL 

"  To  this  I  answer  : 

Admitting  what  you  say  were  true, 
Yet  punishments  most  justly  due 

May  be  deferr'd,  when  hasty  zeal 

Would  rather  lead  to  woe  than  weal. 
Those  who  contend  against  a  foe 
Of  great  resources  strive  to  sow 

Dissension  in  his  state  ;  make  friends, 

Who  may  contribute  to  their  ends; 
And,  easier  conquests  to  obtain. 
Adopt  the  rule — divide  and  reign. 

If  Brunswick  had  this  line  pursued. 

He  had  not  now  his  fortune  rued  ; 
For  this  you  surely  may  rely  on. 
He  would  have  taken  town  of  Thion 

Without  a  stroke,  as  well  as  Metz. 

But  when  the  fall  of  Lafayette's 
Companions  was  proclaimed  here. 
Each  bosom  was  appall' d  with  fear. 

The  Constitutionals,  elate 

Before,  in  his,  beheld  their  fate. 
And  found  in  arms  't  was  better  die 
Than  to  surrender,  or  to  fly. 

Thus  Brunswick  was  oblig'd  to  fight. 

Both  with  the  party  Jacobite 
And  with  the  Feuillantins  their  foes, 
Who  but  for  him  had  come  to  blows 

Before  this  hour ;  and  thus  the  nation, 

United  by  his  proclamation, 
Displayed  at  once  uncommon  force. 
But  had  he  ta'en  a  different  course 

He  would  have  found  a  numerous  party 

Who  in  the  royal  cause  were  hearty. 
And  wish'd  sincerely  to  restore 
The  power  they  destroyed  before. 

**  And  hereon,  charming  lady,  I  greet  you  ;  and  I  would 
have  you  to  consider  that  all  this  rhyme  is  not  without 


1793]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  3 1 

some  reason.  So  pray  ask  your  lord  to  give  the  gentle- 
man who  bears  this  letter  an  interview,  and  sometimes, 
when  you  have  nothing  else  to  do,  think  of  a  lone  man 
who  thinks  very  often  of  you,  and  never  without  wishing 
you  were  again  established  in  Paris.     Adieu,  yours." 

From  the  14th  till  the  20th  of  January  Louis  Sixteenth 
stood  his  trial,  and  awaited  calmly,  it  would  seem,  the 
sentence,  not  doubting  what  it  would  be.  "Louis  Capet 
est  coupable  de  conspiration  contre  la  liberte  de  la  nation 
et  attentat  de  la  surete  gendrale  ;"  so  the  Convention  at 
last  decided,  and  for  seventy-two  hours  were  in  seance  to 
vote  for  his  life  or  death. 

"The  21st  of  January,  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
Louis  de  Bourbon,  XVI.  of  the  name,  born  at  Versailles 
the  23d  August,  1754,  named  Dauphin  the  20th  Decem- 
ber, 1765,  King  of  France  and  of  Navarre,  loth  of  June, 
1774,  consecrated  and  crowned  at  Rheims,  nth  June, 
1776,  was  guillotined  in  the  Place  de  la  Revolution."  On 
the  25th  of  January  Morris  wrote  of  the  event  to  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson. "The  late  King  of  this  country  has  been  publicly 
executed.  He  died  in  a  manner  becoming  his  dignity. 
Mounting  the  scaffold,  he  expressed  anew  his  forgive- 
ness of  those  who  persecuted  him,  and  a  prayer  that  his 
deluded  people  might  be  benefited  by  his  death.  On  the 
scaffold  he  attempted  to  speak,  but  the  commanding  of- 
ficer, Santerre,  ordered  the  drums  to  beat.  The  King 
,  made  two  unavailing  efforts,  but  with  the  same  bad  success. 
The  executioners  threw  him  down,  and  were  in  such  haste 
as  to  let  fall  the  axe  before  his  neck  was  properly  placed, 
so  that  he  was  mangled.  It  would  be  needless  to  give 
you  an  affecting  narrative  of  particulars.  I  proceed  to 
what  is  more  important,  having  but  a  few  minutes  to  write 
in  by  the  present  good  opportunity.  The  greatest  care 
was  taken  to  prevent  a  concourse  of  people.     This  proves 


32  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XXVIII. 

a  conviction  that  tiie  majority  was  not  favorable  to  that 
severe  measure.  In  fact,  the  great  mass  of  the  people 
mourned  the  fate  of  their  unhappy  prince.  I  have  seen 
grief,  such  as  for  the  untimely  death  of  a  beloved  parent. 
Everything  wears  an  appearance  of  solemnity  which  is 
awfully  distressing.  I  have  been  told  by  a  gentleman 
from  the  spot  that  putting  the  King  to  death  would  be  a 
signal  for  disbanding  the  army  in  Flanders.  I  do  not  be- 
lieve this,  but  incline  to  think  it  will  have  some  effect  on 
that  army,  already  perishing  by  want  and  mouldering  fast 
away.  The  people  of  that  country,  if  the  French  army  re- 
treats, will,  I  am  persuaded,  take  a  severe  vengeance  for 
the  injuries  they  have  felt  and  the  insults  they  have  been 
exposed  to.  Both  are  great.  The  war  against  France  is 
become  popular  in  Austria,  and  is  becoming  so  in  Ger- 
many. If  my  judgment  be  good,  the  testament  of  Louis 
the  Sixteenth  will  be  more  powerful  against  the  present 
rulers  of  this  country  than  an  army  of  an  hundred  thou- 
sand men.  You  will  learn  the  effect  it  has  in  England.  I 
believe  that  the  English  will  be  wound  up  to  a  pitch  of 
enthusiastic  horror  against  France,  which  their  cool  and 
steady  temper  seems  to  be  scarcely  susceptible  of.  I  en- 
close you  a  translation  of  a  letter  from  Sweden,  which  I 
have  received  from  Denmark.  You  will  see  thereby  that 
the  Jacobin  principles  are  propagated  with  zeal  in  every 
quarter.  Whether  the  Regent  of  Sweden  intends  to  make 
himself  king  is  a  moot  point.  All  the  world  knows  that 
the  young  prince  is  not  legitimate,  although  born  under 
circumstances  which  render  it,  legally  speaking,  impossible 
to  question  his  legitimacy.  I  consider  a  war  between 
Britain  and  France  as  inevitable.  I  have  not  proof,  but 
some  very  leading  circumstances.  Britain  will,  I  think, 
suspend  her  blow  until  she  can  strike  very  hard,  un- 
less, indeed,  they  should  think  it  advisable  to  seize  the 


1793]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  33 

moment  of  indignation  against  late  events  for  a  declara- 
tion of  war.  This  is  not  improbable,  because  it  may  be 
coupled  with  those  general  declarations  against  all  kings, 
under  the  name  of  tyrants,  which  contain  a  determination 
to  destroy  them,  and  the  threat  that  if  the  ministers  of 
England  presume  to  declare  w^ar,  an  appeal  shall  be  made 
to  the  people  at  the  head  of  an  invading  army.  Of  course, 
a  design  may  be  exhibited  of  entering  into  the  heart  of 
Great  Britain,  to  overturn  the  Constitution,  destroy  the 
rights  of  property,  and  finally  to  dethrone  and  murder 
the  King — all  which  are  things  the  English  will  neither  ap- 
prove of  nor  submit  to." 

Again,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Jefferson  on  the  13th  of  Feb- 
ruary, Morris  says:  "Since  ni)-^  last,  I  have  had  every 
reason  to  believe  that  the  execution  of  the  King  has  pro- 
duced on  foreign  nations  the  effect  which  I  had  imagined. 
The  war  with  England  exists,  and  it  is  now  proper,  per- 
haps, to  consider  its  consequences  ;  to  which  effect  we 
must  examine  the  objects  likely  to  be  pursued  by  Eng- 
land, for  in  this  country,  notwithstanding  the  gasconades, 
a  defensive  war  is  prescribed  by  necessity.  Many  sup- 
pose that  the  French  colonies  will  be  attacked,  but  this 
I  do  not  believe.  There  are  higher  considerations  to  be 
attended  to.  In  one  shape  or  another  this  nation  will 
make  a  bankruptcy.  Strange  as  it  may  seem,  the  present 
war  is,  on  the  part  of  France,  a  war  of  empire,  and  if  she  de- 
fends herself  she  commands  the  world.  I  am  persuaded 
that  her  enemies  consider  this  as  the  real  state  of  things, 
and  will  therefore  bend  their  efforts  towards  a  reduction 
of  her  power  :  and  this  may  be  compassed  in  two  ways — 
either  by  obliging  her  to  assume  a  new  burden  of  debt  to 
defray  the  expense  they  are  at  on  her  account,  or  else 
a  dismemberment.  The  latter  appears  the  more  certain 
mode.  As  to  the  conduct  of  the  war,  I  believe  it  to  be  on 
Vol.  II.— 3 


34  DIARY  AND  LETTERS  OF       [Chap.  XXVIII. 

the  part  of  the  enemy  as  follows  :  First,  the  maritime  pow- 
ers will  try  to  cut  off  all  supplies  of  provisions  and  take 
France  by  famine  ;  that  is  to  say,  excite  revolt  among  the 
people  by  that  strong  lever.  I  think  I  can  perceive  some 
seeds  already  sown  to  produce  that  fruit.  As  to  the  colo- 
nies, I  believe  that  France  will  not  attempt  to  defend 
them,  and  their  whole  commerce  falls  naturally  into  the 
lap  of  America,  unless  the  British  prevent  it,  and  I  think 
they  will  find  it  more  convenient  to  neglect  that  small 
object  to  pursue  the  great  ones  which  open  themselves  to 
view  in  this  quarter. 

"  You  had  instructed  me  to  endeavor  to  transfer  the  ne- 
gotiation for  a  new  treaty  to  America,  and  if  the  revolu- 
tion of  the  loth  of  August  had  not  taken  place,  but  in- 
stead thereof  the  needful  power  and  confidence  had  been 
restored  to  the  Crown,  I  should  perhaps  have  obtained 
what  you  wished  as  a  mark  of  favor  and  confidence.  A 
change  of  circumstances  rendered  it  necessary  to  change 
entirely  my  conduct,  so  as  to  produce  in  one  way  what  was 
impracticable  in  another.  As  I  saw  clearly,  or  at  least  I 
thought  I  saw,  that  France  and  England  would  at  length 
get  by  the  ears,  it  seemed  best  to  let  them  alone  until  they 
should  be  nearly  pitted.  When  I  found  this  to  be  the 
case,  I  asked  an  interview  with  the  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  and  mentioned  to  him  my  wish  that  an  exception 
should  be  made  in  the  decree  against  emigrants  in  favor 
of  those  who  were  in  the  United  States.  I  told  him,  truly, 
that  I  wished  the  alliance  between  the  two  nations  to  be 
strictly  preserved  ;  I  told  him  with  great  frankness  that, 
notwithstanding  appearances  and  the  flattering  accounts 
transmitted  by  some  of  his  agents,  Britain  was,  in  my 
opinion,  hostile,  and  an  attempt  at  an  alliance  with  her 
idle.  He  assured  me  he  was  of  the  same  opinion.  I  then 
observed  to  him  that,  in  such  case,  there  would  be  no 


1793-]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  35 

doubt  but  Mr.  Hammond  would  exert  himself  to  inculcate 
the  opinion  that  our  treaty,  having  been  made  with  the 
King,  was  void  by  the  Revolution.  He  said  that  such  an 
opinion  was  absurd.  I  told  him  that  my  private  senti- 
ments were  similar  to  his,  but  I  thought  it  would  be  well 
to  evince  a  degree  of  good-will  to  America,  and  had  there- 
fore taken  the  liberty  to  suggest  the  exception  in  favor  of 
emigrants  to  America.  Now  I  know  well  that  some  of 
the  leaders  here  who  are  in  the  Diplomatic  Committee 
hate  me  cordially,  though  it  would  puzzle  them  to  say 
why  ;  and  I  was  determined  rather  to  turn  that  disposition 
to  account  than  to  change  it,  because  I  see  some  advan- 
tages to  result  from  it.  Thus  I  contributed  indirectly  to 
the  slight  put  on  me  by  sending  M.  Genet  without  men- 
tioning to  me  a  syllable  either  of  his  mission  or  his  errand, 
both  of  which,  nevertheless,  I  was  early  and  sufficiently 
informed  of.  The  pompousness  of  this  embassy  could 
not  but  excite  the  attention  of  England,  and  my  continu- 
ance at  Paris,  notwithstanding  the  many  reasons  which 
might  have  induced  me  to  leave  it,  would  also,  I  thought, 
excite  in  some  degree  their  jealousy  ;  and  I  have  good 
reason  to  believe  that  this  effect  was  produced.  At  any 
rate,  the  thing  you  wished  for  is  done  and  you  can  treat 
in  America  if  you  please.  Perhaps  you  will  see  that  all 
the  advantages  desired  do  already  exist,  that  the  acts  of 
the  Constitutional  Assembly  have  in  some  measure  set 
us  free  from  our  engagements,  and  that,  increasing  daily 
in  power,  we  may  make  quite  as  good  a  bargain  some  time 
hence  as  now. 

"  It  remains  to  add  a  few  words  in  reply  to  what  re- 
gards me  personally  in  your  letter.  I  am  very  happy  in- 
deed to  find  that  my  conduct,  as  far  as  it  was  known,  is 
approved  of.  This  is  the  summit  of  my  wish,  for  I  can- 
didly acknowledge  that  the  good  opinion  of  the  wise  and 


36  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF        [Chap.  XXVIII. 

virtuous  is  what  I  prize  beyond  all  earthly  possessions.  I 
have  lately  debated  much  within  myself  what  to  do.  The 
path  of  life  in  Paris  is  no  longer  strewed  with  roses,  as 
you  may  well  imagine  ;  indeed,  it  is  extremely  painful.  I 
have  already  given  my  reasons  for  staying  here,  but  now 
the  scene  is  changed,  and  I  had  thoughts  of  making  a 
tour  to  the  different  consulates.  There  are,  however, 
some  pretty  solid  objections  to  that  plan  for  the  present. 
The  next  thing  which  suggested  itself  was  to  hire  a  coun- 
try-house for  the  summer  season  in  the  neighborhood. 
At  length,  that  my  leaving  the  city  might  give  no  offence 
to  anybody,  I  have  bought  a  country-house  in  an  out  of 
the  way  place  where  it  is  not  likely  that  any  armies  will 
pass  or  repass,  even  should  the  enemy  penetrate.  If  I 
lose  the  money  paid  for  it  I  will  put  up  with  the  loss. 
The  act  in  itself  shows  a  disposition  friendly  to  France, 
and  as  it  is  between  twenty  and  thirty  miles  from  Paris,  I 
shall  be  at  hand  should  business  require  my  presence. 
Mr.  Livingston,  my  secretary,  will  continue  in  town  un- 
less driven  out  by  war  or  famine.  In  this  way  I  hope  to 
avoid  those  accidents  which  are  almost  inseparable  from 
the  present  state  of  society  and  government,  and  which, 
should  they  light  on  the  head  of  a  public  Minister,  might 
involve  consequences  of  a  disagreeable  nature.  It  is 
more  proper  also,  I  conceive,  to  make  arrangements  of 
this  kind  in  a  moment  of  tranquillity  than  when  confusion 
is  awakened  into  mischief.  In  all  this  my  judgment  may 
err,  but  I  can  truly  say  that  the  interest  of  the  United 
States  is  my  sole  object.  Time  alone  can  tell  whether  the 
conduct  was  right,  as  I  know  the  intention  to  be." 

To  Washington  Morris  wrote  on  February  14th  as  fol- 
lows: 

"  I  have  received  yours  of  the  20th  of  October,  which 
was  very  long  on  its  way.     You  will  find  that  events  have 


1793]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  37 

blackened  more  and  more  in  this  country.  Her  present 
prospects  are  dreadful.  It  is  not  so  much,  perhaps,  the 
external  force,  great  as  that  may  be,  for  there  are  always 
means  of  defence  in  so  vast  a  nation.  The  exhausted 
state  of  resources  might  also  be  borne  with,  if  not  reme- 
died ;  but  the  disorganized  state  of  the  government  seems 
irremediable.  The  venality  is  such  that  if  there  be  no 
traitor,  it  is  because  the  enemy  has  not  common-sense. 
Without  the  aid  of  venality  there  are  not  a  few  who,  from 
mistaken  zeal  and  from  ignorance,  contribute  to  the  suc- 
cess of  those  powers  who  are  leagued  against  France. 
Many  also,  under  the  garb  of  patriotism,  conceal  their 
attachment  to  the  former  government.  In  short,  the  frag- 
ment of  the  present  system  is  erected  in  a  quagmire. 
The  new  constitution  has  not  yet  made  its  appearance,  but 
it  is  easy  to  conjecture  what  it  will  not  be.  In  the  mean 
time  I  learn  that  the  Ministers  of  War  and  Marine  declare 
it  impossible  for  them  to  go  on. 

**  How  all  this  will  end  God  only  knows,  but  I  fear  it 
will  end  badly.  I  will  not  speak  of  my  own  situation. 
You  will  judge  that  it  is  far  from  pleasant.  I  could  be 
popular,  but  that  would  be  wrong.  The  different  parties 
pass  away  like  the  shadows  of  a  magic  lantern,  and  to  be 
well  with  any  one  of  them  would,  in  a  short  period,  be- 
come cause  of  unquenchable  hatred  with  the  others. 
Happy  America,  governed  by  reason,  by  law,  by  the  man 
she  loves,  whom  she  almost  adores.  It  is  the  pride  of  my 
life  to  consider  that  man  as  my  friend,  and  I  hope  long 
to  be  honored  with  that  title.  God  bless  you,  my  dear 
sir,  and  keep  and  preserve  you.  Your  cool  and  steady 
temper  is  now  of  infinite  consequence  to  our  country. 
As  soon  as  I  can  see  the  way  open  to  anything  decis- 
ive I  shall  inform  you  of  it.  At  present  I  weary  myself 
with  unavailing  reflection,  meditation,  and  conjecture.     A 


38  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XXVIIl. 

partition  seems  the  most  probable  event  at  present. 
Adieu." 

A  month  later,  rumor  and  the  gazettes  having  num- 
bered Morris  among  the  victims  of  the  guillotine,  he  hast- 
ened to  inform  Robert  Morris,  and  through  him  his  other 
friends,  of  his  well-being.  "  I  am  told,"  he  wrote,  March 
15th,  "that  the  London  gazetteers  have  killed  me,  be- 
sides burning  my  house  and  other  little  pleasantries  of  the 
same  kind.  Now,  as  these  accounts  may  be  republished, 
I  apprise  you  thereof  and  pray  you  to  vouch  that  they 
were  not  true  at  the  time  of  publication.  You  tell  me 
that  in  my  place  you  would  resign  and  come  home,  but 
this  is  not  quite  so  easily  done  as  said.  I  must  have  leave 
to  resign  from  the  President.  The  very  circumstances 
which  you  mention  are  strong  reasons  for  abiding,  because 
it  is  not  permitted  to  abandon  a  post  in  the  hour  of  diffi- 
culty. I  think  the  late  decrees  respecting  our  commerce 
will  show  you  that  my  continuance  here  has  not  been 
without  some  use  to  the  United  States,  and  as  to  the  rest, 
we  must  console  ourselves  with  the  reflection  that  what- 
ever is  is." 

It  was  in  March  that  Morris  became  assured  of  the  fact 
that  the  Executive  Council  had  sent  to  America  with  M. 
Genet  blank  commissions  for  privateers.  On  the  20th 
he  communicated  his  knowledge  to  Mr.  Pinckney,  then 
United  States  Minister  at  London,  as  a  "  fact  of  which  I 
am  informed  in  a  way  that  precludes  doubt.  The  com- 
missions are  to  be  given  clandestinely  to  such  persons  as 
he  might  find  in  America  inclined  to  take  them,  to  prey 
on  the  British  commerce.  This  appears  to  me,  waiving 
all  question  of  honesty,  no  very  sound  measure  politically 
speaking,  since  they  may,  as  a  nation,  derive  greater  ad- 
vantage from  our  neutrality  than  from  our  alliance.  I 
learn  that  some  seamen  have  lately  been  taken  by  British 


1793]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  39 

cruisers  who  claim  to  be  Americans.  I  presume  that  the 
claim  will  not  be  admitted,  but  if  the  government  should 
cause  them  to  be  executed  as  pirates,  a  knowledge  thereof 
would  go  a  great  way  to  prevent  our  citizens  from  engag- 
ing in  a  war  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  our  Government. 
I  am  the  more  solicitous  on  this  subject  in  that  we  may 
well  expect  a  back  game  of  the  same  kind  by  Britain,  and 
in  such  case  it  would  be  impossible  for  the  French  to  dis- 
tinguish, among  their  prisoners,  between  those  who  were 
and  those  who  were  not  English." 

France  began  now  to  feel  the  effects  of  war  and  emi- 
gration, not  to  mention  the  devastation  caused  by  the 
work  of  the  guillotine,  and  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Jefferson  on 
March  7th,  Morris  refers  to  this  state  of  things  as  follows : 

"  It  now  appears  that  there  is  a  real  scarcity  of  men,  and 
that  the  supposition  that  this  country  would  procure  five 
hundred  thousand  men  required  arose  from  little  circum- 
stances of  dress  and  flattery  calculated  to  catch  idlers. 
The  losses  of  the  last  campaign  are  sensible  in  the  mass 
of  population,  so  that,  notwithstanding  the  numbers 
thrown  out  of  employ  by  the  stagnation  of  some  manu- 
factures and  the  reduction  of  private  fortunes,  the  want  of 
common  laborers  is  felt  throughout  the  whole  country. 
Already  they  talk  of  drafting  for  the  service,  but  if  de- 
layed it  would  not,  I  believe,  go  down,  and  at  any  rate 
w^ould  not  produce  in  season  the  required  force,  especially 
if  the  enemy  should  have  any  considerable  force  ;  for  you 
must  not  imagine  that  the  appearances  in  this  country 
are  all  real,  and  you  must  take  into  your  estimation  that 
the  Convention  is  falling  into  contempt  because  the  trib- 
unes govern  it  imperiously.  They  try  to  save  appear- 
ances, but  the  people  cannot  long  be  dupes.  It  is  the  old 
story  of  King  Log,  and  how  long  it  may  be  before  Jupiter 
sends  them  a  crane  to  destroy  the  frogs  and  froglings  is  a 


40  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXVIII. 

matter  of  uncertainty.  Already  they  begin  to  cry  for  a 
dictator.  An  insurrection  also  is  brewing  whose  object,  I 
am  told,  is  to  destroy  the  faction  of  the  Gironde.  I  think  I 
mentioned  to  you  that  the  death  of  the  King  would  be  the 
forerunner  of  their  destruction.  The  majority  of  the  Con- 
vention is  clearly  at  the  disposition  of  their  enemies. 

"  The  consuls  will  forward  to  you,  and  you  will  see  in 
the  gazettes,  the  decree  for  opening  all  the  ports  of  this 
nation  to  our  vessels  on  equal  terms  with  their  own.  You 
will  be  so  kind  as  to  observe  that  this  was  done  on  a  re- 
port of  the  Committee  of  Safety.  Now  you  must  know 
that  the  members  of  this  committee,  or  at  least  a  majority 
of  them,  are  sworn  foes  to  the  members  of  the  Diplomatic 
Committee.  I  have  received  indirectly  a  kind  of  assur- 
ance from  the  former  (which  disposes  entirely  of  the  Con- 
vention) that  they  will  do  anything  for  the  United  States 
which  I  will  point  out ;  but,  in  fact,  I  know  not  anything 
which  we  ought  to  ask.  Great  exertions  are  making  here 
to  re-enforce  Dumouriez,  and  still  greater  to  bring  about  a 
new  revolution,  whose  effect,  if  successful,  would  be,  I 
think,  the  destruction  of  what  is  called  here  the  faction  of 
the  Gironde,  and  which  calls  itself  the  republican  party, 
qualifying  its  enemies  by  the  term  anarchists.  To  avoid; 
if  possible,  the  carnage  of  the  2d  to  the  8th  of  last  Sep- 
tember, a  tribunal  called  the  Revolutionary  Tribunal  is 
organized,  with  very  large  and  wide  powers.  It  is  one  of 
those  instruments  whose  operations  are  incalculable,  and 
on  whose  direction  depends  the  fate  of  the  country.  Opin- 
ion seems  to  set  very  strongly  against  the  Convention. 
They  are  supposed  to  be  incapable  of  steering  the  state 
ship  in  the  present  rough  weather ;  but  it  must  blow  yet 
a  little  harder  before  they  are  thrown  overboard.  I  be- 
lieve I  never  mentioned  that  a  constitution  was  reported, 
but  the  truth  is  that  it  totally  escaped  me.     A  paper  of 


I793J  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  4I 

that  sort  was  read  at  the  Convention,  but  I  learnt  the  next 
morning  that  a  council  had  been  held  on  it  overnight,  by 
which  it  was  condemned  ;  so  I  thought  no  more  of  it." 

Having  his  personal  liberty  interfered  with  was  not  at 
all  to  Morris's  taste,  and  when  on  the  28th  of  March  he 
was  arrested  in  the  street,  M.  Lebrun  was  speedily  in- 
formed that  that  sort  of  thing  was  not  to  be  quietly  borne. 
"  Yesterday  afternoon,"  he  wrote  to  the  minister,  *'  I  was 
arrested  in  the  street  and  conducted  to  the  Section  de  la 
Butte  des  Moulins  because  I  had  not  a  carte  de  citoyen.  Fort- 
unately a  person  who  knew  me,  having  heard  what  had 
passed,  came  to  my  rescue,  and  brought  me  out  of  the 
affair  on  his  own  responsibility.  I  have  the  honor  to  send 
you  herewith  the  copy  of  the  pass  given  me  by  the  Sec- 
tion. I  beg,  sir,  that  you  will  have  the  goodness  to  secure 
me  against  similar  accidents,  troublesome  in  themselves 
and  scandalous  from  the  publicity.  I  pray  you,  also,  to 
grant  me  protection  from  domiciliary  visits.  Armed  men 
came  into  my  house  yesterday,  and  although  I  have 
every  reason  to  be  satisfied  with  their  conduct  (for  they 
went  away  as  soon  as  I  convinced  them  of  the  impropriety 
of  their  proceedings),  yet  I  think  that  when  general  orders 
are  given  for  these  visits  such  houses  ought  to  be  excepted 
as  are  under  the  protection  of  the  law  of  nations.  Will 
you  do  me  the  favor  also  to  send  me  a  passport  for  trav- 
elling into  the  interior  ?  In  the  month  of  January  it  hap- 
pened to  me  to  be  arrested  and  sent  back  to  Paris  under 
pretence  that  the  passport  you  gave  me  was  out  of  date. 
I  am  in  expectation  of  going  forthwith  to  pass  a  few  days 
at  my  country-house,  and  it  may  be  that  I  shall  be  again 
stopped.  Will  you  have  the  goodness,  sir,  to  sign  the  en- 
closed certificate  for  the  members  of  my  family  ? " 

M.  Lebrun's  reply  was  as  follows  :  "  The  affection  of 
the  French  Republic  for  the  United  States  is  too  marked 


42  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XXVIII. 

to  admit  the  possibility  of  an  unfavorable  interpretation 
being  given  to  the  accident  which  befell  you  on  the  28th 
instant.  The  precautionary  measures  taken  on  that  day 
extended  to  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  Paris,  and  a 
proof  that  they  had  no  reference  to  you  personally  is  that 
at  the  moment  your  name  and  rank  were  known  you  ob- 
tained the  justice  due  to  you.  The  domiciliary  visits  were 
an  equally  general  measure,  from  which  no  house  in  Paris 
was  exempt.  I  see  with  pleasure  that  the  Commissaries 
of  the  Section  who  entered  your  house  withdrew  after  the 
explanation  you  gave  them.  The  respect  which  they  have 
shown  you  is  proof  of  the  belief  of  my  fellow-citizens  that 
the  minister  of  a  free  nation,  an  ally  of  France,  is  inca- 
pable of  receiving  into  his  house  disaffected  persons.  The 
exemption  which  you  claim  would  have  had  the  pernicious 
effect  of  affording  the  ill-disposed  a  facility  for  calumni- 
ating your  motives,  in  order  to  disturb  the  entire  harmony 
which  subsists  between  the  two  nations." 
-  Morris  does  not  again  speak  of  being  arrested  or  of 
any  domiciliary  visits  disturbing  his  privacy.  Shortly 
after  this  experience  he  left  Paris  for  Sainport,  a  modest 
pied-h-terre  on  the  Seine,  not  far  from  Paris,  which  he  had 
purchased.  Of  the  growing  treachery  to  the  government 
Morris  wrote,  April  19th,  to  Mr.  Jefferson  : 

"  There  seems  to  be  more  of  treason  in  thi«  country 
than  was  imagined,  and  every  day  increases  suspicion, 
which,  whether  well  or  ill  founded,  has  always  the  effect 
of  distracting  the  public  councils.  As  far  as  I  can  judge 
of  the  public  mind,  it  appears  that  there  is  a  general  state 
of  suspense.  Success  on  either  side  will  fix  the  opinions 
of  a  very  great  number,  who  will  then  act  to  show  their 
sincerity.  Here  they  hang  people  for  giving  their  opinion 
in  favor  of  royalty  (that  is,  they  cut  off  their  heads),  but 
yet  I  am  told  that  such  opinion  is'openly  avowed  and  sup- 


1793]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  43 

ported  in  the  streets.  I  am  told  that  there  is  a  majority 
even  of  the  Convention  who  think  a  king  necessary  ;  but, 
as  they  see  the  loss  of  their  own  lives  in  connection  with 
the  re-establishment  of  the  throne,  it  is  to  be  supposed 
that  they  would  not  tell  such  thoughts.  Time  will  show 
that  there  are  among  them  some  false  brethren,  and  cer- 
tainly the  most  intelligent  must  be  convinced  that  the 
republican  virtues  are  not  yet  of  Gallic  growth. 

"  The  Duke  of  Orleans  is  in  the  way  of  reaping  the 
fruits  of  his  conduct,  being,  as  you  will  see,  sent  a  pris- 
oner to  Marseilles.  The  storm  thickens  all  around  us,  but 
as  yet  one  cannot  certainly  determine  how  it  will  burst. 
The  attempts  made  to  excite  disturbances  in  Paris  have 
hitherto  proved  ineffectual,  but  that  stroke  seems  to  be 
reserved  for  the  moment  when  the  deputies,  now  in  com- 
mission in  the  departments,  shall  return." 

By  the  end  of  May  Morris  had  established  himself  in 
quiet  and  comparative  safety,  "  in  a  neat  little  house  on 
the  banks  of  the  Seine  at  Sainport,"  he  wrote  to  Robert 
Morris,  "  with  a  pretty  little  garden  and  some  green  trees, 
and  more  grass  than  my  neighbors ;  for  you  will  observe 
that  we  are  so  scorched  by  a  long  drought  that,  in  spite  of 
all  philosophic  notions,  we  are  beginning  our  processions 
to  obtain  the  favor  of  the  bon  Dieu.  Were  it  proper  for 
un  homme  public  et  protestant  to  interfere,  I  should  be 
tempted  to  tell  them  that  mercy  is  before  sacrifice.  I 
remember  that  about  a  year  (or,  indeed,  eighteen  months) 
ago  I  was  desired  in  a  large  society  to  draw  the  horoscope 
of  France,  to  which  I  answered  that  it  might  be  done  in 
three  words — guerre^  famine,  peste.  This,  which  appeared 
to  me  at  the  time  more  than  possible,  has  long  been  cer- 
tain as  to  a  part,  and  but  too  probable  for  what  remains. 

"  I  have  about  twenty  acres  of  land,  about  twenty  miles 
from  the  barrier  of  Paris  in  summer  (by  means  of  a  cross- 


44  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXVllI. 

road) ;  I  have,  on  the  whole,  about  twenty-seven  miles  to 
Paris,  and  from  hence  to  Fontainebleau  about  fifteen.  This 
last  will,  I  imagine,  become  the  seat  of  government  should 
the  royal  party  prevail.  But  if  Monsieur  should  be  regent 
he  might  reside  in  his  palace  at  Choisi,  about  six  miles 
from  the  barrier  of  Paris,  and  eighteen  from  hence.  My 
little  territory  is  enclosed  by  a  stone  wall  about  eight  feet 
high  on  the  north  and  east  sides,  from  which  last  come  the 
cold  winds  of  this  hemisphere.  On  the  south  and  west  I 
am  secured  by  a  ha-ha.  The  western  side,  which  is  my 
greatest  length,  bounds  on  the  river,  from  which  the  ha- 
ha  is  distant  about  fifteen  yards  and  the  house  about 
forty.  The  river  is  about  the  size  of  the  Schuylkill  at  the 
Tweed's  ford,  but  deeper,  being  not  fordable.  Adjoining 
to  the  north,  and  separated  only  by  a  street,  is  the  village. 

"  My  prospect  is  rural  and  extensive.  At  a  mile  and  a 
half  on  the  southwest  are  the  ruins  of  baths  which  once 
belonged  to  the  fair  Gabrielle,  favorite  mistress  to  Henry 
the  Fourth,  and  at  half  that  distance  in  the  opposite  di- 
rection stands  on  a  high  plain  the  magnificent  pavilion 
built  by  Bouret.  He  was  what  is  here  called  un  homme  de 
finance.  He  expended  on  that  building  and  its  gardens 
about  half  a  million  sterling,  and  after  squandering  in  the 
whole  about  two  millions  sterling  he  put  himself  to  death 
because  he  had  nothing  to  live  on.  I  think  you  will  ac- 
knowledge that  the  objects  just  mentioned  are  well  calcu- 
lated to  show  the  vanity  of  human  pursuits  and  posses- 
sions. My  time  is  spent  in  reading  and  writing,  of  which 
last  I  have  not  a  little. 

"  The  French  privateers  employ  many  of  my  hours,  for 
the  masters  and  agents  of  the  American  vessels  they  take 
apply  to  me  for  advice  and  assistance.  The  other  day  I 
w^as  desired,  on  the  part  of  a  merchant  in  London,  to 
claim  of  the  ministry  some  rice  and  indigo,  but  I  knew 


1793]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  45 

neither  by  whom  nor  when  nor  where  they  were  taken, 
nor  where  they  are  deposited.  Without  observing,  how- 
ever, on  so  lame  and  so  strange  a  request,  I  desired  the 
person  who  made  it  to  appoint  an  agent  in  the  port,  with 
directions  to  state  a  proper  claim  before  the  competent 
judicature.  I  wonder  what  this  person  would  have  thought 
had  anybody  asked  a  Secretary  of  State  in  England  to  de- 
liver up  goods  taken  by  one  of  his  privateers.  I  have  had 
applications  to  grant  the  privileges  of  the  American  flag 
to  vessels  owned  by  Frenchmen  and  others.  Some  of  the 
applicants  were  offended  at  my  refusal  of  that  trifling  fa- 
vor. The  state  of  the  government  here  is  also  a  great 
plague,  for  it  is  difficult  to  discover  the  best  mode  of  com- 
passing an  object  when  the  parties  who  are  to  decide  are 
perpetually  changing.  Our  old  Congress  was  nothing  to 
this  Convention,  and  you  will  form  a  tolerable  idea  of 
the  nature  and  extent  of  that  influence  which  the  city  of 
Paris  exercises  from  some  late  events. 

"  It  is  rather  late  now  to  mention  Paul  Jones.  But  I 
should  have  written  to  you  about  his  death  immediately  if 
I  could  have  gotten  a  copy  of  his  will  to  transmit.  I  was 
promised  from  day  to  day,  and  at  length  the  matter  lay 
over,  and  since,  his  relations  have  been  here  and  have  writ- 
ten to  you.  I  drew  the  heads  of  his  will,  poor  fellow, 
the  day  he  died,  and  when  his  extremities  were  already 
cold.  I  called  on  him  in  the  afternoon,  with  M.  Vicq 
d'Azyr,  first  physician  to  the  Queen,  and  he  was  then  a 
corpse.  It  was  somewhat  singular  that  he,  who  detested 
the  French  Revolution  and  all  those  concerned  in  it, 
should  have  been  followed  to  the  grave  by  a  deputation 
from  the  National  Assembly,  and  that  I  should  have  had 
in  one  of  your  gazettes  some  very  severe  reflection  on  me 
for  not  paying  him  due  respect ;  I,  who  during  his  life  had 
rendered  him  all  possible  service  and  possessed  his  confi- 


46  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF       [Chap.  XXVIII. 

dence  to  the  last,  so  that  he  wished  to  name  me  with  you 
for  executor.  But  such  is  the  world,  whose  mistakes  fre- 
quently amuse  me,  and  on  more  serious  occasions.  Before 
I  quit  Paul  Jones  I  must  tell  you  that  some  people  here 
who  like  rare  shows  wished  him  to  have  a  pompous  fu- 
neral, and  I  was  applied  to  on  the  subject ;  but  as  I  had  no 
right  to  spend  on  such  follies  either  the  money  of  his  heirs 
or  that  of  the  United  States,  I  desired  that  he  might  be 
buried  in  a  private  and  economical  manner.  I  have  since 
had  reason  to  be  glad  that  I  did  not  agree  to  waste  money 
of  which  he  had  no  great  abundance,  and  for  which  his 
relatives  entertain  a  tender  regard.  I  promised  them  to 
entreat  your  attention  to  their  requests,  which  will  no 
doubt  be  somewhat  troublesome,  and  consume  the  mo- 
ments you  can  badly  spare.  A  preview  of  this  made  me 
desire  Jones  to  think  of  some  other  executor,  but  the  poor 
fellow  was  so  anxious,  telling  me  that  as  we  alone  pos- 
sessed his  full  confidence  he  could  not  think  of  losing  the 
aid  of  both,  etc.,  and  as  what  he  said,  besides  his  natural 
stammering,  was  interrupted  by  the  strugglings  against 
death,  I  was  obliged  to  quit  my  opposition.  Thus,  my 
dear  friend,  I  have  given  you  a  history  which  ought  to 
have  been  communicated  long  ago.  You  will  probably 
find  it  somewhat  tedious  now.     .     .     . 

"The  communication  with  England,  and,  indeed,  with 
all  foreign  countries,  was  never  in  the  memory  of  man  so 
difficult  and  uncertain  as  in  the  present  moment.  I  know 
nothing  of  what  passes  in  London,  even  as  to  my  own 
afifairs.  This  is  extremely  disagreeable.  I  could  indeed 
send  a  messenger,  but  to  that  effect  I  must  ask  passports 
as  for  one  carrying  my  public  despatches,  and  I  do  not 
choose,  even  in  matters  of  indifference,  to  make  my  public 
character  subservient  to  private  purposes." 


1793- ]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  4^ 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

Morris  aware  that  his  recall  is  desired.  Difficulties  of  the  mission.  Let- 
ters delayed  in  transit  to  and  from  America.  Source  of  great  annoy- 
ance. Insecurity  of  letters  in  France.  Description  of  his  life  at  Sain- 
port.  Distracted  condition  of  France.  Returns  to  Paris  in  October. 
Letter  to  Washington.  At  Sainport  during  the  summer  of  1794. 
Letter  to  Robert  Morris.  Changes  hourly  take  place  in  the  govern- 
ment. Difficulty  of  doing  business.  Letter  to  Washington.  The 
probable  event  of  the  opening  campaign  not  favorable  to  the  Repub- 
lic. Letter  to  Washington.  Fall  of  Danton.  Executions  still  go  on 
at  Paris.  Acknowledges  a  letter  from  Washington  over  a  year  in  its 
passage.  Concerning  the  Lafayettes.  New  minister  arrives  in  Au- 
gust.    His  advent  a  relief.     Morris  determines  to  stay  abroad. 

THAT  a  desire  had  been  expressed  to  his  Government 
for  his  recall  Morris  had  known  for  some  time,  and  on 
the  25th  of  June  he  wrote  from  Sainport  to  Robert  Morris 
telling  him  that  he  knew  well  that  orders  had  been  given 
to  effect  his  recall.*  "If"  he  says  in  this  letter,  "I  did 
not  mention  this  to  you  at  the  time,  it  was  out  of  delicacy 

*As  soon  as  Washington  demanded  the  recall  of  Genet,  the  French  Gov- 
ernment demanded  in  return  the  recall  of  Morris.  Grave  charges,  in  the 
mean  time,  had  been  brought  against  Morris  by  his  enemies,  and  accusations 
of  fomenting  a  counter-revolution,  which  so  alarmed  Washington  and  Jeffer- 
son that  Morris  would  probably  have  been  recalled  but  for  Edmund  Ran- 
dolph, who  wrote  to  Washington,  February  22,  1793,  as  follows:  "The 
charges  have  come  in  an  ambiguous  form,  half  private,  half  public  ;  and  it 
must  be  uncertain,  until  the  arrival  of  the  new  Minister  from  France,  to  what 
extent  those  charges  are  to  be  pressed.  To  seize  so  imperfect  an  opportu- 
nity for  dismission  might  argue  an  eagerness  to  get  rid  of  the  officer,  and  be- 
fore such  a  stroke  is  given  to  the  reputation  of  any  man,  ought  he  not  to  be 
heard?  " 

Concerning  the  relations  between  Morris  and  Randolph,  see  Omitted 
Chapters  of  History,  etc. ,  by  Moncure  D.  Conway. 


48  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXIX. 

(perhaps  ill-judged),  for  when  I  alone  am  concerned  I 
leave  things  to  the  discussion  of  my  enemies.  I  suspected 
(but  did  not  say  so)  that  Paine  was  intriguing  against  me, 
although  he  put  on  a  face  of  attachment.  Since  that 
period  I  am  confirmed  in  the  idea,  for  he  came  to  my 
house  in  company  with  Colonel  Oswald,  and,  being  a  lit- 
tle more  drunk  than  usual,  behaved  extremely  ill,  and 
through  his  insolence  I  discovered  clearly  his  vain  am- 
bition. At  present,  I  am  told,  he  is  besotted  from  morn- 
ing till  night.  He  is  so  completely  down  that  he  would 
be  punished  if  he  were  not  despised. 

"  I  have  in  a  former  letter  explained  to  you  why  I 
could  not  properly  resign.  Let  me  add  that  if  I  get 
through  this  mission  honorably  it  will  be  a  master-piece^ 
and  yet  nine  out  of  ten  will  say  it  was  the  easiest  thing  in 
nature.  So  every  school-boy  thinks  he  can  write  verses 
till  he  comes  to  the  trial.  If  \  fail,  I  shall  not  be  ashamed 
of  it,  for,  to  tell  you  the  truth,  fortune  must  be  propitious 
or  else  ...  As  I  suppose  the  Senate  have  a  com- 
munication of  our  despatches  so  far  as  may  suit  the  De- 
partment of  State,  you  will  be  able  to  form  some  judgment 
of  what  my  situation  has  been,  and  I  think  the  President 
will  do  me  justice  in  his  opinion,  however  political  con- 
sideration may  sway  his  conduct,  of  which  I  shall  never 
complain,  for  an  individual  should  never  be  placed  in  com- 
petition with  the  public  good." 

Added  to  the  difficulties  of  his  position,  Morris's  pa- 
tience was  sorely  tried  by  the  length  of  time  his  letters 
took  to  reach  America.  In  a  letter  to  Washington,  also 
of  June  25th,  expressing  the  vexation  of  this  particular 
circumstance,  he  says : 

"  I  am  mortified  more  than  I  can  tell  you  at  the  delay 
my  letters  experience  in  their  passage.  I  task  my  mind 
to   its  utmost  bent  to  discover  those  events  which  are 


1793]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  49 

most  likely  to  happen  in  order  that  (so  far,  at  least,  as  my 
judgment  can  be  relied  on)  you  may  be  duly  prepared, 
and,  after  all,  you  hear  of  the  event  before  my  almanac 
comes  out.  I  trust  that  long  ere  this  you  will  have  re- 
ceived what  I  had  the  honor  to  write  during  the  last 
winter  months.  Should  the  present  society  be  able  to 
establish  themselves  I  think  M.  Genet  will  have  a  suc- 
cessor, and  if,  the  Revolution  completed,  things  return  to 
the  point  from  whence  they  started,  I  am  sure  M.  Genet 
will  have  a  successor.  It  is  my  opinion  that  the  members 
of  Convention  lately  arrested  will  do  nothing,  for  the 
greater  part  of  them  have  only  parole  energy  ;  and  if  I 
were  called  on  by  any  urgent  motive  to  act,  it  should  be 
in  conformity  to  that  idea.  In  my  letter  to  Mr.  Jefferson 
of  this  day  I  tell  him  that  I  shall  implicitly  obey  his  or- 
ders, but  this  is  in  reply  to  the  broad  hint  that  my  embar- 
rassments may  have  arisen  from  inattention  to  the  princi- 
ples of  free  government.  You  may  rely,  sir,  that  I  shall 
be  cautious  to  commit  the  United  States  as  little  as  possi- 
ble to  future  contingencies.  I  have  never  thought  that 
three  parties  could  conveniently  exist  in  any  one  country, 
and  therefore  it  seems  to  me  that  one  of  those  into  which 
those  who  call  themselves  democrats  are  divided  must 
join  the  royalists.  I  do  not  inquire  what  negotiations 
are  carried  on  to  that  effect,  for  I  have  no  desire  to  med- 
dle with  such  affairs,  directly  or  indirectly,  and  I  should 
be  very  sorry  to  have  the  appearance  of  siding  with  any 
one  party  or  faction  whatever,  being  convinced  that  I  can 
best  do  the  business  of  the  United  States  by  keeping  aloof 
from  them  all." 

During  the  summer  of  1793  Morris  kept  up  a  rather 
interrupted   correspondence   with   his   friends,    although 
he   took    advantage   of  every  opportunity  which  prom- 
ised the  least  safety.     "  But  even  after  all   precautions 
Vol.  IL— 4 


50  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  XXIX. 

were  taken,"  he  says,  June  23d,  in  a  letter  to  Madame 
de  Chastellux,  then  at  Vernon,  "I  know  not  whether  my 
last  letter  reached  you.  Indeed,  the  apprehension  that 
other  eyes  than  yours  may  read  what  I  now  write  lays  me 
under  a  painful  restraint  in  expressing  myself.  Still,  I 
must  entreat  you  to  communicate  to  your  amiable  and 
unhappy  mistress  my  sensibility  for  her  cruel  situation. 
Her  fate  is  so  extremely  hard  that  severe  afflictions  seem 
yet  necessary,  not  only  before  she  can  be  restored  lopeace^ 
but  even  for  that  very  restoration.  In  some  respects, 
however,  the  clouds  dispel,  and  in  her  children  she  may 
meet  with  consolations  unexpected.  In  her  virtuous  soul 
she  will  find  an  unfailing  source  of  bliss  which  neither 
time  nor  chance  can  destroy,  which  will,  I  trust,  assuage 
her  anguish  in  this  world,  as  it  cannot  fail  to  exalt  her 
transports  in  the  world  to  come.  I  am,  and  for  about  two 
months  past  have  been  in  the  country,  about  eight  leagues 
from  Paris,  but  in  the  opposite  direction  from  Vernon.  I 
would  have  paid  my  respects  to  the  Duchess  but  for 
those  events  which  it  is  needless  to  mention,  any  more 
than  the  reasons  resulting  from  them.  I  still  flatter  my- 
self with  the  hope  that  all  the  broken  ends  of  society  will 
be  again  tied  together,  and  then  the  calm  will  be  so  much 
the  more  pleasant  as  you  have  been  tossed  and  tormented 
by  the  storm.  It  bellows  loudest  on  the  mountain's  brow, 
but  yet  so  wasteful  and  so  wide  is  its  range  that  the  sweet 
violet  of  the  humble  vale  shrinks  at  the  blast.  Little 
Alfred  is  so  far  happy  that  he  has  not  yet  put  forth  his 
buds  and  may  hope  a  milder  season  for  his  bloom.  That 
fortune  may  smile  on  his  youth  and  gratify ,  with  rich 
fruits  your  maternal  affection  is,  my  dear  madame,  the  sin- 
cere wish  of  your  friend." 

Writing  at  this  time  to  his  brother,  Lieutenant-General 
Staats  Long  Morris,  in  London,  for  the  first  time  in  many 


1793]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  $1 

months,  he  says :  "  The  applications  which  I  made  for 
your  liberation,  and  which,  I  am  told,  procured  it,  have 
on  that  ground  brought  me  the  enclosed  letter  to  be  for- 
warded to  you.  M.  de  Baas  asked  me  when  I  wrote  to 
you  to  enclose  his  letter  ;  I  told  him,  very  truly,  that  since 
the  breaking  out  of  the  war  I  had  curtailed  very  much 
my  correspondence,  but  would  nevertheless  forward  to 
you  an  open  letter.  Make  my  affectionate  remembrances 
to  my  sister.  If  peace  were  restored  I  should  press  you 
to  enjoy  a  French  air  on  the  banks  of  the  Seine  in  my 
hermitage,  where  you  would  be  in  the  neighborhood  of 
many  objects  worth  riding  to  look  at,  if  it  were  only  to 
gain  appetite  for  a  bottle  of  good  claret  and  a  slice  of 
small  mutton." 

The  following  letter  to  Mr.  Pinckney  at  London,  dated 
August  13th,  gives  an  interesting  picture  of  Morris's  iso- 
lated life  at  Sainport  during  this  summer,  and  of  the 
unhappy  state  of  society  in  Paris  and  France. 

"  You  wish  to  know  the  state  of  this  country.  There 
exists  a  tyranny  alike  cruel  and  capricious,  and  restrained 
neither  by  shame  nor  principle.  The  body  of  the  people 
long  for  the  restoration  of  their  former  government.  The 
exterior  is  more  formidable  in  show  than  in  substance. 
The  real  administration  is  occupied  in  acquiring  wealth. 
As  to  the  news,  I  might  write  a  dozen  pages  of  newspa- 
per, but  you  would  derive  from  thence  no  information.  As 
to  what  passes  in  our  armies  we  are  ignorant.  Some, 
therefore,  conjecture  ;  and  as  the  little  information  ob- 
tained consists  of  outlines,  each  fills  up  the  picture  ac- 
cording to  his  fancy,  and  gives  it  the  coloring  of  his  own 
disposition.  Hence  it  happens  that  good  patriots  see 
great  victories  and  small  checks  where  the  other  party  be- 
hold slight  skirmishes  and  dreadful  defeats.  Who  shall 
decide  when  doctors  disagree  ?     I  am  retired  to  the  coun- 


52  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXIX. 

try  for  the  sake  of  peace  and  good  air.  I  receive  the 
newspapers  by  accident.  I  know  nothing  of  what  passes 
but  by  hearsay.  I  confine  my  views  to  the  giving  pro- 
tection to  such  of  my  countrymen  as  stand  in  need  of 
it,  or  rather  to  the  asking  protection.  The  great  revolu- 
tion wheel  rolls  on  as  declivities  lead,  and  the  season  is 
as  dry  as  it  is  conveniently  possible,  so  that  nature  pre- 
sents no  cheering  view,  but  drives  us  back  into  the  moral 
world  to  shift  as  we  may.  My  letters,  even  between 
Paris  and  Sainport,  are  delayed.  The  Comite  de  Sur- 
veillance have  done  me  the  honor  to  peruse  some  of 
them." 

To  the  difficulty  of  receiving  letters  and  news  was 
added  the  danger  of  moving  about,  of  which  Morris 
spoke  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Short  during  September.  "  By 
the  by,"  he  wrote,  "  such  is  the  distracted  condition 
of  the  times  that  people  experience  as  much  difficulty 
in  passing  to  and  fro  near  the  capital  as  they  would 
have  formerly  been  exposed  to  in  going  to  the  territory 
of  a  power  at  war.  It  is  also  impossible  to  commit  any- 
thing to  paper  without  great  risks. 

"  One  of  my  countrymen,  on  his  way  from  Paris  hither 
having  taken  up  my  letters  in  Paris  (most  of  them  brought 
by  the  post),  was  stopped,  the  letters  taken  from  him,  broken 
open,  and  sent  to  the  Comity  de  Surveillance.  He  was 
detained  two  days,  till  I  could  apply  for  his  release.  Some 
of  my  letters  were  lost,  and  all  received  in  a  mangled  con- 
dition. Orders  have  been  given  to  prevent  such  accidents 
in  future,  and  I  shall  not  communicate  this  and  other 
little  affairs  officially  because  I  will  not  excite  resentments 
which  I  do  not  feel.  I  mention  this  to  you  that  you  may 
see  why  information  from  this  country  respecting  even 
private  business  must  be  very  defective.  To  write  in 
cipher  is  the  sure  way  to  have  the  letter  intercepted.     It 


1793]  GpUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  .^3 

was  not  possible  to  foresee  six  months  ago  the  many  ex- 
traordinary events  which  we  have  witnessed  in  that  period, 
and  as  every  day  produces  something  new,  no  sober  man 
will  pretend  to  guess  the  state  of  things  so  far  forward  as 
only  six  weeks  hence.  Therefore  writing  across  the  chan- 
nel, much  less  across  the  Atlantic,  is  totally  useless.  .  .  . 
Pray  tell  your  French  friends  not  to  name  anyone- in 
their  letters,  for  they  will  bring  their  friends  to  the  guil- 
lotine." 

About  the  middle  of  October,  and  just  before  the  exe- 
cution of  the  queen,  Morris  returned  to  Paris,  and  on  the 
i8th  he  wrote  the  following  letter  to  Washington  : 

"  The  present  government  is  evidently  a  despotism  both 
in  principle  and  practice.  The  Convention  now  consists 
of  only  a  part  of  those  who  were  chosen  to  frame  a  con- 
stitution. These,  after  putting  under  arrest  their  fellows, 
claim  all  power,  and  have  delegated  the  greater  part  of  it 
to  a  Committee  of  Safety.  You  will  observe  that  one  of 
the  ordinary  measures  of  government  is  to  send  out  com- 
missioners with  unlimited  authority.  They  are  invested 
with  power  to  remove  officers  chosen  by  the  people,  and. 
put  others  in  their  places.  This  power,  as  well  as  that  of 
imprisoning  on  suspicion,  is  liberally  exercised.  The  Rev- 
olutionary Tribunal,  established  here  to  judge  on  general 
principles,  gives  unbounded  scope  to  will.  It  is  an  em- 
phatical  phrase  in  fashion  among  the  patriots,  that  ter- 
ror is  the  order  of  the  day.  Some  years  have  elapsed 
since  Montesquieu  wrote  that  the  principle  of  arbitrary 
government  \sfear. 

"The  Queen  was  executed  the  day  before  yesterday. 
Insulted  during  her  trial  and  reviled  in  her  last  moments, 
she  behaved  with  dignity  throughout.  This  execution 
will,  I  think,  give  to  future  hostilities  a  deeper  dye,  and 
unite  more  intimately  the  Allied  Powers.     It  will  silence 


54  DIARY .  AND   LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  XXIX. 

the  opposition  of  those  who  would  not  listen  to  the  dis- 
memberment of  their  country,  and  therefore  it  may  be 
concluded  that  the  blow  by  which  she  died  was  directed 
from  a  distance.  But  whatever  may  be  the  lot  of  France 
in  remote  futurity,  and  putting  aside  the  military  events, 
it  seems  evident  that  she  must  soon  be  governed  by 
a  single  despot.  Whether  she  will  pass  to  that  point 
through  the  medium  of  a  triumvirate  or  other  small  body 
of  men  seems  as  yet  undetermined.  I  think  it  most  prob- 
able that  she  w^ill.  A  great  and  awful  crisis  seems  to  be 
near  at  hand.  A  blow  is,  I  am  told,  meditated  which  will 
shroud  in  grief  and  horror  a  guilty  land.  Already  the 
prisons  are  surcharged  with  persons  who  consider  them- 
selves as  victims.  Nature  recoils,  and  yet  I  hope  that 
these  ideas  are  circulated  only  to  inspire  fear.  .  .  .  The 
plan  for  the  Commissioners,  which  will  probably  be  car- 
ried into  effect,  is  to  charge  one  of  those  sent  with  letters 
of  credence,  but  instructed  to  conform  to  the  directions  of 
the  Board.  It  is  probable  that  the  new  minister,  on  being 
presented,  will  ask  you  to  aid  in  securing  the  person  and 
papers  of  the  old  one.  I  have  favored,  or  rather  excited 
the  idea  of  this  procedure,  for  several  reasons.  Such  a 
public  act  will  place  in  a  contemptible  light  the  faction 
connected  with  M.  Genet.  The  seizure  of  his  papers,  by 
exposing  his  connections  with  prime  movers,  will  give  a  les- 
son to  others,  and  the  Commissioners  who  exercise  the  high- 
est-handed authority  will,  on  reflection,  feel  the  necessity  of 
respecting  your  government,  lest  they  should  meet  a  simi- 
lar fate.  I  have  insinuated  the  advantages  which  might 
result  from  an  early  declaration  on  the  part  of  the  new 
minister  that,  as  France  has  announced  her  determination 
not  to  meddle  with  the  interior  affairs  of  other  nations,  he 
can  know  only  the  government  of  America.  In  union  with 
this  idea,  I  told  the  minister  that  I  had  observed  an  over- 


I794-]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  55 

ruling  influence  in  their  afifairs  which  seemed  to  come 
from  the  other  side  of  the  channel,  and  at  the  same  time 
had  traced  the  intention  to  excite  a  seditious  spirit  in 
America  ;  that  it  was  impossible  to  be  on  a  friendly  foot- 
ing with  such  persons,  but  that  at  present  a  different  spirit 
seemed  to  prevail,  etc.  This  declaration  produced  the 
effect  I  intended.  I  find  that  this  Commission  will  en- 
deavor to  get  hold  of  the  debt  from  America  to  France  by 
anticipation  if  no  other  reason.  If  you  were  here  you  would 
not  be  surprised  that  people  do  not  write  to  their  corre- 
spondents. The  times  are  very  critical,  and  innocent  ac- 
tions may  be  misinterpreted.  All  correspondence  with 
foreign  countries  gives  ground  of  suspicion," 

The  next  letter  to  Washington,  dated  the  5th  of  Febru- 
ary, 1794,  urged  the  necessity  for  the  Government  to  ar- 
range for  the  regular  conveyance  of  despatches.  "Six 
packets  would  be  amply  sufficient  for  the  service,  and  if, 
as  I  believe,  small  schooners  could  be  safely  employed  as 
well,  the  prime  cost  would  not  be  above  three  thousand 
pounds  sterling,  and  the  annual  expense  I  should  suppose 
not  more  than  half  that  sum.  In  a  newspaper  of  this  day 
I  find  the  translation  of  your  message  of  the  5th  of  De- 
cember to  Congress,  and  observe  that,  after  stating  the 
violation  of  the  treaty  by  a  decree  of  the  National  Con- 
vention, you  tell  them  I  have  been  instructed  to  make 
representations  to  them  on  the  subject.  Now,  my  dear 
sir,  this  is  the  first  I  hear  and  all  I  know  of  such  instruc- 
tions. I  suppose  this  arises  from  the  difficulty  of  com- 
munication, but,  whatever  be  the  cause,  I  feel  the  effect.  I 
beg  your  pardon,  my  dear  sir,  for  troubling  you'  with  this 
groaning,  scheming  epistle.  I  will  not  say  a  word  of 
news,  as  in  supposable  circumstances  it  might  prevent 
this  letter  from  reaching  you. 

"  P.  S.    I  am  sorry  to  see  that  your  love  of  retirement 


56  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXIX. 

Struggles  so  strongly  against  a  continuance  in  public  life. 
I  am  afraid  the  Devil  (for  it  is  from  him,  you  know,  that 
comes  all  evil)  will  put  it  in  your  head  one  day  to  quit  out- 
right, which  God  in  his  mercy  forbid ;  for  I  tell  you,  and  you 
know  me  well  enough  to  believe  me,  it  will  be  a  very  sad 
day  for  America.  As  to  yourself,  I  know  that  you  will  be 
more  happy  at  home,  and  I  judge  from  my  own  feelings 
how  strong  must  be  your  desire  to  get  there.  Apropos  : 
Whenever  you  think  the  United  States  can  gain  anything 
by  giving  me  a  successor,  let  it  be  done." 

In  the  early  spring  Morris  again  sought  the  quiet  and 
refreshment  of  his  little  home  at  Sainport,  and  from  there 
he  wrote  to  Robert  Morris  on  March  loth,  asking  for  in- 
formation on  many  subjects.  "Neither  from  the  United 
States  nor  from  you,"  he  wrote,  "  has  one  line  come  since 
the  month  of  July,  1793  ;  and  six  months  have  passed 
since  the  receipt  of  public  despatches.  I  hope  the  new 
Secretary  of  State,  who  was  formerly  an  attentive  man, 
will  contrive  to  let  the  servants  of  the  United  States  in  for- 
eign countries  hear  from  time  to  time  whether  their  let- 
ters are  received.  I  am  very  disinterested  in  this  hope, 
for  different  reports  from  various  quarters  seem  to  con- 
cur in  the  idea  that  I  am  to  be  recalled.  On  that  subject 
I  will  here  express  to  you  my  opinion  as  coolly  as  if 
I  were  speaking  of  a  stranger,  and  concerning  a  transac- 
tion of  the  last  century.  It  will  not  be  wise.  If  the  gov- 
ernment here  were  fixed  on  any  permanent  basis,  it  would 
be  proper  for  America  to  have  here  a  man  agreeable  to 
the  rulers  of  the  country,  provided  always  that  he  did  not, 
to  render  himself  agreeable,  sacrifice  the  interests  intrusted 
to  his  care.  But  during  the  changes  which  hourly  (as  it 
were)  take  place,  it  is  impossible  for  any  man  to  do  the 
business  he  is  called  on  to  perform  unless  he  have  the  con- 
sciousness of  support  from  home,  and  unless  those  who 


1794.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  57 

are  here  be  well  convinced  that  he  cannot  be  removed  at 
the  will  and  pleasure  of  any  faction  or  party  in  the  country 
where  he  resides.  The  power  to  remove  is  more  than 
equivalent  to  the  power  of  appointing  in  its  influence  on 
the  mind  of  the  agent,  and  so  it  will  be  found  in  its  exer- 
cise. On  the  present  occasion,  it  is  lighter  than  a  feather. 
I  will  pursue  what  I  conceive  to  be  the  true  interest  of 
America  in  spite  of  faction  and  calumny  in  either  hemi- 
sphere or  in  both,  saving  always  my  obedience  to  the  in- 
structions I  receive.  M.  Genet's  attempts  I  conjectured 
beforehand,  but  I  should  suppose  that  his  channel  was 
not  the  best  through  which  to  apply  for  the  appointment 
of  a  successor  to  me.  Mine  on  his  subject  met  with  every 
attention  which  could  be  desired.     .     .     . 

"You  are  mistaken  if  you  suppose  that  my  habitation 
merits  the  name  of  chateau.  A  chateau  was  in  my  offer 
on  most  eligible  terms,  but  I  am  not  a  lover  of  show  or 
magnificence.  My  house,  my  humble  house,  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  many  superb  chateaux,  exhibits  a  plentiful, 
plain,  wholesome  table,  and  commands  a  cellar  of  excellent 
liquors.  Temperance  and  hospitality  are  the  titular  dei- 
ties which  preside.  If  I  could  receive  you  in  it  the  former 
of  these  goddesses  might  chance  to  be  neglected  for  one 
evening,  in  the  course  of  which  her  sister  should  rule 
alone  ;  or,  rather,  I  would  give  them  both  a  holiday,  and 
we  would  together  brighten  the  chain  of  ancient  friendship 
which  will,  I  hope,  endure  as  long  as  we  do. 

"At  this  moment  I  look  out  of  my  window  and  see  the 
pear-  and  plum-trees  in  full  bloom.  The  peaches,  apri- 
cots, and  almonds  are  already  formed.  The  apple-trees 
are  advanced.  We  have  had  hardly  any  winter,  and  if 
there  comes  no  frost  the  season  will  be  wonderful.  They 
dread  the  moon  of  April,  which  is  called  la  lune  rousse,  i.e., 
the  red-haired  moon.     Within  these  few  days  past  it  has 


I 


58  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXIX. 

been  so  hot  that  exercise  at  noon  was  very  disagreeable. 
This  is  the  best  farming  country  I  ever  saw,  taking  it  for 
all  in  all,  but  it  is  badly  cultivated.  Our  country  is  capa- 
ble of  producing  much  better  fruits,  and  with  far  greater 
certainty.  I  will  not  except  either  grapes  or  plums  ;  ex- 
cept the  nectarine,  I  may — and,  by  the  by,  it  is  a  beauti- 
ful, bad  fruit. 

"  You  tell  me  that  I  can  be  more  useful  to  the  United 
States  and  to  myself  in  America  than  here,  which  I  can 
readily  believe  ;  but  I  hope  this  does  not  mean  the  put- 
ting me  in  any  office.  My  wish  is  to  pass  quietly  what 
may  remain  of  my  life  when  I  get  home,  and  to  close 
my  little  circle  at  the  spot  where  it  began.  I  do  not  mean 
by  this  to  say  that  if  my  services  were  necessary  to  my 
country  they  should  be  withheld,  but  I  hope  no  such  ne- 
cessity will  ever  exist,  and  I  have  modesty  enough  to  be- 
lieve so.  I  believe  that  my  residence  here  has  been  of 
little  use,  but  that  is  not  my  fault.  If  the  present  Secre- 
tary of  State  would  take  the  trouble  of  reading  over  my 
letters  from  the  beginning  he  will  find  that  I  have  given 
regularly  for  months  beforehand  an  account  of  what 
would  happen.  If  credit  was  not  given  to  my  predictions, 
it  was  not  my  fault.  As  to  my  conduct  here,  I  will  neither 
praise  nor  excuse  it,  but  confine  myself  to  the  sincere 
wish  that  my  successor,  whoever  he  be,  may  act  with  more 
wisdom  in  a  situation  less  critical.  And  for  the  rest,  I 
leave  it  to  fortune,  which  is  but  another  name  for  Provi- 
dence, knowing  that  the  world  judges  only  from  events, 
and,  of  course,  that  the  general  or  statesman  who  gains 
one  brilliant  affair  is  more  applauded  than  he  who  exists, 
with  small  force  or  assistance  and  in  a  dangerous  situa- 
tion, through  the  course  of  a  long  campaign. 

"  I  am  ashamed  to  have  said  so  much  of  myself  even  to 
you.     I  therefore  quit  the  subject  with  desiring  my  aflfec- 


1794]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  59 

donate  compliments  to  Hamilton,  and  my  congratulations 
that  he  has  such  violent  enemies  ;  for  if  it  be  just  to  judge 
a  private  man  by  his  friends,  it  is  not  amiss  to  estimate  a 
public  man  by  his  foes." 

To  Washington  Morris  again  wrote  a  few  days  later 
(March  12th)  :  "Every  day  confirms  what  is  written  in  my 
letter  of  the  i8th  of  last  October.  But  parties  are  so  bal- 
anced, and  the  impending  force  from  abroad  is  in  such 
threatening  attitude,  that  the  present  state  of  things  drags 
on  its  existence  rather  from  surrounding  circumstances 
than  from  internal  vigor,  and,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  the 
impending  changes  may  arise  from  a  victory,  a  defeat,  or 
from  a  famine. 

"  The  gazettes  tell  us  that  Mr.  Jefferson  is  coming  to 
Europe — some  of  them  say  as  my  successor  ;  others  say 
it  is  a  secret  mission.  I  have  heard  it  said  that  he  is  to 
negotiate  a  peace  among  the  belligerent  powers.  For  my 
own  part,  I  hold  in  politics  the  opinions  which  prevail  in 
physics  among  some  philosophers,  viz.,  that  it  is  proper  to 
determine  facts  before  we  attempt  to  discover  causes.  I 
wait,  therefore,  patiently  the  event.  Major  Jackson,  who 
has  been  here  for  some  time,  gave  me  two  successors, 
first  Mr.  Bingham  and  then  Mr.  Pinckney  ;  giving  in  the 
latter  case  Mr.  Pinckney's  place  to  Mr.  Bingham.  So  it  is 
easy,  you  see,  to  fill  up  vacancies.  The  probable  events 
of  the  campaign  about  to  open  are  not  favorable  to  the 
French  Republic.  It  will  be  extremely  difficult  for  them 
to  subsist  the  armies  needful  for  their  defence,  and  the 
extreme  severity  exercised  by  the  present  government  will, 
in  case  of  adverse  events,  excite  an  universal  insurrection. 
At  present  the  people  are  restrained  by  fear  from  showing 
any  sentiment  unfavorable  to  the  existent  authorities. 
But,  as  is  usual  in  like  circumstances,  should  that  fear  be 
removed  it  will  be  succeeded  by  sharp  resentment.     If, 


60  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF         [Chap.  XXIX. 

however,  the  armies  of  the  Republic  should  prove  success- 
ful, they  would,  in  my  opinion,  be  the  first  to  overturn  the 
Convention,  for  such  is  the  usual  course  of  things.  A  ter- 
rible perspective  this,  my  dear  sir,  for  those  who  are  at 
present  in  the  saddle.  No  wonder,  therefore,  if  they  ride 
hard.  It  is  not  the  least  of  their  misfortunes  to  be  fully 
sensible  of  their  situation,  and  it  results  therefrom  that  as 
much  time  is  consumed  in  providing  for  their  defence 
against  adverse  factions  and  contingent  events  as  in  pre- 
paring for  the  general  defence  pf  the  country ;  more, 
perhaps.  How  different  was  our  situation  in  America. 
Everyone  performed  cheerfully  his  part ;  nor  had  we  any- 
thing to  apprehend  but  from  the  common  enemy.  Such 
is  the  immense  difference  between  a  country  which  has 
morals  and  one  which  is  corrupted.  The  former  has  every- 
thing to  hope,  and  the  latter  everything  to  fear." 

Again,  after  the  fall  of  Danton,  and  under  date  of  April 
i8th,  Morris  wrote. to  Washington  of  the  event,  recall- 
ing at  the  same  time  to  Washington's  mind  a  letter  con- 
cerning Danton  which  he  had  written  some  months  pre- 
viously : 

"  In  a  letter  which  I  had  the  honor  of  writing  to  you  on 
the  loth  of  January,  1793,  I  gave  you  some  traits  respect- 
ing M.  Westermann,  and,  as  my  public  despatches  had 
already  communicated  the  plans  of  M.  Danton,  you  will 
not  be  surprised  at  what  has  lately  happened  to  them.  I 
wrote  to  you  on  the  25th  of  June  that  those  who  rule  the 
roast  had  just  ideas  of  the  value  of  popular  opinion  ;  also, 
that  should  they  reach  a  harbor  it  would  be  as  much  by 
good  luck  as  by  good  management,  and  that  at  any  rate 
part  of  the  crew  would  be  thrown  overboard.  Those  I 
had  then  particularly  in  view  were  Chabot  *  and  company, 

•  Francois  Chabot,  a  Capuchin  priest,  and  the  scandal  of  his  native  town 
of  Rhodez.    In  1792  he  was  appointed  deputy  to  the  legislature.    He  was  one 


I794-]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  6l 

of  which  company  a  part  still  exists.  On  the  i8th  of  Octo- 
ber I  gave  you  a  short  view  of  the  nature  of  the  then  gov- 
ernment, and  added  what  seemed  to  be  the  probable  termi- 
nation. I  therein  observed  that  whether  France  would  pass 
to  that  point  through  the  medium  of  a  triumvirate  or  other 
small  body  of  men  seemed  as  yet  undetermined,  but  that 
I  thought  it  most  probable  she  would.  At  that  period 
things  were  wound  up  very  high,  and  ever  since  the  ut- 
most uncertainty  has  prevailed  as  to  the  stroke  which 
would  be  given.  I  enclose  herein  a  copy  of  what  I  wrote 
you  the  12th  of  last  month,  since  which  both  the  Danton- 
ists  and  Hebertists  are  crushed.  The  fall  of  Danton  seems 
to  terminate  the  idea  of  a  triumvirate.  The  chief  who 
would  in  such  case  have  been  one  of  his  colleagues  has 
wisely  put  out  of  the  way  a  dangerous  competitor.  Hence 
it  would  seem  that  the  high-road  nuist  be  laid  through  the 
Comite  de  Salut  Public,  unless,  indeed,  the  army  should 
meddle.  But  as  to  the  army,  no  character  seems  as  yet 
to  have  appeared  with  any  prominent  feature;  neither  is 
there  so  much  discipline  as  would  give  an  aspiring  char- 
acter just  ground  of  hope.  It  is  a  wonderful  thing,  sir, 
that  four  years  of  convulsion  among  four  and  twenty  mill- 
ions of  people  has  brought  forth  no  one,  either  in  civil 
or  military  life,  whose  head  would  fit  the  cap  which  for- 
tune has  woven.  Robespierre  has  been  the  most  consist- 
ent, if  not  the  only  consistent.  He  is  one  of  those  of 
whom  Shakespeare's  Caesar  speaks  to  his  frolicsome  com- 
panion, *  He  loves  no  plays  as  thou  dost,  Antony.'  There 
is  no  imputation  against  higi  for  corruption.  He  is  far 
from  rich,  and  still  further  from  appearing  so.  It  is  Said 
that  his  idol  is  ambition,  but  I  think  that  the  establish- 

of  the  chief  instigators  of  the  events  of  the  loth  of  August.  Robespierre  had 
him  condemned  to  death  as  a  partisan  of  Danton,  and  he  was  guillotined  in 
April,  1794. 


62  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXIX. 

ment  of  the  Republic  would  (all  things  considered)  be 
most  suitable  to  him.  Whether  he  thinks  so  is  another 
question,  which  I  will  not  pretend  to  answer,  nor  how  far 
such  establishment  may  appear  to  him  practicable.  If  it 
be  supposed  that  a  man  in  his  situation  should  absolutely 
despair  of  the  Republic  and  have  so  much  diffidence, 
either  in  his  abilities  or  his  influence,  as  to  despair  also  of 
obtaining,  much  less  of  preserving,  the  supreme  power, 
then  it  might  be  supposed  that  Danton's  plan  would  be  by 
such  person  carried  into  execution.  Yet  all  this  supposi- 
tion is  but  conjectural  foundation  of  new  conjecture.  And 
what  are  the  Allies  about  ?  Forming  schemes  to  be  exe- 
cuted, if  they  should  continue  to  be  allies." 

The  spring  of  1794  was  lovely  and  fruitful.  "The 
weather,"  Morris  wrote  to  Robert  Morris  on  April  25th, 
"continues  fine,  or,  to  use  a  more  apposite  expression, 
hot — about  the  temperature  of  our  month  of  June.  Heav- 
en seems  to  have  decided  in  favor  of  the  Republic  against 
those  who  would  by  famine  deprive]her  of  freedom.  Such 
promise  of  fruits  and  of  all  vegetable  productions  was 
never  seen.  It  is  indeed  a  miracle  in  nature,  considering 
the  latitude,  for  at  this  moment  all  the  fruits  are  formed 
— the  strawberries  in  full  blossom,  the  apples  are  set,  the 
vines,  not  in  blossom,  but  the  future  clusters  already 
marked.  In  the  lawn  under  my  eye  I  have  grass  lodged, 
some  of  it  a  yard  high.  In  short,  it  is  difficult  to  persuade 
one's  self  that  the  dates  are  just.  This  advance  in  the 
season  will  probably  save  us  from  the  horrors  of  famine. 
A  frost  is  possible,  but  there  seems  to  be  but  little  reason 
for  apprehending  it. 

"  Since  my  last  there  have  been  abundant  executions 
at  Paris,  and  the  guillotine  goes  on  smartly.  It  was  a 
matter  of  great  doubt  before  the  blow  was  struck  which 
party  was  strongest.     Perhaps  the  victory  depended  on 


1794.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  63 

the  first  stroke.  Danton,  when  condemned,  or  shortly  be- 
fore it,  told  his  judges  that  he  had  observed  in  reading 
history  that  men  generally  perished  by  the  instruments 
of  destruction  which  they  had  themselves  created.  '  I ' 
(says  he)  'created  the  Tribunal  R^volutionnaire  by  which  I 
am  shortly  to  be  destroyed.'  Shakespeare  had  made  Mac- 
beth pronounce  the  same  dreadful  sentence  on  the  wick- 
edly ambitious  long  ago.  '  But  in  these  cases  we  still  have 
judgment  here  ;  that  we  but  teach  bloody  instructions 
which,  being  taught,  return  to  plague  the  inventor :  this 
even-handed  justice  commends  the  ingredients  of  our 
poisoned  chalice  to  our  own  lips.'  God  only  knows  who 
next  is  to  drink  out  of  the  same  cup,  but,  as  far  as  I  can 
judge,  there  is  no  want  of  liquor.  The  rest  depends  on 
circumstances." 

"  Every  gazette  announces  new  victories,  and  gives,  of 
course,  hope  that  France  may  soon  enjoy  that  freedom 
from  which  she  derives  her  name,"  Morris  wrote,  July 
4th,  to  Leray  de  Chaumont  at  Nyon.  "  Let  me  ofifer  con- 
gratulations on  this  anniversary  of  American  Indepen- 
dence, our  country's  natal  day.  The  new  Federal  city 
(Washington)  will  be  unquestionably  one  of  the  first  cities 
on  earth,  and  when  I  get  back  to  America  I  mean  to 
choose  a  good  spot  and  build  a  house  on  it  for  myself. 
Five  hundred  dollars  would  buy  a  lot.  Ships  take  build- 
ing materials  cheap  from  ports  of  Europe  to  Washington  ; 
and  twenty-five  thousand  dollars  would  build  a  very  large 
house  in  the  American  way  of  building,  without  parquets, 
carving,  gilding,  and  the  like  costly  ornamentations." 

Morris's  next  letter  to  Washington,  dated  July  25th,  had 
for  its  subject  the  trials  of  Madame  de  Lafayette,  and 
also  was  an  acknowledgment  of  a  letter  of  Washington's, 
"which  had,"  he  wrote,  "been  a  little  more  than  a  year 
in  its  passage.     Before  it  reached  me  Madame  de  Lafa- 


64  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  XXIX. 

yette  (who,  in  common  with  most  others  of  the  nobility,  had 
been  confined  in  her  province)  was  brought  on  to  Paris, 
where  she  is  now  imprisoned.  As  soon  as  I  heard  it, 
which  was  the  day  of  her  arrival,  I  took  the  steps  which 
appeared  to  me  most  proper  for  preventing  the  catas- 
trophe which  is  to  be  apprehended.  Since  that  period, 
finding  that  whatever  may  be  the  inclination  of  individu- 
als every  one  remains  silent,  for  fear  of  compromising 
himself,  I  have  written  to  the  Commissioner  of  Exterior 
Relations  an  unofficial  letter,  on  the  29th  of  last  month, 
to  which  as  yet  I  have  received  no  answer.  I  tell  him 
that  I  know  not  whether  she  is  brought  up  to  be  tried  or 
only  as  a  safer  place  of  confinement,  and  that,  moreover, 
I  do  not  pretend  to  meddle  with  matters  foreign  to  my 
mission,  but  think  it  proper  to  prove  on  that  occasion  my 
attachment  to  the  cause  in  which  the  French  are  em- 
barked, etc.  I  then  assure  him  that  my  letter  (directed 
to  him,  by  the  by,  as  a  citizen  and  not  as  a  commissioner) 
is  not  official,  but  amical  and  dictated  by  friendly  senti- 
ment, etc.  After  which  I  state  that  the  family  of  Lafa- 
yette is  beloved  in  America ;  that  without  examining  his 
conduct  in  this  country,  which  would  doubtless  be  con- 
demned, my  fellow-citizens  confine  themselves  to  the 
grateful  remembrance  of  the  services  he  has  rendered  us, 
and  therefore  the  death  of  his  wife  might  lessen  the  at- 
tachment of  some  among  them  to  the  French  Republic  ; 
that  it  would  furnish  the  partisans  of  England  with  means 
of  misrepresenting  what  passes  here  ;  that  I  cannot  but 
think  her  existence  of  very  little  consequence  to  this  gov- 
ernment ;  and  that  I  am  sure  its  enemies  will  rejoice  at 
the  destruction  of  anything  which  bears  the  name  of 
Lafayette.  I  conclude  by  the  assurance  that  I  have  taken 
that  step  from  what  I  conceive  to  be  the  true  interest  of 
the  French  Republic.     What  may  be  the  effect  of  this 


1794]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  6$ 

application  I  know  not,  but  if  she  is  preserved  for  some 
time  I  shall  have  hopes — the  more  so  as  I  conceive  the 
present  rage  for  executions  must  at  length  terminate. 
The  gazettes  will  give  you  the  details  on  that  subject  and 
spare  me  the  pain  of  dwelling  on  it.  I  will  here,  however, 
mention  to  you  w^hat  I  have  done  for  this  unfortunate 
family  of  Lafayette.  She  wrote  to  me  last  summer  desir- 
ing I  would  officially  pledge  the  United  States  as  security 
for  certain  sums  due  by  his  estate  and  which,  not  being 
exactly  within  the  line  marked  out  for  the  creditors  of 
emigrants,  might  not  be  allowed  in  liquidation,  and  she 
stated  that  his  honor  and  hers  stood  pledged,  etc.  You 
will  readily  conceive  that  I  did  not  comply  with  that  re- 
quest, but  at  the  same  time  your  goodness  will  feel  that  a 
flat  denial  would  add  sorrow  to  distress.  In  this  dilemma 
I  informed  her  that  it  was  inconsistent  with  the  dignity 
of  governments  to  appear  in  such  affairs  ;  moreover,  I  had 
not  any  right  to  dispose  of  the  public  property,  but,  as 
far  as  my  own  would  go  for  her  relief,  she  might  count  on 
every  aid  in  my  power.  Not  to  fatigue  you  with  a  long 
story,  this  engagement  ended  by  paying  her  in  Novem- 
ber last  one  hundred  thousand  livres  when  the  assignats 
were  at  par  (or,  indeed,  for  silver,  under  par)  and  when, 
by  the  obstacles  thrown  in  the  way  of  all  negotiations,  it 
became  to  me  an  object  of  very  serious  inconvenience. 
However,  I  had  taken  the  engagement,  and  it  was  neces- 
sary to  keep  it  or  break  my  word.  When  she  was  brought 
up  to  Paris  she  sent  a  person  to  me  to  communicate  her 
situation  and  that  of  her  children,  and  to  propose  an  ad- 
vance of  credit  to  the  amount  of  one  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  livres  in  order  to  complete  some  arrangements 
which  they  had  imagined  at  Chavagnac.  This  advance  I 
declined,  not  only  because  the  plan  they  had  formed  ap- 
peared to  me  unwise  but  because  I  had  not  the  money  to 
Vol.  II.— 5 


66  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXIX. 

dispose  of.  Being  hard  pressed  for  an  opinion  of  con- 
solatory nature  to  those  poor  children,  I  authorized  the 
person  employed  to  assure  them  of  my  conviction  Ma/  i^e 
United  States  would  take  care  of  them.  This  I  cannot  doubt 
of,  and  I  flatter  myself  that  they  may  all  of  them  be  yet 
united  at  some  future  day  in  our  hospitable  regions,  and 
that  they  will  have  cause  to  speak  with  gratitude  of  the 
bounty  of  America." 

In  August  the  new  Minister  from  the  United  States  to 
France  arrived  ;  his  advent  was  an  inexpressible  relief 
to  Morris,  and  in  the  following  letter,  of  August  14th,  to 
Robert  Morris  he  gave  vent  to  his  feelings  on  the  subject. 

"  Presenting  my  successor,  which  I  did  yesterday,  to  the 
Commissioners,  has  given  me  more  pleasure  than  any 
event  for  many  months.  As  soon  as  the  ceremonial  is  ad- 
justed for  his  reception,  I  shall  be  relieved  from  a  burden 
which  has  pressed  on  my  shoulders,  and  which  I  am  hap- 
pier to  be  rid  of  than  you  can  easily  conceive.  I  am  pre- 
paring for  my  departure,  but  as  yet  can  take  no  step,  as 
there  is  a  kind  of  interregnum  in  the  government  and  Mr. 
Monroe  is  not  yet  received,  at  which  he  grows  somewhat 
impatient.  The  intelligence  you  give  me  respecting  m)'^- 
self  is  particularly  pleasing.  I  desired  much  to  be  re- 
called, but  I  would  not  ask  it  because  I  conceived  my 
honor  concerned  in  seeing  the  thing  through.  My  only 
remaining  wish  is  that  the  measure  may  be  as  useful  to 
the  United  States  as  it  is  pleasing  to  me." 

After  seeing  his  successor  installed  and  disposing  of 
his  house  at  Paris,  Mr.  Morris's  intention  was  to  return  at 
once  to  America  ;  and  with  this  object  in  view  he  sought, 
and  after  much  difficulty  found,  a  sea-worthy  ship  to  take 
himself  and  his  effects  across  the  Atlantic.  But  events  in 
Europe  were  so  interesting  at  this  moment,  and  promised 
so  much  excitement  and  stir  for  the  future,  that  he  sud- 


179+]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  6^ 

denly  changed  his  plans,  and  determined  to  stay  at  least 
another  year  in  Europe  and  watch  the  great  play  enact- 
ing on  that  stage.  This  year  lengthened  itself  into  quite 
four  years  before  he  embarked  for  America. 

In  October,  1794,  however,  he  sent  his  steward  Brome- 
ling  in  the  ship  Superb  to  New  York,  "with,"  as  he 
wrote  to  Mr.  Constable,  "  all  my  books,  liquors,  linens, 
furniture,  plate,  and  carriages,  which  I  presume  will  be 
admitted  free  of  duty."  Instructions  were  sent  that  the 
"  things,  when  the  ship  arrived,  should  be  taken  from  her  to 
Morrisania  by  periaugers,"  and  his  overseer  was  directed 
to  take  especial  care  of  his  liquors  and  wines.  Among 
the  latter  was  a  large  quantity  of  Imperial  Tokay  sealed  in 
wax  with  the  double-headed  eagle  of  Austria,  the  wedding- 
present  of  Maria  Theresa  to  the  unfortunate  queen  Marie 
Antoinette.  This  wine  Mr.  Morris  had  bought  during  the 
days  of  the  Terror  from  a  cheap  grocery  shop,  where  it 
was  exposed  for  sale  at  twenty-five  cents  a  bottle.  The 
last  bottle  of  it  was  opened  at  a  wedding-party  in  New 
York  in  1848. 


68  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXX. 


CHAPTER   XXX. 

Morris  leaves  Paris  and  France.  Resumes  his  diary.  Thinks  Monroe 
takes  a  wrong  tone.  Journey  through  France.  Switzerland.  Coppet. 
Madame  de  Stael.  M.  Necker.  Malet  du  Pin.  Berne.  Basle. 
Hospitality  of  friends.  Incidents  en  route.  Scraps  of  news.  Ham- 
burg. Glad  to  have  left  his  position  in  France.  Letter  to  Washing- 
ton. Extremely  cold  weather.  Princess  of  Wales  goes  to  England. 
Madame  de  Flahaut.  Treaty  between  Prussia  and  France  published, 
April,  1795.  Morris  becomes  surety  for  the  Duke  of  Orleans.  Verses 
to  Mesdames  de  Biaurepaire  and  de  Flahaut.  Riots  at  Paris.  Mor- 
ris helps  his  friends  among  the  imigrSs.  History  of  M.  d'Angivilliers's 
silver  plate.  Power  of  the  Jacobins  broken.  Distress  in  France. 
Letter  to  Washington. 

ON  Sunday,  October  12,  1794,  Morris  left  Paris  for 
Sainport  to  make  arrangements  for  disposing  of 
his  possessions  there,  and  two  days  later  he  bade  a  final 
farewell  to  France  and  journeyed  to  Hamburg.  The 
entries  in  the  diary  commence  again  on  October  12th, 
with  a  description  of  the  journey  to  Sainport. 

"  I  left  Paris  this  morning  at  ten  o'clock.  Instead  of 
four  horses  I  have  but  three,  and  my  servant  mounts  be- 
hind the  carriage.  The  postmaster  says  that  all  his  bidets 
are  held  at  the  order  of  the  Comite  de  Salut  Public.  This 
I  suspect  to  be  untrue.  I  reach  Charenton,  where  I  find 
it  next  to  impossible  to  find  a  bidet,  and  so  go  on  as  before. 
The  postmaster  says  it  is  impossible  to  procure  post-horses ; 
that  they  are,  moreover,  very  dear  and  very  bad,  etc. — all 
which  I  believe,  being  the  natural  result  of  a  system  of 
paper  money,  and,  above  all,  of  a  war  like  the  present, 
which  cannot  but  exhaust  the  country  exposed  to  it. 


1794  J  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  69 

"  At  Villeneuve,  again,  there  are  difficulties  about  a  bidet. 
I  agree  to  pay  three  posts  for  the  distance  to  Sainport, 
which  is  more  than  I  ought  ;  but  on  all  such  occasions  one 
is  at  the  postmaster's  mercy — one  among  many  bad  con- 
sequences of  doing  that  by  exclusive  privilege  and  minute 
regulation  which  should  be  left  to  competition  and  pri- 
vate interest.  In  how  many  different  ways  reflection  and 
experience  inculcate  the  important  maxim  not  to  govern 
too  much.  The  state  of  husbandry  in  the  country  through 
which  I  pass  is  detestable  :  no  artificial  grasses,  and  but 
little  natural  meadow  ;  two  years  of  crop  and  one  of  fal- 
low, consequently  small  crops  and  very  foul  with  all  kinds 
of  weeds.  The  little  experiments  I  have  made  at  Sainport 
during  the  summer,  upon  some  of  the  worst  land  in  the 
whole  country,  convince  me  that  intelligent  husbandry 
would  almost  work  miracles  here.  I  am  persuaded  that 
France  ought  (for  at  least  two  years  to  come)  to  renounce 
all  idea  of  colonies  and  commerce.  The  culture  of  her 
soil  and  the  active  pursuit  of  fisheries  on  her  coast  would, 
if  she  were  well  governed,  raise  her  to  a  pitch  of  prosper- 
ity which  can  hardly  be  conceived.  Corn,  wine,  oil,  silk, . 
flax,  and  hemp,  with  a  sufficiency  of  iron,  give  her  the  first 
principles  of  wealth,  and  the  genius  of  her  people  in  con- 
verting the  rude  materials  into  various  manufactures  would, 
if  well  directed,  accumulate  again,  in  less  than  half  a  cen- 
tury, the  immense  property  expended  on  the  present  war. 
The  amount  will  not  be  known  until  after  the  close  of  it, 
but,  if  I  judge  rightly,  she  will  be  exhausted  to  a  degree 
beyond  what  would  have  been  conceived  to  lie  within 
the  power  of  any  government.  Constantly  successful  in 
the  field,  she  is  running  to  ruin  with  a  rapidity  that  is  as 
yet  unknown  in  the  history  of  human  affairs.  Before  I 
left  Paris,  Mr.  Monroe  called  on  me  and  explained  his 
conduct  and  his  views.     He  begins  to  find  out  that  fine 


70  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXX. 

words  are  of  little  value,  and  his  letters  from  America 
show  me  that  something  more  is  expected  (and  justly  ex- 
pected) there,  for  many  violences  committed  against  our 
merchants.  In  my  opinion  he  has  taken  the  wrong  tone 
at  first,  and  will  find  much  difficulty  in  changing  it  now. 
Time  must  determine  a  pretty  serious  question  on  that 
subject.  So  far  as  I  am  personally  concerned  at  least,  I 
have  the  consolation  to  have  made  no  sacrifice  either  of 
personal  or  national  dignity,  and  I  believe  I  would  have 
obtained  everything  if  the  American  Government  had  re- 
fused to  recall  me.  I  rejoice  that  I  am  no  longer  in  the 
pitiful  situation  which  I  have  so  long  endured  ;  for  the 
rest,  experience  must  decide,  and  I  hope  that  events  will 
be  favorable  to  America.  At  Sainport,  I  feel  relieved  and 
rejoiced  to  be  for  a  day  without  the  torment  of  attention 
to  any  sort  of  affairs,  after  having  been  so  plagued  with  a 
variety  of  them.  The  weather  is  mild  to-day  and  threatens 
for  to-morrow.  I  must  wish  for  soft  weather,  both  on  ac- 
count of  my  gout  and  of  my  journey.  Should  it  turn  cold, 
Mount  Jura  will  prove  a  tough  morsel.  I  did  not  reach 
Sainport  till  a  quarter  after  three ;  say,  from  Paris,  five 
hours  and  a  quarter.  I  used  to  come  with  my  own  horses 
easily  in  four  hours,  generally  in  three  and  a  half." 

"This  morning  [October  14th]  I  get  off  from  Sainport 
at  ten  minutes  before  eleven.  At  Pont-sur-Yonne  I  am 
forced  to  apply  to  the  officers  of  justice  to  settle  the  ex- 
tortion of  the  postilion  ;  and  then  on  again  through  very 
rich  but  badly  cultivated  land,  through  which  the  Yonne 
meanders  to  Vallogne.  Here  the  landlady  of  the  inn  is 
in  the  style  of  the  ancien  regime^  and  every  '  monsieur  * 
she  utters  is  worth  five  sous  at  least  in  the  bill.  Pass  Di- 
jon and  arrive  at  Mont-sur-Vaudray,  where  there  are  no 
horses,  and  I  must  wait  till  others  can  be  refreshed  ;  I  am 
obliged  to  subscribe  to  the  terms  the  postilion  was  pleased 


1794]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  7 1 

to  propose,  although  the  law  is  in  my  favor  ;  but  what  sig- 
nifies the  law  in  this  country  at  present  ?  A  half-drunk 
and  wholly  insolent  postilion  takes  me  one  post,  where  we 
rise  in  truth  a  mountain,  but  the  road  is  excellent ;  there 
is  a  striking  view,  which  to  the  approaching  traveller  is 
terribly  beautiful,  if  he  gives  the  rein  to  imagination.  In 
a  valley  towards  which  he  goes  are  thrown  a  parcel  of 
mountains,  somewhat  resembling  cocks  of  hay  but  of  a 
mass  more  great  as  well  as  more  solid,  for  they  are  large 
and  of  rock.  In  the  midst  of  them,  as  if  intended  for  theat- 
rical decorations,  is  one  on  the  side  of  which  the  road  re- 
sembles a  little  ribbon,  and  it  hangs  over  a  vast  precipice. 
Both  the  beginning  and  the  end  are  hidden,  one  by  the 
mountain  itself,  the  other  by  the  base  of  a  brother-moun- 
tain which  is  nearer  to  us.  After  descending  into  the  val- 
ley we  turn  to  the  left,  and,  having  wound  round  that  part 
which  was  concealed,  we  turn  to  the  right,  and  gain  that 
which  was  disclosed.  Up  these  roads  we  go,  drawn  by 
three  horses,  the  postilion  amusing  himself  as  he  walks 
behind  the  carriage,  and  a  horse  need  only  sheer  a  little 
to  throw  the  carriage  and  its  contents  at  least  a  hundred 
fathoms  upon  the  rocks  beneath.  To  show  apprehension 
would  be  only  to  excite  mirth,  and  induce  him  to  try 
projects,  for  I  observed  the  fellow  looking  at  me  askance 
to  discover  whether  I  am  terrified,  but  a  very  severe  coun- 
tenance and  not  a  word  spoken  induces  him  to  take  hold 
of  the  bridle  of  his  porteur.     It  was  time." 

"Arrived  at  Morey  [October  19th]  we  are  surrounded 
by  the  commis  of  the  douane.  I  show  my  passport  and, 
to  obviate  unnecessary  cavil  and  examination,  show  them 
also  my  permission  from  the  Comit^  de  Salut  Public  to  ex- 
port four  hundred  louis,  telling  them  it  would  have  cost 
me  only  the  trouble  of  asking  it  to  export  five  times  that 
amount     This  quiets  a  little  the  bustle.     The  mayor  ar- 


72  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXX, 

rives,  bringing  in  his  hands  my  passport.  He  observes 
that  it  is  not  signed  by  me,  and  makes  no  mention  of  my 
wooden  leg.  I  show  him  two  or  three  old  passports  for 
the  interior  which  I  had  kept,  and  these,  with  the  permit 
of  the  Committee,  obviate  difficulties.  As  we  leave  Les 
Rousses  we  ascend  a  little,  and  soon  pass  the  dividing  line 
between  the  territories  of  the  two  nations.  It  is  marked 
by  a  stone  wall  which  a  pig  can  jump  over  anywhere. 
Shortly  after  we  get  into  Switzerland,  round  the  point  of 
mountain  which  shuts  in  that  gap  through  which  we  de- 
scend, I  perceive  before  us  the  Alps,  and  chief  among 
their  highnesses — for  they  at  least  merit  that  title — Mont 
Blanc,  at  whose  foot  lie  the  glaciers  filled  with  the  accu- 
mulated frost  of  centuries." 

"  Still  advancing  [October  20th],  we  see  the  lake  of  Ge- 
neva and  the  Pays  de  Vaud  under  our  feet ;  a  fine  coup 
d'oeil,  but  in  this  season  it  wants  verdure.  The  Alps  are 
majestically  grand,  but  they  become  more  awful  as  we  de- 
scend, and  thence  I  am  led  to  observe  that  mountains,  like 
other  great  folks,  inspire  less  respect  when  seen  from 
something  like  their  own  level.  In  my  route  to-day,  clam- 
bering up  hill,  I  was  reminded  of  an  expression  of  General 
Putnam  respecting  Westchester  County,  which  here  is 
literally  true.  *  Get,'  says  he,  '  upon  the  highest  hill  you 
can  find,  and  you  will  immediately  see  another  which 
is  higher.  There  are  hills  here  which  we  cannot  get 
upon.  We  reach  Cour,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Lausanne, 
where  M.  Chaumont  resides,  this  day  and  put  up  at  the 
hotel." 

"This  morning  [October  21st]  at  twelve  set  off  to  see 
the  Baron  de  Coppet,  alias  M.  Necker.  He  is  abroad 
and  I  am  so  pressed  to  remain  until  his  return  that  I  can- 
not avoid  it,  although  I  had  ordered  dinner  at  home,  and 
wished  for  many  reasons  to  return.     He  arrives  a  little 


1794]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  73 

while  before  dinner,  and  is  truly  glad  to  see  me  ;  so  much 
more  so  than  I  can  account  for,  that  I  conclude  there  is 
something  behind.  Company  come  after  dinner.  The 
French  affairs  form,  of  course,  the  subject  of  conversa- 
tion. He  wishes  to  speak  to  me  in  private,  and  I  find  that 
Leray  de  Chaumont  has  been  dealing  with  him.* 

"This  morning  [October  23d]  I  have  a  smart  touch  of 
the  gout,  in  consequence  of  my  yesterday's  walk.  Go  to 
dinner  at  Madame  de  Stael's,  where  I  am  received  with 
great  warmth — the  more  necessary  as  I  have  a  villainous 
ague.  A  good  appetite  at  dinner,  but  the  ague  comes  on 
very  strong  and  then  the  fever,  which  is  gentle.  We  have 
much  talk,  or  rather  I  have,  for  they  are  desirous  of  in- 
formation, both  public  and  private,  and  I  am  more  in  con- 
dition to  give  it  than  most  others.  There  is  here  a  little 
French  society  which  live  at  her  expense  and  are  as  gay 
as  circumstances  will  permit.  The  road  to  her  house  is 
up  hill  and  execrable,  so  that  I  think  I  shall  not  go 
again  thither.  On  my  return,  being  much  out  of  sorts,  I 
find  bed  the  properest  place  for  me,  and  my  pillow  the 
fittest  society." 

"  This  morning  [October  24th]  I  still  suffer  with  the 
gout.  M.  de  Narbonne  comes  after  dinner,  but  Madame 
de  Stael,  who  was  expected,  does  not  appear  till  later, 
when  she  comes  and  gives  me  much  of  her  history  and 
plans  of  life." 

"  Leave  Cour  [November  5th],  and  stop  on  my  way  to 
see  Madame  de  Tess^,  who  has  quarrelled  with  Madame 
de  Tot,  and  who  complains  of  persecution,  and  in  conse- 
quence she  is  about  to  quit  this  country  and  go,  with  about 
ten  to  twelve  thousand  pounds  sterling,  she  knows  not 
whither.  Advise  her  to  invest  in  the  American  three  per 
cents." 

*  Presumably  in  American  lands. 


74  DIARY  AND  LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  XXX. 

"  This  evening  [November  6th]  at  Berne  Messieurs  Malet 
du  Pin  and  Mounier  call  upon  me.  I  see  in  a  den  made  for 
the  purpose  one  of  three  bears  which  are  maintained  here 
at  the  public  expense.  There  is  a  pension  of  4,ooof.  Swiss, 
or  6,ooof.  French,  appropriated  to  the  keeping  of  four 
bears.  Malet  du  Pin  tells  me  that  the  Austrian  Cabinet 
is  seriously  determined  on  continuing  the  war  if  it  can 
be  done." 

"At  Basle  [November  nth]  I  buy  the  horses  of  M. 
Diodati,  and  engage  his  coachman,  who  seems  to  be  an 
excellent  creature.  Dine  with  M.  Diodati  and  go  to  the 
concert.  There  are  arrived  in  town  some  Prussian  offi- 
cers, said  to  come  for  the  purpose  of  treating  about  an 
exchange  of  prisoners.  Two  deputies  are  expected,  and 
the  idea  is  that  a  treaty  of  peace  is  in  contemplation.  It 
is  possible  enough.  Many  and  many  civilities  from  M. 
and  Madame  Diodati." 

Morris's  journey  from  Paris  to  Hamburg  was  charm- 
ingly diversified  by  the  kind  reception  of  old  friends  whom 
he  met  in  the  different  towns  he  passed  through,  and  also 
by  many  hospitalities  shown  him  by  strangers  to  whom  he 
had  letters,  who  dined  and  wined  him  with  almost  more 
liberality  than  he  cared  for.  The  relief  that  he  experi- 
enced at  being  once  more  free  he  expressed  in  letters  to 
various  friends  written  along  the  way.  To  Mr.  Isaac 
Parish,  of  Hamburg,  he  wrote  from  Basle,  November  12th  : 
"The  arrival  of  a  successor  has  at  last  enabled  me  to  quit 
the  irksome  place  which  I  occupied,  and  I  am  now  on  my 
way  to  your  city."  And  to  William  Short,  then  at  Ma- 
drid, he  wrote  of  the  "relief  it  is  to  get  away  from  my  du- 
ties as  Minister.  I  hope,"  he  adds,  "you  have  so  much 
friendship  for  me  as  to  be  heartily  glad  at  my  removal 
from  the  place  I  lately  occupied.  .  .  .  As  to  the  polit- 
ical state  of  France,  it  is  externally  as  strong  as  its  best 


i 


1794.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  75 

friends  could  desire,  and  internally  as  weak  as  its  worst 
enemies  could  wish." 

"  To-day,"  says  the  diary  for  November  13th,  "  I  set  off 
with  my  own  horses,  which  I  see  for  the  first  time,  having 
bought  them  at  a  venture  from  the  Comte  Diodati.  They 
appear  to  be  excellent,  and  we  jog  along  over  execrable 
roads  and  I  get  cheated  at  the  various  inns  I  stop  at.  The 
best  way,  however,  is  to  pay  with  good  humor  and  jog 
patiently  on.  The  art  of  living  consists,  I  think,  in  some 
considerable  degree  in  knowing  how  to  be  cheated.  At 
Hirschfeld  this  evening,  after  taking  tea  and  as  I  am  going 
to  bed,  I  receive  a  message  from  the  Landgravine  and  an- 
other from  the  Duchesse  de  Bouillon,  her  sister.  It  is  im- 
possible to  refuse,  so  I  embark  in  a  voiture  de  la  cour  and 
wait  on  the  Duchess ;  then  go  to  the  Chateau  and  assist  at 
the  souper.  Madame  had  known  me  at  the  Baron  Besen- 
val's  five  years  ago  and,  hearing  my  name,  was  desirous  of 
seeing  me.  Je  suis  combU  de  politesses  of  the  right  kind, 
and  am  pressed  to  stay  and  dine  to-morrow.  The  gentle- 
men assure  me  that  the  spring  of  my  carriage  shall  be 
mended  in  the  morning.  The  smith  of  Monseigneur  is  to 
do  it.  It  is  near  twelve  when  I  get  to  bed,  which  is  not 
right  for  a  traveller." 

"  The  next  morning  I  am  off  at  ten.  At  'Miinden  [De- 
cember 2d]  I  meet  a  young  Austrian  officer  who  dined 
with  me,  and  who  is  a  prisoner  on  parole,  taken  at  Maes- 
tricht.  He  tells  me  that  the  Dutch  troops  are  detestable, 
and  their  fortresses  wholly  unprovided  of  provisions  and 
military  stores.  At  Maestricht  he  says  there  were  no  case- 
mates, and  two  magazines  of  powder  were  blown  up  by 
the  enemy's  bombs.  He  tells  me  also  that  in  the  French 
army  there  are  a  great  number  of  very  young  people,  and 
even  children  of  thirteen  and  fourteen  years  of  age." 

"At  Zelle,  to-night  [December  6th],  the  Hamburg  ga- 


fd  DIARY  AND  LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXX. 

zette  arrives,  which  announced  the  surrender  of  Luxem- 
bourg to  the  French.  If  this  be  true,  there  remains  only 
Mayence  to  be  taken,  and  the  young  Republic  is  bounded 
by  the  Rhine.  I  agree  to  take  a  pair  of  young  sorrel 
horses  of  a  man  on  the  road,  who  is  driving  them  before  a 
wagon  ;  the  price,  thirty-four  louis  d'ors,  and  he  is  to  de- 
liver them  at  Hamburg  for  five  crowns.  The  fire  in  the 
kitchen  of  the  inn  where  we  dine  to-day  is  the  first  thing 
of  the  kind  I  have  seen.  The  kitchen  is  in  the  middle  of 
the  house,  half-way  between  the  chambers  and  the  barns 
and  stables.  It  has  a  square  hearth,  in  the  middle  of  the 
floor  nearly,  and  without  any  chimney,  but  a  flooring  di- 
rectly over  it  all  black  with  smoke,  which  is  to  find  a  way 
out  of  the  house  as  well  as  it  can.  Against  the  beams  on 
which  this  floor  rests  are  suspended  beef,  pork,  mutton,  and 
split  geese,  which  have  been  pickled,  and  are  now  smoke- 
drying.  The  dinner  consists  of  a  piece  of  the  mutton 
stewed  with  turnips.  One  of  my  servants  recommends  it 
to  me,  and  I  find  it  very  good.  My  horse-seller  gives  me 
some  white  bread  (the  house  not  furnishing  any),  and  I 
make  one  of  the  heartiest  meals  of  my  life.  The  servant 
who  recommended  it  to  me,  however,  eats  still  more,  and 
the  quantity  demolished  between  us  is  astonishing.  What 
is  still  more  aslonishing  is  that  the  price  for  both  of  us  is 
but  four  gros,  or  groschen,  equal  to  about  two  sterling 
groats,  or  sixteen  sous  of  French  money.  The  hay  and 
oats  of  my  horses  amount  to  eighteen-pence  sterling  for 
four  horses.  This  is  cheap  living.  Last  night,  in  convers- 
ing with  my  host,  I  find  that  the  present  war  is  highly  un- 
popular in  this  country ;  that  the  sovereign  is  much  dis- 
liked, and  that  their  connection  with  Great  Britain  is  ex- 
tremely irksome  to  them.  He  tells  me  that  he  under- 
stands an  attempt  is  to  be  made  to-morrow  to  raise  re- 
cruits by  force,  but  he  thinks  the  people  will  not  submit 


1794-]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  7/ 

to  it.  The  French  cause  is  greatly  favored.  They  are  de- 
sirous the  French  should  come  among  them." 

Morris  reached  Hamburg  early  in  December,  and  the 
following  letter  to  Washington,  dated  December  30th,  ex- 
plains the  reason  of  his  presence  there. 

"  My  Dear  Sir  :  At  this  late  hour  and  from  this  re- 
mote corner,  I  am  to  acknowledge  your  favors  of  the  19th 
and  25th  June.  I  did  not  reply  from  Paris,  because  I 
wished  for  a  safe  conveyance,  and  although  none  offers 
itself  at  present,  yet  I  will  write  what  occurs  for  commu- 
nication, and  take  a  future  chance  of  transmission.  The 
assurances  of  friendly  esteem  which  your  letters  convey 
are  very  pleasing  ;  but,  indeed,  I  never  doubted  of  the  sen- 
timents you  express,  and  even  go  so  far  as  to  flatter  my- 
self that  the  measure  in  question  was  not  agreeable  to 
you.  It  was  highly  so  to  me,  and  although  I  am  per- 
suaded that  you  will  believe  me  on  my  word,  I  will  never- 
theless assign  some  reasons  why  a  change  of  situation  was 
desirable.  And  first,  you  will  see  from  what  is  now  pub- 
licly known  respecting  those  who  administer  the  French 
despotism  how  painful  it  must  have  been  to  represent  our 
virtuous  republic  to  such  persons.  I  had  stayed  at  some 
risk  after  the  loth  of  August,  because  I  thought  the  in- 
terests of  America  required  it,  and  I  did  not  ask  my  re- 
call at  a  subsequent  period  because  it  would  not  have 
been  honorable  to  abandon  a  post  which,  if  no  longer  un- 
safe, was  at  least  unpleasant.  I  felt  that  I  was  useless,  and, 
indeed,  that  nobody  could  be  useful  until  some  perma- 
nent system  should  be  established.  I  saw  misery  and  afflic- 
tion every  day  and  all  around  me,  without  power  to  miti- 
gate or  means  to  relieve,  and  I  felt  myself  degraded  by  the 
communications  I  was  forced  into  with  the  worst  of  man- 
kind, in  order  to  obtain  redress  for  the  injuries  sustained 
by  my  fellow-citizens.     During  that  state  of  things  I  was 


78  DIARY  AND  LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  XXX. 

grossly  insulted  by  the  arrest  of  a  lady  in  my  house,  by 
order  of  the  Committee  of  General  Safety.  I  could  not  re- 
sent this  as  I  ought  to  have  done,  by  quitting  the  country, 
because  a  great  number  of  ourcitizens  were  then  detained 
in  France,  with  much  of  their  property,  and  I  knew  the  vio- 
lences which  those  who  administer  the  government  were 
capable  of.  Moreover,  I  saw  with  regret  that  the  temper 
of  America  was  not  such  as  her  best  citizens  could  have 
wished,  and  the  conduct  of  Britain  rendered  a  temporiz- 
ing conduct  with  France  indispensable.  My  representa- 
tions obtained  a  half-apology  and  promise  of  satisfaction, 
but  occasioned  the  order  to  solicit  my  recall,  of  which  I 
was  apprised  within  four  and  twenty  hours  after  it  was 
given,  and  might  easily  have  shown  whence  it  originated  ; 
but,  to  tell  you  the  truth,  I  was  inclined  to  wish  that  I 
might  be  removed  on  their  application.  I  really  believe  it 
was  necessary  to  my  reputation.  So  long  as  they  believed 
in  the  success  of  their  demand,  they  treated  my  represen- 
tations with  indifference  and  contempt ;  but  at  last,  hearing 
nothing  from  their  minister  on  that  subject,  or,  indeed,  on 
any  other,  they  took  it  into  their  heads  that  I  was  immov- 
able, and  made  overtures  for  conciliation.  At  this  time  I 
began  to  apprehend  that  we  should  be  plunged  into  a  war 
with  England,  in  which  case  it  would  have  become  my 
duty  to  aid  the  French  as  far  as  my  abilities  might  go. 
But  as  I  knew  their  temper,  I  replied  to  the  advances  made 
that  I  was  not  to  be  affected  by  smooth  words,  so  that 
they  must  begin  by  complying  with  the  various  demands 
I  had  made,  and  show  me  by  facts  that  they  were  well- 
disposed.  Shortly  after  this  I  received  a  volunteer  letter 
from  the  Commissary  of  Exterior  Relations  (a  poor  creat- 
ure who  scarce  dared  wipe  his  nose  without  an  order  from 
the  Committee  of  Safety),  assuring  me  that  he  had  trans- 
mitted my  various  representations  to  the  Commissary  of 


1794.]  GOUVtRNEUR  MORRIS.  79 

the  Marine,  and  expected  soon  to  give  me  satisfactory  an- 
swers. It  was  written  ten  days  before  the  death  of  Robes- 
pierre, shortly  after  which  Mr.  Monroe  arrived.  He  was 
fortunate  in  not  reaching  France  at  an  earlier  period,  for,  if 
I  may  judge  by  what  fell  within  my  observation,  he  would 
have  been  a  little  too  well  with  that  party  to  be  viewed  in 
a  neutral  light  by  their  opponents.  I  hope  he  may  succeed 
in  obtaining  the  redress  of  those  grievances  which  our 
countrymen  labored  under,  but  on  the  12th  of  October, 
when  I  left  Paris,  nothing  was  done.  I  found  my  present 
hopes^  however,  on  Mr.  Jay's  treaty,  for  they  will  now  be 
somewhat  more  cautious  respecting  us  than  they  have 
been. 

"In  reply  to  what  you  say  about  my  return  to  America, 
I  must  tell  you  that  I  could  not  depart  in  such  season  as 
that  my  communications  could  be  of  much  importance  ; 
and  therefore,  as  I  must  have  exposed  myself  to  the  in- 
conveniences of  a  winter's  passage,  I  deferred  my  voyage, 
and  the  rather  as  I  have  some  affairs  in  London  which  I 
wish  to  wind  up.  I  should  have  gone  thither  for  that 
purpose  direct,  but  the  French  would  have  harbored  jeal- 
ousies respecting  my  journey  which  for  many  reasons  I 
wish  not  to  excite  ;  and  therefore  I  came  round  through 
Switzerland  to  this  city,  in  which  I  am  now  weather- 
bound.    So  much  for  my  history. 

"As  to  the  state  of  political  affairs,  the  Polish  insurrec- 
tion is,  as  you  know,  completely  subdued,  and  of  course 
the  attention  of  Europe  is  all  turned  to  France,  which  has 
lately  triumphed  in  every  quarter  by  the  extreme  miscon- 
duct of  her  enemies.  It  seems  at  present  that  they  are 
coming  to  their  senses,  and,  if  I  am  rightly  informed,  they 
have  at  length  abandoned  the  idea  of  dismemberment  and 
mean  to  pursue  simply  the  establishment  of  the  throne. 
If  they  act   wisely  and  vigorously  in  that  direction  it 


80  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXX. 

seems  to  me  that  they  must  succeed,  for  the  French  are 
wearied  and  exhausted  by  the  contest.  They  detest  and 
despise  their  present  rulers,  and,  as  far  as  I  have  been  able 
to  judge,  they  ardently  desire  the  restoration  of  their 
Prince.  You  will  ask,  perhaps,  why,  then,  do  they  not  re- 
store him  ?  It  is  because  they  dare  not  act  nor  even  speak, 
so  that  they  do  not  know  each  other's  opinions,  and,  of 
course,  each  individual  apprehends  from  the  general  mass. 
But  everything  which  has  taken  place  leads  them  to 
look  back  with  regret  to  their  ancient  situation.  In  judg- 
ing the  French  we  must  not  recur  to  the  feelings  of 
America  during  the  last  war.  We  were  in  the  actual  en- 
joyment of  freedom,  and  fought  not  to  obtain  but  to  secure 
its  blessing.  The  people  elected  their  magistrates  during 
the  continuance  of  the  war.  The  property  of  the  country 
was  engaged  in  the  Revolution,  and  the  oppressions  which 
it  occasioned  were  neither  great,  extensive,  nor  of  long  du- 
ration. But  in  France  they  have  been  lured  by  one  idle 
hope  after  another,  until  they  are  plunged  in  the  depth  of 
misery  and  servitude  ;  so  much  the  more  degrading,  as 
that  they  cannot  but  despise  their  mastlers.  I  have  long, 
you  know,  predicted  a  single  despotism,  and  you  have 
seen  how  near  they  have  been  to  that  catastrophe. 
Chance,  or  rather  the  want  of  mettle  in  the  usurper,  has 
alone  saved  them  to  the  present  moment ;  but  I  am  still 
convinced  that  they  must  end  their  voyage  in  that  port, 
and  they  would  probably  reach  it,  should  they  make  peace 
with  all  their  foreign  enemies,  through  the  channel  of  a 
civil  war."  **  The  news  from  Holland,"  says  the  diary  for 
January  3,  1795,  "turn  out,  as  I  expected,  much  less  un- 
favorable to  the  Allies  than  was  expected.  The  French, 
having  failed  in  one  of  their  attempts  to  cross  the  Waal, 
have  retired,  and  with  considerable  loss.  Visit  the  British 
Minister  and  see  Mr.  Lane,  who  reads  to  me   his  letter 


I79S]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  8 1 

from  Brunswick  communicating  the  determination  of 
Prussia  to  make  peace  with  France." 

"  The  weather  [j'anuary  23d]  is  extremely  cold  ;  seldom 
colder,  they  say,  in  Russia.  The  Empress  by  edict  has 
ordered  all  public  amusements  to  stop  when  the  cold  is  at 
seventeen  degrees,  because  the  men  and  horses  exposed 
to  the  air  must  frequently  perish.  This  loss  of  Holland 
turns  people's  minds  very  strongly  towards  America.  I 
observed  this  day  a  very  strange  phenomenon.  The  sun 
shone  very  bright,  not  a  cloud  to  be  seen,  and  yet  it 
snowed.  Several  of  our  company  had  noticed  the  same 
thing,  also  that  it  continued  to  snow  this  evening  with  a 
bright  starlight,  which  I  had  also  remarked.  Many  of  the 
guests  laugh  at  the  idea,  and  yet  refuse  to  go  out  and  verify 
it  by  the  evidence  of  their  senses.  I  dare  say  that  if  this  were 
recounted  anywhere  else  it  would  be  considered  as  making 
use  of  the  traveller's  privilege.  The  weather  is  greatly 
softened  this  evening,  but  in  the  two  last  days  many  per- 
sons have  been  frozen  to  death.  There  is  no  news  which 
can  be  depended  on  either  from  France  or  Holland,  and 
tiie  communication  with  England  is  entirely  stopped." 

"The  Elbe  is  opened  [March  nth],  though  the  season  is 
very  backward,  and  the  fleet  of  British  frigates  is  arrived 
at  the  mouth  to  convey  the  Princess  of  Wales  to  England. 
By  the  gazettes  it  would  seem  that  the  system  of  cruelty 
is  going  more  and  more  out  of  fashion  in  France.  The 
Abbe  St.  Albin  tells  me  of  the  refusal  of  the  Prince  of 
Wales  to  marry  unless  they  pay  his  debts,  which  appear 
twice  what  he  announced,  and  more  than  Pitt  dare  pro- 
pose to  the  Commons." 

*^We  learn  from  France  [April  13th]  that  Paris  is  far 

from  quiet,  and  the  scarcity  of  food  becomes  daily  more 

sensible.     Yesterday  I  plucked  a  violet  on  the  south  side 

of  a  steep  hill ;  it  is  the  first  I  have  seen.     I  present  it  and 

Vol.  II.— 6 


8i  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXX. 

some  other  flowers  to  Madame  de  Flahaut,  who  is  lodg- 
ing at  Altona,*  and  write  at  the  same  time : 

Re^ois  les  premices  que  je  viens  de  cueillir ; 

Depuis  longtemps  tu  sais  qu'elles  te  sont  consacrees— • 
Mes  travaux  et  mes  soins,  mes  jeux  et  mon  loisir, 

Les  fleurs  du  printemps  et  les  fruits  de  I'ete. 

Voili  I'hiver  qui  vient,  et  d'un  pas  de  geant, 
Oil  le  jour  est  si  triste  et  la  nuit  est  si  bonne ; 

Jouissons  au  plus  vite,  jouissons,  ch^re  enfant, 
Car  dej4  je  me  sens  au  milieu  de  I'automne." 

"  It  is  affirmed  [April  19th],  as  announced  by  five  cou- 
riers, that  peace  is  signed  between  Prussia  and  France. 
Boyd  tells  me  that  Pitt  had  offered  a  subsidy  to  the  King' 
of  Prussia,  but  he  knows  not  the  conditions." 

"  I  have  company  to  dine  [April  21st]  and  am  told  that 
the  treaty  between  Prussia  and  France  is  published,  and 
that  the  Prussian  possessions  beyond  the  Rhine  are  pro- 
visoirement  to  remain  in  the  hands  of  France.  Walk  and 
visit  Madame  de  Flahaut.  M.  Thouvenot  has  told  her 
that  a  loan  can  be  obtained  for  the  young  Duke  of  Or- 
leans if  I  will  be  his  surety.  I  think  over  the  proposition 
for  a  day  and  tell  Madame  de  Flahaut  that  I  will  become 
surety,  etc.,  and  form  a  joint  concern.  M.  Thouvenot  calls 
and  takes  notes  of  my  proposals.  The  young  man  is  dis- 
inclined to  making  great  engagements,  and  I  am  of  his 
opinion.  The  Princesse  de  Vaudemont  brings  the  Due  de 
Choiseul  to  dine  with  me.  He  is  just  escaped  from  Dun- 
kirk, whither  he  had  been  carried  by  a  French  frigate 
which  had  taken  him  on  board  of  a  British  packet.     Call 

*  Altona  was  the  most  important  city  of  the  Duchy  of  Holstein,  and,  imme- 
diately adjoining  Hamburg,  for  commercial  purposes  they  were  a  single  town. 
Altona  passed  with  Holstein  into  the  possession  of  Prussia  in  1867.  It  is  a 
free  port. 


I79S.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  83 

on  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  who  goes  off  this  evening  on  a 
journey  northward.  Madame  de  Flahaut  tells  me  that 
she  is  informed  that  Paris  will  soon  be  the  scene  of  great 
commotions.  By  advices  as  late  as  the  27th  of  last  month 
they  are  reduced  to  four  ounces  of  bread  per  day.  She 
also  told  me  last  evening  that  Madame  de  Beaurepaire 
was  to  call  this  morning  in  order  to  get  a  cap  made,  and 
wished  me  to  ask  her  and  her  companion,  M.  de  Boursac, 
to  dine,  which  I  agreed  to,  but  this  morning  wrote  an 
additional  invitation : 

Eh,  bon  jour,  belle  faiseuse 

De  romans  et  de  bonnets  ; 
Parfois  vive  et  paresseuse, 

Bonne  et  douce  et  sans  appret. 

Quand  vous  ouvrirez  boutique 

Soil  de  modes  ou  d'esprit, 
Vous  aurez  grande  pratique  ; 

L'amour  meme  me  I'a  dit. 

II  s'instruit  de  la  conduite 

Que  vous  tenez  nuit  et  jour  ; 
Mais,  objet  de  sa  poursuite, 

Avez-vous  connu  l'amour  ? 

C'est  celui  qui  seul  inspire 

Les  douceurs  du  sentiment ; 
Vous  les  savez  bien  ecrire, 

Je  vous  crois  de  son  couvent. 

Au  milieu  de  vos  travaux 

Litteraires  ou  bonnitaires, 
Je  vous  fais  de  lourds  propos, 

Qui  ne  sont  que  dinataires. 

Quittez  gazes  et  romans, 

Bel  esprit  devenu  sage  ; 
Menez-moi  vos  deux  chalands 

Manger  mon  petit  potage." 


84  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  XXX. 

**  I  had  been  informed  [May  13th]  that  Austria  negoti- 
ated for  peace,  but  I  am  told  that  the  Emperor  has  made 
his  solemn  declaration  at  Ratisbon  in  favor  of  the  contin- 
uance of  hostilities  ;  that  the  resolutions  of  the  Cabinet  of 
Vienna  were  to  that  effect.  The  news  of  a  late  date  from 
Paris  is  that  they  now  think  of  adopting  the  American 
Constitution  and  talk  of  Pichegru  and  the  Abbe  Si^yes 
as  President.  The  former  has  his  headquarters  at  Ver- 
sailles. My  landlady  tells  me  there  is  a  rumor  in  town 
that  the  young  King  of  France  and  his  sister  are  escaped 
from  the  Temple,  and  that  it  is  supposed  they  are  gone  to 
join  Charette."* 

"I  learn  from  Madame  de  Flahaut  [June  ist]  that  there 
has  been  a  riot  at  Paris  in  which  the  Jacobins  had  the  advan- 
tage the  22d  of  May,  and  the  Assembly  the  23d  was  com- 
pletely victorious.  It  seems  that  the  Jacobins  had  for  some 
time  the  upper  hand,  but  were  finally  crushed,  and  the  Con- 
vention was  in  full  train  to  destroy  them.  Barere  &  Co. 
will  experience  the  same  fate.  Thus  the  divine  justice  sin- 
gles out  its  victims,  and  each  shall  perish  by  the  other.  The 
famine  still  rages,  and  must,  I  think,  destroy  the  Conven- 
tion sooner  or  later,  for  I  know  not  how  a  people  are  to 
be  restrained  who  are  void  of  principle,  and  who  perish 
with  hunger.  M.  de  Septeuil  calls  on  me  this  afternoon 
to  settle  an  affair  of  M.  d'Angivilliers,  and  among  other 
things  asks  me  if  the  King  did  not  deposit  with  me  the 
amount  of  the  Civil  List.  He  understood  that  they  were 
to  be  transmitted  by  M.  de  Monciel.  I  tell  him,  which  is 
true,  that  I  never  saw  them." 

*  Francois  Athanase  Charette — of  a  noble  family  of  Brittany — left  France 
in  1790,  and  joined  the  emigres  at  Coblentz.  The  loth  of  August,  1792,  he 
was  in  Paris,  and  attempted  to  penetrate  into  the  Tuileries.  He  became  a 
lawless  character  in  the  insurrections  which  arose  during  March,  1793,  in  I.a 
Vendee,  and  has  been  called  the  most  ferocious  of  all  the  rebel  chiefs.  He 
was  born,  April  11,  1763,  and  died,  March  29,  1796. 


1795]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  85 

During  this  winter,  which  he  passed  at  Hamburg  and 
Altona,  Morris  spent  both  time  and  money  endeavor- 
ing to  alleviate  the  distress,  and  often  actual  want,  of  his 
friends  among  the  imigrh.  In  his  letters  to  them  he 
encouraged,  while  he  told  them  plainly  what  he  foresaw 
they  must  endure  before  order  could  be  established  in 
their  country.  To  Madame  de  Nadaillac  he  wrote  :  "  Je 
suis  sensiblement  affecte  en  meditant  sur  la  vicissitude 
des  affaires  humaines.  ...  II  me  semble  que  votre 
malheureuse  patrie  doit  subir  encore  plusieurs  revolu- 
tions avant  qu'on  ne  puisse  compter  sur  un  ordre  quel- 
conque."  He  condoled  with  her  on  the  great  difficulty 
there  was  for  her  to  receive  any  remittances,  but  said  : 
"  Dans  cet  embarras,  j'ai  trouv^  un  petit  expedient.  La 
personne  qui  vous  remettra  celle-ci,  est  chargee  de  vous 
payer  en  meme  temps  cinquante  louis.  Si  la  fortune  vous 
devient  propice,  vous  me  les  rembourserez.  Si  non, 
laissez-moi  la  consolation  de  croire  que  j'ai  pu  adoucir  un 
instant  vos  malheurs,  Soyez  aussi  persuadee,  que  si  mes 
moyens  etaient  abondants  je  ne  me  bornerais  pas  a  un 
aussi  faible  secours."  *  He  gave  to  those  among  the 
more  fortunate,  who  had  a  little  property,  advice  as  to  in- 
vestments, and  arranged  that  the  interest  on  any  invest- 
ments he  made  for  them  should  be  paid  to  him  as  a  sure 
means  for  them  to  receive  it. 

Not  without  interest  is  the  little  history  of  the  silver 

♦Translation.— I  feel  strongly  affected  while  meditating  upon  the  vicis- 
situdes of  human  affairs.  ...  It  appears  to  me  that  your  unfortunate 
country  will  have  to  go  through  several  other  revolutions  before  any  settled 
order  of  things  can  be  hoped  for.     .     .     . 

In  this  trouble,  I  have  found  a  small  expedient.  The  person  who  will  de- 
liver to  you  this  letter  will,  at  the  same  time,  pay  into  your  hands  fifty  louis. 
If  fortune  smile  upon  you,  you  will  return  the  money.  If  not,  allow  me  to 
treasure  the  consoling  thought  that  I  have  alleviated  your  troubles  for  a 
short  period.  Kindly  believe  that  if  my  means  were  plentiful  I  should  not 
limit  my  help  to  so  small  a  sum. 


86  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXX. 

plate  of  M.  le  Comte  d'Angivilliers,  which  had  been  placed 
under  Morris's  care  when  the  excitements  of  the  loth  of 
August,  1792,  sent  the  count  flying  out  of  Paris.  After 
it  became  known  that  M.  d'Angivilliers  had  survived  the 
storm  and  was  living  in  Brunswick,  Morris  wrote  him  the 
following  letter  of  explanation  : 

"  II  y  a  longtemps,  M.  le  Comte,  que  je  me  suis  promis 
I'honneur  de  vous  ^crire  sur  un  objet  qui  vous  int^resse. 
Vous  savez  comment  votre  argenterie  avait  et^  sauvee  et 
d^pos^e  chez  moi.  Je  la  gardai  jusqu'au  temps  de  mon 
rappel,  c'est  k  dire,  environ  deux  ann^es.  Pendant  cette 
^poque  je  desirais  souvent  en  etre  quitte,  comme  vous 
pouvez  bien  vous  I'imaginer.  Mes  gens  I'avaient  vu  venir, 
ils  savaient  qu'elle  y  restait,  j 'avals granderaison  de  n'avoir 
pas  en  eux  une  confiance  entiere,  Enfin,  dans  un  moment 
un  peu  critique,  je  fis  chercher  quelqu'un  de  vos  gens  d'af- 
faires, et  j'en  trouvai  un  qui  s'appelle,  je  crois,  M.  Armet ; 
il  s'etait  mis  alors,  comme  plusieurs  autres,  dans  une  place 
quelconque  pour  se  sauver  la  vie.  Je  lui  proposal  de  le 
charger  de  ce  depot,  et  il  en  fremit.  Sur  mes  instances,  il 
fit  deux  voyages  k  Versailles  pour  prendre  les  ordres  de 
Madame  d'Angivilliers,  alors  gardee  a  vue  chez  elle  ;  il 
obtint  difficilement  une  occasion  de  lui  parler.  On  vous 
croyait  mort.  Je  lui  avais  propose  de  faire  convertir  en 
louis  d'or  cette  argenterie  etde  les  prendre  chez  ellequand 
je  devrais  partir.  Elle  ^tait  remplie  de  craintes,  que  d'hor- 
ribles  massacres  n'ont  que  trop  justifiees.  Elle  me  fit  dire 
d'en  disposer  comme  je  voudrais,  en  me  priant  d'employer 
le  produit  ati  profit  du  fils  de  Monsieur  votre  frere.  Je 
proposal  alors  a  ce  M.  Armet  de  faire  faire  la  conversion 
en  louis  et  de  les  prendre  chez  lui,  mais  il  me  repondit  qu'il 
y  allait  de  sa  vie.  Alors  je  me  decldai  k  le  garder  encore 
aussi  longtemps  que  possible.  Quand  je  re9us  les  nou- 
velles  de  mon  rappel,  ne  pouvant  plus  m'adresser  a  Ma- 


17951  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  8/ 

dame  d'Angivilliers,  qui  avait  d^fendu  qu'on  lui  parldt  de 
rien,  de  peur  d'etre  compromise,  j'en  fis  la  vente  au  prix 
courant  du  jour,  qui  etait  de  soixante  et  seize  livres  la 
marc  ;  il  y  en  avait  622,  et,  par  consequent,  le  produit  en 
6tait  de  47,272  livres.  II  n'y  avait  point  alors  de  change 
avec  r^tranger,  toute  operation  de  cette  espece  etant  de- 
fendue  sous  peine  de  mort.  Je  fis  done  des  arrangements 
pour  que  cette  somme  fut  payee  k  Londres  sur  le  taux  de 
la  valeur  du  louis  d'or,  en  prenant  d'abord  cette  valeur  en 
assignats  et  ensuite  en  argent  sterling.  La  valeur  d'alors 
en  assignats  etait  de  60  livres  la  pi^ce,  et,  par  consequent, 
il  vous  en  revient  la  valeur  de  788  louis  d'or  en  argent 
sterling. 

"Avant  de  savoir  que  vous  existiez  encore,  mon  pro- 
jet  etait  de  placer  cette  somme  dans  les  fonds  publics 
des  ]&tats-Unis  d'Amerique,  au  nom  de  Monsieur  votre 
neveu,  dans  ce  que  nous  appellons  la  dette  differee,  c'est 
'k  dire,  une  creance  dont  les  interets  ne  commenceront  a 
courir  qu'a  la  fin  du  siecle  ou  nous  sommes,  et  qui,  par 
consequent,  se  vend  d'autant  meilleur  marche  qu'elle  ne 
donne  aucune  rente.  A  present,  je  n'ai  qu'a  me  confirmer 
a  vos  ordres."  * 

*  Translation. — It  is  a  long  time,  M.  le  Comte,  since  I  promised  my- 
self the  honor  of  writing  concerning  something  of  interest  to  you.  You  know 
how  your  silver  plate  was  saved  and  deposited  at  my  house.  I  kept  it  until  I 
was  recalled  by  my  government  about  two  years  ago.  During  that  period  you 
may  imagine  how  often  I  wi.shed  to  be  relieved  of  the  trust.  My  servants  had 
seen  the  plate  brought  in,  they  knew  that  it  was  still  in  the  house,  and  I  had 
many  reasons  not  to  trust  them  implicitly.  Finally,  at  a  somewhat  critical 
time,  I  sent  for  one  of  your  men  of  business,  called,  I  think,  M.  Armet ;  he 
was  occupying  then,  so  as  to  save  his  life,  some  kind  of  public  office.  I  pro- 
posed to  him  to  take  charge  of  the  deposit,  but  he  shuddered  at  the  idea. 
Upon  my  entreaties  he  made  two  trips  to  Versailles  to  receive  the  orders 
of  Madame  d'Angivilliers,  at  that  time  kept  under  surveillance  in  her  own 
house  ;  he  managed  with  great  difficulty  to  have  a  talk  with  her.  They  all 
thought  you  dead,  so  I  suggested  that  the  plate  be  melted  and  transformed 
into  louis  d'or,  which  she  could  take  care  of  herself  when  I  should  leave.  She 
was  filled  with  fears,  which  the   horrible  massacres    have   since   but   too 


88  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXX, 

The  diary  records  the  settlement  of  this  affair  on  June 
5th.  "This  morning  I  settle  with  M.  Septeuil  for  M.  d'An- 
givilliers's  plate.  By  the  gazettes  of  Leyden  it  appears  that 
the  question  between  the  Jacobins  and  the  Convention 
was  long  in  contest  before  the  complete  superiority  of 
the  former  was  ascertained.  But  a  further  struggle  may 
yet  take  place,  though  perhaps  under  a  different  banner. 
The  destruction  of  those  who  meditated  a  new  revolution 
will  have  checked  for  a  time  the  spirit  of  insurrection,  but 
I  know  not  any  means  to  repress  a  people  who  are  perish- 
ing with  hunger.  It  was  easy  to  foresee  what  has  hap- 
pened, and  thus,  as  I  think,  little  difficulty  in  finishing  the 
gloomy  picture  for  months  to  come.  Let  little  politicians 
play  over  as  they  please  their  peddling  parts,  a  strong  chain 
of  events  binds  them  fast  to  their  fate,  and  then  strong, 
manly  sense  will  appear,  as  it  ought,  superior  to  fleeting 
incident,  avouched  by  truth  and  warranted  by  experi- 
ence." 

On  June  5th,  and  just  before  leaving  Altona,   Morris 

strongly  justified.  She  sent  word  to  me  to  dispose  of  the  plate  as  I  thought 
best,  and  to  use  the  money  for  the  benefit  of  your  brother's  son.  I  then  pro- 
posed to  M.  Armet  that  he  should  have  the  conversion  into  louis  d'or 
made,  and  take  the  money  in  his  charge.  But  he  answered  that  it  might 
cost  him  his  life.  Then  I  decided  to  keep  it  as  long  as  I  could.  When  I 
received  notice  of  my  recall,  unable  to  apply  to  Madame  d'Angivilliers, 
who  had  forbidden  the  subject  to  be  mentioned  to  her,  for  fear  of  being 
compromised,  I  sold  the  whole  at  the  market  rate  of  the  day,  which  was 
seventy-six  livres  per  marc,  so  that  the  total  amount  was  47,272  livres. 
There  was  at  the  time  no  money  exchange  with  foreign  countries,  all 
operations  of  the  kind  being  forbidden  under  penalty  of  death.  So  I  had 
to  make  arrangements  to  have  the  sum  paid  in  London,  at  the  market  value 
of  the  louis  d'or,  taking  it  first  in  assignats  and  then  in  sterling  money. 
In  assignats  the  value  was  sixty  livres  per  louis,  and  you  are  entitled  thus 
to  the  equivalent  of  788  louis  d'or  in  sterling  money.  Before  learning 
that  you  were  still  alive,  my  plan  was  to  invest  that  sum  in  the  public  funds 
of  the  United  States  of  America,  in  what  we  call  the  deferred  debt,  so  desig- 
nated because  it  will  only  bear  interest  at  the  end  of  the  present  century ; 
it  sells  cheapei;,  as  it  brings  in  no  revenue.  For  the  present  I  have  nothing 
left  to  do  but  to  execute  your  orders. 


I795J  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  89 

wrote  to  Washington  and  informed  him  of  his  intended 
departure  for  London.  "  I  shall,"  he  said,  "take  the  liber- 
ty of  writing  to  you  from  that  city  on  the  state  of  things  as 
they  shall  appear.  I  can  say  nothing  better  on  the  peace 
with  Prussia  than  what  a  French  valet  de  chambre  wrote 
from  Paris  to  his  master  in  this  country.  '  It  was  neces- 
sary that  His  Prussian  Majesty  should  make  haste  to  save 
our  dignity,  for  in  three  months  we  should  have  been  on 
our  knees  to  beg  peace  from  the  Allies  on  any  terms  they 
might  prescribe.'  I  long  since  gave  you  an  idea  of  the 
Cabinet  in  that  country.  I  omitted,  perhaps,  the  word  cor- 
ruption, and  if  so  you  may  write  it  in  capitals.  But  the 
half-way  talents  of  Prince  Henry  may  be  considered  as 
one  cause  of  that  measure,  which  will,  I  think,  tend  in  its 
consequences  to  melt  down  the  colossus  raised  by  the 
great  Frederick.  I  consider  Holland  as  a  ruined  country, 
more  especially  if  the  war  should  continue  for  two  years 
longer,  and  Britain  will  suck  up  that  commerce  which  for- 
merly flowed  through  so  many  channels  to  Amsterdam. 
It  seems  probable,  also,  that  the  war  will  ere  long  be 
felt  in  this  quarter  of  Europe.  But  I  suspend  all  further 
observations  for  the  present,  and  the  rather  as  I  am  re- 
turned from  a  tour  through  this  Duchy  and  am  packing 
up  for  my  departure." 


90  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXXL 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

Morris  goes  to  England.  Account  of  the  voyage  from  Hamburg.  The 
Thames  scenery.  Mr.  Pinckney.  Count  Woronzow.  M.  de  Mous- 
tier.  Dinner  at  the  Marquis  de  Spinola's.  Conversation  with 
Lord  Grenville.  He  apprehends  a  bad  disposition  on  the  part  of 
the  American  Government.  Morris  asks  to  be  presented  at  Court. 
The  Duke  of  Queensberry.  Mademoiselle  Faniani.  Conversation 
with  Moustier.  Manifesto  by  the  new  King  of  France  drafted  by 
Morris.  Riots  in  London.  Dines  with  Pitt  Lord  Grenville  and 
Chatham.     Long  interview  with  Pitt. 

ON  the  7th  of  June  Morris  left  Altona  early  in  the 
morning,  and,  as  soon  as  the  gates  were  opened, 
entered  Hamburg  to  embark  for  London. 

"We  got  under  way  this  morning  at  six,"  he  says,  "but 
are  obliged  to  come  to  an  anchor  below  Altona  from  the 
want  of  wind.  Start  again  on  Monday.  On  Tuesday 
the  current  is  so  strong  we  cannot  make  head  against  it, 
and  we  anchor.  On  Thursday  the  morning  is  very  hazy. 
We  tacked  last  night  at  twelve,  and  continued  with  our 
larboard  tacks  aboard  till  seven.  We  cast  over  a  troll  net 
and  lay  to.  Later  the  wind  comes  more  round  to  the 
northward,  and  we  get  up  the  net,  in  which  we  have  a  good 
many  fish.  On  Friday,  June  12th,  we  are  directly  before 
the  wind  since  midnight  with  a  pretty  rough  sea,  so  that 
the  ship  rolls  considerably.  Early  this  evening  we  see 
Lowestoft,  and  come  to  anchor  about  ten  under  the  lee 
of  Orfordness  in  Horsley  Ba)' ;  the  wind  fresh,  and  the 
weather  cold.  I  remark  that  in  the  Elbe  a  great  portion 
of  the  shipping  is  American.  We  come  through  a  fleet  of 
colliers  at  anchor." 


I795-]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  S^l 

"We  heave  our  anchor  this  morning  [June  13th],  with 
a  smart  gale  from  the  northeast.  Get  into  the  Downs 
about  eight  o'clock,  where  there  is  a  fleet  of  eight  sail  of 
the  line,  besides  frigates  and  many  merchant-vessels.  The 
wind  continues  to  blow  hard,  and,  the  tide  being  with  us, 
we  run  up  rapidly.  At  length  we  are  obliged  to  come  to 
with  the  ebb  in  a  reach  of  the  ri^er  which  brought  the 
wind  too  much  on  our  starboard  bow.  Getting  under- 
way again  we  are  moored  opposite  to  the  Tower  at  eight 
o'clock.  The  sides  of  the  river  are  beautiful  beyond  all 
description,  and  extremely  well  worth  seeing.  In  effect, 
this  voyage  from  Hamburg  is  one  of  the  most  agreeable 
which  can  be  made  in. fine  weather,  but  we  have  it  ex- 
tremely cold." 

"This  morning  [June  14th]  I  go  on  shore  and  take  up 
my  quarters  at  the  Great  Hotel,  Covent  Garden.  In  the 
course  of  the  day  I  learn  that  Mr.  Pinckney  is  gone  to 
Spain  and  has  taken  his  children  to  Paris,  which  is,  I 
think,  ill-judged,  and  must  excite  the  jealousy  of  this 
Court.  The  British  are  taking  our  provision-vessels  bound 
to  France,  which  excites  an  apprehension  that  the  treaty 
may  not  be  confirmed  in  America.  I  presume  it  will  be 
confirmed  by  a  feeble  majority,  but  it  will,  I  imagine,  hang 
about  Mr.  Jay's  neck  like  a  millstone  in  his  political  voy- 
ages ;  the  more  so  as  I  see,  (I  think)  from  conversation 
with  Mr.  Days,  Mr.  Pinckney's  secretary,  that  he  is  not  at 
all  satisfied.  I  explain  to  Mr.  Days  a  little  the  situation 
of  France,  and  express  my  apprehension  that  Mr.  Pinck- 
ney's conduct  maybe  disagreeable  to  this  Court.  He  says 
that  he  thinks  not,  but  that  Mr.  Pinckney's  attachment  to 
the  French  Revolution  is  not  unknown  to  them.  The 
Chevalier  de  Graave  calls,  and  gives  me  a  convincing  proof 
of  the  misconduct  of  M.  de  Monciel  to  me." 

"Call  [June  21st]  at  Count  Woronzow's,  who  receives 


92  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXXI. 

me  with  open  arms.  We  have  much  conversation.  He 
shows  me  a  letter  from  the  Russian  Minister  at  Copenha- 
gen to  him,  and  his  consequent  application  to  Lord  Gren- 
ville.  It  seems  that  the  stoppage  of  Danish  vessels  laden 
with  grain  will  be  compromised,  and  it  seems  that  the 
Danish  Minister,  Berenstoff,  disapproves  highly  the  con- 
duct of  Sweden  in  regard  to  France.  He  gives  me  some 
additional  proofs  that  the  latter  power  has  no  more  money 
left.  Respecting  Prussia,  he  seems  decided  that  it  ought 
to  be  added  to  Poland,  and  that  Austria  ought  to  recover 
Silesia  and  be  permitted  to  possess  herself  of  Bavaria  ; 
but  he  seems  to  think  that  Britain  ought  not  to  have 
Flanders.  He  wishes  me  to  see  Lord  Grenville,  and  I 
tell  him  that  if  his  lordship  wishes  it  I  will  see  him.  He 
thinks  I  ought  to  go  to  Court  as  being  a  public  man,  and 
that  otherwise  it  would  look  like  hostility.  He  wishes  I 
could  replace  Mr.  Pinckney,  whom  he  speaks  of  as  a  Jaco- 
bin, and  adds  that  he  was  prudent  enough  to  conceal  his 
sentiments,  whereas  the  person  he  has  left  behind  him 
speaks  out  openly.  He  also  expresses  a  wish  and  a  hope 
that  I  may  be  appointed  Minister  to  this  Court.  I  tell 
him  that  it  is  my  wish  to  pass  my  days  in  the  tranquillity 
of  private  life.  He  tells  me  that  the  French  have  cor- 
rupted the  southern  part  of  America." 

"Dine  [June  24th]  at  Mr.  Boyd's  in  the  country,  where 
I  see  the  Marquis  de  Spinola,  an  able  man,  formerly  one 
of  my  diplomatic  brethren  in  France.  He  tells  me  that  he 
has  been  employed  here  very  assiduously  in  trying  to  pre- 
vent the  government  of  this  country  from  ruining  their 
own  affairs  in  his  country — Genoa  ;  that  the  bane  of  par- 
liamentary influence  forces  them  to  the  nomination  of  im- 
proper men,  of  which  he  gives  me  some  striking  instances. 
Indeed,  this  evil  runs  through  the  whole  contexture  of  their 
civil  and  military  life,  so  that  if,  on  the  one  hand,  it  secures 


1795]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  93 

the  domestic  freedom  and  prosperity  of  the  country  (which 
seems,  by  the  by,  to  be  questioned)  it  does  certainly,  on  the 
other,  diminish  its  exterior  influence,  splendor,  and  even 
its  security.  There  is  nothing  perfect  in  this  world,  and 
we  must  therefore  take  things  as  we  find  themi  I  find 
that  Mr.  Jay  was  universally  liked  here,  and  that  Mr. 
Pinckney  is  not  approved  of  among  the  government  peo- 
ple. The  new^s  in  town  from  the  West  Indies  are  bad, 
and  Admiral  Cornwallis  has  been  driven  into  port  by  a 
French  fleet.  Qu.:  Whether  Admiral  Lord  Bridport  has 
not  a  chance  of  falling  in  with  them,  for  in  that  case  he 
will  probably  obtain,  with  superior  force,  equipment,  and 
skill,  a  decided  as  well  as  an  easy  victory." 

"  Dine  with  Count  Woronzow  [June  27th].  M.  de 
Spinola  dines  with  us,  and  Mr.  Burgess,  Under-Secretary 
for  Foreign  Affairs,  who  has  the  American  department. 
I  have  a  long  conversation  with  him  after  dinner,  and  he 
repeatedly  expresses  his  wish  that  I  would  see  Lord 
Grenville.  I  tell  him  that  if  his  lordship  wishes  it  I  will 
wait  upon  him.  I  tell  him  the  apprehensions  expressed 
to  me  by  men  in  the  city  respecting  the  capture  of  our 
provision-vessels  (by  the  by,  Hankey  mentioned  it  this 
morning  in  terms  too  strong  to  be  repeated).  He  tells 
me  that  those  apprehensions  have  been  excited  by  Mr. 
Deas,  and  from  the  tenor  of  his  conversation  on  that  chap- 
ter I  see  clearly  that  this  Government  are  by  no  means 
satisfied  with  the  present  mission.  I  say  all  I  can  consist- 
ently to  smooth  difficulties.  Admiral  Lord  Bridport  has 
fallen  in  with  the  French  fleet  and  driven  them  into  Port 
L'Orient,  after  taking  three  ships  of  the  line.  He  remains 
at  sea,  where  he  rides  triumphant,  and,  of  course,  has  many 
naval  means  of  facilitating  the  debarkation  of  the  troops 
destined  to  act  in  that  quarter." 

"This  morning  [June  29th]  the  Comte  de  Moustier  calls 


94  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  XXXI. 

on  me,  and  we  have  a  long  conversation.  He  is  working 
to  place  himself  as  one  of  the  new  King  of  France's  minis- 
ters, if  I  can  judge  of  his  views  by  his  conversation.  He 
tells  me  that  the  King  will  be  well  disposed  to  conciliate 
with  all  parties.  I  mention  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  but  he 
thinks  that  may  encounter  some  difficulties.  While  he  is 
here,  Mr.  Burgess  comes  in.  He  gives  me  a  rendezvous  at 
Lord  Grenville's,  and*  descants  on  the  rights  of  ci-devant 
Monsieur  to  be  acknowledged  as  King  of  France,  whence 
I  conjecture  that  the  administration  here  lean  to  that 
idea.  While  he  is  here  Mr.  Beckford  comes  in,  and  he, 
having  an  estate  in  Jamaica,  sees  the  necessity  of  being 
well  with  America,  as  their  granary  and  natural  protector. 
Go  after  dinner  to  th^  Marquis  de  Spinola's.  The  conver- 
sation here,  where  our  company  consists  of  aristocrats  of 
the  first  feather,  turns  on  French  affairs.  They  at  first 
agree  that  union  among  the  French  is  necessary,  but, 
when  they  come  to  particulars,  they  fiy  off  and  are  mad. 
Madame  Spinola  would  send  the  Duke  of  Orleans  to  Si- 
beria. An  abb^,  a  young  man,  talks  much,  and  loud,  to 
show  his  esprit^  and,  to  hear  them,  one  would  suppose  that 
they  were  quite  at  their  ease  in  ^ petit  souper  de  Paris.  Our 
little  abbe  tells  us  that  the  leaders  of  the  French,  finding 
how  strong  is  the  disposition  of  the  people  towards  mon- 
archy, will  place  the  Duke  of  Orleans  on  the  throne,  and 
he,  finding  it  impossible  to  gain  the  good  opinion  of  the 
gentlemen  of  France,  must  at  length  accept.  I  ask  him 
if  it  be  wise  to  place  him  in  that  predicament ;  he  says, 
whether  wise  or  not,  the  King  will  not  be  able  to  prevent  his 
followers  from  insulting  him.  There  is,  I  fear,  too  much 
truth  in  this.  His  connection  with  Montesquiou  is  men- 
tioned as  a  sad  blot  on  his  escutcheon.  Yet  Montesquiou 
(whatever  may  be  his  heart)  is  certainly  one  of  their  best 
heads,  and  they  have  not  too  many  people  of  understand- 


I79S]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  95 

ing  among  them.  Burgess  spoke  of  them  this  morning 
with  much  contempt,  and,  indeed,  their  conduct  is  not 
calculated  to  inspire  respect 

"M.  de  Puisignieu  calls  upon  me  and  enters  into  a  long 
conversation  on  his  affairs  and  those  of  his  country.  He 
tells  me  that  the  Comte  d'Artois  is  much  changed.  He  is 
grown  wiser  by  adversity  and  more  moderate  in  his  opin- 
ions. He  is  going  to  La  Vendee,  and  Puisignieu  is  going 
with  him — but  this  is  a  secret." 

"Go  to  Count  Woronzow's  [June  30th],  who  tells  me 
he  has  seen  Burgess,  who  is  delighted  at  the  conversation 
which  he  had  with  me.  I  suppose  it  was  the  last,  because 
in  that  I  merely  assented  to  his  ideas.  The  Count  desires 
me  to  call  on  him  to-morrow,  when  he  will  show  me  a 
despatch  to  his  Court  on  the  subject  of  an  acknowledg- 
ment by  this  government  of  the  French  King.  He  says 
the  ministers  are  strongly  inclined  to  it,  but  fear  the  effect 
of  that  measure  in  the  country." 

"Go  to  Count  Woronzow's  [July  ist],  who  shows  me  a 
despatch  to  his  Court  containing  the  argument  he  used 
to  Lord  Grenville  to  persuade  to  an  acknowledgment  of 
the  new  King  of  France  ;  his  lordship's  reply  ;  the  plans 
in  contemplation,  etc.  He  is  convinced  that  if  Spain  and 
Austria  be  not  soon  bound  down  by  a  recognition  of  the 
new  King,  they  will  make  peace  with  the  Convention.  I 
believe  he  is  right.  He  gives  me  some  light  as  to  this 
Cabinet,  and  by  his  account  Lord  Grenville  is  the  strong- 
est man  in  it.  Dine  at  the  Piazza  and  then  come  home, 
take  tea,  and  read  the  newspapers." 

"  This  morning  [July  2d],  at  eleven,  wait  by  appoint- 
ment on  Lord  Grenville,  and  stay  till  half-past  twelve. 
We  have  a  long  conversation  on  general  politics,  the  line 
to  be  adopted  by  Great  Britain  in  the  present  moment, 
and  the  ruin  of  acknowledging  the  French  King.     I  men- 


g6  DIARY  AND  LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  XXXI. 

tion  the  acquisition  of  Flanders  by  this  country,  and  the 
advantages  to  be  expected  from  it.  His  lordship  seems 
very  attentive  to  this  idea.  I  tell  him  my  opinion  of 
Prussia  and  the  relations  in  which  it  stands  to  this  coun- 
try, in  which  he  seems  to  agree.  I  state  to  him  what  I 
conceive  as  practicable  respecting  Austria  and  Russia  in 
the  present  moment,  and  show  him  how  far  it  would  affect 
France  by  pushing  the  King  of  Prussia  to  extremity  ;  this 
also  strikes  him  forcibly.  I  state  the  various  advantages 
which  might  result  from  acknowledging  the  French  King: 
the  treaties  which  might  be  formed  with  him,  the  differ- 
ence between  appearing  as  auxiliaries  and  invaders,  etc. 
State  to  him,  further,  the  necessity  of  a  moderate  line  of 
conduct  on  the  part  of  the  new  King,  so  as  to  lessen,  if 
not  destroy,  opposition  to  him.  Touch  on  the  means  of 
keeping  Spain,  etc.,  steady.  Observe  to  him  that  Sardinia 
must  ever  be  the  ally  of  France  and  the  enemy  of  Austria. 
All  this  makes  an  impression.  I  notice  the  state  of  Italy 
and  the  utter  indifference  to  Great  Britain  whether  that 
country  continue  in  its  present  political  form  or  put  on 
any  other.  He  wishes  to  know  the  state  of  France.  I 
observe  to  him  that  half  a  dozen  different  people  going 
through  that  country  will  give  each  a  different  account  of 
it,  and  that  he  can,  in  his  cabinet,  form  a  better  opinion 
on  principles  which  I  explain,  and  then  add  correspondent 
information.  I  take  up  what  might  be  the  feelings  of  the 
country  on  the  step  proposed,  and  cite  the  conduct  of  Queen 
Elizabeth  as  an  authority  which  they  would  be  little  in- 
clined to  question,  whatever  may  be  its  intrinsic  merit. 
Having  gone  far  into  that  affair,  I  then  mention,  as  a  busi- 
ness which  I  have  no  right  to  meddle  in  but  which,  from  its 
importance,  presses  itself  upon  me — the  taking  of  our  ships 
and  the  ill  blood  which  might  thereby  be  excited  ;  how 
useful  it  would  be  to  give  immediate  relief ;  the  very  bad 


17951  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  97 

consequences  of  delay  to  the  party  interested  and  its  re- 
sulting effects  on  national  feelings.  He  says  he  believes 
everything  is  done  which  can  be  done  to  give  despatch, 
general  assurances — and  was  inclined  to  think  the  price 
allowed  would  render  the  capture  rather  usefuf  than 
injurious  to  the  owners.  He  then  mentions  a  declaration 
by  Mr.  Innis  to  the  Governor  of  Kentucky,  that  the  influ- 
ence of  the  British  Cabinet  has  been  used  to  prevent  our 
success  in  negotiation  for  the  free  use  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  how  injurious  this  is,  as  they  are  really  desirous  we 
should  have  it.  He  apprehends  that  the  American  Gov- 
ernment are  not  so  well  disposed  towards  Great  Britain  as 
he  had  been  led  to  imagine.  I  say  everything  which  ap- 
pears to  me  proper  for  removing  that  impression,  and  sug- 
gest a  confidential  application  by  the  British  minister.  He 
states  the  danger  of  publicity  from  the  nature  of  our  gov- 
ernment, and  its  consequent  effects,  on  which  I  suggest  a 
verbal  communication  to  the  President ;  to  this  also  he  is 
disinclined,  as  not  coinciding  with  their  habits  of  business, 
but  wishes  I  would  write  a  private  letter  on  the  subject, 
which  I  promise.  At  coming  away  he  expresses  the  wish 
to  see  me  again  before  I  leave  town  ;  also  that  Mr.  Pitt 
wishes  to  see  me.  I  will  wait  on  them,  etc. — and  then 
recollect  the  being  presented  to  His  Majesty,  which  I  will 
ask  on  the  ground  of  respect,  but  would  rather  avoid,  un- 
less his  lordship  should  think  it  would  be  taken  ill.  He 
says  that,  considering  the  place  I  have  filled,  he  thinks  it 
would  be  most  proper ;  upon  which  I  desire  him  to  pre- 
sent me,  and  to  let  me  know  the  time  and  place,  etc.  I 
call  (at  his  request)  on  Mr.  Windham.  He  is  just  going  to 
Court,  is  under  restraint,  wishes  to  commence  an  interest- 
ing conversation  which  there  is  no  time  to  pursue,  so  I 
avoid  it  and  leave  him.  Dine  at  M.  de  Ciricello's,  the 
Neapolitan  minister.  The  Due  d'Harcourt,  who  is  here. 
Vol.  II.— 7 


98  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXXI. 

speaks  to  me,  first  respecting  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  and 
afterwards  generally  on  French  affairs.  He  has  much  the 
idea  of  re-establishing  the  parlements.  I  recommend  on 
the  part  of  the  new  King  such  general  declarations  as  will 
bind  him  down  to  nothing  except  a  general  oblivion  of 
the  past,  with  very  few  exceptions.  Try  to  convince  him 
that  re-establishing  the  parlements  will  be  in  the  first  in- 
stance attended  with  much  diflSculty  on  the  part  of  the 
people,  and  in  the  second  will  occasion  much  opposition 
by  them  to  his  measures." 

"  I  visit  Mr.  Burgess  [July  3d]  at  the  Secretary's  office, 
and,  speaking  of  what  Lord  Grenville  had  said  yesterday 
respecting  the  spirit  of  our  Government,  from  what  Mr. 
Innis  had  said  to  the  Governor  of  Kentucky,  he  tells  me 
that  he  thinks  much  stronger  ground  is  given  by  Mr.  Ran- 
dolph, the  Secretary  of  State,  in  his  intercourse  with  Mr. 
Hammond,  to  whom  he  had  refused  a  sight  of  the  treaty, 
and  to  whom  he  holds  the  same  or  even  severer  language 
than  before.  I  tell  him  of  Mr.  Jay's  arrival,  which  he  is 
much  rejoiced  at." 

On  the  3d  of  July  Morris  wrote  a  private  letter  to 
Washington,  and  enclosing  it  to  Lord  Grenville  requested 
"  that  he  would  be  so  kind  as  to  note  anything  that 
might  appear  inaccurate  in  it."  In  this  letter  to  Wash- 
ington he  begged  to  suggest  that  it  seemed  "  most  con- 
sistent, not  only  with  the  prudence  but  the  dignity  of 
Government,  to  prevent  as  much  as  possible  these  hot 
speeches,  lest  we  should  fall  into  the  state  described  by 
Butler  : 

When  hard  words,  jealousies,  and  fears, 
Set  folks  together  by  the  ears. 

"  His  lordship  was  particular  in  mentioning  that  these 
things  do  not  excite  irritation,  but  apprehension.  This 
distinction  consists  with  His  Majesty's  dignity,  but  the 


1795]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  99 

ultimate  object  is  the  same,  since  either  must  lead  to  dis- 
agreeable consequences.  Now  there  is  every  reason  to 
believe  that  the  governments  mean  well  and  fairly  to  each 
other  ;  it  would  therefore  be  particularly  unfortunate  that 
misunderstandings  should  arise,  especially  at  the  present 
moment,  and  on  ground  the  most  foreign  to  your  temper 
and  disposition." 

"To-day  [July  4th]  I  go  to  Madame  de  Tremouille's, 
and  make  her,  what  she  had  asked  for,  a  long  visit.  The 
Duke  of  Queensberry,  who  comes  in  while  I  am  there,  de- 
sires Mademoiselle  Faniani  to  invite  me  to  dine  with  the 
Duchess  de  la  Tremouille  at  his  house,  which  I  cannot  do. 
This  Mademoiselle  Faniani  is  an  extraordinary  person. 
She  bears  the  name  of  the  husband  of  her  mother.  George 
Selwyn,  of  famous  memory,  left  her  his  fortune  in  the  per- 
suasion that  she  was  his  child,  and  the  Duke  of  Queens- 
berry  looks  upon  her  as  the  issue  of  his  loins,  treats  her 
with  the  tenderness  of  a  parent,  and  will,  it  is  supposed, 
bequeath  a  great  part  of  his  fortune  to  her.  Scandal,  in 
the  mean  time,  says  that  she  is  already  a  mother  by  un- 
known aid.  She  has  fine  eyes  and  an  intelligent  counte- 
nance. Dine  at  the  Piazza  coffee-house  with  a  host  of 
Americans  to  celebrate  this  day,  but  I  leave  them  early, 
very  early.  Mr.  Mitchell,  of  Philadelphia,  who  sat  near  me 
at  dinner,  tells  me  that  the  ministry  here  are  very  fair  in 
their  conduct  respecting  the  vessels  lately  taken  with  pro- 
visions on  board,  and  acknowledges  that  it  will  be  much 
better  for  him  that  all  others  in  which  he  is  concerned 
should  also  be  taken." 

"  The  weather  is  fine  this  morning  [July  Sth].  M.  de 
Bonnet  calls  upon  me,  and  sits  a  long  time.  He  urges  me 
to  prepare  a  manifesto  for  the  new  King  of  France,  which 
I  decline,  but  he  returns  so  often  to  the  charge  that  I 
promise  at  last  to  write  something,  if  my  time  will  permit. 


100  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXXI. 

Hence  to  dinner  with  M.  de  Spinola.  The  Baron  de  Bre- 
teuil  is  here,  and  takes  possession  of  me  in  the  afternoon. 
Spinola  tells  me  that  the  British  ministry  will  probably 
acknowledge  the  French  King ;  also  that  a  good  proclama- 
tion will  be  made  as  soon  as  they  get  footing  in  La  Ven- 
dee." 

"  I  sit  down  [July  7th]  to  write,  but  O'Connel  comes  in, 
and  is  desirous  of  information  respecting  France,  and  so 
solicitous  to  obtain  my  sentiments  as  to  future  conduct, 
and  my  opinions  of  the  success,  that  I  am  obliged  to  give 
him  some  time,  which  I  very  much  regret.  He  has  just 
left  me,  when  the  Chevalier  de  Graave  comes  in,  and  quite 
wearies  me  and  almost  vexes  me.  Having  been  one  of 
the  ministres  ephimdres  of  the  unfortunate  Louis  Seize,  he 
talks  of  having  enjoyed  His  Majesty's  confidence,  etc.,  as 
if  he  had  really  been  an  efficient  Cabinet  Minister.  And 
then  his  wild  ideas  respecting  the  succession  to  the  throne  ! 
He  is  truly  a  bore." 

"  This  morning  [July  8th],  dress  and  go  to  Lord  Gren- 
ville's.  He  is  not  disengaged  till  after  two,  when  we  go 
to  Court,  and  the  levee  is  over.  He  makes  apologies,  but 
I  desire  him  to  mention  simply  to  the  King  my  appoint- 
ment, which  answers  all  my  views.  I  give  him  a  sketch  of 
what  I  had  prepared  for  the  French  King.  Go  from  St. 
James's  to  Sir  John  Sinclair's,  and  then  to  Count  Woron- 
zow's.  He  tells  me  that  Lord  Macartney  is  to  go  to  the 
new  King  as  the  confidential  agent  of  this  Court.  I  recom- 
mend strongly  Kosciusko  to  the  Russian  Court  if  they 
would  use  Poland  against  Prussia,  especially  if  they  mean 
to  give  some  executable  form  of  government  to  that  coun- 
try. I  tell  him,  from  some  expressions  which  dropped 
from  Lord  Grenville,  I  think  they  mean  to  acknowledge 
the  King  of  France." 

"  The  Comte  de  Moustier  calls  on  me.    Says  he  was  long 


1795.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  10 1 

in  connection  witii  Windham,  the  Minister  at  War,  and  had 
urged  him  lately  to  see  and  consult  me.  He  says  Mr.  Pitt 
has  consigned  over  the  affairs  of  La  Vendee  to  Mr.  Wind- 
ham. He  (Moustier)  has  sundry  plans  respecting  France, 
but  French  liberty  does  not  enter  into  them.  I  go  to  the 
Secretary's  office,  and  am  detained  some  time  before  I  can 
see  Mr.  Burgess.  He  tells  me  that  Bond  will  remain 
charg<S  d'affaires  till  a  minister  can  be  found  :  *  A  thing,' 
says  he,  *  very  difficult  ;  we  have  not  the  men  in  this  coun- 
try.' I  tell  him  they  may  perhaps  find  two  men  if  not 
one,  and  recommend  a  man  of  social  temper  for  the  chief. 
This,  however,  is  all,  on  my  part,  with  the  utmost  defer- 
ence, etc.  We  converse  a  little  on  their  European  poli- 
tics, and  especially  the  King  of  Prussia,  to  whom  we  are 
led  by  the  mention  of  Lord  Malmesbury.  He  says  that, 
previous  to  the  British  subsidy,  he  knew  the  King  of 
Prussia  had  received  two  millions  sterling  from  France 
to  betray  the  coalized  powers  previous  to  the  subsidiary 
treaty  made  with  this  country.  Not  being  able  to  prove 
the  fact,  nobody  would  believe  him,  and  so  Lord  Malmes- 
bury went  forward  and  was  the  dupe.  He  says  the  Han- 
overian Regency  are  not  Jacobins,  but  worse — illumines.  I 
tell  him  they  are  Prussian,  and  if  the  Prussian  Court  be 
not  otherwise  employed  they  will  soon  steal  Hanover. 
He  is  of  the  same  opinion.  I  go  to  Putney,  and  dine 
with  Mr.  and  Mrs.  John  B.  Church.  There  is  a  party  of 
English  Jacobins,  who  are  really  insufferable.  If  their 
conduct  may  be  estimated  by  their  conversation,  they  will 
certainly  be  compromised  to  the  extreme.  I  do  not  won- 
der that  Mr.  Pinckney  should  have  given  offence  by  keep- 
ing such  company." 

"To-day  [July  nth]  I  call  on  Count  Woronzow,  and 
show  him  a  draft  of  a  manifesto  by  the  new  King  of 
France,  which  I  gave  to  Lord  Grenville  last  Wednesday, 


I02  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXXI. 

and  which  he  has  returned  with  his  wish  that  it  may  ar- 
rive in  season.  Count  Woronzow  is  well  pleased  with 
it,  and  thinks  the  Due  d'Harcourt  should  give  money 
to  the  person  who  will  carry  it  to  the  King.  I  tell  him 
that  is  a  matter  to  be  settled  among  them.  He  gives  me 
an  account  of  the  strange  levity  and  wild  negotiations  of 
the  Comte  d'Artois  ;  the  pitiful  folly  of  a  M.  Serenne  to 
whom  he  gives  his  confidence.  He  fears  that,  when  ar- 
rived in  La  Vendee,  he  will  surround  himself  by  such 
petits  mattres,  and  disgust  the  chiefs  who  have  acquired 
the  confidence  of  the  people  in  that  quarter ;  namely, 
Puisaye,  Labourdonnaye,  Charette,  Stoflet,  etc.,  and 
wishes  me  to  caution  some  of  his  entours.  I  tell  him  that 
would  have  no  other  effect  than  to  lead  the  persons  to 
whom  I  may  give  such  caution  into  a  communication  of 
it  to  all  those  who  are  about  the  Prince,  and  by  that  means 
more  effectually  produce  the  mischief  we  mean  to  avoid." 
"The  people  in  this  town  seem  [July  14th]  very  riotous, 
The  scarcity  and  dearness  of  bread  is  a  principal  cause  of 
this  disposition,  fomented  doubtless  by  designing  men. 
This  necessary  article  has  risen  to  double  the  former 
price,  and  wheat  was  this  day,  I  understand,  so  high  that 
fifty  per  cent,  of  that  former  price  is  to  be  added.  It  has 
sold  as  high  as  ^,^5  per  quarter,  or  12^.  dd.  per  bushel.  Go 
to  dine  at  Mr.  Pitt's.  We  sit  down  six.  Lord  Grenville, 
Chatham,  and  another  come  later.  The  rule  is  established 
for  six  precisely,  which  is  right,  I  think.  The  wines  are 
good,  and  the  conversation  flippant.  After  dinner  I  have 
some  further  conversation  with  Lord  Grenville,  and  men- 
tion par  hasard  M.  de  Boursac,  my  companion  in  a  tour 
through  Holstein — his  poverty,  among  other  things — and 
he  says  the  means  of  joining  the  army  shall  be  supplied. 
We  agree  that  I  shall  give  him  (if  still  at  Altona)  a  credit 
on  my  banker  for  ;^ioo.     He  says  he  has  taken  the  lib- 


1795-1  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  IO3 

erty  to  give  Lord  Macartney  a  copy  of  the  manifesto 
which  I  had  showed  him,  which  I  do  not,  of  course,  dis- 
approve of.  Indeed,  I  knew  it  before.  I  am  to  see  Mr. 
Pitt  to-morrow.  The  mob  broke  his  windows  yesterday 
and  are  rioting  in  Moorfield  this  evening." 

Enclosing  an  order  on  Messrs.  Parish  &  Co.,  Hamburg, 
for  one  hundred  pounds  sterling,  Mr.  Morris  sent  the  fol- 
lowing letter  to  the  Vicomte  de  Boursac  : 

*•  Dans  les  circonstances  actuelles,  monsieur,  vous  de- 
sirez  certainement  vous  rapprocher  de  votre  chef.  II  est 
possible  que  vous  manquiez  de  moyens  pecuniaires,  et  la 
lettre  ci-jointe  vous  en  fournira.  Ne  parlez  pas  d'obliga- 
tions.  Souvenez-vous  toujours  de  nos  conversations,  et 
tachez  de  faire  comprendre  a  tout  le  mondecombien  il  est 
essentiel  de  pardonner,  d'oublier  le  passe,  en  ne  pensant 
qu*a  I'avenir.  Les  dispositions  ici  sont  excellentes.  lis 
veulent  franchement  retablir  la  France,  mais  ils  ne  veu- 
lent  pas  verser  le  sang  et  les  tresors  de  I'Angleterre  pour 
assouvir  des  vengeances  particulieres.  Ils  sont  dans  ce 
que  j'appelle  les  bons  principes,  et  je  me  trompe  fort  ou 
le  nouveau  roi  se  declarera  ouvertement  pour  la  modera- 
tion et  pour  la  conciliation."  * 

"  This  morning  [July  15th],  at  ten,  I  visit  Mr.  Pitt.  I 
tell  him  that  as  I  presume  Lord  Grenville  has  given  him 
the  purport  of  our  conversation  it  will  be  best  that  he 
should  ask   me  questions.     He  does  so,   and   I   reply  to 

"  Translation. — In  the  present  circumstances,  sir,  you  evidently  desire 
to  be  nearer  your  chief.  It  may  be  that  the  pecuniary  means  fail  to  make 
that  possible.  The  enclosed  letter  will  supply  you  with  what  you  want.  Do 
not  speak  of  obligations.  Only  remember  our  conversations,  and  try  to  make 
everyone  understand  how  necessary  it  is  to  forgive,  and  to  forget  the  past, 
thinking  only  of  the  future.  The  disposition  here  is  excellent.  They  wish 
honestly  to  re-establish  France,  but  they  refuse  to  pour  out  the  blood  and 
the  treasures  of  England  to  satisfy  private  revenges.  They  hold  what  I 
would  call  good  principles,  and  I  should  be  much  mistaken  if  the  new  king 
did  not  declare  himself  to  be  for  moderation  and  conciliation. 


104  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXXI. 

them.  Our  interview  is  long,  and  he  is  much  satisfied  with 
it.  I  recommend  earnestly  sending  some  man  to  the  Comte 
d'Artois  to  keep  him  from  doing  foolish  things.  Ask  the 
parole  of  Piquet's  sons,  which  he  promises,  and  to  pay 
them  fifty  pounds  apiece.  He  asks  me  my  ideas  respect- 
ing a  future  constitution  for  France,  which  I  avoid  giving 
as  much  as  possible.  Some  points,  however,  we  exam- 
ined." 


1795.  J  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  IO5 


CHAPTER   XXXII. 

Morris  makes  a  journey  through  part  of  England.  Portsmouth.  Plym- 
outh. Charmed  with  the  beauties  of  England.  Visit  to  Blenheim. 
Lady  Sutherland.  Back  in  London.  Letter  to  Washington.  Mr. 
Jay's  treaty.  Journey  through  England  and  Scotland.  Letter  to 
Lady  Sutherland.  Pictures  at  Burleigh  House.  Edinburgh.  Dines 
with  friends.  Pleasant  reception  by  the  Duke  and  Duchess  of  Athol. 
Taymouth — Lord  Breadalbane's  place.  Entertained  by  the  Duke  of 
Argyll.  Loch  Lomond.  Conversation  with  the  Duke  of  Montrose. 
Glasgow.     The  English  lake  region.     The  Bishop  of  Llanda£f. 

ALTHOUGH  Morris  had  spent  many  months  in  Eng- 
land, his  knowledge  of  the  country  districts  was 
mostly  confined  to  that  portion  through  which  he  passed 
on  the  journey  from  the  channel  to  London.  In  July, 
therefore,  he  determined  to  see  the  provinces,  "  so  as  to 
judge  for  myself  of  the  condition  of  things,"  he  wrote  to 
Washington.  From  his  carriage  as  he  drove  along  he 
carefully  examined  the  soil,  made  conjectures  as  to  what 
would  be  the  best  fertilizers  to  use,  and  w^hat  interest  the 
land  could  be  made  to  yield  on  the  capital  employed. 
Meanwhile  a  beautiful  view  never  escaped  his  attention, 
and  his  diary  contains  the  most  minute  descriptions  of 
all  he  saw  during  his  entire  journey.  He  particularly 
expressed  surprise  at  the  meagre  forests  between  London 
and  Portsmouth.  "That  is,"  he  says,  "if  trees  be  con- 
sidered as  an  essential  ingredient  to  the  making  of  a 
forest."  In  England,  as  in  travelling  on  the  Continent, 
Morris  found  himself  passed  on  from  one  friend  to  an- 
other, and  a  pleasant  welcome  always  ready  for  him  when 
time  and  inclination  favored  his  partaking  of  it. 


I06  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXXII. 

Coming  into  Portsmouth  he  was  immediately  taken 
possession  of  by  General  Cuyler,  who  did  the  honors  of 
the  navy  yard  there  stationed,  and  put  Morris  in  the 
way  to  see  the  sights,  including  the  French  prizes  just 
arrived  at  Spithead.  "  We  go  on  board  the  Tigre,  one 
of  the  late  prizes,  an  eighty-gun  ship,  very  fine,  but  dirty 
as  yet,  and  much  cut  to  pieces.  A  furnace  is  still  stand- 
ing on  board  to  heat  the  shot ;  but  this  is  a  bad  business 
at  sea,  as  is  proved  by  the  event.  She  is  much  cut  by  the 
shot,  and  lost  in  the  action  one-half  of  her  men,  killed  and 
wounded.  From  this  ship  we  go  to  the  Commerce  de 
Marseilles,  a  ship  taken  at  Toulon.  She  is  twenty-five 
feet  longer  than  the  Queen  Charlotte,  one  of  the  largest 
ships  in  the  British  Navy,  and  measures  near  five  hun- 
dred tons  more.  On  her  gun  deck  she  is  two  hundred 
and  eight  feet  long.  Her  lower  deck  contains  thirty-four 
thirty-two  pounders,  and  her  upper  deck  the  same  num- 
ber of  eighteens  ;  the  other  twenty-six  guns  are  twelve 
on  the  quarter-deck  and  forecastle.  The  officers  say  that 
this  ship  works  as  well  as  a  frigate  and  sails  very  fast. 
She  is  hogged,  but  her  proportions  are  perfect  and  she  is 
one  of  the  handsomest  ships  imaginable.  There  is  a  com- 
pany of  beautiful  women  on  board,  but  I  cannot  stay  with 
them.  Dine  with  Sir  William  Pitt,  the  Governor  of 
Portsmouth,  where  I  meet  Lord  Buckingham,  who  is  a 
sensible  man.  He  had  made  up  a  party  for  me  to- 
morrow to  visit  Sir  Peter  Parker,  the  Port  Admiral,  but 
I  decline  it  as  my  time  is  short."  Leaving  Portsmouth, 
July  2ist,  the  traveller  drove  "over  hilly  down  and 
heath,  on  roads  that  are  as  fine  as  it  is  possible  to  imag- 
ine them,"  to  the  beautiful  valley  in  which  stands  Salis- 
bury. "As  soon  as  we  alight,"  he  says,  "  I  go  to  see  the 
cathedral,  which  is  by  far  the  lightest  and  handsomest 
Gothic   building   I   ever   saw."     The   next   morning,  on 


1795  ]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  lO/ 

again  over  the  downs,  "all  along  the  tumuli  (Anglice, 
barrows)  which  show  the  conflicts  of  the  olden  times. 
The  view  from  the  downs  is  fine,  and  especially  in  the 
present  moment,  as  there  is  a  large  fleet  at  anchor  in  the 
bay."  The  next  stopping-place  to  which  he  journeyed  was 
Exeter,  through  a  "country  finely  varied  with  hill  and 
dale,  the  valleys  very  fertile,  flocks  of  sheep  scattered 
over  the  heath,  the  hills  cultivated  almost  to  the  top  ; 
the  whole  scene  so  completely  green  that,  indeed,  there 
are  hardly  fallows  enough  to  create  the  needful  variety." 
He  arrived,  July  25th,  at  Plymouth  :  "A  town  of  misera- 
bly narrow  streets  ;  there  is  not  room  in  many  of  them 
for  two  carriages  abreast.  I  go  on  to  my  brother's 
quarters  at  Roxborough  Camp.  Walk  with  Mrs.  Morris, 
and  then  return  to  dinner.  After  dinner  I  go  with  Mrs. 
Morris  to  a  tea-party  at  Colonel  Bastard's  tent,  where 
there  is  good  company  and  sociability.  The  place  leads  to 
throw  off  that  English  coldness  which  checks  conviviality." 

"Mrs.  Morris  takes  me  [July  27th]  to  the  Government 
House  to  be  presented  to  General  and  Lady  Lenox,  and 
I  go  with  General  Morris  to  dine  with  the  Duke  of  Beau- 
fort. We  go  this  evening  to  a  ball  at  Camp,  where  there 
are  some  handsome  girls,  but  all  dressed  in  a  very  inde- 
cent dress  which  they  call  the  Grecian,  and  which  is  imi- 
tated from  very  loose  Parisian  models.  We  hear  of  the 
total  defeat  of  the  emigrants  landed  at  Quiberon."  * 

"  We  dine  to-day  [July  29th]  with  General  Granville, 
who  accompanied  the  Duke  of  York  on  his  travels  as  a 
kind  of  Mentor.  There  is  a  paragraph  in  an  Opposition 
paper,  the  Star^  which  mentions  war  by  Russia  against 
Prussia." 

*  An  English  expedition  had  been  despatched  to  Brittany  with  a  band  of 
emigres  to  aid  the  royalists,  but  an  attempted  descent  from  Quiberon  Bay, 
July  15-20,  1795,  proved  a  failure. 


I08  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XXXll. 

"  Lord  George  Lenox  and  his  family  dine  with  us  [July 
31st],  and  we  hear  that  the  sailing  of  the  fleet  destined  for 
the  French  coast  is  countermanded." 

"  We  were  to  have  had  to-day  [August  ist]  a  grand  field- 
day,  with  a  mock  battle,  had  the  weather  been  good,  but 
it  is  very  bad,  high  wind  and  much  rain,  which  renders 
that  plan  abortive  ;  but  still  we  pursue  another,  which  is  to 
assist  at  a  ball  and  supper  given  by  Mrs.  Bastard.  In  the 
morning  Mrs.  Morris  urged  me  to  give  her  a  copy  of  some 
verses  I  had  written  many  years  ago,  but  instead  of  them 
I  wrote  some  on  the  present  occasion,  which  are  very  in- 
different. 


'Twas  fix'd  this  day,  had  it  been  fair, 

To  imitate  the  pomp  of  war. 

When  first  stretched  out  in  order  due, 
Opposed  corps  should  meet  the  view, 

Till  this  advancing,  that  should  yield, 

Reluctant,  the  contested  field. 
But  nature,  wearied  with  the  jar 
And  ravages  of  real  war, 

Frowns  and  denies  a  solar  ray 

To  decorate  this  dreary  day. 

She  bids  the  growling  tempest  roar 
And  drenching  rains  incessant  pour. 

As  if  with  elemental  strife 

She  wept  the  woes  of  human  life. 
Again  'twas  fix'd,  the  battle  o'er. 
To  bend  before  another  power ; 

Returning  from  a  mimic  fight 

To  pass  in  real  joy  the  night :  • 

To  see,  but  not  in  hostile  line. 
The  British  fair  resplendent  shine 

And,  winding  thro'  the  dance's  maze, 

Shed  all  around  love's  genial  rays. 
I  hop'd  the  general  bliss  to  share, 
And,  while  I  watch'd  the  tender  care 


1795]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  IO9 

Which  beauty,  mirth,  and  love  impart 
To  each  ingenuous,  youthful  heart, 

My  own  might  feel  its  former  heat ; 

Again  with  rising  rapture  beat, 
Again  dissolve  in  tender  woe. 
With  pure  delights  again  o'erflow ; 

Again-r-but  why  those  times  recall 

When  every  thought  was  love  ?  when  all 
My  ardent  wish,  my  serious  care. 
Was  but  to  please  some  blooming  fair 

And  see,  when  none  but  Love  was  by. 

His  lustres  dancing  in  her  eye. 
Ah,  no  !  behold,  in  nature's  gloom. 
Damp  fogs,  and  chilling  winds,  my  doom. 

She  bids  me  quit  the  am'rous  chase, 

And  yield  to  happier  youth  my  place. 
I  see  and  hear  her  harsh  decree. 
But  still  my  soul,  high-born  and  free, 

Disdains  to  bend.     In  nature's  spite. 

To  Cupid  I  devote  the  night." 

*'  This  morning  [August  2d],  the  weather  being  unfit  for 
exercise,  I  sit  down,  with  a  view  to  amuse  Mrs.  Morris, 
and  translate  or,  rather,  imitate  the  lines  I  wrought  yes- 
terday. 

Si  le  soleil  ce  Jour  embellissait  la  terra, 

Ce  jour  nous  oflrirait  1' image  de  la  guerre. 

Mais  la  nature  en  deuil,  dont  des  combats  affreux 
Egorgent  par  milliers  les  enfants  malheureux, 

Se  refuse  a  nos  vceux,  se  voile  de  nuages. 

Fait  tomber  en  trombes  ses  orages, 

Et  semble,  gemissant,  se  desoler  des  maux 
Qui  de  cet  univers  font  de  vastes  tombeaux. 

Nous  avions  aussi,  la  bataille  finie, 

Le  projet  d'embellir  le  chemin  de  la  vie  ; 
De  quitter  le  dieu  Mars,  et  ses  sombres  atours, 
Et  d'omer  de  nos  fleurs  le  temple  des  amours  : 

D' admirer,  dans  ce  lieu,  de  la  beaute  les  chamies, 

Et  les  soins  quelle  inspire  et  les  douces  alarmes ; 


no  DIARY  AND  LETTERS  OF         [Chap.  XXXII. 

Et  les  brillants  tableaux  du  plus  grand  des  bonheurs, 
Qui  transporte  les  sens  et  penetre  les  coeurs. 
Je  me  ilattais  aussi  de  retrouver  encore 
Le  beau  jour  qui  luisait  sur  ma  premiere  aurore  : 
Ce  ravissant  printemps  ou  mon  ame,  encor'  neuve, 
Subissait  des  passions  la  premiere  epreuve. 
Mais,  helas  !  vous  voyez,  dans  ce  temps  si  affreux, 
Ces  brouillards,  ces  nuages,  mon  sort  si  malheureux, 
Le  temps,  en  plus  d'un  sens,  k  mes  voeux  est  contraire  : 
Je  puis  aimer  toujours,  mais  comment  puis-je  plaire  ? 

These  verses  are  full  of  faults,  and  must  be  corrected. 
We  dine  with  Lord  George  Lenox,  where  I  meet  the 
Prince  de  Leon  and  some  other  French  officers.  He  tells 
me  that  the  late  misfortune  at  Quiberon  must  be  attributed 
to  the  ignorance  of  Puisaye,  and  the  overweening  ambi- 
tion of  Messieurs  d'Hervilly  and  de  Sombreuil,  who,  to 
avoid  the  danger  of  being  superseded  in  command  by 
those  who  have  higher  rank,  made  their  attempt  with  a 
force  infinitely  too  weak,  etc." 

The  journey  began  again  on  August  3d,  and  through  a 
beautiful  country,  finely  cultivated,  with  charming  views 
of  the  sea  and  the  mouth  of  the  Severn,  Morris  drove 
to  Bristol,  and  from  here  he  visited  Chepstow  and  Tintern 
Abbey.  "  I  think,"  he  says  of  the  latter  place,  "  that  it  is 
much  indebted  to  the  pens  of  those  who  have  written 
about  it ;  but  the  ivy  on  the  walls  is  luxuriant." 

"Walking  about  Bath  to-day  [August  12th]  I  am  over- 
taken by  the  ci-devant  Grand  Vicaire  of  Bordeaux,  who 
recalls  himself  to  my  recollection  ;  he  dines  with  me  on  a 
cold  fowl,  lobster,  and  salad." 

"  This  morning  [August  13th]  I  go  to  the  Duke  of 
Beaufort's  (Radminster).  His  grace  shows  me  his  house, 
in  which  there  are  some  very  good  paintings  of  Salvator 
Rosa,  Guido,  etc.,  and  his  gardens,  which  are  no  way  ex- 
traordinary.    The   road   to  Cirencester  lay  through  the 


1795-1  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  Ill 

Duke's  park  and  plantations,  where  large  herds  of  red 
and  fallow  deer  disported  themselves  ;  and  so  across  the 
Thames  near  its  source  to  the  inn  at  Barford,  "which  is 
now,"  Morris  says,  "kept  by  two  maiden  sisters,  both  past 
sixty ;  and  their  lineal  ancestors  (from  the  information  of 
the  waiter,  who  has  been  here,  he  says,  four  and  twenty 
years)  have  been  innkeepers  in  the  same  house  for  a  cen- 
tury back,  their  relations  for  two  centuries,  and  the  house 
itself  has  been  an  inn  for  more  than  three  hundred  years. 
The  room  in  which  I  am  now  sitting  was  the  dining  room 
of  the  Pilgrims,  but  has  lately  been  pulled  down  and  mod- 
ernized. There  are  many  now  noble  families  who  cannot 
trace  back  their  families  in  so  exact  a  manner  as  these  sis- 
ters. Their  house  is  scrupulously  clean,  and  the  waiter 
is  one  of  the  very  few  men  who  seem  to  be  contented  in 
that  state  of  life  to  which  it  has  pleased  God  to  call  them. 
He  says  very  gayly  that  he  is  as  happy  (he  believes)  as  if 
he  were  rich,  and  perhaps  more  so.  '  I  enjoy  health,'  says 
he,  'and  what  is  riches  without  health  ?'" 

"This  morning  [August  14th]  I  leave  the  inn  and  go  on 
through  Witney  to  Blenheim  ;  ride  round  the  park,  walk 
afterwards  over  the  garden,  and  finally  view  the  house. 
The  grounds,  though  little  varied  in  their  surface,  have, 
nevertheless,  been  highly  ornamented.  The  river  is  a  fine 
piece  of  water  now,  though  anciently  it  was,  I  understand, 
only  a  small  brook  ;  but  the  famous  Brown  has  since  ren- 
dered it  worthy  of  the  bridge  thrown  over  it,  to  the  regret, 
however,  of  the  famous  Dr.  Johnson,  who  complained  on 
seeing  it  that  he  had  spoiled  the  epigram  : 

The  lofty  arch  his  high  ambition  shows, 
The  stream  an  emblem  of  his  bounty  flows. 

This  park  contains  an  area  of  2,700  acres.  Of  this,  above 
200  are  contained  in  the  garden,  and  260  appropriated  to 


112  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XXXII. 

the  river,  so  that  there  remains  not  more  than  2,200  in 
wood  and  grass,  on  which  are  fed  2,000  deer  and  as  many- 
sheep,  besides  cattle  occasionally.  In  the  garden  and 
park  are  a  number  of  oaks  of  great  size,  though  not  high. 
The  largest  is  said  to  be  thirty  feet  in  circumference.  It 
is  a  large  tree,  but  I  did  not  measure  it.  The  house,  built 
by  Sir  John  Vanbrugh,  is  one  of  many  which  partly  drew 
down  on  him  the  satirical  epitaph,  *  Lie  heavy  on  him, 
earth,  for  he  laid  many  a  heavy  load  on  thee.'  I  believe 
it  would  be  difficult  to  cover  more  space  and  have  less 
room.  It  is  a  thing  to  look  at,  not  to  live  in,  and  if  ever 
it  should  fall  to  a  munificent  and  hospitable  owner  1  do 
not  see  where  he  would  put  his  guests.  There  are  many 
very  valuable  paintings  in  Blenheim  House,  especially  by 
Rubens,  some  of  them  given  by  the  Emperor  and  one  by 
the  city  of  Antwerp.  There  are  some  attributed  to  him, 
but  I  think  falsely,  as  the  coloring  is  neither  so  fine  nor  so 
fresh  and  glowing  as  in  his  works." 

Arrived  at  Oxford,  Morris  confided  to  his  diary  mi- 
nute and  enthusiastic  descriptions  of  the  beauties  of  that 
quaint  old  town,  and  "as  the  weather,"  he  says,  "is  as 
fine  as  the  heart  of  man  could  wish,  I  have,  in  the  New 
England  phrase,  improved  it  until  I  am  completely  tired. 
Should  it  be  my  lot  to  spend  any  considerable  time  in 
England  I  think  I  will  come  down  thither  with  a  party 
and  stay  some  days,  so  as  to  see  more  at  leisure  what  is 
here  to  be  seen.  One  thing  I  see  with  concern,  that  the 
stone  is  corroded  by  the  air,  so  that  without  constant  re- 
pairs the  buildings  made  of  them  must  crumble  to  dust." 

"Leave  Maidenhead  [August  17th],  and  call  on  Lord 
Grenville  at  Dropmore  Hill,  but  he  is  abroad.  At  ten 
minutes  after  four  reach  Wimbledon,  where  I  dine  and 
pass  the  evening  with  Lord  Gower  and  Lady  Sutherland 
— a  pleasant  afternoon  in  every  sense  of  the  word." 


17951  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  II3 

"  I  lodged  at  Lord  Gower's,  and  this  morning  [August 
i8th]  Lady  Sutherland  brings  me  to  town.  I  must  en- 
deavor to  spend  a  day  or  two  with  them.  Mr.  Trumbull 
calls  on  me.  He  came  lately  through  France,  but  saw 
nobody  of  consequence  ;  as  he  had  been  Mr.  Jay's  secre- 
tary they  did  not  like  him,  being  very  jealous  about  the 
treaty.  He  says  Mr.  Monroe  found  it  difficult  to  change 
principles  fast  enough  so  as  to  keep  pace  with  the  changes 
in  the  French  Government." 

"  Call  on  Count  Woronzow  [August  22d]  ;  he  tells  me 
what  has  been  done,  what  is  doing,  and  what  is  like  to  be 
done.  Go  to  see  Lord  Grenville  at  his  house.  He  is  out. 
Go  to  his  office,  and  sit  awhile  with  Mr.  Burgess  till  I 
have  an  opportunity  of  seeing  his  lordship.  Mr.  Burgess 
tells  me  that  Mr.  Deas  continues  writing  very  improper 
letters.  I  am  sorry  for  it.  I  find  the  treaty  Mr.  Jay  has 
made  occasions  much  complaint  and  dissatisfaction  in 
America.  He  has  been  burned  in  effigy,  etc.  One  clause  * 
in  the  treaty  is  clearly  ill-judged,  and  has  been  objected  to 
by  the  Senate.  The  other  clauses  are,  it  seems  to  me, 
proper  enough.  Mr.  Burgess  tells  me  that  I  am  liked  by 
the  ministers,  but  that  is  of  little  consequence,  since  a 
change  of  moon  or  other  circumstance  would  produce  a 
change  of  their  bienveillance.  Mr.  Jay's  treaty  has  consid- 
erable blemishes,  but  more  noise  was  made  about  it  than 
was  proper,  owing  to  personal  causes.  An  idea  had  been 
started  that  he  was  the  proper  person  to  succeed  the  Pres- 
ident of  the  United  States.  Dine  with  M..  and  Madame 
Ciricello,  where  dine  also  the  Duke  d'Harcourt  and  M. 
de  Spinola.  After  dinner  I  talk  with  them,  and  find  that 
we  are  all  of  one  mind  as  to  the  things  now  proper  to  be 

*  Probably  the  twelfth  article,  which  forbade  American  vessels  carrying 
coffee,  cocoa,  sugar,  molasses,  or  cotton,  either  from  English  ports  or  from 
the  United  States.     There  were  even  at  that  time  thousands  of  bales  of  cot- 
ton shipped  every  year  from  Southern  ports. 
Vol.  II.— 8 


1 14  DIARY   AND   LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  XXXII. 

done.  I  suggest  to  them,  as  I  did  this  morning  to  Mr. 
Burgess,  the  advantages  to  be  derived  from  purchasing 
the  flour  and  salted  meats  of  the  United  States." 

"  This  morning  [August  23d]  I  leave  London  and  go  to 
Lord  Gower's  at  Wimbledon.  We  dine  en  famille.  I  go  to 
Count  Woronzow's  at  Richmond  where  I  meet  an  aide-de- 
camp of  Charette.  There  is  somewhat  of  curious  and 
hardy  in  his  journey  through  Paris  to  La  Vendee  three 
months  ago.  He  was  present  at  and  privy  to  the  treaty 
between  Charette  and  the  agents  of  the  Convention  by 
which  they  agreed  to  destroy  the  monarchy.  He  was  also 
present  at  a  retaliation  by  Charette  upon  three  hundred 
republicans  for  so  many  of  the  dmigrh  lately  guillotined. 
He  comes  to  ask  troops,  arms,  money,  etc.  Lord  Gren- 
ville  writes  to  Charette  that  he  shall  be  supplied  to  his 
wish,  excepting  only  as  to  troops,  of  which  he  can  send 
only  four  thousand,  and  that  if  his  plans  go  on  a  large 
scale  he  must  reduce  them,  etc.  This  is  candid  and 
proper." 

The  treaty  of  amity  and  commerce  which  John  Jay  had 
made  with  Great  Britain,  and  which  had  been  signed  at 
London  on  the  19th  of  November,  1794,  created  the  great- 
est excitement  in  America.  Mr.  Jay,  it  was  asserted,  had 
been  sent  to  adjust  their  claims,  and  he  had,  instead, 
formed  a  treaty  with  England.  There  was,  therefore,  no 
punishment  too  bad  for  him — the  man  who  had  sold  his 
country.  This  treaty  formed  the  subject  of  the  following 
letter  to  Washington,  written  during  Morris's  visit  to 
Lady  Sutherland  and  dated  at  Wimbledon,  August  23d  : 

"  I  am  sorry,"  he  wrote,  "  that  Mr.  Jay's  treaty  has  oc- 
casioned so  much  clamor  in  America.  I  believe  the  de- 
fects might  easily  be  corrected,  and  seem  to  me  to  have 
arisen  as  much  from  oversight  as  anything  else.  I  have 
not,  however,  conversed  on  the  subject  with  any  of  the 


1795]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  II5 

King's  ministers;  indeed,  I  was  but  two  or  three  days  in 
London,  returning  from  my  tour  through  the  South  of 
England,  and  shall  now  set  off  again  for  my  Northern  tour, 
which  will  take  six  weeks  or  two  months,  so  that  I  do  not 
expect  to  see  any  of  them  for  some  time  to  come.  You 
will  have  seen  that  Spain  has  made  peace  with  France.  I 
presume  that  Sardinia  and  the  Italian  States  will  follow 
this  example,  and  Portugal,  whether  at  peace  or  war,  is 
not  to  be  considered  as  a  belligerent  power,  Austria, 
therefore,  and  England,  are  the  only  parties  with  which 
France  has  now  to  contend,  and  it  seems  not  improbable 
that  this  will  be  the  last  campaign.  It  does  not  follow 
that  peace  will  be  fully  restored,  for  I  do  not  quite  see 
on  what  terms  it  is  to  be  made.  Germany  asks,  and  cer- 
tainly wishes,  that  France  should  cede  the  countries  it  has 
conquered  from  the  Empire,  but,  having  no  equivalent  to 
give  in  exchange,  nor  any  force  to  compel  the  cession,  it 
seems  not  quite  likely  that  the  conqueror  will  be  per- 
suaded to  make  the  desired  surrender.  Flanders  will,  I 
think,  be  another  object  of  difficult  disposition.  If  re- 
tained by  France,  the  situation  of  this  country  will  be 
very  insecure,  and  I  have  reason  to  believe  that  Mr.  Pitt 
would  not,  except  in  the  last  necessity,  make  peace  on 
such  terms.  Of  the  West  India  Islands  I  shall  say  noth- 
ing, because  you  will  always  know  more  of  what  is  doing 
there  than  we  can.  The  British  fleet  will  probably  main- 
tain a  decided  superiority  there,  as  in  Europe.  Conse- 
quently a  chief  of  real  talents,  to  whom  a  broad  discretion 
shall  have  been  given,  might  do  much — very  much.  Has 
Britain  such  a  chief  to  send  thither  ?  Will  the  govern- 
ment leave  him  a  sufficient  liberty  to  act  ?  These  are 
questions  which  I  cannot  answer.  The  failure  of  the 
Quiberon  affair  seems  to  have  arisen  entirely  from  the 
misconduct   of  those  French   officers  who   commanded. 


1 1 6  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XXXII. 

The  party  of  the  royalists  is  in  great  force,  and  if  they 
knew  their  strength  throughout  France  (which,  from  the 
measures  taken  to  prevent  a  communication  of  sentiments, 
it  is  very  difficult  and  almost  impossible  for  them  to  do) 
they  would  soon  overturn  the  present  powers.  A  second 
expedition  is  now  going  on  from  hence  and  will  be  di- 
rected to  a  point  more  proper  than  that  where  the  last 
attempt  was  made.  Admitting  that  peace  were  made,  it 
is  highly  probable  that  France  might  become  the  theatre 
of  a  long  and  furious  civil  war.  You  will  observe  that 
they  are  endeavoring  at  a  less  absurd  constitution  than 
those  by  which  they  have  been  hitherto  pestered  and  tor- 
mented. But  supposing  that  they  should  even  adopt  a 
good  one,  which  seems  unlikely  to  happen,  still,  in  my 
opinion,  they  will  not  be  easy  under  it,  for  they  never  ap- 
peared to  me  to  have  the  needful  education  nor  the 
proper  temper  for  free  government.  I  continue  to  be 
persuaded  that  they  will  fall  under  the  domination  of 
some  single  despot,  but  I  am  by  no  means  clear  as  to  the 
person  nor  the  mode  by  which  he  is  to  get  into  authority. 
Should  the  party  of  the  royalists  succeed,  the  business  is 
then  settled  for  a  time  very  simply ;  otherwise,  it  may  be 
the  result  of  civil  commotion,  and  in  all  cases  the  fatigue 
of  such  violent  convulsions  will  induce  that  turbulent 
people  to  submit  to  the  yoke  with  great  tameness. 

"This  hemisphere  seems  in  general  to  be  oddly  situated. 
Few  of  the  existing  governments  possess  vigor  equal  to 
the  trying  circumstances  which  surround  them,  and  in 
many  corruption  is  superadded  to  weakness.  The  French 
and  Prussian  Cabinets  are  endeavoring  to  stir  the  Turk, 
and  if  they  bring  him  into  action  it  will  probably  termi- 
nate to  his  great  disadvantage  ;  but  about  this  they  are  in- 
different, provided  he  would  make  a  powerfulMiversion  to 
forces  which  are  now  employed  against  France,  and  others 


1795- J  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  tl^ 

which  menace  Prussia.  I  believe  this  last  will  be  reduced 
to  insignificance  before  the  close  of  the  present  century, 
and  in  the  meantime  I  should  not  be  surprised  at  liis  in- 
vasion of  Hanover.  France  is  so  much  exhausted  that 
she  can  do  little,  very  little,  if  anything,  at  a  distance  from 
her  own  frontier.  Sweden,  who  is  begging  for  cash,  with- 
out which  her  efforts  will  be  futile,  cannot,  I  think,  obtain 
an  adequate  assistance,  and  in  the  meantime  Russia  will 
probably  bring  about  another  revolution  in  that  country, 
and  re-establish  the  Senate.  Denmark  will  fall  into  the 
scale  of  Russia,  Austria,  and  England,  rather  than  of  their 
enemies.  The  season  is  so  far  advanced  that  no  stroke 
will  probably  be  struck  in  the  North  this  year,  owing  prin- 
cipally to  the  feebleness  of  the  Cabinet  of  Vienna. 

"  In  all  cases,  Holland  appears  to  me  to  be  completely 
undone.  The  bankruptcy  of  their  India  Company,  long 
palliated,  now  stands  confessed,  and  that  of  the  nation 
exists,  though  not  avowed.  Her  commerce  is  totally  sus- 
pended, and,  as  the  great  mass  of  the  people  derived 
thence  their  means  of  subsistence,  the  distress  will  be 
great  and  general.  Discontent  as  general  must  thence 
arise,  and  if  the  French  protection  be  withdrawn  the  pa- 
triots (so  called)  will  probably  be  sacrificed.  In  the  case 
of  a  general  pacification  I  do  not  see  how,  or  on  what 
principle,  the  ruling  powers  can  keep  up  a  large  French 
army  in  the  heart  of  their  country.  But  in  whatever 
manner  it  may  be  done  they  can,  from  the  nature  of 
things,  be  no  more  than  the  upper  servants  of  such  an 
army.  Placing  the  matter  in  the  fairest  point  of  view,  and 
supposing  the  present  party  to  be  the  strongest,  still  they 
will  not,  I  think,  be  able  to  establish  that  order  and  se- 
curity without  which  commerce  will  fly  far  from  their 
shores.  Hence  I  conclude  that  London  will  become  the 
great  emporium  of  trade  in  Europe,  unless  the  devil  should 


1 18  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF         [Chap.  XXXn. 

put  it  into  their  heads  to  make  revolutions  here  also, 
which  will  not,  I  believe,  be  the  case  during  the  life  of 
the  present  monarch." 

The  projected  journey  of  which  Morris  wrote  to  Wash- 
ington was  begun  on  Friday,  August  28th.  «*  I  go,"  he 
notes  in  his  diary,  "  (at  great  expense  of  turnpikes)  round 
the  north  side  of  London,  instead  of  passing  through  that 
city,  and  enter  the  Cambridge  road  near  the  two-mile 
stone.  Then  on  through  Edmonton  to  Cambridge."  From 
here  he  gave  Lady  Sutherland  the  benefit  of  his  experi- 
ences in  a  characteristic  letter. 

"  Cambridge,  August  27,  1795. 
"  Dear  Lady  Sutherland  :  I  will  perform  what  I  did 
not  promise,  and  give  you  an  account  of  what  I  saw  and 
also  of  what  I  felt.  First,  then,  I  felt  on  leaving  Wimble- 
don like  a  boy  at  the  end  of  vacation,  and  I  fear  1  shall 
find  nothing  I  like  so  well  in  my  whole  route.  Next  I 
visited  the  bed  of  Ware,  and  I  am  able  to  assure  you  that 
it  still  exists  and  is  (as  the  chamber-maid  told  me)  '  eleven 
feet  and  a  half  square,  built  by  Edward  the  Fourth  in  the 
year  1463  for  his  servants.'  I  believe  that  she  is  not  much 
of  an  antiquarian,  but  it  seems  that  the  date  is  on  it. 
Moreover,  I  am  just  returned  from  having  divine  service 
(so  called)  at  King's  Chapel,  a  sort  of  chanting  in  which 
it  was  difficult  to  distinguish  what  was  said.  The  Almighty, 
from  his  quality  of  omniscience,  is  of  course  apprised  of 
it,  and  also  of  what  was  thought  on  the  occasion  ;  but,  me- 
thinks,  if  ever  I  should  be  a  god  or  a  fine  lady,  I  would  never 
grant  but  to  natural  sentiments  expressed  in  a  natural 
manner.  Tell  my  Lord  Gower  that  the  word  I  have  just 
underscored  seems  to  me  to  convey  a  different  idea  from 
/  think.  This  last  is  a  plain  declaration  of  what  passes  in 
the  mind,  as  it  is  affected  either  by  exterior  objects  or  by 


1795]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  II9 

its  own  reasoning  faculties.  Thus,  I  think  you  are  a  charm- 
ing woman,  I  think  his  lordship  is  a  sensible,  well-in- 
formed man,  and  I  think  a  late  manifesto  will  be  attended 
with  bad  consequences.  Methinks,  on  the  other  hand, 
seems  to  express  rather  an  effect  of  the  mind  on  itself  by 
means  of  the  imagination,  and  precedes  a  communication 
of  those  fanciful  creations  which  accompany  strong  emo- 
tion. Thus,  methinks  the  world  without  you  were  a  des- 
ert— I  certainly  do  not  mean  to  say  that  the  present  har- 
vest would  have  been  destroyed  had  you  never  existed. 
So  much  for  synonymes.  I  must  add,  however,  that,  being 
consecrated  to  the  sublime,  that  term,  in  common  with 
others  of  the  sort,  when  used  on  common  occasions  is 
expressive  of  the  ironical  or  ridiculous — another  proof  that 
it  is  not  quite  synonymous  with  /  think.  I  must  not  forget 
to  tell  you  that  King's  Chapel  reconciles  me  in  some 
measure  to  Gothic  architecture.  I  will  tell  you  nothing 
more  just  now,  but  bid  you  adieu." 

The  history  of  this  journey,  with  the  minutest  account  of 
daily  events — of  the  weather,  the  crops,  and  the  people — 
which  would  be  unnecessary  to  detail  here,  is  given  in 
the  diary.  It  will  be  possible  to  give  only  a  sketch  of 
Morris's  trip  through  the  pleasant  land  of  England,  and  to 
note  only  the  places  which  most  attracted  his  attention. 
First  among  these  was  Burleigh  House,  "where,"  he  says, 
"  I  spend  a  considerable  time  viewing  this  vast  chateau, 
and  the  very  great  collection  of  paintings.  A  fortnight 
would  not  suffice  to  examine  them.  I  was  obliged  to  tear 
myself  away  from  one,  '  Our  Saviour  Blessing  the  Bread 
and  Wine.*  I  never  saw  such  a  countenance.  I  believe 
nothing  human  was  ever  so  beautiful,  so  heavenly.  The 
smallest  details  are  perfect — the  very  napkin  is  from  the 
hand  of  a  master ;  but  such  expression  in  the  countenance, 


I20  DIARY   AND   LETTERS  OF         [Chap.  XXXII. 

SO  manly,  so  soft,  so  like  what  one  would  wish  to  im- 
agine of  the  God  of  mercy,  without  being  ever  able  to 
accomplish  that  wish.  Wonderful  art !  Sublime  artist ! 
This  great  collection  contains  many  pieces  of  the  highest 
merit,  but  this  one  is,  in  my  opinion,  so  far  beyond 
all  the  rest  that,  having  seen  it,  I  could  hardly  look  at 
what  followed.  The  house  was  built  in  the  reign  of  Queen 
Elizabeth,  and  is,  though  ancient,  not  in  a  bad  style.  I  could 
not  conveniently  view  the  park,  in  which  there  was  one  strik- 
ing defect — a  pond  instead  of  a  river.  By  concealing  the 
two  ends,  for  it  is  a  winding  pond,  it  would  seem  a  river. 
There  are  a  great  many  very  rare  and  valuable  objects 
to  be  seen  at  this  house,  but  Carlo  Dolci  occupies  all  my 
sense  of  recollection  in  that  wonderful  combination  of 
majesty,  sweetness,  pity,  and  resignation,  which  I  believe 
I  shall  never  forget."  A  few  days  later,  in  the  entry  of 
September  loth,  he  says:  " Writing  a  letter  this  evening 
to  Lady  Sutherland,  I  mentioned  to  her  the  painting 
which  pleased  me  so  much  at  Burleigh  House,  and  in 
viewing  it  again  with  the  mind's  eye  I  tell  her  : 

The  thought  is  love  in  all  its  kindest  care  ; 

'Tis  something  more  than  hope,  and  yet  'tis  prayer; 

'Tis  confidence  and  resignation  too. 

The  eye  appears,  with  chastened  glance,  to  view 
On  high  the  throne  of  everlasting  day. 
The  silent  semblance  speaks.     It  seems  to  say  : 

'  Vouchsafe,  O  Father,  to  accept  in  me 

The  willing  victim  of  thy  firm  decree  ; 
Be  in  my  death  fulfilled  redemption's  plan, 
And  these  the  pledges  between  God  and  man.'" 

At  Sheffield,  Birmingham,  and  Leeds,  by  reason  of  let- 
ters to  manufacturers,  Morris  was  well  received  and  every 
facility  given  him  to  inspect  all  the  interesting  opera- 
tions of  those  active  towns.     The  moral  and  physical  con- 


1795]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  121 

dition  of  the  operatives,  their  wages,  and  the  number 
of  hours  of  work  required  of  them,  were  subjects  which 
always  commanded  his  attention  and  excited  his  interest. 
The  beauty  of  the  cultivated  fields,  the  picturesqueness  of 
the  scenery  through  which  he  passed,  never  failed  to  call 
forth  some  expression  of  pleasure  ;  and  the  more  or  less 
significant  incidents  of  the  day  amused  rather  than  dis- 
composed him.  "To-day,"  he  says,  September  5th,  **the 
weather  is  showery,  and  I  observed  a  young  woman  pre- 
paring against  the  rain  under  a  little  tree.  She  had  on 
her  new  gown  and  bonnet ;  to  save  them  from  the 
weather,  I  offered  her  a  seat  in  my  chaise.  She  at  first 
made  no  answer,  but  after  some  time  spent,  as  I  supposed, 
in  reflection,  she  agreed  suddenly,  as  if  her  determination 
was  completely  and  decidedly  made  up.  The  door  is 
opened,  and  she  is  seated  next  me  and  we  jog  on.  It  be- 
comes me  to  do  the  honors,  and  so  I  began  conversation  by 
asking  whither  she  was  going.  She  looked  very  steadily 
forward,  held  up  an  oil-skin  bonnet,  which  she  had  in  her 
hand,  and  fixed  her  eyes  on  it  with  a  kind  of  eager  anxiety. 
I  thought  that  my  question  was  imprudent,  and  had  perhaps 
awakened  some  ideas  of  an  uncomfortable  kind.  Before 
I  could  arrange  any  conjecture  on  the  subject,  she  began 
to  jump  from  her  seat  with  a  kind  of  convulsive  motion, 
then  wriggled  a  little,  and  with  a  clear  voice  told  me  she  was 
going  to  Hunslet.  This  is  a  little  village  a  mile  short  of 
Leeds.  All  these  strange  phenomena  resulted  from  a 
most  extraordinary  impediment  in  her  speech." 

Morris  was  much  impressed  at  Edinburgh,  where  he  ar- 
rived on  the  15th  of  September,  by  the  extreme  height  of  the 
houses,  which  appeared  to  him,  as  he  says,"  to  be  one  of  the 
most  curious  things  which  I  have  seen  anywhere.  Directly 
opposite  the  window  of  my  bedroom  is  a  house  ten  stories 
high  ;  at  least  upon  this,  the  north  front  of  it.     On  the  other 


1 22  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XXXII. 

side  it  has,  T  suppose,  five,  six,  or  seven,  being  built  on  a 
side-hill,  and  in  the  street  on  the  top  of  the  hill  there  are 
sundry  houses  of  the  latter  height.  In  the  old  part  of  the 
town,  if  it  were  not  for  the  signs,  etc.,  in  English,  one 
might  take  it  for  a  French  town.  In  Holyrood  House  is 
the  most  curious  gallery  of  paintings  in  Europe.  Buchan- 
an wrote  a  Scottish  novel  which  he  called  the  history  of 
his  country,  and  gives  therein  an  account  of  kings  that 
never  existed.  The  Duke  of  York,  afterwards  King  of 
Great  Britain,  and  afterwards  an  unfortunate  wanderer, 
brought  over  a  Flemish  painter  (Dewitt)  who  copied  some 
of  the  originals  of  the  later  Scottish  princes ;  and  then,  to 
fill  up  the  list,  either  from  his  own  fancy  or  the  phizzes 
which  he  could  meet  with,  made  up  a  long  line,  giving 
thus  to  Buchanan's  ideal  forms — aerial  nothings — a  local 
habitation  and  a  name.  We  are  shown  here  the  apart- 
ments of  the  imprudent,  unfortunate  Mary,  and  the  closet 
where  she  was  sitting  with  a  lady  and  David  Rizzio,  when 
this  poor  fellow  was  dragged  out  by  the  haughty,  barbarous 
lord  of  her  court  into  an  adjoining  chamber  and  stabbed. 
There  are  on  the  floor  some  stains,  said  to  have  been  made 
by  his  blood.  In  Mary's  chamber  are  preserved  some 
articles  of  needle-work  which  she  had  wrought.  All  this 
brings  strongly  to  my  mind  the  needle-work  which  I  have 
seen  of  the  late  unhappy  Marie  Antoinette,  and  still  more 
strongly  her  miserable  fate.  In  my-  walk  this  evening 
I  meet  women  coming  up  from  Leith  with  baskets  of  oys- 
ters on  their  backs  fastened  by  a  strap  which  comes 
round  their  foreheads.  They  remind  me  of  the  mode  of 
working  oxen  in  France,  where  the  peasants  contend  that 
the  animals  have  more  strength  that  way  than  any  other." 
"  Lord  Somerville  calls  [September  20th],  and  tells  me 
that  Lord  Adam  Gordon  expresses  a  wish  to  see  me,  on 
which  we  go  together  to  wait  on  his  lordship.     Dine  with 


1795  1  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  1 23 

Lord  Somerville,  who  gives  me  a  good  dinner  with  excel- 
lent wines.  We  are  three.  Sir  Richard  Ainslie  is  the 
third.  His  younger  brother,  Robert,  was  long  ambassador 
from  this  country  to  the  Porte.  This  Sir  Richard  seems 
to  be  an  oppositionist,  and  expresses  an  ardent  affection 
for  America,  so  much  that  I  doubt  a  little  of  the  reality 
and  altogether  of  the  extent." 

"  Returning  from  visiting  Mrs.  Arbuthnot  I  meet  [Sep- 
tember 23d]  Sir  John  McPherson,  who  has  just  come  from 
my  lodgings ;  so  I  return  and  go  to  take  tea  with  him. 
In  the  course  of  conversation  I  learn  from  him  what  I 
had  got  before  but  slightly  from  Mr.  Cochrane  ;  viz.,  that 
the  British  policy  in  India  is  to  encourage  a  free  com- 
merce with  all  the  world,  which,  by  pouring  wealth  into 
that  country,  adds  greatly  to  the  revenue,  etc.  He  tells 
me  that  when,  by  the  return  of  Mr.  Hastings,  he  was  left 
at  the  head  of  affairs  in  India,  he  found  the  revenue  one 
twelvemonth  in  arrear,  two  hundred  thousand  men  to  pro- 
vide for,  not  a  shilling  in  the  treasury,  and  bills  on  Europe 
quite  unsalable.  In  this  situation  he  issued  a  paper  money 
bearing  interest,  which  was  redeemed  in  numerical  order. 
All  payments  were  made  in  that  paper,  and  the  accounts 
of  its  redemption  regularly  published.  This,  says  he,  gave 
it  such  credit  that  a  black  merchant  had  at  one  time  half 
a  million  of  it  in  his  possession  ;  and  this  gain,  he  says, 
was  the  origin  of  the  French  assignats,  and  thereupon  he 
gives  me  the  filiation,  which  history  I  do  not  contradict ; 
but  I  know  more  of  the  origin  of  assignats  than  he  does." 

"At  the  register's  oflBce  is  placed  Mrs.  Damer's  statue 
of  the  reigning  king.  It  is  colossal,  and  placed  on  a  very 
low  pedestal,  which  has  a  bad  effect ;  besides,  the  perform- 
ance itself  is  very  tame.  Sir  William  Forbes  calls  on  me 
this  morning,  and  Mr.  Cochrane.  Dine  with  Lord  Adam 
Gordon  [September  24th],  who  is  very  polite  and  extremely 


124  DIARY   AND*LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XXXII. 

attentive  to  me.  Lords  Somerville  and  Napier,  with  Gen- 
eral Campbell  and  others,  are  of  our  party.  A  very  good 
dinner  and  a  pleasant  evening." 

From  Edinburgh  Morris  continued  his  wanderings 
to  Stirling  and  Perth,  and  so  on  to  Dunkeld,  "the  ap- 
proach to  which,"  he  says,  **  is  singularly  fine.  At  some 
miles  distant  we  drive  directly  towards  the  mountain 
which  is  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Tay,  and  then  turn  off 
to  our  right  towards  the  river,  which  we  break  upon  lying 
imder  us.  Before  we  get  to  the  end  of  our  stage  it  begins 
to  rain,  so  that  a  part  of  the  view  is  hidden,  but  the  gloom- 
iness of  a  storm  is  more  suitable  to  the  surly  grandeur  of 
a  mountain-scene  than  garish  day.  I  had  heard  much  of 
the  bare  Scottish  hills  before  I  came  hither,  and  some  of 
them  are  bare  enough,  in  all  conscience;  but  I  see  numer- 
ous plantations  rising  in  different  places  to  clothe  them, 
and  in  another  century  the  great  bareness  will  be  fotind 
only  in  the  conversation  of  the  English,  like  the  present 
penury  and  scarcity  and  famine  of  Caledonia.  John  Bull 
seriously  believes,  and  as  seriously  relates,  the  wretched- 
ness of  his  Northern  brethren,  which  I  dare  say  existed  at 
the  Union ;  but  the  culture  of  a  part  of  Scotland  is  equal, 
if  not  superior,  to  any  in  the  island.  Improvement  daily 
makes  great  progress,  and  diffuses  wealth  and  plenty. 
Good  stone  houses  take  place  of  the  former  mud  hovels ; 
planting,  manuring,  and  enclosing  hourly  change  the  face 
of  the  country ;  climate,  indeed,  is  wanting,  but  fruit  is 
said  to  be  plentiful  and  cheap  at  Perth.  Dunkeld,  seen 
from  the  opposite  shore,  has  the  air  of  a  fortification.  This 
is  owing  to  the  walls  on  the  river's  bank,  to  secure  little 
patches  of  earth  which  serve  as  gardens  or  grass-plats  to 
the  houses,  and,  being  no  wider  than  they  are,  seem  like 
a  parapet  with  embrasures." 

"Arrived  [September  30th]  at  Blair  in  Athol,  the  resi- 


1795]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  12$ 

dence  of  the  Duke  of  Athol  ;  a  letter  of  introduction 
and  a  card  of  **  compliment  was  responded  to  at  once 
by  the  Duchess,  who  desires  that  I  would  come  over, 
which  I  do  as  soon  as  I  have  dined.  We  are  in  the  midst 
of  the  Grampians,  naturally  very  high,  rugged,  and  bare ; 
but  the  possessors  are  busily  engaged  in  clothing  them. 
There  are  many  fine  views  of  little  cultivated  plains,  with 
the  river  meandering  through  them,  and  overhung  with 
rocky  crags.  The  huts  of  the  Highland  peasants  are  as 
miserable  and  as  filthy  as  the  worst  description  of  them 
which  I  have  ever  seen.  My  valet-de-chambre  tells  me 
they  are  just  pictures  of  those  inhabited  by  the  Russian 
and  Livonian  slaves."  A  day  or  two  passed  pleasantly  in 
the  society  of  the  Duke  and  Duchess,  inspecting  the  deer 
shot  by  his  grace,  and  scribbling  verses  apropos  of  the 
"  Duchesse's  discontent  at  the  strong  hunting  temper  of 
M.  le  Due."  In  the  Duke's  carriage  Morris  left  Blair 
in  Athol  the  3d  of  October,  and,  passing  through  the  gorge 
of  Kiiliecrankie,  where  King  William's  troops  were  defeated 
by  the  Highlanders  and  Lord  Dundee  was  killed,  soon 
reached  the  country-seat  of  Lord  Breadalbane,  at  the 
mouth  of  Loch  Tay,  where  he  was  hospitably  received. 
Prepared  to  resume  his  journey  by  the  5th  of  October, 
the  weather,  being  very  rainy,  induced  him  to  **  yield  to 
the  hospitalities  of  Lord  Breadalbane.  Pour  comble  de 
bonheiir,  my  coachman  tells  me  that  one  of  my  horses  was 
lamed  last  night,  but  this  information  was  given  after  I 
had  agreed  to  stay,  otherwise  I  should  have  been  in  sad 
plight.  Speaking  after  dinner  on  the  extent  of  the  Duke 
of  Athol's  possessions,  Lord  Breadalbane  tells  me  that  he 
can  ride  one  hundred  and  ten  miles  without  going  off  his 
estates,  and  this  in  a  straight  line." 

"  This    morning  [October   6th]   is  very  fine,  but   I   am 
obliged  to  stay  for  my  horse,  who  can  hardly  walk  and 


126  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  XXXII. 

who  is  lying  down  in  the  stable.  Go  fishing  on  the  lake, 
but  the  fish  will  neither  rise  at  the  fly  nor  take  the  worm 
bait,  and  I  have  no  other  ;  so  we  return,  and  cast  the 
net,  with  which  we  take  a  perch  and  some  trout.  On  re- 
turning to  the  house  I  find  a  pair  of  parsons,  and  our 
conversation  turns  on  the  improvement  of  the  country. 
They  go  away  early,  but,  as  my  servant  afterwards  tells 
me,  it  is  to  take  a  dish  of  tea  with  the  upper  servants." 

Leaving  Taymouth  and  his  hospitable  entertainers, 
**  with  promises  to  see  them  in  London  next  winter,"  Mor- 
ris pushed  on  to  Inverary,  where  he  arrived  on  the  9th 
of  October.  "  The  misfortune  of  this  country  through 
which  I  pass,"  he  comments,  "  is  that  there  are  too  many 
people — a  great  number  of  cottagers,  who  can  pay  no 
rent,  and  make  no  improvements,  being  wholly  occupied 
in  obtaining  a  subsistence.  Fuel  is  scarce  and  difficult  to 
be  got ;  add  to  this  they  are  all  tenants  at  will,  and  of 
course  have  no  disposition  to  improve  either  house  or 
land.  The  Duke  of  Argyll  is  out  riding  when  I  arrive, 
and  I  have  dined  at  his  return,  when  he  sends  for  me 
to  dinner.  I  therefore  assist  at  his  repast  without  par- 
taking of  it.  His  daughter.  Lady  Charlotte,  has  the 
mania  of  being  admired,  which  will,  I  think,  lead  her  far. 
After  dinner,  before  they  quit  the  table,  she  and  her  elder 
married  sister  sing  a  duetto  for  the  old  gentleman,  who  tells 
me  that  music  is  his  principal  enjoyment.  The  weather 
is  better  to-day,  but  seems  yet  to  be  wild." 

"This  morning  [October  loth]  or,  rather,  this  noon.  His 
Grace  takes  me  in  his  chaise  round  his  grounds.  There 
are  some  fine  views  and  a  good  deal  of  wood.  He  has 
had  a  rage  for  husbandry,  and,  as  the  climate  is  intolerably 
wet,  has  built  immense  barns  in  which  to  dry  the  grain  as 
it  is  brought  in.  It  serves  for  the  hay  also,  and  is  above 
all,  or,  rather,  they  are — for  he  has  two — very  ornamental. 


1795]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  12/ 

He  has  several  people  now  at  work  repairing  and  building 
bridges,  for  some  time  ago  they  had  a  water-spout  which 
broke  over  the  mountains  for  a  few  miles  in  this  neigh- 
borhood, and  poured  down  such  torrents  of  water  as  to 
sweep  along  with  them  vast  rocks  and,  of  course,  every- 
thing else.  We  have  for  dinner,  among  other  things, 
chevreuil  (roebuck),  a  very  common  game  here,  and  but 
little  esteemed.  This  evening  I  am  irh  aimable,  and  in 
consequence  the  ladies  press  me  much  to  stay  a  day 
longer.  What  amuses  me  most  in  this  request  is  that  a 
Miss  Campbell  joins  in  it.  She  took  me  last  evening  in 
much  dislike,  and  showed  it  so  clearly  that  this  morning 
Lady  Augusta,  without  going  directly  at  the  point,  made 
an  apology  by  letting  me  into  her  history,  which  is  con- 
tained in  three  words — a  disappointed  old  maid.  I  had 
well  perceived  it,  and,  as  occasion  offered,  had  already  by 
little  attentions  put  myself  much  better  with  her." 

"Go  on  to  Loch  Lomond  [October  12th],  and  reach 
Buchanan,  the  seat  of  His  Grace  of  Montrose,  in  the 
afternoon.  He  is  on  his  grounds.  En  attendant  his  arrival 
I  read,  for  madame  \s  par  trop  anglaise pour  recevoir  le  monde 
de  monsieur.  When  she  appears,  however,  she  becomes 
very  well.  The  Duke  is  a  sensible,  well-informed  man. 
We  have  some  political  conversation,  and  he  appears  to 
me,  like  most  of  the  well-informed  men  I  have  met  in  this 
country,  much  better  acquainted  with  their  domestic  con- 
cerns than  with  foreign  affairs.  He  is  indisposed  to  that 
great  extension  of  manufactures  and  commerce  which  has 
introduced  a  great  deal  of  money  into  the  country,  but 
which  has  greatly  relaxed  the  military  spirit.  I  have  met 
lately  with  several  people  of  this  opinion,  which  certainly 
has  weight.  It  will  be  proper,  perhaps,  to  give  some  new 
spring  to  the  militia  service  and  infuse  a  little  more  of 
the  aristocratic  temper;  but  this  last  is,  I  believe,  a  diffi- 


I 


.128  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF         [Chap.  XXXII. 

cult  thing.  There  seems  to  be  in  all  human  societies  at 
a  certain  period  of  their  progress  a  natural  tendency  to- 
wards the  pecuniary  system,  and  as  it  prevails  it  ruins  and 
destroys  the  aristocracy.  Now  this  is  done  by  lessening 
the  respect  for  virtue,  because,  in  effect,  whatever  may 
have  been  the  origin  of  great  families,  in  a  course  of  ages 
some  of  their  members  have  shed  on  each  a  splendor 
which  awes  the  vulgar.  Moreover,  I  believe  experience 
will  justify  the  assertion  that  such  families  are  generally 
more  fair  and  upright  in  their  conduct  than  others.  Be 
it  the  effect  of  education,  of  example,  or  of  respect  for  a 
deceased  ancestry,  or  let  it  result  from  that  affluence 
which  places  them  above  temptation — no  matter  for  what 
cause — such  conduct  must  impress  on  others  deep  senti- 
ments of  respect.  But  when  the  money  influence  grows 
great  the  general  maxim  is  be  rich  ;  if  you  can,  honestly,  but 
be  rich.  From  that  moment  may,  I  believe,  be  dated  the 
decline  of  an  empire  ;  and  although  circumstances  may 
check  the  progress  of  destruction,  though  the  weakness 
of  surrounding  States  may  lengthen  out  a  feeble  existence, 
yet,  the  infection  taken,  it  extends  a  silent  but  deadly  cor- 
ruption which  few,  if  any,  political  constitutions  are  strong 
enough  to  throw  off.  These  ideas  lead  far  on  in  questions 
of  finance,  commerce,  public  funds,  etc.  It  is  not  either 
an  answer  or  an  objection  that  great  public  calamities 
may  correct  or  revolutions  remove  evils.  The  one  is  a 
remedy  prescribed  by  circumstances,  the  other  is  a  politi- 
cal death,  and  the  succeeding  men  live  under  a  new  gov- 
ernment and  in  a  new  state  of  society." 

"This  morning  [October  14th]  I  leave  the  Duke's  and 
go  on  to  Glasgow.  In  my  route  I  stop  twice  to  look  at 
the  canal  which  crosses  the  island  here,  and  which  this 
day,  for  the  second  time,  I  rode  under.  First  I  went  to 
look  at  a  succession  of  locks  which  rise  immediately  after 


I79S]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  1 29 

the  canal  has  been  carried  over  a  river,  and  saw  sufficiently, 
I  think,  their  principle  and  constitution.  I  admire  much 
the  execution — in  hewn  stone,  etc.,  all  in  the  best  style. 
My  second  object  was  to  see  a  number  of  vessels  collected 
and  lading  in  the  highest  part  of  the  canal ;  some  brigs, 
sloops,  etc.  On  inquiry  I  find  that  those  which  draw  only 
seven  feet  and  a  half  of  water  can  go  through ;  also  that 
there  are  twenty  locks  each  of  eight  feet,  so  that  the  whole 
rise  is  one  hundred  and  sixty  feet.  When  I  see  this,  my 
mind  opens  to  a  view  of  wealth  for  the  interior  of  America 
which  hitherto  I  had  rather  conjectured  than  seen." 

By  October  21st  Morris  was  back  again  in  England. 
From  Carlisle  he  went  to  Keswick.  "On  the  way,"  he 
says,  "  we  passed  at  the  foot  of  Skiddaw,  which  is  a  good 
height  ;  the  vale,  as  far  as  mist,  rain,  and  twilight  will  per- 
mit me  to  judge  of  it,  is  very  beautiful.  I  ride  almost 
round  the  famous  Derwentwater  Lake,  which  is  nothing 
compared  with  those  in  Scotland,  either  for  size  or  depth. 
At  the  head  of  it  lies  Borrowdale,  which  we  ascend  for 
two  miles.  The  road  is  just  wide  enough  for  the  carriage, 
and  we  hang  over  the  precipice  in  some  places  curiously 
enough,  but  such  is  the  force  of  habit  that  this  excites  in 
my  bosom  no  kind  of  emotion.  The  driver  and  horses 
seem  to  be  well  acquainted  with  what  they  are  about,  and 
that  is  sufficient.  In  the  deep  bosom  of  this  dale  a  man 
might  have  lived  fifty  years  ago  and  no  one  have  heard  of 
him,  but  now  the  wealth  and  idle  ■  j,  of  Britain  have  made 
it  a  place  of  great  resort.  Lord  William  Gordon  has  built 
a  small  house  at  the  lower  end  of  the  lake,  the  north  end, 
which  contrasts  well  with  the  wild  and  shaggy  appearance 
of  the  other." 

Pushing  on  through  the  beautiful  lake  country  of  Eng- 
land to  Windermere,  Morris  finally  arrived  at  Colgarth 
Park,  "where,  having  announced  myself  to  the  Bishop 
Vol.  II.— 9 


I 


130  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXXII. 

of  Llandaflf  and  Mrs,  Watson,  I  agree  to  stay.  The  re- 
ception of  the  Bishop  is  very  good ;  he  is  a  sensible  man 
of  considerable  genius  and  very  pleasant  conversation.  He 
tells  me  that  on  March  25th,  the  day  the  Marquis  of  Rock- 
ingham kissed  hands  on  being  appointed  minister,  he 
showed  him  on  the  back  of  a  letter  certain  conditions 
which  he  had  made  with  the  King  and  took  down  with  a 
pencil.  The  first  of  these  was  that  the  independence  of 
America  should  be  acknowledged.  The  marquis  took  that 
precaution  because  on  a  former  occasion  the  King  had 
deceived  him,  and  His  Majesty  was  so  hurt  by  that  precau- 
tion that  he  never  forgave  the  marquis,  and  expressed  in- 
decently his  satisfaction  when  he  heard  of  the  other's 
death.  The  Bishop  mentions  to  me  some  traits  of  the 
Prince  of  Wales  to  show  that  he  is  a  better  man  than  is 
generally  supposed,  but  these  apply  more  to  the  self-love 
of  my  informant  than  they  do  to  the  subject.  The  Bishop 
is  a  stanch  Opposition  man,  and,  as  he  says,  a  firm,  de- 
cided Whig.  He  is  certainly  a  good  landlord,  and  a  man 
of  genius.  I  taste  at  dinner  of  the  famous  char,  taken  in 
the  Windermere,  which  is,  I  think,  neither  more  nor  less 
than  a  very  good  trout.  There  are  some  differences,  such 
as  a  more  forked  tail,  and  whitish  instead  of  brown  spots. 
There  is  also  a  considerable  redness  on  the  belly,  but  I 
have  seen  greater  differences  between  the  trout  of  differ- 
ent waters,  excepting  always  that  of  the  tail.  I  had  read 
that  these  fish  had  gizzards,  and  had  them  opened  so  as  to 
compare  their  entrails  with  those  of  a  trout  lying  together 
on  the  same  plate,  and  cannot  perceive  the  sligl^test  differ- 
ence." 


1795]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  I3I 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

Examines  the  Liverpool  docks.  The  king  attacked  on  his  way  to  Par- 
liament Stratford-upon-Avon.  Letter  to  Lady  Sutherland  from 
"Warwick.  London.  Presented  to  George  III.  Conversation  with 
His  Majesty.  The  House  of  Commons.  Fox  speaks.  French  af- 
fairs. Conversation  with  Lord  Chatham.  Count  Woronzow.  A 
great  City  dinner.  Congratulates  the  Imperial  envoy  on  the  Austrian 
victories.  Dines  with  Lord  Grenville.  Long  conversation  with  him. 
Letter  to  Washington  about  Adams.  Meets  Canning  dining  at  Lady 
Sutherland's. 

FROM  the  charming  lake  country  Morris  went  to  Liv- 
erpool, where  he  thoroughly  examined  the  docks, 
"the  finest  in  Britain,"  and  all  the  trade  advantages  pos- 
sessed by  that  town.  Then  on  through  Manchester,  where 
he  inspected  every  machine,  and  the  different  processes 
by  which  the  many  materials  were  made,  "which  my 
guide,"  he  says,  in  the  diary  for  November  2d,  "  tells  me 
are  vended  all  over  the  world,  even  in  Turkey  and  on  the 
coast  of  Barbary  ;  but  of  the  whole  quantity  exported,  Mr. 
Taylor  tells  me,  America  does  not  consume  one-fourth. 
The  newspapers  have  announced  to  us  yesterday  a  serious 
attack  on  the  King  in  his  way  to  the  Parliament  House 
at  opening  the  sessions.  This  will,  I  think,  operate  un- 
favorably to  the  views  of  the  Opposition.  Their  leader, 
Mr.  Fox,  is  driven  to  an  eulogy  on  existing  systems  which 
bestow  practical  liberty  in  contradistinction  to  those 
which,  in  pursuit  of  an  ideal  perfection,  have  produced 
anarchy,  misery,  and  despotism.  France  begins  at  last  to 
furnish  useful  lessons  to  mankind,  and  will  give,  I  think. 


132  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF        IChap.  XXXIIL 

an  example  still  more  awful  of  the  folly,  the  impious  folly, 
of  those  idle,  half-way  reasoners  who,  with  the  supposed 
rights  of  man  in  a  supposed  state  of  nature — rights  which 
cannot  consist  with  society,  the  natural  state  of  man — have 
bewildered  the  lower  order  of  citizens  and  nearly  destroy- 
ed all  the  relations  of  social  life." 

From  Warwick,  where  Morris  arrived  on  November  i8th, 
after  spending  a  day  at  Stratford-upon-Avon,  the  following 
letter  was  written  to  Lady  Sutherland,  in  which  he  gave 
her  the  benefit  of  his  thoughts  on  that  classic  spot: 

"  My  Dear  Lady  Sutherland  :  I  received  at  Liverpool 
the  letter  you  were  so  kind  as  to  address  for  me  at  that 
place,  and  would  have  replied  immediately  had  I  known 
how  to  give  any  tolerable  account  of  myself  ;  but,  as  many 
zig-zag  wanderings  lay  before  me,  I  thought  it  best  to  be 
silent  until  time  and  chance,  to  whose  absolute  disposal  I 
submitted  myself,  might  put  me  in  a  situation  to  say  that  I 
hoped  soon  for  the  great  pleasure  of  seeing  you.  I  have 
had  a  month's  mind,  or,  if  you  like  the  phrase  better,  I  had 
it  in  my  mind  for  a  month  to  write  you  a  political  epistle, 
and  the  impulsion  was  very  strong  after  the  criminal  at- 
tempt of  the  29th  of  last  month,  but  I  will  confine  myself 
to  saying  that,  notwithstanding  the  ill  news  you  expected, 
or  any  other  which  might  come,  I  would  have  adopted 
the  motto  of  my  countryman  the  beaver — •*  Perseverando.* 
You  know  he  cuts  down  trees  with  his  teeth.  Apropos: 
The  late  Austrian  victories  show  what  might  have  been 
done  some  years  ago  if  everybody  had  been  in  earnest.  I 
left  Stratford  this  morning  and  the  rain  induced  me  to 
tarry  here,  instead  of  going  to  Coventry,  for  which  I  in- 
tend setting  out  to-morrow,  and  thence  straight  to  London, 
'  pour  faire  ma  cour  et  rendre  mes  devoirs  ^  la  belle  fecos- 
saise.'     It   would   have   been   unpardonable,   you   know, 


1795]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  I33 

to  have  spent  an  evening  at  Stratford  and  not  written 
some  nonsense  about  Shakespeare,  but  it  is  a  crime  of 
Ihe  socidt^  to  pester  others  with  such  things.  I  ought 
therefore,  you  will  say,  to  have  thrown  into  the  fire  what 
I  shall  lay  as  a  tax  on  your  patience.  Do  not  mistake. 
I  send  it  not  poetically,  but  medically.  Supposing  then 
that,  after  some  very  late  hour,  you  should  be  awakened 
by  the  rumbling  of  coaches  or  of  carts,  with  the  disposi- 
tion without  the  power  to  sleep,  you  will  be  pleased  to 
read  these  lines,  they  must  have  the  effect,  for  {foi  d'hon- 
nete  homme)  I  was  half  asleep  when  they  were  written.  It 
is  true,  they  have  since  been  revised  and  corrected,  so 
that  you  have  the  second  edition.  And  so  good-night 
sweet  lady.  My  respects  await  his  lordship.  Adieu.  I 
am  ever  and  truly  yours. 

Ages  are  past  since  nature  on  this  spot 

To  her  own  bard  gave  birth  ;  self-taught,  he  knew 

How  to  unravel  all  the  tangled  web 

Of  human  passion  ;  and  his  judgment,  true 

To  the  nice  touch  of  inborn  sentiment 

Perceptive,  felt,  for  every  scene  of  life, 

However  varied,  by  the  waving  wand 

Of  fancy's  magic,  the  appropriate  thought 

Of  each  degree,  age,  sex,  and  circumstance. 

The  purple  glory  of  Imperial  Caesar, 

The  checkered  rag  of  famished  wretchedness, 

The  sly  pretextings  of  insidious  treason, 

Humble  ambition,  close  conspiracy, 

Proud  war,  wild  madness,  and  sound  policy 

To  him  were  all  familiar  ;  and  he  knew 

In  its  own  color  ev'ry  thought  to  paint 

With  each  distinctive  tint  and  lessening  shade. 

From  the  deep  crimson  of  a  murderer's  mind 

To  that  sweet  blush  which  gilds  her  early  mom 

When  rising  Love  his  bright  effulgence  beams 

On  the  clear  surface  of  a  virgin's  soul." 


134  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XXXIIL 

"  After  my  arrival  [November  23d]  at  the  Great  hotel, 
Covent  Garden,  I  go  to  see  Lord  Gower.  Dine  at  the  Piazza 
coffee-house.  I  saw  Boswell  at  the  coffee-house,  who  is 
one  of  the  corps.  It  seems  that  the  opponents  of  admin- 
istration cut  their  hair  short,  somewhat  in  the  Jacobin 
style.  The  bills  to  secure  the  government  meet  violent 
opposition,  and  there  is  a  general  wish  excited  for  peace. 
The  Cape  of  Good  Hope  is  taken  by  the  English,  but 
the  storm  has  done  much  mischief  to  their  West  India 
fleet." 

"Agreed  this  day  [November  25th]  with  Robert  Dudley 
Medley  as  a  footman.  I  give  him  livery,  a  great-coat, 
eighteen  guineas  per  annum,  and  board  wages.  Thomas 
my  coachman,  is  to  serve  me  at  25/  per  week  and  find 
himself  everything.  Dress  and  go  to  Lord  Grenville's 
office.  Thence  to  Court.  Lord  Grenville  arrives  late. 
Am  presented  to  the  King,  who  takes  me  at  first  for  an 
Englishman,  and,  not  recollecting  me,  says,  'You  have 
been  a  good  while  in  the  country.'  We  set  him  right,  and 
Lord  Grenville  tells  His  Majesty  that  I  was  not  liked  by 
the  ruling  powers  in  France. 

*' '  I  suppose  Mr.  Morris  is  too  much  attached  to  regu- 
lar government.' 

"'Yes,  sir,  and  if  Your  Majesty  would  send  thither  your 
discontented  subjects,  it  would  do  them  much  good.' 

" '  Well,  if  you'll  contrive  it  for  me  I'll  give  my  hearty 
consent.' 

"  Lord  Grenville  adds,  *  There  are  enough  of  them,  sir.* 

"  '  Oh,  aye,  quite  enough.' 

" '  I  can  give  Your  Majesty  good  news  from  the  Conti- 
nent' (says  Lord  Grenville).  'General  Claerfayt*  is  still 
following  the  French.' 

"'And  I,  sir,  can  give  you  a  piece  of  intelligence  which 
*  Count  de  Claerfayt,  an  eminent  Austrian  general,  died  in  1798. 


I79S]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  1 35 

I  am  sure  will  be  agreeable.  I  am  informed  from  un- 
questionable authority  that  all  the  lower  orders  of  people 
in  Holland  are  strongly  attached  to  the  Stadtholder.' 

"  *  Oh,  that's  good,'  with  surprise. 

"  *  Sir,  they  have  always  been  so.' 

"  *  Then  it  is  only  the  aristocratic  party  which  is  against 
him.' 

"'Just  so,  sir.' 

"  *  Pray,  Mr.  Morris,  what  part  of  America  are  you 
from  ? ' 

" '  I  am  from  near  New  York,  sir.  I  have  a  brother  who 
has  the  honor  to  be  a  Lieutenant-General  in  Your  Majes- 
ty's service.' 

"  *  Ah,  what !  you're  a  brother  of  General  Morris  ?  Yes, 
I  think  I  see  a  likeness,  but  you're  much  younger.' 

"'Yes,  sir.' 

'"Well,  and  how  does  your  brother  do?  he's  at  Plym- 
outh, isn't  he  ?' 

"'Yes,  sir.' 

"  I  afterwards  see  a  petition  presented  to  the  King  on 
his  throne  by  the  University  of  Oxford.  Then  go  with 
Lord  Gower  to  see  Lady  Sutherland.  Thence  to  the 
House  of  Commons,  return  to  Lord  Gower's,  dine,  and 
thence  again  to  the  House,  where  Mr.  Fox  delivers  a  very 
animated  speech  in  reply  to  a  very  cool  and  sensible  dis- 
course from  Mr. .     Mr.  Pitt  does  not  speak,  for  which 

I  am  disappointed.  On  a  division  the  ministerial  party 
has  a  great  majority,  and  the  affair  is  to  be  discussed 
again  next  Friday.  Great  acuteness  on  the  part  of  Mr. 
Fox.  The  King  asked  me  when  I  expected  Mr.  Pinckney 
back,  and  added,  '  They  are  very  slow  in  that  country.' 
I  could  have  told  His  Majesty  of  another  country  in 
which  they  were  quite  as  slow,  until  lately  at  least,  on 
American  subjects." 


1 36  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXIII. 

"M.  Mountflorence  comes  in  [November  26th]  from 
Paris.  He  tells  me  that  the  French  are  quite  heart- 
broken since  their  late  scuffle  with  the  Convention  ;  that 
the  present  government  is  purely  military  ;  that  Paris  and 
Orleans  are  disarmed  ;  that  Lyons  is  a  constant  scene  of 
bloodshed  ;  that  Freron  is  at  the  head  of  a  strong  Jacobin 
party  in  the  South  of  France  ;  that  the  Jacobins  expect  to 
overturn  the  present  government  in  a  month  or  six  weeks, 
and  that  the  want  of  bread  is  the  lever  by  which  they  are 
to  work.  Mr.  Hammond  told  me  that  Colonel  Hamilton 
told  him  the  day  before  he  left  New  York  that  the  dema- 
gogic party  would  have  a  majority  in  the  house  of  Rep- 
resentatives. He  also  said  that  the  government  of  this 
country  are  determined  to  give  full  effect  to  the  treaty 
and  to  go  on  fairly  to  the  further  provisions  which  may  be 
needful." 

"This  morning  [November  27th]  my  coachman,  d, propos 
of  the  sale  of  one  of  my  horses,  inquires  the  distance  we 
have  gone.  I  tell  him  after  a  tedious  examination,  but 
the  result  is  somewhat  extraordinary.  My  first  sortie  with 
them  southward,  including  a  double  ride  to  Richmond 
while  I  was  at  Wimbledon,  was  just  six  hundred  miles  ; 
and  my  second,  after  quitting  Wimbledon,  was  precisely 
thirteen  hundred,  allowing  one  mile  for  the  difference  in 
the  last  stage  between  the  standard  from  whence  the 
roads  measured  and  my  lodgings  at  Covent  Garden." 

"Go  [December  ist]  with  Lord  Govver  to  the  House  of 
Commons.  There  is  no  battle  this  evening.  While  I  take 
tea  in  the  committqe-room,  Mr.  Windham  comes  in,  and 
from  his  disposition  to  converse  with  me  I  am  led  to  sup- 
pose that  I  am  un  peu  en  bon  odeur  ici.  Mr.  Pinckney  has 
asked  to  be  recalled." 

"Go  to  Court  [December  2d],  where  I  see,  of  course,  a 
number  of  people,  of  whom  I  know  a  few.     Have  a  little 


1795]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  .     1 3/ 

conversation  with  Lord  Chatham,  and  mention  for  his 
consideration  a  progressive  tax  on  the  sales  of  wheat 
monthly,  by  way  of  paying  the  bounty  on  importation  of 
foreign  wheat ;  also  a  tax  on  all  horses,  by  way  of  en- 
couraging the  breed  of  horned  cattle.  The  Marquis  of 
Buckingham  is  very  civil,  and  invites  me  down  to  Stow. 
I  put  in  his  hands  Mr.  Mountflorence's  affair.  The  King 
tells  me  he  hears  Mr.  Pinckney  is  coming  back,  re  infectd, 
the  treaty  being  postponed  for  a  year.  I  tell  His  Majesty 
that  they  don't  treat  with  us  because  they  are  afraid  of  us. 
He  says  there  may  be  something  in  that." 

"  I  go  to  Court  [December  3d],  where  I  see  Lady  Suth- 
erland, true  to  her  promise,  and  looking  wondrous  well. 
Count  Woronzow  tells  me  an  instance  of  Lord  Grenville's 
candor.  It  relates  to  the  manifesto  prepared  for  the  new 
King.  The  Count  has  sent  a  copy  of  it  and  the  history 
of  it  to  his  Court.  He  introduces  me  to  Count  Star- 
emberg.  Lord  Grenville  introduces  me  to  the  Duke  of 
Portland,  and  tells  me  that  Mountflorence  shall  have  his 
passport.  He  presents  me  to  the  Queen,  who  is  a  well- 
bred,  sensible  woman,  I  think.  Conversing  with  Lord 
Grenville  about  our  treaty,  I 'tell  him  that  we  must  not 
covenant  not  to  export  the  produce  of  the  West  India 
Islands,  because  our  commerce  will  always  give  us  an  ex- 
cess of  those  articles  ;  that  if  I  had  to  negotiate  with 
him  on  the  subject,  I  would  almost  venture  to  leave  the 
settlement  of  the  articles  with  him  and  the  West  India 
planters  ;  that  whatever  may  be  the  final  state  of  the 
islands,  and  whoever  may  be  the  possessor,  it  must  be  his 
policy  to  convince  us  that  it  is  our  interest  he  should  con- 
tinue in  the  possession.  He  says  that  his  opinion  coin- 
cides perfectly  with  mine,  and  that  he  treated  on  that 
ground.  I  then  tell  him  that  in  my  opinion  all  difficulties 
might  be  removed  if,  after  designating  the  size  of  vessels 


138     .  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XXXIII. 

to  be  admitted,  a  further  stipulation  should  be  made  of  a 
maximum  of  export  duty,  the  amount  within  that  limit  to 
be  fixed  by  the  King.  His  Majesty's  ministers  would  then, 
by  their  instructions  to  the  governors,  have  it  so  fixed 
from  time  to  time  as  to  comport  with  the  wants  of  the 
colony  and  the  interests  of  the  British  navigation,  without 
any  reference  to  the  colonial  assemblies.  He  says,  he 
thinks  something  may  be  made  out  of  that  idea.  He  says 
Lord  Bute  informs  him  from  Madrid  that  Mr.  Pinckney 
is  on  his  way  back,  having  concluded  a  treaty  of  naviga- 
tion (in  which  he  supposes  the  affairs  of  the  Mississippi 
to  be  settled),  and  leaving  the  treaty  of  commerce  for 
another  year.  I  tell  him,  as  I  did  the  King,  that  their 
fears  prevent  them  from  treating,  whereas  those  very 
apprehensions  should  have  induced  them  to  treat.  He 
agrees  in  this  idea,  and  adds  it  is  inconceivable  how  ap- 
prehensive they  are.  I  tell  him  Mr.  Pinckney  has  asked 
his  recall,  and  that  I  do  not  think  it  improbable  that  Mr. 
Adams  may  be  appointed  minister  here.  As  soon  as  the 
drawing-room  is  over  I  return  home,  change  my  dress,  eat 
a  bit  of  cold  meat,  and  go  to  the  House  of  Commons.  I 
am  again  disappointed  in  not  hearing  Mr.  Pitt  speak. 
Stay  till  near  three  o'clock." 

"Go  [December  5th]  to  a  great  City  dinner,  given  to 
Mr.  Hammond,  and  chance  places  me  next  to  Lord  Gren- 
ville  and  Mr.  Adams.  This  last  is  deeply  tinctured  with 
suspicion,  and  sees  design  in  everything.  His  mind  has 
received  early  a  wrong  bias,  and  I  think  will  always  go 
obliquely.  Mr.  Bayard  asks  if  I  will  give  my  assistance 
in  the  discussion  of  some  questions  arising  here  which  re- 
gard the  captures  made.  I  promise  it  freely.  He  tells 
me  that  in  a  late  affair  Lord  Grenville  gave  a  remarkable 
proof  of  his  candor.  At  our  dinner,  in  the  midst  of  the 
line  of  toasts  he  gave  Mr.  Jay,  which  was  received  with 


X79S.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  1 39 

great  applause.  This,  I  think,  will  prove  injurious  to 
hinn  in  America,  and  mention  that  idea  to  Mr.  Adams, 
who  prims  up,  and,  while  his  countenance  (in  general,  in- 
sipid) overflows  with  joyful  expression,  he  is  silent ;  then 
says,  '  I  don't  know,'  and  then  opens  a  little.  From  this  I 
conjecture  that  his  father  and  Mr.  Jay  are  at  political 
variance.  The  shouts  of  applause  which  accompany  the 
King  and  Mr.  Pitt  as  toasts  show  that  the  administration 
stands  very  strong  in  public." 

"Take  up  the  Marquis  de  Spinola,  and  go  to  dinner  at 
Count  Woronzow's  at  Richmond  [December  7th].  We 
have  here  a  very  good  and  a  very  sociable  dinner.  The 
wine  renders  Spinola  a  little  communicative.  He  tells 
me  that  Woronzow  will  never  stand  well  at  this  Court, 
because  Pitt  will  not  forgive  him  for  foiling  his  attempts 
in  the  Russian  armament.  He  tells  me  why  he  stands 
well  with  Lady  Sutherland.  He  tells  me  that  he  thinks 
the  government  here  would  be  pleased  that  I  should  be 
appointed  Minister,  and  in  return  I  tell  him  why  it  would 
not  suit  me.  I  learn  that  Mr.  Liston,  who  is  going  out  to 
America,  is  clever.     The  weather  is  nasty." 

"  Dine  with  Count  Staremberg  [December  9th].  He 
and  Woronzow  are  quite  in  air  about  the  King's  message 
declaring  his  disposition  for  peace.  It  seems  to  me  to 
be  a  thing  of  no  consequence.  After  dinner  Woronzow 
gives  us  the  history  of  the  three  partitions  of  Poland,  in 
which,  according  to  him,  the  Empress  was  led  by  a  kind 
of  necessity.  He  thinks,  and  so,  indeed,  do  I,  that  it  is 
unwise  in  the  Imperial  Courts  to  bring  their  dominions 
together.  He  and  Count  Staremberg  tell  me  that  the 
King's  Ministers  expect  the  present  government  in  France 
will  be  overturned  by  the  Jacobins.  After  I  leave  this,  I 
go  to  see  Madame  Ciricello.  At  coming  away  the  Duke 
d'Harcourt  tells  me  he  understands  the  young  Duke  of 


I40  DIARY   AND   LEITERS   OF       [Chap.  XXXIII. 

Orleans  is  gone  out  to  America,  and  that  he  was  much 
distressed  at  the  idea  of  leaving  Europe.  He  says  he  had 
taken  some  measures  to  bring  him  into  terms  with  the 
King  of  France,  and  has  received  that  information. 
Wishes  to  know  from  me  if  it  be  true.  I  tell  him  (truly) 
that  I  know  nothing  of  the  matter.  We  promise  each 
other  to  communicate  the  result  of  our  inquiries." 

"News  of  the  taking  of  Mannheim  [December  loth] 
reached  town  yesterday.  There  are  about  nine  thousand 
prisoners  of  war.  This  affair  puts  the  Austrians  in  con- 
dition to  act  against  the  French  with  increased  means, 
while  it  must  tend  to  dishearten  their  opponents.  I  ex- 
pect that  they  will  turn  their  arms  towards  Flanders,  and, 
if  they  can  seize  any  considerable  magazines  of  provisions, 
France  will  soon  be  reduced  to  her  former  limits.  Hol- 
land must  of  course  be  abandoned,  and  then  I  think  the 
counter-revolution  will  take  place  there  as  a  thing  of 
course.  Go  to  see  the  Imperial  envoy.  Congratulate 
him  on  the  Austrian  victories.  Lord  Grenville  gave  him 
the  explanation  which  I  supposed  of  the  King's  message. 
Converse  with  him  on  the  general  politics  of  Europe. 
He  tells  me  that,  from  Claerfayt's  last  letter,  he  will  push 
on,  but  knows  not,  of  course,  which  way.  Dine  at  Mr. 
Phyn's,  and  find  that  the  ministers  are  gathering  strength 
by  the  Austrian  victories,  and  that  the  desire  of  peace 
grows  less  ardent.  It  appears  from  every  account  that 
the  French  armies  are  quite  discouraged." 

"Dine  with  Lord  Grenville  [December  12th].  He  tells 
me  he  was  astonished  that  persons  who  had  been  here 
so  long  should  be  so  little  acquainted  with  the  British 
Government  as  the  Russian  and  Imperial  Ministers  appear 
to  have  been,  by  the  alarm  they  took  at  the  King's  mes- 
sage. He  admits,  however,  that  it  may  have  the  effect  of 
strengthening  the  French  Government  in  France,  but  he 


X79S]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  I4I 

thinks,  and  justly,  that  the  many  other  things  which  are 
happening  must  operate  on  the  other  side  of  the  question. 
I  tell  him  the  advice  I  gave  yesterday  to  the  Imperial 
minister;  viz.,  to  send  some  confidential  agent  to  Flanders, 
authorized  to  give  money  to  those  charged  with  the  care 
of  the  French  magazines,  provided  they  do  not,  on  the 
approach  of  the  Austrians,  destroy  them.  He  thinks  this 
good,  and  will  enforce  it.  He  says  the  French  are  evacu- 
ating Holland.  After  dinner  I  ask  him  to  tell  me  the  af- 
fair of  Randolph.*  He  says  that  a  despatch  of  Fauchet's 
was  taken  in  which  was  related  a  conversation  between 
him  and  Randolph,  and  from  that  conversation  it  appeared 
clearly  that  Randolph  had  been  corrupted.  He  had  pro- 
posed a  plan  to  render  the  Western  insurrection  a  means 
of  uniting  America  with  France  in  the  war  against  Brit- 
ain. The  rest  of  the  story  I  had  heard  before.  He  tells 
me  that  he  is  not  the  only  person  in  America  ;  that  he 
knows  some  others,  and  mentioned  it  to  Mr.  Jay,  but 
did  not  name  them,  not  being  in  a  convenient  situa- 
tion to  furnish  the  proofs,  as  he  had  acquired  the  knowl- 
edge from  Paris.  We  converse  on  the  state  of  the  war, 
a  general  conversation  (by  the  by,  the  company  consists 
of  only  Hammond,  Scott,  and  Lord  Carrisford),  and  I  tell 
him  jocosely  that  I  find  the  people  in  the  City  are  not  in- 
clined to  let  him  off  easily,  if  he  makes  a  bad  peace.  He 
answers,  very  candidly,  that  he  thinks  if  a  bad  peace  is 
made  it  must  be  their  own  fault.     He  considers  the  Cape 

*  Despatch  No.  10  from  Fauchet,  French  Minister  in  America,  giving  an 
account  of  the  whiskey  insurrection  in  Western  Pennsylvania,  was  sent  to 
his  government  at  Paris  by  the  corvette  Jean  Bart.  Brought  to,  in  the 
English  Channel,  by  a  British  man-of-war,  the  captain  saw  that  he  must 
strike  his  flag,  and  threw  the  despatches  overboard,  where  they  were  picked 
up  almost  immediately  by  a  British  sailor.  Fauchet's  letter  was  sent  to  Lord 
Grenville,  and  through  Oliver  Wolcott,  then  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  was 
put  into  Washington's  hands.  He  requested  Randolph  to  defend  himself. 
That  day  he  resigned  his  office  as  Secretary  of  State. 


142  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XXXIII. 

of  Good  Hope  as  an  important  acquisition,  and  truly  so 
it  is.  Trincomalee  is  also  taken  before  this  time,  in  all 
probability.  Thus  Britain  is  at  length  the  complete  mis- 
tress of  the  East.  I  take  it  for  granted  that  these  places 
will  not  be  given  up.  Mention  to  Lord  Grenville  that  it 
would  be  a  pleasing  thing  to  America  if  he  procured  the 
release  of  Lafayette.  He  says  the  prejudices  here  are  so 
strong  against  him.  Upon  which  I  smile,  and  say  the 
King  has  too  much  good  sense  to  mind  anything  which 
may  have  happened.  '  Oh,  yes,  to  be  sure  !'  'And  as  to 
anything  else,  you  know,  my  lord,  it  depends  entirely  on 
His  Majesty's  Council ! '  I  add  that  Lafayette  is  a  person 
of  great  intrigue,  and  that  with  such  a  weight  of  obliga- 
tion hanging  about  his  neck  he  can  in  no  decent  manner 
act  against  the  British  interest  in  America,  to  which  coun- 
try he  will  get  sooner  or  later.  Moreover,  keeping  his 
own  secret,  it  will  be  a  good  thing  to  come  out  with,  when 
opposition  shall  be  loud  on  the  subject.  Speaking  of  the 
minister  appointed  to  represent  this  Court  in  America, 
he  says  :  *  Your  friend  Woronzow  is  very  angry  that  I 
have  taken  Liston  from  Constantinople.  He  won't  un- 
derstand that  it  is  more  important  for  us  to  have  an  able 
minister  in  America  than  at  the  Porte.'  " 

"  The  Imperial  minister,  who  called  on  me  this  day 
[December  14th],  tells  me  that  the  French  have  made  a 
detachn^ent  of  eight  thousand  men  from  their  army  in 
Holland,  and  it  is  from  thence  that  a  report  has  arisen  of 
the  evacuation.  He  says  the  English  insist  strenuously 
on  their  keeping  Flanders.  He  thinks  the  King  of  France 
must  be  left  on  one  side  in  the  negotiation  for  peace,  and 
that  they  must  keep  themselves  in  a  situation  to  take  ad- 
vantage of  circumstances  which  may  arise  in  the  interior. 
Call  on  Mr.  Adams,  who  is  a  little  entich^  of  the  French 
politics.      We  dine  at  Mr.  Church's,  and  in  conversing 


1795.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  143 

about  our  City  dinner  he  repeats  and  urges,  what  he  men- 
tioned to  me  at  the  time,  and  Church  thinks,  that  General 
Washington's  health  was  drunk  at  an  improper  time.  All 
these  things  appear  to  be  very  small." 

In  a  letter  to  Washington,  dated  December  19th,  Morris 
wrote  in  reference  to  Mr.  Adams  as  follows : 

"When  I  first  saw  Mr  Adams  (understanding  that  he 
was  empowered  to  negotiate  with  this  country  during  Mr. 
Pinckney's  absence),  I  offered  him  any  assistance  which  I 
could  give,  but,  to  my  great  surprise,  he  told  me  that  he  was 
here  merely  as  a  private  individual.  A  day  or  two  after- 
wards. Lord  Grenville  gave  me  very  different  information. 
We  then  conversed  about  what  I  conceived  to  be  the  pol- 
icy of  Great  Britain.  And  let  me  say  here  that  nothing 
will  so  strongly  affect  the  government  of  this  country  as 
the  view  of  an  American  navy,  though  in  embryo  ;  where- 
fore I  do  most  ardently  desire  that  something  may  be 
done  this  session  towards  its  establishment. 

"  A  strange  story  has  been  handed  about  here  of  a  con- 
spiracy between  the  French  minister  and  others.  I  pre- 
sume that  it  arose  from  the  affair  of  Mr.  Edmund  Randolph, 
which  Lord  Grenville  related  to  me  ;  also  the  additional 
hints  communicated  by  him  to  Mr.  Jay  for  your  use.  I  feel 
myself  bound  to  communicate  to  you  a  circumstance  which 
has  some  relation  to  the  same  object.  Shortly  after  my 
successor  arrived  in  Paris  (viz.,  two,  or  at  most  three  days) 
a  person  who  was  in  the  habit  of  telling  me  what  passed 
called,  and  began  a  conversation  by  saying  :  *  This  new 
minister  you  have  sent  us  will  never  do  here.'  'Why?' 
'  He  is  either  a  blockhead  himself  or  thinks  that  we  are 
so.'  *  I  can't  suppose  either  to  be  the  case,  as  I  know  him 
to  be  strongly  attached  to  your  revolution.  I  should  think 
he  would  succeed  very  well.'  '  No,  it  is  impossible.  Only 
think  of  a  man's  throwing  himself  into  the  arms  of  the  first 


144  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXIIL 

persons  he  met  with  on  his  arrival  and  telling  them  he  had 
no  doubt  but  that,  if  they  would  do  what  was  proper  here, 
he  and  his  friends  in  America  would  turn  out  Washington. 
If  he  meant  to  deceive  us  the  artifice  was  too  gross,  and  if 
he  was  in  earnest  that  circumstance  proves  him  to  be  un- 
worthy of  our  confidence.  Besides,  he  made  this  declara- 
tion to  people  who,  though  they  stand  high  at  present, 
must  soon  lose  ground,  for  reasons  I  have  already  com- 
municated.' *  I  cannot  believe  the  fact.'  'You  may  rely 
on  it,  'tis  true.  I  did  not  hear  him,  nor  have  I  yet  seen  him, 
but  it  was  mentioned  to  me  by  one  of  those  to  whom  he 
•  spoke  immediately  after  it  had  passed,  and  I  have  taken 
the  earliest  opportunity  to  inform  you  of  it.'  He  then 
told  me  other  parts  of  the  conversation  of  him  and  of  his 
secretary,  particularly  the  latter,  which  ran  counter  to 
the  views  of  the  ruling  party,  although  intended  to  flatter 
them. 

"  I  own  that,  notwithstanding  the  clear  and  direct  man- 
ner in  which  this  was  stated,  I  did  not  believe  it,  but  con- 
cluded my  informant  to  have  been  deceived.  I  took,  how- 
ever, the  earliest  opportunity  to  apprise  Mr.  Monroe  that 
he  was  mistaken  as  to  the  temper  and  views  of  those  in 
power,  and  to  desire  that  he  would  recommend  caution  to 
Mr.  Skipwith,  leaving  him  to  take  to  himself  as  much  of 
the  recommendation  as  he  should  think  proper.  I  shall 
add  nothing  on  this  chapter,  except  my  fervent  wish  and 
earnest  exhortation  that  you  do  by  no  means  resign.  You 
cannot  conceive  how  important  it  is  to  our  foreign  con- 
cerns that  you  should  hold  your  seat.  I  dare  say  that  you 
must  see  every  day  that  it  is  essential  to  our  dearest  do- 
mestic interests.  So  God  grant  you  health  and  inspire 
you  with  the  determination  to  exercise  that  firmness  and 
decision  of  character  with  which  his  Divine  Providence 
has  endowed  you. 


1795  ]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  I45 

"  I  find  this  will  be  but  a  desultory  letter,  though  I 
think  you  will  glean  something  from  it.  You  will  have 
seen  that  M.  de  Puisaye  is  arrested  by  the  royalists  of 
the  Western  Coast  of  France.  If  it  was  not  from  treason 
it  was  certainly  through  great  incapacity  that  he  caused 
the  failure  of  the  Quiberon  expedition.  It  was,  indeed, 
too  feeble,  but  the  plan  was  his  own,  and  though  I  think 
the  minister  here  confided  in  him  too  much,  that  does  not 
lessen  his  responsibility.  I  am  persuaded  that  great  ef- 
forts would  have  been  made  from  hence  in  that  quarter, 
and  probably  with  effect ,  but  the  wild  thunder  manifesto 
of  the  new  French  King  rendered  it  impossible  to  stand 
well  in  his  favor.  Hence  a  change  of  system  became  una- 
voidable, and  the  administration  had  reason  to  congratu- 
late themselves  that  they  had  gone  no  further.  The  bring- 
ing back  to  the  Vendee  that  victorious  army  which  had 
dictated  terms  of  peace  to  feeble  Spain  obliged  the  roy- 
alists to  disperse  and  conceal  themselves,  but  late  trans- 
actions on  the  German  frontier  having  obliged  the  French 
Government  to  re-enforce  their  armies,  and  send  to  that  ef- 
fect the  troops  which  overawed  Paris,  those  in  La  Vendee 
are,  it  seems,  to  replace  them,  and  so  the  disaffected  begin 
again  to  hold  up  their  heads.  It  has  not  escaped  your  pen- 
etration that  France  is  now  a  military  government,  and  of 
course  still  in  the  straight  road  to  single  despotism,  should 
she  obtain  peace  with  the  Allied  Powers  ,  but  there  seems 
at  present  to  be  a  very  wide  distance  between  her  expec- 
tations and  theirs.  She  doubtless  is  exhausted,  but  what 
convulsive  struggles  she  may  still  make  seems  uncertain  ; 
in  my  opinion,  not  much.  Austria  is  also  much  weakened 
in  her  finances.  But  this  country  is  still  fresh  as  a  youth- 
ful bridegroom,  of  which  nothing  can  afford  a  clearer 
proof  than  the  present  complaints  among  one  party  of 
the  moneyed  men  that  they  had  not  permission  to  supply 
Vol.  II. — 10 


146  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF       [Chap.  XXXIII. 

the  minister  with  eighteen  millions  at;^4  i^s.  6d.  per  cent, 
interest.  This  new  loan  bears  above  ten  per  cent,  advance 
in  the  market,  although  there  is  no  covenant  on  the  part 
of  government  not  to  open  a  new  one.  Indeed,  it  is  ex- 
pected that  a  considerable  sum  will  be  borrowed  for  the 
Emperor,  and  so  high  is  the  spirit  of  the  people  upon  the 
late  successes  of  the  Austrian  armies  that  he  may  have  just 
as  much  as  he  chooses  to  ask  for.  It  is  on  the  ground  of 
these  superior  resources  that  the  well-informed  here  ex- 
pect His  Majesty's  ministers  will  be  able  to  dictate  their 
own  terms  to  France.  This  could  not  be  done  should  that 
country  come  forward  and  offer  ncm/  to  retire  from  Hol- 
land and  Flanders,  which,  by  and  by,  they  will  be  forced 
to  do ;  and  even  at  present  nothing  will,  I  believe,  prevent 
Marshal  Claerfayt  from  attempting,  at  least,  to  march  into 
the  Low  Countries  but  the  well-grounded  doubt  whether 
he  could  seasonably  collect  the  needful  magazines  for  the 
subsistence  of  his  army.  It  is  expected  every  moment 
here  that  an  express  will  arrive  to  announce  the  capture 
of  Trincomalee  and  the  valuable  island  of  Ceylon.  Great 
Britain  will  soon  possess  all  the  Dutch  possessions  in 
India  which  she  may  think  it  worth  while  to  take.  As  to 
Santo  Domingo,  the  elements  have  hitherto  fought  in  favor 
of  the  French,  and  detained  here  the  immense  armament 
fitted  out  against  it — not  less  than  twenty-five  thousand 
eflEective  men.  Let  the  success  be  what  it  may,  the  effort 
is  wonderful.  I  have  already  assigned  a  sufficient  reason 
why  I  say  nothing  on  the  subordinate  questions  depend- 
ing between  this  country  and  us  ;  neither  will  I  say  a  word 
about  Mr.  Pinckney's  treaty  with  Spain,  which  you  will 
doubtless  receive  before  this  letter  reaches  you.  But  I 
will  drop  one  hint  upon  a  great  leading  point  ;  viz.,  the 
right  of  neutral  powers  to  trade  with  the  West  India  col- 
onies of  a  belligerent  power,  upon  a  permission  given  by 


1795-1  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  147 

such  power  during  the  war.  I  will  not  discuss  this  as  a 
question  of  law,  neither  would  I  ever  or  in  any  situation 
attempt  to  support  what  I  conceive  to  be  unjust.  Yet,  as 
a  statesman,  I  will  venture  to  say  that  this  government  is 
contending  now  for  the  very  point  which  it  is  our  interest 
to  establish,  and  which  would  form  our  main  reliance 
should  we  be  engaged  in  any  war  against  those  who  have 
such  colonies." 

"  Go  to  Wimbledon  [December  21st]  to  dine  with  Lady 
Sutherland.  Meet  there  Mr.  Canning,  the  newly  appointed 
Deputy  Secretary  of  State,  a  young  man  of  abilities.  Mais 
la  tete  lui  tourne  un  peu.  We  pass  a  pleasant  afternoon  and 
evening." 

"  At  three  o'clock  [December  30th]  I  go  to  Court,  where 
I  see  the  Dukes  of  Montrose  and  Argyll.  Promise  to  call 
on  them.  The  King  is  in  high  spirits.  After  the  levee 
ride  in  the  park  ;  then  change  my  dress,  and  call  on  the 
Due  de  Castries.  See  Moustier,  who  is  going  to  the 
coast  of  Brittany  to  see  the  state  of  things  there  and  in 
Normandy." 


148  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF       [Chap.  XXXIV. 


CHAPTER   XXXIV. 

Morris  passes  the  winter  of  1796  in  London.  News  of  the  armistice  on  the 
Rhine.  Letter  to  Washington.  Chosen  honorary  member  of  the 
Highland  Society.  Dines  with  the  Duke  of  Argyll.  The  King's 
drawing-room.  Goes  to  the  House  of  Commons.  The  Princess  of 
Wales.  Mr.  Adams.  Pitt  speaks  in  the  House  of  Commons.  Fox. 
Sheridan.  Letter  to  Washington.  Letter  to  Alexander  Hamilton. 
Mrs.  Montague's  drawing-room.  The  Queen's  drawing-room.  French 
victory  in  Italy.  View  of  St.  Paul's.  Dines  with  Pitt  at  Lord  Cow- 
er's.     The  House  of  Lords.     Dines  with  Mrs.  Vassal. 

THE  winter  of  1796  Morris  passed  in  London,  watching 
the  progress  of  events  on  the  Continent,  and  enjoy- 
ing the  society  of  his  many  friends  among  the  ^migris. 
The  hospitality  of  numbers  of  English  friends  and  ac- 
quaintances was  always  acknowledged  in  his  diary,  which 
daily  records  an  opera-party,  a  dinner,  or  a  supper.  For- 
eign affairs  naturally  commanded  the  larger  share  of  his 
attention,  and  rumors  concerning  the  movements  of  the 
armies,  as  well  as  facts,  are  to  be  found  in  the  pages  of 
the  diary.  "There  is  nothing  new,"  says  the  entry  for 
January  8th,  "  but  I  find  the  people  in  the  City  are  getting 
off  their  high  but  false  opinion  of  the  French  plan  of 
finance.  The  gazette  (the  London  Times  *)  announces  an 
armistice  between  the  French  and  Austrians  on  the  Rhine, 
the  account  of  which  reached  town  at  one  o'clock,  by  way 
of  Paris,  to-day." 

**  Some  mails  are  arrived  from  Hamburg  [January  nth]. 

*  The  Times,  with  four  of  the  great  English  journals,  appeared  about  the 
year  1771,  and  journalism  became  a  responsible  agent  in  the  affairs  of  the 
world. 


1796]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  I49 

The  news  of  the  armistice  on  the  Rhine  stand  confirmed, 
but  no  particulars  are,  it  would  seem,  contained  in  the 
letters  received." 

A  propos  oi  the  measures  taken  in  France  to  establish 
their  finances,  Morris  wrote  to  Washington  on  the  nth  of 
January  : 

*•  These  measures  may  perhaps  be  announced  in  Am- 
erica as  the  perfection  of  human  wisdom,  but  also  as 
inevitably  productive  of  the  best  effects  ;  in  which  re- 
spect they  would  differ  from  those  perfections  of  wisdom 
heretofore  exhibited  on  that  theatre.  Our  experience  in 
America  could  have  proved  (had  proof  been  necessary) 
that  the  natural  efifect  of  paper  money  is  to  consume 
all  the  personal  property  of  a  country.  The  assignats 
were  going  on  in  their  natural  progression,  when,  after 
the  revolution  of  the  loth  of  August,  measures  of  in- 
creasing cruelty  were  successively  adopted  to  force  prop- 
erty out  of  the  hands  of  its  owners,  or  at  least  to  ren- 
der the  possession  of  it  highly  dangerous.  At  the  same 
time  the  total  suspension  of  foreign  commerce  shut  up 
all  remaining  commodities  within  the  country,  and  the 
permission  to  export  was  only  granted  in  exchange  for 
articles  wanted  by  the  government,  which  gave  its  paper 
for  those  things  which  it  obliged  the  owner  to  sell,  and 
which  all  but  its  agents  were  prohibited  from  buying,  by 
the  very  same  means  which  compelled  the  sale.  Mankind 
were  pretty  generally  the  dupes  of  these  appearances,  and 
although  they  were  going  on  to  increase  the  nominal 
amount  of  their  paper  to  more  than  the  fee  simple  of  the 
whole  country  was  worth,  people  whose  habits  and  pro- 
fession should  have  taught  them  better  persisted  in  the 
absurd  idea  that  all  that  mass  of  paper  would  be  paid 
according  to  its  specified  value.  When  I  left  France,  that 
system  of  terror  being  for  a  while  suspended,  I  did  not 


ISO  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXIV. 

hesitate  to  declare  that  the  paper  would  fall  rapidly; 
and  being  pressed  by  one  of  its  advocates  to  say  how  far 
and  in  what  period,  gave  it  as  my  opinion  that  it  might 
in  a  year  be  at  a  hundred  for  one.  Strange  as  this  opinion 
then  appeared,  experience  has  more  than  justified  it. 
This  is  a  tedious  preface  to  what  I  meant  to  say,  but  it 
seemed  proper  to  show,  by  example,  that  the  idea  even 
of  professional  men  may  be  erroneous  upon  this  subject, 
which  our  experience  has  (I  believe)  enabled  us  to  con- 
sider more  maturely  than  many  others.  You  will  have 
seen  that  one  of  the  first  plans  suggested  in  France  was  to 
issue,  under  a  different  name,  new  paper  for  the  old.  As 
this  was  not  adopted,  the  absurdity  need  not  be  detailed. 
"Another  plan,  which  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
made  public,  was  to  call  on  individuals  of  property  to 
give  to  the  government  their  negotiable  bonds  and  then 
to  obtain  supplies  on  the  credit  of  those  bonds,  the  cash 
to  be  supplied  (in  the  first  instance)  at  a  great  discount  by 
societies  of  moneyed  men  in  Paris,  and  these  to  reimburse 
themselves  with  advantage  by  sale  of  shares  in  such 
operations  to  wealthy  foreigners.  This  plan  was  imprac- 
ticable ;  not  merely  from  the  doubt  whether  foreigners 
would  embark  their  funds  in  such  speculations,  but  also 
from  the  want  of  capitalists  in  France  to  set  the  machine 
in  motion.  These  have  been  destroyed  pecuniarily  by  the 
assignats,  and  physically  by  the  guillotine.  I  come  now  to  the 
plan  which  was  actually  adopted.  This  consists,  theoretically, 
of  three  parts  :  First,  to  issue  only  thirty  million  livres  in 
assignats  ;  secondly,  to  fix  their  relation  to  specie  at  one 
hundred,  which  would  reduce  the  mass  to  three  hundred 
millions  ;  thirdly,  to  exact  by  force,  and  under  the  name 
of  a  loan,  the  contribution  of  six  hundred  millions  (over 
and  above  all  other  taxes),  of  which  one-half  be  paid  in 
paper  at  one  hundred,  and  the  other  half  in  specie.     The 


1796.]  GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  I5I 

reasoning-  on  this  fine  system  is  conclusive.  The  paper 
moiety  of  the  loan  pays  off  all  the  assignats.  The  specie 
moiety  pays  the  expenses  of  the  ensuing  campaign,  which 
cannot  but  prove  glorious  to  the  republic  ;  and  then  she 
opens  the  year  1797  with  a  trivial  remnant  of  her  ancient 
debt,  much  of  which  was  prudently  discliarged  by  the 
guillotine,  and  with  a  prodigious  landed  property  on  which 
to  issue  new  assignats  and  run  again  round  the  circle  which 
she  will  have  then  just  completed. 

"  This  reminds  me  of  a  sophism  which  some  one  tried 
to  palm  on  me  when  I  was  a  child,  that  if  a  tortoise  had 
the  start  of  a  fox,  the  fox  would  never  overtake  him  be- 
cause it  was  impossible,  though  the  fox  should  go  ten 
times  faster  than  the  tortoise,  but  that  this  must  go  some 
distance,  viz.,  a  tenth  of  what  the  other  should  move 
over,  and  then  while  he  was  going  that  tenth  the  other 
would  have  advanced  one  hundredth,  and  so  on  ad  in- 
finitum. My  answer  was,  let  the  fox  make  a  good  jump. 
Now  those  who  have  reasoned  in  the  manner  before 
stated  never  thought  of  the  good  jump.  The  sum  of  the 
argument  amounts  to  this  :  That  France,  now  exhausted 
bevond  anything  of  which  modern  times  can  furnish  an 
example,  should  be  able  not  only  to  defray  the  expenses 
of  a  vigorous  war,  and  that,  too,  with  a  most  prodigal  ad- 
ministration, but  also  to  discharge  a  debt  of  twelve  mill- 
ions sterling.  This  is,  at  first  blush,  an  absurdity.  As  to 
paving  the  debt  it  is  indeed  very  easy,  for  by  nominally 
increasing  the  amount  it  will  (by  the  force  of  depreciation) 
discharge  itself.  The  assignats  are  already  at  about  200, 
and  if  extended  to  40,000  millions  they  will  be  under  400, 
in  which  case  the  amount  will  be  only  one  hundred  mill- 
ions, or  four  millions  sterling  ;  that  is,  one-third  of  what 
the  svstem-makers  calcidated.  But  as  to  the  expenses  of 
the  campaign,  that  is  a  different  affair.     Should  they  re- 


152  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XXXIV. 

tire  within  their  own  limits,  and  openly  profess  the  de- 
termination to  make  peace,  provided  their  limits  were 
secured  to  them,  it  is  hard  to  say  what  might  be  the  ex- 
tent of  those  efforts  which  they  might  yet  make.  For  in 
this  case  we  must  take  into  calculation  the  national  pride, 
her  characteristic  enthusiasm,  and  the  force  of  a  govern- 
ment the  most  absolute  in  its  nature,  and  whose  members 
have  everything  to  gain  and  to  lose.  As  these  circum- 
stances go  out  of  the  usual  course  of  financial  calculation, 
I  will  not  dwell  upon  them.  My  object  was  merely  to 
convey  some  ground  for  the  opinion  I  entertain  that  the 
newly  adopted  system  of  finance  is  radically  defective, 
inasmuch  as  it  appears  to  my  mind  self-evident  that  no 
force  of  taxation  can  squeeze  out  from  the  people  of 
France  a  sum  equal  to  the  unavoidable  expenditures.  So 
that,  if  their  enemies  persist  in  the  war,  they  must  keep 
the  press  a-going  as  long  as  anything  can  be  done  with  it, 
and  then  resort  to  the  convulsive  struggles  of  despair. 

"  But,  I  hear  you  say,  will  their  enemies  persist  in  the 
war  ?  I  own  to  you  that  I  am  not  able  to  answer  that 
question  decisively.  I  will  not  speak  of  the  views  which 
I  suppose  this  Court  to  have,  but  all  the  world,  except  the 
members  of  Parliament  who  are  in  opposition,  see  that 
Britain  is  gaining  more  by  the  present  war  than  she  ever 
did  in  any  equal  period  of  time  during  her  history.  Aus- 
tria cannot  but  feel  that  the  contest  wears  her  down  for 
the  sake  of  recovering  the  Low  Countries,  which,  from 
their  remote  situation,  must  ever  be  an  onerous  and  pre- 
carious possession.  Should  France  therefore  cede  her 
conquests,  I  cannot  see  why  the  Emperor  should  not  imme- 
diately quit  the  game,  and  proceed  to  those  exchanges 
and  arrangements  which  will  suit  his  views.  It  is  true 
that  his  engagement  with  this  country  and  with  Russia 
might  stand  in  the  way,  but,  after  making  certain  propo- 


1796.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  15.3 

sitions  to  the  former,  he  might  hold  himself  excused  by 
their  non-acceptance,  and  the  Empress  (by  the  by,  there 
is  a  report  of  her  death)  would  rather  have  the  aid  of 
her  Imperial  ally  to  secure  the  spoils  of  Poland,  against 
any  attempt  which  might  be  made  by  Prussia  and  Tur- 
key, than  furnish  a  body  of  her  troops  to  be  employed  on 
the  Rhine.  Will  the  desire  of  re-establishing  the  House 
of  Bourbon  in  France  have  any  material  operation  ?  On 
this  subject  I  will  write  to  you  at  my  first  leisure.  This 
is  enough,  I  fear,  to  tire  your  patience." 

"Go  to  the  drawing-room  [January  i8th]  where,  being 
a  birthday,  is  all  the  world.  Their  Majesties  me  font  bon 
acceuil.  The  Duke  of  Clarence  asks  me  if  I  am  Minister 
here  from  America  instead  of  Mr.  Pinckney.  I  tell  him 
no,  and  express  some  surprise  at  the  question.  He  tells 
me  that  he  has  learned  from  a  lady  whom  he  mentions, 
and  who  is  a  relation  of  Mr.  Pinckney's,  that  he  told  her 
that  he  considered  himself  no  longer  as  minister  here. 
Dine  with  Lord  Grenville.  Hammond  tells  me  that  both 
Pinckney  and  Adams  were  invited,  but  neither  of  them 
came.  Adams  sent  an  excuse  after  accepting,  and  I  find 
that  the  jealousy  which  I  marked  in  his  temper  and  the 
suspicious  turn  of  his  mind  have  already  disgusted  those 
whom  he  had  to  do  business  with.  I  am  sorry  for  it.  Go 
to  the  ball,  where  I  see  very  good  dancing  by  the  members 
of  the  royal  family.  The  Prince  of  Wales,  in  particular, 
dances  a  minuet  extremely  well." 

"  Dine  with  Sir  John  Sinclair  at  the  Highland  Society 
[January  19th].  There  are  three  other  guests,  and  on  his 
motion,  in  our  presence,  we  are  chosen  honorary  members. 
I  write  a  few  stanzas,  which  I  desire  Sir  John  Macpherson 
to  turn  into  verse. 

When  virtue  and  freedoni  came  down  from  on  high. 
On  the  mountains  they  fix'd  their  abode ; 


154  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF       [Chap.  XXXIV. 

They  breath' d  the  pure  air  which  is  nearest  the  sky. 
Ate  the  food  that  kind  nature  bestow' d. 

They  saw  vice  and  tyranny  gloom  on  the  plain, 
And  boast  the  perfection  of  art ; 
On  these  they  look'd  down  with  deserved  disdain 
And  chose  for  their  temple  the  heart. 

Hence  their  favorite  children,  you  ever  will  find, 
Mid  the  highlands  and  mountains  still  stray. 
Would  you  know  a  true  son,  why,  look  at  his  mind  ; 
In  the  field  it  is  noble,  in  company  gay. 

I  leave  the  stanzas  with  them  and  walk  quietly  off." 

"  Dine  with  the  Duke  of  Argyll  [January  21st],  where  I 
meet  the  Lord  Chancellor,  who  has,  it  seems,  desired  to 
become  acquainted  with  me.  He  is  very  pleasant  and  in 
good  spirits.  The  weather  this  day  is  wonderfully  fine. 
The  Chancellor,  speaking  of  the  state  of  the  morals  in 
this  country  and  consequently  of  crimes,  says  that  in  nine 
years  that  he  attended  Courts  of  Oyer  and  Terminer,  al- 
ways in  his  turn  and  often  out  of  it,  he  never  had  once 
occasion  to  pass  sentence  for  murder ;  also  that,  having 
inquired  on  this  subject  of  the  recorder,  who  had  been 
fifteen  years  in  office,  he  was  told  that  the  condemnations 
for  it  in  this  city  during  that  period  were  at  the  rate  of 
one  annually.  Sundry  other  things  are  mentioned  to 
show  the  horror  entertained  by  Englishmen  at  the  idea 
of  shedding  human  blood." 

"This  morning  [January  21st]  go  to  Court.  The  Duke 
of  Montrose,  who  is  one  of  my  guests  at  dinner  to-night, 
tells  me  just  before  he  goes  away  that  he  has  heard  the 
armament  under  Admiral  Christian  is  put  back.  This, 
which  at  the  first  blush  would  seem  to 'be  an  untoward 
event,  will  probably  turn  out  quite  otherwise.  The  weath- 
er still  continues  very  blustering ;  high  wind  from  the 
west  and  southwest.     I  afterwards  hear  that  one  of  the 


1796]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  1 55 

transports  from  Admiral  Christian's  squadron  or,  rather, 
fleet,  which  had  put  back  (the  Sutton  Indiaman)  has 
foundered  near  Plymouth,  but  the  men  are  saved.  It 
seems  probable  that  the  whole  fleet  has  returned,  and 
probably  a  number  of  them  have  gone  down,  for  these 
heavy  gales  must  have  occasioned  a  dreadful  sea  in  the 
chops  of  the  channel.  The  wind  is  still  high  from  the 
west  and  southwest,  but  generally  southwest" 

"  Dine  at  Wimbledon  and  stay  all  night  [January  30th]. 
Mr.  Canning,  who  is  one  of  the  guests,  tells  us  that  Ad- 
miral Christian's  fleet  is  arrived  at  Spithead.  The  Lord 
Chief  Baron  Macdonald  is  here  also.  He  is  clever  and 
pleasant." 

"Go  to  the  drawing-room  [February  nth].  The  King 
has  much  conversation  with  Count  Woronzow  and  me. 
His  Majesty  tells  me,  on  the  authority  of  Admiral  Pye,  that 
in  seven  weeks  lately  spent  at  sea  he  had  not  nine  hours  at 
a  time  in  which  to  set  up  his  rigging  ;  this  is  a  most  un- 
common storm.  See  the  Duchess  of  Gordon,  who  re- 
proaches me  for  not  visiting  her.  Lord  Westmoreland's 
conversation  is  a  little  in  the  style  of  despondency  as  to 
the  success  of  the  war." 

"Go  in  the  evening  [February  12th]  to  the  Duchess  of 
Gordon's.  I  am  told  here  that  accounts  are  arrived  of  a 
separate  treaty  of  peace  between  France  and  the  Em- 
peror." 

"  Dine  at  Lord  Gower's  [February  13th],  and  here  Mr. 
Huskisson  assures  us  that  the  news  of  yesterday  is  a 
forgery  ;  that  a  French  gazette,  called  r Eclair,  has  been 
counterfeited  in  this  city  and  sent  down  to  the  coast, 
where  it  was  put  into  the  mail  and  sent  up  to  the  several 
printers.  It  seems  that  a  society  had  purchased  on  the 
King's  message  more  stock  than  they  could  pay  for,  and 
had  invented  this  mode  of  inducing  others  to  buy." 


156  DIARY  AND  LETTERS  OF       [Chap.  XXXIV. 

"Go  to  see  Count  Woronzow  [February  14th].  Throw 
out  to  him  the  idea  of  bringing  Prussia  forward  by  an 
exchange  of  Hanover  for  Cleves  and  Prussian  Guelders, 
given  to  Holland  in  exchange  for  the  Island  of  Flushing, 
given  with  Flanders  to  England  in  exchange  for  Bavaria, 
given  to  the  Emperor  in  exchange  for  Alsace,  to  be  sur- 
rendered back  to  the  empire  of  France.  He  startles  at  the 
idea  of  strengthening  Prussia." 

"  Dine  en  famille  with  Lord  Gower  and  Lady  Suther- 
land [February  15th].  Go  hence  to  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, expecting  a  long  debate,  in  which  I  am  completely 
disappointed,  for  Mr.  .Fox  sits  down  two  sentences  after 
our  arrival,  and  the  question  is  put.  The  ministers  have, 
as  might  well  be  expected,  a  clear  and  decided  majority. 
In  the  debate  Mr.  Grey  was  very  feeble,  running  over  old 
and  useless  ground,  but  expressed  the  idea  that  Great 
Britain  should  solicit  peace  from  France,  even  if  the 
former  were  in  a  state  of  humiliating  distress.  Mr.  Pitt 
had  greatly  the  vantage-ground,  and  in  a  discreet  speech 
of  some  length  said  nothing,  not  being  in  fact  called  on 
to  say  anything.  Mr.  Fox  endeavored  to  cover  Mr. 
Grey's  blunder  by  declaring  that  he  would  risk  and  suffer 
everything  to  preserve  the  national  honor." 

"Go  to  Her  Majesty's  drawing-room  [February  17th], 
and  see  for  the  first  time  the  Princess  of  Wales.  She  has 
the  eye  of  sense  and  spirit.  In  the  evening  visit  at  Ma- 
dame Ciricello's,  where  I  see  the  Duchess  of  Tremouille 
and  her  friend  Miss  Faniani,  who  has  very  impressive 
eyes.  The  Due  de  Castries  tells  me  that  the  King  of 
France  has  transmitted  assurances  fit  and  proper  to  calm 
the  apprehensions  which  his  proclamation  had  raised. 
Mr.  Pinckney,  whom  I  see,  shows  a  paper  containing  the 
answer  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  the  ad- 
dress of  the  French  minister  on  presenting  him  a  flag. 


I796-]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  1 57 

This  answer  is  not  what  I  like,  for  it  commits  the  Presi- 
dent to  an  approbation  of  the  new  French  Constitution. 
It  will  work  rather  ill  here." 

"  Dine  at  Mr.  Pinckney's  [February  22d].  It  is  Wash- 
ington's birthday.  He  is  sixty-four  years  of  age.  Doctor 
Roniaine  tells  me  that  he  is  determined  to  resign  his 
office,  and  attributes  it  to  his  conviction  that  he  would 
not  be  unanimously  re-elected.  He  says,  further,  that 
the  kind  reception  given  by  him  to  Randolph,  for  many 
days  previous  to  the  communication  of  M.  Fauchet's 
letter,  and  after  it  was  in  his  possession,  has  injured 
him  in  the  public  opinion  ;  that  Randolph  says  his  heart 
is  black  as  that  of  Caligula,  and  in  so  saying  makes  some 
disciples.  I  fear  that  all  is  not  well  in  our  country.  Mr. 
Adams,  who  was  with  me  this  morning,  in  his  wrath  and 
indignation  at  the  conduct  of  the  British  Government, 
seemed  absolutely  mad.  He  breathed  nothing  but  war, 
and  was  content  to  run  into  it  at  the  hazard  of  our  fi- 
nances and  even  of  our  Constitution.  Such  sentiments 
arise  in  him  only  for  the  moment  and  would  not  certainly 
influence  his  conduct ;  but  such  language,  if  held  to  those 
who  should  repeat  it,  must  do  mischief  here.  I  tell  him, 
when  he  asserts  that  the  administration  of  this  country 
means  ill  to  us,  that  I  think  they  only  mean  good  to  them- 
selves, excepting  always  two  or  three  men  who  are  per- 
sonally vexed  at  our  prosperity." 

"  Go  after  dinner,  at  four  [February  26th],  to  Lord  Gow- 
er's,  but  he  not  being  at  home  I  step  up  to  ask  Lady 
Sutherland  how  she  does.  Lord  Carlisle  is  there,  and 
her  ladyship  tells  me  that  her  lord  is  down  at  the  House 
already  ;  advises  my  going  thither,  and  returning  if  I  don't 
find  him.  I  go,  and  meeting  him  on  the  way  he  puts  me 
in.  I  stay  till  five  before  the  debate  begins,  and  till  three 
when  the  question  has  been  taken  and  is  decided  in  favor 


158  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF       [Chap.  XXXIV. 

of  the  accused  minister.  Mr.  Pitt  is  certainly  the  best 
speaker  in  the  House  of  Commons.  He  explains  his  con- 
duct in  a  manner  highly  honorable  to  himself,  but,  on  the 
other  hand,  Fox  and  Sheridan,  who  follow  him,  make 
many  sharp  and  shrewd  observations." 

"  Mr.  Hammond  tells  me  [March  2d]  that  the  ratifica- 
tion of  the  treaty  had  not  reached  America,  but  only  a 
copy  of  it.  He  attributes  this  to  a  neglect  of  Mr.  Deas, 
and  seems  to  think  that  the  Americans  here  in  office  are 
not  friendly.  He  also  tells  me  that  five  thousand  horses 
were  to  be  purchased  in  America  for  the  cavalry  sent  out 
from  hence.  This  is  enormous.  Mr.  Pinckney  comes  to 
see  me  ;  he  seems  desirous  of  information,  without  asking 
it.  I  ask  him  if  he  has  seen  Franklin,  and  what  accounts 
he  brings.  He  tells  me  that  Franklin  seems  to  know 
nothing  about  public  affairs  in  France.  I  ask  him  what 
Monroe  says.  He  tells  me  that  Monroe,  he  believes,  is 
very  little  acquainted  with  what  is  passing.  I  say  that  I 
have  reason  to  believe  he  is  not  now  well  pleased  or  well 
treated.  He  says  that  the  government  have  been  cool 
towards  him  ever  since  Mr.  Jay's  treaty  ;  moreover,  that 
the  French  are  now  taking  our  vessels  in  the  West  Indies 
bound  to  British  ports.  On  my  mentioning  my  surprise 
at  the  number  of  horses  bought  up  for  the  West  Indies, 
he  tells  me  that  the  British  are  purchasing  in  America 
all  kinds  of  live  stock  they  can  lay  hold  of,  of  every  kind. 
I  dine  at  home  and  go  in  the  evening  to  the  opera.  There 
is  a  very  fine  ballet." 

Private  advices  from  Paris  of  an  alarming  nature  hav- 
ing come  to  Morris,  he  hastened  to  communicate  them  to 
Washington  on  March  4th,  as  follows  : 

"  A  fleet  is  to  conduct  to  you  the  new  French  Minister, 
who  will  be  directed  to  exact  in  the  space  of  fifteen  days 
a  categorical  answer  to  certain  questions.    What  these  are 


1796.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  1 59 

I  can  only  conjecture,  but  suppose  that  you  will,  in  effect, 
be  called  on  to  take  part  decidedly  with  France.  Mr. 
Monroe  will  no  doubt  endeavor  to  convince  the  rulers  of 
that  country  that  such  conduct  will  force  us  into  the  war 
against  them  ;  but  it  is  far  from  impossible  that  the  usual 
violence  of  their  counsels  will  prevail. 

"  The  last  letter  which  I  had  the  honor  to  write  was  of 
the  nth  January.  On  the  subjects  then  mentioned  I  will 
only  say  that  the  French  finances  are  quite  as  bad  as  I 
supposed  they  would  be,  that  another  campaign  seems 
now  unavoidable,  and  that  it  is  so  much  the  interest  of 
some  among  the  Allied  Powers  to  restore  royal  authority 
in  France  that  I  think  it  will  now  form  a  real  object.  If 
you  ask  my  opinion, of  the  chances,  I  will  tell  you  that, 
properly  attempted,  it  must,  humanly  speaking,  be  ef- 
fected." 

To  Alexander  Hamilton,  for  obvious  reasons,  Morris 
wrote  more  fully  than  to  Washington,  under  the  same  date. 
He  says : 

"  I  have  just  written  to  the  President  to  communicate 
some  intelligence  just  received  from  Paris.  This  letter  is 
dated  in  Paris  the  15th  of  last  month.  You  may  be  sure, 
by  my  communicating  this  to  you,  that  I  have  confidence 
in  the  sources  from  which  it  is  derived.  Now,  my  dear 
friend,  I  have  barely  stated  to  the  President  the  intention 
as  to  the  new  minister.  His  late  declaration  as  to  the  ex- 
isting Frencli  Government  has  prevented  me  from  saying 
a  word  to  him  on  a  subject  where  he  has,  I  think,  com- 
mitted himself.  To  you  I  will  declare  my  conviction  that 
this  government  cannot  stand,  whether  the  monarchy  be 
restored  or  not.  The  people  in  general  are  averse  to  it. 
The  adherents  to  the  royal  cause  grow  daily  more  numer- 
ous. If  I  knew  decidedly  the  steps  to  be  taken  in  aid  of 
them,  I  could  tell  you  almost  with  certainty  whether  they 


l6o  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF       [Chap.  XXXIV. 

would  be  successful,  for  the  state  of  that  country  now  pre- 
sents sufficient  data  on  which  to  reason  soundly.  I  need 
not  say  to  you  that  if  the  French  rulers  persist  in  the 
measures  which  are  above  mentioned  America  will  proba- 
bly be  obliged  to  take  part  in  the  war.  On  a  former  occa- 
sion, when  they  talked  somewhat  highly,  I  told  them  that 
they  could  certainly  force  us  into  the  contest,  but  as  cer- 
tainly it  would  be  against  them,  let  the  predilection  in  their 
favor  be  ever  so  great,  because  it  would  be  madness  in  us 
to  risk  our  commerce  against  the  navy  of  the  world  ;  that 
to  join  them  could  do  them  no  good,  and  must  do  us  much 
evil.  That  time,  they  believed  me.  What  representations 
Monroe  may  make  I  cannot  pretend  to  divine,  and  much 
less  the  effect  of  them.  Supposing'  however,  that  you 
should  be  driven  to  make  this  election,  you  will  naturally 
weigh  not  only  the  naval  force,  but  also  the  financial  re- 
sources, of  the  opposed  powers.  The  noisy  folks  with  you 
will  undoubtedly  be  loud  on  our  obligations  to  France,  and 
on  the  long  list  of  our  grievances  from  England.  As  to 
the  former,  I  think  we  should  always  seek  to  perform  acts 
of  kindness  towards  those  who,  at  the  bidding  of  their 
Prince,  stepped  forward  to  fight  our  battles.  Nor  would 
I  ever  permit  a  frigid  reasoning  on  political  motives  to 
damp  those  effusions  of  sentiment  which  are  as  laudable 
in  a  nation  as  they  are  desirable  in  a  private  citizen.  But 
would  it  be  kind  to  support  that  power  which  tyrannizes 
over  France  and  reduces  her  inhabitants  to  untold  misery? 
Would  it  be  grateful  to  mix  with,  much  less  to  league 
with,  those  whose  hands  are  yet  red  with  the  blood  of  him 
who  was  our  real  protector?  Would  it  be  decent?  ,  As  to 
the  conduct  of  Britain  towards  us,  although  I  see  as  clearly 
as  others  the  ground  which  we  have  to  complain,  and  can 
readily  account  for  the  resentments  which  have  been  ex- 
cited, yet  I  give  due  weight  to  the  causes  by  which  that 


1796.1  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  l6l 

conduct  was  instigated,  and  if  in  some  cases  I  find  it  un- 
justifiable, I  cannot  consider  it  as  in  all  cases  inexcusable. 
Provided,  therefore,  that  our  honor  be  saved,  I  am  so  far 
from  thinking  that  the  injuries  we  have  endured  should 
become  the  source  of  inextinguishable  hatred  and  perpet- 
ual war  that  I  would  rather  seek  in  future  amity  and  good 
offices  the  fair  motive  for  consigning  them  to  oblivion.  I 
have  not,  my  dear  Hamilton,  any  sucii  view  of  our  politi- 
cal machinery  as  to  judge  what  may  be  the  effect  of  lofty 
menace.  I  apprehend  that  some  feeble  counsels  will  be 
given.  Whether  they  will  be  received  and  pursued  you 
best  know,  and  will  doubtless  act  accordingly.  What  I 
have  to  ask  is  that  you  would  put  yourself  in  the  way  of 
being  consulted ;  I  mean  locally,  for  should  you  be  at  a 
distance  the  time  may  be  too  short  for  communication. 

"  It  is  possible,  after  all,  that  the  demand  may  turn  on 
a  single  point,  viz.,  that  we  shall  no  longer  pretend  to 
claim  an  exemption  from  seizure  for  those  goods  of  an 
enemy  which  may  be  found  in  our  ships.  If  so,  the 
case  is  plain  and  easy.  We  slide  back  to  the  law  of 
nations,  which  it  is  our  interest  to  preserve  unim- 
peached.  Probably  we  shall  be  called  on  for  our  guar- 
antee of  Santo  Domingo  ;  and  here  many  questions  will 
arise,  in  the  course  of  which  we  shall  see,  perhaps,  some 
wise  and  virtuous  slave-masters  contending  for  the  pro- 
priety of  general  emancipation,  with  all  its  consequent 
train  of  crimes.  It  appears  certain  to  me  that  the 
French  Directory  would  not  risk  high  language  to  us 
if  they  had  not  received  previous  assurances  that  the  peo- 
ple would  force  our  Government  to  sacrifice  the  national 
interest.  These  assurances  were,  I  presume,  given,  and 
the  present  plan  proposed,  while  victory  seemed  yet  bound 
to  the  French  standards,  and  while  you  received  official 
assurances  of  the  prosperous  state  of  their  internal  affairs. 
Vol.  II.— II 


1 62  '  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XXXIV. 

The  scene  is  now  not  only  changed  but  almost  reversed, 
and  I  presume  the  language,  if  not  the  conduct,  of  certain 
persons  will  experience  a  similar  change." 

"To-day  [March  loth]  Lord  Gower  takes  an  early  dinner 
with  me,  and  we  go  to  the  House  of  Commons.  Mr.  Grey 
is  speaking,  when  we  arrive,  in  support  of  his  motion  to 
go  into  a  committee  of  the  whole  House  on  the  state  of 
the  nation.  The  general  ground  of  his  argument  is  that 
thirty-five  millions  have  already  been  expended  under  au- 
thority of  Parliament  in  prosecution  of  the  war,  but  that 
there  remain  thirty-one  millions  unauthorized ;  that  in  this 
unprecedented  waste  of  money  the  nation  has  gained 
nothing,  and  that  if  a  peace  were  immediately  concluded 
the  annual  taxes  must  be  raised  to  the  amount  of  twenty- 
one  millions  for  a  peace  establishment.  Mr.  Jenkinson 
and  Mr.  Steele  reply  (with  some  ethers).  Jenkinson  is 
the  chief,  who  compares  the  expense  of  this  war  with  that 
of  the  last,  contends  that  much  more  has  been  done  for 
the  money  spent,  and  that  they  have  had  to  contend  with 
a  nation  who  has  spent  in  the  contest  not  merely  her  rev- 
enue but  her  capital ;  that,  notwithstanding  that  nation's 
unprecedented  exertions,  her  marine  is  ruined.  Mr.  Grey 
makes  a  very  able  reply,  but  on  division  a  great  majority 
join  in  rejecting  his  motion.  Neither  Pitt  nor  Fox  took 
part  in  this  debate — each  reserving  himself  to  reply  to 
tlie  other.  I  think  the  former  is  outgeneralled,  for  Grey's 
speech  will  make  impression  out  of  doors." 

"I  go  to  Court  [March  17th],  which  is  very  brilliant — 
more  so  than  on  the  birthday.  As  I  am  about  to  come 
away  Lord  Grenville  comes  in,  with  whom  I  have  some 
conversation.  I  think  there  will  be  no  expedition  against 
the  coast  of  France  this  season.  They  cannot  find  force 
for  the  purpose  here,  and  they  are,  I  believe,  cured  of 
small  attempts.     I  dine  at  home,  and  go  in  the  evening  to 


1796.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  163 

Lady  Louisa  Macdonald's  rout.  Am  presented  to  the 
noted  Mrs.  Montague,  and  by  accident  to  the  Archbishop 
of  York.  Lady  Sutherland  presents  me  to  Lady  Carlisle, 
her  sister-in-law,  as  is,  indeed,  Lady  Macdonald." 

"Go  this  evening  [April  9th]  to  a  conversazione  at  Mrs, 
Montague's.*  It  is  one  of  the  finest  houses  in  London  ; 
and,  indeed,  there  is  a  room  in  which  we  sat  that,  if  less 
gilt,  would  be  very  fine.  There  is  much  good  company 
here.  The  old  lady  is  indisposed,  but  still  indefatigable 
in  doing  the  honors  of  her  company.  The  ancient  Miss 
Morris  is  here,  who  continues  to  claim  kindred." 

"  This  morning  [April  14th]  I  go  to  the  Queen's  draw- 
ing-room. They  are  in  high  spirits.  Count  Staremberg, 
who  is  overjoyed  at  the  answer  of  the  French  Directory, 
speaks  of  it  to  the  Queen  as  being  a  piece  of  very  good 
news.  She  prudently  answers  in  German,  on  which  I 
tell  her  that  I  think  she  was  right  in  speaking  that  lan- 
guage upon  that  occasion.  '  I  believe  it  was  prudent.' 
*  Yes,  madam,  much  more  so  than  the  speech  to  which  you 
replied.'  The  King,  however,  is  very  open  to  Count  Wo- 
ronzow,  and  to  me,  who  arrive  while  they  are  in  the  discus- 
sion. He  afterwards  talks  on  the  subject  of  finance  with 
much  good  sense,  but  in  English,  so  that  Woronzow  does 
not  get  his  share  of  it." 

"Accounts  are  received  [April  27th]  of  an  important 
victory  obtained  by  the  French  in  Italy.  After  sitting  a 
while  with  Lady  Sutherland,  who  is  to  go  to  Court  this 
day,  I  walk  with  Lord  Gower  to  the  Exhibition  Room,  and 
thence  from  the  terrace  of  Somerset  House  take  a  view 

*  Elizabeth  Montague  for  many  years  drew  about  her,  ir>  her  beautiful 
house  in  Portman  Square,  London,  all  the  celebrated  men  of  her  time. 
Burke,  Johnson,  Goldsmith,  and  Sir  Joshua  Reynolds  were  numbered  among 
her  guests.  She  is  said  to  have  been  the  founder  of  the  literary  society 
called  the  "  Blue  Stocking  Club."  Her  principal  literary  work  is  an  essay  on 
the  genius  and  writings  of  Shakespeare.     She  died  in  1800. 


l64  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XXXIV. 

of  London  and  Westminster.  Few  things  of  the  kind  are 
so  fine.  The  Blackfriars  and  Westminster  Bridges,  St. 
Paul's  and  Westminster  Abbey,  the  Tower,  and  shipping 
whose  masts  form  a  grove  in  that  quarter,  are  distinct  and 
striking  features  in  the  view.  We  go  from  thence  to  St. 
Paul's  to  see  the  monuments  of  Howard  and  Dr.  Johnson. 
We  hear,  also,  part  of  the  evening  service.  The  sound  of 
the  organ  in  the  dome  is  prodigiously  solemn.  Walk 
home,  where  I  do  not  arrive  till  half-past  four,  and  then 
fatigued.  Dress,  take  a  short  ride  in  the  park,  and  go  to 
Mr.  Church's  to  dinner,  where  I  arrive  the  first  of  his 
guests.  The  Duke  de  Laval  dines  here.  Church  says  the 
expenditures  for  the  quarter  ending  the  first  of  April  are 
already  fifteen  millions.  If  this  be  so,  and  (as  he  insists) 
a  like  expenditure  is  to  continue,  this  country  can  by  no 
possibility  support  the  war," 

"  I  go  to  Wimbledon  to  dine  with  Lord  Gower  [April 
30th],  and  meet  Mr.  Dundas.  Mr.  Pitt  is  of  the  party, 
which  is  as  lively  as  can  be  expected  with  Ministers  of 
State.  A  list  of  the  Austrian  and  French  armies  gives  to 
the  former  a  great  superiority  of  force.  It  is  official,  being 
from  the  returns  of  the  Austrians,  and  the  last  informa- 
tion they  have  been  able  to  obtain  respecting  the  force  of 
their  enemy.  I  do  not,  however,  believe  in  it.  Mr.  Pitt 
thinks  that  in  the  late  affairs  between  the  French  and  the 
Allies  in  Italy,  the  former  boast  of  victories  not  obtained, 
and  which  will  prove  different,  perhaps  opposite,  to  the 
French  accounts.  I  think  he  flatters  himself  too  much, 
though  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  Executive  Directory  have 
exaggerated." 

"  The  Duke  of  Montrose  calls  on  me  [May  2d],  and  sits 
a  little  while.  At  four  I  take  some  cold  meat  with  him, 
and  we  go  down  together  to  the  House  of  Lords,  where  the 
Marquis  of  Lansdowne  makes  a  strange  speech,  and  still 


1796.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  1 65 

Stranger  motion.  Lord  Grenville  replies  very  strongly 
and  very  well.  Lord  Lauderdale  cracks  away  in  support 
of  the  Marquis,  at  a  great  rate.  Lord  Kinnaird  stammers 
out  a  lame  speech,  which  has  luckily  the  merit  of  being 
short.  Lord  Moira  makes  a  few  observations  very  hand- 
somely in  reply  to  Lord  Auckland,  who  had,  as  it  were, 
read  a  puffing  note  on  the  state  of  the  country.  The  Lord 
Chancellor  intended  a  neat  speech,  but,  being  much  pes- 
tered by  the  cry  of  '  Hear  !  hear ! '  from  Lord  Lauderdale, 
he  lost  the  thread  of  his  discourse.  However,  he  said 
enough  to  vex  both  him  and  Lord  Lansdowne.  Lord  Lau- 
derdale in  consequence  replied  with  much  of  heat  and 
flash,  charging  the  other  with  marching  by  crooked  paths 
to  the  attainment  of  power.  The  Chancellor  explained, 
being  much  hurt,  or,  rather,  he  faintly  stated  why  he  would 
not  enter  into  explanation  as  to  his  conduct,  which  was 
sufficiently  before  the  public  eye  for  the  judgment  of  man- 
kind, and  which  was,  at  any  rate,  entitled  to  self-approba- 
tion. Lord  Lansdowne  then  concluded  by  a  speech  in 
support  of  his  motion,  after  which  the  House  divided,  and 
the  Duke  brought  me  home." 

"  The  Due  de  Laval  comes  [May  5thJ,  and  I  take  him 
to  M.  de  Spinola's,  and  examine  the  map  of  the  Maritime 
Alps  territory  of  Genoa  containing  the  scene  of  the  late 
action  between  the  French  and  Austrians.  By  the  ac- 
counts, it  appears  that  the  latter  had  suffered  severely  from 
having  extended  their  line  too  much  and  pushed  their 
left  wing  too  far  forward.  Dine  at  home,  and  then  go 
down  to  the  House  of  Commons.  Lord  Govver  tells  me 
there  will  be  no  debate  this  day,  the  business  being  post- 
poned till  to-morrow.  Set  him  down,  and  then  go  to  Mr. 
Pinckney's  to  get  off  my  engagement  for  to-morrow's  din- 
ner. Call  on  Mrs.  Marshal,  take  a  ride  in  the  park,  and 
then  go  to  Lord  Gower's,  where  I  pass  the  early  part  of 


1 66  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XXXIV. 

the  evening  with  him,  the  Chief  Baron  Macdonald,  and 
their  ladies." 

"Lord  Gower  calls  this  morning  [May  6th].  Dine 
early,  call  for  him,  and  we  go  down  together  to  the  House 
of  Commons.  Mr.  Grey  makes  a  violent  speech,  attacking 
the  Minister  as  an  impeachable  offence  for  that  he  had 
.left  unpaid  near  two  years  sums  granted  for  particular 
purposes,  and  applied  them  to  other  purposes..  Mr.  Pitt 
confesses  the  fact,  and  triumphantly  justifies.  His  answer 
is  very  able,  and  quite  convincing.  Mr.  Fox  replies  in  a 
speech  full  of  sound  and  fury,  signifying  nothing.  The 
Opposition  have  nevertheless  thirty-eight  votes.  Colonel 
Bastard  and  I  walk  a  great  part  of  the  way  home  together. 
He  (as  we  are  speaking  of  America)  says  we  have  bullied 
them,  to  which  I  reply  that  we  had,  on  the  contrary,  borne 
more  from  them  than  any  one  nation  ought  ever  to  bear 
from  another,  and  having  mentioned  the  unjustifiable 
capture,  come  next  to  the  incitation  of  the  Indians  against 
us.  He,  on  the  part  of  Simcoe  (who  is,  I  find,  his  intimate 
friend),  denies  his  concern  in  it,  but  admits  his  desire  to 
keep  the  posts  lately  added  de  novo  as  the  means  of  ex- 
tending the  British  Empire  in  that  quarter.  He  says  that 
their  hopes  are  now  at  an  end,  for  that  Vermont  has  con- 
nected itself  with  the  United  States,  and,  moreover,  that 
they  have  used  Kentucky  very  ill,  whose  agents  were  in 
this  country,  and  who  was  inclined  to  unite  with  them. 
I  must  (if  occasion  favors)  again  turn  the  conversation 
with  him  to  this  same  topic. 

"  Call  on  Sir  John  Sinclair  [May  9th],  and  see  a  model 
of  a  threshing-machine.  See,  also,  Mr.  Arthur  Young.* 
Mr.  R.  Penn  and  Major  Barclay  dine  with  me.  The  latter, 
as  I  am  taking  him  home,  lets  out  some  bile  respecting 
America,  and  in  particular  says  that  the  powers  of  Europe 
*  The  author  of  Travels  through  France  in  1789. 


1796]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  1 67 

must  certainly  prevent  it  from  becoming  a  great  power. 
Above  all,  we  must  not  be  permitted  to  have  a  fleet.  I 
go  to  Mrs.  Montague's,  where  I  pass  the  evening." 

*' After  dinner  [May  loth]  I  go  to  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, and  there  I  hear  the  close  of  Fox's  speech,  together 
with  the  able  refutation  of  it  by  Pitt.  He  has  the  advan- 
tage in  argument  greatly,  thanks  to  the  French  Directory, 
and  also  to  ill-judged  measures  and  unfounded  principles 
of  his  opponents." 

"This  morning  [May  17th]  I  walk  out  to  Kensington, 
and  call  on  Madame  de  Graave,  who  tells  me  of  an  in- 
tended marriage  between  Madame  de  Flahaut  and  M,  de 
Souza  ;  also  of  a  coldness  between  him  and  her  respecting 
the  Duke  of  Orleans.  I  presume  that  he  has  been  un  peu 
mysi&ieux,  and  she  un  peu  legire  a  cet  egard.  He  is  a  little 
compromised,  it  seems,  in  Walkier's  bankruptcy.  Dine  at 
Lord  Breadalbane's,  where  is  a  Mr.  McLeod,  a  man  of  much 
interesting  anecdote,  which  rumbles  on  in  a  Scotch  accent 
badly  concealed.  He  tries  to  talk  English,  and  thinks  he 
succeeds.  Puisignieu  described  to  me,  with  a  kind  of 
horror,  the  uncouth  manners  of  two  young  men  fresh  from 
France,  their  irreverence,  etc.  Mr.  Clavering,  who  dined 
at  Lord  Breadalbane's,  mentioned  circumstances  in  the 
marriage  of  the  Prince  of  Wales  which  show  that  a  story 
I  heard  of  their  extreme  disunion  is  not  unfounded." 

"Dine  [May  21st]  with  Mrs.  Vassal,  and  pass  the  evening 
there.  Her  son-in-law,  Sir  Godfrey  something  Webster,* 
is  here,  whose  lady  is  on  her  route  from  Italy,  accompanied 
by  Lord  Holland.  Monsieur  le  mari  seems  quite  unsus- 
picious and  unconcerned.     A  very  large  party  at  cards." 

*  Lady  Webster,  afterward  divorced  from  Sir  Godfrey,  became  the  wife 
of  Lord  Holland,  and  was  the  friend  of  Sydney  Smith,  of  Macaulay,  and  of  a 
dozen  others  of  the  distinguished  men  of  the  early  part  of  this  century,  and 
for  many  years  the  presiding  genius  of  Holland  House. 


I 


1 68  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXIV. 

"  I  dine  with  Sir  John  Sinclair  [May  23d].  He  has  here 
a  Mr.  Irvin,  whom  I  remember  of  a  long  time  ago.  It  was 
he  who  formerly  contended  that  the  people  of  this  island 
should  be  forced  by  starvation  to  provide  a  sufficiency  of 
bread  from  their  own  soil.  He  has  still  the  same  feeling 
with  regard  to  America.  A  Mr.  Strickland,  who  has  just 
come  from  that  country,  holds  different  ideas." 


1796]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  169 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

Morris  goes  to  Switzerland  in  June,  1796.  Lord  Granville  provides  him 
with  letters.  Altona.  The  Duke  of  Orleans.  Journey  to  Berlin. 
Berlin.  Count  de  Haugwitz.  Conversation  with  M.  Kalitchoff. 
Dines  with  Prince  Ferdinand.  Introduced  to  the  Princess  Dowager  of 
Hesse.  Dines  with  Count  Haugwitz.  First  of  a  series  of  letters  to 
Lord  Grenville.  Dines  with  the  Russian  minister.  Long  conversa- 
tion. Madame  de  Nadaillac.  Letter  to  Lady  Sutherland.  Letter 
to  Lord  Grenville.  Dinner  at  Lord  Elgin's.  An  announcement  of 
•  a  victory  of  the  French  at  Brescia.  An  evening  at  Prince  Ferdinand's. 
Dines  with  Marshal  Von  Mbllendorf.     Leaves  Berlin. 

IN  June  of  this  year  Morris  was  suddenly  called,  by 
some  "  indispensable  circumstances,  to  take  a  jour- 
ney into  Switzerland  ;  and  my  sense  of  propriety,"  he 
wrote  to  Washington,  "  induces  me  to  make  the  long  and 
inconvenient  circuit  of  Hamburg  in  preference  to  the 
short  cut  through  France."  In  this  same  letter  he  said  : 
"  Short  as  this  letter  is,  I  must  not  close  without  the  tedious 
repetition  how  important  I  conceive  it  to  be  that  you 
should  continue  in  office.  Would  you  require  a  very  strong 
reason  indeed  ?  You  yourself  shall  give  it  from  the  last 
four  months  of  our  history,  and  I  will  freely  consent  to 
your  retirement  when  you  can  designate  a  successor  who 
will  truly  hold  the  sentiments  and  pursue  the  conduct 
mentioned  in  yours  of  December.  But  even  then  you 
ought  to  consider  that  it  is  not  given  to  every  man  to 
bend  the  bow  of  Ulysses,  whatever  may  be  his  wishes  or 
intentions,  and  well  know  that  weight  of  character  is, 
in  arduous  circumstances,  quite  as  useful  as  strength  of 


I/O  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XXXV. 

mind.  God  grant  you  long  life  and  good  health  ;  the  rest 
you  will  take  care  of.     Farewell.     I  am,  ever  yours." 

Morris  left  London  on  the  7th  of  June  for  Switzerland, 
having  previously  taken  leave  of  the  king,  paptaken  of 
farewell  dinners  with  various  friends,  and  conversed  with 
Lord  Grenville,  "which  conversation,  though  short,"  he 
says,  "amounts  nevertheless  to  a  great  deal  in  sub- 
stance." He  left  amply  provided  by  Lord  Grenville  with 
letters. 

After  the  various  vicissitudes  experienced  at  that  time 
when  crossing  the  North  Sea  from  Gravesend  to  Altona  in 
a  Dutch  sailing-vessel — "sleeping  in  a  so-called  bed  upon 
a  mattress  about  two  feet  too  short,  with  no  sheets  and 
but  two  blankets,"  with  a  pretty  fresh  wind  and  "all  sail 
left  standing  so  as  to  avoid  the  trouble  of  taking  them 
in  and  setting  them  again,"  Morris  arrived  safely  at  Al- 
tona, June  i2th.  "The  vis  inertia  of  the  Dutchman  nearly 
cost  me  my  horses.  At  four  I  hear  them  stamping  and 
struggling  upon  deck.  They  tumble  down,  break  the 
frail  stalls  which  had  been  built  for  them,  and  such  is 
the  list  of  the  ship  that  it  is  with  difficulty  they  can,  when 
clear  of  the  wreck,  keep  upon  their  legs.  I  go  to  my  old 
quarters  at  Altona,  but,  alack  !  fhey  are  taken,  and,  what  is 
worse,  my  landlord  is  not  at  home,  so  that  I  know  not 
whether  any  lodgings  are  taken  for  me  elsewhere.  Fi- 
nally, I  have  my  baggage  brought  to  the  King  of  England 
Hotel.  Everything  is,  I  find,  become  dearer  since  I  left 
this  place,  or  else  the  expectations  of  the  innkeeper  are 
greatly  raised  by  the  concourse  of  strangers.  I  meet  M. 
Dumas  this  morning  in  the  street ;  he  regrets  not  having 
believed  what  I  told  him  about  the  assignats." 

"A  M.  Macon,  aide-de-camp  to  M.  de  Lafayette,  calls  on 
me  [June  20th],  and  consumes  a  great  deal  of  my  time  in 
recounting  projects  to  get  him  out  of  prison.     He  is  to 


1796.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  I/I 

send  me  some  papers  relating  to  his  confinement,  etc.  I 
write  less  than  I  ought,  owing  to  this  interruption,  and 
then  go  and  partake  of  an  indifferent  dinner  at  Madame 
de  Flahaut's.  Miss  Mathiesen  gives  me  a  lesson  in  the 
German  language.  Take  Madame  de  Flahaut  driving, 
and,  chemin  faisant,  she  tells  me  her  whereabouts  with  her 
Portuguese  lover,  M.  Souza." 

"This  morning  [June  29th]  the  Abb^  de  St..Far  calls  on 
me,  and  then  M.  de  Montjoie,  whom  I  accompany  to  his 
lodgings,  and  see  there  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  with  whom  I 
converse  on  his  situation  and  future  prospects.  He  is  to 
breakfast  with  me  to-morrow.  Return  home,  and,  as  I  am 
in  a  hurry,  fearing  to  be  late  for  an  appointment,  I  hurt 
my  foot  on  the  wretched  pavement  of  this  town.  The 
Abbe  de  St.  Far  does  not  come  until  a  long  half-hour  after 
my  return.  We  dine  together  at  the  restaurateur's,  and 
go  thence  to  Madame  de  Flahaut's." 

"  This  morning  [June  30th]  MM.  Montjoie  and  d'Or- 
leans  breakfast  with  me.  Settle  the  proper  arrange- 
ments with  the  latter,  and  take  him  home  in  my  way  to 
dinner  at  Mr.  Parish's.  A  large  company  here  to  a  turtle, 
and  Mr.  Ross,  the  gendre  de  la  maison,  makes  us  drink  an 
immense  dose  of  claret.  Play  at  whist,  and  return  home 
late.  I  observe  that  M.  Bonaparte  has,  in  a  late  address  to 
the  Tyrolese,  imitated  in  some  measure  the  famous  proc- 
lamation of  the  Duke  of  Brunswick.  Those  who  found 
the  latter  horrible,  admire  the  former  for  its  energy.  Such 
is  the  justice  and  impartiality  of  mankind.  If  I  judge 
rightly  of  those  mountaineers,  M.  Bonaparte  will  not  find 
favor  with  them,  and,  after  committing  himself  by  such 
sanguinary  declaration,  he  will,  by  adhering  to  it,  excite 
indignation,  or,  by  abandoning  it,  contempt." 

"This  morning  [July  12th]  I  am  up  at  three  o'clock, 
and,  after  much  fatigue  in  hurrying  my  servants  packing 


172  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XXXV. 

up,  I  at  length  get  off  at  five  on  my  journey  to  Berlin. 
At  Fehrbellin  I  take  post-horses,  so  as  to  spare  my  own 
young  cattle.  The  waagemeister  tries  to  make  me  pay  for 
one  more  horse  than  I  ordered.  He  considers  himself  a 
man  of  genius,  and  so,  to  show  that  genius,  is  very  elo- 
quent on  every  occasion,  in  the  very  worst  dialect  of  the 
German  language.  He  is  a  very  great  patriot  as  far  as  the 
abuse  of  kings,  nobles,  priests,  etc.,  may  go,  and,  with  high 
pretensions  to  superiority  over  his  fellow-servants,  is  dis- 
posed to  consider  himself  on  a  level  with  his  master.  He 
says  he  despises  Prussia  and  its  government  so  much 
that  he  never  troubled  himself  to  inquire  about  Berlin,  etc. 
However,  as  he  sits  next  the  postilion,  this  one  tells  him 
that  postilions  are  forbidden  to  smoke  through  the  forest  ; 
that  the  jagers,  if  they  see  them  do  it,  take  away  their  pipes, 
but  yet  the  jagers  themselves  smoke.  He  tells  me  this 
with  much  zeal  and  emphasis,  to  prove  the  oppression  of 
the  government.  What  a  barbarous  law  against  the  poor. 
I  humbly  represent  to  him  that  the  poor  depend  much  for 
fuel  on  these  forests,  which  may  be  quite  consumed  by  the 
carelessness  of  a  postilion  ;  that  there  is  no  great  hard- 
ship in  being  deprived  of  the  use  of  a  pipe  while  a  man 
rides  from  one  stage  to  another  ;  that  it  would  be,  per- 
haps, a  useful  regulation  of  police  to  prohibit  smoking 
anywhere,  except  in  the  apartments  of  a  house,  because 
villages  may  be  consumed  by  it,  and  remind  him  of  our 
anxiety  on  shipboard  lest  the  smokers  should  set  the 
hay  on  fire.  He  takes  his  departure  from  this  point  by 
asserting  that  there  is  much  more  danger  from  the  use 
of  flambeaux  behind  noblemen's  carriages.  I  then  again 
liumbly  represent  to  him  that  in  the  dark,  rainy,  or  snowy 
nights  of  winter,  numerous  carriages,  driving  about  in 
every  direction  and  through  narrow  streets,  without  lights, 
might  not  only  injure  each  other  but  prove  fatal  to  foot- 


1796.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  1/3 

passengers ;  wherefore  it  might  be  a  useful  regulation  of 
police  to  oblige  those  who  use  carriages  to  exhibit  lights. 
On  the  whole,  I  desire  him  to  inquire  whether  a  noble- 
man be  not  equally  forbidden,  with  all  others,  to  smoke  in 
the  forest.  After  some  consultation  with  the  postilion, 
he  exults  in  the  discovery  that,  though  the  law  be  general, 
yet  the  jagers  do  not  take  away  the  noblemen's  pipes. 
Take  leave  to  suggest  that,  when  a  government  makes  just 
and  equal  laws,  it  cannot  be  blamed  merely  because  some 
of  those  to  whom  the  execution  is  intrusted  wink  at  the 
breach  of  them  ;  that  we  ourselves,  on  entering  the  fron- 
tier, found  it  convenient  to  encourage  the  officers  in  their 
delinquency  by  way  of  expediting  our  journey.  Here 
again,  filled  with  patriotic  zeal,  he  complains  that  the  port- 
manteau of  a  foot-passenger  would  have  been  examined. 
I  do  not  find  it  worth  while  to  continue  the  conversation 
further  than  to  suggest  that  the  blame  here,  if  any,  falls 
on  the  officer  and  not  on  the  prince  ;  besides,  that  one  who 
travels  in  a  chariot  and  four  is  not  likely  to  smuggle.  But 
the  postilion  makes  the  best  commentary  on  the  subject 
by  lighting  his  pipe,  and  as  the  smoke  flies  in  the  other's 
face  and  incommodes  him  not  a  little,  I  simply  observe 
that  the  poor  can  elude  the  laws  as  well  as  the  rich.  The 
postilion  smokes  on  with  great  fervor,  till  the  patriot 
loses  all  patience,  and  would,  I  am  persuaded,  if  armed  at 
this  instant  with  legislative  power,  make  it  felony  to 
smoke  at  all.  I  cannot  help  meditating  again  on  this  oc- 
casion (as  on  a  thousand  others)  upon  the  manner  in  which 
travels  are  written.  A  man  has  adopted  some  system  of 
morality  or  politics  or  religion,  either  from  habit  or 
whim,  and,  in  the  plenitude  of  his  own  infallibility,  goes 
on  condemning  the  practice  of  every  other  person  and 
nation,  catches  up  single  incidents  and  converts  them  into 
general  •  data,  by  way  of  supporting  his  hypothesis,  and, 


1/4  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XXXV. 

fixing  on  special  inhibitions  without  seeking  the  reason  of 
the  law,  condemns  the  legislator  for  those  things  which 
most  merit  applause,  and  there  where  he  shows  himself  a 
provident  parent,  the  self-conceited  satirist  marks  him  as 
the  object  of  detestation." 

"At  seven  [July  17th]  we  reach  the  Hotel  de  Russie  at 
Berlin.  The  appearance  of  this  town  is  magnificent,  and 
at  the  same  time  there  is  an  air  of  dissoluteness  which  is 
striking.  It  reminds  me  at  once  of  the  Palais  Royal. 
They  say  that  a  hotter  season  was  never  known  here. 
Nous  verrons.^'' 

"In  the  afternoon  [July  i8th]  visit  the  ministers  of  Por- 
tugal, Spain,  and  Russia,  whom  I  see  ;  then  the  British 
minister,  who  is  not  at  home,  so  I  leave  my  letter  for  him  ; 
so,  also,  for  MM.  Guillaume  de  Humboldt  and  Schmidt. 
Count  Haugwitz  desires  I  will  come  to-morrow  at  eleven. 
Go  from  M.  Schmidt's  to  Madame  de  Nadaillac's,  who 
reproaches  me  for  not  coming  sooner  etc.  Stay  till 
twelve  o'clock  ;  a  small  party  there  a  la  fran^aise.  The 
weather  this  day  is  warm,  though  not  quite  so  hot  as  the 
two  preceding  days.  I  observe,  in  driving  through  this 
great  unpeopled  town,  that  the  greater  part  of  it  is  built 
of  brick,  plastered  over  to  imitate  freestone.  The  plaster- 
ing already  falls  off  in  many  places.  In  effect,  it  is  em- 
blematical of  the  empire  over  which  it  presides.  The  im- 
mense appearances,  I  think,  want  solidity,  and  this  power 
must  (unless  upheld  by  the  same  genius  and  talents  with 
those  to  which  it  owes  its  birth)  soon  fade  away,  and 
figure  hereafter  in  history  as  one  of  those  grand  operas 
which  have  amused  generations  long  since  mingled  with 
the  dust,  and  of  which  no  traces  are  now  to  be  found. 
And  yet  the  present  situation  of  affairs  would,  if  duly  im- 
proved, furnish  the  means  which  are  wanting  {tin  arrondisse- 
ment)  to  make  of  Prussia  a  permanent  power." 


1796]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  I75 

"I  am  engaged  to  wait  on  Count  Haugvvitz  *  [July 
19th],  which  I  do  at  eleven,  for  the  people  of  this  country 
are  early.  He  seems  to  be  a  sensible  man.  Our  con- 
versation is,  of  course,  on  the  current  affairs.  I  tell  him 
that  I  consider  Prussia  mistress,  in  the  present  circum- 
stances, of  the  fate  of  Europe,  and  throw  out  the  idea  that 
Hanover  appears  to  me  necessary  to  the  due  consistency 
of  the  Prussian  Empire.  I  see  that  this  is  a  favorite  idea. 
He  asks  me  by  what  means  that  acquisition  is  to  be  made, 
and  I  suggest  the  exchange  of  it  for  Flanders,  as  a  trans- 
action which  might  perhaps  be  suitable  to  all  parties.  He 
seems  t|o  consider  that  object  as  environed  by  much  of 
embarrassment,  and  it  seems  to  me  that  this  arises  from 
the  length  to  which  they  have  gone  in  connection  with 
France.  He  wishes  to  know  the  reason  why  money  is  so 
scarce  in  England,  and  I  tell  him  the  different  causes  of 
scarcity  and  the  circumstances  which  have  placed  it  so 
much  in  evidence.  I  terminate  the  conversation,  which  is 
leading  into  length,  by  taking  leave  of  him.  If  he  wishes 
anything  further,  he  will  seek  it.  But  his  chief  (Bischofs- 
werder  f )  being  with  the  King  in  Pyrmont,  it  is  probable 
he  will  leave  all  this  just  where  it  is.  We  considered  a 
little  the  probable  state  of  France  in  time  to  come.  I  go 
from  hence  to  see  Madame  de  Nadaillac,  and  take  her  to 
dine  with  the  Portuguese  minister.  After  dinner  visit  her 
son  at  his  pension,  and  we  then  ride  in  the  park  toge- 
ther. Un  pen  iendre,  mats  rien  de  conclusif.  I  learn  that  the 
King  is  as  much  in  the  hands  of  common  women  as  ever 
Louis   XV.  was,  and  still  more — if  possible.     The  great 

*  Christian  Heinrich  Karl  Haugwitz,  a  Prussian  statesman,  was  sent  as 
Ambassador  to  the  Court  of  Vienna,  in  1790,  and  became  Minister  of  For- 
eign Affairs  in  1792.  He  favored  an  alliance  with  France,  and  was  super- 
seded by  Hardenburg  in  1807.     Born  in  1752,  he  died  in  1832. 

+  Joseph  von  Bischofswerder,  Prussian  officer  and  statesman  under  Freder- 
ick William  II.,  employed  in  important  negotiations. 


1/6  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXXV. 

events  which  occupy  just  now  the  attention  of  this  capit.al 
are  the  exilings  of  abandoned  women  and  actresses,  etc.  ; 
high-handed  acts  of  authority,  exercised  towards  very  in- 
significant persons  and  on  very  trivial  occasions,  serving 
to  excite  at  once  contempt,  disgust,  and  aversion  ;  but 
there  are  more  than  twenty-five  thousand  troops,  well  dis- 
ciplined and  appointed,  to  preserve  the  majesty  of  the 
Empire.  This  town  is  built  on  such  a  dead  level  that  the 
gutters  do  not  carry  off  the  water,  and,  of  course,  the  stench 
is  great  and  disagreeable,  probably  most  unwholesome." 

"  M.  Kalitchoff  wished  to  know  [July  22d]  whether  I 
thought  anything  could  be  done  to  serve  the  wandering 
chief  of  the  House  of  Bourbon.*  I  tell  him  that  in  my 
opinion  he  has  nothing  left  but  to  try  and  get  shot,  re- 
deeming by  valor  the  foregone  follies  of  liis  conduct.  This, 
if  he  fails,  will  rescue  his  memory  from  reproach,  and  if 
fate  directs  away  the  shot  aimed  at  his  life  it  may  restore 
him  to  the  good  opinion  of  his  nation  ;  that  there  is  very 
little  chance  of  his  being  called  to  the  throne  of  his  an- 
cestors, but  if  any,  it  is  only  to  be  secured  by  such  val- 
orous conduct  as  may  command  the  respect  of  the  French. 
The  Russian  minister  wishes  to  continue  a  conversation 
which  I  commenced  with  him  the  other  day,  so  I  go  on 
and  explain,  under  the  various  hypotheses  which  present 
themselves,  what  I  conceive  possible  for  the  different 
powers  of  Europe.  M.  d'Escar  dines  with  me,  and  after 
dinner  I  go  to  M.  de  Humboldt's,  who  takes  me  to  see 
Madame  de  Berg.  Go  from  thence  to  Madame  de  Nadail- 
lac's,  who  takes  me  to  tea  at  Madame  de  Haugwitz's. 
The  Spanish  minister  says  that  the  people  of  Rome  are 
extremely  vexed  at  the  peace  made  with  the  French  by 
the  Pope." 

*  The  Comte  de  Provence,  afterward  Louis  XVIIL ,  who  came  to  the  throne 
in  1814. 


1796]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  1/7 

"This  morning  [July  23d]  M.  de  Humboldt  calls  on  me, 
and  we  go  together  to  see  a  monument  raised  by  the  pres- 
ent King  to  his  natural  son.  I  dine  (very  much  against 
my  will)  with  Prince  Ferdinand.  I  was  engaged  to  a  very 
agreeable  party,  but  it  seems  that  their  Highnesses  must 
never  be  denied  unless  it  is  from  indisposition.  I  had, 
however,  written  a  note  declining  the  intended  honor,  but 
the  messenger,  upon  looking  at  it,  for  it  was  a  letter  patent 
like  the  invitation,  said  he  could  not  deliver  it,  that  no- 
body ever  refused,  etc. — all  which  I  was  informed  of  after 
he  was  gone,  and  on  consulting  found  I  must  go  or  give 
mortal  offence,  which  last  I  have  no  inclination  to  do  ;  so 
I  write  another  note  and  send  out  to  hunt  up  the  messen- 
ger. While  I  am  abroad  this  untoward  incident  is  ar- 
ranged, and  of  course  I  am  at  Bellevue.  This  prince  re- 
sembles the  picture  of  his  brother,  the  late  king,  but 
has  by  no  means  the  same  expression  of  countenance. 
The  princess  is  tolerably  well-looking,  now  that  she  is 
made  up,  and  the  children  are  rather  handsome  than  oth- 
erwise. It  is  said  that  their  progenitor  was  one  Schmit- 
tau,  aide-de-camp  to  old  Frederick,  Old  Ferdinand  has  at 
least  the  exterior  of  regard  to  this  acquired  offspring. 
The  princess  is  overjoyed  at  a  piece  of  news  she  has  just 
heard,  in  sucl^  way  as  proves  that  it  is  a  fabrication  to 
amuse  her,  by  some  courtier  who  knows  the  gentle  feel- 
ings of  her  breast.  A  traveller,  it  seems,  is  arrived,  who 
heard  from  the  servant  of  some  other  traveller  that  in 
a  popular  commotion  at  Vienna,  consequent  on  the  late 
ill-success  of  the  Austrian  arms,  the  Emperor  has  been 
massacred  by  the  mob.  She  says  it  is  a  pity,  for  he,  a 
good  sort  of  creature,  innocent  cause  of  all  the  evils 
which  Europe  groans  under,  and,  moreover,  being  already 
afflicted  with  a  pectoral  complaint,  must  naturally  perish 
in  no  distant  period,  if  his  days  be  not  already  shortened 
Vol.  IL — 12 


178  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XXXV. 

by  the  catastrophe  she  has  just  heard.  This  Court  of 
Ferdinand  abounds  in  such  news,  and  from  the  same 
cause,  of  whi£;h  a  late  instance  is  said  to  have  produced  a 
good  anecdote.  Somebody  had  contrived  to  make  the 
whole  host  of  Cond^  prisoners,  and  then  to  put  them  all 
to  the  sword  by  the  victorious  republicans.  Elated  by  so 
splendid  an  affair,  the  princess  sent  to  M.  Caillard,  the 
Minister  of  the  Republic,  to  know  if  it  was  true  ;  and  he 
in  reply  is  said  to  have  written  that  he  had  not  the  slight- 
est information  of  so  bloody  an  event,  which  it  was  to  be 
hoped,  for  the  sake  of  humanity,  was  not  true.  I  sit  at 
table  next  to  a  M.  Percival,  brother  to  Madame  de  Van- 
noise.  He  says  that  he  knew  me  in  the  society  of  Madame 
de  Laborde,  of  the  Carrousel,  at  Paris.  He  brought  here 
the  diamond  called  the  *  Regent,'  to  be  pledged  for  a  loan, 
which  has  been  obtained  for  the  new  Republic.  He  as- 
sures me  that  his  sentiments  are  still  pure,  and  those  of 
M.  Caillard  also.  Asks  permission  to  wait  on  me,  and  to 
make  me  acquainted  with  M.  Caillard.  I  shall  be  very 
happy,  etc.,  but  apprise  him  that  I  am  not  at  all  agree- 
able to  his  government,  and  therefore  leave  it  to  him 
to  consult  with  M.  Caillard  how  far  it  may  be  proper 
to  risk  seeing  me.  He  seems  very  desirous.  This  af- 
ternoon the  ministers  of  Spain  and  Portugal,  with  the 
Marquise  de  Nadaillac  and  Baron  d'Escar  go  to  the 
garden  at  Charlottenburg,  which  they  are  so  kind  as  to 
show  me,  and  afterwards  we  take  tea  with  Mrs.  Brown,  the 
wife  of  the  King's  physician — an  English  family.  Here 
I  see  Princess  Augusta,  youngest  daughter  of  His  Prus- 
sian Majesty,  who  seems  desirous  to  please.  The  garden 
of  Charlottenburg  is  tolerable,  and  that  is  all.  On  our  re- 
turn, speaking  of  the  arrangements  of  old  Frederick  about 
his  posterity,  the  Baron  d'Escar  tells  me  the  history  of  the 
present  King  of  Sweden,  who  is  the  illegitimate  son  of 


1796.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  1/9 

the  Duchess  of  Sudermania.  Louis  XV.  was  said  to  be 
the  son  of  a  M.  de  Nangis.  The  questions  raised  as  to 
the  legitimacy  of  the  late  Dauphin  are  buried  now  in  the 
tomb  which  encloses  the  ashes  of  that  unfortunate  child. 
From  what  source  is  to  flow  the  new  line  of  Gallic  mon- 
archs?" 

"  I  am  introduced  to-day  [July  24th]  to  the  Princess 
Dowager  of  Hesse,  who  being  desirous  to  know  what  will 
probably  result  from  the  progress  of  the  French  arms,  I 
tell  her  that  the  little  princes  along  the  Rhine  must  lay 
their  account  in  being  the  humble  servants  of  the  Repub- 
lic. She  does  not  like  this.  Prince  Frederick  says  the 
proclamation  of  the  Duke  of  Brunswick  *  was  forced  upon 
him  by  the  King,  acting  with  the  advice  of  Shulemberg, 

who  adopted  the  plan  given  by ;  that  the  conduct  of 

the  campaign  was  contrary  to  the  advice  of  his  brother, 
Prince  Henry,  who  recommended  assembling  the  army  on 
the  frontier,  and  declaring  to  the  French  nation  that  it 
was  not  intended  to  invade  them,  much  less  to  dismember 
the  kingdom,  but  merely  to  re-establish  the  monarchy. 
This  plan  would  not  have  succeeded  better  than  the  other  ; 
at  least,  I  think  not.  But  all  the  past  is  now  consigned 
to  the  facts  of  history.  As  to  the  future,  it  is  in  the  hands 
of  that  Supreme  Intelligence  which  mocks  the  prudence 
of  man,  and  his  cunning,  which  we  presume  to  dignify 
with  the  name  of  wisdom." 

"  Call  on  Madame  de  Nadaillac  [July  25th].  The  Baron 
d'Escar  comes  in.  He  seems  a  little  hurt.  Dine  at  home, 
and  call  after  dinner  to  take  her  out  to  ride.  He  is  there, 
and  has  the  same  air.  He  wishes  to  marry  her,  a  foolish 
thing  for  both  of  them,  but  he  is  in  love  and  can't  see  it. 
She,  who  is  not,  opposes  but  pities  him.     I  advise  her  to 

*  William  Duke  of  Brunswick  married  Augusta,  sister  of  George  III.  of 
England. 


l8o  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXV. 

love  me,  which  she  seems  inclined  to,  but  reason  steps  in 
to  advise  her  against  it.  She  has  preserved  herself  pure 
from  a  man  she  was  much  attached  to  during  her  hus- 
band's life  by  respect  for  the  marriage  vow  ;  she  has  re- 
sisted the  King  of  Prussia,  who  offered  the  honors  of  the 
handlcerchief,  and  Prince  Louis,  whose  letters  she  shows 
me  proving  that  fact.  It  would  be  ridiculous  to  succumb 
now  to  a  voyageur  who  treats  everything  lightly,  and  yet 
such  a  thing  might  happen.  She  gives  me  the  character 
of  the  ministers  and  monarch  conformably  to  what  I  had 
previously  heard  among  the  members  of  the  Corps  Di- 
plomatique. The  Baron,  who  comes  after  our  return,  has 
an  air  of  despondency  which  touches  me,  and  which  is  far 
from  being  changed  by  perceiving,  in  the  countenance  of 
the  fair,  marks  of  sentiment  which  he  cannot  excite." 

"The  Vicomte  d'Anadia  and  Chevalier  de  Borghese 
breakfast  with  me  [July  26th].'  The  latter  tells  me  that 
the  French  are  at  their  old  work  of  destroying  nobility  in 
Italy.  Perhaps  some  persons  not  yet  involved  in  the  mis- 
chief may  awaken,  but  as  yet  the  sleep  appears  profound. 
When  they  are  gone  I  call  on  Lord  Elgin,*  and  we  con- 
verse fully  on  the  present  state  of  affairs.  He  considers 
the  Prussian  Cabinet  as  being  completely  in  the  hands  of 
France,  and,  moreover,  as  being  too  feeble,  from  the  per- 
sonal character  of  the  King,  to  undertake  and  pursue  any 
great  plan  of  politics.  He  says  they  will  confine  them- 
selves to  the  peculation  of  towns  and  districts  from  time 
to  time,  so  as  to  keep  up  the  attention  and  flatter  the  avid- 
ity of  the  Prussian  monarch  and  nation,  without  risking 
the  chances  of  remote  events  for  any  permanent  interest. 

*  Lord  Elgin  was  envoy  at  the  Court  of  Berlin  from  1795  to  1799,  whence  he 
proceeded  to  Constantinople  in  the  same  capacity.  To  this  latter  appoint- 
ment is  owed  the  collection  and  transportation  to  England  of  the  Elgin 
marbles  and  other  treasures  of  art  now  in  the  British  Museum. 


1796]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  l8l 

He  thinks  also  that  Russia  will  not  assent  to  any  arrange- 
ment which  may  give  an  increase  of  power  to  this  mon- 
archy. Things  seem,  however,  to  press  pretty  hard,  and, 
in  my  opinion,  if  a  decisive  conduct  be  not  speedily  adopt- 
ed, all  future  efforts  will  be  useless.  If,  however,  a  con- 
siderable battle  should  be  gained  against  the  French  in 
Upper  Suabia,  it  would  totally  change  the  face  of  affairs. 
Lord  Elgin  says  he  is  upon  the  scent  of  what  has  passed 
in  Pyrmont.  I  fancy  the  public  will  know  it  as  soon  as 
anybody  ;  for  if,  in  effect,  there  be  any  plan  adopted  there, 
its  execution  must  be  prompt  and  immediate.  He  gives 
me  the  history  of  the  little  stories  of  women  which  have 
lately  emanated  from  the  King  of  the  Bulgarians.  Evi- 
dently he  must  be  a  very  weak  Prince,  and  if  he  be  placed 
in  arduous  circumstances  he  must  be  ruined.  I  take  Ma- 
dame de  Nadaillac  to  dinner  at  M.  Haugwitz's.  A  petit 
diner,  after  which  some  conversation  with  him.  In  the 
course  of  it  we  agree  that  the  situation  of  Europe  is  very 
critical ;  that  the  German  Empire  is,  in  effect,  annihilated, 
and  the  name  of  it  only  useful  to  those  who,  in  the  inter- 
val which  precedes  its  public  dissolution,  know  how  to 
possess  themselves  of  its  spoils  ;  that  this  idea  formed  the 
basis  of  that  policy  pursued  by  old  Fritz  when  he  put 
himself  at  the  head  of  a  Germanic  Confederation  ;  that 
the  possession  of  Mayence  by  the  French  opens  for  them 
a  road  into  the  heart  of  Germany,  and  that  the  fate  of 
Europe  is  in  the  hands  of  the  Prussian  Cabinet.  I  ob- 
serve to  him  that,  however  it  may  have  been  in  the  inter- 
est of  this  Court  to  depress  the  Austrian  power,  it  seems 
by  no  means  advisable  to  overturn  it,  and  that  the  exten- 
sion of  the  power  of  France,  though  very  pleasing  to  us 
Americans  and  republicans,  cannot  be  perfectly  so  to  the 
kings  and  nobles  of  Europe,  who  will  probably  see  the 
anticipation  of  their  own  fate  in  ancient  history,  and  may 


1 82  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXXV. 

perhaps  already  perceive  that  the  Republic  of  France  is 
not  much  more  respectful  in  its  conduct  than  was  ancient 
Rome.  He  does  not  feel  pleasantly  under  this,  but  says, 
as  to  the  conduct  of  this  kingdom,  they  must  wait  and  let 
others  come  to  them  {laisser  venir),  which  may  be  trans- 
lated '  bid  at  their  auction.'  I  applaud  the  wisdom  of  this 
idea,  which  might,  however,  be  characterized  by  a  name 
less  noble,  and  only  add  that  if  they  suffer  matters  to  go 
one-half  inch  beyond  their  means  of  arresting  the  prog- 
ress, from  that  moment  they  are  lost ;  just  as  all  those 
have  been  hitherto  ruined  who,  in  a  like  indolence,  have 
looked  on  indifferent  at  the  fate  of  their  neighbors.  He 
tells  me  that  Saxony  wishes  now  to  connect  herself  feder- 
atively  with  Prussia.  He  does  not  say,  neither  do  I  ask, 
what  may  be  the  success  of  such  proposal,  because  I  pre- 
sume that  the  sense  of  the  French  Directory  must  be  first 
known.  I  tell  him  that  there  is  one  circumstance  well 
worthy  of  their  attention,  viz.,  that  the  French  Govern- 
ment, apprehensive  lest  the  army  should  overturn  them 
and  establish  the  authority  of  a  military  chief,  cannot  but 
desire  the  destruction  of  that  army  previous  to  a  peace, 
and  of  course  that  it  would  be  a  leading  point  of  policy 
with  them  to  re-establish  Poland,  in  the  course  of  which 
Russia  and  Prussia  could  not  do  them  a  greater  favor 
than  to  kill  their  troops.  This  conception  seems  never  to 
have  entered  into  people's  heads  here,  so  difficult  is  it  to 
comprehend  what  passes  before  our  eyes." 

"  Dine  [July  27th]  with  Lord  Elgin,  who  learns  that  a 
truce  of  nineteen  days  has  taken  place  between  Austria 
and  France.  He  communicates  to  me  whatever  he  knows 
of  the  situation  of  things ;  is  to  call  on  M.  d'Alvensleben,* 
who  hitherto  has  been  the  greatest  enemy  of  the  British 
Court." 
*  Philip  Charles  Comte  d'Alvensleben,  diplomatist  in  the  service  of  Prussia. 


1796.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  1 83 

"  I  dine  at  M.  Schmidt's  at  Charlottenburg  [July  28th]. 
We  have  a  large  company.  Lord  Elgin  tells  me  the  re- 
sult of  his  conference  with  M.  d'Alvensleben,  which  is  far 
more  satisfactory  than  he  expected.  I  go  to  Prince  Fer- 
dinand's. The  Princess  not  being  at  home,  I  await  her 
return." 

**  This  morning  [July  29th]  I  read,  and  write  a  letter. 
Call  on  the  Portuguese  and  British  ministers.  Dine  with 
Madame  de  Nadaillac.  Her  friend  and  adorer  the  Baron 
d'Escar  dines  also  with  us.  She  would  have  been  as  well 
content  if  he  had  not  come.  After  dinner  we  go  together 
to  the  rout  of  Madame  de  Haugvvitz,  which  is  just  like  all 
other  things  of  the  same  sort.  After  our  return  we  are 
unpen  froids^  and  then  trh  animis,  but  the  sound  of  the 
Baron's  boots  leaves  everything  undecided.  She  has  what 
the  French  call  une  tete  exaltde,  and  the  struggle  between 
her  reasonings  and  her  -wishes  gives  no  small  interest. 
Au  teste,  things  must  take  their  course  sans  que  je  m'en 
mile,  for  it  is  chance  which  usually  decides." 

During  his  visit  at  Berlin,  Morris,  in  fulfilment  of  a 
promise  made  to  Lord  Grenville  before  he  left  London, 
commenced  a  series  of  letters  to  his  lordship  in  which, he 
gave  him  information  of  the  state  of  Europe  and  of  the  feel- 
ing of  the  various  court  circles  in  which  he  moved.  The 
first  of  the  series  was  dated  July  28th,  and  in  a  very  straight- 
forward manner  he  set  before  his  lordship  the  state  of  feel- 
ing at  the  Court  of  Berlin,  and  the  "  object,  which  is,  my 
lord,"  he  says,  "  to  possess  the  King's  electoral  dominions  ; 
and,"  he  continues,  "  they  will  accomplish  it  unless  you  can 
reduce  their  power  to  a  second  order.  The  German  Empire 
still  exists  in  name,  but  in  fact  it  is  annihilated.  Those 
who  calculate  on  former  establishments  neglecting  pres- 
ent circumstances  will  be  dupes.  They  may  slumber  be- 
hind the  intrenchments  of  mouldy  records,  but  the  point 


1 84  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXXV. 

of  a  Prussian  bayonet  will  awaken  them.  Events  in  Italy 
and  on  the  Rhine  have  thrown  everything  into  confusion 
at  Vienna.  France  may  derive  every  advantage  from  it ; 
perhaps  she  will.  This  Cabinet  now  holds  the  fate  of 
Europe  in  its  hands.  If  you  mean  to  have  their  cordial 
assistance,  you  must  give  them  a  consideration  of  perma- 
nent value.  If  France  dictates  peace  to  Austria,  Prussia 
may  perhaps  risk  taking  Hanover,  and  holding  it  under  a 
French  guarantee.  That  will  depend  on  the  occupation 
which  can  be  found  for  the  Empress  of  Russia.  She  is 
not  immortal.  I  believe  it  is  possible  to  make  an  ar- 
rangement which  will  bring  you  to  a  solid  and  useful 
peace.  If  Prussia  receives  the  King's  electoral  dominions 
on  condition  that  you  get  the  countries  lying  north  of 
ancient  France  and  west  of  the  Rhine,  including  Dutch 
Flanders  with  Flushing  and  Berg-op-zoom  ;  if  Prussia 
give  Cleves  and  Prussian  Gelders  to  the  Stadtholder, 
erecting  Holland  into  a  monarchy  and  receiving  the 
Dutch  American  possessions ;  if  the  Emperor  receive 
Bavaria  ;  and  the  Elector  of  Bavaria,  in  lieu  of  it,  the 
German  territory  along  the  Rhine  in  possession  of  France, 
the  Emperor  leaving,  for  the  present  at  least,  his  posses- 
sions in  the  Milanese  to  the  King  of  Sardinia ;  you  sur- 
rendering to  France  her  possessions  in  the  East  and  West 
Indies,  but  keeping  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  and  Trinco- 
malee — if  these  things  be  done,  Prussia  becomes  your 
friend  from  the  double  tie  of  interest  and  apprehension. 
Once  get  her  at  sea  and  you  will  know  how  to  deal  with 
her.  The  same  thing  may  be  predicted  as  to  France,  so 
far  as  you  would  hereafter  work  upon  her  fears. 

"  If,  on  the  contrary,  you  possess  yourself  of  all  her 
transmarine  dominions,  from  that  moment,  she  confining 
herself  to  a  marine  merely  military,  you  are  reduced  to 
that  dependence  in  which  hitherto  she  has  been  held  to 


1796.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  1 85 

you,  because  in  a  marine  war  you  may  lose  much  and 
can  gain  nothing.  I  am  persuaded,  my  lord,  that  this 
Court  may  be  brought  to  concur  heartily  in  such  a  plan — 
which,  by  the  by,  Russia  will  certainly  dislike,  unless, 
indeed,  an  exchange  could  be  made  as  a  peace-offering  to 
the  Empress,  giving  her  Finland  for  Norway,  to  be  taken 
by  Sweden  at  the  expense  of  Denmark,  which  would  suit 
this  Cabinet  so  much  the  better  as  a  dispute  with  Den- 
mark would  favor  projects  against  Hamburg,  Liibeck,  and 
Mecklenburg,  reserving  the  entry  into  Holstein  for  the 
moment  when  Denmark  should  be  sufficiently  embar- 
rassed in  her  affairs  to  render  it  a  mere  parade  instead  of 
a  campaign.  Should  a  proper  understanding  take  place 
between  the  courts  interested  on  the  matters  above  men- 
tioned, it  seems  to  me  that  Prussia  might  come  forward 
and  offer  her  mediation  on  the  following  conditions : 
First,  the  status  quo  in  Europe  at  a  certain  day  past,  and 
in  Asia  and  America  a  certain  day  to  come.  Secondly,  the 
full  acknowledgment  of  that  form  of  government  which 
the  French  may  think  proper  to  adopt,  and  a  renuncia- 
tion of  all  claim  to  interfere  in  their  affairs.  Thirdly,  the 
inviolability  of  the  rights  of  property.  The  first  point 
would  cut  off  all  claims  and  clamors  of  retribution  by 
merging  precedent  dominion  in  the  rights  of  conquest. 
The  second,  indifferent  in  itself,  and  coupled  with  the  first, 
would  serve  as  a  lever  to  raise  the  army  and  people  of 
France  against  the  government,  if  the  mediation  should 
be  refused  and  the  force  of  Prussia  be  in  consequence 
once  more  exerted,  or  (if  you  please)  once  exerted,  against 
France.  The  third  point  would  enable  this  Cabinet  to  draw 
on  negotiation  into  length  so  as  to  exhaust  your  enemy, 
in  and  through  his  finance,  because  new  points  of  discus- 
sion might  continually  be  raised  and  would  serve  as  the 
ground  of  retribution  to  many  emigrants,  perhaps  to  all, 


1 86  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXV. 

and  even  obtain  some  valuable  compensation  to  the  Bour- 
bons for  the  royal  domain.  Among  the  many  circum- 
stances which  seem  to  call  for  decision,  that  which  may 
principally  interest  you  is  the  desire  of  France  to  preserve 
to  herself  one  enemy,  and  that  you  should  have  that  un- 
pleasant preference  ;  also  the  necessity  which  the  gov- 
ernment lies  under  of  employing  its  armies  until  they 
shall  be  reduced  to  a  safe  insignificance.  Your  fleet  may 
preserve  you  from  invasion,  or  cutting  off  all  supplies 
from  the  desultory  corps  thrown  on  your  coast  may  oper- 
ate their  destruction.  In  so  doing,  you  would  not  disserve 
the  Directory.  At  the  same  time,  I  cannot  but  think  that 
forty  or  sixty  thousand  victorious  Frenchmen  preaching 
republicanism  in  Britain  would  be  very  troublesome. 
But  although  you  would  preserve  the  kingdom  free  from 
injury,  perhaps  from  attack,  I  do  not  see  how  you  could 
preserve  His  Majesty's  Prussian  dominions.  If  peace  be 
dictated  to  Austria,  France  and  Prussia  will  find  employ- 
ment for  Russia  in  Turkey,  in  Poland,  and  in  Sweden. 
Denmark  will  be  awed  into  acquiescence  or  be  robbed  of 
her  Holstein.  You  are  cut  off  completely  from  all  means 
of  communication  with  your  allies  ;  in  short,  you  must  de- 
pend on  the  good  will  of  Russia,  when  her  interest  is  only 
secondary  and,  even  as  such,  remote. 

"  If  I  were  to  dwell  longer  on  these  subjects  I  should 
write  a  dissertation  instead  of  a  letter,  and  weary  you 
with  details  which  will  readily  suggest  themselves  without 
my  meddling.  I  pray  you  to  believe,  my  lord,  in  my 
respectful  attachment." 

"  This  morning  [August  ist]  I  visit  the  Chevalier  de 
Borghese  and  take  him  to  Lord  Elgin's,  where  we  dine. 
Marshal  Mollendorf  *  is  there,  and  M.  d'Alvensleben,  with 

*  Richard  Heinrich  von  Mollendorf,  Prussian  commander,  served  under 
Frederick  the  Great  in  the  principal  campaigns  of  the  Seven  Years'  War. 


1796]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  1 87 

whom  I  had  formerly  a  slight  acquaintance  in  London  at 
M.  de  la  Luzerne's.  The  old  field-marshal  feels  as  if  he 
could  give  the  French  a  dressing,  provided  he  was  let 
loose  upon  them." 

"  This  morning  [August  2d],  as  I  go  down-stairs  I  am 
recognized  by  the  valet-de-chambre  of  the  Vicomte  d'Or- 
leans.  This  is  lucky,  for  I  wished  to  see  him.  I  call  (on 
foot)  at  Madame  de  Nadaillac's  by  appointment.  She  is 
in  bed  indisposed,  and  her  friends,  of  course,  are  with  her. 
After  they  are  gone  I  sketch  out  a  letter  for  her,  and  vex 
and  please  her  alternately.  She  says  it  is  wrong,  and  I  am 
of  her  opinion.  The  Baron  comes  in,  and  we  consider  the 
letter  I  wrote.  It  will  probably  be  useless,  for  these  poor 
emigrants  are  determined,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest, 
that  they  will  always  act  imprudently.  Dine  with  Lord 
Elgin.  He  goes  out  of  town  again  at  night  on  one  of  his 
amorous  expeditions.  I  suggest  very  gently  to  him  that 
in  the  present  critical  situation  it  may  be  necessary  that 
he  should  be  here.  This  conversation  takes  place  at  M. 
de  Heinitz's,  where  I  spend  the  evening,  there  being  a 
great  entertainment.  From  dinner  I  go  to  see  the  Baron 
d'Alvensleben,  with  whom  I  have  a  long  conversation  on 
the  present  state  of  things.  He  lets  me  see  that  he  fears 
Russia,  and  wishes  not  to  break  with  France,  whose  suc- 
cesses nevertheless  alarm  him.  He,  like  all  weak  men,  is 
seeking  for  a  ground  of  future  hope  in  the  possible  con- 
tingencies, without  adverting  to  the  means  of  commanding 
fortune  by  strong  measures.  I  open  to  him  fully  the 
means  which  suggest  themselves  to  my  mind  for  pacify- 
ing Europe  without  danger,  and  with  much  gain  to  Prussia. 
He  thinks  France  will  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  part  with 
Flanders." 

In  1794  he  succeeded  the  Duke  of  Brunswick  as  commander-in-chief  of  the 
Prussian  Army.     Died  in  1816. 


1 88  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XXXV. 

"  The  Vicomte  d'Orleans  consumes  a  great  part  of  my 
morning  [August  4th].  I  dine  at  Charlottenburg  with 
M.  Schmidt,  and  am  seated  next  to  the  Comtesse  de  la 
Marche,  a  natural  daughter  of  the  King.  We  have  a  very- 
odd  conversation.  She  tells  me  how  she  is  closely  watched 
by  a  grandmother,  aunt,  and  governess,  who  are  here,  be- 
sides a  great-aunt  left  at  home  ;  ^ow  the  governess  is 
harsh  towards  pleasures  she  never  felt,  having  never  had 
a  lover,  and  her  husband  not  calculated  to  inspire  passion  ; 
how  her  aunt,  who  lias  had  many  lovers,  is  sly  and  cun- 
ning from  her  great  experience  ;  how  her  grandmother 
scolds  for  the  pleasure  of  scolding,  and  the  old  woman  at 
home  is  also  very  cross  ;  how  they  have  defied  her  to  de- 
ceive them,  and  yet  she  has  been  for  an  hour  together 
with  a  young  man  whom  she  loved,  and  (prodigious  effort) 
allowed  him  only  to  kiss  her,  for  which  cruel  coldness  a 
companion  she  had  found  fault  with  her.  After  dinner 
I  call  on  Madame  de  Nadaillac,  where  I  see  Madame  de 
Sabran.  She  is  much  changed,  and  from  a  handsome 
woman  has  become  coarse,  masculine,  with  an  air  effronte 
which  is  very  disagreeable.  Can  this  be  occasioned  by 
her  residence  at  Rhinesberg  ?  Is  vice  so  infectious  ? 
These  and  other  questions  might  be  curious  in  the  solu- 
tion." 

On  the  5th  of  August  Morris  wrote  the  second  of  the 
series  of  letters  to  Lord  Grenville,  which  contained  all  the 
information  he  had  gleaned  since  the  last  one  was  written. 

"  They  tremble  here,"  he  says,  "  at  the  knout,  so  that, 
could  they  persuade  themselves  that  the  Empress  of  Rus- 
sia would  live  ten  years,  her  wishes  would  be  their  law. 
The  success  of  the  French  excites  apprehension,  and  if 
vigorous  counsels  prevailed  you  would  probably  hear  of 
an  army  under  Mollendorf  as  the  prelude  of  an  offer  of 
mediation  without  consulting  any  of  the  belligerent  pow- 


1796]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  189 

ers.  As  far  as  I  can  judge,  they  have  hitherto  sought  for 
little  things  by  little  means,  but  now  await  the  proposals 
which  may  be  made  to  them.  Whatever  these  may  be, 
the  adherence  of  Russia  will  greatly  facilitate  the  adop- 
tion of  them.  They  try  to  persuade  themselves  tiiat 
France,  from  internal  divisions,  the  defect  of  finance,  or 
pure  good  will,  may  leave  them  unmolested.  It  has  been 
suggested  to  them  that  if  she  keep  possession  of  Flanders, 
give  up  her  colonies,  and  preserve  a  military  marine,  she 
will  fear  nothing  from  Britain,  who  can  never  afterwards 
be  considered  as  a  weight  against  her  in  the  general  scale 
of  Europe.  It  would  seem  that  this  idea  had  not  before 
presented  itself,  for  it  excited  serious  reflection.  On  their 
hope  of  quiet  either  from  the  interior  quarrels  or  exterior 
good  will  of  France,  it  has  been  observed  that  the  former 
would  (as  in  ancient  Rome)  become  the  constant  motive  to 
foreign  war,  and  that  France,  like  Rome,  the  enemy  of  all 
nations  (especially  those  under  kingly  government),  would 
grant  to  this,  as  to  any  other  monarch,  the  blessings  of 
her  friendship  till  the  moment  marked  for  his  destruc- 
tion. 

"In  effect,  my  lord,  I  have  no  doubt  that  France, 
whether  she  fall  under  the  dominion  of  an  usurper  (the 
natural  termination  to  her  present  state),  or  whether  she 
form  herself  into  some  tolerable  shape  of  republic,  may 
become  dangerous  to  the  liberty  of  all  Europe.  Should 
military  despotism  take  place,  that  cheap,  simple,  and  se- 
vere government  will  find  abundant  resources  in  the  soil, 
climate,  and  industry  of  so  fine  a  country.  I  cannot  say 
absolutely  that  it  is  in  your  power  to  decide  this  Cabinet, 
but  I  believe  so  ;  I  ought  to  have  said  somewhere  (and 
will  say  it  here)  that  the  character  of  this  people,  formed 
by  a  succession  of  rapacious  princes,  is  turned  towards 
usurpation.     The  war  with  France  was  disagreeable  to 


190  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XXXV. 

them,  because  it  melted  down  the  accumulations  of  old 
Frederick,  and  did  not  present  an  immediate  accession  of 
territory.  But  the  war  with  or,  rather,  against  Poland  was 
not  unpopular,  because  the  moral  principles  of  a  Prussian 
go  to  the  possession  of  whatever  he  can  acquire  ;  and  so 
little  is  he  the  slave  of  what  he  calls  vulgar  prejudice,  that, 
give  him  opportunity  and  means,  he  will  spare  you  the 
trouble  of  finding  a  pretext.  This  liberality  of  sentiment 
greatly  facilitates  negotiation,  for  it  is  not  necessary  to 
clothe  propositions  in  honest  and  decent  forms. 

"  It  is  not  impossible  that  the  Imperial  troops  may  be  at 
length  victorious,  and  in  such  case  the  French  army,  if 
hotly  pursued,  must  be  destroyed.  Such,  at  least,  is  the 
opinion  which  common-sense  dictates,  and  which  in  con- 
versation with  old  MoUendorf  he  strongly  confirmed. 
He  went  so  far  as  to  say  that  sixty  thousand  men,  well 
commanded,  could  not  fail  to  force  the  French  back  over 
the  Rhine.  With  the  weight  of  such  an  authority,  I  also 
am  disposed  to  believe  the  same  thing.  But  I  do  not  be- 
lieve in  the  well  commanded,  and,  indeed,  had  made  up  my 
mind  to  a  part  of  what  has  happened  when  Prince  Charles 
was  appointed  to  succeed  Claerfayt.  These  reiterated 
misfortunes  may  perhaps  impel  the  Imperial  Cabinet  to 
the  nomination  of  an  abler  chief,  with  discretionary  pow- 
ers, and  certainly  the  French,  so  far  advanced  without 
magazines,  are  in  a  critical  condition.  The  fortune  of  war, 
therefore,  may  restore  the  affairs  of  the  Allies,  but  how  far 
it  may  be  prudent  to  trust  that  capricious  goddess  is  not 
for  me  to  decide.  I  have  said  that  this  Court  would  ac- 
complish their  object  unless  their  power  could  be  reduced 
to  a  second  order.  I  was  impressed  with  the  practicability 
of  such  a  plan  in  the  spring  of  1795,  and  since  I  have  been 
here  my  belief  amounts  almost  to  conviction.  But  the 
most  favorable  moment  has  gone  by,  and  the  difficulties 


1796]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  19I 

are  increased.  Little  can  be  expected  from  Austria, 
though  everything  may  be  hoped  from  the  feebleness  of 
the  Prussian  King  and  Cabinet.  Is  it  to  be  attempted  ? 
On  that  question  I  may  observe  that  you  might  count  on 
the  cordial  aid  of  your  imperial  allies,  who  will  not  so 
readily  concur  to  aggrandize  the  House  of  Brandenburg, 
and  may  oppose  the  exchanges  mentioned  in  my  last  let- 
ter. These,  however,  are,  to  the  best  of  my  judgment,  most 
advisable  for  England,  because  they  furnish  the  probable 
means  of  wresting  the  Low  Countries,  and  securing  the 
independence  of  Holland  ;  so  far,  at  least,  as  Holland  can 
be  independent.  The  plan  I  contemplated  for  reducing 
Prussia  was  to  erect  a  new  but  hereditary  kingdom  of  Po- 
land, with  a  constitution  as  free  and  energetic  as  the  moral 
state  of  the  people  may  admit ;  such  kingdom  to  consist  of 
the  country  ceded  by  the  last  partition  to  Austria,  and  the 
whole  of  the  Prussian  acquisitions,  together  with  Prus- 
sian Silesia,  a  corner  of  Lower  Lusatia,  the  New  Marche, 
and  that  part  of  Pomerania  lying  east  of  the  Oder.  I  have 
no  question  but  that  two  hundred  thousand  Austrian  and 
Russian  troops  would  speedily  have  effected  this,  with  the 
aid  of  Kosciusko  and  his  Poles.  With  this,  as  with  every 
other  arrangement  for  permanent  peace,  I  couple  the  pos- 
session of  Bavaria  by  Austria.  But,  under  such  hypoth- 
esis, there  would  result  a  solecism  in  British  politics. 
While,  as  Englishmen,  you  must  seek  and  seize  the  means 
of  reducing  French  power  and  influence,  you  must,  as 
Germans,  wish  for  their  increase  in  order  to  secure  your 
Hanover  against  the  imperial  pretensions.  Hence  an  os- 
cillation of  measures  dependent  on  personal  character. 
It  is  sufficient  to  present  this  idea,  improper  to  pursue 
it.  Indifferent  to  the  fate  of  the  German  Empire,  you 
miglit  choose  your  allies  according  to  your  immediate  in- 
terest.    The  aggrandizement  of  the   two  empires  on  the 


192  '  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXX  V^. 

side  of  Italy  and  Constantinople  would  be  useful  to  you, 
by  forming  two  naval  powers  in  the  Mediterranean  to 
balance  your  constant  enemies,  France  and  Spain  ;  for 
Spain  seems  irrecoverably  attached  to  her  neighbor  by 
the  relation  of  weakness  to  force.  Whether  your  popula- 
tion could  resist,  through  a  long  struggle,  the  weight  of  a 
people  spread  out  from  the  Alps  and  the  Rhine  to  the 
Pillars  of  Hercules  is  a  question  I  will  not  presume  to  de- 
cide. Experience  has  taught  me  a  sincere  faith  in  the 
fallacy  of  human  opinions,  and  more  especially  of  my 
own.     I  am,  my  lord,  your  obedient  servant." 

"  Call  after  dinner  [August  7th]  on  the  Russian  Minis- 
ter, M.  Kalitchoff.  We  have  a  long  conversation  on  the 
means  of  restoring  peace  to  Europe,  and  the  influence 
which  the  Empress  may  have  over  this  Cabinet  to  that  ef- 
fect. I  explain  to  him  how  an  exchange  of  Hanover  for 
the  Low  Countries  will  tend  to  secure  to  Russia  the  un- 
varying friendship  of  England,  and  he  is  struck  with  the 
force  of  the  observation.  He  tells  me  that  the  want  of  a 
proper  minister  here  has  greatly  weakened  the  influence 
of  his  Court ;  that  they  were  in  the  habit,  before  his  time, 
of  presenting  an  office,  and,  instead  of  discussing  the  sub- 
ject of  it,  to  hear  the  reasons  against  it  and  transmit  them 
to  Petersburg,  which  had  the  double  mischief  of  creating 
delay  and  exciting  the  indignation  of  this  Court  by  the 
air  of  superiority  which  resulted  from  it.  He  says  that 
Catherine  sent  an  agent  to  Brunswick  as  soon  as  the  King 
of  Prussia  opened  a  treaty  with  France,  to  oppose  the  ef- 
fect of  it ;  that  a  Hanoverian  who  was  here  as  a  simple 
chargd  d'affaires  prevailed  on  Bischofswerder  to  obtain 
from  the  King  a  refusal  to  ratify,  and  consequent  recom- 
mencement of  hostilities,  provided  the  arrears  of  the  Eng- 
lish subsidy  be  placed  ready  at  his  order  in  Hamburg.  At 
that  time  Great  Britain  had  no  minister  here.     He  com- 


1796-1  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  193 

plains  that  the  English  and  Russian  ministers  at  Vienna 
are  not  equal  to  their  business,  for  that  otherwise  they 
might  have  prevented  the  Austrian  Cabinet  from  commit- 
ting many  follies.  He  urges  me  to  stay  here  a  little  longer 
to  see  what  may  be  the  state  of  affairs  in  Saxony  and  Bo- 
hemia, if  not  to  learn  the  decisions  of  this  Cabinet  after 
the  King's  arrival. 

"I  go  from  his  house  to  visit  Madame  de  Nadaillac. 
She  tells  me  that  the  Chevalier  de  Borghese  has  told  her 
the  freedom  of  my  conversation  here  on  political  subjects 
has  given  offence.  She  could  not  get  out  of  him  his  in- 
formant, but  from  what  he  said,  and  which  she  repeats,  I 
collect  that  if  my  ideas  be  not  pushed  by  the  powers  which 
be,  the  ministers  will  be  vexed  at  the  attention  they  gave 
them.  I  mean  not  to  stay  here  much  longer,  and  during 
that  time  shall  not  say  anything  more  unless  solicited. 
Sooner  or  later  they  will  find  that  my  views  are  favorable 
to  the  peace  and  happiness  of  mankind.  He  has  got  his 
information  by  halves,  and  is  certainly  not  in  the  secret  of 
what  passes  here.  Madame  de  Nadaillac  tells  me  not  to 
be  surprised  if  my  stay  at  Berlin  should  be  irksome  to  the 
Cabinet.  Sensible  of  their  insignificance,  and  that  they 
are  only  the  clerks  of  their  officers,  they  fear  that  the  eye 
of  a  stranger  should  penetrate  the  arcana  of  their  humili- 
ating condition,  etc.  She,  like  all  people  of  imagination, 
exaggerates  ;  but  there  is  a  foundation  of  truth,  and  I 
place  it  in  the  apprehension  that  a  stranger  should  dis- 
cover the  feebleness  of  their  internal  condition.  They  are 
sensible  that  it  is  too  late  to  conceal  it  from  me,  for  it 
formed  one  strong  feature  of  my  conversation  with  M. 
d'Alvensleben,  and  it  could  not  but  be  disagreeable  to 
him.  I  had  occasion  also  to  touch  on  the  state  of  the 
Cabinet,  respectfully  but  freely,  so  as  to  show  that  the  de- 
cisive measures  which  might  have  marked  the  conduct  of 
Vol.  II.— 13 


194  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XXXV. 

the  King  in  circumstances  like  the  present  could  not,  per- 
haps, be  safely  recommended  at  this  moment.  This  is  also 
a  bitter  and  unpleasant  truth,  which  they  must  feel,  but 
cannot  like  to  hear  ?  " 

"To-day  [August  8th]  I  dine  with  M.  Schmidt,  whose 
attentions  have  been  unremitted  and  whose  table  is  excel- 
lent. The  Chevalier  de  BoufHers,  who  sees  me  from  the 
street,  comes  up.  He  is  just  arrived  from  Poland.  Time 
has  worn  him  down  since  I  last  saw  him.  He  puts  on  an 
infinity  of  warmth,  and  I  preserve  my  natural  coldness. 
In  effect,  I  was  not  much  pleased  with  his  conduct  before 
he  left  France,  and  still  less  with  what  I  hear  of  him  since. 
Call  on  Madame  de  Nadaillac.  She  has  with  her  a  May- 
en^ais,  and  when  he  leaves  her  she  tells  me  his  conversa- 
tion consisted  in  the  history  of  his  courtship  and  marriage. 
The  first  occupied  several  years,  and  at  last  the  power  of 
almighty  love  induced  the  yielding  fair  one  to  make  the 
promise  of  her  hand.  They  were  married  at  eight  in  the 
morning,  and,  agreeably  to  the  custom  of  the  country, 
went  immediately  out  of  town ;  but  the  same  custom  ren- 
dering it  improper  for  them  to  ride  together,  his  brother 
accompanied  the  bride,  who  fell  in  love  with  her  on  the 
way,  and  thus  deprived  his  brother  of  his  newly  acquired 
treasure.  This  brotherly  conduct  speaks  highly  in  favor 
of  the  manners  of  Mayence.  Madame  de  Nadaillac  com- 
plains that  I  did  not  come  sooner,  and  that  I  leave  her  so 
shortly  after  I  arrive,  to  go  and  pass  a  dull  evening  with 

Madame  la  Gen^rale .     Talk  a  sort  of  reason  to  her 

which  no  woman  can  bear  unless  pretty  well  touched  by 
the  wicked  child,  and  take  advantage  of  the  little  ill-humor 
thus  excited  to  leave  her  abruptly.  She  repents  before  I 
am  out  of  the  door,  and  bids  me  adieu  by  way  of  bringing 
me  back  ;  but  I  pursue  my  route  without  a  word  or  look, 
and  in  my  way  meet  the  Baron,  who  is,  I  presume,  going 


1796.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  195 

thither,  and  will  suffer  under  the  crossness  of  which  I  am 
the  cause.  I  come  home  early,  so  as  to  leave  my  fair  friend 
time  for  reflection,  having  told  her  that  I  will  leave  Berlin 
in  a  few  days." 

"  This  morning  [August  9th],  write,  and  dine  at  home. 
I  received,  as  I  expected,  a  note  this  morning  from  Ma- 
dame de  Nadaillac,  to  which  I  answered  unpen  lestement, 
but  yet  leaving  room  for  what  actually  happened.  Ac- 
cording to  her  desire  I  visit  her  this  afternoon,  but,  as  the 
devil  would  have  it,  I  meet  the  Chevalier  de  Boufflers  on 
the  stairs,  who  has  been  denied  admission.  The  arrival  of 
my  carriage  has  produced  a  change.  Madame  is  at  home, 
but  the  intended  tete-a-tete  does  not  take  place." 

The  result  of  this  morning's  work  was  the  following 
letter  to  Lady  Sutherland,  for  whom  and  Lord  Gower 
Morris  cherished  a  sincere  and  lasting  friendship. 

"Berlin,  August  9,  1796, 
"  Countess  of  Sutherland,  London  : 

**  I  shall  direct  this  letter  to  you,  dear  lady,  in  London, 
though' I  suppose  you  are  enjoying  the  tranquillities  of 
Wimbledon,  where,  if  I  had  a  certain  wishing-cap,  I  should 
find  myself  sitting  next  to  you,  delighted  to  see  and  hear 
'you  all  the  while,  softly  speak  and  sweetly  smile.'  Luck- 
ily this  same  cap  does  not  fit  my  head,  otherwise  I  should 
have  been  to  you  a  most  troublesome  guest.  I  will  not 
say  anything  to  you  on  public  affairs,  because  (and  here  I 
might  take  the  credit  of  discretion,  but  prefer  the  humble 
truth)  I  am  not  in  the  secret.  But  when  you  are  Prime 
Minister  and  take  me  for  your  principal  secretary,  oh, 
then,  we  will  have  rare  politics !  We  of  the  society  in 
Berlin,  which  you  will  observe  is  a  translation  of  la  soci^t^, 
etc.,  are  delighted  at  the  misfortunes  of  the  Austrian 
armies,  which  we  attribute  to  the  misconduct  of  that  Cab- 


196  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXXV. 

inet,  a  circumstance  which  gives  us  additional  pleasure. 
We  cannot  find  words  to  express  our  astonishment  that  the 
French,  whose  armies  do  not  altogether  exceed  200,000 
men,  should  hold  Holland,  conquer  Italy,  ravage  Ger- 
many, and  threaten  the  destruction  of  the  House  of  Aus- 
tria. I  recollect  telling  you,  when  I  last  saw  you  at  Wim- 
bledon, that  I  expected  no  good  on  the  Rhine,  and  now 
I  will  whisper  in  your  ear  that,  if  Claerfayt  should  be 
again  sent  to  command  the  Austrian  army,  he  would  prob- 
ably drive  the  French  beyond  the  Rhine  faster  (if  pos- 
sible) than  they  have  advanced  ;  and  that  because,  very 
gayly  (i  la  frangaise),  they  have  thrown  themselves  pre- 
cipitately forward  without  magazines  or  resources,  so  that, 
checked  in  front  and  a  small  body  of  troops  thrown  on 
their  left  flank,  they  would  be  obliged  to  make  off,  or  to 
be  cut  off. 

"This,  however,  is  not  what  I  meant  to  tell  you  ;  but 
that  there  is  somewhere  in  this  neighborhood  a  poor  man 
who  took  it  into  his  head  to  fall  in  love  with  you,  which 
whim,  after  tormenting  him  a  sufficient  time  in  England, 
at  length  drove  him  hither  out  of  his  senses.  I  do  not 
recollect  his  name,  and  you,  I  suppose,  keep  no  account 
of  such  trifles ;  but  truly,  lady,  if  madness  be  the  conse- 
quence, I  am  determined  to  get  out  of  love,  for  I  would 
not  be  mad,  ye  gods !  not  mad ;  no,  not  for  all  the  pleas- 
ures which  madmen  only  are  acquainted  with.  It  is  not  by 
way  of  whim,  nor  yet  absolutely  for  the  pleasure  of  meet- 
ing you  at  Vienna — though,  indeed,  such  an  idea  would  go 
far»to  sway  my  judgment — but  for  reasons  which  I  will 
leave  Lord  Gower  to  guess  at,  that  I  wish  he  were  ap- 
pointed Ambassador  Extraordinary  to  the  Emperor.  Per- 
haps your  friend  Dundas  could  tell  you  why  ;  perhaps 
you  may  guess  yourself,  on  reading  over  this  letter.  A 
person  who  talked  to  me  lately  on  this  subject  mentioned 


1796.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  I97 

my  Lord  Malmesbury.  I  have  been  asked  if  Sir  Morton 
Eden  was  considered  an  able  man  (for  my  accent  in 
speaking  induces  folks  to  believe  I  am  an  Englishman). 
I  answered^  as  you  may  well  suppose,  that  I  knew  nothing 
of  the  matter.  Adieu,  dear  lady.  Remember  me  to  your 
lord,  and  say  for  me  to  yourself  whatever  you  may  like 
best,  only  observing  that  I  won't  be  mad." 

"M.  le  Comte  Gaspar^  called  this  morning  [August  9th]. 
He  dashed  into  politics  ;  is  very  desirous  that  Prussia 
should  take  part  in  the  contest.  He  dines  every  day  with 
Haugwitz  ;  was  scandalized  at  a  conversation  the  other 
day  with  Prince  Louis,  when  Haugwitz,  Major  Walker,  and 
himself  formed  the  whole  of  the  society.  The  ministers 
here  do  not  want  ability  nor  intelligence,  but  the  weakness 
of  the  monarch  prevents  them  from  acting  a  decisive  part. 
Haugwitz  and  Bischofswerder  are  very  well  together,  and 
it  is  understood  that  all  propositions  not  made  to  the  for- 
mer must  fall  to  the  ground." 

Again,  on  the  loth,  Morris  sent  to  Lord  Grenville  a 
budget  of  suggestions  and  hints,  as  follows  : 

"  Lord  Elgin  tells  me  that  he  shall  send  a  messenger 
this  evening.  I  will,  therefore,  trouble  your  lordship  with 
some  loose  thoughts  respecting  this  Court.  You  know 
that  ever  since  the  accession  of  his  present  Majesty  *  there 
have  been  endless  intrigues  to  possess  him,  and  through 
him  the  power  of  the  State.  These  still  exist,  and  are  pur- 
sued with  unceasing  attention,  so  that  no  great  plan  of 
conduct  can  be  adopted,  from  the  fear  that  some  untoward 
incident  should  disgust  the  monarch  before  things  could 
be  brought  to  issue,  in  which  case  the  advisers  and  sup- 
porters of  the  plan  would  be  overturned.  It  is  from  this 
very  circumstance  that  I  think  it  possible  to  obtain  from 

*  Francis  II.     Came  to  the  throne  in  1792. 


L 


198  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXXV. 

Russia  the  complete  direction  of  this  Cabinet.  To  that 
effect  it  would  be  proper  to  understand  perfectly  with 
Bischofswerder  and  his  right-hand  man,  Haugwitz,  so  that 
their  greatness  should  be  intimately  combined  with  your 
interests.  Furnish  them  money  when  the  success  of  their 
intrigue  may  require  it,  and  let  them  feel  that  it  is  better, 
as  well  as  safer,  to  put  themselves  into  the  hands  of  a 
monarchy  instead  of  a  republic.  The  Cabinet  of  Peters- 
burg combined  with  you  in  such  a  plan,  the  King  will  be 
made  to  understand  that  both  his  interest  and  his  quiet 
require  a  full  confidence  in  those  ministers.  Then  an  ef- 
ficient Cabinet  will  at  once  exist,  and  after,  it  begins  to 
act  and  feel  (to  its  astonishment,  perhaps)  that  every  great 
movement  must  be  guided  by  your  will.  Observe  that  it  is 
at  present  understood  between  Bischofswerder  and  Haug- 
witz  that  proposals  not  primarily  addressed  to  the  latter 
shall  be  unsuccessful.  If  I  have  a  just  view  of  the  ground 
it  will  be  in  vain  to  try  (by  showing  only  public  advantage) 
to  lead  this  Court  into  the  measures  you  might  wish,  and 
that  for  the  reasons  already  mentioned.  I  do  not  conceive 
it  possible  to  do  anything  if  you  wait  for  the  assent  of 
Austria,  unless  you  have  a  complete  direction  and,  in- 
deed, dictation  there.  But,  if  I  am  rightly  informed,  this 
is  not  so  much  the  case  as  it  ought  to  be,  all  things  con- 
sidered. I  will  not  say  anything  on  that  subject,  for  evi- 
dent reasons.  Propositions  from  England,  supported  by 
Russia,  will  meet  with  a  readier  attention  than  if  the  voice 
of »the  Emperor  should  be  heard.  This  fact  your  lordship 
is  well  apprised  of.  I  think  the  contents  of  this  letter 
will  try,  if  not  tire,  your  patience,  so  1  will  proceed  no 
farther." 

"To-day  [August  nth]  I  write  a  while,  then  walk  to 
Madame  de  Nadaillac's,  where  I  waste  some  time.  In  con- 
sequence I  reach  Lord  Elgin's  later  than  I  expected  and 


1796.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  I99 

intended,  so  that  I  have  not  a  view  of  some  letters  he  was 
to  show  me  containing  intelligence  of  the  Austrian  army. 
While  we  are  at  dinner  the  Prince  de  Reusse  comes 
in,  reads  a  letter  brought  by  estafette  which  announces  a 
victory  gained  over  the  French  at  Brescia  by  General 
Quasdanowiche,  with  some  small  advantages,  under  Wiirm- 
ser,*  in  descending  along  the  Adige,  consequent  upon 
which  the  French  have  precipitately  retired  from  below 
Mantua,  leaving  their  artillery,  etc.  This  affair  promises 
to  be  decisive  in  its  consequences.  After  dinner  the  Eng- 
lish mail  arrives,  and  Lord  Elgin  receives  a  letter  an- 
nouncing the  arrival  of  Mr.  Hammond,  who  comes  by 
Hanover  and  Minden.  Mysteries  which  must  explain 
themselves  (says  Sterne)  are  not  worth  a  conjecture.  I 
pass  the  evening  at  Prince  Ferdinand's;  and  give  him 
these  tidings,  he  finds  very  unpleasant.  Sitting  next  to 
the  Princess  and  conversing  with  her  friend  Schmittau, 
while  the  deals  at  whist  permit  it,  we  agree  that  the  French 
in  Germany  are  exposed  to  a  similar  coup,  all  which  is 
more  edifying  than  pleasant  to  her  Royal  Highness.  After 
his  game  is  over  the  prince  asks  me  what  I  think  of  this 
affair  and  its  consequences.  I  tell  him  truly  what  may,  in 
my  opinion,  result  from  it,  if  the  Austrians  are  able  to 
push  forward  with  vigor,  and  add  that  if  the  corps  under 
Wartensleben  receives  sufficient  re-enforcements  to  strike 
a  blow  on  the  Main,  the  French  armies  in  Germany  will 
be  completely  dissipated.  He  gives  a  melancholy  assent." 
"This  morning  [August  12th]  the  Prince  de  Reusse 
breakfasts  with  me,  and  we  have  a  long  conversation  on 
the  state  of  public  affairs,  the  means  of  remedying  present 

*  Dagpbert  Sigismund  Count  Wurmser,  an  eminent  Austrian  general. 
Fought  against  the  Prussians  in  the  Seven  Years'  War.  In  1793  he  com- 
manded the  army  against  the  French  which  drove  them  across  the  frontier 
into  Alsace.  Bonaparte  defeated  him  at  Lonato,  August  3,  1796.  He  died 
in  1797. 


200  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XXXV. 

evils,  and  a  plan  for  future  tranquillity.  He  tells  me  that 
Haugwitz,  when  he  communicated  the  news  from  Italy, 
affected  much  joy,  I  walk  out  and  call  on  Lord  Elgin, 
who  cannot  receive  me  because  he  has  much  business. 
Qu. :  Is  Hammond  arrived  ?  I  met  in  the  street  M. 
Giustiniani,  who  tells  me  that  I  disturb  very  much  the 
Baron  d'Escan.  Afterwards  meet  M.  de  Rosencrantz, 
who  walks  with  me  to  discuss  a  little  the  state  of  things. 
Leave  him  at  the  door  of  Madame  de  Nadaillac.  She  is 
pained  by  my  departure,  fixed  for  Monday.  I  dine  at  Lord 
Elgin's.  He  says  Mr.  Hammond  is  not  yet  arrived,  and 
he  suspects  that  he  is  coming  to  replace  him,  on  ac- 
count of  the  leave  of  absence  which  he  had  requested.  I 
cannot  suppose  this  to  be  the  case.  He  tells  me  that  he 
could  not  receive  me  because  he  had  a  great  many  people 
with  him.  Qu.  :  At  dinner  we  learn  that  the  Prince  de 
Hohenlohe  succeeds  General  Wartensleben,  which  gives 
room  to  expect  that  something  effective  may  be  done.  It 
seems  to  me  that  if  he  can  move  forward  down  the  Main 
the  French  must  be  put  in  a  very  dangerous  situation." 

"  Lord  Elgin  takes  me  to  dine  at  Marshal  Mollendorf's 
[August  14th].  After  dinner  I  have  some  conversation 
with  the  old  man  respecting  his  campaign  of  1794,  in 
which  he  finds  fault  with  the  British  administration  ;  but 
on  our  return  I  mention  it  to  Lord  Elgin,  who  says  the 
marshal's  representations  are  not  just.  Spend  the  even- 
ing* with  Madame  de  Nadaillac.  Weather  warm.  She 
tells  me  that  there  has  been  a  riot  at  Stettin,  which  hav- 
ing gone  rather  too  far,  the  military  were  called  on  to  dis- 
perse it,  but  refused  to  act  against  the  citizens.  This,  if 
true,  contrasts  a  little  with  the  sentiments  Count  Haug- 
witz delivered  to  me  this  day.  He  said  that  he  was 
not  so  apprehensive  of  insurrections  here  as  in  some  other 
parts  of  Germany  ;   that   the    military  here  is  good  and 


i7S>6.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  201 

may  be  relied  on.  He  observed  that  an  increase  of  it 
tends  to  increase  the  revenue,  because  the  quartering  of 
troops  in  provinces  where  the  culture  is  yet  imperfect 
from  the  want  of  cattle  and  instruments  of  husbandry,  by 
increasing  the  circulation,  enables  the  peasant  to  procure 
those  means,  after  which  he  can  afford  to  pay  higher 
taxes.  I  think  he  has  too  much  understanding  not  to  see 
where  the  fallacy  of  such  argument  rests  ;  so  I  leave  it 
untouched,  but  express  the  kind  of  consent  which  con- 
sists more  in  wonder  than  in  conviction.  He  vaunts  the 
principles  of  the  monarchy,  and  tells  me  that  however  the 
King  may  have  been  led  to  abandon  them  the  force  of 
things  will  bring  him  back.  Madame  de  Nadaillac  wishes 
to  go  with  me  to  Potsdam  ;  but  this  would  make  a  history 
hurtful  to  her.  M.  d'Anadia  is  to  bring  her  back,  but  in 
going  home  together  he  shows  me  that  he  wishes  to  de- 
cline that  journey." 

"This  morning  [August  15th]  M.  de  Kalitchoff  calls  on 
me,  and  we  have  a  conversation  on  the  state  of  this  country, 
its  views,  and  its  relations  to  others.  He  tells  me  that 
the  Prince  of  Orange  told  him  a  new  plan  was  in  contem- 
plation for  bringing  the  old  coalition  again  into  activity  on 
a  new  basis.  He  conjectures  that  Mr.  Hammond  comes 
forward  on  that  subject.  N.B. :  The  English  newspapers 
say  he  is  coming  to  set  on  foot  a  treaty  of  peace.  Pay  my 
bill  and  pack  up  ;  this  house  is  dear  and  not  good.  The 
Baron  d'Escar  calls  to  take  leave.  I  tell  him  that  I  shall 
wait  Madame  de  Nadaillac's  orders  all  the  morning,  and 
will  stay  till  to-morrow  if  she  chooses  to  go  to  Potsdam. 
Set  off  at  half-past  one,  and  reach  Potsdam  in  three  hours. 
This  evening  I  walk  out  to  see  the  town,  palace,  and  gar- 
den. A  very  dull,  unpeopled  place  ;  it  looks  like  the 
vulgar  expression  of  'Would  if  I  could.'  The  weather  is 
warm  but  pleasant." 


202  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXVL 


CHAPTER  XXXVL 

Dresden.  French  emigrants  fill  the  streets.  Letter  to  Lady  Sutherland. 
Manners  and  customs  of  Dresden.  Goes  to  Court  Dines  with 
the  Duchess  of  Cumberland.  Countess  Loos.  Leaves  Dresden. 
Vienna.  Baron  Thugut.  Sir  Morton  Eden.  Is  presented  to  the 
Emperor.  News  from  the  army.  Letter  to  Lord  Grenville.  The 
Duke  of  "Wtirtemberg.  Is  presented  to  the  Archduchess.  Madame 
of  France.  M.  Rassoomousky.  An  evening  at  Madame  Pergin's. 
The  French  Directory  answers  Lord  Malmesbury.  Affairs  in  Italy. 
Death  of  the  Empress  of  Russia.  Accounts  of  the  event.  Conversa- 
tion with  Baron  Thugut.  Letter  to  Lord  Grenville  apropos  of  La- 
fayette's release.  Morris's  arrival  at  Dresden  occasions  inquiry. 
Madame  de  Colorath's  assembly.  A  little  prince's  observations. 
Musicale  at  Mrs.  Peploe's.  The  levee.  Prince  Esterhazy.  Tea  with 
Sir  Morton  Eden. 

ARRIVED  at  Dresden  (August  19th),  Morris  made 
himself  known  to  the  various  ministers  to  whom  he 
had  letters.  The  Hanoverian  ambassador  made  arrange- 
ments to  present  him  the  next  day  at  Court,  and  in  the 
mean  time  sent  out  **  half  a  hundred  cards  to  the  different 
ministers."  The  number  of  French  emigrants  "  which 
seemed  to  fill  the  streets  of  the  town  "  painfully  attracted 
Morris's  attention.  Speaking  of  them,  he  says  :  "  They  are 
travelling  eastward  to  avoid  their  countrymen.  They  are 
allowed  to  stay  only  three  days.  Unhappy  people  !  Yet 
they  are  employed  in  seeing  everything  curious  which  they 
can  get  at ;  are  serene,  even  gay.  So  great  a  calamity  could 
never  light  on  shoulders  which  could  bear  it  so  well  ;  but, 
alas  !  the  weight  is  not  diminished  by  the  graceful  manner 
of  supporting  it.     The  sense,  however,  is  less  by  all  that 


1796.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  203 

spleen  and  ill-humor  could  add  to  torment  the  afflicted. 
Doubtless  there  are  many  among  them  who  have  a  con- 
sciousness of  rectitude  to  support  them.  This  ground  of 
hope  in  the  kindness  of  that  Being  who  is  to  all  his  creat- 
ures an  indulgent  father,  with  the  cheerfulness  of  temper 
which  nature  has  given  to  some  of  her  favored  children, 
may  make  their  hearts  beat  lightly  in  their  bosoms  while 
those  of  their  more  fortunate  oppressors  shall  sink  and 
sicken ;  for  surely  the  oppressor  can  never  be  happy. 
I  flatter  myself  with  the  belief  that  a  great  majority  of 
those  in  France  virould  rejoice  at  an  opportunity  to  call 
home  their  bretliren  wandering  in  proscribed  wretched- 
ness through  a  world  which  is  to  them  almost  a  wilder- 
ness.    But  the  day  is  yet  perhaps  at  a  distance." 

"We  have  to-day  [August  2othJ,  at  the  table  d'hote,  a 
physician  of  the  Electress  Dowager  of  Bavaria,  who  takes 
refuge  here.  After  dinner  the  Baron  de  Mestmacher  calls 
on  me.  He  says  he  believes  his  Court  will  interfere  to 
support  the  Germanic  body.  Qu.:  If  he  be  not  a  Ger- 
man, and  if  his  ideas  are  not  tinctured  by  the  prejudices 
of  his  birth  ?  He  gives,  however,  a  reason  which  has  some 
weight,  viz.,  that  the  German  mass,  disunited  as  it  is,  can 
never  be  formidable  to  Russia,  which  it  might  be  if  united, 
or  apy  part  of  it  united,  under  one  head.  After  he  leaves 
me  (by  the  by,  he  mentions  a  report  that  my  friend  Wo- 
ronzow  is  to  be  transferred  to  Vienna)  I  go  to  walk  ;  my 
route  lies  to  the  westward  of  the  town,  and  at  length  sit 
down  on  the  grass,  in  one  of  the  finest  situations  I  ever 
beheld.  On  my  right,  up  the  river,  is  the  bridge  ;  on  one 
side  of  the  river,  the  handsome  Catholic  church,  on  the 
other,  the  new  Electoral  Palace,  are  prominent  features 
of  the  town-view,  beyond  which  tower  the  hills,  covered 
with  forest,  and  that  interspersed  with  villas  and  villages. 
In  front  I  have  the  Elbe,  and  three  large  barges,  deeply 


204  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXVL 

laden,  which  are  sailing  against  the  stream,  and  men  on 
shore  towing  them  ;  on  the  opposite  side  a  continuation  of 
the  hills  in  amphitheatre,  which  stretch  round  to  the  left, 
and  are  there  covered  with  vineyards  ;  the  extreme  point 
to  the  left,  at  the  termination  of  an  avenue  of  trees,  is  a 
palace  built  by  one  of  the  Electors  for  a  favorite  mistress. 
At  the  foot  of  the  hill  on  which  it  stands  is  the  river, 
which  makes  a  large  bend  round  to  my  left.  Take  tea 
with  M.  de  Schomberg,  a  nephew  of  Dumouriez,  whom 
I  had  known  at  Paris.  He  testified  much  joy  at  seeing 
me,  and  gives  me  all  he  knows  of  the  manner  and  man- 
ners of  this  place.  The  Elector  is  regularity  itself,  and  a 
great  economist.  His  Court  copy  him,  the  bourgeoisie 
copy  the  Court  ;  a  deep  hue  of  religious  superstition  is 
cast  over  the  whole,  and,  of  course,  much  hypocrisy,  for  all 
cannot  be  religious ;  no  gallantry,  or  very  little,  because 
there  are  no  opportunities  ;  but  the  girls  are,  he  says, 
loose  and  lascivious  and  take  up  after  they  are  married. 
They  are  especially  venal,  so  that  two  or  three  ducats 
may  obtain  their  favors.  This  he  vouches  only  from  hear- 
say, as  they  are  thus  free  only  to  strangers  by  whom  they 
are  not  known.  I  conclude,  therefore,  that  it  is  a  false- 
hood, and  that  women  of  the  town,  by  way  of  getting 
a  better  price,  personate  to  strangers  young  women  of 
family." 

-,  "This  morning  [August  21st]  I  go  dressed  to  Mr.  Grey's 
and  thence  to  Court,  where  I  am  presented  to  the  Elector 
of  Treves,  and  afterwards  to  the  Elector  of  Saxony.  Dine 
with  His  Highness,  who  has  an  excellent  table,  very  good 
wines,  and  I  think  the  best  tea  I  ever  partook  of.  After 
dinner  Mr.  Grey  presents  me  to  Madame  de  Loos,  and 
then  to  the  Duchess  of  Cumberland.*     Return  home  and 

*  Honorable  Anne  Horton,  Duchess  of  Cumberland,  wife  of  Henry  Fred- 
erick, Duke  of  Cumberland,  brother  of  George  IIL 


1796.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  205 

change  my  dress.  Mr.  Grey  comes,  and  takes  me  to  a 
kind  of  club  or  socieU  which  is  in  the  same  house  with  me, 
I'Hotel  de  Baviere." 

To  Lady  Sutherland  Morris  wrote  on  the  22d  to  tell 
her  that  he  had  received  her  letter  "  of  the  ist  as  I  was 
stepping  into  my  carriage  at  Berlin,  and  have  not  had 
time  to  write  before.  I  do  it  now,"  he  continues,  "  by  de- 
ferring till  to-morrow  my  visit  to  the  picture-gallery  ;  I 
always  preferred  originals.  I  am  very  much  obliged  to 
you  for  everything  you  say  about  yourself  and  your  lord, 
but  you  have  forgotten  the  children.  My  plans  have  been 
greatly  deranged  by  the  progress  of  the  French  armies, 
for  I  did  intend  going  into  Switzerland,  thence  to  Vienna, 
and  finally  to  Naples.  But  I  cannot  get  either  into  Swit- 
zerland or  out  of  it  without  crossing  the  line  of  march  of 
the  armies,  and  I  had  rather  be  in  a  battle.  But,  what  is 
worse,  I  should  not,  I  believe,  be  able  to  get  my  horses 
through  at  all,  so  I  shall  go  on  to  Vienna  direct  unless 
they  stop  me  again  upon  that  tack.  Everything  in  this 
quarter  of  the  world  is  a  la  d^bandade,  and  unless  the  Em- 
press of  Russia  takes  the  thing  in  hand  I  see  not  what  is 
to  come  of  it.  Intrigue  and  faction  supply,  as  I  am  told, 
the  place  of  that  golden  chain  which  was  let  down  from 
the  throne  of  Jupiter — to  bind  in  orderly  connection  the 
different  parts  of  creation.  And  thus  the  affairs  of  im- 
perial Jove  are  sadly  out  of  order.  The  Chevalier  de 
Boufflers,  however,  has  set  everything  to  rights  by  a 
wretched  pun :  *  Les  affaires  de  I'Empire  doivent  etre 
excellentes,  car  elles  s'empirent  toujours.' 

"  I  will  fold  up  in  this  a  press  copy  of  my  last,  because 
the  original  may  have  been  drowned.  Yesterday  I  dined 
with  the  Elector,  and  the  conversation  turned  on  your 
ladyship.  You  will  not  easily  guess  why  ;  so  I  will  tell 
you  that  a  person  sat  opposite  to  me  who  had  travelled 


206  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXVI. 

with  you  in  Italy,  known  you  in  Paris,  and  who  intro- 
duced himself  by  talking  of  you  to  me,  and  that  because 
he  had  heard  me  mention  to  M.  Quimones  that  I  had  seen 
him  in  your  house.  You  remember  this  M.  Quimones, 
who  seemed  so  well  pleased  with  himself  while  in  transit 
at  Paris,  and  who  used  to  play  at  hazard.  He  has  been 
here  en  grand  ^tat,  and,  if  one  may  judge  from  appearances, 
verily  believes  himself  to  be  ires  spirituel  et  fort  aimable^  in 
which,  by  the  by,  he  has  the  misfortune  to  be  of  a  differ- 
ent opinion  with  his  acquaintance.  Well,  your  fellow- 
traveller  spoke  of  you  in  such  high  terms  that  I  began  to 
feel  an  attachment  to  him,  and  the  Elector  was  induced 
to  inquire  after  you.  We  talked  of  you  in  Berlin  because 
Lord  Elgin,  you  know,  is,  quoad  a  part  of  his  regiment, 
your  protege.  Adieu,  dear  lady.  Remember  me  to  your 
lord,  and  believe  me,  ever  yours." 

"To-day  [August  22d]  I  dine  with  the  Baron  de  Mest- 
macher,  Minister  of  Russia.  He  takes  pains  to  justify  his 
Court,  and  lay  on  Austria  the  blame  of  what  has  hap- 
pened. It  is  not  my  business  to  contest  the  matter.  He 
is  led  into  an  explanation  of  the  defensive  powers  of  the 
Prussian  monarchy  which  I  cannot  comprehend,  but  rath- 
er see  from  his  explanations  how  it  can  be  invaded  with 
great  facility.  On  the  whole,  I  see  that  this  jargon  might 
impose  upon  a  person  totally  ignorant  of  affairs,  and  that 
Jthe  Prussian  Cabinet  may  yet  find  dupes." 

"  Dine  to-day  [August  23d]  with  the  Duchess  of  Cum- 
berland, after  visiting  the  notable  collection  of  paintings 
in  the  Gallery.  The  Comtesse  de  Loos  dines  with  us ; 
she  is  a  Danish  lady,  educated  here,  who  is  pretty  and 
pleasing.  There  is  a  Polish  princess,  whose  daughters 
come  in  after  dinner,  and  these  perform  together  a 
dance  of  their  country  which  has  infinite  grace.  I 
compliment   the   mother  on  it  in   such   way  that    if    I 


1796.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  20/ 

should  see  her  in  Poland  I  think  she  would  receive  me 
hospitably." 

**  See  to-day  [August  26th]  the  Cabinet  of  Antiquities, 
and  pass  the  evening  at  the  Cointe  de  Loos's.  He  was 
formerly  Minister  to  France.  A  very  splendid  party  at  a 
supper  given  to  the  Duchess  of  Cumberland.  I  am  seated 
between  the  elder  Comtesse,  who  has  yet  fine  remains, 
and  her  daughter-in-law,  whose  husband  seems  already 
afflicted  by  jealousy,  anticipating  perhaps  upon  a  fate 
which  seems  to  await  him,  and  in  which,  unfortunately, 
I  shall  not  be  an  instrument.  The  Comtesse  has  already 
the  impression  of  a  sentiment  which  M.  le  mari  could  not, 
I  am  sure,  excite." 

"We  have  news  to-day  [August  27th]  of  an  important 
victory  gained  by  the  Austrians  over  the  French  in  our 
neighborhood.  If  it  be  as  it  is  represented  and  they  fol- 
low up  the  blow,  the  French  will  find  their  retreat  dif- 
ficult." 

"  Go  to  Court  this  morning  [August  28th].  Dine  with 
the  Prussian  minister,  and  as  I  express  some  doubts  re- 
specting the  extent  of  the  Austrian  victory  he  magnifies 
it  greatly,  whereupon,  after  pushing  him  beyond  the  truth 
by  my  apparent  infidelity,  I  remind  him  that  he  had  as- 
sured me  the  other  evening  the  Austrian  army  was  so 
completely  routed  that  they  could  not  again  make  head 
against  the  French.  This  puts  him  to  the  blush  deserv- 
edly, for  he  had  wilfully  exaggerated,  with  a  view  to  de- 
ceive me,  and  although  (being  well  informed)  I  was  not 
the  dupe  it  is  but  common  justice  to  mark  my  remem- 
brance. He  gives  an  excellent  dinner  and  very  good 
wine.  After  dinner  I  visit  the  elder  Comtesse  de  Loos, 
which  is  a  thing  en  rigle.  The  young  one  comes  in,  and 
in  the  shiftings  from  a  new  visitor  I  am  seated  next  her, 
while  the  old  lady  is  going  over  the  routine  of  civilities 


208  DIARY  AND    LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XXXVI. 

to  a  decrepit  sire.  As  they  are  seated  on  the  sofa  to- 
gether I  can  say  only  indifferent  things,  but  these  being 
expressed  in  a  gentle  tone  of  voice  and  accompanied  with 
a  look  in  which  extreme  tenderness  is  mingled  with  hum- 
ble respect,  she  utters,  to  my  great  surprise  [erasure].  The 
old  lady  turns  round  with  astonishment,  dnd  a  tint  of  in- 
dignation which  her  good  breeding  cannot  quite  suppress. 
If  I  may  trust  to  these  indications,  there  is  somewhat 
pleasant  in  the  secret  history  of  the  family.  At  the  club 
I  learn  some  further  details  of  the  late  battle,  which,  it 
seems,  lasted  three  days.  The  French  lost  thirty-five 
pieces  of  cannon,  which  circumstance  makes  me  believe 
in  the  success,  and  induces  me  to  suppose  that  my  way 
into  Switzerland  may  be  opened.     Nous  verrons. 

"A  Swedish  gentleman  calJj  on  me,  to  whom  I  said 
the  other  day  at  Court  that  the  King,  at  Petersburg,  was 
in  a  good  situation  to  learn  the  manner  in  which  his  minis- 
ter has  been  treated  at  Paris.  He  tells  me  that  he  under- 
stood and  could  have  answered  me,  but  that  he  is  adjoined 
by  his  Court  in  the  Legation  here,  and  therefore,  being  a 
public  man,  anything  he  might  have  said  would  have  been 
misinterpreted.  He  goes  on  to  tell  me  that  he  presumes 
I  am  acquainted  with  a  number  of  circumstances  which 
he  recapitulates  and  which  are,  indeed,  of  public  notoriety, 
and  from  thence  he  concludes  that  the  situation  of  his 
Court  is  difficult  and  consequently  that  of  its  servants 
delicate,  wherefore  he  thought  my  observation  rather  un- 
kind, and  wishes  I  would  in  future  spare  him  upon  such 
subjects.  This  expostulation  proves  to  me  that  he  is  of 
the  Galilean  party  in  Sweden,  and  I  thereupon  enter  into 
the  situation  of  his  unfortunate  country,  sacrificed  ever 
since  Charles  XH.  to  the  selfish  policy  of  other  courts — 
played  off  against  Russia,  to  the  annoyance,  indeed,  of  that 
empire,  but  to  their  own  ruin.     Suggest  to   him  that  a 


1796]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  209 

much  safer  policy  would  be  that  of  an  alliance  with  so 
powerful  a  neighbor,  and  the  cession  of  Finland  for  a 
valuable  consideration  to  be  obtained  elsewhere,  and  in- 
stance Norway.  He  remains  (though  trying  to  conceal  it) 
stanch  to  the  French  alliance,  which,  if  persisted  in,  must 
at  length  render  Sweden  a  province  of  Russia.  He  has 
taken  up  an  idea  which  is,  I  find,  pretty  general,  viz.,  that 
Ensfland  fomented  the  French  Revolution.  This  idea  is 
strongly  inculcated  by  the  partisans  of  France  and  works 
well  for  them." 

"The  post  came  in  from  Bayreuth,  and  we  learn 
[August  31st]  that  the  French  have  indeed  been  soundly 
beaten,  but  their  retreat  is  not  as  yet  so  great  as  might  be 
wished.  They  commit  great  excesses  and  the  peasants 
destroy  them.  The  details  of  the  battle  cannot  be  had,  as 
the  French  stop  all  travellers.  I  dine  with  the  Duchess 
of  Cumberland." 

"To-day  [September  ist]  at  the  table  d!h6te  we  have  a 
gentleman  from  Amberg  who  saw  from  the  steeple  of  that 
town  the  action  of  the  24th.  He  says  that  if  Wartensle- 
ben  had  done  his  duty  all  the  army  of  Jourdan  would 
have  been  made  prisoners.  By  his  account  this  army  is 
in  such  total  rout  that  it  must  retreat  to  Dttsseldorf. 
The  advices  from  Frankfort  are  a  sortie  from  Mayence 
which  has  done  great  mischief  to  the  besieging  army,  and 
an  assault,  without  success,  upon  the  fortress  of  Ehren- 
breitstein ;  also  a  note  in  the  Leipsic  gazette  that  there 
circulated  a  report  on  the  Main  that  the  magazines  were 
to  be  removed  from  Frankfort  to  Wetzlaer." 

"  Dine  at  the  table  (Thdte  [September  2d],  where  our 
yesterday's  informant  tells  me  he  has  received  an  estafette 
which  announces  the  advance  of  the  Austrians  in  every 
direction,  and  the  defeat  of  General  Moreau." 

Leaving  Dresden  on  September  2d,  Morris  continued 
Vol.  II.— 14 


210  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XXXVI. 

his  journey  to  Vienna  by  the  way  of  Pilnitz.  "  The  chateau 
of  the  Prince,  beautifully  situated,"  he  says,  "  will  long  be 
memorable  for  the  treaty  signed  between  the  King  of  Prus- 
sia and  the  Emperor  Leopold,  which  has  been  the  pretext 
(but  according  to  the  advocates  of  the  French  cause  the 
motive),  to  the  present  war,  whose  consequences  tend  to 
change  the  political  systems  of  Europe  after  laying  waste 
a  considerable  part  of  it."  The  slavery  and  poverty  of 
the  people  in  this  region  strongly  impressed  Morris,  who 
mentions  a  conversation  with  the  landlady  of  the  house  at 
Toplitz  respecting  the  civil  state  of  the  inhabitants  who 
are  serfs.  "  She  tells  me  (she  being  one  of  them,  or,  at 
least,  her  parents)  that  by  the  edicts  of  Joseph  they  may, 
if  they  please,  pay  to  the  lord  twelve  kreuzers  per  day  in 
winter  and  fifteen  in  summer  for  the  labor  they  owe,  and 
that  in  general,  by  precedent  conventions,  this  does  not 
extend  to  above  two  days  in  the  week,  so  that  twenty-seven 
kreuzers  is  the  average  payment  ;  and  this,  for  the  year, 
may  amount  to  about  fifty  shillings  sterling,  for  which 
they  have  as  much  land  as  will  support  their  families.  If 
so,  their  service,  like  that  of  the  righteous,  is  perfect  free- 
dom.    I  must  inquire  a  little  further  into  this  matter. 

"From  M.  de  Callenberg  I  collect  that  the  situation  of 
the  serfs  in  the  Electorate  is  still  deplorable,  although  he 
thinks  it  quite  simple  and  natural,  for  some  of  them  belong 
to  him.  It  is,  however,  a  consolation  to  know  that  these  mis- 
erable beings — at  least,  according  to  our  conceptions — are 
better  off  than  they  were,  and  it  seems  probable  that  they 
will  by  degrees  be  all  emancipated.  Joseph  did  much  to- 
wards it,  and  even  established  magistrates  to  hear  their 
plaints  and  decide  on  them.  What  he  could  not  do  was  to 
render  such  tribunals  useful  to  the  poor  in  contending 
with  the  rich.  I  know  not  any  means  of  producing  that 
effect  except  the  temper  and  spirit  of  society,  which  is 


1796- J  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  211 

more  the  result  than  the  cause  of  freedom.  The  progress 
towards  freedom  must  necessarily  be  slow.  The  French 
nation  jumped  at  once  from  a  mild  monarchy  to  a  wild 
anarchy,  and  are  now  in  subjection  to  men  whom  they  de- 
spise.    I  think  they  will  end  by  a  military  despotism." 

Prague  was  the  next  stopping-place,  Avhere  the  library 
was  interesting,  and  the  "young  damsel  of  the  house, 
Mademoiselle  Lisette,  sups  with  me  and  endeavors,  with  all 
the  affectation  of  a  coquette,  to  persuade  me  to  make  love 
to  her.  I  do  not  care  to  do  it,  though  she  is  very  hand- 
some, for  she  takes  snuff." 

"  The  custom  and  military  officers  detain  me  outside  the 
gate  at  Vienna  [September  15th],  and  I  have  to  get  up  two 
pair  of  stairs  into  a  wretched  room  at  the  Three  Axes 
Hotel.  Go  to  see  M.  de  Thugut,*  who  gives  me  a  very 
civil  reception.  His  eye  denotes  a  little,  sparkling  mind, 
better  fitted  to  please  the  Prince  than  to  conduct  his  af- 
fairs. Ride  to  the  Prater,  and  walking  there  I  see  the 
Princess  Potoska,  with  whom  I  take  tea,  and  am  then  pre- 
sented to  the  Prince  de  Nassau.  Madame  Potoska  tells 
me  that  the  Chevalier  Eden  is  more  attentive  to  whist  than 
he  is  to  his  countrymen,  who  complain  of  his  neglect. 
The  next  day,  dining  at  Sir  Morton  Eden's,f  where  there 
is  company,  the  dinner  is  scarcely  swallowed  before  he 
sits  down  to  whist,  which  seems  wholly  to  engross  his 
attention.  J'ennuie  myself  looking  on  at  the  game,  in  the 
expectation  that  at  last  some  moment  might  be  left  for 

*  Baron  de  Thugut,  born  in  1739,  a  man  of  no  family,  was  created  a  baron 
by  Maria  Theresa  for  diplomatic  services.  He  succeeded  Prince  Kaunitz  in 
1794  as  First  Minister,  was  accused  of  always  separating  Austrian  interests 
from  those  of  the  Allies,  but  was  distinguished  by  the  energy  and  courage  with 
which,  in  179S,  he  persisted  in  resisting  the  progress  of  the  French  arms  after 
Prussia  and  Spain  had  signed  a  separate  peace.  In  1800,  just  before  Marengo, 
he  signed  a  treaty  of  subsidy  with  England,  and  finally  retired  after  the  Peace 
of  Luneville,  in  1801. 

+  British  ambassador  at  the  Court  of  Vienna. 


212  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXVI. 

conversation,  but  it  is  in  vain.  Walk  to  the  Prater,  which 
is,  on  the  whole,  a  charming  spot — superior  to  anything  I 
have  seen  of  the  kind  near  a  large  city.  It  might  be  made 
celestial.  It  is  very  full  of  people.  Walking  there  I  meet 
M.  Hue,  the  valet-de-chambre  of  Louis  XVI.,  who  is 
mentioned  affectionately  in  the  will  of  that  unfortunate 
prince.  I  have  a  good  deal  of  conversation  with  him.  He 
is  highly  discontented  with  the  treatment  he  meets  with 
here,  and  thence  disposed  to  view  with  a  jaundiced  eye 
the  conduct  of  the  Cabinet.  With  a  false  mysteriousness 
he  lets  me  know  that  he  conceives  they  have  the  idea  of 
marrying  the  young  princess  to  one  of  her  cousins,  brother 
to  the  Emperor,  and  setting  up  in  that  way  a  claim  to  the 
throne  of  France.  This  may  be,  but  it  is  a  very  remote 
speculation,  and,  if  I  were  to  guess,  such  marriage  would 
form  an  insuperable  bar  to  her  success.  He  speaks  very 
highly  of  her,  and  I  see  her  passing  by.  She  is  much  im- 
proved in  her  appearance  since  I  last  saw  her  in  France." 
"  This  morning  [September  24th]  Sir  M.  Eden  calls,  and 
we  go  to  Court.  He  presents  me  to  the  Emperor,  who  is 
ready  in  conversation.  He  is  in  very  good  spirits,  having 
received  favorable  advices  from  the  Rhine.  The  Arch- 
duke has  driven  the  French  back  beyond  the  Lahn,  and 
relieved  the  fortress  of  Ehrenbreitstein.  A  body  of  Im- 
perial troops  is  already  up  as  high  as  Rastadt,  in  the  view 
of  cutting  off  the  supplies  of  Moreau,  who  is  still  at  Neu- 
burg,  on  the  Danube.  The  Emperor  gives  us  his  news, 
and  expresses  at  the  same  time  his  hope  that  Moreau  will 
not  be  able  to  effect  his  retreat.  Indeed,  this  hope  amounts 
almost  to  expectation.  He  tells  me  that  in  a  month's  time 
my  way  will  be  opened  into  Switzerland,  but  observes  that 
it  will  then  be  cold  travelling.  The  ton  of  the  young 
women  here  is  to  be  men-haters.  Lady  Eden  says  the  men 
are  so  peu  aimable  that  they  may  in  some  sort  be  justified. 


1796]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  21 3 

Messrs.  Hue  and  Thierry,  the  anciens  valets  de-chambre 
of  Louis  XVI.  call  on  me.  In  the  evening  I  go  to  the 
Prater  to  see  the  fireworks,  which  are  indeed  very  fine. 

"See  here,  among  others,  M.  Marschal,  who  seems  to  be 
on  the  pick-up  plan.  Ask  him  if  that  be  true  which  I 
heard,  namely,  that  the  women  here  profess  to  be  men- 
haters.  He  says  it  is,  because  the  young  men  are  not 
amiable,  and  are  very  inattentive,  preferring  the  easy 
pleasures  to  be  had  among  women  of  inferior  class  to  con- 
nections of  gallantry.  In  the  reign  of  Marie  Theresa 
things  were  on  a  different  footing,  for  then  women  of  the 
town  were  closely  looked  after  and  persecuted,  so  that 
men  were  obliged  to  attach  themselves  to  women  of  qual- 
ity. This  may  be  a  philosophic  account  of  the  matter,  but 
I  think  it  would  not  satisfy  the  fair  sex  in  general,  and  for 
my  own  part  I  am  apt  to  suspect  that  the  existing  system 
may  depend  on  a  want  of  sentiment  among  the  men. 

"  I  hear  at  the  English  minister's,  where  I  spend  the 
evening,  that  General  Moreau  has  left  his  position  at  Neu- 
burg,  where  he  had  intrenched  himself,  and  is  on  the  re- 
treat. On  the  22d  General  Latour  was  to  cross  the  Leek 
in  pursuit  of  him.  General  Nauendorf  is  on  the  left  side 
of  the  Danube,  so  that  I  think  M.  Moreau  will  be  catched 
up  near  the  sources  of  the  Danube.  Later,  I  hear  that  the 
French  army  under  Moreau  is  retreating,  and  the  peasants 
arm  to  pursue  him,  so  that  Germany  is  pretty  well  cured 
of  the  maladie  fran^aise." 

"  Spend  the  evening  [September  28th]  at  the  British 
minister's.  He  tells  me  the  latest  advices,  and  shows  me 
Jourdan's  account  of  his  battles ;  tells  me  that  he  is  re- 
called, and  Beurnonville  appointed  in  his  stead.  This 
bodes  no  good  to  France.  Another  insurrection  lately  in 
Paris  by  the  Jacobins.  The  route  will,  I  think,  be  soon 
open  to  Switzerland." 


214  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXVI. 

"  Spend  the  evening  [October  3d]  at  the  British  minis- 
ter's, where  everybody  is  dressed,  having  been  to  dine  with 
the  Marquis  del  Gallo.  I  find  from  Sir  M.  Eden  that  this 
dinner  was  intended  for  me,  but  I  did  not  accept  the  invi- 
tation, and  tell  him  why.  He  assures  me  that  I  was  mis- 
taken, and  so  I  am  now  convinced  ;  but  no  matter.  M.  de 
St.  Priest  this  evening  mentioned  to  me  a  plan  which  he 
proposed  to  the  Archbishop  of  Sens.  By  the  accounts 
rendered  of  M.  de  Calonne  and  of  M.  Necker,  it  appeared, 
speaking  in  round  numbers,  that  the  debt  of  France,  quoad 
the  annual  payments,  consisted  of  one  hundred  millions 
of  rentes  perpdtuelles  and  one  hundred  millions  of  rentes 
viagtres  (life-interest).  Changing  these  last,  which  arose 
from  capital  advanced  for  a  life-rent  of  ten  per  cent.,  some 
at  nine,  into  the  capitals  and  then  putting  all  those  capi- 
tals on  a  four  per  cent,  interest,  would  have  reduced  the 
yearly  interest  on  a  redeemable  debt  to  about  forty  mill- 
ions; and  a  similar  reduction  of  the  rentes  perp^tuelles 
would  have  reduced  them  to  eighty  millions,  together  one 
hundred  and  twenty,  saving,  on  the  whole,  eighty,  from 
which,  deducting  the  deficit  of  about  sixty,  there  would 
have  remained  a  sinking  fund  of  twenty.  It  is  very  cer- 
tain that  this  plan  would  have  produced  the  effect,  but  it 
is  also  certain  that  the  same  effect  might  have  been  pro- 
duced by  a  system  of  economy  more  quietly ;  and  it  is  also 
clear  that  when  once  the  revenue  had  been  made  equal  to 
the  expenditure  the  rentes  perpituelles  might  have  been 
reduced  to  four  per  cent,  with  the  consent  of  the  creditors, 
which  would  have  left  a  sinking  fund  of  twenty  millions 
for  that  debt,  to  be  increased  by  the  falling  of  the  via- 
gires,  which  must  have  determined  in  half  a  century  of 
themselves.  A  fair  operatioji  on  church  property  would 
have  given  an  immense  domain.  In  ten  years  the  Minis- 
ter might  have  proposed  and  carried  plans  for  simplifying 


1796.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  21$ 

the  taxes,  lessening  the  expense  of  collection,  etc.,  and  then 
France  would  have  been  indisputably  the  dominating  pow- 
er of  Europe.     But  Providence  had  willed  it  otherwise." 

In  a  letter  to  Lord  Grenville,  written  from  Vienna  on 
October  5th,  Morris  says  : 

**  I  can  venture  to  offer  my  congratulations  that  ap- 
pearances have  mended  since  I  last  took  the  liberty  of 
troubling  your  lordship,  and  also  on  the  success  of  the 
campaign.  It  is  not,  however,  my  object  to  conjecture 
probable  events,  or  consider  what  has  been  done,  but  to 
communicate  an  observation  I  have  frequently  had  occa- 
sion to  make.  Your  enemies  spread  everywhere  the  idea 
that  you  oppose  a  pacification  with  a  view  to  aggrandize 
yourselves  in  the  two  Indias,  regardless  of  the  blood  lav- 
ished on  the  Continent  of  Europe.  This,  as  you  will  easily 
suppose,  excites  ill-will ;  but  yet  from  the  nature  of  your 
government  you  are  led  to  insist  in  Parliament  on  the  advan- 
tages gained  by  the  British  nation,  and  to  show  that  these 
result  from  diversions  made  by  its  allies.  Such  arguments 
are  turned  against  you  abroad,  and  become  the  excuse  of 
those  who  have  abandoned  you.  They  are  made  use  of 
here  to  render  the  war  unpopular,  and  with  such  success 
that  if  public  opinion  were  of  much  weight  the  Court 
would  have  been  greatly  embarrassed.  You  best  can 
judge,  my  lord,  whether  it  be  prudent,  after  insisting  that 
the  war  in  its  prosecution,  as  in  its  origin,  has  been  de- 
fensive, to  declare  that  the  principal  object  of  it  now  is  to 
protect  the  German  Empire  and  the  Low  Countries  ;  that 
the  dearest  interests  of  Britain  are  eventually  connected 
with  that  defence  and  protection  ;  that,  far  from  ambitious 
views,  you  look  only  to  the  security  of  yourselves  as  the 
result  of  that  security  you  seek  for  others ;  that  a  faction, 
aided  by  French  armies,  having  turned  against  you  the 
resources  of  Holland,  you  had  been  compelled,  for  the 


2l6  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XXXVI. 

defence  of  your  Oriental  possessions,  to  seize  those  posts 
from  whence  they  would  otherwise  have  been  annoyed ; 
that  in  like  manner  you  had  been  obliged  to  attack  the 
French  islands  for  the  purpose  of  saving  your  own,  not 
merely  from  capture  but  from  utter  devastation.  Such 
declarations  would  have  a  good  effect  through  Germany, 
already  undeceived  with  respect  to  the  French  profes- 
sions. Moreover,  should  you  be  embroiled  with  Spain 
it  would  strengthen  you  in  the  North  to  declare,  after 
dwelling  on  the  unprovoked  oppression  of  his  Catholic 
Majesty,  that  it  justifies  you  in  demanding  (as  a  condition 
of  peace)  that  he  open  his  American  dominions  to  the  com- 
merce of  all  who  now  are  or  hereafter  may  be  joined  with 
you  in  the  war  against  him.  This  kind  of  crusade  will 
not,  indeed,  be  so  wonderful  as  that  which  was  produced 
by  the  preaching  of  Peter  the  Hermit,  but  it  may  answer 
better  purposes." 

"  I  visit  at  the  Prince  Coloredo's  [October  i6th],  and  on 
my  return  home  I  find  that  I  have  been  out,  full-dressed, 
with  a  stocking  wrong  side  outward.  I  remember  to  have 
heard,  when  young,  that  this  portended  good  luck,  and  I 
remember  also  that,  having  gone  out  one  morning  early 
I  broke  my  shin  before  I  got  back,  and  in  taking  down 
the  stocking  to  look  at  it  found  it  was  wrong  side  outward. 
I  bear  the  mark  of  that  misfortune  to  this  hour,  a  me- 
mento not  to  believe  in  such  sayings. 

"  Spend  the  evening  at  Madame  de  Castelalfieri's,  where 
I  meet  the  Baron  de  Groshlaer.  The  Marquis  de  Luc- 
chesini  says  there  is  no  instance  of  an  army  of  forty  thou- 
sand men  laying  down  their  arms,  and  thence  concludes 
that  Moreau  will  escape  with  the  loss  of  his  baggage  and 
artillery.  If,  however,  the  defiles  are  properly  occupied, 
he  may  still  find  it  impracticable  to  get  through.  Those 
who  wish  well  to  Austria  think  he  will  be  made  prisoner, 


1796]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  21/ 

for  thus  It  is  that  our  wishes  always  lead  our  judgments, 
unless,  indeed,  our  fears  supersede  our  wishes.  In  both 
cases  we  may  be  misled,  but  the  former,  in  taking  us  out 
of  our  road,  gives  us  at  least  a  more  pleasant  path." 

"  To-day  [October  20th]  I  dine  at  the  English  minis- 
ter's. A  large  dinner  to  the  Duke  heir  apparent  of  Wiir- 
temberg,  who  is  to  espouse  the  Princess  Royal  of  Eng- 
land. He  has  a  monstrous  belly,  but  seems  to  be  pleasant. 
His  pale-faced,  dancing-  brother  is  here,  whose  want  of 
ability  or  attention,  or  both,  caused  no  little  mischief  to 
the  Allies.  There  are  six  of  them,  of  which  one-half,  in- 
cluding the  eldest,  were  in  the  Prussian  service,  and  the 
other  half  in  the  Austrian  service." 

"It  seems  to  be  confirmed  [October  21st]  that  Bona- 
parte has  been  obliged  to  raise  the  blockade  of  Mantua. 
He  has,  it  is  said,  retired  to  Verona.  If  this  be  true  he 
must  speedily  be  placed  in  a  most  perilous  situation.  The 
fate  of  Moreau's  army  is,  I  suppose,  by  this  time  decided. 

"  While  I  was  at  the  Baron  de  Groshlaer's  a  gentleman 
came  in  who,  the  Baron  tells  me,  is  one  of  the  most  intelli- 
gent men  in  Vienna.  Shortly  after  I  turned  the  conversa- 
tion on  Hungarian  wines,  expressing  my  wish  to  get  some 
of  the  different  kinds.  He  told  me  that  it  was  extremely 
difficult,  and  mentioned,  among  other  things,  to  show  the 
want  of  good  faith  among  the  Hungarian  nobles  in  their 
commercial  dealings,  that  they  had  made  formerly  large 
consignments  of  wine  which  they  called  Tokay,  to  Vienna, 
but  it  was  put  into  casks  under  size,  contained  a  great 
many  pebbles,  and  consisted  in  general  of  wines  from  the 
neighborhood  of  Tokay  of  inferior  quality.  On  the  whole, 
it  seems  unlikely  that  I  shall  be  able  to  accomplish  my 
object  in  that  respect,  which  is  to  me  of  no  consequence  ; 
but  it  is  of  much  consequence  to  the  country  whose  im- 
morality has  deprived  it  of  a  great  resource. 


2l8  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXVL 

"  Call  in  the  evening  on  M.  de  Thugut,  and  mention 
some  things  to  him  which  had  occurred  to  me.  He  tells 
me  that  the  Emperor  has  left  the  conduct  of  military  af- 
fairs to  the  Archduke,  wherefore  he  declines  entering 
into  the  consideration  of  some  points,  but  says  in  gen- 
eral that  the  Prince  de  Conde  would  not,  he  thinks,  go  at 
the  head  of  a  forlorn  hope  into  Franche  Comte.  He  ac- 
knowledges that  the  Low  Countries  may  be  repossessed 
this  winter,  but  is  apprehensive  of  Maestricht.  He  does 
not  duly  consider  that  this  citadel  would,  from  the  mo- 
ment the  Imperial  army  should  arrive  at  Liege,  be  in  the 
middle  of  an  enemy's  country.  He  is  looking  forward  to 
another  campaign,  and  seems  to  think  that  the  Directory, 
grounding  themselves  on  their  former  declaration,  will 
insist  on  holding  the  annexed  territory  and  so  justify 
Great  Britain  in  continuing  the  war.  I  think  he  will  be 
mistaken,  and,  pressed  by  the  incumbent  danger,  they  will 
at  last  make  such  offers  as  will  perplex  greatly  the  British 
administration  should  they  be  rejected." 

"  After  dinner  [October  23d]  I  visit  at  the  English 
minister's.  Here  I  see  several  of  my  acquaintance.  The 
Prince  of  Wiirtemberg  makes  up  to  me,  and  from  what  he 
says  I  conclude  that  his  agent  or  envoy  for  making  the 
match  between  him  and  the  Princess  Royal  of  England 
has  told  him  that  I  was  well  received  at  St.  James's.  I 
learn  at  Madame  Arnstein's  that  Monsignor  Alberoni  is 
expected  in  a  day  or  two.  He  brings,  they  say,  the  decla- 
ration of  a  religious  war  by  the  Pope  against  France. 
Visit  the  Baronne  de  Groshlaer.  The  Baron  carelessly 
says  that  he  thinks  the  world  must  take  refuge  in  Amer- 
ica. I  understand  much  more  than  is  expressed,  but  may 
be  mistaken  ;  answer  as  carelessly  that  it  is  a  very  good 
country,  but  afterwards  we  are  a  little  more  particular, 
he  in  questions,  I  in  giving  mforma.tion,  f/iais  tV  n'y  a  rien 


1796.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  219 

encore  qui  tire  h  consequence.  The  Sardinian  minister  sends 
word  that  his  supper  is  postponed  for  this  evening.  I 
learn  afterwards  that  it  is  on  account  of  the  King  of  Sar- 
dinia's death  ;  an  apoplectic  fit  has  taken  him  out  of  all 
worldly  trouble." 

"  This  morning  [October  26th]  Sir  M.  Eden  presents  me 
to  the  Empress.  She  speaks  a  little  to  Colonel  Hope,  who 
is  presented  at  the  same  time,  a  few  words  to  me,  and  has 
a  long  conversation  with  Sir  M.  Eden,  who  leans  quietly 
against  the  wall.  She  seems  to  be  a  good  sort  of  little 
woman,  but  in  the  course  of  her  conversation  she  shows 
about  the  eyebrow  something  which  bespeaks  high  spirit. 
She  has  the  Austrian  countenance  a  little.  I  visit  Madame 
Oudenarde,  who  asks  me  if  it  be  true  that  I  am  charged 
here  with  a  mission  from  Congress  to  ask  the  liberty  of 
Lafayette.  I  laugh  at  this  a  little,  and  then,  assuring  her 
there  is  no  truth  in  that  suggestion,  say  that  it  is  a  piece 
of  folly  keeping  him  prisoner.  This  brings  her  out  vio- 
lently against  him,  and  to  the  same  effect  Count  Dietrich- 
stein,  who,  indeed,  is  as  much  prompted  to  defend  the  Aus- 
trian administration  as  to  side  with  his  friend.  We  exam- 
ine the  matter  as  coolly  as  their  prejudices  will  admit,  and 
on  the  point  of  right  he  takes  the  only  tenable  ground, 
viz.,  that  the  public  safety  being  the  supreme  law  of 
princes,  the  Emperor,  conceiving  it  dangerous  to  leave 
Lafayette  &  Co.  at  large,  had  arrested  them  and  keeps 
them  still  prisoners  for  the  same  reason.  Lavaupalliere, 
who  comes  in  during  the  conversation,  shows  still  more 
ill-will  to  this  unfortunate  man  than  anyone  else.  He 
seems  to  flatter  himself  that  there  is  still  some  chance  of 
getting  him  hanged.  He  treats  him  not  only  as  having 
been  deficient  in  abilities,  but  as  having  been  most  un- 
grateful to  the  King  and  Queen,  from  which  last  charge  I 
defend  him,  in  order  to  see  what  may  be  the  amount  of 


220  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXVI. 

the  inculpation,  and  it  resolves  itself  into  two  favors  re- 
ceived from  the  Court :  First,  pardon  for  having  gone  to 
America  notwithstanding  orders  given  him  to  the  con- 
trary ;  and,  next,  promotion  to  the  rank  of  marichal  de 
camp  over  the  heads  of  several  who  were  many  of  them 
men  of  family.  To  crown  all,  he  accuses  him  of  the  want 
of  courage,  and  declares  that  he  has  seen  him  contume- 
liously  treated  without  resenting  it.  To  this  I  give  as 
peremptory  a  negative  as  good  breeding  will  permit,  and 
he  feels  it.  Indeed,  the  conversation  of  these  gentlemen, 
who  have  the  virtue  and  good  fortune  of  their  grandfa- 
thers to  recommend  them,  leads  me  almost  to  forget  the 
crimes  of  the  French  Revolution  ;  and  often  the  unfor- 
giving temper  and  sanguinary  wishes  which  they  exhibit 
make  me  almost  believe  that  the  assertion  of  their  enemies 
is  true,  viz.,  that  it  is  success  alone  which  has  determined 
on  whose  side  should  be  the  crimes  and  on  whose  the 
misery." 

"  Sir  M.  Eden  takes  me  [October  29th]  to  see  the  Arch- 
duchess, who  is  quite  in  alt,  from  the  success  of  the  Arch- 
duke Charles,  who  has  had  some  sharp  work  lately  with 
the  French  under  Moreau.  This  last  has,  it  is  said,  been 
driven  back  with  great  loss ;  but  it  might  be  called  driven 
forward,  because  he  was  undoubtedly  on  the  retreat." 

Among  the  letters  to  women  which  came  from  Morris's 
pen  (and  there  were  not  a  few  of  them),  those  to  the 
Countess  of  Sutherland  most  truthfully  show  the  char- 
acter of  the  man.  More  than  any  of  his  correspondents, 
she  possessed  the  gift  of  drawing  out  his  vivacity  and 
causing  him  to  betray  his  innate  kindliness  in  most  grace- 
ful and  sprightly  fashion.  It  is  unfortunate  that  there 
only  remains  among  the  papers  one  short  note  from  her 
ladyship,  of  no  particular  importance  ;  but,  however  brill- 
iant her  letters  may  have  been,  to  answer  them  was  cer- 


1796^1  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  221 

tainly  to  Morris  a  thoroughly  congenial  occupation,  in 
which  he  frequently  indulged  himself. 

"Your  letter,  dear  lady,"  he  wrote  from  Vienna,  No- 
vember 2d,  **  has  been  long  on  its  way  ;  it  is  dated  the  15th 
September,  and  reached  me  the  31st  October.  How  can 
you  ever  make  it  a  question  whether  it  is  worth  while  to 
read  what  you  write  ?  I  am  tempted  to  say,  with  the  late 
King  of  France  (when  one  of  his  brothers  wanted  to  send 
off  his  cara  sposa) :  *  Ma  foi,  si  nous  etions  tons  aussi 
difficiles.'  I  do  better ;  without  asking  you  whether  it 
may  please  you  to  read,  I  sit  down  in  the  consciousness 
that  it  will  please  me  to  write  to  you.  Well,  here  I  am,  in 
a,  country  full  of  '  state  and  ancientry ' — how  congenial 
to  my  taste  and  feelings  you  well  know.  In  the  daily 
commission  of  Use  decorum,  I  expect  to  be  cut  off  from 
society  and  thrown  into  Gehenna.  Think  of  this  master 
Page  obliged  to  live  with  people  who,  in  the  simplicity  of 
their  hearts,  know  not  duly  to  estimate  the  differing  dig- 
nities of  a  sofa  and  an  elbow-chair.  Think  of  that !  and 
then  to  herd  with  the  dull  dogs  who  prefer  conversation 
to  cards  and  irreverently  prize  genius  and  good  humor 
beyond  stars  and  ribbons.  You  say  you  envy  me  my  tour 
— while  I  only  wish  that  you  were  here,  and  envy  more 
those  who  had  the  good  sense  not  to  leave  you.  It  would 
delight  me  to  see  your  observations,  for  I  think  you 
would  make  them  intelligible  without  speaking.  I  can 
sometimes  see  you,  with  that  arch  yet  modest  mien.  I, 
alas  !  am  like  Noah's  dove.  She  fluttered  over  the  face 
of  the  waters,  not  knowing  where  to  set  her  feet,  poor  bird. 
I  am  still  farther  from  the  ark  than  she,  yet  no  one  pities 
me,  though  'I  have  nobody  by  me  but  myself.' 

"You  will  not  be  visited  by  the  bandes  noires,  and  I  am 
glad  of  it.  Yet  I  believe  that  such  an  electric  shock 
might  purify  the  humors  of  the  nation  ;  but  it  would  oc- 


222  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XXXVI. 

casion  great  and  various  mischiefs,  for  England,  swollen 
with  dropsy-credit,  is  not  so  athletic  as  in  earlier  life. 
Would  it  be  useful  to  tap  the  old  lady  ?  That  is  a  ques- 
tion to  be  decided  by  her  State  surgeons.  The  thirst  for 
foreign  dominions  is  perhaps  the  worst  symptom  of  her 
disease,  but  all  this  in  your  ear.  You  know  I  never  liked 
your  St.  Dominique  expedition.  *  Gold,'  says  the  prov- 
erb, '  may  be  bought  too  dear,'  and  sugar  should  los^ 
its  sweetness  when  bought  with  the  price  of  blood.  More- 
over— but  I  spare  you  the  *  moreover,'  because  I  will  not 
write  either  a  system  or  a  criticism.  I  long  ago  gave  you 
my  opinion  that,  if  the  French  were  checked  in  front  and 
a  body  of  troops  thrown  on  their  left  flank,  they  would  be 
driven  out  of  Germany  or  be  made  prisoners  in  it.  This, 
at  least,  was  the  idea,  and  how  nearly  realized  it  is  need- 
less to  mention.  That  Moreau  was  not  captured  is  not 
his  fault,  for  he  lingered  long  enough  on  the  Danube. 
Neither  is  it  the  fault  of  the  Archduke.  Perhaps  Ma- 
dam Fortune  was  to  blame,  but,  be  that  as  it  may,  there 
is,  I  fear,  all  the  difference  between  a  good,  speedy  peace 
and  another  bloody,  expensive  campaign  ;  should  you  per- 
sist, you  must  succeed  most  indisputably.  But  John  Bull 
seems  to  grow  restive,  and  his  humor  may  cost  him  dear. 
I  have  remarked,  also,  that  when  a  Minister  is  appointed 
he  is  apt  to  wish  too  warmly  that  his  negotiation  may 
succeed,  whereby  it  happens  that  treaties  are  sometimes 
onerous,  from  the  eagerness  of  those  who  make  them. 
And  now,  dear  lady,  I  bid  you  adieu,  entreating  my  re- 
membrances to  your  lord,  and  adding  the  I  think-un- 
necessary  assurance  that  I  am,  yours. 

■"  P.  S.  Should  Lady  Louisa  Macdonald  see  that  com- 
pound epithet  she  may  imagine  I  am  making  some  pro- 
gress in  the  German  language.  Truth  is,  I  took  a  master 
this  morning." 


1796.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  223 

"  It  seems  generally  believed,"  says  the  diary  for 
November  3d  **  that  the  King  of  Naples  has  made 
peace  with  France.  Moreau  has  gone  over  the  Rhine, 
after  another  sharp  action  with  the  Archduke  Charles. 
He  has  done  everything  possible  and  his  retreat  does 
him  great  honor.  Dine  at  Madame  Arnstein's  with  a 
good  deal  of  good  male  company  ;  for  here  as  in  Hol- 
land it  is,  I  find,  understood  that  men  may  visit  a 
Jew  of  good  character,  but  women  would  consider  it 
a  derogation.  All  the  world  is  in  raptures  with  the 
Archduke." 

"  There  is  a  procession  this  day  [November  6th]  of  an 
image  said  to  have  shed  tears  of  blood  a  century  ago. 
The  Emperor  assists  at  it.  Qu.  :  Is  this  bigotry  or  policy  ? 
Visit  at  Coloredo's  where  the  heir  apparent  of  Wiirtem- 
berg  gives  me  an  anecdote  of  Canning,  the  under-secre- 
tary  in  Lord  Grenville's  office,  which  falls  a  little  heavy  on 
His  Highness,  who  had  a  courier  waiting  in  London  to 
bring  despatches  respecting  his  marriage  with  the  Prin- 
cess Royal  of  England.  These  were  made  up,  but,  by  a 
qui  pro  quo,  after  Lord  Grenville  had  gone  to  his  house 
at  Dropmoor,  Mr.  Canning  sent  the  despatches  God 
knows  where,  (probably  to  Mr.  Wickham  in  Switzerland) 
and  gave  the  Duke's  courier  some  letters  for  somebody 
else.  He  is  not  at  all  pleased  at  this  piece  of  negligence, 
and,  indeed,  I  am  not  surprised  at  his  discontent.  He  tells 
me  that  he  has  intelligence  late  and  direct  from  Paris 
which  assures  him  the  Directory  will  not  be  able  to  obtain 
either  the  men  or  the  money  they  have  asked  for,  and 
therefore  he  thinks  a  better  peace  can  be  made  with 
France  next  March  than  at  present.  It  is  said  that  the 
troops  are  in  full  march  for  Italy,  etc.  M.  de  Gnostiz 
tells  me  the  Emperor  is  to  have  sixty  thousand  Russians 
next  campaign  in  the  pay  of  England,  who  has  under- 


224  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XXXVL 

taken  to  provide  for  them  as  soon  as  they  come  to  a  spot 
where  they  can  be  useful  to  the  Allies." 

The  letter  written  to  Lord  Grenville  on  October  5th 
for  lack  of  a  suitable  opportunity  had  never  been  sent, 
but  again  writing  to  him  on  November  6th,  and  enclosing 
at  the  same  time  the  former  letter,  Morris  says  : 

"  My  letter  to  you,  my  lord,  written  a  month  ago,  might 
now  be  suppressed,  since  a  change  of  circumstances  ren- 
ders the  greater  part,  if  not  the  whole  of  it,  impertinent ; 
but  it  will  serve  to  prove  that  I  have  not  been  unmindful 
of  my  promise.  Were  it  evident  that  peace  would  take 
place  what  I  am  going  to  say  might  well  be  spared,  but  I 
believe  in  another  campaign.  In  that  case  Spain  will 
become  a  party  against  you,  and  the  everlasting  bone  of 
contention,  Gibraltar,*  may  perhaps  be  her  object  of  at- 
tack, unless  she  should  adopt  the  plan  proposed  last  year 
of  conquering  it  in  the  West  Indies.  You  will  probably 
endeavor,  on  the  other  hand,  to  make  serious  impressions 
on  her  American  dominions,  and  in  so  doing  must  con- 
tend with  a  climate  more  dangerous  than  your  enemy. 
Two  modes  have  presented  themselves  to  my  mind.  One, 
which  I  mentioned  cursorily  to  Sir  Morton  Eden,  has 
probably  occurred  to  your  lordship,  viz.,  transporting 
some  Lascars  from  India  to  Mexico.  These  would  indeed 
find  an  open  country,  but  the  extent  of  it  and  other  causes 
would  render  the  impression  less  permanent  than  you 
would  desire.  The  other  mode  is  more  simple.  The  Em- 
peror might  furnish  some  troops  from  Croatia  and  other 
unhealthy  places,  who  are  inured  from  infancy  to  baneful 
exhalations.      These,    under   the   pretext   of   garrisoning 

*  In  1782  Admiral  Rodney,  when  England  seemed  on  the  brink  of  ruin, 
saved  her  honor  by  a  decisive  repulse  of  the  allied  armament  before  Gib- 
raltar, thus  securing  to  England  that  valuable  possession.  In  April  of  the 
same  year  Rodney  defeated  and  dispersed  the  French  fleet  in  the  West 
Indies. 


1796]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  22$ 

Gibraltar  and  attacking  Cadiz,  would  keep  your  enemy  in 
alarm.  But,  once  beyond  the  straits,  they  would  rapidly 
run  down  the  longitude  and  arrive  at  such  point  of  attack 
as  should  be  deemed  most  advisable.  If,  as  is  said,  the 
Pope  means  to  declare  a  holy  war  against  France  and  her 
allies,  he  might  give  you  a  detachment  of  monks,  supplied 
with  the  due  quantity  of  bulls  and  such  like  ammunition 
from  the  Vatican.  These,  in  the  bigoted  country  you 
have  to  deal  with,  would  produce  great  effect  ;  and  this, 
my  lord,  appears  to  me  the  cheapest  and  best  mode  of 
opening  to  yourselves  the  direct  commerce  of  Mexico 
and  Peru,  which,  added  to  the  acquisitions  already  made, 
would  fully  indemnify  you  for  the  expenses  incurred  and 
to  be  incurred  in  the  course  of  the  contest.  Before  I 
close  this  letter  I  must  testify  the  pleasure  I  felt  in  read- 
ing the  King's  speech.  It  is  excellent.  I  am,  my  lord, 
very  truly  yours." 

"  To-day  [November  7th],  on  my  return  from  a  walk,  I 
find  my  valet-de-chambre  in  trouble ;  he  has  been  sum- 
moned by  the  police,  and  thinks  they  mean  to  make  a 
soldier  of  him.  I  write  to  the  English  minister  and  to 
the  Minister  of  the  Police,  and  finally  give  him  a  certifi- 
cate, and  all  is  settled.  Mr.  Scott  tells  me,  de  science  ceriatne, 
that  Sir  M.  Eden  has  received  advices  from  Lord  Mallorj' 
at  Paris  by  a  messenger.  This  thing  is  in  itself  indiffer- 
ent, but  Sir  M.  Eden  takes  pains  to  keep  it  a  secret,  which 
is  an  affectation  of  mystery  much  misplaced  ;  for  it  is  one 
of  those  things  which  cannot  be  concealed,  and  which 
the  enemy  must  have  known  much  earlier  than  he  did. 
He  has  received  this  day,  and  wishes  to  circulate,  the  news 
that  the  evacuation  of  Corsica  is  countermanded. 

"  The  courier  whose  arrival  is  to  be  kept  secret  walks 
about  the  town  conversing  with  the  English  of  his  acquaint- 
ance. I  visit  after  dinner  the  Count  de  Pergin,  Minister 
Vol.  II.— 15 


226  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXVI. 

of  the  Police,  to  thank  him  for  not  committing  an  act  of 
outrageous  oppression  ;  for  such  it  would  have  been  to 
have  taken  up  a  stranger,  the  servant  of  a  stranger,  and 
forced  him  into  military  service.  He  has,  however,  made 
a  very  polite  (though  magisterial)  answer  to  my  letter, 
and  this  it  is  which  induces  me  to  leave  a  card  at  his 
door,  for  he  is  not  at  home." 

"  Having  begun  this  month  with  the  study  of  German — 
a  difficult  enterprise^  especially  at  my  time  of  life — I  appro- 
priate my  mornings  to  it.  Dine  [November  12th]  at  M. 
de  Schoenfeldt's,  whose  cook  was  taken  ill  two  days  ago, 
when  I  was  to  have  tasted  the  productions  of  his  art.  He 
is  since  dead,  but  the  dinner  seems  not  to  have  suffered 
by  the  demise  of  his  authority  and  jurisdiction  to  a  female 
successor.  I  learn  that  M.  Pellin,  who  was  the  faiseur  of 
Mirabeau,  dines  every  day  with  M.  Thugut.  This  M.  Pel- 
lin has  been  painted  to  me  as  one  of  the  most  corrnpt 
men  living.  Voil^  beau  jeu  pour  les  Fran^ais,  I  presume 
that,  when  Mirabeau  came  over  to  the  Court,  Pellin  was 
so  much  let  into  the  secret  as  that  now  they  are  obliged 
to  treat  him  with  attention." 

"This  morning  [November  13th]  Sir  M.  Eden  presents 
me  to  the  Archduchesses,  sisters  of  the  Emperor,  and  Ma- 
dame of  France.  The  elder  Archduchess,  who  is  betrothed 
to  the  heir  apparent  of  Naples,  has  a  striking  resemblance 
to  the  Queen  of  France,  which  I  mention  to  her,  and  she 
tells  me  that  others  have  observed  it.  God  send  she  may 
not  experience  a  similar  fate  ;  but  she  seems,  at  any  rate, 
destined  to  a  wretched  life,  if  that  be  true  which  is  re- 
ported, viz.,  that  her  intended  husband  is  but  just  above 
idiocy.  Madame  of  France  strikes  me  by  the  strong  re- 
semblance she  bears  to  her  father,  Louis  XVI.,  and  I  can- 
not help  observing,  when  we  leave  her  presence,  on  the 
malignity   which   pursued  her  poor  mother,   and  would 


1796.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  22/ 

have  persuaded  the  world  that  this  was  an  offspring  pro- 
duced by  her  gallantries.  Every  trait  gives  the  lie  to  that 
aspersion." 

"Yesterday  [November  14th]  brought  the  account  that 
the  Austrian  armies  had  advanced  towards  Italy,  and  this 
day  two  couriers  arrive,  one  of  which  brings  news  that 
Davidovitch  had  beaten  the  French  on  the  7th,  after  an 
obstinate  contest,  a  little  beyond  Trent,  and  taken  a 
thousand  prisoners,  with  five  pieces  of  cannon.  The  other 
announces  the  advance  of  Alvinzi  on  the  7th,  (after  the 
repulse  of  the  French  on  the  6th,  which  was  announced 
yesterday)  to  Vicenza,  which  the  enemy  had  abandoned, 
retreating  to  Montebello,  which  is,  I  understand,  a  very 
important  post,  and  where,  probably,  M.  Bonaparte  will 
make  his  stand.  If,  as  is  most  likely,  his  forces  be  already 
much  diminished  by  disease,  he  will  probably  now  meet 
the  usual  fate  of  French  armies  east  of  the  Alps.  Go  to 
Madame  Arnstein's.  Here  I  am  told  some  anecdotes  of 
M.  Rassoomovsky,*  and  his  amour  with  the  Queen  of  Na- 
ples, with  whom  he  had  been  the  predecessor  of  M.  d'Al- 
ten  ;  her  asking  then  his  recall,  etc.  ;  also  a  history  of  his 
preceding  amour  with  the  Grand  Duchess  ;  the  discov- 
ery of  it  to  the  Duke,  by  way  of  consoling  him  for  her 
death,  which  last  was  supposed  necessary  to  the  peace  and 
quiet  of  the  Russian  Empire.  The  manner  of  it  supposes 
the  imperial  Catherine  to  be  superior  to  what  are  called 
the  finer  feelings.  With  this  is  connected  a  story  how  the 
King  of  Naples,  a  good  sort  of  man,  prevailed,  after  much 
entreaty,  on  the  Grand  Duke  to  see  Rassoomovsky,  then 
ambassador  at  his  Court,  to  which  he  at  length  consented, 
but  upon  his  entering  turned  his  back  upon  him.     The 

*  Rassoomovsky,  a  Russian  nobleman,  best  known  as  the  friend  and  pat- 
ron of  Beethoven,  who  dedicated  to  him,  among  other  works,  the  famous  Ras- 
soomovsky Quartets. 


228  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF        [Chap.  XXXVI. 

Other,  en  vrai  Russe^  fell  on  his  knees,  and  in  that  humble 
manner  followed  him  about  the  apartment.  Yet  this  man 
is  considered  here  as  haughty.  There  may  be  reason  for 
it,  too,  because  hauteur  and  bassesse  are  too  frequently  al- 
lied." 

"  I  learn  to-day  [November  i6th]  that  Spain  has  de- 
clared war  against  Great  Britain,  and  that  Admiral  Mann, 
flying  from  a  superior  force,  took  shelter  under  the  guns 
of  Gibraltar.     This  does  not  look  like  peace." 

"At  Madame  Pergin's,  to-night  [November  20th],  I  hap- 
pen to  sit  next  to  Madame  Haften,  a  Marseillaise  amie  of 
M.  del  Gallo.  The  Cardinal  Alberoni,  who  comes  in  and 
makes  a  trio  with  us,  maintains  a  most  liberal,  or,  as  pre- 
cise folks  might  not  miscall  it,  a  libertine  conversation. 
He  is  said  here  to  be  ires  aimable,  but  he  has  un  ton  de 
beaucoup  trop  libre  pour  ce  qu'on  appelle,  en  France, 
la  bonne  society.  This  leads  to  conclusions  on  the  taste  of 
Vienna  which  I  certainly  shall  not  draw  without  further  ob- 
servation. Madame  is  assez  gate,  but  from  that  no  unfavor- 
able deductions  can  be  made.  The  Prince  Sapeiha  comes 
in,  and,  in  a  general  conversation  on  the  beauty  of  a  certaip 
lady,  it  is  inquired  whether  she  be  belle  or  jolte ;  and  differ- 
ent persons  opine  different  ways,  till  at  length,  the  voices 
being  equal,  the  Prince  brings  forward,  to  instance  his  dis- 
tinctions, Madame  Mostoska  on  one  side,  Mesdames  Lini- 
ouski  and  Kinski  on  the  other,  giving  decided  prefer- 
ence to  the  two  latter,  who  are  certainly  fine  forms  and 
figures.  The  former,  with  an  open,  ingenuous  counte- 
nance and  lively  sweetness  of  expression,  has  pleased  me 
much  for  the  few  times  I  have  seen  her,  which  Madame 
Haften  has  observed,  and  cites  me  as  her  advocate.  Upon 
this  I  seize  the  occasion,  and,  addressing  myself  to  him  : 
'  Mon  prince,  je  ne  me  donne  pas  pour  d^fendeur  de  Ma- 
dame Mostoska,  car  elle  n'en  a  pas  besoin ;  encore  moins 


1796]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  229 

me  permettrai-je  de  faire  des  comparaisons,  puisqu'il  s'y 
trouve  toujours  quelque  chose  d'odieuse.  Je  ne  ferai  qu'- 
une  seule  observation  :  que  m'itnporte  le  plus  beau  palais 
du  monde,  si  toutes  les  portes  en  sont  toujours  fermees  ? ' 
Should  this  saying  circulate  I  should  not  be  sorry,  be- 
cause it  will  strike  someone  whose  stiff  manner  I  might 
be  offended  at  if  anything  of  this  sort  could  offend,  but 
which  I  pity,  because  it  is  truly  *  pitoyable.'  The  Prince 
is  completely  silenced,  saying  only  he  is  glad  the  unhappy 
Poles  have  been  able  to  preserve  something  in  their  gen- 
eral misfortune.  He,  as  well  as  Madame  Mostoska,  is  of 
that  ci-devant  nation." 

"  News  is  received  [November  21st]  that  Commodore 
Elphinstone  has  taken,  in  Saldanha  Bay,  the  Dutch  fleet, 
consisting  of  three  ships,  five  frigates,  and  transports  with 
four  thousand  troops,  without  firing  a  shot.  This  is  very 
important,  in  that  it  secures  the  whole  of  the  East  Indies, 
of  which  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  is  an  essential  out-work. 

**  Spend  part  of  the  evening  at  Madame  Castelalfieri's, 
whence  I  depart  before  supper,  but  having  had,  the  rare 
thing  for  this  country,  some  pleasant  conversation.  In 
speaking  with  Monseigneur  Albani  on  the  state  of  public 
affairs,  my  freedom  brings  forward  his,  and  he  tells  me  that 
his  Court  is  so  extremely  feeble  that  nothing  can  be  hoped 
from  them.  He  ac4cnowledges  the  ultimate  apprehen- 
sions of  Italy  from  the  House  of  Austria,  and,  as  to  the 
present  views  of  the  French,  says  very  justly  that  the 
temporalities  of  the  Church  are  menaced,  which,  once 
gone,  no  moral  force  now  remains  by  which  to  recover 
them." 

"There  has  been  some  severe  fighting  in  Italy,  and, 
to  judge  by  the  government  account  [November  26th], 
Alvinzi  has  been  sadly  beaten  and  his  army  dispersed. 
Bonaparte  attacked  him  the  i6th  and  17th.     The  loss  is 


230  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXVI. 

said  to  have  been  great  on  both  sides,  which  seems  proba- 
able,  but  it  appears  to  me  that,  if  great  and  unknown  ob- 
stacles did  not  prevent  it,  Alvinzi  should  have  marched  to 
the  right  of  Verona  and  formed  a  junction  with  Davido- 
vitch,  instead  of  marching  to  the  left  and  increasing,  by 
that  means,  the  distance  between  the  two  armies,  so  as 
to  render  a  co-operation  impracticable.  Davidovitch  has, 
iiowever,  gained  a  considerable  advantage,  on  the  i8th 
having  taken  a  thousand  prisoners  and  some  cannon, 
which  last  article  proves  that  he  has  gained  a  complete 
victory.  I  conclude  that  Bonaparte  fights  thus  obstinately 
in  the  hope  of  taking  Mantua  before  it  can  be  relieved. 
On  that  point  seems  to  turn  the  fate  of  Italy.  Sir  M, 
Eden  assures  me  that  the  loss  of  the  French  under  Bona- 
parte was  equal  to  that  of  the  Austrians  under  Alvinzi." 

"  To-day  [November  29th]  I  see  an  English  newspaper 
containing  the  address  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States  to  his  fellow-citizens  on  occasion  of  the  ensuing 
election,  in  which  he  declines  being  a  candidate.  This 
gives  me  very  great  pain.  There  are  said  to  be  news 
from  Italy  of  a  very  unpleasant  nature.  The  garrison  of 
Mantua  is  in  want  of  everything  but  bread.  It  will,  I  fear, 
be  found  that  man  liveth  not  by  bread  alone.  M.  de 
St.  Priest  assures  me  that  the  Empress  of  Russia  is  de- 
termined now  to  send  troops  agaii»st  France.  He  says 
that  Great  Britain  offered  last  year  a  million  sterling  as  a 
subsidy  to  the  Empress,  who  would  not  accept  it  then. 
He  tells  me  that  Lord  Malmesbury  is  treated  contemptu- 
ously at  Paris,  which  conduct  is,  in  his  opinion,  very  ab- 
surd. I  remember  that  my  friend  Woronzow  rejoiced  to 
the  King  of  Great  Britain  over  the  haughty  answer  of  the 
Directory  to  the  propositions  made  through  Mr.  Wickham 
last  year,  considering  it  as  the  only  false  step  which  they 
had  made  in  politics.     He  did  not  then,  neither  does  M. 


1796.]  GOU VERNE UR  MORRIS.  23 1 

de  St.  Priest,  consider  both  sides  of  the  question.  The 
Directory  consider  the  temper  of  their  own  nation,  and, 
being  determined  to  reject  treaty,  they  do  it  in  the  way 
which  can  best  raise  the  spirits  of  the  French  and  give, 
at  the  same  time,  an  air  of  Mat  to  their  proceedings  which 
may  dazzle  other  nations.  At  present  they  count,  I  be- 
lieve, on  an  alliance  with  the  Turks  as  well  as  with  Spain, 
and,  if  the  Turks  make  an  irruption  into  Hungary,  the 
force  of  this  Empire  will  be  greatly  shaken.  The  fate  of  the 
war  seems  to  depend  much  on  the  relative  marine  forces 
in  the  Mediterranean.  Will  Great  Britain  be  able  to  pre- 
serve the  superiority  there  ?  This  is  a  serious  question 
for  the  Emperor.  Mr.  Scott  lends  me  Burke's  pamphlet,* 
which  is  strongly  thought  and  in  general  well  expressed, 
but  the  coloring  too  high.  There  was  in  the  Frankfort 
paper  an  answer  of  the  British  Cabinet  through  Lord 
Malmesbury  to  the  French  Directory.  This  answer  is  well 
drawn,  but  the  Directory,  who  answer  with  contemptuous 
brevity,  have,  however,  the  advantage  in  reserve  of  being 
able  to  say  that  Britain,  though  called  upon,  has  not  spe- 
cified the  conditions  of  peace  which  she  means  to  pro- 
pose, but  only  brought  forward  a  vague,  abstract  proposi- 
tion which,  denied,  would  lead  to  long  investigation  and 
which,  admitted,  brings  the  questions  to  be  agitated  in 
concluding  a  peace  to  no  nearer  decision  than  before.  It 
is  evident,  however,  by  the  high  tone  of  the  Directory, 
that  they  wish  to  avoid  treaty,  otherwise  they  would  have 
made  this  simple  observation,  and  it  is  evident  also  that 
the  British  administration  do  not  consider  matters  as 
ripe,  or  they  would  not  direct  the  discussion  of  moot 
points.  In  effect,  this  Court  is  not  yet,  I  believe,  decided 
as  to    its   object.      Conversing  with  Sir  M.   Eden  about 

*  Letters  on  a  Regicide  Peace,  which  denounced  Pitt's  attempt  to  nego- 
tiate with  France. 


232  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF        [Chap.  XXXVI. 

general  affairs,  I  express  the  idea  that  the  misfortunes  in 
Italy  should  induce  this  government  to  abandon  it.  He 
acknowledges  that  there  is  a  kind  of  spell  upon  everything 
there,  but  thinks  that,  if  Italy  be  abandoned,  everything 
there  will  go  to  ruin.  I  fully  agree  with  him,  but  insist 
that  the  Emperor  had  better  leave  the  Italians  to  their 
fate  than  ruin  himself  in  trying  to  save  them.  I  find, 
however,  that  other  ideas  prevail  here.  Quern  deus  vult 
perdere,  etc.  I  mention  to  him  Lafayette's  detention,  and 
find  from  what  he  says  that  there  is  not  much  likelihood 
that  he  will  speedily  be  liberated.  I  state  to  him  what 
has  occurred  to  me  on  Lord  M.'s  negotiation  at  Paris,  and 
he  feels  but  tries  to  color  the  objections. 

"  The  Marquis  de  Salines  dines  with  me  [December  5th]. 
He  mentions  with  some  indignation  the  wretched  conduct 
of  his  Court,  but  adds  that  nothing  is  left  for  an  individ- 
ual but  silent  concern.  It  seems  clear  that  all  Italy  will 
be  at  the  mercy  of  the  French,  and  he  thinks  Naples  will 
follow  the  example  of  Spain,  and  become  the  ally  of 
France.  I  am  inclined  to  the  same  opinion*  This  even- 
ing the  Venetian  ambassador  tells  me  that  Alvinzi  has  re- 
tired, and  Davidovitch  is  beaten.  Tlie  affairs  of  Italy 
seem  to  be  very  bad  for  this  Court,  to  which  it  would  ap- 
pear that  the  French  Court  are  still  making  overtures  of 
peace.  Madame  Rassoomovsky,  with  whom  I  spend  the 
evening,  entertains  much  by  the  naif  histories  which  she 
gives  of  herself  in  her  presentation  here  as  ambassadress, 
and  her  reception  at  Moscow  by  her  father-in-law.  She 
admires  much  the  Empress  of  Russia,  not  merely  as  a 
great  sovereign  but  as  a  pleasant  woman,  and  tells,  among 
other  things,  a  story  of  a  sleighing  party  in  which  her 
coachman  overset  her.  and  excused  himself  by  saying  that 
he  had  tried  for  an  hour  to  overturn  the  sleigh  of  a  page 
without  effect,  and  could  not  have  succeeded  if  he  had  not 


1796.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  233 

seized  that  opportunity,  in  doing  which  he  had  gone  further 
than  he  had  intended.  She  smiled,  and  begged  him  in 
future  to  play  such  tricks  when  there  was  nobody  in  the 
carriage.  This  woman  is,  however,  accused,  and  I  believe 
justly,  of  many  acts  of  a  most  serious  complexion.  But 
such  is  human  nature.  Malcolm,  I  think,  says,  '  A  good 
and  virtuous  nature  may  recoil  in  an  imperial  charge.' 
The  nuncio  tells  me  that  the  King  of  Naples,  in  rectifying 
his  treaty  with  France,  has  included  the  Pope,  but  in  sucli 
way  as  to  leave  a  part  of  the  papal  dominions  at  their 
mercy  ;  that  the  French  have,  indeed,  retracted  those  arti- 
cles which  gave  most  uneasiness  to  the  people  of  Rome  in 
regard  to  the  religious  rights  of  His  Holiness,  but  have  left 
enough  to  destroy  all  his  ghostly  authority.  The  Venetian 
ambassador  tells  me  that  things  go  badly  yet  in  Italy.  It 
is  said,  however,  that  Wiirmser  in  a  late  sortie  has  taken 
some  cattle  and  gained  considerable  advantage." 

"The  news  arrives  this  day  [December  loth]  that  the 
Empress  of  Russia  is  dead.  She  felt  an  unusual  heat  in 
her  head,  to  remedy  which  she  put  her  feet  in  ice,  and 
died  instantly  of  an  apoplectic  fit.  She  certainly  took  the 
direct  road  to  apoplexy.  The  new  Emperor*  immediately 
discharged  the  life-guards,  and  sent  for  his  own  regiment 
to  perform  that  duty.  This  event  may  contribute  to  change 
the  face  of  Europe.  He  may  perhaps  find  it  for  his  in- 
terest to  let  the  Emperor  of  Germany  and  England  be 
reduced  by  France,  while  he  applies  balsams  to  the  wound- 
ed population  and  finance  of  his  immense  dominions.  On 
the  other  hand,  it  seems  to  me  that  so  soon  as  Russia 
abandons  her  plans  of  conquest  she  risks  being  divided 
in  her  turn.  I  presume  that,  among  the  great  effects  to 
result  from  this  sudden  change,  a  small  one  will  be   to 

•  Catherine  II.  was  succeeded  by  her  more  or  less  insane  son  Paul,  who 
was  murdered  in  1801. 


234  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF       [Chap.  XXXVI. 

lower  the  tone  of  self-sufficiency  and  intolerable  hauteur  oi 
M.  rAmbassadeur,  which  has,  I  find,  greatly  disgusted  the 
people  here." 

"It  is  said  this  day  [December  nth]  that  the  Empress 
of  Russia  lived  thirty  hours  after  the  attack,  but  was 
speechless  all  the  time  ;  that  it  was  in  sea-water,  not  in  ice, 
that  she  put  her  feet ;  that  it  was  by  advice  of  an  Armin- 
ian  physician  in  whom  she  had  great  confidence,  and  was 
to  cure  a  swelling  in  her  legs.  It  is  said,  also,  that  advices 
of  several  days  subsequent  to  her  decease  announce  that 
no  changes  had  taken  place  at  Court.  A  general  expecta- 
tion is  raised  that  this  sudden  death  will  produce  exten- 
sive consequences." 

"Spend  the  evening  [December  12th]  at  Sir  M.  Eden's, 
M.  de  St.  Priest  tells  me  here  the  accounts  he  has  re- 
ceived from  Petersburg  of  the  late  event.  The  old  lady 
was,  on  the  evening  of  November  15th,  in  very  high 
spirits  and  retired  at  her  usual  hour.  The  morning  of 
the  i6th  she,  as  usual,  breakfasted,  and  employed  herself 
in  writing.  M.  le  Prince  Zubow  (her  favorite)  came  in  as 
usual,  and  after  some  conversation  retired  to  his  apart- 
ment, and  she  went  to  the  gard.e-robe.  As  she  stayed  a  very 
long  time  her  women  became  at  last  alarmed,  and  one  of 
them  ventured  to  go  in.  She  was  found  lying  on  the 
floor.  They  got  a  mattress,  laid  her  on  it,  and  sent  for 
medical  assistance.  She  was  bled  repeatedly  and  vomits 
given,  but  she  remained  speechless,  and  died  on  the  even- 
ing of  the  17th  at  half-past  nine,  just  six  and  thirty  hours 
from  the  time  of  the  attack.  Her  bowels,  it  appears, 
were  mortified,  supposed  to  arise  from  the  sharpness  of 
humors  thrown  back  on  the  system  by  the  use  of  a 
marine  bath  to  her  feet.  Zubow  sent  off  for  her  son, 
the  present  Emperor,  then  at  his  country-seat,  who  came 
immediately  to  town,  etc.     He  has  not  only  preserved  to 


1796]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  235 

this  favorite  a  place,  but  made  him  a  marshal.  He  has 
given  the  regiment  of  guards  to  his  sons.  He  has  sent 
for  the  Princes  Repsin  and  Romanzovv,  to  consult  them 
on  the  military  affairs,  in  which  he  projects  considerable 
changes.  He  told  the  Imperial  envoy  that  he  would 
strictly  perform  all  his  engagements  to  this  Court.  He 
gave  a  similar  assurance  to  the  English  minister  in  pres- 
ence of  the  Prussian  minister,  and  then,  turning  to  the  lat- 
ter, told  him  he  should  equally  perform  his  engagements 
to  the  Court  of  Berlin.  As  all  these  engagements  do  not 
well  consist  together,  under  present  circumstances,  his  pro- 
fessions amount  to  little  or  nothing,  and  leave  him  at  lib- 
erty to  shape  his  conduct  according  to  his  convenience. 
The  mother  had  taken  her  measures  to  send  a  considerable 
force  against  France,  and  among  them  was  the  new  levy 
of  one  hundred  thousand  recruits,  but  as  he  has  counter- 
manded the  order  given  for  that  purpose,  it  seems  likely 
that  the  engagements  made  with  the  Emperor  and  Eng- 
land are  not  to  be  performed  in  that  respect.  It  is,  more- 
over, usual  for  sovereigns  to  adopt  different  measures  from 
those  pursued  by  their  predecessors,  and  in  all  probability 
his  debut  will  be  favorable  to  Prussia — perhaps  to  peace." 
"Spend  the  evening  [December  17th]  at  Madame  Po- 
toska's.  Nothing  new,  only  that  the  new  Emperor  of 
Russia  has  declared  he  will  give  audience  twice  a  week  to 
all  his  subjects,  has  abolished  a  little  tax  which  was  laid 
on  them  and  which  fell  chiefly  on  the  poor,  spends  three 
hours  a  day  in  exercising  his  guards,  and  courts  the  more 
potent  nobles  by  bestowing  great  places  on  them  ;  among 
others,  that  of  marshal  to  a  man  who  is  paralytic.  It  is 
whispered  at  Petersburg  that  he  means  to  make  Moscow 
his  residence,  and  this  seems  to  accord  with  his  veneration 
for  the  memory  of  his  father,  who  was,  it  is  said,  disposed 
to  throw  Russia  back  to  barbarism,  from  which  Peter  the 


236  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XXXVI. 

Great  had  raised  her.  He  has,  it  seems,  ordered  six  months' 
mourning  for  his  father.  The  weather  is  as  cold  here  to- 
day as  man  need  wish,  and  would  not  greatly  disparage 
Petersburg." 

"  This  morning  [December  i8th]  I  go  by  appointment 
to  Baron  de  Thugut's,  and  begin  by  announcing  to  him  my 
departure,  with  the  usual  offer  of  service,  and  add  that 
before  I  go  it  seemed  proper  that  I  should  trouble  him  with 
some  ideas  on  the  present  state  of  affairs.  I  premise  the 
conviction  that  nothing  is  to  be  expected  from  the  new 
Emperor  of  Russia,  and  then  state  what  may  be  done  if  a 
victory  in  Italy  be  vigorously  followed  up  without  those 
managements  which,  in  a  war  of  this  sort,  must  ever  prove 
injurious.  Mention  what  may  be  effected  by  forcing 
Spain  to  cede  commercial  privileges,  and  how  that  would 
tend  to  invigorate  the  finances,  more  especially  if  the 
communication  by  canals  be  effected  ;  and  on  this  head 
mention  the  kind  of  canal  which  appears  to  me  best  calcu- 
lated for  this  country,  with  some  reasons  of  policy,  both 
civil  and  military,  for  adopting  it.  I  state  to  him  the  rea- 
sons why,  especially  in  the  present  moment,  it  is  impor- 
tant to  bring  over  the  Prussian  Cabinet — which  point  we 
discuss  a  little — and  calm  his  apprehensions  from  the  in- 
creased power  of  that  monarch  in  case  such  ideas  should 
be  adopted.  I  state  to  him  the  certitude  that  Russia  must 
sooner  or  later  be  the  enemy  of  Prussia  from  geographical 
reasons,  and  add  that  Prussia  is  far  from  being  formidable 
when  compared  with  a  country  of  real  resources,  such  as 
the  Austrian  monarchy.  I  tell  him  that  I  am  persuaded 
the  French  will,  if  they  secure  Italy,  stimulate  the  Turk 
to  war  and  break  into  Hungary  in  order  to  restore  Po- 
land. He  smiles  at  this  and  tells  me,  first,  that  the  Prus- 
sians, who  in  the  case  supposed  would  be  allies  of  the 
Turk,  cannot  wish  for  the  re -establishment  of  Poland  ;  and, 


1796]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  237 

secondly,  that  the  Turks,  far  from  attending  to  an  object 
which  so  nearly  concerns  them,  view  the  fate  of  Poland 
with  perfect  indifference  ;  that  he  was  in  Constantinople  at 
the  time  of  the  first  partition,  and  found  tliem  totally  in- 
attentive to  it.  I  do  not  choose  to  observe  to  him,  as  I 
might,  that  the  situation  of  Europe  is  now  materially  dif- 
ferent, and  that  they  will  not  want  counsellors  to  point  out 
the  importance  of  the  present  moment.  After  having  said 
as  much  as  was  proper,  and  received  his  thanks  for  the 
communication,  I  take  out  a  letter  I  had  received  from 
Madame  la  Marquise  de  la  Montague,  sister  of  Madame 
de  Lafayette.  M.  de  Thugut  contradicts  the  account  of 
ill-treatment,  expresses  the  wish  that  they  had  never  had 
anything  to  do  with  him,  and  assures  me  that  Madame  de 
Lafayette  may  leave  the  prison  whenever  she  pleases,  but 
that  she  must  not  be  permitted  to  go  backwards  and  for- 
wards. I  solicit  his  release,  but  find  it  is  in  vain.  He  says 
that  probably  he  will  be  discharged  at  the  peace  ;  to  which 
I  reply  that  I  never  had  any  doubt  of  that  and  had  taken 
upon  me  long  ago  to  give  such  assurances,  but  that  I  wish 
it  were  done  sooner,  and  add  that  I  am  sure  it  would  have 
a  good  effect  in  England,  giving  my  reasons.  He  says 
that  if  England  will  ask  for  him  they  will  be  very  glad  to 
get  rid  of  him  in  that  way,  and  they  may,  if  they  please, 
turn  him  loose  in  London." 

"Spend  the  evening  [December  19th]  at  Sir  M.  Eden's, 
where  there  is  a  large  company.  The  Duke  of  Wiirtem- 
berg  goes  off  to-morrow  for  Hamburg  and  London,  to 
espouse  the  Princess  Royal,  on  which  subject  we  have  a 
little  badinage.  They  say  he  is  ill-tempered,  but  he  cer- 
tainly has  a  good  understanding.  She  also  is  said  to  be 
ill-tempered,  and  in  that  case  they  will  have  a  rare  minage. 
Mr.  Bacon,  who  is  just  arrived  from  London,  says  that  the 
nj#ion  is  still  in  good  spirits,  and  fears  little  from  the 


I 


238  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XXXVI. 

Spanish  war.  M.  de  St.  Priest  tells  me  his  news  from 
Petersburg.  The  Emperor  took  his  son  to  the  apartment 
where  Kosciusko  *  lay  ill.  He  told  the  prisoner  that  he 
saw  in  him  a  man  of  honor  who  had  done  his  duty,  and 
from  whom  he  asked  no  other  security  but  his  word  that 
he  would  never  act  against  him.  Kosciusko  attempted  to 
rise,  but  the  Emperor  forbade  him  ;  sat  half  an  hour  and 
conversed  with  him,  told  his  son  to  esteem  the  unhappy 
prisoner,  who  was  immediately  released — the  guard  taken 
away.  At  the  same  time  expresses  were  sent  off  into  Si- 
beria, and  ten  thousand  Poles  confined  there  received 
passports  and  money  to  bring  them  home.  This  story  is 
afterwards  told  to  me  by  M.  Lanskorenski,  a  Pole,  who  can 
scarcely  restrain  his  tears  as  he  relates  it.  They  are  all  of 
them  in  ecstasy,  and  that  single  trait  does  more  (in  my 
opinion)  towards  securing  the  Russian  part  of  Poland 
than  an  army  of  20,000  men.  But  yet  the  character  of  the 
Poles  is  not  such  as  may  securely  be  trusted  ;  the  great  are 
too  corrupt,  and  the  body  of  the  people  too  much  abased. 
M.  de  St.  Priest  tells  me  another  thing  which  he  says  he 
is  assured  of ;  viz.,  that  Spain  has  entered  into  the  war 
with  a  view  (from  overtures  made  by  the  French  Direc- 
tory) of  placing  the  King's  second  son  on  the  throne  of 
France.  I  tell  him,  hereupon,  that  I  have  long  suspected 
something  still  more  important  to  the  peace  of  Europe  ; 
viz.,  that  the  heir  of  the  Spanish  monarchy  should  be 
placed  on  the  French  throne.  This  would  necessarily 
overturn  Portugal,  and,  with  the  possession  of  the  territory 

'*Thaddeus  Kosciusko,  a  Polish  patriot  and  general,  went  to  America  in 
1777,  fought  at  Yorktown,  and  was  the  friend  of  Washington.  He  defended 
Warsaw  in  1794,  was  overpowered,  wounded,  and  taken  prisoner.  The  Em- 
peror Paul  released  him  after  two  years'  imprisonment,  and  offered  him  his 
sword,  which  Kosciusko  refused,  saying  he  "  had  no  need  of  a  sword  since  he 
had  no  longer  a  country."  He  died  in  Switzerland  in  1817,  having  abolished 
serfdom  on  his  Polish  domains.  * 


1796]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  239 

now  in  the  hands  of  France,  added  to  the  greater  part  of 
America,  go  near  towards  that  universal  monarchy  so  long 
apprehended,  though,  indeed,  in  a  different  shape — a  gen- 
eral influence  instead  of  a  general  domination.  This  idea  I 
was  always  cautious  not  to  publish,  and  only  mentioned  it 
to  one  or  two  people  whose  discretion  I  could  rely  on. 
When  the  young  Duke  of  Orleans  and  his  brethren  were 
invited  to  go  to  America,  I  considered  it  as  a  part  of  that 
system,  and  am  still  in  the  expectation  that  it  will  be 
somehow  or  other  effected.  To  consolidate  it,  they  should 
contrive  to  get  the  French  princess  here  for  his  wife." 

In  a  letter  to  Lord  Grenville,  December  21st,  written 
after  his  interview  with  Baron  de  Thugut,  Morris  says, 
a  propos  of  Lafayette  and  the  willingness  of  the  govern- 
ment to  liberate  him  if  England  should  ask  for  his  release  : 

"Now,  my  lord,  I  wish  you  to  consider  that  when  peace 
takes  place  he  will,  of  course,  be  liberated,  and  go  to 
America.  He  will  have  more  or  less  influence  there.  I 
believe  he  will  have  a  good  deal.  You  may,  if  you  please, 
send  him  thither  under  such  a  weight  of  notorious  obli- 
gation that  he  shall  be  incapable  of  disserving  you.  And 
if  you  take  him  now,  there  are  two  supposable  cases  in 
which,  if  he  were  twenty  times  a  Frenchman,  he  would 
be  inclined  to  serve  you,  viz.,  a  restoration  of  the  titular 
monarch,  or  the  full  establishment  of  the  present  rulers  of 
his  country.  In  all  cases,  you  would  do  an  act  agreeable 
to  America  which  would  cost  you  nothing  ;  and  I  am  sure 
you  are  not  to  learn  that  such  things  propitiate  more  the 
minds  of  men  than  more  solid  services,  which,  however 
they  may  promote  the  interests,  seldom  fail  to  wound  the 
pride  of  the  obliged  party.  Should  you  incline  to  this 
measure,  the  least  hint  would  induce  the  American  min- 
ister to  request  it  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  unless, 
which  I  should  deem  the  better  mode,  you  did  it  of  your 


I 


240  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXVI. 

own  motive.  The  effect  would  then  be  great,  even  in 
France.  For  though  he  is  now  of  no  importance  there, 
that  nation  is  highly  sensible  to  every  act  of  nobleness  and 
generosity." 

"To-day  [December  2ist]  I  visit  many  of  my  friends, 
and  announce  my  departure.  In  the  evening  go  to  M.  de 
Trautmansdorfe's  assembly.  I  have  here  an  interesting 
conversation  with  the  Cardinal  Albani,  or,  rather,  Monsi- 
gnor  Albani,  for  I  believe  he  is  not  yet  a  cardinal.  He 
tells  me  he  is  laboring  to  bring  about  an  intimate  connec- 
tion between  his  Court  and  this.  He  has  stated  fairly 
that  they  have  no  longer  any  apprehensions  from  Austria, 
but,  being  compelled  to  choose  between  France,  who 
menaces  the  rights  of  property,  and  Austria,  who  can 
only  attempt  changes  in  the  political  system,  they  natu- 
rally prefer  the  latter  from  the  weightier  danger  to  be 
feared  from  the  other  side.  I  suggest  to  him  another 
idea,  which  he  seizes  and  promises  to  make  use  of,  thank- 
ing me  for  it  ;  that  the  spiritual  arms  of  the  Pope — of  lit- 
tle avail  in  times  of  tranquillity — may  become  dangerous 
in  supposable  circumstances ;  that  the  ignorance  of  the 
people,  which  forms  here  a  principal  support  of  the  sov- 
ereign, is  in  some  considerable  degree  to  be  attributed  to 
the  influence  of  religion,  and  that  the  Pope  may  find 
himself  under  a  necessity  of  tearing  that  veil  of  preju- 
dice which  is  now  stretched  before  the  eyes  of  the  vul- 
gar. These  expressions,  I  observe,  are  too  strong  to  fall 
from  his  lips,  but  I  use  them  to  a  man  of  the  world  to 
avoid  circumlocution,  and  he  will  convey  the  ideas  in  his 
awn  way.  I  also  state  to  him  what  effect  may  be  pro- 
duced, according  to  my  conception  of  it,  in  Spain  by  the 
papal  thunders,  should  an  invasion  of  the  country  take 
place.  Mention  to  the  Prince  de  Reusse,  who  is  an  intel- 
ligent man,  brother  to  the  Imperial  Minister  at  Berlin, 


1796.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  24 1 

the  conduct  which  strikes  me  as  advisable  in  Italy,  and 
which,  indeed,  I  had  suggested  to  M.  de  Thugut.  The 
Prince  tells  me  that  he  thinks  something  very  like  it  will 
be  pursued,  and  laments  that  it  had  not  been  adopted 
in  the  Empire  ;  this  would  expose  (for  the  present)  to 
some  difiSculties,  but  will  come  forward  in  due  season  if 
the  war  continue,  and  more  especially  if  it  be  attended 
with  success.  Ask  Lucchesini  if  it  be  true  that  the  King 
of  Prussia  is  dropsical.  He  assures  me  of  the  contrary, 
from  letters  recently  received  which  particularly  mention 
His  Majesty's  health — from  which  I  infer  that  he  has  in- 
deed received  letters  which  relate  to  the  object ;  they 
prove  that  some  question  exists  respecting  it,  and  then 
his  known  veracity  leads  me  to  believe  that  they  contain 
about  the  reverse  of  what  he  announces.  He  enjoys  that 
happy  reputation  that,  in  order  to  lie,  he  need  only  speak 
the  truth.  The  nuncio  tells  me  that  the  Imperial  Court 
has  given  them  General  Colli  to  command  the  armies 
of  His  Holiness,  and  seems  well  pleased  with  the  choice. 
M.  Galitzin  is  arrived  to  announce  the  accession  of  the 
Russian  Emperor.  He  is  running  amuck  at  popular- 
ity, and  while  all  the  badauds  se  pdment  d' admiration,  I 
cannot  but  reflect  that  such  conduct  marks  more  vanity 
than  greatness.  The  Baron  de  Groshlaer  comes  to  see 
me.  He  tells  me  that  my  arrival  here  occasioned  much 
inquiry.  People  attributed  to  me  different  objects,  and, 
finding  none  plausible,  at  last  set  my  journey  down  to  the 
account  of  M.  de  Lafayette.  I  understand  that  all  this 
arises  from  what  has  passed  respecting  M.  de  Lafayette 
between  M.  Thugut  and  me.  I  finally  tell  him  that  the 
only  difference  between  me  and  the  young  Englishmen 
of  whom  there  is  a  swarm  here  is,  that  I  seek  instruc- 
tion with  gray  hairs,  and  they  with  brown. 

"  Visit  Madame  de  Stahremberg,  where  I  meet  the  Rus- 
VOL.  II.— 16 


242  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XXXVI. 

sian  ambassador,  who  is  gravely  disserting  to  the  ladies 
on  weepers — their  different  kinds,  uses,  origin,  etc.,  all 
which  is  important  and  suitable  to  his  situation,  and,  of 
course,  becoming.  Madame  de  Shoenfeldt  catches  my  eye, 
and  looks  as  if  she  thought  it  comical.  M.  Lanskorenski 
tells  me  that  the  new  Emperor  of  Russia  has  made  a  great 
reform  ;  he  has  separated  the  civil  from  the  military 
power.  I  take  him  a  little  aside,  and  say,  *  Qu'il  prenne 
garde  d  lui.  Le  despote  qui  s'avise  de  rem^dier  aux  abus, 
doit  se  persuader,  d'abord^  qu'il  en  est  lui-meme  le  plus 
grand  de  son  empire,  et  si  une  fois  on  se  met  a  raisonner 
sur  les  abus,  on  monte  facilement  a  la  source  de  tout.' 
Urge  M.  de  St.  Priest,  who  agrees  with  me  in  opinion 
tliat  nothing  is  to  be  expected  from  this  Emperor,  who 
seems  to  have  taken  Joseph  (ubicunque  Secundus)  for  his 
model,  to  endeavor  to  reconcile  the  Courts  of  Vienna  and 
Berlin  as  the  only  probable  means  of  restoring  peace  to 
Europe.  He  seems  to  have  no  disposition  for  this,  though 
he  is  obliged  to  acknowledge  that  it  is  the  only  resource. 
He  mentions  insurrections  at  Breslau,  and  a  proclamation 
from  the  King  of  Prussia  which  proves  that  he  is  fully 
aware  of  the  danger  of  certain  principles  in  his  dominions. 
"  The  Bishop  of  Nancy  calls  on  me,  and  I  give  him,  as  fully 
as  I  may,  the  statement  of  a  concern  in  which  the  French 
Princess  is  interested.  At  Madame  Colorath's  assembly 
I  see  the  Prince  de  Reusse,  and  enter  into  conversation 
with  him  and  an  acquaintance  of  his  whom  I  don't  know. 
He  attributes  the  ill-success  in  Italy  to  the  bad  general- 
ship in  some  degree,  and  also  to  the  want  of  officers  in  that 
army  and  the  consequent  bad  composition  of  the  troops. 
The  deficiency  of  officers  he  traces  up  to  a  system  adopted 
at  the  close  of  the  Seven  Years'  War,  by  which  the  pur- 
chase of  commissions  was  permitted.  This  brought  into 
the  army  a  great  number  of  people  who  possessed  nothing 


1796]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  243 

but  money,  and  these,  during  a  long  peace,  learnt  only 
to  manoeuvre  their  troops  on  the  parade.  Time,  however, 
naturally  brought  them  on  to  the  rank  of  general  officers, 
and  now  they  feel  the  want  of  those  men  of  rank  who, 
having  made  war  a  profession,  would  have  sought  knowl- 
edge and  experience  in  foreign  service  while  their  own 
country  was  at  peace.  He  tells  me  that  Alvinzi,  a  brave, 
good  officer,  is  crippled  by  the  gout,  and,  of  course,  unequal 
in  activity  to  his  opponent.  He  says  that  Wilrmser's 
misfortune,  when  he  entered  Italy,  was  owing  to  Quasda- 
nowitch,  who  scattered  his  troops  about  so  as  to  expose 
them  to  what  happened,  viz.,  being  cut  off  in  detail.  I 
observe  that  this  was  in  some  measure  the  fault  of  Wiirm- 
ser,  who,  in  digesting  his  plan,  ought  to  have  foreseen  at 
least  the  case  of  success,  and  to  have  given  orders  for  the 
conduct  which  was  in  that  case  to  be  pursued.  He  tells 
me  that  such  orders  as  I  suppose  were  actually  given  but 
not  complied  with.  I  reply  that,  if  so,  Quasdanowitch 
ought  to  have  been  punished.  He  says  one  of  their  great 
faults  here  is  neither  to  put  the  guilty  or  negligent  in  the 
way  of  punishment,  nor  afford  to  others  the  means  of 
exculpating  themselves.     He  mentions  the  hard  case  of 

General  ,  who  lost  Italy,  and  assigns  that  loss  to  a 

very  trifling  incident.  He  had  an  inferior  force  to  the 
enemy,  being  at  most  in  the  proportion  of  two  to  three. 
He  determined  to  take  possession  of  a  river  near  Genoa, 
and,  while  he  kept  the  enemy  in  check  there,  he  gave 

orders  to  General to  attack  them  on  the  14th.     He 

made  his  dispositions  accordingly  on  the  13th,  and  gave 
the  proper  orders  to  General ;  but  one  of  his  aides- 
de-camp,  not  having  finished  copying  the  orders  till  twelve 
o'clock  at  night,  thought  it  most  regular  to  date  them  on 
the  14th,  as,  in  fact,  they  were  not  sent  off  till  the  14th. 
As  they  contained  orders  for  the  morrow,  of  course  General 


244  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXVI. 
prepared  himself  to  fight  on  the  15th.     Attacked  on 


the  14th,  he  was  overpowered  by  numbers,  but on 

the  15th  obtained  the  most  brilliant  victory,  taking  away, 
among  other  things,  twenty  pieces  of  cannon  ;  but  new 
troops  coming  on  continually  against  him,  he  was  at 
length  overpowered  by  numbers,  and  beaten  also.  Thus 
Italy  was  overrun  by  the  French  armies  because  a  stupid 
aide-de-camp  misdated  an  order.  I  express  to  the  gentle- 
men my  surprise  that  Colonel  Mack,  who  is,  I  find,  con- 
sidered here  by  professional  men  as  being  the  best  among 
them,  is  not  sent  to  Italy.  He  says  the  Emperor  has  not 
so  good  an  opinion  of  him,  being  surrounded  by  a  very 
small  circle  who  are  Mack's  enemies  ;  that  the  Council  of 
War  has  recommended  him,  but  the  recommendation  was 
not  noticed.  This  reminds  me  of  what  Madame  Arnstein 
told  me  last  night ;  viz.,  that  the  government  is  in  the 
hands  of  a  very  few^  persons  devoted  to  the  Empress,  who 
keep  her  husband  secluded  from  everybody  who  would 
give  him  useful  information.  People,  I  find,  differ  very 
much  upon  all  these  subjects.  My  friend  the  Baron  de 
Groshlaer  told  me  that  M.  de  Lehrbach  was  by  no  means 
of  so  much  ability  as  I  supposed  ;  had  been  educated  to 
the  magistracy,  and  is  of  an  impetuous  temper,  which  runs 
away  with  him.  I  pass  a  part  of  the  evening  with  Ma- 
dame Potoska,  and  go  afterwards  with  the  Prince  de  Reusse 
to  the  midnight  mass.  He  is  a  Protestant  and,  of  course, 
not  diverted  by  any  conscientious  motive  from  observing 
with  me  the  scene.  A  great  number  of  women  of  the  town 
are  here  ;  also  some  of  higher  rank,  and  lower  principles. 
The  principal  object  of  a  great  part  of  the  congregation 
seems  to  be  the  arranging  of  occasion  for  sensuality. 
The  music  is  good,  but  I  own  that  this  mode  of  employ- 
ing an  edifice  dedicated  to  sacred  purposes  does  not 
accord  with  my  feelings." 


1796.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  245 

"At  the  Archduchess's  to-night  [December  25th]  one 
of  the  little  princes,  brother  to  the  Emperor,  and  who  is 
truly  an  Archduke,  asks  me  to  explain  to  him  the  differ- 
ent uniforms  worn  by  the  young  English — of  whom  there 
are  a  great  number  here,  all  in  regimentals.  Some  of 
these  belong  to  no  corps  at  all,  and  the  others  to  yeomanry 
fencibles,  etc.,  all  of  which  purport  to  be  raised  for  the 
defence  of  their  country,  in  case  she  should  be  invaded  ; 
but  now,  when  the  invasion  seems  most  imminent,  they 
are  abroad  and  cannot  be  made  to  feel  the  ridiculous  in- 
decency of  appearing  in  regimentals.  Sir  M.  Eden  and 
others  have  given  them  the  broadest  hints,  without  the 
least  effect.  One  of  them  told  me  all  the  world  should 
not  laugh  him  out  of  his  regimentals.  I  bowed,  and  told 
him  the  greatest  monarch  in  Europe  was  not  strong 
enough  to  brave  public  opinion.  I  see  him,  however,  this 
afternoon  in  his  uniform.  I  tell  the  Prince  that  I  really 
am  not  able  to  answer  his  question,  but  that,  in  general,  I 
believe  these  dresses  are  worn  for  convenience  in  travel- 
ling. He  smiles  at  this,  and  asks  what  can  be  the  mean- 
ing of  a  blue  coat  worn  by  Lord  Cowper,  with  gold  lace 
and  a  red  cape.  *  That,'  says  he,  laughing,  *  is,  I  suppose, 
a  Court  uniform.'  If  I  were  an  Englishman  I  should  be 
hurt  at  these  exhibitions,  and,  as  it  is,  I  am  sorry  for  it. 
I  observe,  however,  on  this  occasion,  what  has  often 
struck  me  before.  They  cite  as  incontrovertible  author- 
ity in  England  the  general  conduct  of  young  men,  from 
whence  I  am  led  to  suppose  that  old  men  are  in  the  habit 
of  admitting  the  validity  of  such  authority.  And  now  I 
find  that  here  they  assume  it  as  unquestionable  that  the 
young  men  of  England  have  a  right  to  adjust  the  cere- 
monial of  Vienna.  The  political  relations  of  the  two 
countries  induce  the  good  company  here  to  treat  them 
with  politeness,  but  nothing  prevents  their  being  laughed 


246  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF        [Chap.  XXXVI. 

at,  as  I  found  the  other  evening  at  Madame  Groshlaer's, 
where  the  young  women,  as  well  as  the  girls,  were  very- 
merry  at  the  expense  of  these  young  men." 

"To-day  [December  26th]  I  dine  at  the  Archduchess 
Christine's.  They  are  very  attentive  to  their  guests,  and 
do  the  honors  of  their  house  well.  We  have  an  odd 
ragout  made  of  a  bear's  paws,  which  are  esteemed  here 
as  a  great  delicacy  and  would,  I  believe,  be  very  good  if 
the  cook  had  done  less  for  them.  There  is  one  plate  of 
them  in  salad,  and  one  in  a  kind  of  stew.  Madame  de 
Lita  is  here,  and  says  I  must  not  go  away.  I  ask  M.  de 
Lita  to  present  me  to  his  wife,  observing  that  I  had  never 
been  presented.  He  does  this,  but  has  something  in  his 
air  which  looks  as  if  by  instinct  he  were  informed  that 
the  introduction  were  quite  unnecessary  and  our  acquaint- 
ance already  well  made.  Go  to  the  Russian  ambassa- 
dor's, and  make  my  bow.  I  find  that  he  is  a  little  hu- 
manized by  the  idea  that  he  may  soon  lose  his  place,  a 
circumstance  which  occasions  triumph  to  all  around  him, 
and  which  thereby  inspires  me  with  pity.  It  is  not  well 
done  to  insult  the  fallen,  even  in  idea.  After  sitting  a 
little  while,  go  to  Sir  M.  Eden's.  In  conversation  I  men- 
tion to  him  the  observations  of  the  little  Archduke.  He 
tells  me  that  this  mania  of  his  countrymen  for  wearing 
regimentals  has  long  given  him  concern  and  now  much 
pain ;  that  he  has  told  them  how  improper  it  is,  how  in- 
decent, etc.,  but  without  effect.  It  originated,  he  thinks, 
in  the  economical  views  of  their  parents.  He  tells  me 
that  while  at  Berlin  four  Englishmen  who  appeared  in 
that  dress  (not  being  officers)  were  turned  away  from 
Potsdam,  and  complained  to  him,  but  he  told  them  they 
were  rightly  served  ;  that  they  would  not  have  presumed 
to  appear  in  that  way  at  St.  James's,  and  could  not  expect 
that  a  foreign  prince  would  indulge  them  in  greater  lib- 


/ 

1796.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  24/ 

erties  than  their  own  monarch.  Leave  Sir  M.  Eden  and 
go  to  Mrs.  Peploe's  to  a  musical  meeting  which  might 
well  be  called  a  screaming  party,  for  a  Madame  de  Has- 
feldt,  who  resembles  more  a  Wapping  landlady  than  any- 
thing human,  pours  forth  such  yells  as  would  little  dis- 
parage a  chief  of  the  Mohawks.  A  Comtesse  de  Zoes 
plays  to  show  her  graces,  I  presume,  certainly  not  her 
science,  while  poor  Madame  Peploe,  boiling  with  vexation 
at  the  murder  of  her  music,  labors,  but  in  vain,  to  harmo- 
nize these  discordants.  I  am  thrown  into  a  violent  con- 
vulsion of  laughter  which,  without  being  noisy,  is  appar- 
ent in  spite  of  my  utmost  efforts.  Mrs.  Scott  catches 
the  infection,  and  conceals  as  well  as  she  may  the  effects 
of  it  by  coughing,  while  the  Prince  de  Reusse,  whose  good 
heart  is  alike  solicitous  for  the  singing  and  laughing  par- 
ties, that  one  may  not  give  or  the  other  take  offence, 
renders  by  his  air,  manner,  and  efforts  the  whole  scene 
completely  theatrical.  After  the  company  are  gone  and 
Mrs.  Peploe  has  had  a  few  moments  to  vent  the  expres- 
sions of  her  just  indignation,  she  is  so  kind  as  to  soothe 
ray  tingling  ears  (which  feel  as  if  something  were  scratch- 
ing them)  by  a  delicious  air  most  sweetly  sung." 

"Prepare  to-day  [December  31st]  for  my  departure 
from  Vienna.  Visit  Madame  Arnstein,  and  send  my  car- 
riage to  pay  visits.  While  I  am  at  Madame  Arnstein's 
the  Due  de  comes  in  and  says,  laughing,  that  Ma- 
dame de  Lita  is  very  sorry  I  am  going  away.  Madame 
Arnstein  tells  me  I  ought  to  delay  my  journey.  '  Huit 
jours  suffiront  pour  commencer  et  finir  le  roman.'  'Com- 
ment, madame,  huit  jours  ?'  They  are  highly  diverted  at 
the  surprise,  amounting  almost  to  astonishment,  which  is 
expressed  in  my  countenance,  and  are  far  from  supposing 
that  the  time  they  prescribe  is  just  seven  days  more  than 
was  necessarv.     Go  to  Madame  Potoska's  and  see  there 


248  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF       [Chap.  XXXVI. 

a  Saxon  delicacy,  viz.,  cockchafers  {des  hannetons)  pre- 
served in  sugar  [confiis).  These  animals  resemble  in  some 
respects  what  in  America  they  call  the  locust,  but  are  not 
so  large,  and  have,  besides,  the  hard  cover  of  a  bug  to 
their  wings,  which  cover  is  a  bright  brick-colored  brown. 
How  it  should  enter  into  people's  heads  to  eat  them,  un- 
less driven  to  it  by  famine,  one  could  hardly  conceive, 
and  the  making  them  into  sweetmeats  is  utterly  incon- 
ceivable." 

"This  morning  [January  ist],  immediately  after  break- 
fast, dress  and  go  to  Court.  The  levee  is  oddly  ar- 
ranged, all  the  males  being  in  one  apartment,  through 
which  the  Emperor  passes  in  going  to  chapel,  and  returns 
the  same  way  (with  the  Empress  and  imperial  family), 
after  which  they  go  through  their  own  rooms  to  the 
ladies,  assembled  on  the  other  side.  The  most  brilliant 
thing  here  is  the  noble  Hungarian  Guard,  a  body  (not 
numerous)  of  handsome,  tall  men,  on  fine  fiery  steeds, 
magnificently  caparisoned.  The  captain  of  this  guard,  the 
Prince  Esterhazy,  who  is  but  of  medium  size  or,  rather, 
under  it,  is  in  a  Hungarian  dress  of  scarlet  with  fur  cape 
and  cuffs,  but  the  whole  coat  embroidered  with  pearls,  as 
are  also  the  cap,  pantaloons,  and  boots  of  yellow  morocco 
leather — four  hundred  and  seventy  large  pearls  and  many 
thousands  of  inferior  size.  Notwithstanding  this  profu- 
sion, it  is  done  in  good  taste,  and  cost  but  one  hundred 
guineas  for  the  workmanship.  A  collar  of  large  dia- 
monds, a  very  large  solitaire  in  a  ring,  another  in  the  head 
of  his  cane,  a  plume  of  diamonds,  the  hilt  and  scabbard 
of  his  sword  set  with  diamonds,  and  even  his  spurs — in 
short,  he  and  his  horse,  who  is  bejewelled  also  (though  I 
did  not  see  him),  are  estimated  at  a  value  of  half  a  million 
guilders,  or  about  fifty  thousand  pounds  sterling.  His 
revenue  (for  he  is  the  richest  subject  in  Europe)  amounts 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  249 

to  from  sixty  to  seventy  thousand  pounds,  and  has,  during 
the  Turkish  War,  gone  up  to  a  million  of  guilders.  He 
lives  in  great  magnificence,  but  without  that  useful  part 
of  it — hospitality.  Has  now  above  one  hundred  and  fifty 
horses  in  Vienna,  but  had  run  out  considerably  before  he 
came  to  his  estate,  and  his  father  had  also  been  in  debt. 
This  last,  in  six  weeks'  residence  in  Frankfort,  where  he 
was  ambassador,  during  an  imperial  coronation,  spent 
eighty  thousand  pounds.  In  short,  the  estate  is  now 
dipped  to  the  tune  of  between  six  and  seven  millions  of 
guilders  ;  so  that  it  is  in  the  hands  of  creditors,  who  pay 
him  a  net  two  hundred  thousand  for  his  expenses,  with 
which  income  he  runs  annually  deeper  in  debt.  Here  is 
the  history  of  the  feudal  system  in  its  decline.  Most  of 
the  great  families  are  doing,  as  I  am  told,  the  same  foolish 
thing,  and  the  government  rejoices  at  the  consequent 
humiliation  of  a  haughty  nobility,  without  considering 
that  the  power  which  is  to  spring  up  in  their  stead — and 
which,  being  novel  to  the  constitution,  has,  of  course,  no 
counterpoise  provided,  and  is,  moreover,  increased  by  the 
impetus  of  progressing  force — must  at  length,  if  it  do  not 
overturn  the  throne,  give  it  at  least  the  severest  shocks. 
But  who  cares  for  posterity  ?  If  the  minister  of  the  day 
can  but  live  through  his  day  all  is  well  with  him,  and 
throughout  human  life  the  pressure  of  the  moment  forces 
men  out  of  all  the  line  of  prudence.  Video  meliora  probogue, 
deteriora  sequor  is  a  motto  which  might  be  annexed  to  al- 
most all  escutcheons. 

"  M.  Mazenski,  a  Pole,  and  grandson  to  Augustus  of 
Saxony,  was  at  Court  to-day  with  diamond  epaulettes  of 
very  large  stones.  It  is  said  that  he  has  the  finest  dia- 
monds of  any  subject  in  Europe.  But  a  finer  thing  than 
his  jewels,  or  those  of  any  other  man,  was  the  conduct  of 
his  servant,  who,  when  his  master  was  made  prisoner,  dur- 


250  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXVI. 

ing  the  late  troubles  in  that  miserable  country,  possessed 
himself  of  his  valuables  and  whispered  to  him,  '  If  you 
escape  you  will  find  me  at  Leipsic'  Mazenski  was  under 
the  gallows,  and  saved  himself  by  haranguing  the  popu- 
lace. At  Leipsic  he  found  the  servant  and  the  treasure. 
I  pass  the  evening  with  Madame  Arnstein,  and  she  tells 
me  that  the  Emperor  and  Empress  are  not  only  weak  but 
also  malicious  ;  that  he  envies  the  glory  acquired  by  his 
brother  the  Archduke,  and,  as  I  appear  astonished,  she 
gives  me  as  a  proof  that  when  the  people  here  were  going 
to  illuminate  their  houses  in  honor  of  Prince  Charles  it 
was  forbidden  by  the  police,  and  that  Brown,  Director  of 
the  Theatres,  and  a  creature  of  the  Empress,  gave  that 
night  such  a  play  as  left  the  audience  no  room  to  applaud 
their  favorite,  who  received,  indeed,  the  honors  of  the 
faubourgs  when  the  theatres  were  under  no  such  control  ; 
whereas  in  the  city  they  had  no  other  mode  left  of  ex- 
pressing their  sentiments  but  a  dangerously  joyful  recep- 
tion of  the  Archduchess  Christine,  who  is  known  to  be  the 
particular  protectress  of  the  Archduke,  and  to  have  adopt- 
ed him  as  her  son.  Another  proof  she  gives  is  that  when 
Prince  Esterhazy,  who  went  to  congratulate  the  Archduke 
on  the  part  of  Hungary,  returned,  he  told  the  Emperor 
that  the  army  endured  their  extreme  fatigue  and  distress 
only  out  of  affection  to  the  Archduke,  at  which  His  Majesty 
was  much  enraged.  The  Prince  added  that,  as  a  faithful 
subject,  he  found  himself  bound  in  duty,  both  to  His 
Majesty  and  the  State,  to  entreat  that  he  would  command 
the  Archduke  not  to  expose  his  person  so  much.  To  this 
the  Emperor  answered  coldly  that  he  would  write  to  him 
on  the  subject.  She  tells  me  as  soon  as  Kehl  is  taken 
the  Archduke  is  to  come  to  Vienna,  from  whence  she  is 
persuaded  he  will  not  again  go  to  the  army.  AH  this 
may  be  overcharged,  but  the  old  proverb,  '  No  smoke  with- 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  25 1 

out  some  fire,'  is  perhaps  not  to  be  disregarded  on  this 
occasion." 

"  I  take  tea  with  Sir  M.  Eden  [January  4th],  and  he  tells 
me  it  is  true  that  the  French  Directory  have  ordered  Lord 
Malmesbury  to  quit  Paris  in  eight  and  forty  hours.  He 
gave  in  his  proposals  very  fairly,  and  was  told  that  they 
would  listen  to  none  which  were  incompatible  with  the 
laws  and  constitution  of  the  Republic.  I  conclude  that 
Prussia  is  to  come  forward  next  spring,  unless  means  can 
be  discovered  to  change  the  views  of  that  Court.  Gen- 
eral Alvinzi  is,  it  is  said,  advancing  again.  I  discuss  with 
him,  a  little,  the  French  Constitution,  maintaining  a  prin- 
ciple advanced  by  Mr.  Pitt  and  Lord  Grenville,  viz.,  that 
it  is  so  far  from  preventing  a  cession  of  territory  by  the 
Directory  that  it  by  strong  implication  gives  that  power 
expressly,  besides  the  general  grant  of  powers,  in  which  // 
is  clearly  included.  He  holds  a  different  opinion,  and  I 
find  at  last  that  he  grounds  it  on  the  circumstance  that  his 
brother,  Lord  Auckland,  did  not  take  notice  of  any  such 
power  in  his  pamphlet,  but  seemed  to  accede  to  the  doc- 
trine afterwards  set  up  by  the  Directory.  I  walked  out 
to-day  to  see  the  trousseau  of  the  Archduchess.  The 
crowd  was  very  great,  and  the  thing  is  good  of  its  kind, 
said  to  cost  about  thirty  thousand  guineas." 


252  DIARY   AND  LETTERS  OF      [Chap.  XXXVIL 


CHAPTER   XXXVII. 

Morris  returns  to  Dresden.  Rhyming  letter  written  en  route.  Letter  to 
Lady  Sutherland.  Sir  Gilbert  Elliot.  Keeps  Lord  Grenville  in- 
formed of  his  conversations  with  public  men.  The  Duchess  of  Cum- 
berland's drawing-room.  Takes  leave  of  the  Electoral  family. 
Goes  to  Leipsic.  Berlin.  Madame  Cesar.  Presented  at  Court. 
Countess  Lichtenau.  Madame  Crayen.  Ball  at  the  Prince  Royal's. 
Baron  Mtinchausen.  Dines  with  the  Queen.  Conversation  at  Baron 
de  Haugwitz's.  Presented  to  Bischofswerder.  Confidential  conver- 
sation with  Count  Schmittau.  Leaves  Berlin  for  Brunswick.  Pre- 
sented at  Court.  Dines  with  the  Duchess  of  Brunswick.  Plays  whist 
with  the  sister  of  the  great  Frederick. 

THE  long-looked  for  frost  which  was  needed  to  make 
bearable  a  journey  of  several  hundred  miles  in  Jan- 
uary came  on  the  loth,  and,  immediately  taking  advantage 
of  it,  Morris  returned  to  Dresden.  The  journey  was  too 
uneventful  to  record  here,  but,  to  judge  from  a  letter, 
chiefly  in  verse,  English,  French,  and  German,  which  he 
sent  to  Mr.  Scott  at  Vienna  while  en  route,  the  bracing  air 
of  the  high  mountains,  or  the  memory  of  the  strains  of 
Viennese  music,  inspired  his  muse  to  tune  her  "  harp  in 
divers  tones."     Following  are  the  opening  lines  : 


"Dear  Sir 


"  StSken,  January  14th. 


While  you  in  various  talk  or  play, 
The  merry  moments  while  away, 

O'er  lofty  hills  I  clamber  slow, 

And  round  me  keen  winds  whistling  blow. 

Et  toi,  Phillis,  ma  douce  amie, 
Que  j'aime  jusqu'4  la  folic ; 


1797.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  253 

Toi  qui,  meme  le  premier  jour, 

Refus  et  rendis  de  1' amour 
Les  serments  et  la  jouissance, 
Toi,  modele  de  rinconstance  ; 

Je  t'aime  toujours  et  te  jure, 

Par  les  bienfaits  de  la  nature, 
Par  la  fleche  de  Cupidon, 

Par  la  ceinture  de  sa  m^re. 
Par  ce  que  1' amour  a  de  bon, 

A  jamais  tu  me  seras  ch^re  ; 
A  moins  qu'une  autre  douce  amante 

Ne  me  fasse  oublier  tes  charmes  : 
Tu  sais  (en  pareil  cas  savante) 

Comment  on  se  s^che  les  larmes. 

"  And  now,"  he  concludes  in  prose,  "  as  I  am  at  the 
bottom  of  page  and  paper,  I  bid  you  adieu,  praying  my 
remembrances  to  the  circle  of  our  friends.  Thank  Prince 
Reusse  for  his  directions,  which  have  been  of  singular 
service  to  me.  Try  to  tell  Mrs.  Scott  how  much  I  love 
her,  and  believe  that  I  have  a  just  sense  of  your  worth, 
and  therefore  feel  for  you  a  singular  attachment." 

Morris  arrived  at  Dresden  on  the  22d  of  January,  and 
found  a  pleasant  welcome  awaiting  him  from  the  friends 
he  had  made  during  a  previous  visit.  "  Mr.  Hugh  Elliot, 
the  brother  of  Gilbert  Elliot,  Lord  Minto,  calls  on  me 
to-day,"  he  says,  "and  is  more  free  in  his  opinion  of  the 
ministers  than  I  should  have  imagined.  He  tells  me  that 
the  French  army  on  the  other  side  of  the  Rhine  will  next 
spring  be  in  great  force  and  fine  condition,  and  also  that 
the  King's  ministers  are  very  desirous  of  peace,  and 
would,  he  is  convinced,  give  in  to  any  terms  that  should 
be  plausible,  hoping  that  France  would  then  do  her  own 
business.  Mounier  comes  in  to  see  me,  and  gives  me  some 
information  respecting  the  early  part  of  the  French  Revo- 
lution and  the  part  which   he  acted  ;  also  traits  of  M. 


254  DIARY  AND   LEITERS  OF      [Chap.  XXXVII. 

Necker's  ineptie.  Mr.  Elliot  speaks  a  little  on  the  same 
subject.  He  tells  me  that  the  only  man  he  met  with  of 
real  ability  among  the  French  was  Mirabeau.  He  says 
they  were  brought  up  together  ;  he  knew  him  intimately. 
He  was  incorruptible.  To  this  I  reply  that  the  price  of 
his  assistance  was  perfectly  known  for  every  measure. 
He  says  that  in  such  case  the  measure  must  have  met  the 
previous  approbation  of  his  own  judgment.  This  is  a 
nice  distinction  indeed.  He  allows,  however,  that  he  was 
corruptible  enough  on  the  side  of  his  passions,  which 
were  violent,  and  which  always  could  dispose  of  him. 
At  the  club  to-day  a  gentleman  whom  I  saw  last  summer 
comes  up  and  tells  me  that  he  has  often  thought  of  me, 
inasmuch  as  events  during  the  campaign  have  answered 
exactly  to  the  predictions  I  then  made.  I  tell  him  there  is 
no  ground  of  vanity  in  that  circumstance,  because  the 
situation  of  things  rendered  the  course  of  events  inevita- 
ble. From  the  gazettes  which  within  these  two  days  I 
have  had  occasion  to  peruse,  it  would  seem  that  the  ex- 
pedition fitted  out  by  the  French  against  Ireland  has 
completely  failed." 

"A  courier  from  Sir  Morton  Eden  arrives  here  this 
morning  [January  27th].  He  carries  to  England,  I  believe, 
the  disagreeable  intelligence  that  the  Austrians  have  been 
severely  beaten  and  that  Mantua  has  surrendered.  This 
gives  all  Italy  to  the  French,  and  they  will  use  it  and 
abuse  it.  I  fancy,  notwithstanding  M.  de  Thugut's  as- 
surances, they  will  be  able  to  stir  up  the  Turks.  Cer- 
tainly the  moment  is  favorable." 

Taking  advantage  of  this  courier,  "who  stays  a  quarter 
of  an  hour  longer  than  he  intended,"  Morris  had  the  op- 
portunity of  acknowledging  a  letter  from  Lady  Sutherland 
which  had  been  following  him  for  some  weeks. 

"  I  will  not  touch  on  politics  in  this  letter,"  he  says, 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  255 

"because  I  have  not  time  to  say  anything  of  that  sort; 
and  as  to  news,  those  from  Italy  are  bad.  Could  not  you 
come  to  Berlin  and  persuade  the  King  of  Prussia  (who  is 
in  his  heart  a  royalist)  to  support  the  cause  of  good  gov- 
ernment against  the  revolution-mongers  who  would  fain 
turn  all  the  world  topsy-turvy  ?  I  think  you  would  do 
more  than  half  a  dozen  ambassadors,  because  His  Majesty's 
ears  are  more  easily  touched  by  the  sound  of  a  female 
voice  than  by  any  other  music,  and  because  with  that 
sound  you  would  insinuate  to  him  more  sense  than  God 
has  given.  I  do  not  propose  that  you  should  sacrifice 
yoxivseXi  pour  la  patrieyhnt  merely  propitiate  him  a  little  to- 
wards the  propositions  which  your  lord  might  be  charged 
to  make.  Ah  9a  !  Laissons  Ja  les  cours,  le  rois  et  toutes 
les  bagatelles  de  cette  espece.  Venons  aux  choses  impor- 
tantes.  A  cet  effet,  je  vous  envoie  la  copie  d'une  fable,  or, 
if  you  please,  a  tale  written  in  my  carriage  in  coming 
from  Vienna ;  perhaps  it  may  amuse  you.  You  tell  me 
you  were  frequently  tempted  to  write.  If  you  would 
take  my  advice,  you  would  not  resist  the  temptation. 
As  a  good  Christian  I  pray  not  to  be  led  into  it,  but 
being  there  (with  the  consciousness  of  having  done  my 
duty),  I  make  it  a  rule  to  fall  as  decently  as  may  be. 
How  the  Comtesse  de  Thun  was  tempted  and  how  she 
fell  is  at  least  one-half  of  a  mystery.  The  latter  part 
was  doubtless  a  consequence  of  the  former ;  but  as 
to  that,  I  think  it  would  puzzle  your  ladyship,  with  all 
your  genius,  and  you  have  a  full  share  of  it,  to  divine 
which  of  his  lordship's  graces  had  inspired  the  tender 
passion.  Certainly,  from  the  constancy  of  her  correspond- 
ence, one  may  presume  that  she  was  trh  /prise,  unless  the 
consciousness  of  writing  well  was  an  inducement.  But, 
indeed,  that  sly  dog  vanity  frequently  lurks  in  the  cor- 
ner of  the  heart  when  love  imagines  himself  in  full  pos- 


256  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XXXVII. 

session  of  it.     The   countess  has   the  remains  of   a  fine 
woman  who  has  employed  her  time  well." 

"This  morning  [January  30th]  I  call  on  Mr.  Elliot,  with 
whom  I  have  a  long  conversation.  He  tells  me  that  dur- 
ing the  time  Pitt  bullied  Spain  he  got  frightened  at  the 
idea  that  France  would  adhere  to  the  family  compact,  and, 
sent  him,  Elliot,  over  to  negotiate  with  the  Diplomatic 
Committee  ;  that  everything  was  submitted  to  them,  and 
the  terms  having  been  made  agreeable  to  their  taste,  two 
couriers  were  despatched  to  Madrid,  informing  the  Court 
that  unless  it  acceded  to  them  it  must  not  count  on 
the  aid  of  France.  This  produced  the  treaty  made  by 
Lord  St.  Helen's,  and  opened  the  door  to  a  confidential 
communication  between  the  British  ministers  and  the 
leaders  in  France  ;  viz.,  Mirabeau,  Barnave,  etc.  On  this 
occasion  Mirabeau  proposed  to  him  that,  in  case  a  war 
should  break  out  on  the  Continent,  Flanders  should,  as  in 
the  Seven  Years'  War,  be  declared  neuter.  Whether  it 
was  in  the  power  of  the  King's  ministers  to  have  carried 
into  effect  any  such  stipulation  at  a  subsequent  period  I 
know  not ;  but  certainly,  if  it  had  been,  they  were  very 
wrong  to  engage  in  the  war.  On  the  subject  of  Hanover 
he  says  the  King  is  quite  intractable.  He  has  heard  him 
say  that  a  sovereign  has  no  right  to  transfer  the  allegiance 
of  subjects  which  God  has  given  him.  This  was  in  an- 
swer to  a  proposition  made  by  the  Prussian  Cabinet  to 
exchange  their  territory  in  the  vicinage  of  Holland  for 
that  part  of  Hanover  which  lies  between  Prussia  and 
Hamburg.  Mr.  Elliot  is  convinced  that  this  city  is  much 
coveted  by  Prussia,  but  thinks  the  possession  of  it  would 
be  injurious  to  Great  Britain,  and  in  that  respect  he  is,  I 
think,  much  mistaken.  He  tells  me  that  the  Ministers, 
separately  considered,  are  indeed  able  men,  but  that  the 
Ministry  is  incompetent  to  the  situation  in  which  they 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  2$/ 

are  placed,  and  that  Pitt  would,  he  is  persuaded,  submit 
now  to  almost  any  terms  of  peace  in  order  to  get  out  of 
the  scrape.  To  this  effect  (as  being  characteristic  of  the 
man)  he  cites  not  only  his  squabble  with  Russia,  but  also 
the  Spanish  armament,  and,  in  addition  to  his  previous  in- 
formation on  that  subject,  says  that  the  King  was  exceed- 
ingly vexed  at  the  step  taken  in  that  business,  which 
frightened  Pitt  and  led  him  to  speak  ill  of  the  French 
Convention,  and  at  length  from  step  to  step  into  a  war 
with  them.  He  says  they  will  not  either  adopt  or  adhere 
to  any  great  manly  system  of  continental  politics.  As  to 
the  Hanoverian  Regency,  he  considers  them  all  as  pen- 
sioners of  Prussia.  In  short,  he  looks  darkly  at  the  dark 
side  of  things,  with  more  truth  perhaps  than  might  be 
wished.  He  tells  me  that  Count  Eltz  was  hurt  at  the 
doubtful  manner  in  which  I  spoke  yesterday  to  the  Elec- 
tor respecting  Mantua,  but  if  the  count  knew  what  I  do 
he  ought  to  thank  me  for  expressing  only  doubt  and  ap- 
prehension." 

In  accordance  with  his  promise  to  Lord  Grenville,  Mor- 
ris continued  to  jot  down  all  his  thoughts  and  suggestions 
on  the  state  of  Europe,  with  the  hope  that  some  safe 
means  might  be  found  of  sending  the  letters  to  London. 
In  these  notes  waiting  for  transmission  to  his  lordship 
under  date  of  the  31st  of  January,  Morris  speaks  of  the 
Austrian  minister  as  not  being  equal  to  the  task  he  had 
imposed  upon  himself,  and  recorded  that  he  had  been 
early  informed  of  the  danger  which  threatened  Italy,  "but 
the  needful  succors  were  not  sent,  and  we  know  the  conse- 
quence. I  have  made  inquiries  about  Thugut  from  per^ 
sons  who  knew  him  intimately  before  he  was  Minister,  and 
am  sorry  to  say  that  none  of  them  consider  him  as  a  states- 
man but  rather  as  a  man  who  joins  profound  dissimula- 
tion to  the  spirit  of  intrigue.  There  is  one  circumstance 
Vol.  II.— 17 


258  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF      [Chap.  XXXVII. 

in  his  conduct  which  is  extraordinary.  Your  lordship 
knows  that  from  a  dissipated  man  of  pleasure  he  became 
all  at  once  a  sequestered  man  of  business.  He  accepts 
not  invitations  and  goes  nowhere,  but  dines  always  at 
home  (generally  tite-h-tHe  with  a  M.  Pellin — once  the  s%c- 
retzry y  fatseur,  and  confidant  of  Mirabeau — a  sly,  sensi- 
ble, profligate  fellow.  Sir  Morton  Eden,  to  whom  I  re- 
marked on  this  strange  connection  and  its  dangerous  con- 
sequences, told  me  Thugut  was  so  discreet  that  Pellin 
could  learn  nothing  from  him. 

"  The  French  Directory  have,  it  is  said,  perfect  informa- 
tion of  what  passes  in  the  Austrian  councils,  but  that  may 
be  mere  assertion.  So  far  as  my  inquiries  could  extend, 
there  is  at  Vienna  no  able  man  to  assist  or  (in  case  of 
need)  to  replace  the  Baron,  who,  by  the  by,  is  much  dis- 
liked, and  who  cannot  or  will  not  employ  some  of  the  few 
able  officers  in  the  Imperial  service,  because  they  have 
declared  themselves  against  him.  How  far  it  may  be  in 
your  lordship's  power  to  remedy  this  defect  in  the  Aus- 
trian councils  is  a  question  I  am  incompetent  to  con- 
sider. 

"  It  seems  demonstrated  that  Italy  must,  for  some  time, 
be  left  to  its  fate,  and  that  the  Emperor  must  hencefor- 
ward, in  his  own  defence,  keep  a  body  of  troops  on  the 
northeastern  side  of  the  Adriatic,  and  another  in  the 
gorges  of  Tyrol,  Carinthia,  and  Carniola.  Under  these 
circumstances  it  would,  I  think,  be  wise  to  hold  out  the 
idea  of  an  Italian  campaign  for  the  next  spring,  and  to 
have  transports  collected  at  Trieste  and  Fiume  for  carry- 
ing troops  across  the  Adriatic,  under  convoy  of  your  fleet. 
These  appearances  would  keep  the  fleet  in  check  ;  and, 
in  fact,  an  invasion  of  that  sort  seems  now  the  only 
practicable  mode  of  recovering  Italy.  The  climate  ren- 
ders it  imprudent  to  commence  a  campaign  there  before 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  259 

the  month  of  September,  but  early  preparations  for  it 
would  oblige  the  French  to  keep  a  considerable  force  in 
the  unhealthy  part  of  that  country,  which  in  its  conse- 
quences would  be  equivalent  to  a  victory.  A  large  body 
of  troops  might  be  assembled  at  Lintz,  declaredly  for  Italy, 
but  really  for  the  Rhine,  where  the  great  efforts  ought  to 
be  made.  In  what  way  and  towards  what  objects  I  shall 
not  permit  myself  to  discuss,  for  many  reasons,  and  par- 
ticularly because  the  plan  of  a  campaign  should  be  squared 
to  circumstances  by  the  genius  of  him  who  conducts  it. 
I  will  merely  observe  that  it  will  cost  you  less  to  carry  on 
the  war  in  the  enemy's  country  than  on  this  side  of  the 
Rhine.     .     .     . 

"  I  must  entreat  your  lordship  to  consider  a  little  the 
actual  and  probable  state  of  Germany.  The  constitution 
of  this  Empire  is  a  bubble,  and  in  reality  there  exist  here 
two  Emperors ;  one  of  the  North,  who  commands  under 
the  name  of  treating,  and  one  of  the  South,  who  treats 
under  the  name  of  commanding.  The  Northern  Emperor 
possesses  almost  all  Westphalia  and  the  two  Saxonies, 
Hesse,  with  Lusatia,  Silesia,  Prussia,  and  a  part  of  Poland. 
The  Southern  Emperor  possesses  Bohemia,  the  two  Aus- 
trias,  a  part  of  Poland,  with  Hungary,  Carinthia,  Carniola, 
Styria,  and  Croatia.  On  their  jealousy  of  each  other  de- 
pends the  sickly  existence  of  the  various  German  princi- 
palities not  included  in  the  districts  just  mentioned.  But 
these  must  sooner  or  later  be  divided  between  them. 
.  .  .  Two  great  powers  are  indeed  interested  to  pre- 
vent it — Russia  and  France — but  principally  the  latter. 
And  one  great  power  is  interested  in  promoting  it,  Brit- 
ain. The  thing  is  not  now  practicable  in  its  extent,  but  if 
it  were,  I  should  contend,  my  lord,  that  it  would  be  for 
your  advantage  to  bring  both  Austria  and  Prussia  into 
direct  contact  with  France,  possessing  yourselves  at  the 


260  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVIl. 

same  time  of  the  Austrian  Low  Countries,  and  extending 
yourselves  to  the  Rhine,  from  the  mouth  of  the  Moselle 
down  to  Gelderland;  for  in  this  way  you  would  acquire,  in 
the  first  instance,  a  mass  of  force  sufficient  to  resist  France 
without  an  ally,  and,  secondly,  in  the  supposable  case  that 
Prussia  should  join  France  to  wrest  Holland  out  of  your 
hands  and  divide  between  them  the  Low  Countries,  not 
only  would  your  fleets  do  them  much  mischief  at  sea  while 
they  were  besieging  your  fortresses,  but  your  allies,  Austria 
and  Russia,  would  soon  give  you  a  decided  superiority  at 
land.  Moreover,  Austria  and  Prussia  joined  together 
would  form  a  solid  barrier  against  the  further  extension 
of  the  Russian  Empire,  a  thing  worthy  of  attention.  But 
Germany,  in  its  present  situation,  divided  under  little 
princes,  presents  nothing  to  France  which  can  give  her  a 
moment's  uneasiness  or  procure  for  you  any  valuable  assist- 
ance. Force  her  now  to  surrender  Flanders,  she  will  again 
return  to  the  charge,  and  possess  herself  of  it  sooner  or 
later  by  conquest  or  by  a  political  transaction  with  Austria, 
in  consequence  either  of  the  jealousies  which  exist  between 
that  power  and  Prussia  or  by  some  arrangement  between 
the  three.  You  will  then  be  under  the  necessity  of  forti- 
fying and  garrisoning  your  eastern  coast,  at  a  most  ruin- 
ous expense  and  with  most  precarious  effect. 

"  I  can  conceive  only  two  reasons  why  you  should  not 
pursue  the  measures  above  alluded  to,  so  far,  at  least,  as 
they  are  now  practicable.  One  of  them  is  that  they  involve 
the  surrender  of  Hanover  to  Prussia.  Now  I  will  admit 
that  Hanover  may  for  a  time  continue  to  be  (as  at  present) 
subject  to  His  Majesty  in  name ;  but,  even  then,  every  es- 
sential of  power  must  continue  to  be  at  the  disposition  of 
the  Prussian  Cabinet.  Moreover,  it  is  to  be  remembered 
that  this  Electorate  might,  in  the  case  above  hinted  at,  be 
the  price  paid  to  Prussia  for  consenting  to  Austria  taking 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  261 

Bavaria  in  lieu  of  the  Low  Countries  ceded  to  France  ; 
and  it  is  self-evident  that  you  cannot  hold  Hanover  against 
Prussia,  even  in  name,  except  as  a  boon,  and  during  the 
good  pleasure  of  France.  Her  interest  will  induce  her  to 
support  the  German  constitution,  unless  she  can  get  Flan- 
ders by  sacrificing  it ;  but  still,  whether  she  act  in  conjunc- 
tion with  or  in  opposition  to  Austria,  her  views  and  her 
operations  must  ever  be  hostile  to  Britain.  I  come  now 
to  the  second  reason  which  may  be  urged  why  you  should 
not  give  Hanover  in  exchange  for  the  Low  Countries,  viz., 
the  expense  of  defending  them.  You  will  observe,  by  the 
by,  my  lord,  tliat  I  do  not  accurately  distinguish  between 
the  King  of  Great  Britain  and  the  Elector  of  Hanover. 
In  effect,  and  according  to  the  view  I  take  of  this  busi- 
ness, the  distinction  is  useless,  because  I  contemplate  giv- 
ing to  the  same  person  one  country  for  the  other,  the  more 
valuable  for  the  less  valuable  ;  and  whether  in  the  conduct 
of  it  the  Elector  would  make  a  sacrifice  to  the  King  is  a 
question  which  His  Majesty  would  in  his  wisdom  decide, 
and  which  I  shall  not  meddle  with.  But  to  return  to  the 
objection  last  mentioned.  I  answer,  first,  that  you  must  (in 
all  supposable  cases)  be  at  the  expense  of  defending  the 
Low  Countries  against  France,  or  of  defending  yourself 
against  them,  and  your  history  since  Queen  Elizabeth 
proves  this  assertion.  Secondly,  I  aver  that  with  proper 
management  they  would  be  able  to  defend  themselves  in 
a  very  considerable  degree.  Cover  them  by  good  for- 
tresses, arm  and  discipline  the  inhabitants,  connect  them 
with  you  by  the  ties  of  interest,  language,  manners,  and, 
above  all,  by  a  mild  and  just  government,  and  their  neigh- 
bors would  have  more  to  fear  from  them  than  they  from 
their  neighbors.  That  country,  intersected  by  many  ca- 
nals, to  which  others  may  be  added,  possesses  the  military 
advantage  of  bringing  all  its  powers  with  facility  and  celer- 


262  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVIL 

ity  to  any  one  point  of  its  frontiers.  Its  vicinage  to  Eng- 
land and  numerous  little  ports  enables  you  to  pour  in  the 
force  of  your  islands  for  its  protection.  The  situation  of 
Holland  would  obtain  for  you  her  cordial  assistance  in 
every  war  of  defence,  and  you  would  thereby  possess  al- 
most exclusively  all  pecuniary  resources — an  object  of  no 
small  import  in  modern  wars. 

"  So  much  on  the  head  of  defence  from  military  force  ; 
but  there  remain  two  other  considerations.  First,  I  ob- 
serve that  those  countries,  in  possession  of  France,  would 
soon  rival  your  woollen  and  iron  manufactures,  diminish- 
ing thereby  your  national  wealth,  and  that  a  military  port 
on  the  Scheldt  would  frequently,  during  war,  put  your 
capital  itself  in  jeopardy,  and  always  distress  your  coal 
and  coasting  trade,  not  to  mention  the  supplies  of  naval 
stores  drawn  from  the  North,  and  which  would  also  be 
exposed  to  capture.  A  Second  consideration,  and  turning 
upon  a  different  pivot,  is  the  advantage  to  be  derived 
from  the  possession  of  that  country.  Flanders,  my  lord, 
is  the  military  highway  into  France,  and  (so  long  as  she 
keeps  Alsace)  the  only  way  by  which  it  can  be  prudent  to 
attack  her ;  even  in  that  way  she  is  not  easily  vulnera- 
ble, except  by  the  aid  of  the  maritime  powers.  But  if  her 
assailant  be  vulnerable  at  sea,  and  move  with  a  large  army 
along  the  coast,  she  will  find  resistance  very  difficult  and 
very  expensive.  The  attack,  comparatively  speaking,  will 
be  easy  and  cheap.  It  may  be  objected  to  the  exchange 
proposed,  that  in  losing  Hanover  you  would  weaken  your 
influence  and  connection  in  the  North.  In  some  respects 
this  is  true,  but  in  most  respects  your  influence  would  be 
increased  by  the  consideration  that  you  could  do  injury 
or  confer  benefit.  This  consideration  would  go  far  towards 
rendering  you  the  arbitrator  of  the  North.  I  ought  per- 
haps to  beg  your  lordship's  pardon  for  taking  pains  to 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  263 

prove  a  self-evident  proposition,  but  I  have  reason  to  be- 
lieve that  if  the  truth  of  it  be  generally  felt  it  is  not  so 
generally  acknowledged.  Russia  would  see  the  proposed 
arrangements  with  concern.  The  jealousy  of  Austria 
might  at  first  be  alarmed,  and  Prussia  may  be  induced  to 
prefer  receiving  Hanover  at  the  hand  of  France,  should 
the  Czar  be  quiet  or  the  Turk  be  roused.  Finally,  in  the 
various  workings  of  this  war,  France  may  bring  Austria 
and  Prussia  together  at  your  expense.  If  she  continue  to 
offer  territory  and  give  money  her  scale  may  finally  pre- 
ponderate. In  proposing  the  plan  you  allude  to  you  could 
(under  present  circumstances)  have  considerable  advan- 
tage. The  Prussian  Cabinet  cannot  but  see  that  it  is 
better  to  deal  with  His  Majesty  for  Hanover  than  to  take 
it  from  him,  and  must  prefer  the  preservation  of  existing 
governments  to  their  destruction.  Should  your  lordship 
think  of  gaining  Prussia,  I  have  reason  to  believe  that 
some  attentions  to  their  minister  with  you  would  be  use- 
ful. I  think  also  that  pains  should  be  taken  at  Vienna  to 
soften  down  their  feelings,  to  which  effect  some  address 
would  be  necessary,  because  they  have  hitherto,  I  believe 
(to  speak  medically)  been  treated  rather  by  stimulants 
than  emollients.  The  conduct  of  the  Czar  offers  a  suffi- 
cient reason  and  fair  occasion  for  changing  your  system, 
but  care  must  be  taken  to  prevent  him  from  suspecting 
your  intentions,  because  he  would  certainly  try  to  coun- 
teract you.  I  have  already  hinted  at  the  Austrian  part  of 
a  campaign.  The  Prussian  part  becomes  evident  from 
the  geography  of  the  country  ;  but  lam  persuaded  that,  a 
good  understanding  once  established  between  the  three 
courts,  your  objects  might  be  obtained  without  striking  a 
blow.  The  Elector  Palatine  might  be  compensated  from 
the  three  electorates  for  Bavaria,  given  to  the  Emperor  in 
lieu  of  the  Low  Countries.     These,  with  Liege,  might  be 


264  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF      IChap.  XXXVII. 

given  to  the  King  in  exchange  for  his  German  dominions, 
and,  should  His  Majesty  desire  it,  they  might  be  annexed 
as  an  Electorate  to  the  Empire.  But  I  should  suppose  it 
best  in  every  point  of  view  to  erect  them  into  a  separate 
kingdom.  Prussia  might  receive  the  King's  German  do- 
minions, surrendering  to  the  Stadtholder  Cleves  and  Prus- 
sian Gelderland  for  something  in  the  West  Indies.  The 
three  ecclesiastical  electors  and  the  Bishop  of  Liege  might 
receive  from  Britain  a  pension  for  life  equivalent  to  the 
net  produce  of  their  respective  dominions,  which  pensions 
might  be  considered  as  the  price  of  those  possessions  which 
Britain  should  retain  of  her  conquests  in  the  East  and  West 
Indies.  Thus  could  this  war  terminate  with  advantage,  and 
the  continuance  of  peace  be  better  provided  for  than  ever. 
"Now  let  us  take  up  the  counter-supposition  that  Prussia 
should  understand  with  France  and  Russia  ;  for,  in  order 
to  simplify,  I  will  put  the  Turk  out  of  the  question  :  Russia 
takes  Finland,  Prussia  takes  Hanover,  France  keeps  what 
she  pleases  in  the  Low  Countries.  If  Austria  does  not 
submit,  she  has  a  Prussian  army  in  Bohemia,  a  Russian 
army  in  Galicia,  a  French  army  in  Hungary.  Humanly 
speaking,  my  lord,  they  could  not  but  succeed.  Austria 
would  be  deprived  both  of  Milan  and  Flanders,  and  you 
might  see  yourself  obliged  to  purchase  peace  by  the  sur- 
render of  your  conquests  and  the  cession  of  Gibraltar  to 
Spain,  or  else  you  might  see  Portugal  overrun  and  rean- 
nexed  to  the  Spanish  throne.  I  will  not  pursue  this  sub- 
ject. It  is  too  painful  to  dwell  upon,  but  the  mention  of 
it  may  not  be  improper,  in  order  to  show  the  importance 
of  coming  forward  to  Prussia  (and  that  speedily)  with  such 
propositions  as  shall  command  her  attention.  I  will  tres- 
pass no  further  on  your  lordship's  patience  than  to  entreat 
your  pardon  for  the  length  and  freedom  of  this  letter,  and 
so  assure  you  of  my  sincere  esteem  and  respect." 


1797.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  265 

"  I  go  this  evening  [February  ist]  to  Madame  Pohlen's, 
whom  M,  Schomberg  thinks  a  prude  ;  but  Inglis  thinks 
that  any  woman  in  Dresden  will  succumb  to  any  English- 
man. A  little  national,  this !  I  find  the  fair  one  is  a  little 
gone  in  pedantry,  and  am  pretty  certain  that,  with  proper 
attentions,  she  might  soon  be  brought  into  the  right  way  ; 
but  as  I  do  not  mean  to  stay,  I  am  rather  brusque.  She 
pardons  the  first  kiss,  taken  rather  forcibly  ;  but  as  she  ob- 
stinately refuses  the  second,  and  tells  me  that  my  insisting 
on  it  may  oblige  her  to  avoid  a  repetition  of  my  visits,  I 
rather  imprudently  reply  that  I  shall  consider  her  refusal 
as  tantamount  to  a  declaration  that  she  will  not  see  me 
again.  This  passes,  though  she  is  a  little  hurt  at  it,  but  I 
believe  I  shall  quit,  for  the  game  is  scarce  worth  the 
chase.  Go  from  hence  to  the  Duchess  of  Cumberland's 
where  I  spend  the  evening.  Her  Royal  Highness  tells 
me  she  has  information  she  can  rely  on  that  a  corps  of 
eighteen  thousand  Austrians,  under  Provera,  has  been 
totally  cut  off.  There  were  but  four  thousand  left  to  sur- 
render with  their  general  after  a  most  obstinate  resistance. 

Bonaparte    has    been    beaten,  but    General  came  to 

his  assistance,  recovered  and  changed  the  fortune  of  the 
day,  so  that  Alvinzi  was  beaten  back,  and  thereupon  all 
the  French  army  fell  on  Provera,  who  had  crossed  the 
Adige,  and  was  pushing  for  Mantua.  This  is  the  second 
time  that  the  Austrians  have  been  beaten  in  detail,  or, 
rather,  the  third.  At  the  club  I  see  the  accounts  of  what 
has  been  suffered  by  the  Austrians  in  Italy,  They  appear 
to  have  lost  from  twenty  to  five  and  twenty  thousand 
men,  and  if  to  this  be  added  the  garrison  of  Mantua, 
which  must  now  surrender,  it  will  stand  at  a  minimum  of 
about  forty  thousand.  On  the  whole,  I  estimate  at  not 
less  than  one  hundred  thousand  men,  what  this  campaign 
has  consumed  for  them  in  Italy,  exclusive  of  disease.     No 


266  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVII. 

nation  can  long  sustain  such  heavy  drafts  from  its  popu- 
lation. It  appears,  by  the  late  French  papers,  that  the  far 
greater  part  of  their  armament  is  got  back  to  their  own 
ports,  a  circumstance  not  honorable  to  the  genius  of  Lord 
Bridport." 

"  Go  to  the  ball  of  the  English  minister  [February  3d]. 
Present  to  Count  Eltz  my  compliments  of  condolence  on 
the  ill-success  in  Italy,  and  tell  him  I  had  intelligence  of 
it  last  week,  but  could  not  with  propriety  communicate  it 
to  him.  Mr.  Elliot,  who  dined  with  me,  spoke  very  freely 
of  the  British  administration,  declaring  he  is  not  hurt  at 
the  passe  droit  which  he  has  endured,  but  yet  there  are,  in 
the  sharpness  of  his  manner,  no  small  indications  of  it. 
He  insists  that,  in  the  Russian  business,  if  Pitt  had  not 
been  frightened  he  would  have  gone  through.  He  says 
that  in  the  beginning,  viz.,  inciting  the  Turk  to  war,  Pitt 
was  the  tool  of  Hertzberg,  and  afterwards  was  prevailed 
on  by  Lord  Auckland  to  commit  the  treachery  of  aban- 
doning the  Turk.  This,  I  have  formerly  heard,  was  the 
prime  cause  of  coldness  on  the  part  of  Prussia,  who  has 
ever  since  thought  herself  justifiable  in  retaliating  upon 
England.  He  gives  me  a  curious  anecdote  to  show  how 
little  the  British  Cabinet  attends  to  the  business  which  it 
undertakes.  Sir  Sydney  Smith  had  served  in  the  King  of 
Sweden's  galley-fleet,  and  had  very  gallantly  contributed 
his  share  to  the  rashness  by  which  it  was  ruined.  After- 
wards, when  Britain  was  in  high  courtship  to  the  Empress, 
Sir  Sydney  soliciting  at  St.  James's,  the  ministers,  not 
knowing  well  what  to  do  with  him,  thought  it  a  lucky 
hit  to  send  him  to  Constantinople  to  discipline  the  Turk- 
ish fleet.  The  Turks  laughed  at  him,  but  with  the  gravity 
of  Turks,  and  the  Empress  found  in  this  trait  a  mark  of 
the  sincerity  which  the  British  minister  was  then  profess- 
ing.    Mr.  Elliot  tells  me  that  their  ministry  is  individu- 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  267 

ally  so  preoccupied  as  to  have  no  moment  in  the  four 
and  twenty  hours  for  considering  plans,  so  that  it  is  useless 
to  talk  or  to  write  reason  to  them.  The  only  chance  is 
that  at  present  they  may  fear  for  their  heads  ;  but  this 
would  rather  lead  them  to  patch  up  an  ignominious  peace 
than  pursue  wise  and  vigorous  measures.  He  talks  of  a 
private  and  undue  influence  over  the  mind  of  the  King ; 
but  here  he  is  unintelligible,  as,  indeed,  are  all  those  that 
ever  mentioned  that  subject  to  me,  for  none  of  them  could 
ever  say  who  were  the  persons  exercising  that  influence. 
At  one  time,  indeed,  I  had  heard  Lord  Hawkesbury  named, 
but  he  was  a  member  of  the  administration,  and  could  not 
therefore  fall  under  that  description.  Lately  the  Queen 
was  supposed  to  guide,  but  Mr.  Elliot  tells  me  that  since 
the  quarrel  between  the  Prince  and  Princess  of  Wales,  in 
which  Her  Majesty  took  part  with  her  son,  her  influence 
is  gone.  Yet  he  speaks  of  this  secret  direction  as  of  a 
thing  certain,  although  its  material  parts  do  not  seem  to 
be  defined  or  discovered.  Now,  as  far  as  I  can  under- 
stand the  matter,  I  take  this  to  be  nothing  more  than  a 
species  of  obstinacy  in  the  King's  character.  He  was 
bred  a  courtier  and  can  mask  his  sentiments  at  pleasure  ; 
whenever,  therefore,  he  has  taken  up  an  opinion,  he  can 
adhere  to  it  without  being  either  moved  or  convinced  by 
the  arguments  of  his  ministers.  They,  believing  their  rea- 
sons uncontrovertible,  and  finding  him  of  a  different  way 
of  thinking,  conclude  it  to  be  the  effect  of  secret  influence. 
His  temper  also  jars  with  the  situation  in  which  he  finds 
himself,  as  chief  of  a  very  limited  constitution,  where  he 
is,  in  fact,  only  the  elector  of  the  real  king.  Sensible  that 
he  is  under  the  control  of  those  whom  he  has  chosen,  and 
must  ever  be  so,  he  must  feel  a  pleasure  in  being  able  to 
reciprocate  the  thwarts  and  checks  which  he  receives. 
This  temper  is  more  particularly  evident  in  what  relates  to 


268  DIARY   AND  LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVII. 

Hanover,  about  which  he  is  utterly  unapproachable  by 
his  British  ministers.  And  perhaps  it  is  this  little  cir- 
cumstance which,  above  all  others,  attaches  him  to  that 
electorate." 

"This  morning  [February  5th]  I  go  to  Court,  and  take 
leave  of  the  Electoral  family.  Dine  with  Count  Eltz, 
and  go  after  dinner  to  the  Duchess  of  Cumberland's. 
Brockhausen,  who  is  here,  talks  with  his  usual  pedantry, 
and  mauvaise  foi.  Among  other  things,  he  says  it  was 
wise  in  Washington  to  resign  while  yet  in  place,  inferring 
from  thence  that  he  would  not  have  been  re-elected.  I 
see  here  a  Galilean  insinuation,  and  tell  him  gravely  that 
no  man  in  the  least  acquainted  with  American  affairs  can 
have  the  shadow  of  a  doubt  that  he  would  have  been  re- 
elected had  he  chosen  it.  I  add  my  conviction  that  the 
manoeuvres  of  the  French  Directory,  so  far  from  serving 
their  friends,  will  have  contributed  more  than  anything 
to  confer  the  Presidency  on  Adams.  Elliot,  who  laughs 
along  through  the  whole,  expresses  the  hope  that  America 
will  join  England  in  the  war,  and  take  the  French  and 
Spanish  possessions.  Brockhausen  expresses  his  doubts 
whether  a  scanty  population  of  four  millions,  scattered  over 
an  immense  territory  like  ours,  can  have  an  army  sufficient 
to  do  anything.  I  tell  him  that,  by  withholding  supplies 
of  provisions  from  the  islands,  we  should  force  them  to 
surrender,  and  as  to  the  Spanish  continent,  our  settlers 
would  take  possession  of  it  if  the  Government  would  per- 
mit them.  By  way  of  expressing  his  contempt  for  our 
force,  he  says  he  hopes  we  will  let  them  alone.  I  tell  him 
Vi^e  shall  gladly  leave  them  in  possession  of  their  good  tur- 
nips, but  that  the  time  will  come  when  Prussia  will  find 
the  friendship  of  America  a  thing  of  some  consequence. 
If  ever  this  man  gets  into  power  at  home,  his  ignorance 
will  go  far  to  undo  the  work  of  Frederick." 


1797-]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  269 

"  Mr.  Elliot  calls  on  me  this  morning  [February  6th], 
and  groans  over  the  state  of  public  affairs,  training  mis- 
fortune up  to  misconduct.  He  tells  me  that  while  he  was 
in  the  North  he  saved  the  King  of  Sweden,  acting  in  the 
name  of  his  Court  without  orders.  The  Russian  minister 
complained  to  Mr.  Pitt,  who  said  he  could  account  for  it 
only  by  supposing  that  Elliot  was  drunk  ;  to  which  Elliot 
replied  by  a  sharp  letter,  telling  the  Minister  he  had  not 
been  drunk  since  he  had  the  honor  of  being  so  in  his  com- 
pany. He  tells  me  the  history  of  Jackson's  mission  to 
Constantinople.  Jackson's  father,  who  is  a  dean,  is  pat- 
ronized by  the  Duke  of  Leeds,  who  uses  his  house  as  a 
place  of  rendez-voiis  for  his  girls.  His  grace  wished  to 
bring  forward  this  worthy  prelate  to  the  Bench  of  Bishops, 
and  the  Minister  was  willing  to  oblige  his  grace,  but, 
finding  the  character  too  bad,  he  settled  the  matter  by 
giving  the  son,  a  very  stupid  fellow,  the  embassy.  This 
is  the  story  told  by  Steele  to  Mr.  Elliot,  who  asked  him 
how  they  came  to  make  so  strange  an  appointment.  I 
dine  with  the  Baron  de  Brockhausen,  and  take  him  after 
dinner  to  ride.  Go  for  a  little  while  to  the  club,  and  then 
to  Madame  Angerstrom's  ball,  where  there  are  a  number 
of  handsome  women.  Elliot  presses  upon  me  again,  for 
the  dozenth  time,  his  wish  to  establish  himself  in  Amer- 
ica so  soon  as  he  shall  have  fixed  his  legitimate  daugh- 
ter in  life,  having  half  a  dozen  illegitimate  children  and 
their  mother  to  take  care  of.  He  is  a  manly  fellow,  and 
I  wish  he  may  come  over  ;  there  is  room  for  all  his  little 
ones,  and  I  reassure  him  of  it.  Promise  to  correspond 
with  him  on  the  subject." 

"This  morning  [February  7th],  I  leave  the  Ange  d'Or 
inn  at  Dresden,  which  is  by  far  the  best  I  have  met  with 
in  Germany.  Our  way  lies  along  the  Elbe.  This  noble 
river,  navigable  from  Bohemia  to  the  sea,  is  almost  use- 


270  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVII. 

less  to  the  inhabitants  in  consequence  of  the  heavy  du- 
ties and  the  restrictions  imposed  by  Frederick  and  kept 
up  by  his  successor.  At  Hubertsburg,  which  is  a  post- 
station  in  our  road,  is  a  large  chateau,  and  round  it  an 
abundant  forest,  chiefly  beech  and  oak.  In  this  chateau 
was  signed  the  treaty  which  terminated  the  Seven  Years' 
War.  It  is  very  magnificent,  but,  I  think,  oddly  placed. 
When  I  reach  Leipsic  I  find  a  letter  from  Mr.  Elliot,  en- 
closing one  for  Madame  Crayen,  the  wife  of  the  Prussian 
consul  here.  Send  it  to  her,  with  a  note,  to  know  if  she 
is  at  home,  etc.,  and  am  told  that  she  is  much  indisposed, 
and  will  go  to  bed  at  five  o'clock.  At  five  or,  rather,  a  lit- 
tle before  it,  her  servant  comes  to  let  me  know  that  her 
valet-de-place  had  made  a  mistake — that  she  meant  to  let 
me  know  she  would  receive  me  at  five.  When  I  come 
in  she  apologizes  for  receiving  me  en  dhhabilU,  but  a 
fluxion  in  her  cheek,  etc.  There  is  ^ petit  bonnet  of  dress 
over  a  muffled  face,  and  then  a  thick  wrapper,  and,  finally, 
a  gentleman  with  her.  Is  this  indisposition  ?  Is  it  the 
ami  de  la  maison?  I  know  not,  but  she  is  a  Prussian,  and 
has  been  well  looking,  with  beaucoup  d' esprit,  so  one  may 
conclude  anything.  I  make  my  visit  short,  and  pretext 
writing,  car  il  faut  Hre  discret.  Besides,  I  respect  the 
golden  rule,  and  do  not  admire  on  some  occasions  the 
society  of  a  third  person.  As  I  come  down-stairs,  how- 
ever, I  meet  Monsieur  le  mari,  I  believe.  She  gave  me  a 
little  of  Elliot's  history  with  his  wife.  He  married  her 
privately  before  she  was  sixteen,  out  of  pure  love,  went  to 
England,  and  when  he  came  back  found  she  had  run  off  with 
a  Pole.  He  came  on  to  this  place  in  pursuit  of  this  mod- 
ern Paris,  and  was  presented  to  him  at  her  own  house  by 
Madame  Crayen,  who  knew  nothing  of  the  matter.  But 
the  wrong-doer  slipped  off  during  the  evening  and  quitted 
Leipsic,  after  which  Elliot  told  her  that  he  came  thither  to 


X797-]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  2/1 

blow  his  brains  out,  and  wiiy.  He  was,  however,  reconciled 
to  his  cara  sposa.  She  played  him  still  other  facetious  tricks. 
Among  them  was  one  very  pleasant.  Very  late  one  night 
she  lamented  pathetically  that  she  was  unworthy  of  his 
tenderness ;  that  she  had  the  misfortune  to  love  the 
Charge  d'Affaires  of  Holland,  who  wished  her  to  be  di- 
vorced, and  proposed  to  marry  her.  The  angry  husband 
rushes  out  of  the  house,  orders  his  carriage,  goes  to  the 
rival,  calls  him  up,  and,  on  his  testifying  surprise  at  seeing 
Mr.  Elliot  at  so  strange  an  hour,  is  still  more  surprised  at 
being  told  his  errand,  viz.,  to  kill  him  honorably.  On 
hearing  the  reason  he  assures  him  there  is  no  shadow  of 
foundation  for  it,  and  at  the  request  of  the  husband  goes 
with  him,  and  reasserts  the  same  thing  in  the  presence  of 
the  wife,  who  says  if  that  be  the  case  she  must  have  been 
mistaken.     Madame  Crayen  is  a  charming  woman." 

"To-day  [February  12th]  I  push  on  to  Berlin,  although 
the  morning  threatens  a  thaw,  and  the  first  part  of  our 
distance  lies  over  a  stiff  soil," 

"At  the  gate  of  Belitz  [February  14th]  we  are  detained 
five  minutes  by  a  conversation  between  my  valet-de-cham- 
bre  and  the  gate-keeper  which  I  suppose  to  relate  to  us, 
and  that  some  formality  is  wanting  ;  but,  as  I  grow  impa- 
tient and  begin  to  growl,  am  told  we  may  go  in.  It  seems 
the  old  man  took  my  baggage-wagon,  which  preceded  me, 
for  a  puppet-show,  and  the  servant,  with  whom  he  entered 
into  conversation,  for  a  strolling-player ;  which  last  I  do 
not  wonder  at,  for  he  generally  gives  himself  an  air  of  im- 
portance which  strikes  the  most  superficial  observers  as 
being  assumed." 

"At  Berlin  [February  15th]  I  am  stopped,  and  my  bag- 
gage, in  consequence  of  a  new  ordinance,  is  sent  to  the 
Custom  House,  notwithstanding  the  usual  douceur  at  the 
gate." 


372  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVII. 

"Go  this  morning  [February  i6th]  to  see  Madame 
Cesar,  to  whom  Madame  Crayen  had  given  me  a  letter, 
and  on  coming  in  I  find  Madame  Crayen  herself.  Cela 
s'entend.  I  appear  to  be  much  surprised,  and  she  tells  me 
how  the  receipt  of  a  letter  announcing  that  her  sister  was 
worse  had  determined  her  to  set  off.  The  health  of  her 
sister  was  known  when  I  was  at  Leipsic,  and  I  had  urged 
her  to  make  it  a  pretext  for  coming  hither  with  me,  etc. 
As  it  is  late  I  make  my  visit  short,  and,  after  calling  on 
the  Russian  minister,  go  to  Lord  Elgin's  and  wait  his  re- 
turn, when  we  go  together  and  dine  at  the  Casino,  after 
which  I  visit  again  Madame  de  Crayen.  She  contrives  to 
tell  me  her  real  errand  here,  which  I  had  already  guessed, 
but  she  is  determined  to  gain  my  good  opinion.  This 
must,  I  think,  depend  on  the  opportunity  we  have  of  be- 
ing together.  Come  home  and  dress,  and  go  to  Court, 
where  I  am  presented  to  their  Majesties.  The  King  is  a 
well-looking  man.  He  inquires  about  the  health  of  Gen- 
eral Washington,  who  (as  Moustier  tells  him)  is  in  very  ill 
health.  I  tell  His  Majesty  that  I  cannot  believe  it ;  that 
when  I  left  him  he  was  a  hale,  robust  man,  as  much  as  the 
King  now  is,  and,  of  course,  no  reason  to  suppose  that  he 
is  now  seriously  indisposed.  This  is  calculated  for  the 
poor  monarch,  who  has  an  air  trh  ^puisL  See  several  ac- 
quaintances here,  and  come  away  soon,  to  avoid  an  invita- 
tion to  supper.  The  Queen  points  out  to  me  a  young 
Mademoiselle  Reidesall,  who  was  born  in  America  and 
christened  "  America."  She  is  a  fine  girl,  and,  when  she 
comes  down  the  dance,  I  tell  her,  in  the  presence  of  Her 
Majesty,  that  I  reclaim  my  countrywoman.  After  some 
time  the  King  speaks  to  me  again,  and  when  on  the  sub- 
ject of  America  I  tell  him  that  if  the  French  persist  in 
the  present  conduct,  and  drive  us  to  extremities,  Spain 
will  not  retain  an  inch  of  ground  in  the  New  World  ;  that 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  2/3 

His  Majesty  has  a  direct  interest  in  such  events,  and  a  con- 
siderable one,  but  a  ball-room  is  not  the  fitting  place  to 
discuss  such  subjects.  On  the  finances  of  Great  Britain 
I  repeat  (as  having  already  mentioned  it  to  his  ministers) 
that  the  resources  of  the  country  are  immense  ;  upon 
which  he  observes  they  were  so  much  more  to  blame  for 
having  attempted  to  tax  us,  and  this  it  was  which  led  to 
what  I  have  already  noted.  After  some  trifling  things,  I 
tell  him  that  I  have  just  seen  his  best  friend.  He  asks 
who,  and  to  his  surprise  I  tell  him  the  Emperor.  He 
speaks  of  him  well  personally,  and  I  observe  that  he  is  a 
very  honest  young  man  ;  to  which  his  Majesty  replies  by 
asking,  'Mais  que  pensez-vous  de  Thugut?*  'Quant  a 
cela,  c'est  une  autre  affaire,  sire.'  I  had  stated  the  inter- 
est which  makes  him  and  the  Emperor  good  friends  to  be 
their  mutual  apprehensions  from  Russia.  '  But  suppose 
we  all  three  unite  ?'  'Ce  sera  un  diable  de  fricassee,  sire, 
si  vous  vous  mettez,  tous  les  trois,  a  casser  les  oeufs.' 
On  the  subject  of  Austria,  I  tell  him  they  would  do  very 
well  if  he  would  lend  them  a  few  of  his  generals.  '  Mais 
nous  en  avons  besoin  pour  nous-memes.'  '  Pas  a  present, 
sire,  vous  etes  en  paix.'  He  finds  that  if  this  conversation 
cosptinues  he  may  commit  himself,  and  so  pauses.  I  re- 
tire a  little,  and  His  Majesty  conducts  the  Princesse  Henri 
out  of  the  ball-room.  During  the  course  of  the  evening 
Countess  Lichtenau  *  makes  acquaintance  with  me.  She 
is  Men  pourvue  (T esprit,  and  lets  me  see  that  I  am  welcome 
to  make  my  approaches,  but  one  must  not  have  too  many 
irons  in  the  fire  at  once.  More  court  is  paid  to  her  than 
to  the  Queen.  The  King  retired  before  supper,  I  am 
told  he  is  on  a  severe  diet." 

*  The  Countess  von  Lichtenau  was  born  at  Potsdam,  and  was  the  daugh- 
ter of  a  poor  musician.     She  became  the  mistress  of  the  Crown  Prince  of 
Prussia,  Frederick  William,  and,  after  his  accession  to  the  throne,  was  a  pow- 
erful and  influential  person  until  the  king's  death  in  i8ao. 
Vol.  II.— i8 


274  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF      [Chap.  XXXVIL 

"  Dine  with  General  Count  Schmittau  [February  19th]  ; 
an  excellent  dinner  and  very  good  wines.  After  dinner  I 
converse  with  him  on  public  affairs.  He  sees  the  situation 
of  his  country  in  a  true  light,  and  laments,  as  a  man  of 
honor,  that  the  weakness  of  the  Cabinet  deprives  them  of 
the  advantage  to  result  from  it.  He  speaks  of  the  King 
respectfully  and  with  feeling,  of  his  favorite  with  indigna- 
tion and  contempt.  He  tells  me  that  this  man,  conscious 
of  his  own  mediocrity,  will  do  everything  and  submit  to 
everything  rather  than  put  matters  in  a  situation  which 
may  require  men  of  abilities  to  conduct  them.  He  tells 
me  that  on  a  late  occasion  he  called  on  this  favorite,  and, 
after  complaining  of  an  injury,  told  him  that  he  or  the 
King  must  do  him  justice  ;  that  he  might  amuse  silly  and 
ignorant  people  by  saying  that  certain  things  were  of  the 
King's  doing,  but  well-informed  men  knew  that  the  King 
had  given  all  authority  into  his  hands,  and  therefore  if  he 
did  not  render  him  justice  he  would  blow  his  brains  out. 
This  produced  the  effect.  I  ask  him  why  Mollendorf  does 
not  take  it  on  him  to  speak  to  His  Majesty.  He  tells  me 
that  he  is  content  to  purchase  honors  by  the  sacrifice  of 
honor.  Why  some  lover  is  not  provided  for  the  Countess 
de  Lichtenau  ?  She  had  one,  a  certain  Mr.  Paget,  for 
whom  she  would  have  done  anything,  but  he  was  re- 
called, when  in  the  height  of  his  favor,  to  England.  On 
the  Duke  of  Brunswick,  he  says  that  the  King  in  the  be- 
ginning took  pains  to  bring  him  forward  to  his  assistance, 
but  in  vain  ;  that  he  is  too  much  a  courtier  and  has  too 
little  character  to  be  useful.  He  tells  me  that  there  is 
very  little  money  in  the  treasury,  and  fears  that  the 
fluctuation  of  their  councils  would  prevent  anyone  from 
treating  with  them  now.  I  inquire  the  character  of  the 
heir  apparent.  He  tells  me  it  is  difficult  to  know,  but 
at  length  I  perceive  that  he  considers  him  as  a  mediocre 


I797-]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  2/5 

sujet ;  and,  in  short,  as  of  a  harsh,  imperious  temper,  at- 
tached to  minutiae,  and  constitutionally  avaricious.  Stay 
at  the  ball  only  long  enough  to  pay  my  respects  to  the 
principal  personages,  and  go  to  Madame  Wolfs,  where  I 
pass  some  time.  Madame  Crayen,  who  is  here,  seems 
desirous  of  showing  her  attachment,  and  when  I  caution 
her,  she  exclaims  :  *  I  have  but  one  idea,  I  care  for  noth- 
ing else  ;  why  conceal  my  passion  ?  I  glory  in  it,  I  could 
wish  to  proclaim  it  to  the  whole  world  I '  She  tells  me 
also  that  I  have  been  stated  here  as  a  grand  democrat. 
I  treat  the  subject  with  the  merited  ridicule.  She  tells 
me  that  M.  Alvensleben  has  said  that  I  am  full  of  pro- 
jets,  and  therefore  less  amiable  than  formerly.  It  is 
strange,  and  the  fullest  possible  evidence  of  a  most  fee- 
ble administration,  that  the  presence  of  a  solitary  indi- 
vidual throws  them  all  into  a  fright.  Madame  Crayen 
obliges  me  to  pass  so  much  time  en  tete-h-tete  with  her 
that  the  master  of  the  house  observes  to  us  upon  it. 

"  The  English  mail  brings  advice  that  the  French  have 
offered  to  cede  Flanders  as  the  price  of  peace,  they  keep- 
ing Luxembourg  andMaestricht,  and  Britain  lending  them 
eight  _raillions  sterling,  to  be  hypothecated  on  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope  and  other  conquests  in  India.  Count  Schmit- 
tau  told  me  that  the  King  is  sensible  of  the  dishonorable 
situation  to  which  he  is  reduced,  but  is  of  too  feeble  tem- 
per to  break  his  chains." 

"  I  go  to  the  ball  of  the  Prince  Royal  at  six  [February 
20th],  and  do  not  get  away  till  half-past  eleven — all  the 
time  on  my  legs,  except  a  few  minutes  that  the  Grande 
Marechale  made  me  sit  before  her,  to  tell  me  that  France 
was  overturned  because  the  Queen  laid  aside  etiquette ; 
and,  having  obtained  my  civil  assent  to  this  proposition, 
the  more  readily  from  the  circumstance  that,  indeed,  the 
levity  of  Her  Majesty's  conduct  had  contributed  to  the  mis- 


2/6  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVII. 

chief  which  there  happened,  she  desires  me  to  preach  this 
to  her  Princess  Royal.  I  take  occasion  to  tell  her  that  it 
little  becomes  a  stranger  to  meddle  in  the  affairs  of  a 
country  where  he  happens  to  be,  and  particularly  in  those 
of  so  delicate  a  nature.  The  old  lady  finds  her  young 
mistress  too  affable,  and  does  not  consider  that  the  dry, 
harsh  temper  of  her  husband  may  render  it  necessary  for 
his  consort  to  take  off  the  ill  impressions.  This  young 
man  carries  in  his  countenance  the  marks  of  a  mind  which 
will  make  many  men  miserable  when  he  is  called  to  the 
throne.  His  brother  seems  of  a  quite  different  cast,  mild 
and  benign.  The  eldest  son  of  the  Princess  Ferdinand 
has,  I  think,  the  appearance  of  a  mauvais  sujet,  but  yet  of 
one  who  may  figure  well  in  history  if  he  take  a  right  turn. 
Madame  de  Nadaillac,  to  whom  I  mention  the  information 
I  had  received  that  he  was  trh  anti-fran^ais,  tells  me  that 
it  may  be  so  within  these  three  days,  but  that  the  King 
was  obliged  lately  to  speak  to  him  very  seriously  on  the 
subject,  because  of  the  extraordinary  things  he  had  said 
in  the  society  of  M.  Caillard's  secretaries,  with  whom  he 
is  closely  connected." 

"This  morning  [February  21st]  I  go  to  the  Baron  de 
Munchausen's* to  hear  him  play  on  the  harmonica,  which 
he  assured  me  last  evening  that  he  excelled  in,  and  con- 
vinces me  this  morning  that  he  was  mistaken.  Go  from 
here  to  see  Madame  Crayen,  who  tells  me  an  anecdote 
which  Madame  Retz,  now  Countess  de  Lichtenau,  told 
some  time  ago  to  her  husband.  The  King  had  accompa- 
nied Mademoiselle  Levaux  home  on  foot  from  a  public 
place  and  afterwards  went  to  see  his  chire  amie  Retz,  whom 
he  found  at  supper.     She,  who  knew  where  he  had  been, 

*  Hieronymus  Karl  Baron  Munchausen,  a  German  officer,  whose  name  has 
become  proverbial  as  a  synonyme  of  extravagant  boasting.  He  published 
stories  of  adventure,  under  the  title  of  Baron  Munchausen's  Narrative  of  his 
Marvellous  Travels  and  Campaigns  in  Russia. 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  277 

saluted  him  by  throwing  a  bottle  of  wine  at  his  head, 
which  wounded  him  severely.  Madame  Crayen,  who  had 
seen  this  Mademoiselle  Levaux,  and  was  present  at  the 
recital,  asked  Madame  Retz  how  she  could  be  guilty  of 
such  a  criminal  extravagance,  to  which  the  firm  courtesan 
replied  :  *  At  a  later  date  I  would  have  done  the  same 
thing  par  menage^  but  then  I  acted  from  the  wrath  of 
the  moment.'  It  se^isshe  had  early  inspired  His  Majesty 
with  apprehension,  and  to  such  a  degree  that  he  used  to 
caution  the  women  with  whom  he  was  intimate  to  conceal 
it  from  her,  because  she  was  capable  of  putting  them  to 
death," 

"  At  the  Princess  Ferdinand's  ball  to-night  [February 
22d]  there  is  a  sort  oi petit  opdra  for  the  King.  The  Com- 
tesse  de  Lichtenau  tells  me  she  hears  I  am  very  intimate 
with  Madame  Crayen,  at  which  I  express  my  astonishment, 
and  then  say  some  things  on  the  subject  of  delicacy  to- 
wards the  female  sex  which  she  feels  as  highly  commend- 
able ;  in  short,  promise  to  visit  her.  Madame  Crayen  this 
morning  tells  me  that  if  opportunity  had  served  she  thinks 
the  King  would  have  made  her  his  mistress,  and  is  the  only 
man  of  whom  her  husband  was  ever  jealous.  His  Majesty, 
then  Prince  Royal,  waited  on  her  in  a  servant's  dress  at 
the  tavern  on  the  day  of  her  marriage.  It  is  the  custom, 
it  seems,  to  have  a  great  dinner  at  a  public-house  on  tliat 
day.  He  stood  behind  her  chair,  and  she  expresses  to  me, 
as  well  as  she  can,  the  horror  of  seeing  on  her  side  a  man 
she  detested,  and  to  whom  she  was  condemned  for  life, 
and  feel  every  moment  behind  her  a  man  she  loved,  and 
from  whom  she  was  to  be  eternally  separated.  At  the 
bottom  of  her  heart  lies  the  regret  that  she  is  not  now 
the  Comtesse  de  Lichtenau." 

*'  Take  Madame  de  Nadaillac  [February  24th]  to  dine 
with  the  Queen,  where  is  the  best  salmon,  I  think,  that  I 


278  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF      [Chap.  XXXVII. 

ever  tasted,  and  good  small  beer ;  for  at  this  royal  repast 
it  so  happens  that,  pour  me  rafraichir^  I  do  remember  me  of 
that  pitiful  creature  small  beer,  and  drink  of  it  copiously, 
in  preference  to  costly  and,  I  suppose,  delicious  wines." 

"Walk  out  this  morning  [February  27th],  and  call  on 
Lord  Elgin.  He  tells  me  that  measures  had  been  taken 
to  indispose  the  King  against  me.  They  have  made  him 
believe  that  in  the  service  of  Englaijd  I  pushed  forward 
the  French  Revolution.  This  stuff  comes  from  the  appre- 
hension that  His  Majesty  might  risk,  in  conversing  with 
me,  to  have  his  eyes  opened.  Go  to  a  ball  given  by  M. 
and  Madame .  Madame  de  Crayen  is  in  extreme  dis- 
tress at  quitting  Berlin,  and,  as  she  observes  some  little  at- 
tentions from  me  to  the  Comtesse  Solmes,  quits  the  room 
much  agitated.  I  follow  her  out  and  find  her  in  strong 
nervous  affection.  Her  sister  tells  me  afterwards  that  she 
goes  to  bed  every  night  bathed  in  tears  and  wakes  weep- 
ing at  the  idea  of  going  away.  Oh,  woman,  thou  art  a 
strange  creature ! " 

"  Sit  awhile  with  Madame  de  Nadaillac  to-night  [Feb- 
ruary 28th].  She  is  going  to  the  masquerade.  All  the 
world  will  be  there,  for  it  is  given  by  the  King  and  open 
to  every  mask,  and  the  last  frolic  of  the  season — for  to- 
morrow we  must  all  be  in  mourning." 

"  Sit  awhile  to-day  [March  ist]  with  the  Russian  minis- 
ter, who  is  not  at  all  pleased  with  the  situation  of  affairs. 
Dine  at  the  Vicomte  d'Anadia's,  where  is  Madame  Vi- 
gnano  the  dancer,  with  her  husband  and  child.  Madame 
Cesar's  brother  mentions  the  having  given  formerly  pieces 
of  eight-gros  to  the  present  Comtesse  de  Lichtenau  for 
fetching  oysters  when  the  young  men  supped  with  her  sis- 
ter, then  a  singer  at  the  opera.  This  is  curious  enough. 
I  find,  from  several  things  which  have  happened  here,  that 
the  nation  is  extremely  indisposed  to  the  King,  which. 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  2/9 

indeed,  I  do  not  wonder  at.  I  call  on  M.  de  Haugwitz, 
the  Minister,  where  I  meet  Mr.  Hoffman.  He  is  quite 
<i  la  fran^aise.  In  the  course  of  a  conversation  which  I 
am  led  into,  I  tell  them  that  if  the  Emperor  paid  the 
supposed  attention  to  his  own  private  interests  he  would 
yield  to  the  proffers  of  France,  and,  secularizing  the  eccle- 
siastical Electorates,  accept  of  Bavaria  in  lieu  of  the  Low 
Countries,  giving  the  Electorates  to  the  Elector  of  Bavaria, 
and  then,  resigning  the  Empire  to  its  fate,  leave  England 
to  rise  or  fall,  as  fate  might  order  ;  an  object  of  no  conse- 
quence to  him,  though  perhaps  important  to  some  other 
powers.  At  going  away,  however,  I  take  care  to  tell  Mr. 
Hoffman  that  I  was  unwarily  led  into  this  political  dis- 
cussion, a  thing  I  avoid,  from  the  conviction  that  when 
the  administration  of  a  country  is  able,  it  needs  no 
hints  from  a  stranger,  and  when  feeble  it  is  useless  to  give 
them ;  so  that,  in  all  cases,  a  prudent  observer  should  be 
silent." 

"  Dine  to-day  [March  4th]  with  Marshal  Mollendorf ; 
presented  to  Bischofswerder.  Converse  a  little  with  the 
hereditary  Duke  of  Mecklenburg,  who  is,  I  think,  a  fine 
young  man.  He  repeats  to  me,  what  he  had  mentioned 
once  before,  that  the  Prince  Royal  of  Prussia  is  of  a  tem- 
per extraordinarily  just.  Pass  the  evening  at  the  Princess 
Henri's,  where,  notwithstanding  the  load  of  my  three 
hours'  dinner,  I  at  length  succeed  with  myself  so  far  as  to 
be  amiable.  The  young  Duke  of  Mecklenburg,  who  has 
pressed  me  to  visit  his  father's  Court,  tells  me  to-day  that 
he  has  announced  me." 

"  Stay  at  home  all  the  morning  [March  7th].  Count 
Schmittau  calls  on  me,  and  sits  a  good  while.  An  interest- 
ing conversation,  and  on  his  part  very  confidential.  He 
mentions  the  intimacy  he  had  with  the  King  before  his 
accession  to  the  throne,  and  how  His  Majesty  was  es- 


380  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVII. 

tranged  by  Bischofswerder  &  Co.  ;  how,  at  the  breaking 
out  of  the  war,  he  offered  his  services  by  letter  to  the  King, 
who  civilly  declined,  and  to  the  Duke  of  Brunswick,  who 
made  no  answer — a  mark  of  his  ungrateful  temper,  seeing 
that  in  the  time  of  the  late  King  he  had,  on  an  important 
occasion,  been  greatly  indebted  to  the  good  offices  of 
Count  Schmittau  ;  how  he  let  Bischofswerder  know  that, 
after  the  war  was  over,  he  would  blow  his  brains  out,  and 
the  steps  he  had  taken  to  avoid  that  catastrophe,  which 
had  terminated  in  a  letter  to  the  King  by  which  he  was 
placed  in  the  rank  to  which  he  was  entitled  and  an  apol- 
ogy made.  This  letter  is  published.  How  the  Duke  of 
Brunswick,  from  his  truckling  temper,  had  not  only  lost 
the  opportunity  which  presented  of  governing  the  King 
and  kingdom,  but  in  the  campaign  of  1792  had  sacrificed 
his  reputation  to  please  the  King  and  gratify  a  host  of  pal- 
try minions.  He  tells  me  that  the  embassy  to  Russia  was 
offered  to  him,  but  he  refused  to  hold  any  place  in  the 
gift  of  Bischofswerder,  who  solicited  in  vain  that  he  would 
live  upon  friendly  terms  with  him.  On  the  embassy,  after 
assigning  that  general  reason  for  refusing  every  place,  he 
added  that  in  his  opinion  a  man  could  never  render  him- 
self master  of  more  than  one  science,  nor  always  that  one. 
He  had  been  bred  to  arms,  had  studied  his  profession  for 
above  thirty  years,  and  if  he  knew  any  business  it  was 
that  of  a  soldier.  I  take  occasion  to  mention  to  him  my 
conviction  that  the  Prussian  troops  must,  if  well  com- 
manded, be  greatly  superior  to  those  of  France.  He  goes 
into  some  useful  explanations  to  confirm  my  opinion,  and 
as  a  conclusion  from  his  premises  adds  that,  if  placed  at 
the  head  of  forty  thousand  of  them,  he  would  answer  with 
his  life  for  the  success ;  but  he  would  not  suffer  himself 
to  be  attacked.  I  mention  to  him  the  opinion  which  is  en- 
tertained by  some  in  France,  viz.,  that  the  Prussian  troops 


I797-J  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  281 

would  not  serve  against  them.  He  treats  it  with  con- 
tempt, and  assures  me  that  the  whole  machine  is  in  the 
hands  of  the  King  completely.  On  Prince  Henry's  sub- 
ject he  (Schmittau)  states  it  as  a  rare  circumstance  that 
this  man,  the  most  despotic  on  earth,  both  in  his  temper 
and  conduct,  should  be  an  enthusiastic  admirer  of  the 
French  system  of  equality.  This  proves  that  my  friend 
Schmittau  has  not  studied  human  nature.  So  far  as  my 
observation  goes,  the  case  he  considers  rare  is  the  most 
common  ;  and,  in  effect,  pride,  and  the  impatience  of  con- 
trol which  prompt  a  subject  to  rebel,  lead  a  sovereign  to 
tyrannize.  The  more  such  a  bad  subject  shall  be  elevated 
and  the  nearer  he  shall  approach  to  the  throne,  the  more 
will  this  temper  display  itself  by  hatred  of  those  above 
and  oppression  of  those  below  him.  Burke  has  somewhere 
justly  observed,  in  speaking  of  those  free  governments  in 
which  domestic  slavery  prevails,  'That  the  habit  of  domi- 
nation comes  in  aid  of  the  spirit  of  liberty,  fortifies  it,  and 
renders  it  invincible.' 

*'  I  dine  at  home.  Go  after  dinner  to  see  Madame  de 
Nadaillac,  and  from  thence  to  the  Sardinian  minister's, 
where  I  pass  the  evening.  Lord  Elgin,  in  the  course  of 
conversation,  mentions  that  no  man  in  Berlin  keeps  his 
servants  in  such  abject  submission  as  M.  Caillard,  except 
the  King,  who  keeps  a  large  stick  with  which  he  belabors 
them  on  the  slightest  occasion.  And  yet  the  man  is  gov- 
erned despotically,  and  in  the  daily  habit  of  submitting  to 
things  which  his  mind  abhors." 

"This  morning  [March  13th]  I  prepare  for  my  depart- 
ure from  Berlin.  M.  Haugwitz  comes,  and  brings  me  a 
letter  of  introduction  for  Brunswick.  Dine  at  Lord  El- 
gin's." 

"  This  morning  [March  14th]  I  start  early  for  Potsdam. 
The  weather  has  been  as  fine  as  fancy  can  figure,  and  the 


282  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVII. 

singing  of  the  larks  has  somewhat  softened  the  tedious- 
ness  of  the  journey. 

"  At  Magdeburg  the  inhabitants  are  looking  out  for  the 
Prince  and  Princess  of  Hesse,  who  are  to  arrive  this  even- 
ing, which  has  the  good  effect  of  letting  us  into  the  towa 
without  difficulty.  They  are  apprehensive  that  by  exam- 
ining us  they  should  delay  His  Highness,  whose  marriage 
has  given  me  already  some  amusement  at  Berlin.  I  did 
not  think,  some  years  ago,  that  I  should  derive  any  ben- 
efit from  the  Landgraf  of  Hessen-Kassel." 

"  At  Brunswick  I  meet  a  friend,  a  M.  Dubois,  who  shows 
many  attentions.  On  Sunday  [March  19th]  I  go  to  Court, 
where  I  dine  and  pass  the  evening.  The  Duke  and  his 
family  trh  pre'venants.  He  desires  a  little  conversation, 
which  begins  after  dinner,  but  is  interrupted  by  his 
mother,  to  whom  he  presents  me — the  sister  of  old  Fritz, 
and  very  like  him.  She  has  some  eighty  odd  years,  but  is 
still  lively,  with  a  deal  of  fun  about  her.  The  Duchess, 
who  resembles  the  King  her  brother,  is  very  affable  and 
pleasant.  The  Duke  is,  I  think,  a  candidate  for  the  char- 
acter of  the  omnis  homo.  He  speaks  to  me  preferably  in 
English,  but  not  being  master  of  the  language,  or  entan- 
gled by  the  matter,  he  hesitates  very  much.  He  makes 
professions  which  he  considers  as  very  dubious,  and  says, 
'You  won't  believe  me,  but  it  is  very  true.'  I  tell  him 
that  the  Prussian  Cabinet  is  afraid  of  him,  and  it  is  on 
that  occasion  that  he  declares  his  unwillingness  to  man- 
age the  affairs  of  Prussia.  To  help  him  in  his  delivery, 
I  tell  him  that  I  conceive  easily  why  he,  a  sovereign, 
should  not  wish  to  set  the  example  of  an  imperious  con- 
trol over  a  sovereign.  This  he  assents  to,  but  his  objec- 
tion is  stronger  from  the  circumstance  that  a  German 
prince  could  not  do  many  things  which  would  be  suitable 
to  an  individual.     I  understand  him  to  mean  any  dismem- 


1797.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  283 

berment  of  the  Empire,  and  so  explain  myself  to  him,  or, 
rather,  himself  to  me.  He  assents,  and  comes  forvyard  with 
another  but ;  but  the  Duchess  Dowager  arrives  and  termi- 
nates our  conversation,  which  is  to  be  resumed  this  even- 
ing. This  evening,  however,  we  have  two  parties  to  it — 
M.  de  Limon  and  M.  de  Puisegur,  the  ancien  Ministre  de  la 
Guerre  when  I  arrived  in  France.  The  former  is  full  of 
projetSy  and  thinks  he  can  '  the  Gordian  knot  of  policy  un- 
loose familiar  as  his  garter.'  People  are  apt  to  mistake  on 
these  occasions.  He  asserts  pretty  frequently  and  roundly 
that  the  Prussian  Cabinet  was  bought — a  thing  possible 
enough  ;  and,  at  any  rate,  the  assertion  pleases  the  Duke. 
Without  assenting  to  or  denying  it,  I  observe  that  on  every 
ground  it  will  be  difficult  to  take  them  out  of  the  hands  of 
France.  But,  according  to  him,  nothing  can  be  easier. 
Only  give  greater  bribes.  He  will  not  admit  that  the  cor- 
rupter has  the  advantage  of  threatening  the  corrupted 
with  a  discovery  of  the  transaction.  How  easy  to  deny 
the  fact,  and  appeal  to  the  general  profligacy  of  the  French 
Government  for  proof  of  the  little  weight  to  be  given  to 
their  assertions.  I  break  off  the  matter  here,  because  he 
is  got  far  enough,  and  if  he  be  not  now  struck  with  the 
almost  insurmountable  difficulties  (resulting  from  his  own 
hypothesis)  in  the  way  of  his  plan,  nothing  I  can  say  will 
have  any  effect.  The  Duke  grows  weary  of  the  bavardage, 
and  so  do  /." 

"To-day  [March  20th]  I  dine  with  the  Duchess  of  Bruns- 
wick ;  *  conversation  on  public  affairs.  Elle  est  ires  an- 
glaise.  Tell  the  Duke  that  I  see  no  mode  of  bringing  for- 
ward Prussia  but  by  changing  totally  the  administration  ; 
that  this  can  be  done,  I  think,  only  by  means  of  Madame 
de  Lichtenau,  and  that  a  new  administration,  considering 
the  feebleness  of  the  King's  character,  must  have  behind 
»  Sister  of  George  IIL 


284  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF       [Chap.  XXXVII. 

it  the  Duke  of  Brunswick  or  Prince  Henry.  Her  Royal 
Highness  told  me  she  did  not  like  the  emigrants,  spoke  to 
me  about  the  misconduct  of  the  Prince  of  Wales,  etc." 

"  I  dine  to-day  [March  21st]  with  the  Duchess  Dowager, 
who  tells  me  she  is  very  sorry  her  brother  had  not  seen 
me.  This,  I  am  afterwards  told,  is  a  strong  proof  that 
she  is  pleased  with  the  person  to  whom  it  is  addressed. 
Her  daughter  gives  me  some  late  publications  to  read.  I 
spend  the  evening  there,  and  the  Duchess  tells  me  the 
emigrants  are  much  alarmed  at  my  arrival  here.  I  reply 
that  this  is  to  me  utterly  unaccountable,  unless  they  im- 
agine that,  recollecting  their  private  character  in  France, 
I  should  say  something  too  much  for  them  on  that  sub- 
ject ;  but  they  may  make  themselves  easy,  for  it  is  possible 
I  may  never  have  heard  anything,  but  certainly  have  for- 
gotten all  which  may  affect  the  moral  character  of  indi- 
viduals belonging  to  a  country  which  was  so  generally 
corrupted." 

"Dine  with  the  hereditary  prince  [March  22d],  and  go 
to  a  comMie  de  society,  which  is  amusing.  The  Duchess, 
who  is  English  from  top  to  toe,  in  conversing  on  the  state 
of  manners,  tells  me  that  they  are  very  corrupt  in  this 
country  (meaning  Germany),  and  particularly  at  Berlin. 
She  mentions  the  depths  to  which  their  depravity  goes, 
and  I  express  my  astonishment  at  a  vice  she  mentions, 
which,  though  I  have  often  heard  of,  I  am  not  well  able  to 
comprehend.  Her  Royal  Highness  does  not,  of  course, 
go  into  the  explanation,  but  assures  me  of  the  fact.  I 
observe  that  the  Duke  rather  avoids  conversation,  having 
before  sought  it.  Is  he  apprehensive  of  disclosing  his 
secret  ? " 

"  Pass  the  evening  [March  24th]  with  the  Dowager 
Duchess,  and  play  whist.  It  is  a  thing  curious  to  have 
played  whist  with  the  sister  of  the  Great  Frederick  for 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  285 

a  gros  (about  three  halfpence)  a  fish,  so  that  a  rubber  of 
five  was  worth  just  eightpence  sterling  money  of  Great 
Britain — threepence  each  for  card  money.  This  arises 
from  the  miserable  situation  of  the  emigrants,  of  whom 
many  of  the  first  quality  now  here  are  in  the  greatest  dis- 
tress." 

"The  Duchess  of  Brunswick  at  dinner  to-day  [March 
25th]  tells  me  she  is  sure  I  don't  like  her.  She  thinks  I 
hate  the  King  her  brother,  and  extend  that  dislike  to  the 
whole  family.  I  assure  her  that  she  is  mistaken,  and  that 
nothing  is  easier  than  for  me,  as  an  American,  to  be 
attached  to  the  royal  family  of  England,  but  nothing 
more  difficult  than  for  a  person  of  that  family  to  like  one 
of  my  country.  'Well,  then,  I  have  the  more  merit,  for 
I  like  you.'  This  conversation,  which  lasts  during  the 
dinner  and  before  a  numerous  society,  would  be  very  em- 
barrassing to  most  men,  and  I  am  afterwards  compli- 
mented for  getting  through  it  so  well.  She  said,  among 
other  things,  that  she  had  persuaded  herself  to  forget  that 
there  was  such  a  country  as  America.  On  the  whole,  I 
am  well  pleased  with  htv  franchise,  and  tell  her  truly  that 
I  am  well  pleased  with  her.  Converse  a  little  with  the 
Duke  confidentially,  and  give  him  some  traits  of  Berlin 
which  he  was  unacquainted  with.  Mention  the  only 
means  which  seem  to  me  fit  for  bringing  the  Prussian 
Cabinet  into  his  views.  He  tells  me  it  is  now  too  late,  in 
which  sentiment  I  agree  with  him." 

"  I  am  to-day  [March  26th]  told  the  private  history  of 
Lord  Malmesbury's  subsidiary  treaty  with  Prussia.  His 
lordship  employed  the  Prince  of  Nassau  to  intrigue  at 
Berlin,  and  after  some  time  he  obtained  a  kind  of  offer 
that  the  King  would  send  a  hundred  thousand  men  into 
Flanders  and  besiege  Lille  if  Great  Britain  would  pay 
them.     The  British  minister  declined  the  great  number, 


286  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVII. 

and  proposed  that  sixty  thousand  should  serve  in  Flan- 
ders, which  the  King  refused,  and  thereupon  his  lord- 
ship, under  the  pretext  that  it  would  save  time,  trans- 
ferred the  negotiation  to  the  Hague.  After  several  pros 
and  cons,  he  came  at  last  to  the  sixty  thousand  and  the 
campaign  in  Flanders.  Count  Haugvvitz  agreed  to  the 
former,  but,  in  pursuance  of  his  instructions,  refused  per- 
emptorily the  latter.  It  ended  by  an  agreement  that  the 
troops  should  act  according  to  the  decision  of  a  council 
of  war.  England  delayed  for  a  long  time  (considering  the 
season)  her  ratification,  and  then  proposed  to  Mollendorf. 
In  the  course  of  the  evening  M.  de  Reden,  with  whom  I 
converse,  observes  that  the  Prussian  ministry  could  go  on 
very  well  with  the  war,  so  long  as  the  treasury  held  out, 
but,  the  war  being  unpopular,  they  could  not  risk  taxes. 
The  Marechal  de  Castries  calls,  according  to  appointment, 
and  after  some  discussion  we  determine  that  when  he 
shall  have  taken  the  needful  informations  he  will  write 
to  me  at  Hamburg.  Dine  at  Court,  and  pass  the  evening 
there.  At  taking  leave  I  am  treated  with  a  show  of  re- 
gard which,  whether  real  or  affected,  is  highly  pleasing. 
The  Duke  is  too  much  engaged  in  his  cabinet  to  pay  the 
social  attentions  ;  au  resie,  he  is  so  much  a  courtier  that  I 
cannot  help  considering  him  as  insincere  and  cold,  even 
to  the  extremes  of  falsehood  and  insensibility.  Brave  in 
the  field  and  happy  in  seizing  the  moment  he  is,  I  am 
told,  a  very  able  officer,  but  all  well-informed  persons 
agree  in  considering  him  as  deficient  in  political  courage, 
I  think  he  wants  other  important  qualities  of  a  statesman. 
Man  can  judge  of  man  by  no  other  standard  than  his 
heart  and  mind.  He  who  is  alive  to  every  sentiment  and 
passion  can  judge  well  of  others  by  adding  to  or  diminish- 
ing the  result  of  his  own  emotions,  for  he  differs  from  his 
fellows  only  in  the  degree  ;  but  he  who  is  born  insensible 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  28/ 

can  never  know  mankind  :  he  is  blind  to  some  things,  deaf 
to  others  ;  in  short,  he  wants  some  of  the  moral  senses. 
The  Duchess,  who  contrasts  strongly  with  her  husband 
on  the  score  of  sincerity,  spoke  to  me  feelingly  and  freely 
of  her  daughter*  and  the  Queen  of  England.f  She  con- 
siders the  latter  as  a  very  bad  woman — a  cold,  cruel  hypo- 
crite. She  sheds  tears  of  affection  when  speaking  of  her 
brother,  and  tells  me  that  but  for  the  Queen  she  would 
never  have  left  England.  Of  the  nation  she  speaks  in 
terms  of  rapture,  and  I  saw  before,  from  a  conversation 
at  table  on  national  character,  that  she  is  too  much  an 
Englishwoman  for  the  Duke.  She  tells  me  that,  notwith- 
standing her  rank  as  a  sovereign,  she  never  writes  to  her 
brother  without  subscribing  herself  his  subject." 

*  Caroline  of  Brunswick  Wolfenbuttel,  wife  of  the  Prince  of  Wales,  after- 
ward George  IV. 
t  Charlotte  of  Mecklenburg  Strelitz,  Queen  of  George  III. 


288  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap,  XXXVIII. 


CHAPTER    XXXVIII. 

Morris  goes  to  Hamburg.  An  armistice  signed,  April,  1797.  Letter  to 
Lord  Grenville.  Letter  to  Lady  Sutherland.  Prince  Zubow.  In- 
formation about  Russia.  Lafayette  released.  Dines  at  Neusteden. 
Lafayette  means  to  avoid  all  interference  in  French  affairs.  Intends 
to  go  to  America.  Conversation  with  Duchess  of  Cumberland  at 
Frankfort  Prince  de  Reusse.  Fete  at  Offenbach.  Mr.  Crauford. 
The  Duchess  of  Cumberland  in  a  contradictory  mood.  Baron  de 
Beaulieu.  Mr.  Wickham.  Leaves  Frankfort  for  Ratisbon.  £n 
petite  sociiti  at  the  Princesse  de  Tour  et  Taxis's.  General  Werneck. 
Dinner  at  the  Prince  Bishop's.     Communications  of  M.  Aujard. 

MORRIS  left  Brunswick  the  27th  of  March  and 
travelling  directly  to  Hamburg,  reached  there  on 
the  31st.  "Last  night,"  he  says,  "at  the  inn  I  had  two 
plagues — one  a  hare  locked  up  over  my  head,  who  would 
have  persuaded  some  people  that  the  house  was  haunted, 
for  he  made  no  small  racket ;  another  was  the  company  of 
mosquitoes,  which,  to  my  astonishment,  were  as  busy  as 
in  July.  Go  after  dinner  to  Altona  to  see  Madame  de 
Flahaut,  and  in  the  evening  go  to  the  French  theatre  at 
Hamburg  to  see  a  most  miserable  ballet,  made  up  of 
shreds  and  patches  of  music  and  history  vilely  assorted. 
Madame  de  Flahaut  tells  me  a  little  anecdote  of  the  Prin- 
cess of  Lorraine,  who  has  lost  her  friend  of  fifteen  years' 
standing  for  the  pleasure  of  young  Caraman's  society. 
There  is  nothing  in  this  to  surprise  me,  for  I  never 
thought  well  of  her.  I  saw  her  last  evening  at  the  play, 
and  her  inquiries  after  Mr.  Livingston  proved  an  interest 
which,  if  it  be  not  of  the  sincerest  kind,  the  fault  must  lie 
with  him." 


1797]  GOUVERXEUR    MORRIS,  289 

"Advices  have  arrived  [April  3d]  of  tlie  taking  of  Trini- 
dad by  the  EngHsh,  and  tlie  destruction  of  tlie  Spanish 
fleet — one  sliip  taken  and  the  rest  of  tlie  squadron  burned 
by  them.  The  conduct  of  tlie  French  has,  it  seems,  ex- 
cited great  disgust  in  America.  My  poor  friend,  Robert 
Morris,  is  ruined.  A  heavy  stroke  upon  my  bosom,  and 
I  fear  the  account  is  but  too  true.  The  Archduke  has 
been  beaten,  and  the  French,  it  is  said,  are  in  possession 
of  Trieste." 

"It  is  said  [April  14th]  that  the  Austrian  Cabinet  have 
declared  officially  that  they  are  treating  with  France. 
Their  affairs  are  very  bad,  and  M.  de  Thugut  will,  I  fancv, 
be  overset." 

"The  Emperor  has  made  [April  15th]  a  kind  of  official 
declaration  that  he  is  in  treaty  for  peace  ;  an  cstafette  is 
arrived,  it  is  said,  which  announces  a  mob  at  Vienna 
clamorous  for  peace  and  the  dismission  of  Thugut.  The 
Emperor  addressed  them  and  promised  peace,  on  whicli 
they  dispersed." 

"The  Prince  of  Waldeck  tells  me  [April  i6th]  he  is 
persuaded  tlie  preliminaries  of  a  general  peace  are  signed  ; 
that  they  liave  been  already  for  some  time  treating." 

An  armistice  had  been  signed  on  the  7th  of  April,  1797, 
within  sight  of  the  spires  of  \'ienna  ;  but  it  was  not  un- 
til October  17th  that  tlie  treaty  of  Campo  Formio  was 
made.  Tlie  terms  dictated  by  Bonaparte  were  tliat  Aus- 
tria should  cede  Belgium  to  the  French  Republic,  and 
agree  to  the  cessit^n  of  the  German  provinces  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  Rhine  ;  and  she  also  consented  tliat  Lom- 
bardy  and  several  adjoining  States  should  become  depend- 
encies of  the  French  Republic.  Austria  was  given,  in  re- 
turn for  her  immense  losses,  \'enice  as  a  spoil.  This 
Bonaparte  thing  to  her,  notwithstanding  a  protest  from 
the  Directorv." 

Vol.  II.  — 19 


290  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVIII. 

"It  appears  from  the  papers  to-day  [April  i8th]  that 
Bonaparte  is  still  rapidly  advancing,  and  that  the  Aus- 
trians  have  gained  advantages  in  Tyrol  which,  followed 
lip,  will  enable  them  to  get  into  his  rear  and  perhaps  hem 
him  up  in  the  mountains  of  Styria.  Should  this  happen, 
the  affairs  of  the  world  may  take  a  turn  entirely  new." 

"Accounts  have  arrived  [April  23d]  by  the  last  French 
mail  that  the  Directory  have  ordered  the  several  officers 
to  pay  no  attention  to  passports  or  certificates  given  by 
American  ministers  or  consuls.  This  is  curious  enough  ; 
but  if,  as  is  far  from  impossible,  Bonaparte  receives  a  se- 
vere check,  they  will  grow  less  arrogant." 

Bonaparte  seemed  at  this  moment  to  the  lookers-on 
"to  be,"  as  Morris  expressed  it  in  a  letter  to  Lord  Gren- 
ville  on  April  25th,  "completely  in  air;  and,  on  the 
whole,  my  lord,"  he  continues,  "I  consider  the  situation 
of  the  Allies  as  being  just  now  much  better  than  it  has 
been  at  any  period  since  the  commencement  of  the  war. 
I  repeat  to  you  again,  my  lord,  that  the  game  seems  to 
me  to  be  in  your  hands,  provided  you  have  patience  to 
play  out  the  cards.  If  it  is  possible  to  send  a  strong 
naval  force  into  the  Mediterranean,  it  will  perhaps  prove 
of  very  great  importance." 

"To-day  [May  3d],  while  I  am  in  a  shop  choosing  some 
chintz  for  Madame  de  Nadaillac,  Mr.  Parish  comes  in, 
and  tells  me  that  the  French  Directory  have  issued  letters 
of  marque  to  capture  American  vessels  going  to  and  com- 
ing from  Great  Britain,  and  that  Admiral  Jarvis  has 
blocked  up  the  Spanish  fleet  at  Cadiz." 

"  M.  Talon  breakfasts  with  me  [May  5th].  He  gives  a 
strange  account  of  affairs  in  America,  so  far  as  regards  the 
land  speculations.  He  says  the  conduct  of  France  to- 
wards America  must  be,  in  some  measure,  attributed  to 
the  Bishop  of  Autun,  who,  in  a  conference  with  the  Direc- 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  29I 

tory  and  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  told  them  America 
was  to  be  considered  in  no  other  light  than  Geneva,  and 
must  follow  implicitly  the  orders  of  France." 

"  It  is  so  long  since  I  had  the  pleasure  of  conversing 
with  you,"  Mr.  Morris  wrote  to  the  Countess  of  Suther- 
land on  May  i6th,  "that  I  would  seek  the  opportunity 
for  novelty's  sake,  were  there  no  other  charms  but  those 
of  novelty  to  be  found  in  your  society.  But,  as  things 
are,  I  find  these  last  unnecessary.  You  will  have  seen 
that  Austria  has  made  peace  in  the  critical  moment,  when 
her  enemy  was  in  the  greatest  danger.  So  Great  Britain 
will  save  a  subsidy  ;  and  now,  unless  they  force  America 
into  the  war,  you  will  stand  alone,  for  I  do  not  count 
Portugal  for  anything.  They  will  only,  I  presume,  fur- 
nish some  money  to  France  and  shut  their  ports  against 
you  by  way  of  purchasing  peace  and  what  is  called  in- 
dependence. The  state  of  your  finances,  also,  is  far  from 
encouraging,  but  yet  I  am  convinced  that  (unless  panic- 
struck)  you  will  get  through  well.  In  effect,  your  enemy 
cannot  employ  against  you  that  force  in  which  she  excels, 
and  she  cannot,  I  think,  in  some  considerable  time  attack 
you  on  your  own  element.  The  return  of  her  armies  will 
not  a  little  perplex  her  counsels,  and  if  she  succeeds  in 
disbanding  the  greater  part  of  them,  she  will  thereby  be 
reduced  to  the  necessity  of  listening  to  the  necessities  of 
her  own  citizens  and  the  friendly  interposition  of  that 
power  who  must  now  begin  to  view  her  with  a  jealous 
eye.  Do  send  me  some  good  news  from  Cadiz.  Tell  me 
to  an  ounce  how  much  silver  you  have  taken  in  the  Span- 
ish galleons  ;  but,  above  all,  tell  me  that  I  still  hold  a 
place  in  your  esteem.  Such  information  is  a  treasure 
more  precious  than  silver,  for  I  love  you  very  much. 
God  bless  you,  dear  lady.  Remember  me  to  your  lord, 
and  remember  me." 


292  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVIII. 

« 

"  Dumouriez  tells  me,  in  a  long  conversation  we  have 
[May  26th],  several  things  of  the  past,  but  one  of  the  pres- 
ent which  astonishes  me.  He  says  that  to  his  knowledge 
Thugut  is  in  the  pay  of  France,  He  has  the  same  opin- 
ion which  I  had  of  Bonaparte's  situation  when  he  made 
peace  with  the  Emperor.  Dining  with  a  large  company 
to-day,  I  mentioned  publicly  what  I  had  previously  sug- 
gested in  private  conversation  to  Mr.  Parish,  that  the  city 
of  Hamburg  would  do  well  to  send  an  agent  to  the  Con- 
gress for  a  general  peace,  with  the  view  to  obtain  an  arti- 
cle in  it  for  the  free  navigation  of  the  Elbe.  This  would 
naturally  be  suggested  by  the  Emperor  and  Elector  of 
Saxony  ;  France  would  also  be  glad  of  the  opportunity  to 
interfere,  with  decided  effect,  in  the  affairs  of  Southern 
Germany.  As  Mr.  Sieveking  sits  opposite  to  me,  I  con- 
clude that  my  conversation  will  be  written  to  Paris  (a 
thing  which  was  done  on  a  former  occasion),  and  that  part 
of  it,  which  relates  to  the  interior,  will  not  be  offensive  to 
them ;  for  it  contained  my  serious  opinion  that,  barring 
the  case  of  civil  war,  their  late  experience  of  anarchy 
will  enforce  the  observation  of  law." 

"Dine  at  M.  P.  Godefroy's  [June  5th]  ;  a  company  of 
four  dozen  in  an  elegant  house,  and  good  wine,  but  the 
smallest  dinner  for  such  a  company  that  I  ever  saw.  A 
tureen  of  soup,  and  one  of  curds  and  cream,  succeeded  by 
a  ham  and  five  boiled  chickens ;  then  a  turbot,  four  dishes 
of  vegetables,  finally  a  leg  of  chevreuil,  and  half  a  dozen 
roasted  pigeons.  The  lasf  advices  from  England  announce 
a  continuance  of  riots  among  seamen,  also  that  the  affairs 
of  Ireland  are  very  alarming.  The  Baron  Grum  tells  me 
a  part  of  his  history.  The  Empress,  in  sending  him  hither 
announced  to  him  the  march  of  sixty  thousand  men  under 
Suwarrow,  through  Holstein  to  the  Elbe.  I  think  I  know 
from  this  hint  the  whole  plan.     He  agrees  with  me  in 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  293 

opinion  that  the  present  Emperor  of  Russia  goes  too  fast 
in  his  plans  of  reform.  He  thinks  it  probable  that  Aus- 
tria may,  by  and  by,  enter  into  bonds  of  alliance  with 
France.     I  question  only  as  to  the  by  and  by." 

"  I  meet  at  dinner  [June  i8th]  the  Prince  Zubow,  late 
bosom  friend  of  the  Empress  of  Russia.  He  gives  me 
much  curious  information.  He  says  the  Russian  army, 
had  the  Empress  lived,  would  have  been  early  in  March 
on  the  way  to  Lintz.  I  had  thought  they  were  to  come 
through  Holstein.  He  tells  me  that  the  Comte  d'Artois, 
when  he  went  first  to  England,  was  bearer  of  an  offer  of 
fifteen  thousand  men  from  the  Empress,  to  act  for  restora- 
tion of  the  monarchy  in  France.  He  says  that  his  brother, 
during  his  late  campaigns  in  Mount  Caucasus  and  Hyrca- 
nia,  has  discovered  the  plain  which  bounded  the  march  of 
Pompey's  army,  being  filled  with  serpents  of  enormous 
size  ;  that  the  ancient  Guebres  still  exist  there,  and  preserve 
the  sacred  fire,  fed  with  a  bitumen  in  which  the  earth  there 
abounds ;  that  the  nations  and  the  rivers  bear  yet  the  same 
names  which  distinguished  them  in  the  time  of  the  Greeks 
and  Romans,  the  people  of  those  countries  having  never 
yet  been  changed  by  conquest,  emigration,  or  other  great 
moral  phenomenon.  He  mentions  the  melons  of  a  prov- 
ince bordering  on  Cashmere  as  being  brought  to  Peters- 
burg, to  Delhi,  and  to  Ispahan.  He  says  it  is  not  true 
that  the  Empress  had  formed  a  good  opinion  of  the  pres- 
ent King  of  Sweden,  but  the  contrary.  He  is,  of  course^ 
no  friend  to  the  present  Czar.  He  says  that  he  must 
adopt  the  conduct  of  his  mother,  as  most  consistent  with 
the  interior  prosperity  and  exterior  consequence  of  Rus- 
sia, but  that  the  same  measures  will  no  longer  produce 
the  same  effect.  Even  the  army  will  no  longer  perform 
the  same  things,  because  that  spirit  which  animated  the 
whole  is  fled.    In  this  there  is,  I  think,  some  exaggeration 


294  DIARY  AND  LETTERS  OF     [Chap.  XXXVIII. 

and  some  truth.  As  to  Poland,  he  says  it  would  be  cruel 
to  re-establish  that  kingdom.  They  are  (according  to 
him)  incapable  of  governing  themselves,  and  should  be 
deprived  of  power,  as  men  take  knives  from  children  lest 
they  cut  themselves.  The  peasants,  he  says,  detest  the 
lords  by  whom  they  are  enslaved,  and  these  again  never 
know  what  they  are  about.  Kosciusko,  he  says,  is  below 
his  reputation  :  a  good  leader  of  ten  to  fifteen  thousand 
men,  but  that  is  all ;  an  enthusiast  who,  but  for  his  igno- 
rance of  his  own  countrymen,  would  never  have  been  led 
into  the  measures  he  pursued.  He  speaks  of  Prussia  as 
owing  everything  to  Russia,  so  that  the  latter,  in  possess- 
ing herself  of  the  Prussias,  would  only,  as  it  were,  take 
back  her  own." 

Morris  left  Altona  on  June  19th  for  a  short  trip  in  Den- 
mark ;  stopping  en  route  for  a  day  at  a  town  near  Ploen, 
to  see  his  old  friend  Madame  de  Tess^ ;  "with  whom," 
he  says,  "  I  have  a  conversation  on  the  subject  of  M.  and 
Madame  de  Lafayette.  She  finds  that  Louis  XVI IL  has 
behaved  very  foolishly,  more  especially  in  his  conduct  to- 
wards his  nephew,  M.  de  Poix.  This  is  characteristic  of 
the  Noailles.  Impartial  people  consider  it  as  a  foolish 
aflfair  merely  because  he  did  not  wait  till  he  was  restored 
to  the  throne,  where  he  might  have-shown  his  resentment 
at  what  he  considers  as  the  ingratitude  of  that  family 
with  more  effect  ;  but  nobody,  I  believe,  except  the  mem- 
bers of  that  family,  will  put  in  comparison  the  proclama- 
tion and  M.  de  Poix." 

On  the  return  journey,  at  a  small  town,  Morris  was  not 
a  little  surprised  to  find  a  servant  of  the  Duchess  of  Cum- 
berland waiting  for  him  ;  '*  which,"  he  says,  "gives  an  air 
of  importance  very  improperly  to  a  most  trifling  circum- 
stance. She,  by  blunders,  is  at  Leipsic  without  money,  and 
asks  me  to  raise  some  for  her  ;  so  I  send  an  order  for  it  to 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  295 

Freis  &  Co.  We  have  had  again  a  rainy  day,  which  makes 
the  welcome  of  my  friend  Parish  doubly  welcome.  On 
my  return  to  Hamburg  I  call  on  Madame  de  Flahaut,  and 
converse  with  Souza,  who  has  returned  from  Berlin.  He 
mentions  having  heard  there,  with  surprise,  that  I  was  a 
great  democrat,  in  the  French  sense  of  the  word.  He 
gives  me  some  French  gazettes,  by  which  it  appears  that 
the  Legislature  are  determined  to  force  the  Directory  into 
a  peace." 

"  I  learn  with  great  pleasure  to-day  [July  4th]  that  the 
Duchess  of  Orleans  has  been  restored  to  the  possession  of 
her  father's  property.  The  two  Houses  in  France  have  con- 
curred in  taking  the  command  of  the  treasury  out  of  the 
hands  of  the  Directory,  and  the  milliard  for  the  army  is 
brought  on  the  carpet.  This  is,  I  believe,  the  rock  which 
the  Republic  must  split  upon.  A  person  from  America 
brings  a  list  of  new  diplomatic  appointments  which  prove 
to  me  that  our  system  is  less  nervous  than  it  was.  I  fear 
we  shall  not  gain  much  reputation  by  it.  He  says,  how- 
ever, that  the  spirit  and  resentments  of  the  nation  are  high. 

"Dine  at  Mr.  Haynes's  [July  loth],  where  I  meet  Lord 
Wycombe.  He  comes  home  with  me  after  dinner,  and, 
chemin  faisani,  expresses  himself  with  much  warmth 
against  his  quondam  friend,  Madame  de  Flahaut.  She 
had  a  design  upon  him,  viz.,  to  marry  him  ;  and  he  thinks 
she  did  much  mischief  to  effectuate  it.  He  is  of  those 
men  who  go  far  in  the  way  which  they  once  travel,  and 
believes  more  than  is  just.  At  the  time  when  I  suspected 
their  connection  to  be  what  I  now  find  it  was,  and  on  his 
arrival  in  Paris,  she  sent  her  servant  to  him,  with  a  letter 
full  of  all  sorts  of  tenderness  and  dying  sensibility.  I  find 
she  had  nearly  catched  him  in  the  matrimonial  noose,  and 
he  seems  to  be  very  angry  at  it,  though,  in  fact,  he  has 
nothing  to  complain  of.     He  seemed  a  proper  subject  to 


296  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVIII. 

work  upon,  and  therefore  she  exerted  herself  to  get  hold 
of  him.  We  have  a  pretty  long  conversation  on  matters 
of  a  public  nature,  and  his  lordship  begins  to  doubt  some 
things  which  appeared  to  him  to  be  certain." 

From  Altona,  July  nth,  Morris  despatched  another  let- 
ter to  Lady  Sutherland,  acknowledging  her  letters,  and, 
just  touching  on  the  all-absorbing  political  subject,  he  an- 
nounced to  her  his  intended  departure  for  home. 

"  It  has  for  some  time  been  my  opinion,"  he  wrote, 
"that  you  would  have  peace  this  year,  and  the  negoti- 
ators being  now  met,  I  presume  you  will  soon  know  the 
happy  issues  of  their  labors.  As  to  the  conditions,  I  think 
them  of  little  consequence,  for  the  state  of  Europe  seems  to 
me  similar  to  what  it  was  previous  to  the  Grand  Alliance, 
and,  if  so,  you  will  have  only  an  armed  truce  whose  duration 
must  depend  on  contingencies  ;  unless,  indeed,  the  internal 
commotions  of  France  should  give  to  neighboring  nations 
a  security  they  could  not  derive  from  their  arms.  Quand 
on  se  trouve  au  parterre  il  faut  attendre  le  denoument  de 
la  piece,  quelque  mauvaise  qu'elle  soit.  Ainsi,  quoiqu'en 
route  pour  mon  foyer,  je  reste  ici  encore  quelques  jours. 
But  for  trifles  not  worth  mentioning,  I  should  have  been  by 
this  time  in  America;  and  I  think  it  wisest  to  go  without 
visiting  England,  because  I  shall  leave  this  hemisphere 
with  less  reluctance  than  if  I  saw  you  at  the  moment  of  my 
departure.  Still,  tliere  is  something  which  tells  me  I  shall 
see  you  again,  and  the  idea  is  so  pleasant  that  I  can't  find 
it  in  my  heart  to  drive  it  away.  Wouldn't  it  be  whimsical 
if,  in  the  shufflings  of  time  and  chance,  we  should  meet 
under  the  auspices  of  a  bonnet  rouge  at  Paris  ?  You  ask 
my  plan  of  operations.  I  float,  dear  lady,  like  all  light 
substances,  on  the  stream  of  time,  too  indolent  to  row,  too 
ignorant  tO  steer,  and  trusting  fate  for  a  future  haven. 
You,  more  provident,  are  buying  and  repairing  a  house, 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  297 

on  which  I  felicitate  you,  because  it  will  (till  finished)  give 
you  the  pleasure  of  employment,  and  then  you  must  seek 
some  other  object.  Whatever  may  be  your  pursuit  and 
with  whatever  success,  my  warmest  wishes  will  still  attend 
you — still  like 

Thy  guardian  sylph  shall  hover  near, 

With  cheerful  smile  and  blooming  joy  to  greet ; 

Or,  in  life's  weariness,  thy  spirit  cheer, 
And  scatter  roses  underneath  thy  feet. 

Adieu.  My  best  remembrances  await  his  lordship.  Tell 
him  so,  and  believe  me  ever  and  truly  yours." 

Morris  never  lost  his  keen  interest  in  the  sufferings 
of  the  emigres,  and  always  held  himself  ready  to  supply  a 
deficiency  in  money,  or  to  send  them  a  word  of  hope  or  of 
advice.  In  a  letter  to  the  Marechal  de  Castries,  then  liv- 
ing at  Wolfenbuttel,  under  date  of  August  2d,  he  says: 

"  Les  evenements  en  verite  ont  ete  si  rapides  et  extra- 
ordinaires  que  les  calculs  sur  le  passe  ne  peuvent  plus 
s'appliquer  au  present  ;  et,  quant  a  I'avenir,  il  est  con- 
vert d'un  nuage  impenetrable.  Si  j'osais  me  permettre  de 
hasarder  un  conseil,  ce  serait  de  ne  rien  faire,  absolument 
Hen,  puisqu'  alors  on  a  des  chances  pour  soi.  D'ailleurs, 
on  peut  choisir  librenient  quand  on  ne  s'est  engage  envers 
personne.  Je  marque  bien  ce  que  vous  me  faites  I'hon- 
neur  de  me  dire  sur  le  changement  du  ministere  franpais. 
II  ne  me  parait  etre  qu'un  symptome  dans  une  maladie  ou 
il  faut  s'attendre  encore  a  des  crises  multipliees.  Je  n'en 
tire,  done,  aucun  indice.  En  general,  je  persiste  a  croire 
que  le  despotisme  d'un  usurpateur  doit  etre  le  precurseur 
d'une  autorite  legitime.  Je  ne  suis  pas  meme  persuade  qu'il 
ne  soit  pas  necessaire  a  I'etablissement  solide  d'une  pa- 
reille  autorite.  L'homme,  animal  raisonnant  maisnon  pas 
raisonnable,  ne  s'instruit  que  par  I'experience  et  ne  se  cor- 


298  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVIII. 

rige  que  par  le  malheur.  II  faut  done  que  le  cercle  soit 
complet,  afin  de  dt^montrer  X  chaque  novateur  I'ineptie  de 
son  systeme.  Mille  pardons  pour  ce  galimatias.  Croyez 
toujours  a  mon  respect  et  a  mon  sincere  attachement."  * 

"This  afternoon  [August  nth]  I  see  Dumouriez.  Ha- 
tred of  England  seems  the  order  of  the  day  here.  He  says 
he  has  no  doubt  of  being  able  to  make  a  successful  de- 
scent on  England.  He  has  much  commonplace  on  that 
subject,  but  the  particulars  of  his  plan  are  a  secret.  This 
secret  must  consist  in  the  knowledge  of  a  convenient  land- 
ing-place and  the  means  of  eluding  British  cruisers.  In  a 
word,  it  must  be  a  couJ>  de  main,  and  supposing  (gratis)  the 
safe  landing  of  a  considerable  force  with  needful  artillery, 
etc.  A  further  postulatum  is  that  the  English  will  not 
fight  to  defend  their  country.  He  says  he  has  ofifered  the 
Directory  to  communicate  his  plans  to  any  affid^  oi  theirs, 
but  they  have  not  asked  anything  from  him.  They  have 
formed  plans  to  act  in  concert  with  the  revolution  societies 
of  England.  I  give  him  some  hints,  which  I  am  sure  he 
will  seize,  because  he  wants  to  bring  himself  forward  again 
on  the  French  theatre.  As  they  will,  if  brought  to  effect, 
tend  to  the  general  good  of  mankind,  I  shall  not  be  sorry 
to  see  them  acted  upon.     It  seems  that  Mantua  is  to  be 

*  Translation  :  Events  have  been  so  rapid  and  so  extraordinary  that 
the  calculations  of  the  past  no  more  apply  to  the  present ;  as  for  the  future,  it 
is  hidden  behind  impenetrable  clouds.  If  I  dared  proffer  advice,  it  would  be 
to  do  nothing,  absolutely  nothing,  keeping  thus  all  chances  in  one's  favor. 
One  can  choose  freely,  when  no  engagements  have  been  entered  into.  I  take 
due  notice  of  what  you  do  me  the  honor  of  stating  concerning  the  change  of 
ministry  in  France.  This  change  appears  to  me  but  one  symptom  in  a  dis- 
ease which  will  go  through  many  more  crises.  I  draw  no  augury  from  it 
In  a  general  way,  I  think  the  despotism  of  a  usurper  is  bound  to  become  the 
precursor  of  the  re-establishment  of  legitimate  authority ;  I  even  think  that 
it  might  be  a  necessary  preliminary  to  such  a  re-establishment.  That  rea- 
soning but  not  reasonable  animal,  man,  is  only  taught  by  experience,  and 
misfortune  is  his  sole  corrector.  The  whole  circle  must  therefore  have  been 
gone  over  before  the  innovator  can  find  out  the  inanity  of  his  system.  A 
thousand  e.xcuses  for  this  twaddle,  and  believe  in  my  sincere  attachment 


1797.3  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  299 

delivered  up  to  the  Emperor,  so  that  Bonaparte's  trans- 
alpine schemes  are  a  little  lamed." 

"  Advices  from  England  [August  13th]  show  that  the 
disputes  between  the  legislative  and  executive  bodies  at 
Paris  are  not  yet  settled.  The  military  are  excited  against 
the  former." 

"  To-day  [August  iSth]  the  post  from  Holland  brings 
accounts  that  the  definitive  treaty  is  concluded  with  the 
Emperor,  but  the  conditions  are  yet  secret. 

"  By  every  account  [August  20th]  from  France  it  would 
seem  as  if  trouble  were  preparing  again  there.  The  Di- 
rectory have  the  army  in  their  favor  for  the  moment. 
There  seems  to  be  a  contest  between  them  and  the  Legis- 
lature for  fixing  on  each  other  the  blame  that  hostilities 
continue,  and  that  the  finances  are  deranged.  As  taxation 
is  the  right  of  the  latter,  they  will  probably  succumb." 

"  The  Baron  Buol  de  Schauenstein,  the  Imperial  minis- 
ter, with  his  lady,  dine  at  Neusteden  with  Mr.  Parish  to- 
day [September  3d].  After  dinner,  speaking  of  the  Eng- 
lish diplomacy,  he  mentions  a  trait  of  the  famous  Lord 
Auckland,  which  is  curious.  After  the  treaty  of  Reichen- 
bach,  by  which  Prussia,  England,  and  Holland  had  agreed 
to  aid  in  bringing  back  the  Flemish  and  Brabanters  to 
their  ancient  submission,  he,  being  then  minister  from  the 
Emperor  there,  was  informed  of  Vanderhoot's  plan  (called 
afterwards  his  crusade,  which  cost  the  lives  of  more  than 
fifteen  thousand  men,  wantonly  thrown  away)  and  went 
immediately  to  Lord  Auckland  to  request  that  he  would 
interfere  to  prevent  attempts  which  must  have  bad  conse- 
quences, without  at  all  afifecting  the  great  object  fixed  by 
the  treaty.  His  lordship  told  him  that  he  could  not,  for 
that  if  Vanderhoot  and  Van  Eupen  were  to  ask  his  advice  he 
could  not  in  conscience  recommend  it  to  them  to  lay  down 
their  arms,  seeing  that  they  would  then  obtain  unfavorable 


30O  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVIII. 

terms.  *  My  lord,  if  you  suppose  I  come  to  hold  a  friendly 
and  confidential  conversation  you  are  mistaken.  I  speak 
to  you  as  a  minister,  and  I  beg  you  will  give  me  such  an 
answer  as  I  may  transmit  to  Court  in  your  official  charac- 
ter.' 'Why,  really,  sir,  my  instructions  from  the  British 
Cabinet  will  not  permit  me  to  comply  with  your  request.' 
The  Baron  remarks  properly  that  this  is  the  first  time,  per- 
haps, that  the  minister  of  a  country  has  openly  avowed  the 
patronage  of  revolt." 

"  The  French  mail  brings  advices  this  day  [September 
15th]  of  an  attack  made  under  the  auspices  of  three  Di- 
rectors against  the  other  two,  and  the  majority  of  the  two 
councils.  The  consequence  is  that  several  members  are 
arrested  and  condemned  to  banishment.  The  pretext  is  a 
conspiracy  to  establish  the  throne  on  the  ruins  of  the  pres- 
ent glorious  fabric  of  Galilean  freedom.  It  seems  as  if 
the  definitive  treaty  with  the  Emperor  is  near  to  a  conclu- 
sion. I  presume  that  the  victorious  Directors  will  make 
peace  by  way  of  proving  that  the  continuance  of  the  war 
is  to  be  attributed  to  their  opponents.  They  have  taken 
the  estate  of  the  Duchess  of  Orleans  and  banished  her." 

To  his  friend.  Baron  de  Groshlaer,  at  Vienna,  Morris 
wrote,  on  Tuesday,  the  19th  of  September,  to  felicitate  him 
on  the  dangers  they  had  safely  passed  through,  as  follows  : 

"  En  effet,  votre  danger  a  ete  extreme  ;  vous  jouissez  k 
present  de  la  lumiere,  car  il  n'y  a  rien  de  si  beau  que  de 
voir  le  soleil  quand  on  revient  des  bords  du  tombeau. 
Dans  I'ignorance  absolue  de  votre  sort,  je  n'osais  ecrire,  ni 
a  vous  ni  k  madame  la  baronne,  mais  je  me  persuadais 
toujours  que  vous  vous  en  tireriez.  On  croit  facilement  ce 
qu'on  desire  avec  ardeur.  Je  m'imagine  que  la  paix  sera 
conclue  avant  que  cette  lettre-ci  n'ait  I'honneur  de  vous 
etre  presentee.  L'Empereur  aura  regu  le  territoire  de  Ve- 
nise  en  echange  de  Mantoue,  et  la  France  se  sera  creee  une 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  3OI 

voisine  formidable  dans  la  soi-disante  Republique  Cisal- 
pine. Je  ne  vous  parle  pas  de  la  derniere  revolution  pa- 
risienne,  puisqu'il  leur  en  faudra  encore  et  encore,  jusqu'a 
ce  qu'ils  retombent  sous  le  gouvernment  d'un  seul.  C'est 
leur  dernier  espoir,  c'est  leur  unique  azazel ;  apres  de  longs 
transports,  c'est  un  sommeil  tranquille.  En  attendant  leur- 
reve,  je  fais  celui  d'un  voyage  a  Francfort,  car  je  suis  re- 
tenu  dans  votre  maudite  Europe  par  des  circonstances  tri- 
viales,  qui  me  facheraient  moins  si  je  pouvais  esperer 
vous  revoir."  * 

"  The  news  from  Paris  [September  20th]  go  to  a  con- 
firmation of  the  conspiracy,  of  course  ;  they  go  also  to 
tlie  establishment  of  dictatorial  power  in  the  Directory, 
which  is  also  of  course.  The  Rump  Parliament  delib- 
erates under  the  bayonet.  Qu. :  How  long  before  the 
army  shall  dismiss  the  Directors  ?" 

"The  Imperial  minister  [September  21st]  has  announced 
that  the  prisoners  of  Olmutz  are  at  liberty." 

In  a  letter  (September  22d)  to  Lord  Elgin,  Morris  men- 
tioned his  intention  of  making  the  journey  to  Frankfort  if 
the  proposed  peace  should  afford  him  the  opportunity,  the 
season  being  rather  late  to  cross  the  Atlantic. 

"  We  hear  constantly  and  with  great  pleasure  that  the 

*  Translation  :  Certainly  your  danger  was  extreme ;  now  you  enjoy 
light,  and  there  is  nothing  more  lovely  than  the  sun  when  one  returns  from 
the  borders  of  the  tomb.  In  total  ignorance  of  your  fate,  I  dared  not  to 
write  either  to  you  nor  to  Madame  la  Baronne,  but  I  kept  up  a  stubborn  hope 
that  you  would  get  out  somehow.  I  imagine  that  peace  will  have  been  con- 
cluded before  this  letter  reaches  you.  The  Emperor  will  have  received 
Venice  in  exchange  for  Mantua,  and  France  will  have  thus,  by  its  own  doing, 
a  formidable  neighbor  in  the  so-called  Cis-Alpine  Republic.  I  do  not  men- 
tion to  you  the  latest  Parisian  revolution  ;  they  will  need  many  more  before 
they  are  united  under  the  government  of  one  man.  It  is  their  final  hope  ; 
their  only  scapegoat.  After  such  a  long,  feverish  fit,  it  will  be  a  quiet  slum- 
ber. Until  their  dream  is  realized  mine  is  to  travel  as  far  as  Frankfort,  for 
I  am  still  kept  in  your  accursed  Europe  by  trivial  circumstances,  against 
which  I  would  feel  less  aggrieved  if  I  had  any  hope  seeing  you  again. 


302  DIARY  AND  LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVIII. 

King's  health  mends  daily.  As  I  know  the  interest  you 
take  in  it,  I  cannot  omit  to  offer  my  congratulations.  The 
French  Revolution  has  taken  one  step  more  towards  a 
conclusion.  In  a  little  time  they  will,  I  think,  have  com- 
pleted the  circle.  Meanwhile  they  go  on  generating  young 
republics,  which,  like  puppies,  are  born  blind,  yet  can 
yelp,  and  if  not  strangled  will  not  fail  to  bite  when  the 
season  comes.  So  let  those  look  to  it  whose  legs  may  be 
in  the  way." 

"  Mr.  Parish  calls  [September  27th].  He  has  adjusted 
with  the  Imperial  minister  how  Lafayette  is  to  be  deliv- 
ered over.  The  minister  communicated  M.  de  Thugut's 
letter,  which  says  expressly  that  M.  de  Lafayette  is  not 
liberated  at  the  instance  of  France,  but  merely  to  show 
the  Emperor's  consideration  for  the  United  States  of 
America.     This  looks  very  like  a  continuation  of  the  war." 

*'  Every  account  [September  29th]  seems  to  confirm  the 
idea  that  hostilities  are  to  recommence,  and  the  Imperial 
minister  tells  me  that  there  is  every  probability  the  war 
will  continue." 

"  The  officer  accompanying  the  Olmiitz  prisoners  [Oc- 
tober 3d]  left  them  on  the  way  to  Hamburg  and  called  on 
Mr.  Parish  yesterday.  He  comes  by  the  worst  road,  and 
to-morrow  these  unfortunate  people  are  to  cross  the  Elbe 
in  an  open  boat,  be  the  weather  what  it  may  ;  now  it  is 
very  fine." 

"  Dine  to-day  [October  14th]  with  M.  le  Baron  Buol 
Schauenstein,  the  Imperial  minister,  who  gives  me  some 
letters  of  introduction  and  a  passport.  Madame  also  gives 
me  some  letters,  and  very  politely  wishes  that,  by  deter- 
mining to  stay  here,  I  may  render  them  useless.  The  min- 
ister is  vexed  that  M.  de  Lafayette  and  his  companions  do 
not  arrive.  It  is  not  till  after  five  that  Mr.  Parish  sends 
us  word  that  they  are  come,  and  then  I  take  the  Baron 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  303 

down  to  perform  the  ceremony  of  delivering  them  over. 
His  expressions  are  trh  mesur^es,7xnd  he  goes  through  his 
part  with  dignity.  The  prisoners,  instead  of  coming  to 
town  in  the  ferry-boat,  in  wliich  case  they  would  have  ar- 
rived between  nine  and  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,  em- 
barked on  board  the  boat  of  an  American  ship,  dined  on 
the  ship,  and  so  wasted  their  own  time  and  everybody 
else's.  Of  course  they  cannot  go  to  the  lodgings  provided 
for  them,  etc.  I  find  also  that  visits  are  to  be  paid  to  the 
French  minister,  to  Archenholz,  etc.  In  short,  Horace  is 
perfectly  right :  Caelum  non  animam  mutant  qui  trans  mare 
currunt.  Mr.  Parish  takes  tea  with  me,  and  I  accompany 
him  to  Neusteden,  his  country-seat,  and  spend  the  night. 
The  next  day  the  whole  society  of  prisoners  dine  at  Neu- 
steden. There  seems  no  intention  of  going  to  America. 
Lafayette  assures  me  that  he  means  to  avoid  all  intrigue 
and  every  interference  in  the  affairs  of  France  ;  but,  if  I 
judge  right,  he  is  mistaken.  I  applaud  his  resolution,  tell 
him  that  he  can  do  France  no  good  and  may  do  himself 
much  mischief  ;  that  a  perfect  nullity  is  the  safer  game  for 
him  and  leaves  him  the  choice  of  what  side  he  will  take 
afterwards,  etc.  He  professes  much  gratitude  for  my  ser- 
vices, but  this  I  do  not  expect,  and  shall  indeed  be  disap- 
pointed if  it  ever  goes  beyond  profession.  The  young 
gentleman  who  went  from  the  French  army  in  Italy  to 
Vienna  in  order  to  procure  M.  de  Lafayette's  release  tells 
me  he  doubts  still  whether  hostilities  will  be  recom- 
menced. He  seems  to  think  that  the  French  armies  are 
too  powerful  to  be  resisted,  and  also  that  the  practice  of 
making  young  republics  behind  them  will  give  security 
to  their  conquests.  This  must,  in  my  opinion,  depend 
merely  on  the  success  of  their  advancing  armies,  for,  if 
driven  back,  the  conquered  countries  will  certainly  rise 
against  their  oppressors." 


304  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVIII. 

"  Mr.  Parish  and  I  have  some  conversation  to-day  [Oc- 
tober 6th]  on  the  subject  of  Messrs.  Lafayette  &  Co.  He 
sees  with  concern  that  they  are  running  into  great  and 
useless  expense,  according  to  all  appearances,  by  going 
foolishly  to  an  inn  at  Hamburg  instead  of  coming  out  to 
lodgings  prepared  for  them  at  Altona.  They  have  run  out 
fifty  guineas  in  two  days.  I  prepare  for  my  journey  to- 
day, and  say  farewell  to  my  friends.  Go  to  Poppenbiittel 
to  see  M.  and  Madame  de  Lafayette,  and  bid  them  adieu. 
As  he  mentions  to  me  his  intention  of  going  to  America, 
I  urge  him  to  decide  on  it  seriously  and  to  mention  it  now 
to  Mr.  Adams,  the  President.  I  tell  him  that  neither  the 
present  Directory  nor  the  Constitutionalists,  as  they  call 
themselves,  wish  to  see  him  in  France  ;  that  I  believe 
America  will  make  a  proper  provision  for  him,  I  think 
they  ought  to  offer,  and  he  to  accept,  what  will  put  him  in 
easy  circumstances.  He  says  that  if  his  wife  can  sell  her 
property  in  France  she  will,  after  paying  her  debts,  have 
some  little  left,  and  very  little  will  satisfy  him.  Here  I 
think  he  is  much  mistaken. 

"  Mr.  Parish  comes  this  afternoon  while  I  am  writing, 
and  brings  me  the  letter  Lafayette  has  written  stating  the 
impracticability  of  going  out  this  autumn  to  America. 
Mr.  Parish,  to  whom  it  is  addressed,  finds  it  wxll  enough, 
so  I  don't  object,  though  the  style  is  not  just  what  it  ought 
to  be,  and  I  think  will  not  be  so  pleasing  or  satisfactory  to 
the  Imperial  Cabinet  as  Mr.  Parish  might  wish  and  of 
right  expect.  I  fancy  M.  Archenholz  will  come  out  with 
a  smart  philippic  against  the  Emperor,  for  1  saw  him  out 
at  Poppenbiittel,  and,  as  I  suppose,  for  the  purpose  of  col- 
lecting materials.  The  late  prisoners  will  not  be  unwilling 
to  furnish  all  they  can.  They  were,  in  my  opinion,  con- 
fined unjustly  ;  no  wonder  that  the  loss  of  liberty  should, 
coupled  with  the  sense  of  wrong,  have  greatly  exasperated 


\ 


1797.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  305 

them,  but  I  am  persuaded  that  nothing  has  happened 
which  can  bear  a  comparison  with  the  cruelties  inflicted 
on  many  innocent  persons  in  France.  Being  now  at  lib- 
erty the  public  commiseration  will  be  much  diminished, 
and  it  would,  I  think,  be  prudent  to  preserve  a  profound 
silence.  If,  leaving  the  prudential  path,  he  wishes  to  act  a 
heroic  part,  it  would,  I  think,  consist  in  a  siletice  prononcd. 
On  an  application  to  him  to  tell  his  story  he  might  say  : 
'While  so  many  nations  suffer,  the  past  miseries  of  an  in- 
dividual can  find  no  place  in  the  public  attention  ;  mine 
are  already  obliterated  from  my  memory  by  the  view  of 
those  which  my  poor  country  is  doomed  to  undergo.'  " 

"  I  leave  Altona  to-day  [October  8th],  and  am  detained 
at  the  Hamburg  gate  five  and  twenty  minutes  by  the  ridic- 
ulous practice  of  shutting  the  gates  during  the  time  of  di- 
vine service.  I  suppose  it  is  to  prevent  an  enemy  from 
surprising  them." 

"At  Esche  Mr.  Moll  or,  my  compagnon  de  voyage,  and  I 
meet  a  gentleman  and  lady  [October  loth]  who  come 
from  the  baths  of  Schwalbach  and  Wiesbaden.  They  tell 
us  that  the  people,  who  are  much  disturbed  by  the  war,  pre- 
fer the  company  of  the  French  to  that  of  the  Austrians, 
which  last  are  sulky  and  will  do  nothing  but  smoke  their 
pipes,  while  the  French  lend  a  hand  to  assist  in  whatever 
business  may  be  going  forward." 

"  On  the  way  from  Cassel  to  Friedenwalde,  at  an  inn 
[October  22d],  I  meet  in  the  landlord  an  old  Hessian  sol- 
dier who  served  in  America,  and  who  speaks  very  good 
English.  He  tells  me  he  worked  very  hard  at  cutting 
down  the  wood  at  Morrisania,  and  he  is  very  sorry  he  did 
not  stay  in  America.  I  make  a  detour  to  see  the  Duchess 
of  Cumberland,  but  find  that  she  is  gone  to  live  at  Frank- 
fort, which  town  we  reach  on  Thursday,  October  26th. 
Walk  first  to  the  post-office  and  then  call  on  the  Duchess 
Vol.  II. — 20 


306  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF      [Chap.  XXXVIII. 

of  Cumberland,  with  whom  I  sit  awhile.  She  gives  me 
information  of  various  sorts.  Says  that  the  Prince  Royal 
of  Prussia,*  who  is  probably  by  this  time  King,  his  father's 
death  having  been  expected  daily  for  some  weeks,  is  a 
man  of  very  moderate  abilities,  pacific  temper,  and  ava- 
ricious disposition  ;  that  he  hates  the  ^migr^s,  fears  the 
French,  and,  so  far  from  entering  into  a  coalition  against 
them,  will  pay  court  to  the  Directory.  She  says  that  at 
Pyrmont  they  were  endeavoring  to  take  in  Prince  Adol- 
phus  to  marry  the  Princess  Louis,  sister  to  the  Princess 
Royal,  who  is  the  mistress  of  Louis  Ferdinand.  The 
Duchess  describes  her  as  a  woman  of  very  loose  deport- 
ment who  was  coquetting  in  the  style  of  a  courtesan  with 
Adolphus,  and  the  King  of  Prussia  prayed  him  to  manager 
his  belle-fille,  qui  e'tait  ^perdument  amour euse  de  lui.  At  the 
same  time,  he  could  not  think  of  agreeing  to  the  marriage, 
without  the  previous  consent  of  the  King  of  England. 
The  Duchess  thinks  that  if,  on  the  King's  death,  Louis  can 
get  the  survivance  of  his  father's  place  on  condition  that 
he  marry  his  mistress,  he  will  readily  do  it.  She  men- 
tions the  marriage  of  the  Prince  of  Wiirtemberg  with  the 
Princess  Royal  of  England  as  a  thing  which  the  latter 
would  never  have  consented  to  but  to  get  out  of  the 
Queen's  clutches.  The  Duchess  of  Brunswick,  mother  to 
his  former  wife,  had  done  everything  in  her  power  to  pre- 
possess the  King  against  him.  The  Duke  of  Brunswick 
said  publicly  that  he  had  poisoned  his  daughter.  *  But,' 
says  the  Ducliess  of  Brunswick, '  this  I  do  not  believe,  be- 
cause the  Empress  of  Russia  had  the  exclusive  privilege 
of  poisoning  everybody  in  her  dominions,  and  as  the 
Duchess  of  Wiirtemberg  was  her  favorite,  from  having  be- 
trayed her  husband's  secrets,  and  those  of  his  sister  tlie  pres- 
ent Empress  of  Russia,  it  is  improbable  that  she  would  have 

*  The  King  of  Prussia  did  not  die  until  November,  1797. 


1797.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  307 

suffered  anybody  to  poison  her.'  The  Prince  of  Wiirtem- 
berg,  she  says,  beat  his  wife  two  days  after  their  marriage, 
because  she  persisted  in  wearing  a  cap  which  he  did  not 
like.  Notwithstanding  all  these  things,  the  Duke  of 
Brunswick  went  over  from  his  residence  to  Hanover  to  in- 
vite the  Pi-ince  and  Princess  to  his  Court,  which  invitation 
they  accepted.  This,  says  my  informant,  is  in  the  hope 
that  his  grandson,  future  Duke  of  Wiirtemberg,  will  be 
made  an  elector.  She  says  they  live  in  a  miserable  style 
at  Stuttgart  ;  see  nobody,  etc.  ;  her  husband  of  such  vio- 
lent temper  that  he  beats  his  chamberlains  and,  in  partic- 
ular, the  Count  Zippelin." 

'■'■  Estafettes  have  arrived  in  the  night  which  announce 
the  news  of  peace  [October  27th].  There  is  much  joy 
among  the  Austrians  on  account  of  the  peace.  The 
Prince  de  Reusse  breakfasts  with  me.  He  tells  me  that  in 
the  great  battle  which  Alvinzi  lost,  his  brother  had  car- 
ried the  posts  on  the  left,  had  got  round  in  the  rear  of 
Bonaparte,  and  was  marching  up  in  order  of  battle.  It 
would  have  been  fortunate  if  he  had  fired  a  few  shots  to 
alarm  the  French  troops.  Alvinzi  had  carried  the  Monte- 
bello  by  storm,  with  eight  and  twenty  battalions,  in  the 
most  splendid  manner.  Nothing  remains  but  to  range 
them  again  in  order  of  battle,  and  Bonaparte  was  not  beat 
but  destroyed.  Nothing  could  have  escaped.  In  this  mo- 
ment fifty  to  a  hundred  French  horse,  in  their  fright  and 
not  knowing  what  they  did,  came  galloping  round  the  right 
of  the  Austrians  ;  some  twenty  men  took  fright  and  cried 
'Tournirt,  tournirt,'  we  are  turned,  i.e.,  surrounded,  and 
instantly  the  cry  became  general ;  the  victorious  battal- 
ions were  panic-struck  and  ran  down  the  mountain, 
throwing  away  their  arms.  In  their  rout  down  the  steep 
which  they  had  just  ascended,  above  eight  hundred  were 
killed   and  wounded  without  any  molestation  whatever 


308  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVIII. 

from  the  enemy.  Thus  a  trivial  incident  (humanly  speak- 
ing) changed  the  face  of  Europe.  Had  this  not  hap- 
pened, the  Austrians  would  have  marched  victorious  into 
the  country  of  Nice  in  all  probability.  The  Prince  tells 
me  he  is  apprehensive  that  the  Emperor  has  made  a  bad 
peace. 

"  I  dine  at  the  Duchess  of  Cumberland's.  The  Prince 
de  Reusse  takes  me  in  the  evening  to  Madame  Sullivan's. 
Here  are  the  Baron  de  Deuxpont,  Comte  de  Fersen,  Mr. 
Crauford,  and  M.  de  Simolin — all  people  whom  I  have 
formerly  known.  M.  de  Deuxpont  tells  me  he  has  learnt 
from  the  secretary  of  Barthelemi  that  he  constantly  be- 
trayed the  French  Republic.  He  has  received  advices 
from  Paris  that  Barras  and  Reubell  are  at  enmity,  each 
wishing  to  be  chief.  The  Prince  de  Reusse  tells  me,  also, 
that  persons  lately  arrived  mention  great  discontents 
among  the  people.  Simolin  says  he  has  received  a  very 
civil  message  from  the  Bishop  d'Autun,  and  he  tells  me  a 
thing  which  surprises  me  ;  viz.,  that  the  Bishop  used  to 
beat  Madame  de  Stael.  He  says  St.  Foix,  having  heard  it, 
asked  the  Bishop,  who  acknowledged  it.  He  says  that 
Talon  and  Semonville  had  obtained  large  sums  from 
Louis  XIV.,  under  pretext  of  serving  him,  and  had  ap- 
plied it  to  their  own  use.  Simolin  does  not  believe  in  the 
articles  given  out,  which  are,  in  brief,  that  the  Emperor 
gets  Dalmatia,  Istria,  etc.,  to  the  Piave,  and  from  the 
upper  part  of  the  Piave  along  round  by  Peschiera  to  the 
Lago  d'  Iseo,  so  as  to  keep  the  communication  open  with 
Tyrol  ;  also  that  the  Emperor  gets  Bavaria  in  exchange 
for  the  Low  Countries,  including  Liege,  but  exclusive  of 
Flanders  and  Hainault,  which  are  to  be  given  to  the 
Elector  of  Bavaria  or  Elector  Palatine." 

"To-day  [October  29th]  we  dine  at  a  tavern  with  a  large 
society  of  the  first  people  of  this  place.     A  merchant  here 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  309 

has  just  received  a  letter  from  Udine,  which  informs  him 
that  on  the  17th  the  conferences  were  so  warm  that  the 
negotiators  were  heard  disputing  by  people  out  of  doors. 
At  length  Cobenzel  stated  his  ultimatum  and  the  nego- 
tiators separated,  war  being  concluded  on,  but  after  a  lit- 
tle time  Bonaparte  wrote  a  note  to  Cobenzel  telling  him 
that  on  further  consideration  he  had  determined  to  ac- 
cede, and  accordingly  the  business  was  settled." 

"  This  morning  (or,  rather,  noon)  [November  2d]  I  go 
off  to  Offenbach  to  breakfast  with  the  Prince  de  Reusse. 
The  fete  is  given  to  the  Duchess  of  Cumberland.  There 
are  here  the  Prince  d'Yessemburg  with  his  wife  (sister 
to  the  Prince  de  Reusse),  Prince  and  Princess  de  Wirt,  a 
brother  of  the  Landgrave  de  Hesse;  a  Baron  Lupel,  who 
reminds  me  that  we  dined  together  at  Mr.  Hope's  at  Am- 
sterdam ;  the  Baron  and  Baroness  Vrinz  and  M.  Gazeyn, 
conseiller  intime  to  the  Prince  de  Wirt.  There  is  noth- 
ing here  beyond  the  chit-chat  of  good  company.  Go  to 
the  play.  There  is  an  actor  here  of  the  name  of  Schmidt, 
formerly  Moiler,  who  was  the  lover  of  the  King  of  Prus- 
sia's first  wife,  and  father,  as  she  said,  of  the  Duchess  of 
York.  Whether  this  affects  my  imagination  or  not  I  can- 
not say,  but  I  think  he  looks  very  like  the  Duchess  of 
York.  When  I  see  the  Duchess  of  Cumberland  I  men- 
tion to  her  the  M.  Moiler,  alias  Schmidt,  whom  I  saw  last 
night.  She  tells  me  that  the  King  of  Prussia  well  knew 
that  the  Duchess  of  York  was  not  his  daughter,  and  had 
an  intrigue  with  her  ;  that  the  Duke  of  York  knew  it, 
and  married  her  on  that  account,  hoping  to  get  with  her 
the  means  of  paying  his  debts,  in  which  he  was  disap- 
pointed ;  that  the  Duchess  is  a  diseased  woman  ;  that  the 
Prince  of  Wales  treats  all  these  things  as  bagatelles,  and 
used  to  laugh  at  what  he  called  her  prudery." 

"  M.  Henri  arrives  from  Liege  [November  7th],  and  says 


310  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVIII. 

the  inhabitants  of  Limbourg  and  Luxembourg  are  in  the 
deepest  distress  at  being  abandoned  by  the  Emperor.  A 
great  number, are  literally  sick.  This  is  an  overcharged 
picture,  though  the  groundworic  may  be  exact.  Call  on  the 
Duchess  of  Cumberland.  In  the  course  of  a  conversation 
resulting  from  her  cross-grained  observations,  the  Prince  de 
Reusse  mentions  interrupted  letters  from  the  Directory  to 
Bonaparte  in  which  they  state  the  improbability  of  reunit- 
ing their  armies.  Mr.  Crauford  *  mentions  to  me  as  having 
learned  it  at  the  time  from  the  Prussian  minister  that  the 
siege  of  Mayence  was  delayed  six  weeks  because  the  Aus- 
trian Cabinet  would  not  specify  their  objects  in  the  war 
and  the  Cabinet  of  Prussia  was  determined  not  to  aggran- 
dize Austria  without  receiving  more  than  their  rival  should 
acquire.  The  British  ministers  were  apprised  of  this,  he 
says,  very  early,  and  if  so  they  ought,  I  think,  to  have 
brought  about  the  needful  explanations,  or  retired  in  sea- 
son from  the  coalition.  Mr.  Crauford  tells  me  that  he,  in 
retiring  from  the  Low  Countries,  travelled  with  Thugut 
in  the  same  post-chaise,  and  was  told  by  him  that  he  had 
given  it  as  his  opinion  the  Low  Countries  should  be  re- 
tained as  long  as  the  revenue  or  a  little  more  would  suffice 
to  defend  them,  but  from  the  moment  that  they  called  for 
great  expense  and  exertions  they  should  be  abandoned. 
This  opinion  was,  I  think,  sound,  but  it  was  not,  perhaps, 
very  wise  to  declare  it.  Certain  it  was  that  the  Low  Coun- 
tries were  abandoned  voluntarily  by  the  Imperial  armies  ; 
but  this,  I  believe,  was  owing  in  some  degree  to  ill-humor. 
The  British  Cabinet  had  insisted  on  the  Dunkirk  expedi- 
tion, which  was  indisputably  unwise,  otherwise  than  by  a 
diversion  of  a  coup  de  main,  which  would,  I  am  sure,  have 

*  Quentin  Crauford,  an  English  author  who,  after  spending  his  youth  in 
India,  lived  at  Paris  until  his  death,  with  the  exception  of  the  ten  years  pre- 
ceding the  Peace  of  Amiens.  He  was  a  friend  of  Marie  Antoinette,  on 
whom  he  wrote  a  Notice,  and  afterward  of  Josephine. 


\ 


1797.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  31 ' 

been  successful.  It  failed  because  the  movements  towards 
it  alarmed  the  French,  who,  by  throwing  in  a  re-enforce- 
ment, disconcerted  the  plan  of  the  inhabitants  and  others 
for  surrendering  it.  This  expedition,  by  extending  too 
much  the  line  and  weakening  the  impressive  force  of  the 
Allies,  frustrated  entirely  the  grand  object  of  the  campaign. 
The  retreat  from  the  Low  Countries  was  made  also  in 
the  view  to  alarm  Britain  and  Holland,  and  bring  them 
forward  to  greater  exertion." 

"  The  Duchess  of  Cumberland,  when  I  call  on  her  to- 
day [November  i8th],  is,  as  usual,  mighty  in  the  spirit  of 
contradiction.  I  believe  that,  if  Pitt  should  gravely  found 
an  argument  of  state  policy  on  the  position  that  two  and 
two  make  four,  rather  than  not  controvert  his  conclusion 
she  would  deny  his  premises." 

"  It  seems  to-day  [November  19th]  as  if  the  French 
Government  meant  really  to  extend  their  territory  to  the 
Rhine.  The  Major  Baron  de  Beaulieu  calls,  and  says  he 
is  persuaded  that  a  war  will  break  out  between  the  Em- 
peror and  Prussia.  He  begins  to  give  me  a  history  of  the 
campaigns  in  Italy,  beginning  with  the  year  1795,  when  the 

Austrian  General ,  by  not  following  up  his  successes 

against  Scherer  and  possessing  himself  of  Nice,  the  true 
point  of  defence  against  France,  left  the  road  open  to  in- 
vasion ;  the  subsequent  action,  in  which  the  Austrian 
army  was  beaten  by  the  French,  re-enforced  with  the  Army 
of  the  Eastern  Pyrenees,  because  the  Austrian  general, 
unable  to  command,  had  not  the  good  sense  to  invest  his 
inferior  with  the  authority  and  consequent  responsibility. 
This  last,  M.  Wallis,  was  not  unwilling,  according  to  the 
Major,  to  lose  a  battle  which  must  ruin  his  chief  and  there- 
by pave  the  way  to  his  own  advancement.  Scherer,  how- 
ever, did  not  improve  his  victory,  and  the  Austrians  were 
permitted  to  go  into  winter-quarters  in  the  end  of  No- 


312  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVIII. 

vember.  M.  de  Beaulieu,  first  sent  to  Italy  as  a  kind  of 
counsellor,  and  then  in  the  spring  appointed  to  the  com- 
mand of  an  army  quite  out  of  condition,  but  with  orders 
to  act  immediately,  advanced  to  the  river  of  Genoa  and 
took  possession  of  the  shortest  line  of  defence  now  re- 
maining, from  which  he  drove  the  French,  leaving  the  Pied- 
montese,  under  the  command  of  General  Colli,  to  defend 
the  passes  on  his  right.  Attacked  by  Bonaparte  and  beaten, 
from  causes  which  he  has  not  time  to  go  into,  he  retired, 
and  the  Piedmontese,  after  defending  themselves  bravely, 
and  repelling  the  enemy,  were  ordered  back,  and  the  whole 
course  of  the  Po  left  open.  In  this  state  of  things,  Beaulieu 
requested  the  King  to  throw  garrisons  into  his  fortresses, 
particularly  Turin,  so  as  to  gain  time,  and  promised  to 
come  to  his  assistance.  The  King,  with  profuse  expres- 
sions of  gratitude,  requested  him  to  advance,  and  while 
he  was  on  his  march  concluded  the  treaty  with  Bonaparte. 
Beaulieu,  informed  of  this  by  a  spy  in  time  to  escape  the 
snare,  retired  precipitately  to  Alessandria,  but  not  in  sea- 
son to  possess  this  place,  whose  gates  were  already  shut 
against  him,  and  he  had  the  mortification  to  defile  under 
the  Piedmontese  cannon.  Here  the  Major  is  obliged  to 
conclude,  being  pressed  for  time.  The  next  morning, 
however,  he  comes,  and  proceeds  with  his  history.  Gen- 
eral Beaulieu  might  by  stratagem  have  made  himself  mas- 
ter of  Alessandria,  but  in  so  doing  he  would  only  have 
justified  the  conduct  of  Sardinia  and  precipitated  the  alli- 
ance with  France  ;  but  be  must  have  diminished  his  small 
army  by  a  garrison  which  could  not  be  relieved,  and  Tor- 
tona,  a  post  of  equal  consequence,  would  be  neglected  ;  or 
else  he  must  garrison  both,  and  then  his  whole  remaining 
force  would  not  have  been  sufficient  to  defend  Mantua. 
He  determined  therefore,  wisely,  to  retire  across  the  Po. 
This  was  effected  at  Valenza,  and  he  had  still  a  bridge 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  313 

of  boats  at  Rotto.  Bonaparte  took  the  road  to  Piacenza, 
where  he  had  no  bridge,  but  only  a  large  ferry-boat.  In 
this  situation  it  was  proposed  to  the  General  by  the  Major 
to  cross  at  Rotto  and  attack  Bonaparte,  who,  if  beaten,  must 
be  totally  destroyed.  But  the  General,  an  old  man  hav- 
ing not  the  sufficient  bodily  vigor  (and,  I  presume,  deficient 
also  in  strength  of  mind),  observed  that  a  defeat  would  be 
nearly  as  fatal  to  him  as  to  Bonaparte,  that  his  troops 
were  discouraged,  and  that  he  must,  above  all  things,  not 
lose  sight  of  Mantua.  I  think  the  counsel  was  as  wise  as 
vigorous,  and  as  Beaulieu  could  have  brought  a  superior- 
ity of  force  against  the  part  of  the  French  army,  besides 
the  advantage  of  the  attack,  and  that  unexpected,  I  can- 
not but  believe  that  the  success  would  have  been  com- 
plete, and  then  the  defensive  would  have  been  changed 
into  offensive,  with  every  probability  of  a  glorious  cam- 
paign. Beaulieu  retired  over  the  Ticino,  and  here  fortune 
seems,  in  my  opinion,  to  have  presented  him  again  a  glo- 
rious opportunity.  He  might  have  suffered  the  French 
vanguard  to  cross  the  Po,  and  then  have  fallen  upon  them 
between  that  river  and  the  Adda.  Instead  of  that,  a  small 
force  was  detached  towards  Piacenza,  and  the  timid,  negli- 
gent officers  ran  away  at  the  first  appearance  of  the  en- 
emy, whom  they  might  have  cut  to  pieces,  as  not  more 
than  two  hundred  men  at  a  time  could  cross  the  river. 
The  General  then  determined  to  cross  the  Adda,  and  the 
Major,  who  was  left  with  General  Zebuttendorf,  who  com- 
manded on  the  right,  and  had  the  care  of  the  artillery  and 
baggage,  retired  also  over  the  Adda,  having  made  forced 
marches  for  the  purpose.  The  Major,  who  covers  as  much 
as  possible  the  faults  of  his  chief,  attributing  them  either 
to  the  misconduct  of  his  inferior  officers  or  to  false  intel- 
ligence transmitted  to  him,  leaves  it,  however,  very  evident 
that  he  had  crossed  the  Adda  without  giving  any  due 


314  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVIII. 

information  or  orders  to  the  troops  under  Zebuttendorf, 
which  formed,  however,  a  large  third  of  his  army.  These 
effected  their  tumultuary  retreat  through  Lodi,  and  then 
a  party  was  detached,  at  the  instance  of  the  Major,  to  re- 
connoitre and  annoy  the  enemy  in  his  advance  to  that 
place  from  Piacenza.  This  party  ran  away  at  the  first 
appearance  of  the  French,  their  commander  setting  them 
the  example.  The  little  time  which  remained  was  em- 
ployed in  putting  the  troops  into  some  sort  of  order,  to  op- 
pose the  passage  over  the  Bridge  of  Lodi,  and  in  sending 
off  the  train  of  artillery  and  the  baggage.  A  few  pieces 
were  kept  to  enfilade  the  bridge,  and  their  fire  kept  back 
the  enemy  till  the  cartridges,  being  nearly  spent,  the 
Major  ordered  the  fire  to  cease  for  a  moment.  This  mo- 
ment was  seized,  and  the  column  of  French  rushed  for- 
ward, and  being  once  on  the  bridge,  which  was  very  long, 
and  pressed  forward  continually  by  those  behind,  their 
passage  became  unavoidable,  though  the  few  dischargies 
of  artillery  which  could  be  made  in  the  five  or  six  minutes 
of  their  crossing  made  a  terrible  havoc.  The  Austrian 
force  consisted  chiefly  of  Croats,  who  ran  off  immediately, 
and  two  battalions  of  Austrians,  who  did  their  duty,  were 
overpowered  and  nearly  destroyed.  The  rout  was  now 
complete.  General  Beaulieu  in  consequence  abandoned 
Pizzighettone  and  took  post,  after  crossing  the  Oglio,  at  Ri- 
valta,  where  he  threw  bridges  over  the  Mincio  to  secure 
his  retreat  to  Mantua,  and  began  to  take  measures  for 
throwing  in  provisions,  etc.  Bonaparte  here  committed  a 
capital  fault.  Instead  of  pushing  forward  after  Beaulieu, 
he  turned  off  to  his  left,  and  went  to  enjoy  at  Milan  the 
incense  of  his  victories,  gained,  in  effect,  not  by  the  skill 
of  the  general,  nor  even  by  the  vigor  of  his  troops,  but  by 
the  feebleness  and  poltroonery  of  his  opponents.  As  he 
had  above  fifty  thousand  men  to  oppose  against  less  than 


1797.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  315 

five  and  twenty,  and  as  his  troops  were  in  general  far  bet- 
ter than  those  of  his  adversary,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
he  would,  by  well-concerted  manoeuvres,  have  reached  at 
length  the  point  proposed,  of  driving  Beaulieu  out  of 
Italy.  But  this  general  might  certainly  have  prolonged 
his  stay,  and  made  much  more  effectual  opposition  to 
such  manoeuvres ;  or,  if  Bonaparte  had  persisted  in  those 
adventurous  steps  which  left  everything  to  fortune,  he 
might  have  been  made  to  pay  dear  for  his  rashness  and 
thrown  far  back  from  his  object.  In  the  mean  time,  Man- 
tua might  have  been  so  well  provided  as  to  render  the 
taking  of  it  impossible.  The  Austrians  would  have  had 
time  to  collect  a  force  sufficient  to  relieve  it  and  drive 
the  French  back  into  Piedmont,  when,  collecting  the  whole 
force  of  Italy  against  them,  they  would  have  been  com- 
pletely destroyed.  But  if  these  ideas  be  just,  if  Beaulieu 
was  so  much  in  fault,  what  shall  be  said  of  the  Minister 
who  appointed  a  feeble  old  man  to  so  important  a  post  ? 
Prince  de  Reusse  comes  in,  and  they  stay  with  me  till  din- 
ner-time." 

"  I  call  on  Mr.  Wickham,  late  Minister  of  England  to 
the  Swiss  Cantons  [November  22d].  He  tells  me  the  peo- 
ple of  Switzerland,  in  consequence  of  the  various  revolu- 
tions in  France,  have  returned  to  their  former  fondness 
for  their  own  institutions,  but  the  government  is  weaker 
than  ever.  He  has  reason  to  complain  of  this  weakness. 
He  thinks  they  mean,  by  attentions  to  Bonaparte,  and 
money  to  him  or  some  of  the  Directors,  to  purchase  peace. 
He  says  the  discontents  in  France  are  universal.  He 
thinks  the  Austrian  Cabinet  have  not  acted  fairly  to  Sar- 
dinia, nor,  indeed,  to  England  ;  says  that  the  employment 
given  to  Pellin  necessarily  made  him  acquainted  with  the 
secrets  of  the  Austrian  Government,  and  enabled  him,  of 
course,  to  betray  them.     I  mention  to  Mr.  "Wickham  an 


3l6  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVIII. 

idea  which  has  struck  me  as  to  their  negotiations  with 
France ;  viz.,  that  they  might  have  offered  to  return  all 
their  conquests  made  as  well  upon  Holland  as  upon 
France,  provided  France  would,  by  surrendering  Flanders 
to  the  Dutch,  give  them  the  means  of  becoming  an  inde- 
pendent power  ;  that  in  this  case  it  should  be  stipulated 
that  neither  France  nor  England  would  interfere  in  the 
affairs  of  Holland,  but  the  people  be  left  to  choose  a  gov- 
ernment for  themselves,  etc.  He  thinks  this  plan  would 
have  been  very  beneficial,  and  seems  as  if  he  wished  to 
communicate  it  to  the  Cabinet." 

Having  made  his  adieus  at  Frankfort,  Morris  left,  on 
Friday  the  24th,  for  Ratisbon,  provided  with  letters  to 
various  persons  of  importance  there ;  among  them,  the 
Princesse  de  la  Tour  et  Taxis, 

"My  horses  have  suffered  by  the  rain  through  which 
they  were  driven,  so  I  determine  to  stay  at  Anspach  a  day, 
and  rest  my  servants  and  horses,"  says  the  diary  on  Novem- 
ber 29th.  "  Dine  at  the  table  d'hote,  where  I  learn  that 
the  new  King  of  Prussia*  has  put  the  Countess  of  Lichte- 
nau  in  prison,  and  conferred  on  Bischofswerder  the  Order 
of  the  Black  Eagle.  This  is  curious  enough.  It  is  said 
that  the  Prince  Henri  is  in  a  very  low  condition.  A  young 
man  mentions  to  a  Braban^on,  who  is  here,  as  a  general 
opinion,  that  the  weakness  which  the  Margrave  of  Anspach 
was  reduced  to  was  brought  about  by  his  surgeon,  at  the  in- 
stigation of  old  Fritz,  The  Margrave  is  supposed  to  have 
wished,  by  way  of  revenge,  that  his  Margravine  should 
take  other  hands  to  her  assistance,  but,  notwithstanding 
his  direct  wish,  and  the  indirect  attempts  of  others,  her 
virtue  and  religion  stood  in  the  way  of  his  wishes.  Per- 
haps it  was  a  disgust  at  the  obstacles  raised  by  a  wife  of 

*  Frederick  William  III,  succeeded  his  father  Frederick  William  II.  in 
November,  1797. 


1797.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  317 

virtue  which  threw  him,  after  her  death,  into  the  arms  of 
one  devoid  of  it.  As  far  as  I  can  judge  from  light  symp- 
toms, the  people  of  this  country  regret  their  subjection  to 
Prussia." 

"  Leave  Anspach  to-day  [November  30th],  and  push  on 
to  Nuremberg,  where,  at  the  gate,  stands  a  Prussian  sentry, 
to  show  the  extent  of  jurisdiction  claimed  by  his  Prussian 
Majesty.  The  question  is  yet  to  be  decided  whether  this 
claim  will  be  admitted.  The  view  of  the  valley  in  which 
Nuremberg  stands  is  very  fine — encircled  by  distant  hills 
of  moderate  height  crowned  with  firs,  and  filled  with  vil- 
lages which  lie  scattered  about  in  abundance.  The  peo- 
ple of  the  Anspach  territory  seem  everywhere  displeased 
with  the  Prussian  Government.  At  the  table  d'hote  of  the 
Red  Horse  (which,  by  the  way,  has  been  the  noted  inn  of 
this  place  for  more  than  half  a  century)  we  have  but  an  in- 
different dinner  ;  but  last  night  I  was  well  provided  in  my 
chamber,  and  not  dear.  During  my  walk  I  met  a  little 
procession  for  the  conducting  of  an  imperial  commis- 
sary, who  is  come  hither  to  settle  the  affairs  of  the  town. 
It  seems  that  the  council,  consisting  of  patricians,  have  not 
rendered  any  accounts  for  the  last  hundred  years,  during 
which  time  the  debt  of  the  city  has  gone  on  accumulating 
and  threatens  them  now  with  bankruptcy.  They  expect 
some  reform.  The  King  of  Prussia  has  offered  to  take  the 
debt  on  his  shoulders  if  they  would  submit  to  his  domin- 
ion, but  this  they  don't  like  ;  and  they  are  in  hopes  of 
being  soon  relieved  from  what  they  call  his  usurpation  of 
their  dominion." 

"We  jog  on  to  Ratisbon,  which  place  we  reach  Decem- 
ber 3d.  Our  road  lies  over  a  high  hill,  and  then  along 
the  Danube  under  the  hill  to  where  we  cross  that  river  on 
an  excellent  bridge.  The  road  is  execrable.  In  looking 
from  the  tops  of  hills  I  see,  every  way,  mountains  piled  up 


3l8  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVIII. 

in  abundance  on  the  frontiers  of  Bohemia  and  Bavaria — a 
country  little  inhabited,  and  through  which  as  yet  there 
are  no  high-roads  ;  perhaps  there  never  will  be.  I  think, 
as  far  as  appearances  go,  the  inhabitants  of  the  Upper 
Palatinate  are  worse  off  than  those  of  Bohemia.  The  hov- 
els  are  poor,  even  at  the  door  of  Ratisbon,  and  the 
peasantry  are  ragged  and  filthy.  This  part  of  Germany  is 
a  long  century  behind  Saxony.  If  the  government  would 
introduce  some  Saxons  it  would  enhance  the  value  of 
their  possessions  ;  but  then  the  Lutheran  religion  must 
be  tolerated,  which  does  not  suit  the  present  ideas.  I  do 
not  recollect  to  have  noted  in  Bohemia  what  I  remark 
again,  viz.,  that  on  the  hovels,  covered  with  shingles  with- 
out nails,  stones  are  laid  to  keep  them  from  blowing 
away.  This,  in  a  country  full  of  iron,  is  a  sad  object,  and 
proves  the  almost  savage  state  of  the  inhabitants  in  a 
striking  degree.  They  are  in  the  first  stage  from  savage 
life,  or  a  state  of  nature,  towards  civilization.  Driven  to 
labor  from  fear  and  necessity,  their  exertions  stop  at  the 
point  to  which  they  are  driven  by  those  motives.  If  free- 
dom were  given  to  these  people  they  would,  I  think,  sink 
back  to  the  level  of  our  American  copper-colored  breth- 
ren, unless,  indeed,  they  were  subdued  by  their  more  civil- 
ized neighbors,  which  would  indeed  certainly  happen.  A 
further  degree  of  oppression,  viz.,  heavier  taxes,  would 
draw  forth  more  efforts  of  body  and  mind,  and  such  taxes, 
spent  among  them  in  establishments  of  various  manufact- 
ures, by  holding  forth  new  objects  of  desire,  and  conse- 
quently exciting  the  desires  which  they  create,  would 
probably  introduce  industry,  upon  permanent  principles, 
provided  a  security  of  property  were  firmly  established  by 
law.  Then  on  these  two  pillars,  property  and  luxury^  or,  to 
call  them  by  apposite  but  not  gentle  names,  avarice  and 
sensuality,  firmly  fixed,  the  arch  of  national  wealth  would  be 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  '  319 

reared  high  by  the  hand  of  labor  ;  it  would  be  polished 
by  science,  decorated  by  the  arts,  and  fitted  for  the  footstool 
of  freedom.  To  speak  in  plain  language,  this  seems  to  be 
the  natural  course  of  human  affairs." 

"  This  morning  [December  4th]  I  deliver  some  of  my 
letters  ;  but  everybody  is  at  the  Diet.  In  the  evening  M. 
le  Chanoine  Comte  Sternberg  calls,  and  takes  me  to  the  as- 
sembUe  at  Madame  de  Diede's,  lady  of  the  Danish  minister 
who  has  been  handsome  and  has  yet  good  remains.  Her 
daughter  is  pretty  well,  and  seems  to  have  beaucoup 
desprit  et  d" instruction.  I  asked  the  Count  Sternberg  why 
the  people  here  are  so  near  to  savages,  and  he  tells  me  the 
fault  is  in  the  government,  which  has  taken  no  measures 
to  mend  them.  The  country,  he  says,  is  not  half  peopled, 
and  it  requires  vigor  of  mind  to  bring  in  subjects  from 
Saxony  and  Suabia,  and  to  protect  them  in  the  enjoyment 
of  their  religion  against  the  prejudices  of  the  people.  He 
says  that  Bischofswerder  is  dismissed  ;  even  his  regiment 
taken  away.  Madame  de  Lichtenau  is  arrested  because 
she  plundered  the  King's  cassette^  and  even  possessed  her- 
self of  his  papers  while  he  was  in  the  last  agony.  Her 
husband — Rietz — fearful  that  he  should  be  rendered  ac- 
countable, went  and  denounced  her,  on  which  the  King 
put  the  business  into  the  hands  of  the  Minister  of  Jus- 
tice.    A  M.  is  also  arrested.     He   is  said  to  have 

been  concerned  with  her  in  sundry  tripotages,  and  is 
also  suspected  of  having,  in  the  King's  life,  betrayed  to 
foreign  courts  many  things  which  he  became  possessed 
of  by  undue  means.  He  was  an  imperial  chamberlain, 
but  had  behaved  oddly  in  the  Low  Countries,  and  lately 
resigned  his  key  and  was  noticed  by  the  King  of  Prus- 
sia. 

"  Go  this  evening  [December  5th]  to  the  assemblde  of  the 
Count  de  Hohenthal.     A  report  that  the  Genevans  have 


320  DIARY  AND  LETTERS  OF      [Chap.  XXXVIII. 

come  to  blows,  in  order  to  determine  whether  they  should 
pay  honors  or  not  to  Bonaparte." 

"  Dine  to-day  [December  7th]  with  the  Princesse  de  la 
Tour  et  Taxis,  en  petite  societi.  We  hear  that  Napoleon  has 
quitted  the  congress  at  Rastadt  and  gone  off  suddenly 
to  Paris,  in  consequence  of  advices  received  from  there. 
Three  couriers  in  one  day." 

"A  Mr.  .Howe  calls  on  me  [December  8th],  He  is  a 
Scotch  priest.  Has  been  employed  by  Mr.  VValpole  in 
some  sort  of  capacity — as  secretary,  I  suppose — and  is  pos- 
sessed of  several  facts  respecting  the  conduct  of  Austria 
and  Prussia  during  the  war,  which  he  communicates. 
Among  other  things,  he  says  that  Mollendorf,  pressed  by 
Lord  Cornwallis,  who  was  sent  to  review  his  army,  ac- 
knowledged that  he  had  but  forty  odd  thousand  instead  of 
eighty-two  thousand  effectives.  He  says  that  Lord  Corn- 
wallis immedately  stopped  the  subsidy,  and  thereupon 
Mollendorf,  being  in  great  distress,  the  house  of  Beth- 
man,  in  Frankfort,  undertook  to  supply  him  with  the 
needful  money,  and  twenty-one  millions  of  livres  passed 
through  his  hands.  He  mentions  the  Pitt  diamond,  sent 
to  Berlin,  under  the  pretext  of  borrowing  money  on  it,  as 
a  present  to  the  King.  We  have  fine  weather  to-day. 
Spend  the  evening  at  the  Princess's,  and  stay  till  one 
o'clock.  We  have  2l  petit  souper,  a  little  music,  and  pleas- 
ant society.  The  Prince,  I  am  told,  lives  with  the  Scotch 
priests,  and  amuses  himself  shooting  at  a  mark." 

"  General  Werneck  *  comes   to    see    me   this   morning 

*  The  Baron  de  Werneck,  an  Austrian  general,  who,  entering  the  army  at 
seventeen  years  of  age  and  distinguishing  himself  in  many  ways,  merited  the 
cross  of  the  Order  of  Maria  Theresa  at  Belgrade.  At  the  battle  of  Wetzlar, 
in  June,  1796,  he  commanded  the  right  wing  of  the  army  under  the  Arch- 
duke Charles,  but  was  denounced  by  Kray,  tried  before  a  council  of  war 
and  forced  to  resign.  Later  he  was  allowed  to  re-enter  the  army,  but  again 
his  actions  were  questioned  by  his  Court,  and,  for  the  second  time,  he  was  to 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  $21 

[December  9th],  and  sits  a  long  time.  He  speaks  of 
Beaulieu  as  a  man  who  never  had  talents  to  command  four 
thousand  men  ;  considers  the  conduct  of  the  war  on  the 
part  of  the  Austrian  Cabinet  as  very  bad  ;  says  they  are 
very  deficient  in  generals — few  have  the  needful  instruc- 
tion. He  says  the  French  speak  contemptuously  of  the 
Prussians  ;  that  the  Austrians  would  gladly  engage  in  a 
war  against  Prussia. 

"  I  hear  a  report  that  Barras  is  to  mount  the  throne 
of  France  by  the  aid  of  his  friend  Bonaparte.  I  take 
tea  with  the  Princess,  who  gives  us  music,  and,  when 
the  company  are  gone,  I  read  her  a  scene  out  of  Julius 
Caesar." 

*'  General  Werneck  comes  to  see  me  to-day  [December 
12th].     He   tells  me  that  if  the  Duke  of  York  had  given 

him  timely  support  they  would,  on  the  24th  of ,  have 

been  masters  of  Dunkirk.  He  had  several  grenadiers 
killed  in  the  covered  way.  Flanders  (that  is,  the  Low 
Countries)  was  not  abandoned,  he  says,  by  order  of  the 
Emperor,  but  lost  through  the  incapacity  of  the  officers 
he  employed  to  command  his  armies.  The  Prince  de 
Coburg,  acknowledgedly  unfit,  had,  for  his  grand  faiseur, 
the  Prince  de  Waldeck,  the  most  irresolute  creature  on 
earth,  of  which  he  gives  two  instances  :  the  first  when  he, 
Werneck,  was  posted  to  the  westward  of  Tirlemont,  and 
the  army  along  by  that  in  a  good  position,  and  it  was 
not  only  agreed  to  hazard  a  battle,  but  the  Prince  de- 
clared publicly  that  whoever  thought  of  abandoning  it 
was  a  scoundrel ;  and  yet,  upon  the  first  appearance  of  the 
enemy,  moving  towards  his  left,  he  fell  back  to  Maestricht. 
In  like  manner  he  quitted  Maestricht,  to  take  post  behind 

be  tried,  when  he  suddenly  died.  He  was  born  at  Louisbourg,  October  15, 
1748,  and  died,  January  16,  1806.  His  actions  are  diversely  judged  by  his- 
torians. 

Vol.  II.— 21 


322  DIARY  AND  LETTERS   OF      [Chai'.  XXXVIII. 

the  river,  in  order  to  cover  his  magazine  at  Cologne  and 
secure  his  retreat.  In  this  situation  Claerfayt  took  the 
command,  with  Beaulieu  as  his  quartermaster — two  mor- 
tal enemies ;  the  latter  stupid,  the  former  undecided, 
from  a  want  of  military  knowledge.  It  was  here  deter- 
mined to  take  post,  with  the  right  at  Reevemonde,  and  to 
fall  back  with  the  left  to  opposite  Diisseldorf,  with  a  vast 
plain  in  front.  They  had  then  ninety  thousand  men, 
the  enemy  about  eighty-four  ;  but  the  Austrians  were  far 
superior  in  cavalry.  The  consequence  seems  clear,  espe- 
cially as  the  species  of  cavalry  was  also  far  superior.  But 
here  again,  after  having  communicated  this  plan  to  the 
Elector  of  Cologne,  who  had  gone  off  to  make  his  ar- 
rangements in  consequence,  the  resolution  was  suddenly 
taken  to  retreat,  and  he,  Werneck,  received  at  five  in  the 
morning  orders  to  march  at  midnight.  Luckily  he  had, 
as  on  former  occasions,  foreseen,  from  his  knowledge  of 
those  to  whom  he  owed  his  obedience,  that  such  orders 
would  come,  and  had  made  his  dispositions  in  conse- 
quence. Still,  however,  he  was  exposed  in  that  plain  of 
Juliers  to  the  repeated  charge  of  superior  numbers  of 
cavalry,  and  two  columns  of  the  French  army,  which  were 
sent  to  cut  him  off,  but  from  the  superiority  of  his  horse, 
got  off  with  scarce  any  loss.  A  victory  in  that  position 
would  not  only  have  saved  Flanders,  but  proved,  in  all 
human  probability,  destructive  to  the  French  army.  If 
these  did  not  attack,  then  the  Austrians  effectually  covered 
Holland,  and  rendered  it  impracticable  for  the  French  to 
cross  the  Rhine." 

"Learn  to-day  [December  15th]  that  the  congress  at 
Rastadt  is  in  great  confusion.  The  Emperor  has  declared 
that  he  can  no  longer  carry  on  the  war  ;  so,  if  the  Empire 
means  to  persist,  -he  will  send  his  contingent,  saving  the 
rights  of  his  family,  which  saving,  say  the  commentators, 


1797  ]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  323 

amounts  to  nearly  as  much  as  the  contingent.  The  ecclesi- 
astical Electors  and  Princes  are,  it  is  said,  throwing  them- 
selves into  the  arms  of  Prussia.  It  seems  understood  that 
Bavaria,  or  at  least  an  important  part  of  it,  the  Bishop- 
rics of  Salzburg  and  Passau,  are  to  go  to  Austria.  I  go 
to  see  the  Princess,  and  assist  her  in  the  recitation  of  a 
song  she  is  to  act  to-morrow  evening,  in  celebration  of 
Madame  de  Hohenthal's  bii'thday.  General  Werneck  is 
of  the  party,  and  we  take  2i  petit  souper  there,  which  is  very 
pleasant." 

"This  morning  [December  i6th]  go  with  the  General 
to  attend  the  recitation  of  the  Princess.  He  is  to  take  to 
Madame  de  Hohenthiil  a  bouquet  of  flowers.  The  Prin- 
cess performs  her  part  well  in  the  concert  which  succeeds 
the  recitation.  After  supper  there  is  dancing,  so  that  I 
do  not  get  to  bed  till  one  o'clock.  In  bringing  General 
Werneck  home,  his  vanity  lets  me  into  the  secret  of  his 
intimacy  with  the  Princess.  She  has  confided  to  him  that 
she  has  little  to  do  with  her  husband,  being  disgusted 
with  his  filthiness.  Luckily,  as  Marmontel  says,  she  has 
a  grande  maitresse  who  gives  her  but  little  opportunity  to 
gratify  her  feeling  for  General  Werneck." 

"I  take  General  Werneck  to  dine  [December  igth]  at 
the  Prince  Bishop's,  where  we  have  a  large  dinner,  at 
which  the  Prince  and  Princesse  de  la  Tour  assist.  Dur- 
ing the  dinner  the  Count  Sternberg,  who  sits  next  me, 
takes  occasion  to  say  that  he  should  not  feel  easy  if  he 
saw  me  next  to  his  friend,  Madame  de  Diede.  Though 
this  is  a  compliment,  it  smells  of  a  foreign  conclusion  ; 
so  I  reply  by  assuring  him  that  he  would  be  perfectly 
safe,  as  I  am  by  no  means  disposed  to  begin  now  the 
trade  of  an  homme  h  bonnes  fortunes,  which  I  never  liked  in 
my  younger  days.  In  the  evening,  at'  Madame  Gortz's, 
Madame  de  Diede  comes  in,  and  I  perceive  why  the  Count 


324  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVIII. 

made  this  observation.  I  think  also  that  my  friend  Gen- 
eral Werneck  would  be  as  well  content  that  I  were  away, 
but  he  is  wrong." 

"  Having  only  two  of  her  confidential  officers  and 
grande  maitresse  present  to-night  [December  22d],  the  Prin- 
cesse  de  la  Tour  expresses  in  strong  terms  her  resentment 
at  the  conduct  of  the  Imperial  Cabinet,  which  she  attrib- 
utes to  M.  de  Thugut.  There  is  certainly  no  small  de- 
gree of  perfidy  in  the  declaration  that  the  Emperor  had 
stipulated  with  France  for  the  integrity  of  the  Empire, 
inviting  afterwards  the  deputation  to  go  and  treat  on  that 
subject  at  Rastadt,  and  then  all  at  once  leaving  the  poor 
Empire  in  its  present  condition.  At  Madame  de  Secken- 
dorf's  assembly,  the  Marquis  de  Verac  mentions  to  me  the 
great  hauteur  of  the  French,  which  is,  indeed,  sufficiently 
evident,  but  the  particular  instance  which  he  cites  to 
prove  it  is  whimsical  enough.  The  deputies  of  the  Di- 
rectory at  Rastadt,  to  whom  Monseigneur  de  Cobenzel  had 
paid  a  visit  in  grand  gala,  returned  it  on  foot,  and  in  com- 
plete deshabille.  But  M.  de  Verac  has  grown  gray  in  the 
Corps  Diplomatique. 

"  M.  Aujard  told  me  he  wished  to  see  me  and  commu- 
nicate many  things  respecting  the  Court  of  France  with 
which  I  must  be  unacquainted,  and  which  it  may  be  use- 
ful to  me  to  know.  I  told  him  that  I  am  at  home  always 
in  the  mornings." 

"This  morning  [December  24th]  M.  Aujard  calls  on 
me.  I  hear  his  story,  which  is,  in  a  great  measure,  his 
own  history.  M.  de  Maurepas  had  offered  him  the  direc- 
tion of  the  finances,  which  he  had  declined  because  M. 
de  Maurepas  was  old,  and  he  had  no  confidence  in  the 
abilities,  while  he  saw  also  the  corruption,  of  the  Court. 
M.  Necker  was  appointed,  and  in  a  great  measure  on  his 
report,  but  he  soon  said  that  M.  Necker  was  incapable, 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  325 

apprised  M.  de  Maurepas  of  it,  gave  him  the  proofs,  and 
M.  Necker  was  dismissed.  He  was  in  a  chamber  adjoin- 
ing the  Queen's  cabinet  when  the  Baron  de  Breteuil  and 
the  Polignacs  labored  with  Her  Majesty  for  two  hours  to 
prevail  on  her  to  recommend  M.  de  Calonne.  At  lengtli 
she  promised  to  bring  the  King  to  an  interview  with  them 
the  next  day,  and  then,  after  above  two  hours,  they 
wrung  from  him  his  consent  to  that  appointment — source, 
says  M.  Aujard,  of  all  the  evils  which  France  groans  un- 
der. This  Minister  squandered  vast  sums  among  the 
courtiers.  M.  de  Breteuil  broke  with  the  Polignacs  on 
his  account,  perceiving  that  he  had  been  their  dupe  in 
that  appointment.  The  Queen,  apprised  of  his  malversa- 
tion, ordered  Augard  to  collect  the  proofs  and  give  them 
to  the  Bishop  of  Nancy,  her  confessor,  who  was  member 
of  the  Notables.  When  Calonne  was  dismissed,  and  no- 
toriously by  the  Queen's  agency,  the  Comte  d'Artois,  to 
whose  profusions  he  had  administered,  became  her  mortal 
enemy.  The  Duke  of  Orleans  was  also  her  enemy,  first, 
because  of  his  exile,  which  was,  in  fact,  says  Augard, 
unjust,  because  he  had  properly  represented  to  the  King 
that  the  voies  should,  on  a  certain  occasion,  be  publicly 
given.  But  the  chief  cause  of  enmity  arose  from  having 
broken  the  marriage  agreed  on  between  the  Comte  d'Ar- 
tois's  eldest  son  and  the  Duke's  daughter.  M.  de  Lafa- 
yette says  he  was  at  the  head  of  the  republican  faction, 
which  considered  the  Queen  also  as  their  greatest  enemy. 
He  speaks  of  him  as  of  a  card-cut  figure  moved  by  the 
strings  which  others  pull.  He  gave  the  Queen  advice, 
shortly  before  the  attack  on  the  Chateau  at  Versailles,  to 
quit  it  and  go  to  Compiegne,  because  she  was  exposed  to 
the  rage  of  three  different  factions  ;  namely,  the  Princes, 
the  Orleanists,  and  the  Republicans.  She  told  him  M.  de 
Lafayette  had  told  them  they  had  nothing  to  fear,  for  he 


326  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVIII. 

would  place  some  cannon  so  as  to  command  the  bridge  of 
Sevres,  and,  by  destroying  a  couple  of  the  arches,  prevent 
the  populace  of  Paris  from  crossing  the  Seine.  After 
the  horrid  scenes  which  passed  at  Versailles,  and  which 
terminated  by  bringing  the  royal  family  prisoners  to 
Paris,  Aujard  advised  the  Queen  to  leave  the  kingdom, 
which  she  agreed  to  but  afterwards  declined,  assigning  as 
a  reason  that  the  voyage  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans  to  Lon- 
don removed  the  principal  danger  by  which  she  was 
threatened,  and  that  it  was  her  duty  to  stay  with  the  King, 
and  perish,  if  needful,  at  his  feet.  The  Queen  of  Naples, 
he  says,  told  him  afterwards  that  the  Queen  was  afraid 
she  should  be  divorced,  the  King  married  to  the  Duke  of 
Orleans's  daughter,  and  her  children  declared  bastards. 
This  seems  to  have  been  a  strange  fear. 

"Aujard,  having  emigrated,  saw  the  Elector  of  Cologne, 
who  told  him  that,  in  his  opinion,  no  sovereign  had  a 
right  to  interfere  in  the  internal  affairs  of  another  nation, 
and  dictate  a  form  of  government.  The  Emperor  Leo- 
pold, whom  he  saw  at  Frankfort,  repeated  the  same  thing, 
and  added,  if  she  adopts  a  good  government  so  much  the 
better  for  her,  and  if  not,  her  neighbors  will  profit  by  it. 
He  declared  he  would  not  make  war  on  France  ;  that  the 
King  was,  by  his  weakness,  the  cause  of  the  mischiefs 
which  had  happened ;  that  he  had  no  notion  of  proclaim- 
ing revolutionary  principles  in  his  own  dominions  by  a 
manifesto  against  France,  but  to  prevent  their  extending 
themselves  to  him  by  a  mild  and  parental  administration  ; 
that  he  could  not  conceive  nor  pardon  the  conduct  of  the 
French  Princes,  who  had  taken  into  their  confidence  M. 
de  Calonne,  a  person  stigmatized  by  the  tribunals  of  their 
country,  and  reprobated  by  their  King  and  brother.  Leo- 
pold refused  to  see  them  or  him.  Yet  the  Comte  d'Artois 
went   with   Calonne   to   Vienna.      He    arrived   at   seven 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  327 

o'clock.  The  Emperor  heard  it  at  ten,  and  before  twelve 
they  had  received  his  orders  to  depart  immediately.  He 
tells  me  the  Emperor  Francis  assured  him  he  cared  noth- 
ing about  the  Low  Countries  ;  that  the  English  had  never 
supported  him,  and  he  would,  by  abandoning  the  Low 
Countries  to  France,  punish  them.  He  says  Calonne  in- 
trigued with  the  Court  of  Berlin,  who  told  him  they  would 
do  nothing  but  in  concert  with  England  ;  that  he  after- 
wards suggested  the  plan,  which  was  adopted,  of  sending 
an  army  of  fifty  thousand  men  against  France,  taking 
twenty  thousand  Austrians  as  auxiliaries,  in  all  which  M. 
Aujard  gives  me,  I  think,  his  dreams  for  realities.  After 
he  is  gone  the  Marquis  de  Verac  comes  ;  seems  to  think 
that  a  war  will  break  out  between  Prussia,  supported  by 
Russia,  and  France.  This  might  be  if  there  were  time 
for  those  powers  to  concert  their  measures,  but  they  are 
caught  so  much  on  the  sudden  that  I  much  doubt  of  their 
action.  ' 

"At  a  little  supper  at  her  table  ronde,  to-night,  the  Prin- 
cess begged  me  not  to  mention  her  sortie  of  last  evening, 
and  I  truly  assure  her  that  the  caution  is  unnecessary." 

"  This  morning  [December  25th]  M.  Aujard  comes  again. 
Interrogating  him  about  M.  Necker's  appointment,  I  find 
I  am  mistaken.  He  says  it  was  a  M.  de  Pesey  who  got 
him  up,  and  who  received  for  it  3oo,ooof.  He  says  that, 
though  he  has  been  invited  by  the  Emperor  Francis  to 
come  to  Vienna,  he  has  not  been  able  to  obtain  a  passport 
from  M.  de  Thugut,  and  mentions  as  a  fact  that  M.  de  Thu- 
gut,  who  had  received  a  pension  of  3o,ooof.  from  France 
by  the  Queen's  bounty,  had  placed  money  in  the  French 
funds  to  the  amount  of  i2,ooof.  annual  income,  and  receives 
regularly  the  interest  and  pension  in  coin,  all  which  I  dis- 
believe ;  because  that,  if  we  admit  his  being  corrupted  by 
the  Directory,  they  would  certainly  avoid  such  manifest 


328  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF      [Chap.  XXXVIII. 

grounds  of  suspicion,  and  if  we  doubt,  as  we  should,  thre 
charge  of  corruption,  there  can  be  no  reason  for  believing 
in  a  preference  so  uncommon  of  M.  Thugut.  M.  Aujard's 
conversation  this  day  is  a  repetition  of  what  he  said  yester- 
day, for  the  most  part  ;  he  reads  a  part  of  his  memoirs,  in 
which  are  some  circumstances  of  little  moment.  I  had 
asked  him  to  bring  me  the  proof  of  Calonne's  dilapida- 
tions of  which  he  spoke  with  such  certitude,  and  of  which 
he  had  made  a  collection  for  the  Queen's  use  and  by  Her 
Majesty's  order  ;  observing  to  him  that,  as  the  present 
French  Government  were  possessed  of  all  the  accounts  of 
the  late  King's  reign,  including  the  red  book  where  His 
Majesty  entered  the  sums  for  which  he  gave  general  war- 
rants on  the  treasury,  it  followed  that,  the  whole  of  the 
receipts  into  the  public  treasury  being  accounted  for,  no 
such  dilapidations  could  have  existed,  and  if  M.  de  Ca- 
lonne  made  largesses  to  the  hungry  courtiers,  it  must  have 
been  from  his  own  funds.  He  promised  me  these  proofs, 
but,  instead  of  them,  brings  me  the  sketch  of  discourses 
from  the  King  to  the  Assembly  which  he  had  prepared, 
and  whose  object  was  to  propose  an  emission  of  three 
hundred  millions  of  paper  money,  to  be  redeemed  by  an 
annual  payment  of  fifteen  millions  for  twenty  years.  Had 
these  discourses  been  adopted,  the  King  would  have  been 
brought  forward  on  the  stage  of  Europe  to  maintain  a 
polemic  controversy  with  M.  Necker  on  the  details  of  fi- 
nance. The  attitude  would  not  be  majestic,  though  M. 
Aujard's  remarks  are  not  void  of  weight.  He  gives  me  a 
history  of  his  interviews  with  the  Emperor  and  Prince 
Charles,  in  which  I  think  I  can  see  the  desire  to  get  rid  of 
him  decently,  but  from  which  he  deduces  the  Emperor's 
determination  to  abandon  the  Low  Countries  because  he 
had  found  out  that  the  British  Cabinet  was  resolved  to 
sacrifice  him  to  their  views,  and  the  Duke  of  York  refused, 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  329 

in  consequence,  to  second  his  operations.  This,  he  says, 
was  directly  communicated  to  him.  That  such  communi- 
cation was  made  I  cannot  believe,  though  I  am  well-dis- 
posed to  believe  that  the  Emperor  left  the  Low  Countries 
to  their  fate  partly  with  a  view  to  draw  forth  more  vigor- 
ous exertions  from  Britain  and  Holland,  partly  to  avenge 
the  revolt  in  the  time  of  his  uncle  Joseph.  Dine  at  the 
Court,  take  tea  with  Madame  de  Gortz.  She  tells  me  that 
France  had  offered  to  Prussia  the  cities  of  Hamburg,  Lii- 
beck,  and  Bremen ;  but  the  King,  communicating  this  in- 
formation to  those  cities,  has  assured  them  that  he  would 
not  invade  their  liberties.  She  says  she  does  not  believe 
the  French  will  march  to  Hanover.  She  thinks  the  King 
will  not  submit  to  it.  I  tell  her  that  if  they  possess  them- 
selves of  that  electorate  they  will  be  in  a  position  to  render 
his  efforts  unavailing,  and  may  perhaps  dispose  of  it  in  his 
favor  as  they  had  done  of  the  Venetian  dominions,  to 
compensate  the  Emperor  for  what  he  had  lost.  The  forced 
marches  of  the  Austrian  army  towards  Bavaria  prove  to 
me  that,  in  concert  with  his  new  ally,  the  Emperor  is  de- 
termined to  awe  Prussia  into  a  compliance  with  the  terms 
which  have  been  agreed  on  at  Udine." 

"M.  Aujard  calls  this  morning  [December  26th],  and 
brings  me  his  history  of  Favras's  conspiracy.  Being  con- 
fined in  the  same  prison,  he  found  means  to  communicate 
with  Favras  and  his  wife,  through  the  key-holes  of  their 
apartments,  and  to  carry  on  a  correspondence  between 
them,  as  also  to  transmit  to  their  friends  the  needful  in- 
formation from  them.  Among  other  things,  Madame  de 
Favras  had  hid  behind  a  pier-glass  some  papers  the  even- 
ing her  husband  was  taken,  being  alarmed  at  his  staying 
abroad  beyond  his  usual  hour.  Her  sister  was  informed 
of  this,  and  had  the  good  fortune  to  burn  them.  Both 
Favras  and  his  wife,  separately,  assured  him  that  they 


330  DIARY  AND  LETTERS  OF      [Chap.  XXXVIII. 

had  been  offered  48,ooof.  to  accuse  Monsieur,  the  King's 
brother.  They  both  told  him  the  plot  had  been  betrayed 
by  M.  de  Luxembourg  ;  but  I  prove  the  contrary  to  him, 
for  it  had  fallen  in  my  way  to  know  that  the  scheme  was 
discovered  early,  and  I  had  urged  Luxembourg  to  keep 
himself  clear  of  the  intrigues  he  was  engaged  in,  lest 
they  might  prove  fatal  to  him.  I  recollect  Madame  Ta- 
lon told  me  that  her  husband  had  been  possessed  of  sev- 
eral pieces  tending  to  convict  Monsieur,  and  was  urged 
by  M.  de  Lafayette  to  institute  a  criminal  procedure 
against  him,  but  had,  instead,  thrown  them  in  the  fire,  tell- 
ing the  General  he  would  never  be  guilty  of  traducing  be- 
fore a  criminal  tribunal  the  brother  of  his  sovereign.  M. 
Aujard  certainly  was  useful  to  Monsieur  on  this  occasion, 
for  Favras  might  have  been  induced  to  save  himself  by 
declaring  what  he  knew.  After  leaving  France  he  went 
to  Coblentz,  and  there  he  was  received  by  the  royal  broth- 
ers, and  particularly  the  elder,  with  all  the  coldness  of  in- 
gratitude. Madame  gave  him  a  long  interview,  and  told 
him  of  the  follies  they  were  daily  committing  ;  that  they 
were  determined  to  ruin  the  Queen,  which  she  prayed  him 
to  tell,  or  write  rather,  to  His  Majesty  ;  that  they  had 
formed  a  council  in  which  M.  de  Calonne  was  First  Minis- 
ter and  Minister  of  the  Finances,  the  Bishop  d'Arras  Chan- 
cellor, M.  de  Vaudreuil  Minister  of  War  ;  and  they  had 
resolved  then,  when  their  brother  should  be  by  them  re- 
established on  the  throne,  no  important  measure  of  ad- 
ministration should  be  adopted  without  their  consent. 
This  wild,  and — according  to  their  own  principles,  if  they 
had  any — this  treasonable  conduct  seems  almost  too  ex- 
travagant for  belief  ;  but  many  reasons  concur  to  render  it 
probable.  Aujard  tells  me  several  facts  respecting  their 
pecuniary  transactions  which  would  in  England  be  called 
swindling.     Among  others,  the  Marshal  de  Broglio,  hav- 


1797  J  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  33 1 

ing  some  property  in  Piedmont,  his  agents  sent  him  a  sum 
of  money  by  the  stage,  which  the  servant  of  the  stage 
was  bringing  to  him  ;  and  M.  de  Calonne  undertook  to  de- 
liver it,  but  some  days  after  mentioned  the  affair  to  his 
friend  De  Broglio,  and,  as  the  thing  must  be  quite  indiffer- 
ent to  him,  paid  the  sum  in  assignats  which  were  coun- 
terfeit of  the  princely  manufacture." 


332  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XXXIX. 


CHAPTER   XXXIX. 

Morris  sees  the  society  of  various  towns  on  the  Continent.  Count  Rum- 
ford.  Conversation  with  him.  The  Elector  of  Bavaria.  Presented 
at  Court.  Ratisbon.  Affairs  of  Switzerland.  Stuttgart,  Frank- 
fort. Conversation  with  Mr,  Crauford.  A  drive  with  Count  d'Aspre. 
Movements  of  the  armies.  M.  de  GOrtz  and  the  citizen  Trielhard. 
Mr.  Crauford's  interesting  communications.  Riot  in  Vienna.  Gen- 
eral Holtze.  Bonaparte  goes  to  Rastadt.  Cobenzel  made  Austrian 
Minister  of  State.  Count  Cobenzel  goes  to  Rastadt  to  negotiate  for 
peace  with  Bonaparte.  Information  received  from  Prince  de  Reusse. 
Conversation  with  the  Elector.  Dines  with  the  Duchess  of  Cumber- 
land. Ukase  of  the  Russian  Emperor.  Mr.  Crauford's  history  of 
how  he  became  acquainted  with  Simolin.  Affairs  in  Paris  in  1 792  of 
which  Crauford  was  cognizant. 

SEEING  thus  from  within  the  society  of  the  towns  in 
the  various  countries  of  Europe,  and  thoroughly 
enjoying  life  and  his  friends,  Morris  whiled  away  the 
months,  it  would  seem,  with  rather  a  dread  of  the  neces- 
sary effort  it  required  to  cross  the  Atlantic.  He  had  let 
the  pleasant  months  of  the  previous  summer  go  by,  and, 
now  that  winter  had  again  set  in,  he  concluded  to  gain  all 
the  information  and  see  all  the  places  of  interest  possible, 
and  watch  the  progress  of  events  for  some  months  longer. 
Late  in  December  he  left  Ratisbon  and  went  to  Munich. 
Here  again  he  fell  in  with  friends. 

"  The  Baron  de  Closini  is  here,"  he  says,  in  the  diary 
for  December  30th,  "  whom  I  knew  in  America,  where  he 
served  as  aide-de-camp  to  General.  Rochambeau.  He 
gives  me  un  peu  la  carte  du  pays.     I  call  on  Count  Rum- 


1797]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  333 

ford.*  I  ask  him  how  it  happens  that  the  country  I  rode 
over  remains  uncultivated.  He  tells  me  that  there  are 
vast  forests  of  pine  throughout  Bavaria  which  bear  the 
marks  of  precedent  cultivation  ;  that  this  is  beyond  ques- 
tion the  finest  country  in  Europe,  but  ever  since  the  Thirty 
Years'  War  everything  possible  has  been  done  to  ruin  it 
by  unwise  laws  and  administration,  as  one  proof  of  which, 
among  many  which  he  might  mention,  he  gives  this  :  That 
there  are  some  thirty  odd  thousand  farms  in  Bavaria,  many 
of  which  are  considerable  ;  whenever  a  farmer  becomes 
bankrupt  and  quits  the  farm,  before  another  can  take  it  he 
must  subject  himself  to  the  payment  of  all  arrearages,  so 
that  every  year  which  the  farm  is  unoccupied  the  reason 
for  leaving  it  waste  becomes  stronger,  so  that  now  there 
are  above  four  thousand  of  these  farms  without  tenants. 
The  Count  goes  on  to  tell  me  his  situation  here  as  to  the 
confidence  reposed  in  him  by  the  Elector.  He  brought 
him  into  his  views  of  reform  by  holding  out  that  history 
never  fails  to  do  justice  to  sovereigns — recording  their 
acts  of  beneficence  and  branding  them  for  the  neglect  of 
their  important  duties.  According  to  the  Count,  it  is  from 
the  love  of  honest  fame  that  the  Elector  has  been  stimu- 
lated to  the  amelioration  and  embellishment  of  his  coun- 
try, to  which  he  had  but  little  personal  attachment,  and, 
being  without  heirs  and  not  too  well  disposed  to  his  suc- 

*  Benjamin  Thompson,  Count  Rumford,  natural  philosopher  and  econo- 
mist, born  at  Woburn,  Mass.,  1752  or  1753.  He  began  life  as  a  schoolmas- 
ter, at  Rumford,  now  Concord.  Sent,  in  1775,  as  bearer  of  despatches  to 
England,  to  Lord  George  Germain,  who  appointed  him  a  clerk  of  the  Foreign 
Office,  he  became,  in  1780,  Under  Secretary  of  State.  In  1784  he  went  to 
Munich,  and  became  aide-de-camp  and  chamberlain  to  the  reigning  Prince 
of  Bavaria.  He  subsequently  became  a  lieutenant-general,  commander-in- 
chief,  minister  of  war,  and,  in  1790,  a  Count  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire. 
His  power  and  influence  at  the  Court  of  Bavaria  ceased  with  the  life  of  the 
Elector,  in  1799.  In  1798  he  went  to  London,  and  formed  the  plan  of  the 
Royal  Institution  of  London,  which  was  founded  about  1800.  He  died  at 
Auteuil  in  1814. 


334  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF         {Chap.  XXXIX. 

cesser,  could  not,  from  any  regard  to  posterity,  be  led  into 
the  labor  and  vexation  of  reform.  He  states  to  me  how, 
by  degrees,  since  the  commencement  of  the  fourteenth 
century,  the  existing  nobles,  or  rather  ennobled,  who  are 
by  no  means  descendants  of  the  ancient  nobility  (all  of 
whose  privileges,  with  a  single  exception,  have,  by  pur- 
chase or  escheat,  merged  in  the  ducal  crown)  have  arro- 
gated, from  the  weakness  of  the  chief,  privileges  and  exemp- 
tions to  which  they  are  not  entitled,  and  under  the  name 
of  the  States  oppress  and  defraud  the  people ;  so  that  at 
length  the  abuses  are  become  equally  numerous  and  enor- 
mous, from  whence  has  resulted  the  impoverishment  and 
depopulation  of  this  excellent  country.  Among  the  abuses, 
he  mentions  as  one  that  on  his  arrival  here  there  was  a 
regiment  of  cavalry  which  had  five  field  officers  and  only 
three  horses.  The  Elector's  ministers  are  so  much  sold  to 
the  States  that  in  his  own  private  chancery  he  could  not 
get,  during  six  weeks,  a  paper  copied  which  he  was  to  sign. 
The  States,  in  the  mean  time,  were  informed  of  its  contents, 
and  came  forward  with  an  impeachment  against  the  min- 
ister who  had  framed  it  for  high  treason.  The  Elector, 
whom  he  describes  as  timid,  being  informed  that  they 
were  arrived  in  procession  to  present  the  address  contain- 
ing the  impeachment,  rode  out,  by  Rumford's  advice, 
a-hunting,  to  gain  a  day.  Rumford  immediately  went  into 
the  chancery  and  threatened  the  secretary  that,  if  the  pa- 
pers were  not  copied  and  on  the  Elector's  table  ready  for 
his  signature  by  eight  o'clock  next  morning,  he  should  lose 
his  place.  The  secretary  represented  the  impossibility,  for 
it  was  not  yet'begun.  Rumford  ordered  in  the  clerks,  caused 
it  to  be  distributed  among  the  number  necessary,  and  then 
reiterated  his  threat,  with  the  addition  that  if  it  were  not 
ready  at  eight  he  should  be  no  more  secretary  at  nine. 
To  the  Elector's  surprise  this  paper,  which,  addressed  to  the 


1797-]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  335 

States,  demonstrated  the  nullity  of  the  claims  they  made 
and  pointed  out  their  various  And  manifest  usurpations, 
was  ready  at. the  hour,  and  was  immediately  signed  and 
transmitted,  so  that  their  impeachment  (calculated  to  pre- 
vent the  blow,  seeing  that  the  Elector  could  not  sign  and 
transmit  the  work  of  one  accused  as  a  traitor)  lost  its  ob- 
ject. Next  day,  by  Rumford's  advice,  the  Elector,  as  Vicar 
of  the  Empire,  ennobled  the  minister,  who  was  of  plebeian 
extraction,  for  his  important  services  rendered  to  the 
public. 

"  M.  de  Werneck  speaks  to  me  of  Count  Rumford  as  a 
man  with  much  genius  and  information,  and  the  zeal  and 
activity  of  a  projector  ;  is  apt  to  neglect  a  business  when 
once  he  has  brought  it  to  its  point  of  maturity  ;  moreover, 
as  of  a  man  extremely  vain,  who  is  the  hero  of  his  own 
panegyric.  Indeed,  I  could  not  help  remarking  this  morn- 
ing that  the  Count  takes  his  full  share  of  the  praise  which 
history  is  to  lavish  on  the  Elector  for  all  the  good  things 
done  and  doing  in  Bavaria.  M.  de  Werneck  lets  me  see 
that  his  brother  has  an  inclination  to  get  placed  here,  and 
considers  the  Count  as  an  obstacle.  He  tells  me  that  the 
Count  had  told  him  he  had,  in  the  expectation  of  being 
snatched  away  by  death  before  his  operations  should  be 
completed,  prepared  and  printed  a  few  copies  of  his  vin- 
dication. In  this  he  proves,  according  to  his  account  of 
the  matter,  that  he  had,  in  his  management  of  the  military, 
increased  the  effective  force,  mended  the  condition  of  the 
soldier,  and  yet  lessened  the  expense.  He  had  expressed 
a  desire  to  see  this  performance,  and  received  a  promise 
that  it  should  be  communicated  ;  but  this  promise,  though 
repeatedly  renewed,  has  not  yet  been  complied  with.  The 
Count's  enemies  say  that  when  he  came  into  office  there 
were  nine  hundred  thousand  florins  in  the  military  chest, 
that  the  effective  force  has  been  greatly  reduced,  that  the 


336  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XXXIX. 

chest  is  in  debt,  and  all  the  magazines  are  empty.  Rum- 
ford  told  me  this  morning  that  he  is  perfectly  well  with 
the  successor  to  the  Electorate." 

"This  morning  [January  ist]  Count  Rumford  calls,  and 
takes  me  to  Court,  to  assist  at  the  grand  couvert  of  the 
Elector,  which,  like  all  other  things  of  that  sort,  is  dull. 
Go  again  to  Court  in  the  evening,  which  is  its  grand 
gala — a  concert  and  cards.  The  Elector,  notwithstanding 
his  age,  goes  through  the  representation  very  well.  Rum- 
ford  tells  me  of  the  great  marks  of  attachment  shown  to 
him  by  the  people,  and  how  well  he  has  deserved  them. 
I  believe  more  of  the  latter  than  of  the  former.  My  valet- 
de-chambre  tells  me,  after  I  get  home,  that  as  yet  he  has 
heard  nothing  about  him  but  abuse,  and  mentions  the 
deficit  in  the  military  chest,  etc.,  which  M.  Werneck  stated 
yesterday.  He  says,  moreover,  that  he  is  accused  of  sell- 
ing, for  his  own  private  emolument,  the  produce  of  the 
labor  performed  by  poor  people  maintained  at  the  public 
expense." 

"Count  Rumford  calls  this  morning  [January  3d],  and 
takes  me  to  see  the  English  garden  he  has  made  adjoin- 
ing to  this  city.  He  began  by  draining  a  piece  of  ground 
belonging  to  the  Elector,  which  he  has  since  laid  out  with 
great  judgment,  and  has  some  things  in  petto  as  an  addi- 
tional improvement  which  will  be  equally  ornamental 
and  advantageous.  He  has  in  the  farm  which  he  has 
established  as  part  of  this  garden  some  handsome  cattle, 
which  he  has  bred  from  Swiss  stock.  He  shows  me  two 
projected  entrances  to  the  town,  one  of  which  is  to  be  cut 
through  the  palace  some  years  hence.  The  other  will  be 
finished  in  a  year  or  two,  and  is  very  handsome.  Round 
the  town  he  has  made  a  very  fine  esplanade,  the  history 
of  which  is  curious.  Before  his  last  journey  to  England 
he  had  confided  his  intention  to  some  one,  whg  let  it  out, 


1798.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  337 

and  his  enemies,  determined,  though  to  the  public  injury, 
to  do  him  an  unkindness,  built  several  things  of  slight 
material  in  the  way,  so  that  when  he  returned  he  found 
his  plan  effectually  frustrated.  But  when  the  French 
came  hither,  the  Regency,  finding  themselves  reduced  to 
great  straits,  applied  to  him,  according  to  orders  they  had 
received  from  the  Elector  at  his  departure.  Rumford 
took  advantage  of  that  circumstance  to  execute  his 
scheme,  while  at  the  same  time  he  kept  the  French  and 
Austrian  troops  from  entering  the  town  ;  everything  round 
was  knocked  down  and  levelled,  so  that  now  the  ap- 
proaches are  much  better,  and  the  whole  is  more  clean 
and  airy.  We  go  then  to  the  Military  Academy,  which  is 
on  a  good  establishment.  Young  people  are  here  lodged, 
fed,  clothed,  and  educated  for  fifteen  guineas  per  annum. 
They  learn  Latin,  German  and  French,  geometry,  and 
other  branches  of  the  mathematics  needful  to  military 
men  ;  dancing,  fencing,  drawing  and  music.  The  kitchen 
is  very  curious,  and  very  worthy  of  imitation.  I  see  sev- 
eral dinners  sent  out  to  officers  and  citizens,  who  are  sup- 
plied from  hence  at  the  rate  of  fifteen  kreuzers  or  one 
forty-fourth  of  a  louis  d'or,  say,  of  a  pound  sterling,  or 
about  five  to  five  and  a  half  pence.  This  is  a  kind  of  per- 
quisite to  the  cook,  who  supplies  the  students  at  the  same 
price  per  day,  receiving  gratis  the  use  of  the  kitchen  and 
utensils  with  the  needful  fuel.  Rumford  tells  me  the 
price  was  some  time  ago  only  half  a  louis  per  month,  or 
eleven  kreuzers  per  day.  The  articles  sent  out  for  these 
eleven  kreuzers  were  a  beef-soup,  with  three  dumplings 
made  of  flour,  crumbs  of  bread,  egg,  and  chopped  ham, 
each  about  the  size  of  a  very  large  hen's  egg  ;  a  portion  of 
turnips  cut  fine  and  stewed  in  a  brown  gravy,  on  the  top 
of  which  was  about  half  a  pound  of  boiled  beef,  or  bouilli. 
Another  dish  consisted  in  near  half  a  pound  of  bceuf  a  la 
Vol.  II. — 22 


i 


338  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XXXIX. 

mode^  with  a  very  rich,  thick  sauce  in  abundance ;  finally, 
there  was  a  good  cut  of  apple  tart,  large  enough  to  cover 
the  quarter  of  the  inside  of  a  common  plate.  In  short, 
there  was  more  food,  excepting  bread,  than  I  could,  I 
tliink,  eat  in  a  single  day,  much  less  in  one  dinner. 
Count  Rumford  gives  orders  to  prepare  for  our  reception 
at  the  workhouse  to-morrow.  M.  de  Werneck  calls  on 
me  in  the  evening,  and  we  read  togetlier  part  of  a  printed 
account  made  by  Rumford  of  his  four  years*  administra- 
tion of  the  army.  Notwithstanding  this  account,  which  is 
perfectly  clear  and  correct,  certified  after  full  examination 
to  the  council,  to  whom  it  was  submitted  for  that  purpose, 
his  enemies  circulate  busily  the  whisper  of  maladminis- 
tration. At  dinner,  speaking  of  General  Werneck,  an  offi- 
cer who  is  present  says  he  is  certainly  a  man  of  talents, 
but  not  so  attentive  as  he  might  be  to  duty,  being  much 
given  to  play,  and  thence  led  to  too  great  intimacy  with 
people  of  a  certain  sort,  and  instances  that  the  bank  at 
Frankfort,  the  croupiers,  etc.,  most  of  which  are  trh  mau- 
vais  sujets,  are  his  property.  His  fondness  for  and  success 
in  play,  I  knew.  This  keeping  of  a  table  I  don't  at  all 
like.  It  is  said  that  the  Austrians,  in  general,  play,  etc., 
but  the  circumstance  of  a  public  bank  seems  to  be  pe- 
culiar to  him." 

"This  morning  [January  5th]  Count  Rumford  calls,  and 
we  go  out  together.  By  way  of  avoiding  a  crowd  of 
market-people  in  the  direct  road,  we  make  a  circle  round 
part  of  the  town,  by  which  means  I  see  the  mountains  ly- 
ing between  this  and  Tyrol,  which  are  very  cragged,  and 
deceive  me  much,  for  the  air  happens  to  be  so  clear  that 
they  appear  like  broken  ridges  of  moderate  height  in  the 
neighborhood  ;  but  my  companion  tells  me  that  they  are 
sixteen  leagues'  distance,  and  adds  that  the  finest  country 
on  earth  is  that  which  lies  at  the  foot  of  them.     The  river 


I798.J  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  339 

is  very  rapid  here,  and  the  water  of  a  greenish  color  but 
very  clear.  Count  Rumford  mentions  contrivances  for 
muskets  by  which  he  can  load  and  fire  fourteen  times 
while  the  Prussian  troops  load  and  fire  four.  To  prove 
the  astonishing  velocity,  he  cites  a  thing  which  happened 
in  the  presence  of  the  Elector  and  his  Court  at  a  hunt. 
He  fired  at  a  hare  and  missed  it,  then  loaded,  fired,  and 
killed  the  same  hare  with  the  same  gun.  He  says  further 
that  he  has  invented  a  gun  from  which  he  shoots  an 
arrow,  and  by  calculation  it  can,  with  an  elevation  of 
forty-five  degrees,  be  projected  three  miles.  He  drove  it 
through  twelve  inch-boards,  one  behind  the  other,  which, 
says  he,  is  all  that  can  be  done  by  a  six-pound  shot. 
These  inventions  he  will  not  communicate  to  the  world, 
particularly  the  latter,  being  too  dangerous.  We  arrive 
at  the  workhouse  and  see  the  kitchen,  which  is  wonderful. 
In  general,  the  regularity,  cleanness,  and  economy  of  this 
house  surpass  anything  I  ever  saw.  The  poor  who  are 
maintained  here  are  employed  busily,  and  have  cheerful 
countenances.  These  people  earn  their  living  and  they 
are  happy.  Long  may  he  be  happy  who  has  made  them 
so.  I  taste  of  the  soup  given  to  the  poor.  It  is  very 
good,  and  I  see  the  crowd  sit  down  to.  eat  it  with  good 
appetite.  The  portion  of  bread,  he  tells  me,  is  generally 
taken  home  by  them  for  their  supper.  There  are  about 
one  thousand  people  fed  here,  at  the  annual  expense  of 
about  four  hundred  guineas,  including  everything.  The 
contrivances  for  saving  cloth,  linen,  leather,  etc.,  in  mak- 
ing clothes,  the  arrangements  to  prevent  fraud,  and  to 
keep  the  accounts  for  the  regiments,  etc.,  are  all  admira- 
ble. We  go  from  hence  to  a  hospital  for  old  poor  people, 
from  whence  there  is  a  fine  view  of  the  town.  The  cham- 
bers here  are  so  warm  that  I  cannot  stand  them.  We  go 
on  to  the  house  fitting  up,  under  Count  Rumford's  direc- 


340  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXIX. 

tion,  for  poor  children.  This  house  was  built  by  the 
States  for  ladies  to  live  in  privately,  and  is  the  most  su- 
perb building  in  Munich.  The  idea  is  the  most  extraordi- 
nary that  I  ever  remember  to  have  met  with.  It  was  fur- 
ther intended  for  the  education  of  those  young  scions  of 
nobility  which  had  been  furtively  taken  from  the  noble 
stock.  In  England  this  would  be  called  a  strong  legis- 
lative declaration  of  unchasteness.  Whatever  may  have 
been  the  intention  of  these  wise  men  of  Gotham,  it  will 
certainly  afford  an  interesting  spectacle  when  filled  up 
with  poor  children  receiving  good  raiment  and  good  edu- 
cation at  the  expense  of — their  own  labor  well  applied." 

"  Dress  and  go  to  Court,  where  I  dine  [January  6th]. 
Mention  to  the  Elector,  who  converses  with  me  on  my 
yesterday's  excursion,  that  His  Highness  ought  to  have 
consigned  to  some  record  the  state  in  which  he  found  this 
country,  lest  posterity  should,  on  seeing  the  improve- 
ments, doubt  of  the  situation  in  which  he  found  it.  This 
is  like  flattery,  but,  in  the  first  place,  it  is  founded  on  fact ; 
secondly,  it  is  no  small  instance  of  benevolence  to  have 
labored  for  the  amelioration  of  a  country  for  a  successor 
whom  he  dislikes.  Neither  of  these,  however,  though 
they  justify,  would  have  induced  this  observation.  I 
meant  to  encourage  him  in  the  pursuit  of  laudable  ob- 
jects, and  if  anything  I  can  say  should  have  the  smallest 
tendency  to  produce  that  effect  it  is  well  said.  At  dinner 
I  sit  next  to  the  Electress,  who  has  a  clear,  ready  compre- 
hension and  a  good  share  of  genius.  She  is  not  happy, 
and  is  well  content  that  her  dissatisfaction  should  be 
known.  After  dinner,  the  Elector  inquires  about  Lafa- 
yette, and  I  set  his  character  in  what  I  think  the  fair 
light.  Go  from  Court  to  see  Count  Rumford,  and  sit 
with  him  a  good  while.  He  reads  me  his  day's  labors,  in 
which  he  has  reasoned  himself  into  a  belief  that  the  life 


1798.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  34t 

is,  as  Moses  says,  in  the  blood,  and  that  it  consists,  which 
Moses  does  not  say,  in  the  operation  of  heat  and  cold  and 
the  movement  which,  as  a  fluid,  must  be  produced  in  it 
by  the  distribution  and  succession  of  these  accidents.  My 
solution  of  all  such  abstruse  questions  is  that  things  are 
so  and  so  because  God  pleases  that  it  should  be  so.  The 
ladder  of  Science  is  infinite,  and  the  steps  which  man  can 
mount  are  few  and  uncertain,  but  could  he  get  even  to 
the  top  it  would  only  lead  him  more  immediately  into 
the  presence  of  the  Almighty.  So  that  the  most  acute  of 
all  philosophers  must  end,  with  Newton,  where  I  begin. 
We  at  length  fall  on  politics.  He  tells  me  the  French 
are  assembling  a  considerable  force  along  the  former  line 
of  demarcation,  and  that  the  Prince  of  Hesse  has  quitted 
Berlin  in  high  dudgeon,  and  sent  back  all  his  orders,  dig- 
nities, etc.  ;  'which,'  says  Rumford,  *  I  consider  as  a  game 
to  preserve  his  neutrality,  and  therefore  as  a  sign  of  war. 
Russia,  moreover,  has  ordered  the  recruiting  of  one  hun- 
dred thousand  men,  but  the  Emperor,  says  he,  is  a  mad- 
man. He  seems  to  take  pains,  in  his  rage  for  reform,  to 
do  unpleasant  things  in  the  most  disagreeable  manner.'" 

On  the  9th  of  January  Morris  returned  to  Ratisbon, 
and  remained  there  until  the  23d  of  February.  During 
the  journey  to  Ratisbon  he  fell  in  with  a  train  of  wagons 
of  the  reserve  artillery  of  the  Austrian  army.  This  de- 
layed him  some  time  ;  but,  "on  the  whole,"  he  says,  "I  am 
well  off  to  have  got  safely  here,  for  it  wanted  but  little  to 
have  thrown  me  into  the  Danube  in  trying  to  pass  the 
train  of  wagons.  Pass  the  evening  with  the  Princess.  It 
is  said  the  French  have  possessed  themselves  of  Basle, 
and  declared  war  against  the  Swiss  Cantons.  The  French 
Government  have  ordered  the  seizure  and  confiscation  of 
all  English  goods  in  France,  and  also  the  capture  and 
condemnation  of  all  vessels  coming  from  an  English  port, 


342  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF       [Chap.  XXXIX. 

or  having  English  goods  on  board.  This  is  a  premium 
to  British  navigators,  and  an  attack  upon  all  neutral 
powers." 

"At  Madame  de  Hohenthal's  assembly  [January  19th] 
I  learn  that  the  Swiss  are  determined  to  assert  their  inde- 
pendence, and  have  proposed  anew  the  oath  of  Union, 
discussed  since  two  centuries  ;  also  that  they  have  de- 
manded a  categoric  answer  from  the  Directory  as  to  the 
kind  of  neutrality  which  they  are  to  expect  from  France." 

**  Pass  the  evening  [January  25th]  at  Court,  where  there 
is,  as  usual,  a  concert.  The  rabies  politica  sets  people's 
tongues  going,  so  that  the  murmur  almost  drowns  the 
voice  of  Madame  de  Hohenthiil  during  her  song.  On  the 
whole,  there  seems  much  dulness  in  our  social  atmos- 
phere. The  Comte  de  Pfaffenhosen  tells  me  here  some 
anecdotes  of  the  Director  Barras.  At  the  request  of  his 
uncle  he  had  made  up  a  match  for  him  with  a  young  lady 
who,  being  sister  to  the  unfortunate  Madame  de  la  Motte, 
lost  her  future  husband  by  the  affair  of  the  collar.*  He 
then,  at  the  renewed  request  of  the  same  uncle,  negotiated 
another  marriage  for  him,  and  took  the  Vicomte  de  Bar- 
ras down  into  the  country  to  see  and  be  seen.  Here  a  too 
great  intimacy  was  discovered  with  his  servant,  and  the 
projected  marriage  broken  off.  Last  June  my  relater 
went  to  Paris  in  pursuit  of  a  paymaster  who  had  robbed 
him,  and  addressed  himself  to  Barras,  who  received  him 
well,  and  assisted  him,  and  who  finally  pressed  him  to  re- 
main in  Paris.  'Here,'  says  Barras,  *  I  have  no  friend, and 
I  much  want  one.'  The  ci-devant  payeur  is  now  an  oflBcer 
of  the  Directorial  Guard  and  eats  at  the  table  of  his  mas- 

*  Allusion  is  here  made  to  the  famous  affair  of  the  diamond  necklace,  in 
which  drama  the  principal  actors  were  a  queen,  a  prince  of  the  House  of 
Rohan,  and  a  courtesan,  and  the  proceedings  of  which  exposed  royalty  to 
many  blows  and  many  scandals. 


1798.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  343 

ter,  patron,  lover — who,  notwithstanding  that  connection, 
to  which  he  is  faithful,  indulges  in  licentious  frolics  with 
the  other  sex  most  freely.  Barras  is  led  by  his  secretary 
and  faiseur^  one  Lombard,  being  himself  a  very  shallow 
fellow — so  much  so  that  my  informant  used  to  write  let- 
ters for  him  to  his  intended  wives.  The  stories  told  of 
his  Asiatic  luxury  are  false,  and,  as  to  his  circumstances, 
he  was  so  poor  as  not  to  be  able  to  pay  fifty  louis  which 
Pfaflfenhosen  had  formerly  advanced  for  him.  He  lives 
by  running  in  debt.  My  informant  says  that  he  took 
great  pains  to  discover  the  sentiments  of  the  people  in 
Paris,  from  the  Directory  downwards,  and  that,  with  the 
exception  of  Barras  and  Charles  de  la  Croix,  they  were 
universally  royalists;  that  is  to  say,  all  those  with  whom 
he  conversed.  Letters  from  Italy  state  the  condition  of 
Rome  to  be  deplorable ;  a  general  consternation  prevails, 
and  the  people  are,  if  not  attached  to  their  sovereign,  at 
least  indisposed  to  his  enemies.  The  news  from  Rastadt 
purport  that  the  King  of  Prussia  and  the  French  are  per- 
fectly well  together.  It  seems  evident  that  the  French 
mean,  if  they  can,  to  overturn  the  Swiss  Constitution,  or, 
rather,  the  separate  constitutions  and  the  general  league. 
Insurrections,  their  usual  precursors,  have  taken  place  in 
the  Pays  de  Vaud.  It  is  said  that  the  new  French  agent 
sent  to  Hamburg  is  to  demand  of  them  and  the  other 
Hanse  towns  fourteen  millions  of  livres,  and  also  the  con- 
fiscation of  all  British  goods,  and,  generally,  of  all  British 
property  in  their  dominion." 

"To-day  [February  2d]  we  are  informed  that  Austria, 
Prussia,  and  France  are  agreed  to  the  manner  in  which 
Germany  shall  be  disposed  of,  and  that  in  consequence  of 
it  the  congress  at  Rastadt  will  soon  be  dissolved.  Gen- 
eral Werneck  tells  me  that  M.  de  Metternich  has  received 
an  anonymous  letter  informing  him  that,  if  the  left  bank 


344  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF        [Chap.  XXXIX. 

of  the  Rhine  is  ceded  to  France,  the  Emperor  and  King 
of  Prussia  will  not  survive  that  cession  a  fortnight.  The 
Grand  Doyen  Comte  de  Thurn  tells  me  that  Berne  had 
presented  a  long  mSmoire  to  the  Courts  of  Vienna  and 
Berlin  on  the  situation  and  views  of  France,  with  the 
means  of  reducing  her  power,  now  become  dangerous  to 
all  Europe.  These  Courts  have  sent  that  memorial  to  the 
Directory,  which  occasioned  the  order  to  the  commissaries 
from  Berne  to  quit  Paris." 

"  The  affairs  of  Switzerland  seem  to  be  [February  7th] 
in  a  bad  way.  At  supper,  last  Sunday,  Mr.  Bacher  told 
me  that  they  had  no  idea  of  joining  the  Pays  de  Vaud  to 
France,  but  meant  to  make  of  all  Switzerland  a  new  Re- 
public {une  et  indivisible),  like  the  Cisalpine." 

"Accounts  from  Switzerland  [February  9th]  show  that 
the  French  force  and  French  intrigues  have  produced 
their  effect,  so  that  Switzerland  will  henceforth  be  melted 
into  a  single  representative  democracy.*  This,  by  con- 
centring their  councils  and  force,  will  make  them  a  dan- 
gerous, or,  at  least,  a  troublesome  neighbor  to  France." 

"  Dine  at  Court  [February  i8th].  Mr.  Alopus  tells  me 
the  King  of  Prussia  has  made  advances  to  the  Imperial 
Cabinet  on  the  present  crisis,  to  w^hich  a  complimentary 
reply  has  been  made.  He  thinks  that  Austria  is  com- 
pletely exhausted,  and,  from  the  sense  of  weakness,  re- 
duced to  a  stanch  dependence  on  France.  He  thinks  that 
this  weakness,  however,  results  rather  from  the  imbecility 
of  the  Cabinet  than  any  defect  of  means  in  the  country. 
I  believe  that  a  more  vigorous  Cabinet  would  adopt  more 
vigorous  measures,  but  I  incline  to  think  that,  in  the  pres- 

*  The  Helvetic  Republic  was  a  single  commonwealth  in  which  the  cantons 
were  no  more  than  departments.  The  new  republic  did  not  suit  the  Swiss, 
and  in  1803  Bonaparte  gave  them  a  better  constitution,  keeping  Switzerland 
almost  wholly  dependent  on  France,  but,  on  the  whole,  treating  it  differently 
from  other  countries  of  which  the  government  had  been  more  feudal. 


1798.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  345 

ent  good  understanding  with  France,  interest  has  as  much 
to  say  as  apprehension.  Be  that,  however,  as  it  may, 
peace  is  of  more  consequence  to  that  monarchy  than  any- 
thing which  can  be  got  by  war.  Pass  the  evening  at 
Court." 

"  Diiie  at  the  Comte  de  Hohenthal's  [February  20th], 
and  announce  my  departure  to  the  society.  Take  tea  at 
the  Princess's,  and  go  to  a  masquerade,  where  I  express 
to  the  Princess  my  regret  at  taking  leave  of  the  society 
here  ;  that  I  am  really  affected  by  the  necessity  of  leaving, 
but  that  my  heart  remains  behind." 

"  Last  night  I  reached  Stuttgart,  and  this  morning 
[March  2d]  walk  out  and  call  on  the  Baron  de  Rieger. 
He  has  just  come  through  France,  and  gives  a  description 
of  it  as  very  highly  cultivated,  full  of  abuses,  Paris  more 
brilliant  and  more  vicious  than  before,  the  same  exterior 
politeness  a.nd provenance  to  strangers,  the  posts  well  served, 
the  roads  out  of  repair,  the  innkeepers  more  extortionate 
than  ever.  Mr.  Arbuthnot  lodges  in  the  same  inn  with 
me.  He  is  waiting  to  carry  the  news  of  the  delivery  of 
the  Duchess  to  England.  He  tells  me  that  our  minister 
at  the  Court  of  St.  James's  is  very  much  liked  ;  that  the 
King  speaks  to  him  more  than  to  anybody  else.  Cela  s'en- 
tend." 

"Attend  a  concert  at  Court  [March  4th],  and  play  at 
commerce  with  the  Duchess." 

"This  morning  [March  5th]  we  go  in  one  of  the  Duke's 
carriages  to  Ludwigsburg,  and  take  a  ddjeund dinatoire  pre- 
pared in  the  palace  for  Mr.  Arbuthnot,  who  is  to  see  every- 
thing in  order  that  he  may  give  a  good  account  of  it  to  the 
King — the  King ;  for  his  daughter,  who  is  much  attached 
to  him,  is  far  from  being  so  great  an  admirer  of  her  royal 
mother.  Most  of  the  children  are  fond  of  him,  which  in 
my  opinion  proves  in  his  favor.     This  palace  of  Ludwigs- 


346  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXIX. 

burg  is  large,  and  like  to  become  the  ducal  residence. 
He  means  to  build  an  English  garden,  and  he  has  grounds 
which  will  suit  for  that  purpose.  Walk  a  good  deal,  and 
on  our  return  sit  down  about  five  o'clock  to  a  second  din- 
ner at  Mr.  Arbuthnot's." 

"There  is  no  company  at  Court  to-day  [March  Jth],  on 
account  of  the  illness  of  the  Duchess  Dowager." 

"  The  Duchess  Dowager  is  dead  [March  9th],  and  my 
horse  continues  lame.  The  latter  is  the  greater  misfort- 
une, and  both  may  be  perhaps  attributed  to  the  doctor. 
He  said  that  to  cure  the  horse  radically  he  must  make 
him  apparently  worse.  The  Court  doctor  related  to  us 
yesterday  evening  a  conversation  with  the  Duke,  who, 
having  asked  him  to  declare  on  his  conscience  what  he 
thought  of  his  mother's  situation,  answered :  '  If  Her 
Highness  were  a  citizen's  wife  I  should  say  that  she 
might  live  two  months,  or  die  in  two  hours.  The  last  is 
quite  as  likely  as  the  first.' " 

"  They  had  advices  here  yesterday  [March  loth]  that 
the  French  had  been  defeated  in  Switzerland,  but  it  ap- 
pears to-day  that  they  are  in  possession  of  Berne.  They 
have  then  accomplished  the  task  of  extending  themselves 
from  the  German  Ocean  to  the  head  of  the  Adriatic,  in- 
cluding everything  round  by  the  British  Channel,  the  At- 
lantic, and  Mediterranean,  except  Portugal  and  Naples. 
They  are  in  full  march  for  the  former,  and  the  latter 
cannot  exist  one  moment  after  their  will  to  crush  them 
shall  be  declared.  This  empire  is  too  rapidly  and  widely 
extended  to  put  on  a  solid  existence,  but  there  is  every 
means  of  extensive  mischief.  The  North  and  South  of 
Europe  must  now  stand  marshalled  against  each  other; 
resource  is  in  favor  of  the  latter,  but  the  former  have,  if 
united,  more  means  of  exertion." 

Morris  journeyed  (March  12th)  on  through  the  Black 


1798]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  347 

Forest  to  Heidelberg,  and  thence  to  Frankfort,  where  he 
arrived  on  March  i6th.  "Take  tea,"  he  says,  "with  the 
Duchess  of  Cumberland.  She  has  had  bad  news  of  her 
sister,  who  had  lost  every  farthing  at  play,  and  a  letter 
from  Mayence  has  come  which  announces  her  suicide. 
She  cut  her  throat,  but  it  was  expected  she  would  recover. 
She,  by  virtue  of  the  powers  confided  by  the  Duchess,  had 
made  away  with  her  plate  to  the  amount  of  ^12,000.  The 
estimated  loss  is  ^20,000.  The  Duchess  receives  company, 
to  keep  up  the  appearance  of  gayety." 

"  Mr.  Crauford  tells  me  [March  23d]  that  when  Mar- 
shal Claerfayt  left  this  place  to  go  to  Vienna  he  proved 
to  him,  by  the  map  on  the  table,  that  if  the  French  were 
prevented  from  coming  into  Italy  they  would  be  obliged 
to  submit  to  the  terms  of  peace  which  might  be  offered 
to  them,  and  that  the  Austrians,  by  opening  the  campaign 
on  the  Rhine  in  the  month  of  April,  would  have  great  ad- 
vantages over  the  French,  who  could  not  begin  till  May. 
Speaking  of  the  French  campaign  in  Germany,  he  says 
that  they  expected  a  co-operation  of  Prussia.  This  may  be, 
but  I  do  not  believe  that  it  was  promised.  The  Prince  de 
Reusse,  who  is  of  the  society  to-night,  criminates  Prussia 
for  all  that  is  past.  I  undertake  to  exculpate  that  Court, 
by  observing  that  the  origin  of  the  dissension  between 
them  and  Austria  was  the  refusal  of  the  latter  to  declare 
its  eventual  objects  in  the  war.  After  some  conversation 
Mr.  Crauford,  in  confirmation  of  what  I  had  said,  relates 

a  conversation  he  had  at  Brussels  with  Lord  A ,  then 

returning  from  the  combined  armies,  which  he  had  quitted 
from  the  conviction  that  nothing  would  be  done,  because 
the  Prussian  ministers  had  all  told  him  that  the  immediate 
object,  whatever  it  might  be,  could  easily  be  effected, 'but 
that  nothing  decisive  could  take  place,  from  the  obstinate 
silence  of  Austria  as  to  its  views,  which  Prussia  could  not 


348  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XXXIX. 

blindly  assist  in  furthering  without  being  told  what  they 
were.  The  Prince  de  Reusse  hereupon  (to  exculpate  the 
Austrian  Cabinet)  tells  us  that  he  saw  all  the  despatches 
and  was  privy  to  the  whole  affair,  in  which  the  blame 
must  be  laid  to  Count  Lehrbach.  Comparing  this  with 
what  Mr.  Alopus  told  me  of  his  conduct  at  a  subsequent 
period,  it  seems  to  follow  either  that  he  betrayed  the  in- 
terests of  his  Court,  or  that  his  instructions  were  dictated 
by  the  most  profound  perfidy.  All  those  who  know  M.  de 
Thugut  intimately  agree  in  declaring  that  he  is  cunning, 
indolent,  and  false  in  the  extreme.  His  countenance  con- 
firms this  idea,  and  perhaps  gave  rise  to  it.  Time  and 
facts  must  decide  on  the  justice  of  it." 

"  Take  Count  d'Aspre  to  ride  to-day  [March  30th],  and 
during  the  ride  the  conversation  turned  on  General  Wer- 
neck.  D'Aspre  acknowledges  that  he  dislikes  him  very 
much,  and  gives  as  a  reason  that  he  is  not  only  a  gambler, 
but  a  dishonest  gambler  ;  that  he  is  meanly  avaricious, 
that  he  is  a  petty  intrigant,  false,  deceitful,  profoundly  im- 
moral. He  acknowledges  that  he  is  brave  as  a  soldier, 
but  wants  the  firmness  and  decision  of  a  general.  He 
says  that  he  is  a  vain  boaster  of  female  favors,  and  that 
he  may  attribute  his  ruin  to  the  liberties  his  vanity  took 
with  the  Queen  of  Naples,  which  her  daughter  the  Em- 
press resents  in  a  high  degree.  He  says  Alvinzi  is  the 
best  general  they  have,  but  is  unfortunate.  The  retreat 
of  the  army  under  Claerfayt  is  mentioned,  and  the  part 
which  Werneck  had  in  it.  D'Aspre,  who  commanded  the 
rear-guard  tells  me  that  Werneck's  disposition  was  very 
bad,  and  that  he  owed  to  accident  only  that  he  was  not 
cut  to  pieces  ;  that  he,  D'Aspre,  lost  the  greater  part  of 
his  rear-guard  ;  that  Werneck  was  guilty  next  day  of  a 
breach  of  orders,  in  which  he  risked  the  loss  of  all  his 
baggage  without  reason,  and  that  he,  D'Aspre,  retired  by 


1798.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  349 

the  route  which  Werneck  ought  to  have  taken  without 
any  loss,  and  saved  the  baggage,  which  would  otherwise 
have  fallen  into  the  enemy's  hands.  D'Aspre's  account  is 
so  accurate  that  he  forces  my  belief.  He  speaks  (as,  in- 
deed, do  all  who  know  him)  very  highly  of  Mack.  He 
tells  me  that  he  has  been  assured  by  French  officers  that 
Bonaparte  is  deficient  in  courage,  and  that  in  the  great 
affair  where  he  gained  such  a  miraculous  victory  against 
Alvinzi  he  had  already  called  a  council  to  consider  whe- 
ther his  army  should  lay  down  their  arms,  when  a  negro, 
galloping  off  at  the  head  of  four  hundred  horse,  either 
from  the  effect  of  terror  or  in  a  fit  of  desperation,  struck 
a  panic  into  the  Austrian  irregulars,  who  had  performed 
acts  of  heroic  bravery  and  were  already  chanting  victory. 
This  communicated  itself  to  the  whole  line,  etc." 

"Dine  at  the  table  d'hdte  at  home  to-day  [April  nth]. 
General  Gontreuil  sits  next  me,  and  tells  me  that  he  es- 
caped the  pursuit  of  the  Municipaux  in  Brussels  by  the 
accident  of  having  been  delayed  a  day  longer  than  he  ex- 
pected at  Mons.  He  came  as  a  fugitive  through  Flanders, 
etc.,  and  brought  with  him  only  two  shirts  and  the  coat  on 
his  back,  having  left  carriage,  cash,  clothes,  etc.,  behind. 
He  says  that  until  he  declared  his  intention  to  continue  in 
the  Austrian  service  all  went  well,  but  from  that  moment 
the  officers  of  government  did  him  all  kinds  of  mischief. 
He  says  the  people  both  of  France  and  Flanders  are  very 
miserable  and  unhappy,  the  peasantry  not  ill  off,  the 
country  of  France  better  cultivated  than  before,  the  op- 
pression of  the  government  great  beyond  all  idea  which 
can  be  formed  of  it.     He  inveighs  against  the  French. 

"  General  Hotze,*  whom  I  meet  at  Mr.  Crauford's,  tells 

*  David  von  Hotze,  an  Austrian  general,  commanded  the  army  which 
was  opposed  to  Massena  in  Switzerland  in  1799.  He  was  killed  in  battle 
near  Zurich  in  September,  1799. 


350  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XXXIX. 

me  [April  12th]  that  the  Emperor  has  only  forty-three 
thousand  men  along  his  Italian  frontier,  but  that  they  may 
be  easily  re-enforced  to  one  hundred  thousand  from  Tyrol 
and  Dalmatia.  Mr.  Crauford  mentions  the  demand  of 
the  French  on  the  King  of  Savoy  for  permission  to  march 
thirty  thousand  men  through  his  country  into  Italy.  The 
Imperial  court  is  now  occupied  in  trying  to  obtain  from 
the  French  an  execution  of  that  part  of  the  treaty  which 
relates  to  the  Brabanters.  After  dinner  Mr.  Crauford 
and  I  take  an  airing  together,  and  while  we  are  driving 
he  complains  of  the  conduct  of  Sir  Morton  Eden  during 
the  war.  His  want  of  ability  has  proved  materially  inju- 
rious. He  has  even  neglected  and  contemned  the  advice 
given  him.  When  Beaulieu  was  appointed  to  the  com- 
mand in  Italy,  an  express  was  sent  to  request  he  would 
prevent  it,  because  of  the  utter  and  acknowledged  inca- 
pacity of  that  officer.  His  answer  was  that  he  knew  the 
party  opposed  to  Beaulieu  and  was  well  aware  that  envy 
was  the  inseparable  companion  of  superior  merit.  When 
he  was  requested  to  oppose  the  subsequent  appointment 
of  Wiirmser,  as  a  man  who  had  outlived  the  very  moderate 
share  of  abilities  he  once  possessed,  he  answered  that  the 
appointment  of  so  able  and  gallant  a  soldier  must  be  con- 
sidered as  a  proof  of  his  Imperial  Majesty's  determination 
to  prosecute  the  war  with  vigor.  He  remarks  on  the  in- 
capacity of  Lord  Elgin  to  conduct  the  affairs  committed  to 
him  at  Berlin,  and  states  to  me  that  Mr.  Whitworth,  the 
minister  at  St.  Petersburg,  is  a  very  gallant  soldier,  and  to- 
tally unqualified  for  a  diplomatic  character.  He  says  he 
is  quite  out  of  spirits  from  what  General  Hotze  has  told 
him  respecting  the  French  intrigues  for  two  years  in 
Switzerland,  and  the  evidence  of  similar  intrigues  in  this 
quarter.  He  mentions  to  me  whatGontreuil  has  told  him, 
viz.,  that  in  a  conversation  with  St.  Foix  and  Beaumar- 


1798]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  35 1 

chais  at  the  Bishop  d'Autun's,  St.  Foix  said  that  if  the 
greater  powers  of  Europe  should  form  a  league  against 
France,  they  might  yet  put  a  stop  to  the  torrent  which 
would  otherwise  overwhelm  them  ;  but  Beaumarchais  con- 
tended that  it  was  now  too  late,  and  they  recommended 
it  to  Gontreuil  to  continue  in  France,  and  send  back  his 
commission." 

"  Mr.  Crauford  comes  [April  i6th],  and  tells  me  he  is 
informed  from  very  good  authority  that  the  day  before 
yesterday  a  smart  altercation  took  place  between  M.  de 
Goertz  and  the  citizen  Treilhard.  *  M.  de  Goertzf  called, 
and  opened  the  conversation  by  observing  that  the  French 
procrastinated  so  much  the  conclusion  of  the  de^nitive 
treaty  that  it  gave  ground  to  the  assertions  of  some  per- 
sons pretending  to  be  well  informed,  that  they  had  views 
to  the  subversion  of  all  the  governments  in  Germany. 
Treilhard  replied  that  such  persons  were  liars  and  un- 
worthy of  all  credit.  Goertz  affected  to  be  pleased  with 
this  declaration,  but,  as  if  not  quite  thoroughly  convinced, 
drew  from  his  pocket  a  paper  containing  the  plan  in  de- 
tail for  revolutionizing  the  Empire.  Treilhard,  surprised 
but  not  abashed,  asserted  that  it  was  a  vile  forgery,  upon 
which  the  other  expressed  great  pleasure  and  requested 
a  written  declaration  that  it  was  false.  Treilhard  now  hesi- 
tated, and  declined.  When  pressed  he  refused,  and,  Goertz 
declaring  that  his  master  would  be  under  the  necessity  of 
exerting  all  the  means  in  his  power  to  counteract  the  at- 
tempts of  France,  Treilhard,  whose  choler  was  now  fully 
roused  by  the  wrathful  manner  of  his  antagonist,  told 
him  haughtily,  '  Monsieur,  nous   ne   sommes  pas,  a  cette 

*  Jean  Baptiste  Count  Treilhard,  one  of  the  Directory  from  May,  1798,  to 
June,  1799. 

t  Johann  Goertz  Count  of  Schlitz,  grand  master  of  the  wardrobe  to  Fred- 
erick William  II,  of  Prussia. 


35?  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXIX. 

heure,  k  craindre  ce  que  pourra  faire  votre  maitre.' 
'Monsieur,'  replied  Goertz,  *j'ai  done  ma  reponse.'  Tlie 
sovereigns  of  Europe  seem  to  have  the  choice  of  risking 
all  upon  the  great  game  of  war,  or  perishing  like  rats 
drowned  in  their  holes.  General  Gontreuil,  who  sat  next 
me  at  dinner  gave  a  different  version  of  the  conversation 
which  Crauford  repeated  to  me.  He  stated  the  conver- 
sation as  between  St.  Foix,  Beaumarchais,  and  himself 
only,  and  that  they  agreed  it  was  now  too  late  for  a  coali- 
tion to  do  anything  against  France.  Mr.  Crauford  also 
communicated  to  me  an  anecdote  on  the  subject  of  M. 
de  Lehrbach  which  is  important  in  various  points  of  view. 
M.  de  Hardenberg,  after  he  had  concluded  the  treaty  of 
Basle,  had  an  interview  at  Huningen  with  Barthelemy, 
Pichegru,  and  Merlin  de  Thionville,  and,  he  thinks  (but 
in  this  he  must  be  mistaken)  Tallien.  It  was  agreed 
to  put  the  Dauphin  on  the  throne  and  constitute  them- 
selves a  Council  of  Regency,  to  consist  of  themselves  and 
their  friends ;  to  maintain  all  the  existing  laws  against  emi- 
gration, etc.  Hardenberg  made  the  most  solemn  prom- 
ises not  to  communicate  this  secret  except  to  the  King 
his  master,  but  on  his  way  to  Berlin  gave  a  rendezvous  to 
Albin^,  the  favorite  and  probable  successor  of  the  Elector 
of  Mayence,  to  whom  he  communicated  it  in  confidence. 
Prussia,  being  very  desirous  at  that  time  of  having  the 
vote  of  Mayence,  Albine,  who  had  always  tried  to  keep 
fair  with  both  Austria  and  Prussia,  asked  an  interview  with 
De  Lehrbach,  who  unfortunately  reached  Frankfort  the 
same  day  with  Hardenberg,  and  told  it  to  him,  also  in  con- 
fidence. Lehrbach,  outrageous,  asked  an  interview  for 
the  next  day  with  Crauford,  and  told  it  to  him,  desiring 
he  would  immediately  transmit  the  intelligence  to  the 
British  Court,  and  observing  that  this  council,  appointed 
under  the  influence  of  Prussia,  would  throw  the  whole 


I798.J  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  353 

power  of  France  into  the  hands  of  the  Court  of  Berlin  ; 
that  he  had  ah^eady  dispatched  a  courier  with  the  intelli- 
gence and  his  observations  on  it  to  Vienna,  and  would 
take  care  to  make  it  known  to  all  the  cabinets  of  Europe. 
Crauford  told  him  that  he  was  not  surprised  at  his 
warmth,  thought  he  had  done  right  in  transmitting  the 
intelligence  to  his  Court,  and,  having  some  connection 
with  the  ministers  of  Britain,  would,  since  he  requested  it, 
give  them  the  same  information.  In  respect  to  the  thing 
itself,  Crauford  observed  to  him  that  he  could  not  but 
view  the  matter  in  another  light ;  that  as  to  the  future 
influence  of  Prussia  on  the  French  counsels  it  must  de- 
pend on  circumstances,  but  beyond  all  question  the  Re- 
gency would  not  feel  themselves  bound  any  longer  than 
might  be  necessary  to  their  own  views.  Consequently 
the  danger  apprehended  by  M.  de  Lehrbach  appeared  to 
him  both  remote  and  uncertain,  but  the  projected  change 
would  be  attended  with  great  and  immediate  advantage 
to  all  Europe  ;  that  it  would  be  a  complete  and  effectual 
answer  to  all  those  wild  principles  of  anarchy  which  the 
French  had  propagated.  The  demonstrated  necessity  of 
returning  to  a  monarchic  form  of  government,  in  order  to 
rescue  themselves  from  the  miseries  inflicted  under  the 
pretence  of  liberty  and  equality,  w^ould  form  a  better  se- 
curity to  the  thrones  they  had  attempted  to  overturn 
than  a  thousand  victories.  For  these  reasons  he  thought 
that  if  the  apprehended  danger  were  much  greater  than 
it  appeared  the  advantage  more  than  overbalanced  it. 
After  these  observations  Lehrbach  became  convinced, 
and  promised  not  to  divulge  any  further  the  secret,  but 
that  very  afternoon  communicated  it  to  the  Russian  min- 
ister, and  the  next  morning  to  Schwartzkopf,  the  Hano- 
verian resident,  desiring  him  to  transmit  it  to  the  Regency. 
The  French,  finding  themselves  betrayed,  were  of  course 
Vol.  II. — 23 


354     ■  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXIX, 

obliged  to  renounce  their  project ;  but  the  measures  they 
had  taken  could  not  be  recalled,  so  that  the  sudden  death 
of  the  child  became  necessary,  and  M.  Hardenberg  may 
thank  his  own  weakness,  Albine's  duplicity,  and  Lehr- 
bach's  madness  for  all  the  mischief  resulting  from  that 
second  murder,  which  cannot  in  fairness  be  laid  to  the 
doors  of  those  by  whom  it  was  commanded.  This  con- 
versation was  in  the  month  of  June,  1795." 

"  Mr.  Crauford  [April  i8th]  tells  me  that  the  Duke  de 
Biron  came  hither  disguised  to  request  that  the  King  of 
Prussia  would  re-establish  the  King  of  France.  Perhaps 
it  was  this  visit  which  brought  him  to  the  guillotine.  It 
is  indeed  not  improbable  that,  among  the  many  execu- 
tions which  took  place  under  what  is  called  the  reign  of 
Robespierre,  some  were  just.  On  the  present  occasion 
the  Committee,  convinced  of  the  Duke's  treason,  might 
have  found  it  impossible  and,  at  any  rate,  highly  impol- 
itic, to  bring  forward  the  proof  of  it." 

"  The  post  from  Vienna  brings  accounts  [April  20th] 
that  the  French  ambassador,  Bernadotte,  has  left  the 
city  in  consequence  of  a  riot  among  the  people  in  which 
the  standard  planted  before  his  door  was  pulled  down 
and  destroyed.  The  police  had  entreated  him  not  to  give 
this  cause  of  offence  or,  at  least,  to  give  them  time  to  rec- 
oncile the  people  to  it,  but  he  refused  in  a  high  tone. 
One  of  his  aides-de-camp  advanced,  it  is  said,  with  his 
sword  drawn,  against  the  mob,  and  but  for  the  timely  in- 
terference of  the  military  the  whole  of  them  might  have 
been  destroyed.  He  demanded  satisfaction  of  the  Court, 
and  the  Emperor  replied  that  he,  who  had  a  right  to  de- 
mand, could  not  think  of  giving  satisfaction,  upon  which 
Bernadotte  asked  for  passports,  and  set  off  the  next  morn- 
ing. His  obstinacy  on  this  occasion  implies  that  he  acted 
from  the  impulse  of  his  government,  and  hence  is  to  be 


1798.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  355 

drawn  the  conclusion  that  they  wish  to  renew  the  war  as 
a  pretext  (I  presume)  for  attacking  Naples.  Mr.  Crau- 
ford  tells  me  that  M.  de  Hohenlohe  has  been  some  time 
at  Vienna,  and  held  frequent  conferences  with  M.  de 
Thugut." 

"  General  Hotze  calls  on  me  this  morning  [April  28th]. 
He  has  deferred  his  departure  in  consequence  of  a  letter 
received  last  night  from  Switzerland.  The  Cantons  of 
Uri,  Schwyz,  and  Unterwald  are  determined  on  defending 
themselves,  and  have  requested  him  to  come  and  command 
them.  Instead  of  setting  off,  therefore,  he  comes  to  ask 
my  advice.  He  considers  their  efforts  as  unavailing,  un- 
less they  can  be  supplied  with  bread  and  salt.  I  recom- 
mend it  to  him  to  write  to  the  Baron  de  Thugut,  and,  in- 
forming him  of  the  state  of  things,  urge  an  immediate 
supply  of  these  articles  ;  to  reply  to  the  invitation  of  his 
countrymen  that  he  will  come  as  soon  as  he  shall  have 
been  able  to  obtain  means  needful  for  their  defence,  in  the 
procuring  of  which  he  is  occupied,  and  then  to  set  off  im- 
mediately for  Vienna ;  to  state  to  the  Imperial  Cabinet 
the  vast  importance  of  the  object,  and,  should  they  fear  to 
compromise  themselves,  obtain  what  he  wants  from  the 
English  minister.  He  likes  every  part  of  this  advice  ex- 
cept going  to  Vienna,  to  which  he  objects  from  the  feeble- 
ness of  that  Cabinet  and  the  necessity  he  was  under  be- 
fore of  keeping  himself  concealed.  He  agrees,  liowever, 
to  go  as  far  as  WUrzburg,  in  the  way  to  Vienna,  instead 
of  going  to  Fulda,  in  the  way  to  Hamburg.  I  think  he  is 
a  little  undecided  in  his  character,  and  certainly  does  not 
feel  that  high  spirit  of  freedom  which  renders  all  difficul- 
ties light  to  him  who,  hearing,  feels  the  voice  of  his  coun- 
try. Dine  at  home  in  consequence  of  some  expressions 
dropped  by  Colonel  Malcolm,  who  desires  an  interview. 
He  tells   me  his  mission  from  the  Court  of  St.  James's, 


356  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF      [  Chap.  XXXIX. 

which  is  a  strange,  disjointed  thing.  He  is  coupled  with 
M.  Joliv^,  a  young  Geneva  merchant,  who  holds  the 
purse-strings  which  may  be  opened  only  to  the  Govern- 
ment of  Berne,  now  dissolved.  He  also  desires  my  advice. 
I  tell  him  that  the  first  object  is  to  secure  ^10,000,  then 
to  set  off  for  Augsburg,  and  confer  there  with  the  avoui 
Stiger  ;  to  contract  with  traders  for  the  delivery  of  grain 
and  salt  at  different  places  in  the  resisting  cantons,  and 
inform  the  persons  to  whom  it  is  delivered  that  the  King 
of  England,  as  first  magistrate  of  a  free  people,  has  seen 
with  great  sensibility  those  efforts  which  are  worthy  of 
their  ancestors,  and  learned  at  the  same  time  that  the 
want  of  necessaries  might  render  their  courage  unavail- 
ing ;  that  His  Majesty  had  in  consequence  taken  imme- 
diate measures  to  send  them  a  small  present  supply,  as  a 
proof  of  his  affection,  until  measures  can  be  takeji  for 
their  more  effectual  relief.  As  the  colonel  is  in  a  state  of 
anxiety  and  indecision,  I  propose  to  bring  Crauford  into 
council,  which  he  seizes  with  eagerness.  Crauford  ap- 
proves highly  of  the  measure,  and  says  if  it  were  an  ob- 
ject of  only  ;^3,ooo  he  would  himself  advance  the  money. 
So  the  Colonel  goes  out  to  look  for  M.  Jolive,  and  see  if 
he  can  be  induced  to  come  forward  on  this  occasion  with 
the  needful  credit.  I  doubt  whether  he  has  the  credit. 
After  this  I  call  on  the  Elector  of  Cologne,  who  considers 
a  renewal  of  the  war  as  unavoidable,  though  the  period 
may  be  removed  for  some  months.  He  tells  me  it  is  not 
true,  as  I  had  been  made  to  believe,  that  Claerfayt's  inde- 
cision proceeded  from  the  orders  of  the  Court  ;  that  his 
conduct  in  Flanders  arose  from  a  phrase  in  the  Emperor's 
letter  to  the  Prince  de  Cobourg,  in  which  he  was  desired 
to  deliver  over  the  command  of  the  army  to  General 
Claerfayt  or  other  senior  officer,  whence  he  concluded 
that  he  did  not  enjoy  the  confidence  of  the  Cabinet,  and 


1798]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  35/ 

would,  if  unfortunate,  be  sacrificed.  Afterwards  the  Elec- 
tor saw  a  letter  from  the  Emperor  to  Claerfayt  directing 
him,  even  at  any  great  risk,  to  cross  the  Rhine  and  relieve 
Luxembourg,  which  Claerfayt  declined,  fearing  the  Prus- 
sians under  Hohenlohe,  and  sent  an  officer  to  expostu- 
late." 

"  Colonel  Malcolm  calls  [April  29th],  and  says  that  M. 
Joliv^  cannot  take  on  him  the  needful  advances  ;  so  this 
falls  to  the  ground.  Go  after  dinner  to  Offenbach,  and 
find  the  Prince  de  Reusse  in  bed  with  a  fever." 

"  It  is  said  [May  3d]  that  the  party  of  Barras  is  now 
uppermost  in  France,  and  Bonaparte  goes  in  consequence 
to  Rastadt.  This  comes  in  a  letter  from  a  well-informed 
person  to  M.  de  Vrinz,  The  French  Government,  I  hear, 
grows  uneasy  at  the  prospect  of  an  alliance  between  Prus- 
sia and  the  two  Emperors,  and  a  letter  from  Berlin  men- 
tions a  regular  demand  made  by  the  Directory  9n  the 
Prussian  administration  to  declare  what  part  the  King 
would  take  in  case  of  a  rupture  between  France  and  Aus- 
tria, adding  that  under  present  circumstances  the  Direc- 
tory could  not  permit  Prussia  to  preserve  an  apparent  neu- 
trality." 

"  Colonel  d'Aspre  calls  [May  8th],  and  tells  me  that 
Thugut  is  appointed  commissary  of  the  newly  annexed 
territories,  and  Cobenzel  *  is  placed  at  tlie  head  of  the 
administration,  from  which  he  augurs  pacific  intentions  at 
the  Imperial  Court.  He  confirms  an  account  I  had  for- 
merly heard,  viz.,  that  Cobenzel  showed  great  firmness  in 
the  conclusion  of  the  treaty  at  Campo  Formio,  and  had 
actually  sent  off  a  courier  with  orders  to  commence  hos- 
tilities after  Bonaparte  had  left  him  in  wrath,  and  after 

*  Count  Louis  von  Cobenzel,  an  Austrian  diplomatist,  ambassador  to 
Russia  in  1780,  signed  the  treaty  of  Campo  Formio  in  1797,  negotiated  the 
treaty  of  Lun6 villa  in  1801,  and  became  a  minister  of  state  at  Vienna. 


358  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XXXIX. 

his  return  and  the  final  agreement  a  counter-order  was 
despatched,  but  D'Aspre  and  his  Court  were  already  two 
hours  on  their  march  before  this  counter-order  reached 
them.  Dine  at  the  Sandhoff,  and  pass  the  evening  at 
Madame  de  Vrinz's.  M.  de  Forme,  who  comes  in,  has  re- 
ceived letters  which  announce  great  loss  by  the  French  ift 
forcing  the  passes  at  Appenzell,  and  that  the  Swiss  peas- 
antry are  in  general  rising  against  them  ;  also  that  the 
French  have  not  at  present  more  than  twenty-five  thou- 
sand men  in  Switzerland.  Sup  at  Mr.  Crauford's.  He 
tells  me  that  M.  de  Cobenzel  showed  (as  he  has  been  told) 
condescension  towards  the  French  deputation  at  Rastadt, 
amounting  even  to  meanness,  wherefore  he  apprehends 
his  appointment  to  be  a  Commissioner  to  the  Directory. 
M.  Chamot,  who  comes  in,  tells  us  that  this  appointment 
is  announced  already  in  the  Moniteur,  which  arrived  yes- 
terday, and  Thugut's  attachment  to  England  assigned  as 
the  cause.  D'Aspre  told  me  that  when  Cobenzel  left 
Rastadt  he  was  extremely  embittered  against  the  French 
commissioners  for  the  indignities  they  had  heaped  upon 
him." 

"  To-day  [May  9th],  after  dinner,  I  visit  the  Elector  of 
Cologne.  He  has  received  official  advice  of  the  appoint- 
ment of  M.  de  Cobenzel,  ad  interim,  but  he  reserves  his 
place  of  ambassador  at  Rastadt.  The  Elector  considers 
this  an  indication  of  pacific  sentiment.  Is  it  not  an  indi- 
cation of  weakness,  and  of  the  Christian  virtue,  poorness  of 
spirit  ?  Advices  are  received  that  the  Swiss,  after  great 
^  slaughter  of  their  enemies,  shut  up  in  one  of  the  valleys,  re- 
duced them  to  a  capitulation,  by  which  the  French  agree 
to  leave  them  masters  of  their  own  conduct  and  the  lib- 
erty to  adopt  such  form  of  government  as  they  may  think 
proper.  Mr.  Crauford  told  me  this  morning  that  while 
Jourdan  was  on  his  march  into  Franconia  the  aide-de- 


1798]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  359 

camp  left  behind,  and  who,  a  high  Jacobin,  was  charged 
with  the  secret  service,  used  to  boast  that  he  did  as  much 
for  the  Republic  as  any  of  her  generals,  and  one  day  read 
to  a  person  who  called  on  him  the  extract  of  a  letter  from 
Vienna  which  announced  the  continuation  of  the  war  as 
the  result  of  a  conference  between  the  Baron  de  Thugut 
and  the  Emperor,  in  consequence  of  a  courier  which  had 
arrived  from  London.  This  person,  casting  his  eye  on  the 
letter,  saw  that  it  contained  information  of  the  views  and 
intentions  of  the  Cabinet.  At  a  previous  period  advice 
was  received  from  Basle,  said  to  come  from  the  Chancel- 
lerie  of  M.  Barthelemy,  that  orders  were  issued  for  the 
march  of  twenty-five  thousand  men  under  Wurmser.  The 
Prince  Charles,  then  in  Frankfort,  was  asked  whether  this 
was  true.  He  said  that  he  knew  nothing  of  it,  and  did 
not  believe  it.  Next  day  he  received  the  advice  by  a  car- 
rier from  Vienna.  To  all  this  he  adds  another  anecdote, 
viz.,  that  such  convincing  proofs  were  given  to  M.  de 
Mercy  of  the  treachery  of  General  Fischer,  adjutant-gen- 
eral of  the  Prince  de  Cobourg,  that  he  waited  on  the 
Prince  and  laid  them  before  him.  This  weak  man,  in- 
stead of  putting  the  traitor  under  arrest  and  bringing  him 
to  trial,  contented  himself  with  sending  the  intelligence 
to  Vienna,  and  the  Court  thereupon  removed  Fischer 
from  the  adjutancy  in  Flanders  to  that  of  Italy.  Some 
time  after  he  had  been  there  he  shot  himself,  finding,  as 
Crauford  supposes,  that  his  tricks  were  again  discovered. 
Crauford  tells  me,  in  the  evening,  that  he  has  had  this 
afternoon  a  long  conversation  with  the  Elector  on  the 
subject  of  the  present  change  at  Vienna.  His  Highness 
thinks  it  important  that  Thugut  should  continue  in  the 
Council,  because  he  possesses  a  degree  of  firmness  which 
some  others  want.  He  attributes  the  ill-success  of  the  war 
to  bad  military  appointments,  and  these   to  the  zeal  of 


360  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XXXIX. 

Thugut,  who,  ignorant  in  tiiat  line,  and  ardently  desirous 
to  bring  matters  to  a  speedy  termination,  had  taken  up 
men  hastily  on  the  recommendation  of  others  without  con- 
sulting the  Marechal  de  Lacy,  who  alone  could  be  a  com- 
petent judge  of  their  abilities.  Crauford  does  not  seem 
to  have  been  struck  with  the  irony  of  the  word  zeal.  Colo- 
nel D'Aspre  said  to  me  this  morning  that,  in  consequence 
of  reiterated  applications  from  Bonaparte,  Count  Coben- 
zel  is  to  meet  him  at  Rastadt  for  the  purpose  of  termi- 
nating the  negotiations  for  peace  ;  that  the  Directory  post- 
pone till  that  be  settled  their  demand  of  satisfaction  for 
the  affair  of  Bernadotte,  and  that  the  Emperor  is  resolved 
to  risk  all  consequences  rather  than  give  any  such  satis- 
faction. AdvicQS  are  received  of  the  submission  of  the 
little  cantons.  They  agree  to  adopt  the  constitution  on 
condition  that  they  pay  no  contributions,  and  that  no 
French  troops  come  among  them.  It  is  said  that  M.  Co- 
benzel,  who  is  arrived  at  Rastadt,  and  expects  Bonaparte 
in  a  very  short  time,  is  directed  to  recur  to  the  principles 
of  the  treaty  of  Leoben.  He  is  to  object  to  the  cession  of 
the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine.  A  positive  refusal  is  to  be 
given  to  the  late  demand  of  a  post  opposite  Huningen, 
of  Rehl,  of  Cassel,  and  Ehrenbreitstein,  and,  in  case  the 
French  recalcitrate,  war  is  to  be  the  consequence,  the 
Courts  of  Vienna  and  Berlin  being  come  at  length  to  a 
good  understanding  together.  I  incline  to  think  that  this 
is  rather  the  wish  of  those  who  relate  it  than  the  history 
of  facts.  The  Duchess  of  Cumberland  says,  in  reply  to 
the  whole,  that  the  Landgrave  of  Cassel  has  lately  pur- 
chased Imperial  paper  ;  sufficient  proof  that  he,  who  is 
very  well  informed,  does  not  believe  in  war,  which  could 
not  but  depreciate  it." 

"  It  stands  confirmed  [May  14th]  that  the  deputation  of 
the    Empire  are   determined  to    refuse  the  last  demand 


1798.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  36l 

made  by  the  French.  This  looks  more  like  a  good  under- 
standing between  Berlin  and  Vienna  than  anything  which 
has  yet  appeared.  The  Prince  Repnin  has  been  prevented 
from  going  to  the  former  by  his  bad  health.  The  sending 
of  one  in  such  high  confidence  seems  to  augur  on  the  part 
of  Paul  a  disposition  to  be  busy." 

"  I  take  Mr.  Crauford  to  ride  with  me  after  dinner  [May 
15th],  and  he  tells  me  the  purport  of  information  received 
from  the  Prince  de  Reusse.  His  correspondent  at  Vienna 
told  him  that,  the  majority  of  the  Council  being  opposed 
to  Thugut,  he  told  the  Emperor  that  the  French  meant  to 
attack  him  as  soon  as  they  should  have  got  rid  of  what 
now  occupies  them,  wherefore  it  would  be  proper  to  pre- 
pare for  war  ;  that  since  His  Majesty  was  induced  to  en- 
tertain a  different  opinion  his  continuance  in  office  could 
not  be  useful,  and  might  be  pernicious.  Upon  representa- 
tions of  this  sort,  frequently  repeated,  the  Emperor  con- 
sented to  receive  his  resignation.  I  read  this  thing  a  little 
differently.  I  conclude  that  Cobenzel  had  been  told  by  the 
French  deputation  at  Rastadt  that  the  Directory  could  not 
consider  the  Emperor  as  disposed  to  be  on  good  terms 
with  them  so  long  as  he  kept  in  his  service  Thugut,  whom 
they  consider  as  sold  to  England  ;  that,  of  course,  until  he 
should  be  dismissed  they  could  not  act  towards  the  Im- 
perial Court  as  they  otherwise  might,  etc.;  that  upon  a 
representation  of  this  to  the  Emperor  by  Cobenzel  His 
Majesty  has  asked  Thugut  whether,  in  effect,  he  was  (as 
represented)  disposed  to  a  war  with  France,  and  then,  Thu- 
gut declaring  he  was  and  assigning  his  reasons,  the  Em- 
peror has  signified  to  him  that  unless  he  would  adopt  a 
different  opinion  he  could  not  retain  him  in  his  service. 
The  conversation  given  out  to  the  public  is,  I  presume,  an 
arrangement  to  save  the  Emperor's  dignity  (an  object 
which  is  not  effected),  and  contrived  by  Thugut,  who  is  a 


362  DIARY   AND    LETTERS    OF       [Chap.  XXXIX 

very  cunning  fellow,  to  answer  the  double  purpose  of  se- 
curing the  support  of  England  and  the  pension,  if  he  re- 
ceives one,  while  he  has  all  the  chances  of  a  future  misun- 
derstanding with  France,  in  spite  of  the  submissions  which 
may  be  made  to  avoid  it.  On  the  whole,  it  seems  pretty 
clear  that  Hotze's  idea  of  his  Court  is  perfectly  just,  and 
that  the  leading  feature  is  weakness." 

"After  dinner  [May  i6th]  I  go  to  Offenbach  to  visit 
the  Prince  and  Princess  de  Reusse.  He  takes  me  a  ride 
through  the  forest  of  Yssenburg.  His  letters  from  Vienna 
announce  that  the  Courts  of  Vienna  and  Berlin  are  well 
together.  The  first  act  of  Cobenzel's  administration  (or, 
rather,  the  first  step  after  his  arrival  at  Vienna)  was  to  send 
the  Prince  de  Reusse  full  powers  to  treat  with  the  Prussian 
Cabinet,  Cobenzel  has  orders  to  insist  that  the  Pope  have 
an  establishment  somewhere  ;  that  the  French  do  not  hold 
an  inch  of  ground  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Rhine,  and 
that  they  evacuate  Switzerland.  These  the  Prince  con- 
siders as  sine  qua  non  of  treaty.  While  we  are  walking  a 
person  overtakes  us,  and  I  am  not  a  little  surprised  to  see 
the  Chevalier  de  Graave.  He  comes  from  Switzerland, 
where  he  has  been,  as  I  had  heard,  a  commission-man  of 
British  merchants,  which  he  denies,  and  yet,  from  what  he 
afterwards  says,  it  seems  to  be  the  fact,  for  he  tells  me  he 
is  waiting  here  to  receive  and  despatch  some  goods.  He 
says  the  Directory  were  (as  he  was  informed)  much  alarmed, 
at  the  time  the  affairs  of  Switzerland  were  in  suspense, 
lest  Austria  and  Prussia  should  interfere.  This  I  think 
likely,  though  I  do  not  consider  the  Chevalier's  means  of 
information  as  the  best,  nor  his  mind  as  the  most  distin- 
guishing. I  call  on  the  Elector,  who  shows  me  a  copy  of 
a  circular  from  Thugut  announcing  that  His  Majesty, 
having  thought  proper  to  employ  the  Comte  de  Cobenzel 
in  an  important  mission,  he  has  resumed  the  conduct  of 


1798.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  363 

affairs  during  the  Count's  absence.  The  Elector  tells  me 
that  Cobenzel  had  a  conference  with  Mack,  to  prepare  the 
military  operations  in  case  the  negotiation  should  fall 
through,  and  has  brought  with  him  the  presents  to  be 
made  to  the  French  mission  on  the  conclusion  of  the 
peace.      Utroque  pardtus. " 

"  At  supper,  at  Madame  Sullivan's,  we  have  the  Marquis 
de  Grimaldi,  a  Venetian,  who  spent  some  time  at  Peters- 
burg, and  knew  M.  de  Cobenzel  there.  He  speaks  of 
him  as  a  lively,  pleasant,  weak  man  ;  totally  unfit  to  be 
charged  with  the  affairs  of  a  country  as  first  minister. 
Madame  Sullivan,  who  knows  Thugut  intimately,  says 
that  he  will  not  return  to  the  helm  ;  that  he  has  no  motive 
to  induce  him,  being  neither  avaricious  nor  ambitious, 
but  very  lazy.  Mr.  Crauford  tells  me  some  anecdotes  of 
Cobenzel's  conduct  at  Rastadt  little  suited  to  the  dignity 
of  his  master.  Mr.  Duff,  Lord  Fife's  son,  who  was  there, 
used  now  and  then  to  embarrass  him  by  making  up  in 
the  presence  of  the  French  deputation.  Cobenzel  had  the 
weakness  to  express  to  him  and  his  companion  his  regret 
that  he  could  not,  under  the  existing  circumstances,  show 
them  all  the  attention  which  he  wished.  Metternich,  who 
was  always  a  poor  creature,  was,  and  is,  equally  servile. 
Trielhard,  who  learned  and  observed  what  was  doing, 
and  who  is  not  remarkable  for  his  gentleness,  said  of  them: 
*Ce  sont  de  plates  betes;  ils  nous  craignent  et  nous  ha- 
issent." 

**  Go  [May  19th]  to  Wilhelmbad,  and  dine  with  the  Duch- 
ess of  Cumberland.  A  cook  she  had  borrowed  from  the 
Elector  is  taken  ill,  so  we  dine  from  the  gargotier,  and 
our  dinner  is  better  than  when  prepared  by  Xh^  faiseur  of 
his  Royal  Highness.  This  leads  to  a  conversation  re- 
specting the  quantum  which  the  Elector  swallows  in  the 
space  of  four  and  twenty  hours.     Miss   Lavvley  recounts 


364  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXIX. 

sundry  surprising  coups  de  goutte ;  that  which  strikes  me 
as  most  simple  and  easy  to  be  remembered  is  taken 
from  a  breakfast  he  gave  lately,  and  at  which  he  ate  up  a 
lamb.  Go  after  dinner  to  visit  the  Princesse  Hereditaire  of 
Cassel.  Her  insipid  husband  is  at  his  regiment.  It  is 
said  from  Rastadt  that  the  Austrian  and  Prussian  minis- 
ters hold  in  concert  a  firmer  language  to  the  French  dep- 
utation. Conversing  with  Mr.  Crauford  on  the  state  of 
past  affairs,  he  tells  me  of  a  proposition  made  by  leading 
men  in  the  Low  Countries  to  furnish  every  means  in  their 
power  for  the  purpose  of  taking  Lille,  which  was  alone 
to  cover  their  country.  The  offer  was  rejected  with 
wanting  haughtiness  amounting  to  insult.  In  the  battle 
of  Tournay,  where  the  French  left  ten  thousand  men  on 
the  field,  the  Duke  of  York,  who  commanded  the  left 
wing,  sent  there  repeated  messages  begging  permission 
to  attack,  but  the  Emperor  repeatedly  refused,  so  that  the 
enemy  were  permitted  to  retire  quietly  to  Lille  ;  and  dur- 
ing the  action  General proposed  to  Mack,  as  a  thing 

which  could  not  have  escaped  him,  the  placing  a  battery 
of  heavy  cannon  at  a  spot  which  would  enfilade  the 
French,  but  Mack,  who  was  nominally  quartermaster- 
general,  shrugged  up  his  shoulders,  the  meaning  of  which 
was  that,  in  effect,  he  had  no  command  ;  and  it  appeared 
afterwards  that  the  Prince  de  Waldeck  was  charged  with 
his  department.  In  the  battle  of  Fluenes  the  Austrians 
gained  a  victory,  but  Prince  Charles  was  not  permitted 
to  advance  and  push  the  French  into  the  Sambre,  a  thing 
unavoidable,  and  in  the  night  the  Austrians  were  ordered 
to  retreat.  In  short,  it  appears  evident  that  the  Imperial 
Cabinet  was  resolved  to  abandon  the  Low  Countries,  pre- 
serving always  the  appearance  of  being  forced  into  that 
measure.  It  is  not  probable  that  they  were  bribed  by  the 
French,  but  it  is  certain  that  a  conduct  more  treacherous 


1798.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  3^5 

to  their  allies,  their  subjects,  and  their  army  can  hardly 
be  imagined." 

"Mr.  Crauford  calls  [May  26th],  and  shows  in  a  news- 
paper the  ukase  of  the  Russian  Emperor  by  which  a  fleet 
of  ships  and  galleys  is  to  be  sent  to  the  Belt  to  protect 
the  free  commerce  of  the  Baltic  against  the  attempts  of 
France  to  bully  Denmark.  He  mentions  to  me,  also,  a 
failure  of  the  British,  which  is  announced  in  the  gazettes, 
but  which  I  can  scarcely  believe,  as  it  purports  a  descent 
near  Ostend,  where  they  must  have  been  morally  sure  of 
meeting  a  considerable  force  of  their  enemy.  The  Abbe 
Delille  is  at  Mr.  Crauford's.  He  is,  as  usual,  gay,  simple, 
and  good-humored." 

*'  To-day  [May  29th]  it  is  reported  that  the  English 
have  done  their  enemies  great  mischief  at  Ostend  and 
Dunkerque.  It  is  also  published,  since  two  days,  that 
they  have  been  repulsed  with  a  loss  of  near  two  thousand 
men.  Qucere.  A  person  in  the  service  of  France,  who 
dined  at  the  table  (Thdte,  entered  into  conversation  with 
me,  and  told  me  that  Bonaparte,  at  the  head  of  forty  thou- 
sand men,  takes  possession  of  Egypt,  ceded  by  the  Grand 
Seigneur,  and  then  marches  by  Arabia  over  the  desert  to 
Bassora,  at  the  head  of  the  Persian  Gulf,  and  so  across  Per- 
sia to  India.  He  has  secured  proper  intelligences  on  his 
route,  etc.  M.  Cobenzel  goes  to  France  to  meet  M.  Fran- 
9ois  Neufchateau,  a  new  step  towards  the  putting  off  of 
Imperial  dignity.  It  is  said  that  the  English  have  blown 
up  part  of  the  dike  and  laid  a  considerable  district  of  West 
Flanders  under  water. 

"  In  various  conversations  M.  Faugas  has  given  me  to  un- 
derstand that,  in  his  opinion,  France  can  only  be  happy  un- 
der a  monarchical  form  of  government,  and  that  her  long 
convulsions  must  terminate  there ;  that  no  peace  can  be 
expected  for  her  or  for  other  nations  so  long  as  the  great 


366  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XXXIX. 

criminals  are  in  possession  of  power  ;  and  these  he  after- 
wards explains  to  mean  those  who  voted  for  the  death  of 
the  King.  Sarivilliere  Lepaux,  who  was  one  of  them,  and 
with  whom  he  is  in  habits  of  confidential  intercourse,  he 
describes  as  an  honest  man  stung  with  remorse.  Carnot 
called  on  him,  knowing  his  intimacy  with  Lepaux,  to  en- 
treat he  would  use  his  influence  with  his  friend  and  pre- 
vent him  from  joining  the  other  two  Directors  against 
him  and  Barthelemy.  'Tell  him,'  says  Carnot,  'it  is  im- 
possible that  he  should  consider  me  as  a  royalist ;  tell 
him  that,  by  their  present  persecution,  they  labor  to  make 
Europe  forget  my  crimes.'  Lepaux,  after  the  great  stroke 
of  their  i8th  Fructidor,*  heard  of  Carnot's  visit  and  in- 
quired about  it ;  Faugas  acknowledged  the  fact,  and  re- 
lated the  subject  of  the  conversation,  declaring  that  he  had 
refused  meddling  and  had  not,  for  that  reason,  repeated 
it.  Lepaux  told  him  he  ought  to  have  charged  himself 
with  that  commission.  *  In  effect,'  says  he,  *  I  do  not  be- 
lieve in  the  pretended  conspiracy,  but  our  conduct  was 
dictated  by  a  sense  of  self-preservation  ;  had  we  remained 
quiet  we  were  undone.*  To  this  Faugas  replied  :  '  Have 
you  reflected  that  in  violating  the  Constitution  you  im- 
pose on  yourselves  the  necessity  of  frequent  violations  ? 
Do  you  consider  that  the  Jacobins,  whom  you  have  made 
use  of  on  this  occasion,  are  your  mortal  enemies,  and 
should  they,  by  these  or  other  means,  get  into  power  they 
will  accomplish  your  ruin  ?*  'We  would  not  give  place  to 
secondary  considerations — the  great  object  was  to  save 
ourselves.  Should  the  dangers  arrive  which  you  seem  to 
apprehend,  we  must  take  such  measures  as  prudence  may 
dictate  under  the  existing  circumstances.'  Faugas  tells 
us  that  the  Directory  is,  in  fact,  divided  into  two  parties, 
mortal  enemies  to  each  other  ;  that  Rewbell  has  far  more 
•  The  republican  triumph  of  the  i8th  Fructidor  (September  4),  1797. 


1798.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  367 

understanding  and  address  than  his  opponents,  but  is  cov- 
ered by  tlie  general  contempt  and  detestation  of  his  coun- 
trymen. Barras,  he  says,  is  now  well  advised  by  Bona- 
parte, whom  Faugas  considers  as  a  very  able  man.  The 
expedition  he  has  just  undertaken  will,  says  Faugas,  if 
successful,  cover  him  with  glory,  and  at  any  rate  secure 
him  against  a  new  Fructidor,  should  any  such  arrive."*^ 

"  The  British  gazette  to-day  [June  8th]  gives  an  ac- 
count of  the  expedition  sent  against  Flanders,  which  has 
produced  its  effect  by  destroying  the  Canal  of  Bruges, 
but  the  troops  are  lost  because  the  weather  was  such  that 
they  could  not  re-embark.  They  were  therefore  sur- 
rounded by  a  host  of  enemies,  and  compelled,  after  a  gal- 
lant resistance,  to  surrender.  Mr.  Crauford  gives  me  the 
history  of  how  he  became  acquainted  with  M.  Simolin,*  in 
answer  to  a  question  of  mine  to  that  effect.  Mr.  Crauford 
says  he  came  to  Paris  in  December,  1791,  and  continued 
there  till  April,  1792.  By  the  by,  this  is  nearly  the  time 
in  which  I  was  absent  from  it.  He  endeavored  to  per- 
suade the  King  and  Dauphin  to  leave  France — a  thing 
which  he  says  the  British  Government  desired  as  a  means 
of  saving  the  King,  and  even  the  monarchy.  Crauford 
saw  the  royal  consorts  two  or  three  times  a  week  regu- 
larly, and  the  plan  of  the  flight  was  arranged  ;  but  the 
Queen  changed  her  mind,  as  usual,  and  declared  she 
would  never  separate  her  fortunes  from  those  of  the  King. 
This  determination,  so  often  resumed  or,  rather,  as  I  think, 
instilled,  proved  her  ruin.  While  that  affair  was  in  agi- 
tation the  King  expressed  a  wish  to  send  some  person 
to  the  Emperor  and  Empress  of  Russia  to  request  they 
would  not  listen  to  the  wild  project  of  his  brother's,  which 

*  Johann  Mathias  Simolin,  an  eminent  diplomatist,  who  was  employed  by 
Catharine  of  Russia  on  important  missions  to  Austria,  Denmark,  Sweden, 
and  England. 


I 


368  DIARY   AND   LETTERS    OF        [Chap.  XXXIX. 

could  not  but  terminate  in  his  ruin  and  that  of  his  fam- 
ily. His  Majesty  wished  also  to  send  off  various  papers 
which  might,  if  discovered,  prove  ruinous  to  individuals, 
and  which,  nevertheless,  he  wished  to  preserve.  Crauford 
mentioned  Simolin  as  a  proper  person  ;  was  charged  to 
sound  him  on  the  subject.  Simolin  promised,  had  an  in- 
terview on  the  subject,  and  was  penetrated  by  the  affect- 
ing manner  in  which  the  King  mentioned  the  necessity  he 
was  under  of  applying  on  so  delicate  a  subject  to  the  min- 
ister of  a  foreign  court.  In  effect,  it  was  a  hard  measure. 
Simolin  went  to  Vienna,  and  Leopold  adopted  the  plan 
chalked  out  to  him.  Simolin  spent  two  hours  in  his  cabi- 
net the  evening  on  which  he  was  attacked  by  his  last  illness. 
The  Empress  approved  of  his  conduct  in  charging  himself 
with  the  commission,  directed  him  to  come  on  to  Peters- 
burg, and  received  him  most  graciously.  She  read  the 
affecting  letters  which  the  King  and  Queen — especially  the 
latter — had  written,  but  without  showing  the  least  emo- 
tion ;  neither  did  she,  in  consequence  of  them,  or  of  any- 
thing Simolin  could  say,  alter  her  conduct  in  the  least. 
Crauford  says  he  has  often  thought  on  this  subject,  and 
lost  himself  as  to  the  cause  of  her  pertinacity.  Sometimes 
he  is  led  to  attribute  it  to  a  story  told  her  of  offensive  ex- 
pressions used  on  her  subject  by  the  Queen  ;  sometimes 
to  a  desire  that  France  might  be  incapacitated  from  op- 
posing her  ambitious  views  on  the  side  of  Constantinople, 
etc.  I  tell  him  that  there  seems  to  be  a  much  simpler 
reason,  parallel  to  cursory  observation.  She  could  not  but 
have  observed  that  weakness  was  the  predominant  trait  of 
character  both  in  the  King  and  Queen.  She  knew,  also, 
in  common  with  all  Europe,  that  His  Majesty's  breth- 
ren contended  for  the  principles  of  divine,  indefeasible 
right  in  kings.  The  Empress,  from  her  character  and 
from  the  circumstances  in  which  she  was  placed,  had  less 


1798]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  ^  369 

disposition  than  any  other  person  to  admit  the  rights  of 
subjects  to  modify  the  supreme  power.  This  seems  to  me 
the  sufficient  clew  for  unravelling  not  only  that  part  of 
her  conduct,  but,  indeed,  her  whole  system  as  to  the 
French  Revolution. 

"We  have  to-night,  at  Madame  Sullivan's  birthday 
party,  a  large  number  of  guests,  among  whom  is  an  Italian 
improvisatore,  who  is  great  in  his  art.  He  spouts  verses 
on  any  subject  extempore,  in  a  kind  of  recitation  where 
the  measure  of  the  lines  may  easily  (I  think)  be  length- 
ened or  shortened.  He  has,  however,  considerable  genius, 
and  gives  to  Bethman  a  sharp  reprimand  for  indecorous 
treatment,  two  days  ago,  at  his  house." 

"A  report  is  in  town  [June  13th]  that  Admiral  Nelson 
has  beaten   the   French  fleet  in  the  Mediterranean,  and 
taken  Bonaparte  prisoner." 
Vol.  II. — 24 


3/0  DIARY   AND   LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  XL. 


CHAPTER  XL. 

Morris  bids  farewell  to  his  friends  in  Europe.  Returns  to  America. 
Difficulties  of  the  voyage.  Rebuilds  his  house  at  Morrisania. 
Pressed  by  friends  once  more  to  enter  public  life.  Hamilton  especi- 
ally solicitous  that  he  should  do  so.  Death  of  Washington.  Morris 
pronounces  his  funeral  oration.  Elected  United  States  Senator  in 
April.  Journey  to  Northern  New  York.  Niagara.  Letter  to  James 
Parish.  Enthusiastic  description  of  the  climate  and  prospects  of 
America. 

THE  time  Morris  had  fixed  for  his  return  to  America 
drew  near,  and  regretfully  he  bade  a  final  farewell 
to  the  society  at  Frankfort.  "The  Prince  de  Reusse,  Mr. 
Crauford,  and  M.  Simolin  call  to  take  leave  of  me,"  he 
says,  June  14th.  "The  Prince  and  Crauford,  are  strongly 
affected,  and  even  Simolin  is  more  so  than  I  should  have 
suspected." 

From  Frankfort  he  went  to  Altona,  there  to  make  prepa- 
rations for  crossing  the  Atlantic  ;  for  it  required  time  and 
much  judgment  to  find  and  examine  a  ship,  proper  in  its 
appointments  and  condition,  for  so  long  and  perilous  a 
voyage.  Madame  Leray  and  her  children  were  to  be 
Morris's  companions  on  shipboard — making  the  choice 
of  a  vessel  even  more  than  ordinarily  important.  But 
although  annoyed  by  much  tiresome  preparation  for  his 
journey,  Morris  still  continued  the  entries  in  his  diary, 
recording  the  public  news,  the  kindness  of  friends,  and 
various  more  or  less  interesting  items  of  gossip  ;  among 
them,  the  news  that  Baron  d'Escar  "  has  married  Madame 


1798.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  .  3/1 

de  Nadaillac,  who  has  gone  back  to  France,  leaving  the 
Baron  at  Hamburg."  "The  Baron,"  Morris  says,  "tells 
me  that  the  Court  of  Berlin  will  submit  to  anything 
rather  than  quarrel  with  France."  "The  French  have 
taken  Malta  [July  12th],  the  news  of  which  arrived  yes- 
terday morning.  There  are  flying  reports  that  hostilities 
are  to  begin  again  in  Germany." 

"M.  de  Lafayette  called  on  me  [July  24th],  and  asked  my 
advice  whether  he  should  go  out  immediately  to  America, 
or  stay  a  while  longer.  I  tell  him  that  he  had  made  up 
his  mind  to  stay  ;  this  he  blushingly  acknowledges.  I 
then  tell  him  that  it  would  have  been  well  to  have  gone 
out  immediately,  but  as  he  has  staid  so  long  I  don't  think 
it  can  make  any  difference  should  he  remain  a  little 
longer.  He  again  consults  me  as  to  his  future  motions, 
but  as  I  know  that  this  is  more  the  effect  of  habit  than 
anything  else,  I  take  little  heed  as  to  the  answer.  Always 
declaring  his  resolution  to  lead  a  private  life,  he  sighs 
still  for  an  opportunity  of  appearing  again  on  the  public 
theatre." 

"It  is  said  [August  ist]  that  the  news  from  Rastadt  are 
pacific.  The  French  Directory  seem  a  little  alarmed  at 
the  state  of  things  in  America,  and  desirous  of  reconcilia- 
tion. There  has  been  an  embargo  laid  in  France  on 
American  ships." 

"All  the  letters  from  Italy  [August  loth]  announce  a 
victory  over  the  French  in  the  Mediterranean." 

"A  newspaper  from  Philadelphia  has  been  shown  to 
me  [August  15th]  with  the  form  of  a  law  now  in  agitation 
(i.e.,  when  the  paper  was  printed),  being  a  declaration  of 
war  against  France.  Captain  Barclay  tells  me  that  Gen- 
eral Washington  takes  command  of  the  American  army 
of  fifty  thousand  men.  Some  privateers  are  already 
brouarht  in." 


372  .         DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XL. 

"  To-day  [August  20th]  the  accounts  from  the  fountain- 
head  in  France  show  that  they  wish  to  avoid  a  war  with 
America.  It  seems  certain  that  Nelson  has  overtalcen 
Bonaparte  and  iiad  a  successful  action,  but  the  particulars 
are  yet  unknown." 

"  It  appears  now  [August  29th]  that  the  French,  under 
Bonaparte,  have  reached  Alexandria  without  accident  and 
taken  possession  of  it.  The  Directory  have  taken  off  the 
embargo  on  American  vessels,  but  tiiat  is  not  publicly 
known.  They  have  also  applied  to  the  Dutch  to  become 
mediators  with  America,  By  accounts  from  Frankfort 
it  would  seem  that  a  war  is  like  to  take  place  between  the 
Emperor  and  France." 

"To-day  [August  31st]  Mr.  Parish  and  I  go  on  board  two 
ships.  The  one  called  the  Ocean  we  shall  go  in  for 
America  ;  examine  the  accommodations  for  ourselves  and 
horses,  and  see  the  captain  of  the  ship,  who  recommends 
a  man  to  furnish  me  with  stores.  The  captain  is  rather 
an  assuming  man,  who  must  be  kept  off.  On  further  ac- 
quaintance he  shows  himself  off  as  a  most  disagreeable 
and  impertinent  fellow  ;  so  we  break  w^ith  him,  and  must 
look  out  for  another  ship.  Mr.  Parish  goes  to  look  at 
other  ships  and  finds  none  which  are  convenient,  and,  as 
the  captain  is  coming  to  and  offers  for  thirty  guineas  ad- 
ditional to  accede  to  our  terms,  it  is  finally  decided  that 
the  Ocean  is  to  receive  us." 

"The  news  to-day  [September  14th]  are  that  the  French, 
who  had  landed  from  eight  to  twelve  thousand  men  in 
Ireland  early  in  September,  have  made  some  progress  in 
Ireland  and  repulsed  General  Lake,  but  Lord  Cornwallis 
was  collecting  in  force  to  surround  them.  The  people 
have  not  joined  them  in  any  numbers.  Call  on  the  Duch- 
ess of  Cumberland  to-day.  She  is,  as  usual,  sharp  as  vine- 
gar.    She  seems  to  have  been  born  in  the  Opposition." 


1798.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  373 

"We  hear  [September  19th]  that  the  French  troops  in 
Ireland  have  surrendered  at  discretion." 

"There  is  an  account  arrived  [September  21st]  that 
Nelson  has  destroyed  the  French  fleet  in  the  Bay  of  Alex- 
andria, that  Bonaparte's  army  has  suffered  both  from  the 
Arabs  and  by  an  inundation  of  the  Nile,  and  that  the 
Grand  Seigneur  has  declared  war  against  France.  All 
this  taken  together  (though  possible)  is  too  much  to  be 
believed.  The  first  article  is  not  unlikeh-,  and,  should  it 
be  verified,  may  have  given  ground  for  the  last,  but  the 
overflowings  of  the  Nile  are  phenomena  so  regular  that 
Bonaparte  cannot  be  ignorant  of  them,  and  the  Arabs  are 
too  far  from  the  Nile  to  render  credible  a  catastrophe  in 
which  both  take  a  share." 

"The  account  of  the  destruction  of  the  French  fleet  is 
confirmed  [September  22d]  and  of  the  war  between  the 
Turks  and  the  French." 

"The  English  mail  [October  ist]  brings  no  news  except 
the  sailing  of  the  Brest  fleet,  destined  unquestionably  for 
Ireland.  It  came  out  after  the  gale  of  the  12th,  which 
drove  Admiral  Bridport  from  his  station." 

"  The  German  paper  [October  2d]  contains  the  details 
of  Admiral  Nelson's  victory.  The  attack  was  one  of  the 
boldest  and  the  victory  one  of  the  greatest  ever  obtained 
or  made.  The  French,  though  beaten,  w*ere  not  dishon- 
ored. Their  resistance  was  exceeded  only  by  the  assault. 
The  Turk  has  declared  war.  Naples  is  to  be  invaded,  and 
thus  the  east  of  Europe  is  leagued  against  the  great  na- 
tion— great  in  her  enterprise,  great  in  her  resource,  and 
great  in  crime.  Whether  she  will  be  great  in  her  fall 
remains  to  be  decided." 

"  The  gale  which  has  blown  for  several  days  has  sub- 
sided [October  3d],  and  the  sea  grown  smoother.  All  our 
effects  are  sent  on  board  of  the  ship,  and  at  ten  o'clock  I 


374  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XL. 

receive  notice  that  we  must  go  on  board  early  to-morrow 
morning." 

"  This  morning  at  nine  [October  4th]  we  go  on  board  a 
boat,  and  follow  the  ship  down  to  the  road  of  Gluckstadt. 
Very  fine  weather,  with  easterly  wind.  The  ship  gets  un- 
der way,  and  we  part  with  our  friend  Leray,  which  is, 
after  all  preparation,  a  painful  thing  for  his  wife.  We  de- 
ceive her,  therefore,  and  he  is  off  before  she  knows  a  word 
of  the  matter.  We  come  to  a  little  to  the  eastward  of  Cux- 
haven,  as  the  darkness  prevents  us  from  seeing  the  buoys." 

By  the  7th  of  October  the  Ocean  and  her  small  party 
of  passengers  fairly  started  on  the  voyage,  which,  with 
all  the  changes  of  wind  and  weather,  the  high-running 
seas,  which  "  tumbled  everything  topsy-turvy  and  made 
sleep  and  rest  impossible,"  was  to  last  until  the  first  day  of 
December.  On  Sunday,  October  14th,  the  sea  was  so 
rough  that  Morris  says:  "I  am  obliged  to  keep  my  bed 
to-day  and  yesterday,  because  of  its  being  impossible  to 
conveniently  quit  it.  One  of  my  horses  is  dead.  They 
had  placed  the  poor  animal  in  such  a  situation  that  one 
of  the  ship's  bolts  was  directly  behind  his  rump,  and  at 
every  send  of  the  sea  it  gored  him,  and  that  for  several 
days  before  it  was  discovered,  so  that  his  mangled  flesh 
mortified.  A  few  days  later  another  of  my  horses  dies  of 
his  bruises,  and  is  committed  to  the  waves." 

"  At  noon  to-day  [October  30th]  we  are  stopped  by  the 
Agincourt  for  about  an  hour  and  a  half.  The  Admiral  is 
out  cruising,  with  a  number  of  frigates.  He  tells  us  there 
are  a  great  number  of  cruisers,  British  and  American, 
along  our  coast,  to  protect  the  commerce  against  French 
privateers.  We  get  an  observation  this  day,  and  find  our 
latitude  46°  48'.  The  longitude,  by  my  computation,  is 
42°  28'  37".  The  Agincourt  is  three  days  from  St.  John's. 
The  officer  who  came  on  board  would  not  tell  us  their 


1798]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  3/5 

reckoning  of  longitude,  but  they  had  light  winds  the  first 
two  days.  One  of  the  boat's  crew  says  they  had  soundings 
yesterday  at  three  o'clock  on  the  bank.  This  must  be  the 
outer  bank,  and  as  that  is  in  47°  N.  and  45°  W.,  it  would 
agree  with  my  reckoning." 

"  Yesterday  [November  i  ith]  we  had  scarce  wind  enough 
to  keep  the  ship  steady,  and  it  kept  veering  about  till,  to- 
wards evening,  it  got  to  the  north.-northeast,  and  we  went 
on  till  near  midnight,  when  it  had  risen  so  high  that 
the  captain  laid  the  ship  to.  This  morning  there  is  a 
heavy  sea  going,  and  a  Frenchman,  who  had  shipped  as  a 
seaman,  fell  from  the  shrouds  into  the  sea  and  was 
drowned  ;  for,  though  they  threw  him  a  rope  and  he  got 
hold  of  it,  he  had  not  strength  to  keep  his  hold.  On  ex- 
amining his  chest  they  find  a  great  deal  of  clothes  of  a 
kind  much  finer  than  is  generally  used  by  seamen.  His 
manners,  they  say,  were  mild  and  gentle,  and  that  he  was 
not  a  good  sailor ;  from  all  which  it  is  to  be  conjectured 
that  he  had  seen  better  days,  and  adds  one  more  to  the 
numerous  victims  of  the  French  Revolution." 

"  I  find  [November  15th]  that  the  captain  has  not  above 
twenty  days'  provisions  left  for  his  crew,  and  we  have 
something  more  than  five  hundred  miles  before  we  are  up 
with  the  Hook." 

"At  midnight  [November  29th]  the  mate  told  me  we 
were  on  soundings,  and  from  the  account  of  the  currents 
we  ought  to  have  been  so,  but  this  morning  we  can  get 
no  bottom.  I  am  therefore  determined  to  trouble  myself 
no  more  with  keeping  a  reckoning,  since  either  currents,  or, 
what  is  more  probable,  the  inability  of  the  men  at  the  helm, 
render  all  calculation  little  more  than  mere  conjecture." 

"  To-day  [November  30th]  we  see  a  schooner  from  Block 
^Island,  so  we  stand  on  for  Montauk  Point,  with  a  view  of 
getting  into  Rhodes  Island  Harbor." 


37^  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  XL. 

The  question  on  the  ist  of  December  was  whether  to 
run  blindly  on  and  try  to  make  Montauk  Point,  with  a 
view  to  getting  into  Rhode  Island  Harbor,  or  be  surprised 
by  a  change  of  wind  to  the  northwest,  which  would  "oblige 
the  Ocean  to  seek  refuge  in  the  West  Indies."  Quite  un- 
certain where  he  was  and  what  to  do,  the  captain  applied 
to  Morris  for  advice.  "  I  tell  him  that  if  I  were  in  his  sit- 
uation, wanting  provisions,  I  would  certainly  run  into  the 
first  port  or  place  where  I  could  secure  myself  against 
being  blown  off ;  that  I  think,  moreover,  the  passage 
through  the  Sound  is  a  very  safe  one."  Just  at  this  mo- 
ment a  schooner  from  Baltimore  informed  the  captain  of 
the  Ocean  of  his  position  regarding  Montauk  Point,  and 
that  evening  the  vessel  was  safely  anchored  in  Rhode 
Island  Harbor.  Dirty  weather,  snow,  and  rain  made  the 
voyage  through  the  Sound  for  some  days  impossible  ;  and 
it  was  not  until  the  12th  of  December,  after  innumerable 
worries  and  anxieties,  that  the  party,  having  transferred 
themselves  and  their  luggage  to  another  vessel,  started  for 
New  York.  Here  again  the  delays,  by  reason  of  the 
weather  and  inefficient  and  drunken  seamen,  were  to  the 
last  degree  harassing. 

"We  had  hopes  of  getting  off  last  night,  but  were  de- 
ceived, and  so  must  build  up  a  new  fabric  of  hope  for  the 
night  to  come.  Patience,  patience,"  Morris  says,  in  the 
diary  of  the  12th,  but  the  hope  was  again  futile,  for  after 
reaching  Point  Judith,  "a  tedious  and  dangerous  busi- 
ness," they  were  obliged  to  put  back  to  Newport,  there  to 
remain  till  the  19th,  when  they  made  a  new  departure. 

"  This  morning  [December  26th]  is  employed  by  me  in 
sleeping,  as  I  was  awake  all  last  night,  partly  from  the 
tempest  and  partly  from  my  care  of  little  Poupon,  Ma- 
dame Leray's  child,  whose  nurse  brought  him  to  me  to 
keep  out  of  the  water  with  which  her  bed  was  overflowed." 


1798.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  377 

"  We  have  a  tumbling  night.  Friday  and  Saturday  [De- 
cember 2ist  and  22d],  we  make  some  progress,  but  come 
to  anchor  each  night,  owing  to  snow-storms  and  darkness. 
On  Sunday  the  23d  we  get  off  Throgg's  (or  Frog's)  Point, 
and,  the  wind  serving  us,  we  reach  New  York  at  half  an 
hour  after  two.  Many  of  my  friends  come  on  board  to 
see  me.  With  Mr.  Constable  I  go  and  take  lodgings  in  the 
Government  House.  After  dinner  many  friends  come,  and 
it  seems  as  if  I  were  not  an  unwelcome  guest  in  my  native 
country.  Colonel  Hamilton,  now  General  Hamilton, 
comes,  whom  I  am  very  glad  to  see.  I  take  occasion  to 
let  them  know  early  my  intention  to  lead  a  private  life." 

"I  sit  down  to  write  [December  25th],  but  am  inter- 
rupted by  a  succession  of  visitors.  My  farmer,  Gibson, 
comes  to  state  in  some  degree  the  situation  of  my  farm. 
Dine  with  Mr.  Church.  General  Hamilton  comes  with 
me,  and  tells  me  the  state  of  our  affairs.  He  wishes  me  to 
take  a  share  in  the  administration." 

"  Dine  at  Colonel  Troup's  [December  29th],  who  is  still, 
as  ever,  a  pleasant,  laughing  fellow.  Stay  late  and  sup, 
which  is  not  wise." 

"  Mr.  Low  calls  this  morning  [December  30th],  and 
takes  me  to  his  seat  in  Trinity  Church,  where  Mr.  Bache 
preaches  a  theological  sermon.  The  news  is  come  that 
the  French  Brest  fleet  has  been  defeated  without  effecting 
a  landing  in  Ireland,  that  Bonaparte's  transports  are  de- 
stroyed, and  that  his  army  is  reduced  to  ten  thousand  men. 
This  last  part  is,  I  fancy,  premature." 

"  To-day  [January  5th]  I  dine  at  home  and  go  after  din- 
ner to  my  house  at  Morrisania,  where  I  arrive  at  dusk, 
after  an  absence  of  above  ten  years." 

With  apparently  no  regret  for  the  gay  life  of  foreign 
courts,  in  which  he  had  moved  so  long,  Morris  threw  him- 
self with  all  his  natural  energy  into  the  affairs  of  his  farm. 


3/8  DIARY   AND   LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  XL. 

He  rebuilt  his  house,  which  he  found  in  an  unfit  con- 
dition to  receive  the  many  articles  of  furniture  he  had 
brought  home  with  him,  and  personally  inspected  the 
stones  for  the  house  as  they  were  taken  from  the  quarry 
on  his  farm.  He  laid  out  roads,  superintended  their  con- 
struction himself,  and  in  the  course  of  the  summer  made 
himself  quite  familiar  with  the  large  farm  of  fifteen  hun- 
dred acres  which  he  sometimes  said  he  had  '*  rashly  "  un- 
dertaken to  improve.  In  the  spring  of  1799  (April  i6th) 
Morris  journeyed  to  Philadelphia,  stopping  along  the 
route  to  visit  various  friends.  His  object  in  Philadelphia 
was  to  visit  his  old  friend  Robert  Morris,  the  financier — 
then  in  prison  for  debt — with  whom  he  had  been  so 
closely  associated  before  he  left  America,  and  whose  af- 
fairs had  taken  him  to  Europe. 

"  I  am  strongly  affected,"  Morris  says,  "  by  the  situation 
of  my  poor  friend,  and  he  seems  equally  so.  Mrs.  Morris, 
who  is  with  him,  puts  on  an  air  of  firmness  which  she  can- 
not support,  and  was  wrong  to  assume."  The  next  day 
Morris  dined  with  his  friends  in  the  prison.  "  Morris  and 
his  family,"  he  says  of  them,  "are  in  high  spirits,  and  I 
keep  them  so  by  a  very  lively  strain  of  conversation,  but 
see,  with  infinite  concern,  that  his  mind  is  more  made  up 
to  his  situation  than  I  could  have  believed.  Mr.  Ross 
speaks  to  me  of  Robert  Morris's  situation,  and  says  he  be- 
haved very  ill.  Mr.  Fitzsimmons  tells  me  that  he  is  com- 
pletely ruined  by  advances  to  Robert  Morris.  Another 
man  has  sunk  ^80,000  in  the  vortex.  Mr.  Morris  tells  me 
that  my  share  of  the  Genesee  lands  has  swept  off  what  I 
owed  to  him,  without  which  I  should  have  been  consider- 
ably in  his  debt." 

"  The  Chevalier  d'Orl^ans  comes  to  me  [May  2d],  and 
I  deliver  him  a  blank  form  of  attorney  and  a  certificate 
of   citizenship.     General    Dickinson,  with  whom    I    dine, 


1799  ]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS,  379 

seems  desirous  of  knowing  whether  I  intend  to  marry.  I 
am  toid  that  Miss  Dickinson's  family  wish  me  to  espouse 
her.  She  is  spoken  of  as  a  very  fine  young  woman,  and  I  an- 
swer, in  general  terms,  that  such  a  thing  i»  not  impossible." 

Here  was  an  opportunity  most  congenial  to  the  match- 
making mamma,  and  not  to  be  lost,  if  possible.  But  this 
courtier  was  proof  for  some  years  longer  against  the  be- 
seiging  friendly  enemy,  and  the  charms  of  Miss  Bayard 
and  of  Miss  Schuyler  failed  to  carry  the  fortress  that  had 
already  resisted  the  blandishments  of  the  ladies  of  France. 
Morris  quietly  went  on  with  his  work  at  Morrisania,  and 
kept  his  house  open  to  all  comers,  from  the  Chevalier 
d'Orleans  and  his  suite  to  the  poorest  man  who  wanted  a 
dinner.  A  propos  of  M.  d'Orleans,  Morris  makes  an  entry 
in  his  diary  to  this  effect: 

''Yesterday  my  coachman  overturned  M.  d'Orleans' 
chair,  so  I  must  dismiss  him." 

Morris's  friends  pressed  him  hard  to  engage  in  public 
life  ;  "which  I  decline,"  he  says,  "though  they  assure  me 
it  is  deemed  necessary  by  all  my  friends.  Hamilton  tells 
me  I  must  take  an  active  part  in  our  public  affairs,  for  that 
the  Anti-Federalists  are  determined  to  overthrow  our 
Constitution.  This  is  a  painful  idea,  every  way."  But, 
apparently,  superintending  the  gathering  in  of  the  apples, 
the  cutting  up  of  hogs  and  beef  and  storing  them,  wholly 
occupied  Morris's  time,  and  the  novelty  of  the  work 
satisfied  his  ambition,  for  the  moment  at  least.  It  was, 
however,  not  for  long  that  he  was  allowed  to  indulge  in 
these  bucolic  pursuits,  so  congenial  to  his  taste,  for  on 
Thursday,  December  19,  1799,  the  news  of.  Washington's 
death  came,  and  at  the  same  moment  a  request  from  the 
corporation  of  New  York  that  Morris  should  pronounce 
the  funeral  oration.  "  This  request,"  he  says,  "  is  dis- 
tressing, and  I  pray  time  till  to-morrow  to  consider." 


380  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XL. 

"On  Sunday  [December  29th]  Mr,  and  Mrs.  Hammond 
and  the  Chevalier  d'Orleans  and  his  brethren  pass  the 
evening  here.  I  read  my  oration  for  them,  as  I  am  told 
no  tickets  will  be  given." 

"At  eleven  o'clock  this  morning  [December  31st]  I  go 
to  St.  Paul's  Church.  The  procession  does  not  arrive  till 
after  three,  and  we  do  not  get  away  till  six.  Pronounced 
my  oration  badly." 

"  To-day  [January  ist]  I  have  a  number  of  visitors, 
among  them  a  deputation  from  the  *  Cincinnati,'  to  re- 
quest a  copy  of  my  oration  for  the  press.  This  morning  I 
had  already  sent  it,  on  a  request  of  the  Common  Council,  to 
the  Recorder.  Dine  at  General  Hamilton's.  I  hear  that  the 
anti-federal  faction  are  to  consider  my  oration  as  too  cold." 

The  condition  of  public  affairs  very  deeply  interested 
Morris,  notwithstanding  his  disinclination  to  take  an  active 
part  in  them,  and  it  was  his  earnest  hope  that  Washington 
might  still  be  induced  to  leave  the  quiet  of  Mount  Vernon 
and  resume  his  place  in  the  fore  rank.  Although  thor- 
oughly understanding  and  appreciating  Washington's  de- 
sire for  rest  and  tranquillity  after  his  stirring  and  respon- 
sible life,  Morris  still  thought  it  hardly  right  that  he 
should  leave  the  helm  of  the  State  at  such  a  stormy 
moment.  With  the  desire,  therefore  of  modifying,  if  not 
altering  Washington's  determination  to  abandon  public 
life,  Morris  urgently  appealed  to  him  to  reconsider  his  de- 
cision. This  letter,  the  last  Morris  wrote  to  his  life-long 
friend,  was  dated  at  Morrisania,  December  9,  1799,  scarcely 
two  weeks  before  Washington's  death,  and  is  as  follows  : 

"  During  a  late  visit  to  New  York  I  learnt  that  the  lead- 
ing characters  (even  in  Massachusetts)  consider  Mr.  Adams 
as  unfit  for  the  office  he  now  holds.  Without  pretending 
to  decide  on  the  merits  of  that  opinion,  which  will  operate 
alike,  whether  well  or  ill  founded,  it  appeared  necessary  to 


i8oo.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  38 1 

name  some  other  person.  You  will  easily  conceive  that 
his  predecessor  was  wished  for  and  regretted.  Nor  will 
you  be  surprised  that  the  doubt  whether  he  will  again  ac- 
cept should  have  excited  much  concern,  for  you  are  so  per- 
fectly acquainted  with  the  different  characters  in  America, 
and  with  the  opinions  which  prevail  respecting  them,  that 
you  must  be  convinced,  however  painful  the  conviction, 
that  should  you  decline  no  man  will  be  chosen  whom  you 
would  wish  to  see  in  that  high  office.  Believing,  then,  that 
the  dearest  interests  of  our  country  are  at  stake,  I  beg  leave 
to  speak  with  you  freely  on  this  subject. 

"No  reasonable  man  can  doubt  that  after  a  life  of  glo- 
rious labor  you  must  wish  for  repose  ;  and  it  would  not 
be  surprising  that  a  wish  so  natural  should,  by  frequent 
disappointment,  have  acquired  the  force  of  passion.  But 
is  the  retirement,  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  word,  a  possible 
thing  ?  and  is  the  half-retirement  which  you  may  attain  to 
more  peaceful  than  public  life  ?  Nay,  has  it  not  the  dis- 
advantage of  leaving  you  involved  in  measures  you  can 
neither  direct  nor  control  ?  Another  question  suggests 
itself  from  another  view  of  the  subject.  Will  you  not, 
when  the  seat  of  government  is  in  your  neighborhood,  en- 
joy more  retirement  as  President  of  the  United  States 
than  as  General  of  the  Army.  And  in  the  same  view, 
again,  another  question  arises.  May  not  your  acceptance 
be  the  needful  means  of  fixing  the  government  in  that 
seat  ?  There  is  a  more  important  consideration.  Shall 
the  past  treasure  of  your  fame  be  committed  to  the  un- 
certainty of  events,  be  exposed  to  the  attempts  of  envy, 
and  subject  to  the  spoliation  of  slander?  From  envy  and 
slander  no  retreat  is  safe  but  the  grave,  and  you  must 
not  yet  hide  yourself  behind  that  bulwark.  As  to  the  in- 
fluence of  events,  if  there  be  a  human  being  who  may 
look  them  fairly  in  the  face,  you  are  the  man. 


382  DIARY    AND    LETTERS    OF  [Chap.  XL. 

"  Recollect,  sir,  that  each  occasion  which  has  brought 
you  back  on  the  public  stage  has  been  to  you  the  means 
of  new  and  greater  glory.  If  General  Washington  had 
not  become  member  of  the  Convention,  he  would  have 
been  considered  only  as  the  defender  and  not  as  the  legis- 
lator of  his  country.  And  if  the  President  of  the  Conven- 
tion had  not  become  President  of  the  United  States,  he 
would  not  have  added  the  character  of  a  statesman  to 
those  of  patriot  and  hero.  Your  modesty  may  repel  these 
titles,  but  Europe  has  conferred  them,  and  the  world  will 
set  its  seal  of  approbation  when,  in  these  tempestuous 
times,  your  country  shall  have  again  confided  the  helm  of 
her  affairs  to  your  steady  hands.  But  you  may  say  that  you 
stand  indirectly  pledged  to  private  life.  Surely,  sir,  you 
neither  gave  nor  meant  to  give  such  pledge  to  the  extent  of 
possible  contingencies.  The  acceptance  of  your  present 
office  proves  that  you  did  not.  Nay,  you  stand  pledged 
by  all  your  former  conduct  that,  when  circumstances  arise 
which  shall  require  it,  you  will  act  again.  These  circum- 
stances seem  to  be  now  imminent,  and  it  is  meet  that  you 
consider  them  on  the  broad  ground  of  your  extensive  in- 
formation. Ponder  them,  I  pray,  and,  whatever  may  be 
the  decision,  pardon  my  freedom  and  believe  me,  truly 
yours." 

Morris  was  not  long  left  to  enjoy  the  tranquil  and  con- 
genial pleasures  of  Morrisania.  The  presidential  election 
was  impending,  constant  demands  were  made  on  his 
time  for  opinions  and  advice,  and  in  the  month  of  April, 
1800,  he  was  elected  United  States  Senator;  "which,"  lie 
remarked  when  told  of  his  election,  "is  unfortunate." 
On  the  subject  of  the  forthcoming  election  he  wrote 
on  January  i6th  to  Alexander  Hamilton  the  following 
letter,  in  which  he  stated  his  opinion  that  "  the  idea  that 
the  division  of  the  votes  would  bring  on  the  aristocrats 


i8oo.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  S^S 

who    call    themselves   democrats  to  vote  for  Burr  is  un- 
founded."    And  he  continues  : 

"Were  it  otherwise,  a  number  of  federalists,  that  is,  of 
republicans,  would  urge  the  experiment.  The  conviction 
that  they  will  not  abandon  their  man  may  induce  the  re- 
publicans to  unite  with  the  adversary  and  give  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son an  unanimous  vote.  I  have  hinted  that,  should  they 
find  the  opposition  to  him  ineffectual,  it  might  be  advisa- 
ble openly  to  declare  that,  'unable  to  estimate  the  respec- 
tive merits  of  the  candidates,  ivhose  virtues  they  are  equally 
ignorant  of,  the  republicans  will  join  in  the  choice  of  the 
person  whom  they  may  designate.'  Under  present  cir- 
cumstances this  appears  to  me  the  best  expedient  for 
avoiding  all  responsibility  at  the  bar  of  public  opinion, 
and  that  is  important.  For,  let  the  choice  fall  as  it  may, 
many  will  be  displeased.  The  present  moment  is  indeed 
of  high  interest,  but  prudence  seems  to  be  more  necessary 
than  anything  else — not  the  cold  quality  which  avoids 
mistakes,  but  the  active  virtue  which  corrects  the  evil 
of  mistakes  already  made.     Nil  desperandumy 

During  the  year  that  Morris  had  been  at  home  he 
seems  to  have  found  no  leisure  for  his  correspondence, 
which  had  always  before  so  fully  re-enforced  his  diary. 
However,  making  his  oration  at  Washington's  funeral  the 
excuse  for  communicating  with  his  friends  in  Europe,  to 
the  Princesse  de  la  Tour  et  Taxis  he  wrote,  in  January, 
expressing  the  hope  that  "  the  lovely  Princess  will  per- 
haps recollect  der  gute  Engldnder,  who  retains  a  deep  sense 
of  her  kindness.  He  takes  the  liberty  of  sending  her  a 
piece  which  has  the  merit  of  truth,  and  may  convey  some 
idea  of  a  man  of  whom  it  may  be  truly  said,  '  Take  him 
for  all  in  all,  we  ne'er  shall  look  upon  his  like  again.' 
Will  you,  lovely  princess,  remember  to  his  Ratisbon  ac- 
quaintance the  man  of  t'other  world,  and  do  him  the  jus- 


384  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XL. 

tice  to  believe  that  he  loves  you  sincerely.  Mille  et  mille 
choses  des  plus  amiables  a  S.  A." 

To  the  Duke  of  Montrose  he  also  wrote  later,  begging 
his  acceptance  of  the  enclosed  oration  ;  "  not,"  he  says,  "as 
a  piece  of  fine  composition,  but  as  a  picture  of  the  man  it 
describes,  and  as  a  slight  testimonial  of  my  respect  and 
attachment.  If  I  supposed  Her  Grace  to  have  any  recol- 
lection of  me,  I  would  entreat  you  to  present  her  mcs  hom- 
mag^s.  Say  a  thousand  things  for  me  to  Colonel  Graham 
when  you  see  him,  and  believe  me,  my  lord,  etc." 

Sending  his  oration  to  Count  Woronzovv,  he  begged 
him  to  accept  "la  copie  ci-jointe  d'une  oraison  funebre  que 
j'ai  prononcee  il  y  a  quelque  temps.  Que  d'evenements 
depuis  que  j'ai  eu  le  bonheur  de  vous  voir  !  Dans  ce 
pays-ci,  on  ne  se  lasse  point  d'admirer  votre  Souwarovv  et 
les  milliers  de  heros  qu'il  mene  k  la  victoire.  En  regar- 
dant un  prince,  juste  et  magnanime,  a  la  tete  d'une  nation 
dont  la  fidelite  dispute  a  la  bravoure,  on  ne  peut  plus 
nier  que  dans  les  monarchies  les  plus  confirmees,  comma 
dans  les  republiques  les  mieux  organisees,  on  trouve  des 
vertus  et  de  grandes  qualites.  Dans  les  uns  pourtant 
comme  dans  les  autres,  il  est  rare,  mon  cher  comte,  de 
rencontrer  cette  amitie  qui  vous  distingue  et  qui  vous  fait 
aimer  par  ceux  qui  vous  entourent  presqu*  autant  qu'on 
respecte  vos  talents,  votre.  genie  et  votre  caractere.  Adieu  ; 
croyez  a  tout  mon  attachement."  * 

*  Translation. — The  enclosed  is  the  copy  of 'a  funeral  oration  I  pro- 
nounced a  short  time  ago.  What  events  since  I  had  the  pleasure  of  reading 
your  last  letter  !  In  this  country  everyone  admires  your  Souwarow  and  the 
thousands  of  heroes  he  leads  to  victory.  When  one  sees  a  just  and  mag- 
nanimous prince  at  the  head  of  a  nation  the  fidelity  of  which  equals  its 
bravery,  one  cannot  deny  that  in  the  strictest  monarchies,  as  in  the  best  or- 
ganized republics,  there  are  to  be  found  virtues  and  lofty  qualities.  In  either 
the  one  or  the  other  it  is  rare  to  find  such  friendship  as  yours,  my  dear  count 
— a  feeling  which  gains  for  you  almost  as  much  love  as  your  talents,  genius, 
and  character  win  respect.     Good-by.     Believe  in  my  attachment. 


i8oa]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  385 

During  the  winter  of  1800,  Morris,  previous  to  his  elec- 
tion to  the  Senate,  made  a  journey  to  Albany,  and  through 
the  northern  part  of  New  York  State,  to  investigate  the 
condition  of  large  tracts  of  lands  owned  by  him  and  oth- 
ers, and  to  make  arrangements  for  selling  the  farms. 
Leaving  Albany  he  pushed  on  toward  Glens  Falls, 
through  a  part  of  the  country  which  he  had  not  seen 
since  the  year  1777,  when  it  was  almost  a  wilderness. 

"And  now,"  the  diary  mentions,  "they  begin,  I  am  told, 
on  some  farms  to  feel  the  loss  of  wood.  It  is  now  very 
thickly  settled,  and  the  banks  of  the  river  are  covered  for 
miles  with  timber  and  boards.  All  day  I  see  a  number  of 
the  settlers  on  my  lands.  We  fix  the  terms  of  purchase, 
and  they  are  to  decide  in  May  or  June  next.  We  put  up 
at  McMaster's  Inn,  at  or  near  Ballston.  There  is  here  also 
a  mineral  spring,  which  has  more  of  fixed  air  in  it  than 
the  Saratoga  spring,  which,  of  course,  has  more  reputa- 
tion. It  is,  moreover,  nearer  to  the  settlements.  There 
are  already  several  houses  built  here  for  the  accommoda- 
tion of  visitors.  Our  landlady  tells  me  they  had  at  one 
time  last  summer  eighty  lodgers  in  this  house.  At  dinner 
we  have  oysters,  which  are  brought  hither  by  traders  from 
Connecticut.  It  is  not  yet  twenty-seven  years  since  I  at- 
tended the  sale  of  land  in  this  place  at  auction  in  New 
York.  It  was  then  a  wilderness.  The  American  War 
broke  out  shortly  after,  and  it  was  not  until  the  year  1785 
that  the  settlements  commenced.  In  this  short  space  of 
fifteen  years  a  whole  region  is  converted  from  a  wilder- 
ness into  a  settled  country.  Already  in  this  neighborhood 
fuel  is  beginning  to  grow  scarce,  and  already  industry 
ministers  to  luxury  by  bringing  oysters  near  two  hundred 
miles  from  the  sea.  This  is  indeed  wonderful.  Had  im- 
agination pictured  anything  like  it  twenty  years  ago,  he 
who  would  have  ventured  to  express  an  idea  so  fanciful 
Vol.  II.— 25 


386  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XL. 

would  have  been  deemed  a  madman.  Yet  here  is  a  reality 
which  exceeds  the  most  extensive  sketch  to  which  imagi- 
nation could  have  soared.  As  we  descend,  southward,  we 
cross  various  roads  by  which  the  people  of  New  England 
roam  into  the  Western  world,  and  on  every  road  they  are 
met  with." 

Early  in  March  Morris  was  at  home  again,  busily  for- 
warding the  building  of  his  house,  but  not  neglecting  to 
note  in  the  diary  of  March  15th,  that  "  the  new  French 
Constitution  has  arrived,  which,  as  far  as  we  can  under- 
stand it,  is  the  government  of  a  single  man,  who  is  said 
to  be  Bonaparte." 

On  Friday  the  2d  of  May,  1800,  Morris  left  Morrisania 
for  Philadelphia,  to  assume  his  duties  in  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States.  The  last  drawing-room  of  the  season  was 
held  by  the  President's  wife  the  day  of  his  arrival.  "  I 
go,"  he  says,  "and  there  is  a  good  deal  of  company.  I  find 
that  my  office  of  Senator  attracts  a  good  deal  of  that  re- 
spect which,  in  my  opinion,  it  does  not  deserve  ;  but  it  is 
so  far  pleasant  as  it  shows  the  Government  to  be  well  in 
the  opinion  of  the  public.  Possibly,  also,  the  persons  in 
whom  I  remark  it  are  in  office,  or  wishing  to  be  so.  I  am 
already  tired  of  it.  On  my  return  from  the  drawing-room 
we  stop  at  Meredith's,  and  then,  at  the  request  of  my 
nephew  Lewis,  who  accompanied  me,  I  go  to  his  lodgings, 
where  Mr.  Sedgwick  is  smoking  and  swinging  in  a  Seat 
with  his  heels  on  the  table.  He  continues  his  attitude  and 
occupation,  which  to  a  man  of  European  ideas  would  ap- 
pear a  marked  contempt.  I  know  it  is  not  so,  but  if  my 
head  were  in  the  way  of  being  turned  by  respect  this 
would  be  a  wholesome  check  to  it." 

"To-day  [May  3d]  I  go  to  the  Senate.  The  New  York 
election  has  been  carried  by  the  democrats,  and  it  is  from 
thence  concluded  that  Jefferson  will  be  the  President." 


j8oo.]  gouverneur  morris.  387 

"  It  is  said  [May  13th]  that  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr. 
Adams  have  made  a  coalition.  Liston  *  tells  me  that 
Adams  is  the  most  passionate,  intemperate  man  he  ever 
liad  anything  to  do  with.  His  imprudence  is  as  noto- 
rious. Burr,  they  say,  is  to  be  appointed  Minister  of 
War." 

On  May  14th,  the  Senate  adjourned,  to  meet  next  at 
Washington,  and  Morris  went  back  to  his  quiet  life  at 
Morrisania,  where  fishing  and  sailing  were  among  his 
keenest  pleasures.  In  July  he  again  made  a  journey 
into  the  wilderness  of  New  York  State,  and,  by  river 
and  lake  through  miles  of  forests,  he  travelled  until  he 
came  to  Montreal.  The  possibilities  of  the  soil  for  high 
garden-cultivation,  the  climate,  and  the  scenery  all  united 
to  inspire  him  with  hopes  for  the  brilliant  future  of  a 
State  which,  he  says,  "  will  probably  take  a  foremost  place 
during  the  present  century."  After  a  few  days  at  Mon- 
treal, spent  among  friends,  Morris  pushed  on,  up  the  St. 
Lawrence  and  up  the  Genesee  River,  far  into  the  wilderness 
to  inspect  his  lands;  "through  a  country  which  is,  on 
the  whole,"  he  says,  "  the  finest  I  ever  saw.  A  river 
whose  banks  are  composed  of  the  richest  land,  a  sky 
bright,  an  atmosphere  brilliant,  fish  and  game  in  abun- 
dance and  of  the  best  quality,  wliat  more  could  one  ask  ?" 

Morris  reached  Niagara  Falls  the  29th  of  August,  fol- 
lowing the  river  from  its  mouth,  "over  steep  hills  and 
through  morasses,  under  a  broiling  sun,  till  we  attain  the 
Table  Rock.  This  is  a  continuation  of  that  through  which 
or,  rather,  over  which,  the  river  is  precipitated,  and  like 
that,  too,  is  excavated  by  its  waters.  Judge  Hamilton,  who 
is  with  me,  tells  me  that  he  and  Mr.  Stedman  have  ob- 
served that  in  the  course  of  twenty-seven  years,  during 
which  they  have  resided  here,  the  river  has  worn  away 
*  British  Minister  to  the  United  States. 


388  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XL. 

about  twenty  yards  of  the  rock,  retiring  the  falls  so  much 
farther  westward  ;  and  he  concludes,  from  various  appear- 
ances, that  originally  it  was  at  the  place  where  the  land- 
ing now  is.  It  is  a  stupendous  object  ;  I  do  not  pretend 
to  judge  the  quantity  of  water,  but  it  is  a  large  river  and 
falls  from  a  great  height." 

The  return  journey  to  Montreal,  made  in  much  the 
same  way,  by  the  lake,  was  not  without  a  spice  of  danger 
from  shipwreck.  On  the  20th  of  September  "  we  find  our- 
selves," says  the  diary,  "  at  Montreal,  having  had  a  wet 
time  from  Lachine  to  this  place." 

"Dine  at  Sir  John  Johnston's  [September  24th],  and  I 
dance  {i.e.,  hobble)  in  the  evening.  The  party  is  so  small 
as  to  excuse  a  part  of  the  ridiculousness  of  this  attempt. 
On  Thursday  we  dine  at  the  Beaver  Club,  a  society  com- 
posed of  persons  who  have  travelled  far  into  the  country 
to  purchase  furs.  We  have  from  one  of  the  members  a 
speech  in  the  Indian  language.  They  all  understand, 
and  many  of  them  speak  it.  We  have  also  some  of  the 
songs  of  the  voyageurs  and  boatmen.  I  am  seated  next  to 
Mr.  Henry,  who  is  by  seniority  the  president.  He  tells 
me  he  was  at  Detroit  in  the  year  1761,  and  has  followed 
that  business  ever  since.  When  he  first  became  acquainted 
with  the  Indians  they  were  cleanly  both  in  their  persons 
and  in  their  houses,  but  now  they  are  very  filthy,  being 
depraved  by  the  use  of  rum.  Mr.  McGillivray  has  fre- 
quently observed  to  me  that  the  attempt  to  tame  and  civil- 
ize them  is  vain,  for  that  they  are  always  the  worse  for  it, 
and  the  Christian  Indians  the  worst  of  all.  He  says  that 
in  their  commerce  they  keep  them  as  much  as  possible 
from  rum,  and  that  the  nations  who  have  not  got  the  habit 
of  it  are  not  fond  of  it  at  first.  He  has  a  high  opinion  of 
the  Indians  in  their  natural  state,  but  Mr.  Henry  tells  me 
to-day  that  those  who  know  the  Indians  best  like  them 


i8oo.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  389 

least ;  that  it  is  common  to  be  pleased  with  them  at  first, 
but  in  the  event  they  are  found  to  be  perfidious." 

Leaving  Montreal,  Morris  journeyed  through  the  woods 
to  the  head  of  Lake  George,  where  he  arrived  on  October 
3d,  and  heard  the  first  news  that  had  reached  him  in  many 
weeks,  some  friends  telling  him  that  "the  negotiation 
between  France  and  America  is  suspended  in  conse- 
quence of  the  high  demand  of  M.  Bonaparte."  Reach- 
ing Albany  on  the  9th,  the  latest  news  which  had  been 
brought  from  New  York  the  night  before  was  to  the  ef- 
fect that  "  the  French  do  not  come  into  such  terms  as  our 
commissioners  can  offer  and,  the  negotiation  is  said  to  be 
finished.  I  am  told  that  the  Anti-Jacobin  reviewers  in 
London  speak  ver}''  ill  of  my  oration." 

The  memory  of  this  visit  to  what  was  then  the  Far  West 
lingered  long  with  Morris,  who  was  always  an  enthusias- 
tic lover  of  nature,  and  months  afterward  [January  20thJ 
he  gave  to  his  friend  John  Parish,  then  in  London,  a  glow- 
ing description  of  the  climate  and  of  the  country,  with  a 
sort  of  prophetic  insight  into  the  future. 

"There  is,"  he  wrote,  "a  brilliance  in  our  atmosphere 
you  can  have  no  idea  of,  except  by  going  to  Italy,  or  else 
by  viewing  one  of  Claude  Lorraine's  best  landscapes,  and 
persuading  yourself  that  the  light  there  exhibited  is  a  just 
though  faint  copy  of  nature.  I  believe  there  is  much  more 
water  in  the  St.  Lawrence  than  in  the  Danube  at  Vienna. 
Of  the  rapids  I  can  say  nothing  ;  still  less  can  I  pretend  to 
convey  to  you  the  sentiment  excited  by  a  view  of  the  lake. 
It  is  to  all  purposes  of  human  vision  an  ocean :  the  same 
majestic  motion,  too,  in  its  billows.  .  .  .  To  form  a 
faint  idea  of  the  Cataract  of  Niagara,  imagine  that  you 
saw  the  Firth  of  Forth  rush  wrathfully  down  a  steep  de- 
scent, leap  foaming  over  a  perpendicular  rock  one  hun- 
dred and  seventy  feet  high,  then  flow  away  in  the  sem- 


390  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF  IChap.  XL. 

blance  of  milk  from  a  basin  of  emerald.  A  quiet,  gentle 
stream  leaves  the  shores  of  a  country  level  and  fertile, 
and  along  the  banks  of  this  stream  we  proceed  to  Fort 
Erie.  Here  again  the  boundless  waste  of  waters  fills  the 
mind  with  renewed  astonishment,  and  here,  as  in  turning 
a  point  of  wood  the  lake  broke  on  my  view,  I  saw  riding 
at  anchor  nine  vessels,  the  least  of  them  above  a  hundred 
tons.  Can  you  bring  your  imagination  to  realize  this 
scene  ?  Does  it  not  seem  like  magic  ?  Yet  this  magic  is 
but  the  early  effort  of  victorious  industry.  Hundreds  of 
large  ships  will,  in  no  distant  period,  bound  on  the  billows 
of  these  inland  seas.  At  this  point  commences  a  naviga- 
tion of  more  than  a  thousand  miles.  Shall  I  lead  your 
astonishment  up  to  the  verge  of  incredulity?  I  will. 
Know,  then,  that  one-tenth  of  the  expense  borne  by 
Britain  in  the  last  campaign  would  enable  ships  to  sail 
from  London  through  Hudson's  River  into  Lake  Erie. 
As  yet,  my  friend,  we  only  crawl  along  the  outer  edge 
of  our  country.  The  interior  excels  the  part  we  inhabit 
in  soil,  in  climate,  in  everything. 

"The  proudest  empire  in  Europe  is  but  a  bubble  com- 
pared to  what  America  ivill  be,  must  be,  in  the  course  of 
two  centuries — perhaps  of  one.  Forty  years  ago  all 
America  could  not,  without  bills  of  credit,  raise  one  mill- 
ion of  dollars  to  defend  themselves  against  an  enemy  at 
their  doors.  Now,  in  profound  peace,  the  taxes  bring  into 
the  treasury,  without  strain  or  effort,  above  ten  millions. 
In  the  year  1760  there  was  not,  perhaps,  a  million  of 
specie  dollars  in  this  country.  At  present  the  banks  of 
Philadelphia  alone  have  above  ten  millions  to  dispose  of 
beyond  the  demand. 

"  I  heard  it  remarked,  many  years  ago,  as  wonderful 
that  in  1760  there  were  in  privateers  sailing  from  America 
as  many  seamen  as  there  had  been  on  board  of  the  Royal 


i8oo]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  39I 

Navy  of  Elizabeth.  Is  it  less  wonderful  that  our  present 
tonnage  should  be  equal  to  that  of  all  the  British  domin- 
ions at  the  accession  of  George  the  Second  ?  ...  If 
we  go  forward,  not  with  sextuple  but  merely  quadruple 
ratio  for  two  more  periods  of  twenty  years,  beginning 
with  two  millions  sterling  we  have,  for  1820,  eight  millions, 
and  for  1840  more  than  thirty  millions  sterling  of  revenue, 
raised  from  a  population  which  may  then  amount  to  near 
thirty  millions  of  souls.*  This,  indeed,  seems  impossible, 
but  did  it  not  seem  equally  impossible  at  the  close  of  the 
Seven  Years'  War  that  the  net  revenue  of  British  America 
should  exceed  two  millions  sterling  by  the  end  of  the  cen- 
tury ?  Had  this  been  asserted  on  the  Exchange  of  Lon- 
don in  the  year  1760,  would  it  not  have  been  laughed  at? 
In  1780 — but  whither  am  I  going? 

"  If  you  were  on  this  side  the  Atlantic  I  should  greatly 
rejoice,  but  you  won't  come.  You  will  shiver  along 
through  German  and  Scotch  summers,  consoling  yourself 
for  the  tediousness  of  June  by  the  long,  snug,  comfortable 
evenings  of  January.  You  tell  me,  my  friend,  that  I  must 
join  you,  and,  particularly,  must  take  up  my  residence  in 
London.  But  have  you  reflected  that  there  is  more  of 
real  society  in  one  week  at  Neustedenf  than  in  a  London 
year?  Recollect  that  a  tedious  morning,  a  great  dinner, 
a  boozy  afternoon,  make  the  sum  total  of  English  life. 
It  is  admirable  for  young  men  who  shoot,  hunt,  drink, 
and — but  for  us !  how  are  we  to  dispose  of  ourselves  ? 
No.  Were  I  to  give  you  a  rendezvous  in  Europe,  it 
should  be  on  the  Continent.  I  respect,  as  you  know,  the 
English  nation  highly,  and  love  many  individuals  among 
them,  but  I  do  not  love  their  manners.  They  are  perhaps 
too   pure,  but   they  are  certainly  too  cold  for  my  taste. 

*  The  census  of  1800  showed  a  population,  in  the  United  States,  of  5,308,483. 
+  The  residence  of  Mr.  Parish,  near  Hamburg. 


392  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XL. 

The  Scotch  are  more  agreeable  to  me,  but,  were  the  man- 
ners of  those  countries  as  pleasant  as  the  people  are  re- 
spectable, I  should  never  be  reconciled  to  their  summers. 
Compare  the  uninterrupted  warmth  and  splendor  of 
America  from  the  ist  of  May  to  the  last  of  September, 
and  her  autumn  truly  celestial,  with  your  shivering  June, 
your  July  and  August,  sometimes  warm  but  often  wet, 
your  uncertain  September,  your  gloomy  October,  your 
dismal  November  ;  compare  these  things,  and  then  say 
how  a  man  who  prizes  tlie  charms  of  nature  can  think  of 
making  the  exchange.  If  you  were  to  pass  one  autumn 
with  us  you  would  not  give  it  for  the  best  six  months  to 
be  found  in  any  other  country,  unless,  indeed,  you  should 
get  tired  of  fine  weather." 


i8oo.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  393 


CHAPTER  XLI. 

Morris  goes  to  Washington.  Sits  in  the  Senate.  Presidential  election. 
Treaty  with  France.  Letter  to  Hamilton.  Letter  to  James  Leray. 
Jefferson  elected  President.  Disconcerting  proposition  from  Lafay- 
ette in  regard  to  a  loan.  Letter  to  M.  Labarte.  A  most  unpleasant 
episode  with  the  Lafayettes. 

ON  Tuesday,  November  nth,  Morris  left  Morrisania 
for  Washington,  to  occupy  his  seat  in  the  United 
States  Senate.  It  required  no  ordinary  patience,  and,  one 
might  even  add,  pluck,  to  make  the  journey  to  Washington 
in  the  year  1800.  To  travel  in  the  ordinary  stage-coach — 
a  wretched  vehicle  like  a  box,  mounted  on  springs,  to  be 
sure,  but  without  doors,  windows,  or  any  protection  from 
wind  and  weather  but  heavy  leather  curtain^  which  were 
rolled  up  when  the  day  was  fine — was  anything  but  a 
pleasure.  To  travel  in  one's  own  carriage  was  at  least  to 
be  free  from  the  companionship  of  ten  other  passengers, 
but  the  discomforts  of  the  inns  and  the  terrors  of  the  bad 
roads  were  none  the  less  to  be  dreaded.  The  road  be- 
tween Philadelphia  and  Baltimore  seems  to  have  been 
more  than  ordinarily  dangerous.  The  ruts  appeared  to 
be  nearly  bottomless  ;  and  so  much  danger  was  there  of 
the  coach  upsetting  that  the  driver  would,  before  enter- 
ing one  of  the  holes,  request  his  passengers  to  move,  first 
to  the  right  then  to  the  left,  to  prevent  a  catastrophe. 
Morris  made  the  journey  in  eleven  days,  with  only  a 
short  stop  at  Philadelphia.  Having  finally  arrived  at  the 
seat  of  government,  through  an  interminable  forest  with 


394  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLI. 

only  a  few  log-cabins  scattered  here  and  there,  he  found 
the  town  scarcely  habitable.  A  traveller  who  had  seen 
Washington  in  1796  declared  that,  but  for  the  President's 
house  and  the  Capitol,  he  never  should  have  supposed  it 
could  be  a  city.  There  seems  to  have  been  one  good  inn, 
and  here  Morris  put  up,  having  first  taken  the  precaution 
to  make  a  bargain  with  the  innkeeper  to  furnish  him 
two  cords  of  hickory-wood  at  eight  dollars  per  cord. 
"This,"  he  says,  "the  landlord  promises  to  do,  if  he  can 
get  a  team  to  hire."  This  was  a  most  important  "  if,"  for, 
although  there  were  endless  forests  up  to  the  very  doors, 
no  one  could  be  got  to  cut  and  haul  wood  to  the  un- 
fortunate public  servants  who  found  themselves  doomed, 
for  a  time  at  least,  to  live  in  such  a  wilderness.  Graph- 
ically, but  in  a  playfully  satirical  vein,  Morris  describes 
the  future  capital  of  the  United  States  in  the  following 
letter  to  the  Princesse  de  la  Tour  et  Taxis,  written,  De- 
cember 14th,  from  Washington  : 

"Je  fais  ici,"  he  says,  "  le  metier  de  senateur,  et 
m'amuse  nor\chalamment  k  voir  les  petites  intrigues,  les 
foUes  esperances  et  les  vains  projets  de  I'animal  fier  et 
faible  qui  s'appelle  homme.  II  ne  nous  manque  ici  que 
maisons,  caves,  cuisines,  hommes  instruits,  femmes  aima- 
bles  et  autres  petites  bagatelles  de  cette  espece,  pour 
que  notre  ville  soit  parfaite  ;  car  on  peut  s'y  promener 
dejd  tout  comme  dans  les  champs  et  les  bois,  et,  vu  la 
forte  gel^e,  I'air  en  est  tres  pur.  J'en  jouis  plus  qu'un 
autre,  puisque  ma  chambre  se  remplit  de  fumee  d^s  qu'on 
ferme  la  porte.  S'il  vous  prenait  done  envie  de  venir 
vivre  a  Washington,  pour  vous  confirmer  dans  un  projet 
aussi  beau,  je  m'empresse  de  vous  assurer  que  la  pierre 
de  taille  y  abonde,  qu'on  peut  y  cuire  d'excellentes  briques, 
qu'il  n'y  manque  pas  d'emplacements  pour  des  hotels  mag- 
nifiques,  que  des  canaux  projetes  pourront  y  amener  un 


i8oo.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  395 

grand  commerce,  que  la  richesse  qui  en  est  la  suite  natu- 
relle  doit  y  attirer  les  beaux  arts  ;  enfin,  que  c'est  la  ville  du 
monde  ou  on  peut  le  mieux  vivre — dans  I'avenir.  Comrae 
je  ne  suis  pas,  pourtant,  de  ces  bonnes  gens  qui  seront  la 
posterite,  j'aimerais  assez  changer  pour  la  ville  de  Ratis- 
bon,  puisque  j'aurais  alors  le  bonheur  de  vous  voir  et  de 
vous  reiterer,  de  vive  voix,  les  assurances  de  mon  respect 
et  de  mon  attachement."  * 

Writing  to  another  friend  of  the  peculiarities  of  life  in 
Washington,  he  says :  "  The  society  of  this  capital  would 
be  pleasant  if  the  communications  were  less  difficult;" 
and  in  his  diary  he  speaks  of  going  to  dine  with  Colonel 
Borroughs.  "  The  weather  clouds  up  ;  in  the  evening, 
coming  away,  my  horses  refuse  to  draw,  and  as  I  cannot 
get  a  hack  I  am  obliged  to  stay  all  night.  So  much  for 
dining  out  in  a  town  where  a  man  finds  himself  four  miles 
from  home,  and  a  road  not  merely  deep,  but  dangerous,  to 
drive  in  the  dark." 

His  duties  as  senator  were  begun  by  Morris  imme- 
diately on  his  arrival,  with  the  assistance  of  Mr.  Liston 
and  Mr.  Thornton.     These  gentlemen  put  in  an  appear- 


*  Translation. — I  busy  myself  here  at  the  trade  of  a  senator,  and  amuse 
myself  lazily  watching  the  petty  intrigues,  the  insane  hopes,  the  worthless 
projects  of  that  weak  and  proud  animal  they  call  man.  We  only  need  here 
houses,  cellars,  kitchens,  scholarly  men,  amiable  women,  and  a  few  other  such 
trifles,  to  possess  a  perfect  city  ;  for  we  can  walk  over  it  as  we  would  in  the 
fields  or  the  woods,  and,  on  account  of  a  strong  frost,  the  air  is  quite  pure. 
I  enjoy  it  all  the  more  since  my  room  fills  with  smoke  as  soon  as  the  door  is 
closed.  Should  it  enter  your  fancy  to  come  and  live  in  Washington,  in 
order  to  confirm  you  in  so  charming  a  project  I  hasten  to  assure  you  that 
building-stone  is  plentiful,  that  excellent  bricks  are  baked  here,  that  we  are 
not  wanting  in  sites  for  magnificent  mansions,  that  projected  canals  will  give 
birth  to  a  large  commerce,  that  as  a  consequence  riches  will  bring  forth  a 
taste  for  the  fine  arts ;  in  a  word,  that  this  is  the  best  city  in  the  world  to  live 
in — in  the  future.  But,  since  I  do  not  belong  to  those  good  people  who  will 
constitute  posterity,  I  should  prefer  to  be  transferred  to  Ratisbon,  were  it 
only  because  I  should  then  enjoy  the  happiness  of  seeing  you  and  of  reiterat- 
ing, by  word  of  mouth,  the  assurance  of  my  respect  and  of  my  attachment. 


396  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLI. 

ance,  "and,"  says  he,  November  21st,  "  we  reach  the  Capi- 
tol in  season,  and  the  arrival  of  a  senator  from  the 
southward  at  the  same  time  enables  us  to  make  a  house." 
The  President  *  then  made  his  speech.  Morris  was  one 
of  the  committee  to  answer  it.  Five  days  later  the  ad- 
dress was  agreed  to  ;  and  "I  go,"  he  says,  "to  the  levee, 
and  also,  as  a  member  of  the  committee,  to  know  when 
and  where  he  (the  President)  will  receive  the  address.  On 
asking  him  after  the  when,  where,  *  In  this  chamber,  sir, ' 
was  the  answer,  with  such  tone  and  manner  as  develop 
fully  the  old  man's  character.  The  Germans  would  call 
it  unbiegsajH." 

On  Wednesday  the  20th  of  November  tlie  address 
was  delivered  to  the  President ;  the  next  day  a  chaplain 
was  chosen.  On  Friday  the  Vice-President  arrived.  "  Ac- 
counts from  different  quarters,"  Morris  says,  "seem  to 
show  that  he  will  not  be  chosen  either  President  or  Vice- 
President.  After  a  small  time  spent  in  the  Senate  we  ad- 
journ, according  to  custom." 

"On  Thursday  [December  nth]  I  attend  the  commit- 
tee on  the  question  of  exercising  jurisdiction  over  the  seat 
of  government.  The  advices  from  Carolina  put  it  now 
out  of  doubt  that  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Burr  are  to  be  the 
President  and  Vice-President.  Mr.  Jefferson  calls  this 
evening,  and  we  have  some  conversation  on  public  affairs. 
He  seems  apprehensive  of  opposition  in  the  Senate." 

"  It  seems  to  be  the  general  opinion  [December  2d] 
that  Colonel  Burr  will  be  chosen  President  by  the  House 
of  Representatives.  Many  of  them  think  it  highly  dan- 
gerous that  Mr.  Jefferson  should,  in  the  present  crisis,  be 
placed  in  that  office.  They  consider  him  as  a  theoretic 
man,  who  would  bring  the  National  Government  back  to 

*  John  Adams  was  President,  and  Thomas  Jefferson  Vice-President,  of  the 
United  States  in  1800. 


i8oo.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  39/ 

something  like  the  old  Confederation.  Mr.  Nicholay 
conies  to-day,  and  to  him  I  state  it  as  the  opinion,  not  of 
light  and  fanciful  but  of  serious  and  considerable  men, 
that  Burr  must  be  preferred  to  Jefferson.  He  is,  as  I  sup- 
posed, much  wounded  at  this  information." 

"  To-day  [December  27th]  Mr.  Harper  calls,  and  Mr. 
Latimer.  The  former  is,  he  says,  an  intimate  friend  of 
Burr,  and  thinks  it  advisable  for  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives to  give  him  their  voice,  without  asking  or  expect- 
ing any  assurances  or  explanation  respecting  his  future 
administration.  He  thinks  Burr's  temper  and  disposition 
give  an  ample  security  for  a  conduct  hostile  to  the  demo- 
cratic spirit  which  Mr.  Harper  considers  as  dangerous  to 
our  country,  while  Mr.  Jefferson,  he  thinks,  is  so  deeply 
imbued  with  false  principles  of  government,  and  has  so 
far  committed  liimself  in  support  of  them,  that  nothing 
good  can  be  expected  from  him.  I  give  him  some  rea- 
sons why  it  would  be  better  for  gentlemen  in  his  House  to 
suspend  their  determinations  until  they  can  have  more 
light  as  to  the  merit  and  probable  conduct  of  the  can- 
didates." 

"Begin,  to-day  [December  31st],  the  discussion  of  the 
'treaty.'  On  reading  it  I  find  it  very  bad.  Mr.  Adams 
told  me  tliat  he  has  a  letter  from  Mr.  King  telling  him 
that  the  Lord  Chancellor,  Lord  Grenville,  and  the  King, 
have  assured  him  of  their  satisfaction  with  our  treaty  with 
France."* 

*  Three  commissioners  had  been  sent  to  France  in  the  spring  of  1800  to 
inform  the  French  ministers  that  the  United  States  expected  full  indemnifi- 
cation for  the  destruction  of  th^ir  property  by  the  French  Republic  or  its 
agents  ;  that  old  treaties  were  no  longer  binding,  that  no  alliance  was  to  be 
entered  into,  and  no  guarantee  of  the  French  possessions  in  America  given. 
Napoleon  offered  two  propositions  ;  the  old  treaties  with  full  indemnity,  or 
new  treaties  with  no  indemnity  at  all.  The  negotiation  dragged  on  until  Sep- 
tember, when  a  convention  instead  of  a  treaty  was  finally  agreed  on,  and  mat- 
ters in  dispute  were  left  for  future  negotiation.    The  first  three  articles,  which 


398  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLl. 

On  the  5th  of  January  Morris  wrote  of  the  treaty  to 
Alexander  Hamilton  as  follows  : 

"  The  convention  with  France  will  be  ratified  sub  inodo ; 
such,  at  least,  is  my  opinion,  I  wish  to  strike  out  the  sec- 
ond and  third  articles  ;  secondly,  to  fix  a  limitation  of 
time.  The  second  article,  by  suspending  the  operation, 
admits  the  existence  of  former  treaties.  The  restitution 
of  our  trophies,  stipulated  by  the  third,  may  damp  the 
spirit  of  our  country.  That  nation  which  will  permit 
profit  or  convenience  to  stand  in  competition  with  honor 
is  on  the  steep  descent  to  ruin.  If,  with  the  exception 
of  those  articles  and  a  limitation  of  time,  the  convention 
be  mutually  ratified,  I  shall  think  it  no  bad  bargain. 
Will  the  French  Consul  ratify  it  when  so  curtailed  and 
limited  ?  Perhaps,  if  his  affairs  are  prosperous,  he  will 
not.  Some  gentlemen  propose  adding  a  clause  to  declare 
that  it  sliall  not  prejudice  former  treaties.  This  appears 
dangerous,  because,  if  afterwards  ratified  without  that 
clause,  such  ratification  may  be  construed  as  an  assent  to 
the  conclusion  which  the  declaration  was  intended  to 
obviate.  On  the  election  between  Messrs.  Jefferson  and 
Burr  there  is  much  speculation.  Some,  indeed  most,  of 
our  Eastern  friends  are  warm  in  support  of  the  latter, 
and  their  pride  is  so  much  up  about  the  charge  of  influ- 
ence that  it  is  dangerous  to  quote  an  opinion.  I  trust 
they  will  change,  or  be  disappointed,  for  they  appear  to 
be  moved  by  passion  only.  I  have,  more  at  the  request 
of  others  tlian  from  my  own  mere  motion,  suggested  certain 
considerations  not  quite  unworthy  of  attention  ;  but  it  is 
dangerous  to  be  impartial  in  politics.  You,  who  are  tem- 
perate in  drinking,  have  perhaps  noticed  the  awkward  situ- 

Morris  mentions  in  his  letter  to  Hamilton,  were  as  follows :  Property  capt- 
ured but  not  condemned  was  to  be  given  up  ;  public  ships  taken  before  the 
exchange  of  ratifications  were  to  be  released  ;  commerce  was  to  be  free. 


i8oi.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  399 

ation  of  a  man  who  continues  sober  after  the  company  are 
drunk.  Adieu,  my  dear  Hamilton.  God  bless  you  and 
send  you  many  happy  years." 

The  treaty  with  France  was  the  absorbing  interest  in 
the  Senate  during  the  early  days  of  1801. 

"  I  go  through  the  treaty  in  the  House  to-day,"  Morris 
says,  January  15th,  "and  agree  to  the  amendments  of  the 
committee  ;  some  sharpness  of  debate.  Report  the  form 
of  a  ratification  ;  consideration  postponed."  On  the  23d 
the  Senate  rejected  the  convention  with  France,  "  by  the 
intemperate  passion  of  its  friends."  By  the  26th  there 
was  a  general  desire  in  the  House  "  to  recede  from  tlie 
vote  as  it  stands  on  the  convention.  As  I  all  along  sus- 
pected, it  will  be  reconsidered.  A  debate  on  the  bill  for 
erecting  a  mausoleum  to  Washington.  Speak  on  it  a  lit- 
tle, but  with  little  effect." 

"  The  Aurora,''  Morris  wrote  to  Alexander  Hamilton, 
on  the  1 6th  of  January,  "  will  have  shown  you  the  result 
of  our  deliberations  on  the  convention  ;  at  least,  of  those 
which  went  to  a  division  wortli  noting.  If  it  sticks  in 
France,  it  will  be  respecting  points  on  which  the  vote  was 
unanimous,  or  nearly  so.  As  to  the  induction,  from  the 
words  of  the  second  article,  that  the  old  treaties  subsided 
though  their  operation  was  suspended,  I  think  it  undeni- 
able that  that,  taken  in  consideration  with  other  things, 
would  have  involved  us  in  serious  difficulty.  To  Britain 
was  given  certain  rights,  limited  by  those  of  a  similar  kind 
previously  given  to  France.  In  abolishing  our  treaties 
with  the  latter,  that  which  we  had  made  with  the  former 
obtained  an  actual  extension,  which  we  might  rightfully 
restrain  :  for,  as  she  was  no  party  either  to  our  treaties 
with  France  or  to  the  abrogation  of  them,  she  could  not 
rightfully  complain  had  we  thought  fit  to  re-establish 
those  treaties.     When,  therefore,  acknowledging  their  ex- 


400  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLI. 

istence  by  suspending  their  effects  generally,  we  partic- 
ularly stipulate,  and  literally  renew  a  part ;  might  not  the 
French  demand  for  the  part  so  renewed  a  priority  i  In 
fact,  might  not  France  demand  that  a  British  ship  should 
not  bring  into  our  ports  a  French  prize,  and  insist  on 
bringing  in  a  British  prize  ?  The  privileges  granted  being 
incompatible  and  exclusive,  the  question  of  priority  in- 
volves everything.     So  much  for  that. 

"  Those  articles  (the  second  and  third)  being  left  out, 
the  convention  must  be  considered  merely  as  a  treaty  of 
peace.  The  pre-existence  of  war  is  admitted,  and  from 
the  moment  of  that  admission  there  is  an  end  to  treaties 
and  to  claims  of  restitution  and  indemnity.  Nothing, 
therefore,  can  make  the  matter  more  clear  than  to  be 
perfectly  silent.  Our  negotiators  huddled  up  a  treaty 
because  there  was  to  be  a  general  peace,  and  you,  my 
good  friend,  seem  to  think  we  should  gulp  it  down  be- 
cause there  is  to  be  a  general  war.  I  took  occasion  early 
to  declare  in  the  Senate  that  we  need  not  hurry  the  mat- 
ter through,  because,  in  my  opinion,  there  would  not  be  a 
general  peace.  Circumstances  rush  on  to  support  my 
conjecture.  Doubtless  the  First  Consul,  if  the  dice  run 
against  him,  will  agree  to  our  offer.  If  they  run  in  his 
favor  he  may  reject  it,  and  in  like  manner  he  might,  un- 
der such  circumstances,  have  freed  himself  from  any  cob- 
7i>eb  fetters.     His  whole  conduct  is  a  comment  on  that  text. 

"  But  you  seem  to  fear  for  Britain  because  she  has 
brought  paper  money  into  fashion.  This  reason,  my  dear 
sir,  is  stronger  against  trusting  her  in  commerce  than  it 
is  against  confiding  in  her  system  of  politics  or  war.  Pa- 
per money,  like  ardent  spirits,  increases  for  a  while  the 
strength,  though  it  consumes  by  degrees  the  fat,  the  mus- 
cles, and  the  viscera.  At  present  Britain  tallows  finely, 
and  presents  a  plump  carcass  for  the  poison  to  prey  upon. 


i8oi.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  4OI 

With  tolerable  management  she  may  last  at  least  ten 
years,  and  make  during  that  period  tremendous  exer- 
tions. Rely  upon  it,  Denmark  and  Sweden  will  be  sick  of 
their  bargain  before  midsummer  next,  and  as  to  Paul 
Peter,  remember  what  I  told  you  of  his  fickle  character. 
He  cannot  last  long,  and,  deprived  of  commerce,  will  find 
his  paper  rubles  run  down  hill  much  faster  than  the  paper 
guineas  of  his  adversary.  His  mother  was  a  different 
being,  and  yet,  even  with  her  gigantic  talents,  she  must 
have  failed  in  the  prosecution  of  her  schemes  had  she 
not  obtained  money  on  loan  in  Holland.  As  to  the  Con- 
tinental war,  I  think  France  has  pushed  as  far  as  reason 
will  justify.  Should  she  go  farther  south  in  Italy  and 
farther  east  in  Germany,  the  Austrians,  by  rapid  move- 
ments to  a  central  position,  may  give  the  Consul  a  blow 
he  will  never  recover." 

Again,  writing  to  Hamilton  on  January  26th,  he  says  : 
"  I  have  now  lying  before  me  your  letter  dated  the  —  inst. 
It  contains  important  facts,  with  many  of  which  I  had  pre* 
viously  been  acquainted,  but  I  dare  not  communicate  the 
contents,  Jjecause  the  idea  that  two  States  will,  on  a  second 
ballot,  come  over,  forms  already  a  reason  with  the  federal 
members  in  the  House  of  Representatives  for  supporting 
Mr.  Burr.  They  now  seriously  and  generally,  after  much 
advisement,  prefer  that  gentleman  to  Mr.  Jefferson.  They 
consider  the  candidates  as  equal  in  worth,  or  (if  you  like 
the  other  mode  of  expression  best)  as  equally  void  of  it ; 
with  this  difference,  that  Burr's  defects  do  not  arise  from 
want  of  energy  and  vigor.  They  believe  that  to  courage 
he  joins  generosity,  and  cannot  be  branded  with  the 
charge  of  ingratitude ;  but  they  consider  Mr.  Jefferson  as 
infected  with  all  the  cold-blooded  vices,  and  as  particularly 
dangerous  from  the  false  principles  of  government  which 
he  has  imbibed.  They  look,  moreover,  with  abhorrence 
Vol.  IL— 26  ' 


402  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLI. 

at  a  Chief  Magistrate  of  America  wiio  shall  be  the  slave 
of  Virginia.  They  consider  it  as  indisputable  that  im- 
mediately upon  Mr.  Burr's  election  he  will  be  abandoned 
by  many  of  the  Southern  demagogues ;  and,  however 
they  may  be  mistaken  in  other  points,  in  this  I  believe 
they  are  right.  On  counting  over  the  Senate,  after  March 
next  it  appears  that,  out  of  thirty-two,  there  will  be  fifteen 
of  each  party,  with  two  feeble  members  on  whom  no  de- 
pendence can  be  placed.  Under  these  circumstances  it  is 
conceived  that  Mr.  Burr  will  be  able  to  decide,  as  Vice- 
President,  all  questions  in  that  body,  and,  of  course,  that 
the  appointment  to  all  offices  will  be  completely  in  the 
hands  of  Messrs.  Jefferson  and  Burr.  The  majority  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  will  be  clear.  Of  course  the 
legislative  authority  must  be  alike  unchecked,  and  subject 
to  their  control.  It  seems,  on  the  other  hand,  to  be  cer- 
tain that  if  the  Ancient  Dominion  be  deprived  of  her 
favorite  chief  she  will  continue  her  opposition  to  Gov- 
ernment, and  that  several  of  her  dependents  will  join  her  ; 
of  course,  that  the  federal  men,  if  united,  can  decide  dur- 
ing the  next  two  years'  administration.  They  believe, 
moreover,  that,  whatever  may  be  Mr.  Burr's  conciliatory 
disposition,  it  will  be  impossible  for  him  to  assuage  the 
resentment  of  the  Virginians,  who  will  consider  his  ac- 
ceptance as  a  treachery,  for  Virginia  cannot  bear  to  see 
any  other  than  a  Virginian  in  the  President's  chair.  You 
know  my  opinions,  but  I  believe,  unless  something  new 
turns  up,  Mr.  Jefferson  will  not  be  chosen.  I  hear  both 
parties,  and  cannot  help  being  amazed  by  the  certainty  of 
success  which  is  declared  by  each.  If  Burr  be  chosen 
President  of  the  United  States,  and  Clinton  Governor  of 
New  York,  without  opposition,  the  anti-federal  party  with 
us  must  fall  to  pieces,  and  we  may  take  up  such  of  the 
fracrments  as  we  like  best." 


i8oi.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  403 

"  I  attend  the  House  to-day,"  says  the  diary  for  January 
30th.  "  In  a  joint  committee  of  the  other  House  I  find 
they  have  taken  up  false  notions  about  the  mode  of  elect- 
ing a  President,  if  none  should  appear  to  be  chosen  by 
the  Electors.  Some  stretch  the  word  immediately  not  only 
to  leaving  the  Senate  Chamber  but  even  to  adjournment 
and  the  doing  of  other  business  intermediately." 

"Two  gentlemen  call  to-day  [February  1st],  before  I  am 
up,  to  settle  an  administration  for  Burr  ;  laughable  enough, 
under  the  circumstances  which  now  exist." 

The  Senate  agreed  on  the  3d  of  February  to  the  rati- 
fication of  the  treaty  with  France.  "  On  condition," 
Morris  wrote  to  his  friend  James  Leray  at  Paris,  "that 
the  second  article  be  struck  out  and  that  it  be  limited  in 
its  duration  to  eight  years.  I  now  make  up  my  letters  to 
go  with  the  ratification.  There  will,  of  course,  be  no  dif- 
ficulty on  your  side  of  the  water  as  to  the  expunging  of 
the  second  article,  for  this  will  close  forever  the  question 
of  indemnification,  and  as  the  term  of  eight  years  carries 
this  treaty  beyond  that  with  Great  Britain,  it  is  presumed 
that  the  limitation  will  be  unexceptionable.  It  is  important 
to  us  to  get  clear  as  fast  as  possible  from  an  intimate  con- 
nection with  any  of  the  powers  of  Europe.  .  .  .  It  is 
impossible  to  determine  which  of  the  two  candidates  will  be 
chosen  President ;  rumors  are  various  and  intrigues  great. 
I  do  not  meddle  in  this  business,  and  am  perhaps  not  so 
well  informed  as  those  who  do,  but  I  can  see  that  it  will 
be  a  tight  race,  and  have  good  reason  to  believe  that  Mr. 
Burr  has  more  friends  and  many  more  well-wishers  than 
is  generally  imagined." 

The  two  Houses  met  on  Wednesday,  February  nth,  to 
count  the  ballots.  "As  was  before  understood,"  Morris 
says,  "  it  appears  that  Messrs.  Jefferson  and  Burr  have 
equal  votes.     The  Representatives  cannot  agree." 


404  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  XLI. 

"  The  House  of  Representatives  continued  balloting 
all  night  without  the  least  change  [February  12th].  We 
do  the  routine  business." 

"  Still  cold  [February  13th],  and  another  snow-storm. 
No  president  yet  chosen." 

It  was  not  until  Tuesday  the  17th,  after  long,  weari- 
some hours  spent  in  balloting,  that  the  federalists  at  last 
gave  way,  and  Thomas  Jefferson  was  chosen  President, 
and  Aaron  Burr  Vice-President  of  the  United  States.  In 
a  letter  to  Robert  Livingston  at  Clermont,  written  on  the 
20th,  Morris,  referring  to  the  incidents  of  the  last  weeks, 
says  :  "  I  greatly  disapproved  and  openly  disapproved  the 
attempt  to  choose  Mr.  Burr.  Many  of  my  friends  thought 
differently.  I  saw  they  would  be  disappointed,  and  there- 
fore looked  on  with  perfect  composure.  Indeed,  my  dear 
friend,  this  farce  of  life  contains  nothing  which  should  put 
us  out  of  humor.  .  .  .  If,  as  you  suppose,  I  had  the  helm 
of  the  ship,  I  should  steer  differently  ;  but  Avhether  better 
or  worse  it  is  not  for  me  to  say.  No  man  keeps  himself 
more,^  and  very  few,  if  any,  so  much  aloof  from  headquar- 
ters. No  one  has  so  pointedly  expressed  his  disapproba- 
tion of  those  things  which  tend  to  debase  the  office  and 
degrade  the  dignity  of  government.  As  to  the  convention, 
you  will  have  seen  that  it  is  ratified.  .  .  .  If  it  should 
not  now  be  agreed  to  by  the  French  Government,  and 
that  will  depend  on  the  state  of  affairs  when  it  arrives,  the 
r^ijr/ objection  will  be  the  limit  of  its  duration.  The  com- 
mercial interest  has  gone,  as  you  say,  with  the  administra- 
tion, and  I  believe  it  will  go  with  the  new  administration. 
It  certainly  will,  if  they  govern  tolerably  well.  Not  being 
a  leader,  nor  in  the  secret  of  those  who  lead  on  either  side, 
and  neither  meaning  nor  wishing  to  be  so,  I  can  judge 
with  tolerable  impartiality  of  what  passes.  I  have  agreed 
heartily  and  cordially  to  the  new  Judiciary  Bill,  which  may 


i8oi.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  405 

have,  and  probably  has,  many  little  faults ;  but  it  answers 
the  double  purpose  of  bringing  justice  near  to  men's 
doors  and  of  giving  additional  fibre  to  the  roots  of  gov- 
ernment. You  must  not,  my  friend,  judge  of  other  States 
by  our  own.  Depend  on  it  that,  in  some  parts  of  this 
Union,  justice  cannot  be  readily  obtained  in  the  State 
courts. 

"  That  some  improper  appointments  may  take  place 
under  the  law  I  can  readily  suppose  ;  but  in  what  coun- 
try on  earth  are  all  appointments  good  ?  That  the  leaders 
of  the  federal  party  may  use  this  opportunity  to  provide 
for  friends  and  adherents  is,  I  think,  probable,  and  if  they 
were  my  enemies  I  should  not  condemn  them  for  it. 
Whether  I  should  do  the  same  thing  myself  is  another 
question  ;  I  believe  that  I  should  not.  They  are  about 
to  experience  a  heavy  gale  of  adverse  wind.  Can  they 
be  blamed  for  casting  many  anchors  to  hold  their  ship 
through  the  storm  ? " 

"  Our  new  President  makes  his  inaugural  speech  to-day 
[March  4th] — too  long  by  half,  and  so  he  will  find  it  him- 
self before  he  is  three  years  older." 

"  Visit  the  President  [March  6th] ;  very  friendly.  In  the 
evening  the  Vice-President  calls,  and  takes  tea.  We  have 
news  from  Europe  which  communicate  the  victories  of 
the  French  and  the  armistice  of  the  25th  of  December, 
1800  ;  also  the  declaration  of  Bonaparte  stating  the  Rhine 
as  the  eastern  boundary  of  France  and  the  Adige  as  the 
western  boundary  of  the  Austrian  dominions  ;  the  guar- 
antee of  the  Swiss  and  Dutch  Republics.  The  Cisalpine 
not  being  mentioned,  I  presume  that  the  King  of  Sardinia 
is  to  be  restored  to  his  dominions.  I  conclude,  also,  that 
this  peace  has  been  previously  settled  between  him  and 
the  Courts  of  Berlin  and  Petersburg.  I  am  confirmed  by 
General  Dayton  in  the  idea  I  took  up  from  the  conversa- 


406  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLI. 

tion  at  the  President's,  that  our  monarch  and  his  heir  ap- 
parent will  not  be  well  together." 

"  Pack  up  and  leave  Washington  to-day  [March  8th]. 
We  find  the  road  most  execrable,  and  in  consequence  get 
stalled  and  set  fast  in  the  mud.  We  are  about  ten  hours 
coming  twentj-four  miles  to  Annapolis,  and  our  baggage- 
wagon  repeatedly  sticks  fast.  The  people  through  the 
country  are,  in  general,  democrats,  and  the  store-keepers, 
we  observe,  have  sign-boards  to  say  that  they  deal  only 
for  cash.  These  boards  were,  we  are  told,  put  up  on  the 
first  day  of  this  year.  The  merchants  could  no  longer  go 
on  giving  credit.  This  accounts  for  the  democratic  prin- 
ciple better  than  the  boasted  efforts  of  influential  men. 
We  hear  of  cock-fighting.  The  whole  country  is  full  of 
fox  hounds,  and  all  the  churches  have  the  windows  bro- 
ken." 

"  Reach  Philadelphia  [March  14th]  ;  the  roads  very  bad. 
Go  to  the  jail,  and  dine  with  my  poor  friend  Robert  Mor- 
ris. Accounts  from  the  Federal  City  seem  to  show  that 
our  new  President  is  making  some  improper  appoint- 
ments." 

Arrived  at  Morrisania,  Morris  put  aside  the  "metier 
de  senateur"  and  betook  himself  to  the  pruning-hook 
and  the  business  of  the  farm,  laid  out  a  garden,  actively 
superintended  the  men  working  on  his  house,  and  enter- 
tained numerous  guests.  "I  am  so  much  fatigued  every 
day  with  work,"  he  says,  "as  to  take  no  particular  note  of 
what  passes."  The  difficulties  of  house-keeping  were 
great,  and  he  wrote  to  his  friend  M.  Leray  at  Paris  that 
if  he  could  send  him  '^^chassettr  who  understood  fishing 
he  would  be  useful  to  me,  and  a  cook  is  a  physical  neces- 
sity. No  good  domestics  can  be  had  here,  not  even 
women.  None  of  those  imported  can,  I  think,  be  de- 
pended on  unless  they  be  somewhat  advanced  in  years." 


i8oi.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  40/ 

No  public  affairs  especially  attracted  Morris's  atten- 
tion until  the  autumn  of  1801,  when  the  news  came  that 
the  First  Consul  had  ratified  the  amended  treaty. 

"  I  suppose,"  he  then  wrote  to  John  Parish  (October 
5th)  at  London,  d,  propos  of  this  subject,  "you  have  not 
attended  to  those  amendments  which,  though  of  little  ap- 
parent consequence,  have  the  great  and  salutary  effect  of 
terminating  our  intimate  alliance  with  France,  and,  of 
course,  leave  us  in  a  state  of  equality  with  all  nations. 
It  is  true  we  paid  for  it  by  giving  up  our  claim  for  dam- 
ages by  the  spoliation  of  our  commerce  ;  if,  indeed,  that 
claim  can  be  supposed  to  be  of  any  value.  ...  I  con- 
clude that  the  affairs  of  the  First  Consul  are  not  very 
splendid.  He  would  not  otherwise  have  let  go  his  hold 
of  us,  for  though  we  are  but  as  a  feather  in  the  great 
scale  of  power,  yet  when  that  scale  is  nearly  poised  the 
weight  of  a  feather  is  something." 

Just  at  this  time  the  proposition  of  M.  and  Madame  de 
Lafayette,  to  take  advantage  of  a  law  in  France  the  letter 
of  which  made  it  possible  for  them  to  avoid  paying  the 
interest  on  a  sum  of  money  he  had  readily  furnished  them 
with  in  the  days  of  their  adversity,  very  painfully  discon- 
certed Morris.  "  I  own  to  you,"  he  wrote  to  his  friend 
James  Leray,  who  had  indignantly  refused  to  comply  with 
the  terms  proposed  by  the  Lafayettes,  "  my  dear  friend, 
that  this  stickling  for  depreciation  is  quite  shocking.  It 
is  worse  to  my  feelings  than  the  loss  I  must  sustain.  A 
necessary  consequence  of  their  action  is  that,  to  put  them- 
selves in  the  right,  they  must  put  me  in  the  wrong,  to 
which  effect  they  must  grossly  misrepresent.  This,  how- 
ever, is  easy,  for  the  maxim,  '  Les  absents  ont  toujours 
tort,'  is  never  more  true  than  in  the  societies  of  Paris." 
A  settlement  of  this  matter  was  not  arranged  until  the 
spring  of  1804,  and  then  Morris  was  obliged  to  content 


408  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLl. 

himself  with  53,500  livres,  instead  of  100,000  livres,  which 
was  the  amount  of  the  original  debt. 

M.  Henri  Labarte,  at  Paris,  had  charge  of  this  extraordi- 
narily disagreeable  affair,  and  the  following  letter  to  him 
explains  the  state  of  the  case  :  "  Jai  eu  I'honneur  de  vous 
ecrire  sur  I'affaire  de  M.  de  Lafayette.  Vous  y  trouverez, 
peut-etre,  I'indignation  que  m'inspiraient  des  demarches 
auxquelles  je  ne  devais  certainement  pas  m'attendre,  je 
vous  en  rends  juge.  La  soeur  de  Madame  de  Lafayette  est 
venue  me  dire  que  M.  de  Lafayette  manquait  du  necessaire 
dans  les  prisons  de  Magdebourg.  -«Je  lui  fis  payer  sur-le- 
champ  dix  mille  florins,  au  nom  des  Etats-Unis,  mais  de 
mes  propres  deniers.  Je  dis  de  '  mes  propres  deniers,' 
parce  que  non  seulment  je  m'en  suis  rendu  responsable, 
mais  encore,  j'en  ai  laisse  le  montant  entre  les  mains  des 
banquiers  des  Etats-Unis  a  Amsterdam  jusqu'a  ce  que  le 
Congres  eut  decide  qu'on  payat  les  appointements  que  M.  de 
Lafayette,  dans  les  jours  brillants  de  sa  fortune,  n'avait  pas 
voulu  toucher,  et  qu'on  eut  rembourse  aux  banquiers  les 
10,000  florins  que,  d'apres  mes  ordres,  ils  lui  avaient  remis. 
Bientot  apres  on  est  venu  encore,  de  la  part  de  Madame  de 
Lafayette,  me  depeindre  ses  angoissesde  ce  que  I'honneur 
de  son  mari  etait  compromis  k  cause  de  100,000  livres 
de  dettes  que,  faute  des  formalit^s  requises,  ne  seraient 
pas  payees  du  produit  de  ses  biens,  et  me  prier  du  les 
cautionner  a  I'Assemblee  Nationale,  de  la  part  des  Etats- 
Unis.  Quoiqu'il  lui  parut  tres  simple  qu'on  fit  une  af- 
faire d'etat  des  details  de  son  menage,  il  eut  ete  facile 
de  lui  faire  sentir  I'inconsequence  d'une  pareille  de- 
mande.  Mais  elle  etait  malheureuse.  Ainsi,  loin  de 
m'enfermer  dans  les  formes  de  ma  place,  je  lui  promis 
les  100,000  livres  et,  quoique  des  circonstances  imprevues 
m'en  rendissent  le  paiement  difficile,  je  lui  tins  parole.  Or, 
dans  ce  moment,  cette  somme  m'eut  valu,  au  prix  courant, 


i8oi.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  409 

pres  de  deux  mille  marcs  d'argent,  et  Madame  de  Lafayette, 
alors  prisonniere,  allait,  selon  toute  apparence,  etre  vic- 
timee.  Mais  pour  epargner  a  sa  sensibilite  la  peine  de 
voir  ternir  I'honneur  de  son  mari,  j'en  fis  I'avance  qu'on 
veut  actuellement  me  rembourser  avec  53,500  livres.  Soit, 
j'y  consens ;  car  je  ne  veux  pas,  par  un  proces  eclatant,  avoir 
I'air  de  me  faire  valoir  aux  depens  de  la  reputation  de  M. 
de  Lafayette.  Ainsi,  je  vous  prie,  monsieur,  de  terminer 
cette  affaire,  et  qu'il  n'en  soit  plus  parle.  Je  vous  prie, 
nieme,  de  ne  point  ebruiter  les  details  que  je  viens  de  vous 
confier."  * 

*  Translation.— I  have  had  the  honor  to  write  to  you  concerning  M.  de 
Lafayette's  business.  You  will  find  in  this  letter  the  expression  of  my  indig- 
nation concerning  proceedings  I  had  certainly  no  reason  to  expect.  I  wish 
you  to  know  all  about  them.  The  sister  of  Madame  de  Lafayette  came  to  me, 
stating  that  M.  de  Lafayette  was  in  dire  want  in  the  prisons  of  Magdeburg. 
I  caused  at  once  ten  thousand  florins  to  be  paid  to  him,  in  the  name  of  the 
United  States,  but  out  of  my  own  resources.  I  say.  "  my  own  resources,"  for 
not  only  did  I  render  myself  liable  for  that  amount,  but  I  left  it  in  the  hands  of 
the  United  States  bankers  in  Amsterdam  until  Congress  had  decided  that  the 
salary  M.  de  Lafayette  had  declined  in  the  brilliant  days  of  his  fortune  should 
be  paid  him,  and  until  the  bankers  had  been  paid  back  the  ten  thousand  florins 
thus  disbursed  by  them  by  my  orders.  Soon  afterward  friends  came  again, 
in  Madame  de  Lafayette's  name,  picturing  to  me  her  anguish.  The  honor  of 
her  husband  was  compromised  on  account  of  one  hundred  thousand  livres  of 
debts  which  he  had  contracted,  and  which,  owing  to  the  lack  of  certain  for- 
malities, could  not  be  paid  out  of  the  proceeds  of  his  property.  She  begged 
me  to  be  his  indorser  to  that  amount,  in  the  name  of  the  United  States,  before 
the  National  .\ssembly.  Although  she  seemed  to  think  it  perfectly  natural  to 
parade  her  household  cares  as  State  matters,  she  might  easily  have  been  made 
to  feel  the  inconsequence  of  such  a  step.  But  she  was  unfortunate,  and,  not 
allowing  the  forms  of  my  office  to  hinder  me,  I  promised  her  the  one  hundred 
thousand  livres,  and,  although  I  found  it  difficult  to  bring  the  sum  together,  I 
kept  my  word.  At  that  time  such  a  sum  could  have  bought  me  two  thousand 
marks  of  silver,  and  Madame  de  Lafayette,  then  a  prisoner,  seemed  very 
near  being  sent  to  the  scaffold.  But  to  spare  to  her  sensibility  the  grief  of 
seeing  the  honor  of  her  husband  tarnished,  I  advanced  that  sum,  for  which 
they  now  want  to  pay  me  fifty-three  thousand  livres.  All  right.  I  consent ; 
for  I  will  not,  by  means  of  a  noisy  lawsuit,  appear  to  be  exalting  myself  at  the 
expense  of  M.  de  Lafayette's  reputation.  I  therefore  ask  you,  sir,  to  close 
this  matter,  so  that  it  be  never  spoken  of  again.  I  beg  of  you,  also,  to  pre- 
vent the  details  just  confided  to  you  from  coming  before  the  public. 


41 0  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLI. 

To  Madame  de  Lafayette  Morris  wrote  the  following 
letter  in  August,  1802,  replying  to  a  letter  of  hers  in  which 
she  had  said  that  M.  de  Lafayette  could  not  charge  him- 
self with  her  debt  to  him  : 

"  Vous  me  parlez,  madame,  du  profit  que  j'eusse  pu  tirer 
d'un  secours  pecuniaire  que  j'etais  assez  heureux  de  pou- 
voir  vous  fournir  dans  un  moment  critique.  II  n'en  a 
jamais  ^te  question,  mais  s'il  eut  fallu  faire  un  pareil 
calcul,  je  vous  aurais  fait  observer  que  j'aurais  pu,  avec  las 
cent  mille  francs  que  je  vous  ai  pretes,  acquerir  un  bien- 
fonds  dans  le  centre  de  Paris  de  dix  mille  livres  de  rente. 
Vous  me  fites  entrevoir  votre  etat  de  besoin.  Alors,  ma- 
dame, il  ne  fut  plus  question  de  calculs.  Ma  sensibilite 
me  porta,  dans  un  moment  terrible,  X  vous  faire  une  avance 
sans  penser  aux  risques,  ou  plutot  a  la  presque  certitude, 
de  n'etre  jamais  paye.  Le  sentiment  qui  m'a  rendu  votre 
creancier  m'a  defendu  d'accepter  I'hypotheque  que  vous 
aviez  bien  voulu  m'oflfrir  lors  de  votre  premier  sejour  dans 
la  ville  de  Hambourg.  Le  meme  sentiment,  madame,  ne 
me  permet  aucune  observation  dans  le  moment  actuel.  II 
me  parait,  d'apres  votre  lettre,  qu'il  convient  a  M.  de  La- 
fayette de  s'acquitter  de  cette  creance  en  me  payant  cin- 
quante-trois  mille  livres.  M.  Labarte,  qui  aura  I'honneur 
de  vous  remettre  celle-ci,  est  charge,  de  ma  part,  de  les  re- 
cevoir,  de  vous  en  passer  quittance  et  de  vous  donner  celle 
pour  cent  mille  francs  que  votre  agent  m'a  fait  il  y  a  sept 
ou  huit  ans.  II  n'en  serait  done  plus  question,  sans  I'espoir 
qu'on  a  donn6  a  M.  de  Lafayette  de  faire  payer  ses  dettes 
par  les  Etats-Unis. 

"  Vous  sentez  bien,  madame,  que,  vu  les  circonstances 
ou  je  me  trouve,  la  delicatesse  me  defend  de  prendre  part 
aux  deliberations  sur  cet  objet.  Je  me  borne  k  I'assurance 
que,  dans  le  cas  ou  je  serais  pay6  ici,  je  m'empresserais  de 
rendre  a  monsieur  votre  mari  la  somme  qu'il  aura  comp- 


i8oi.]        ,  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  41I 

tee  a  M.  Labarte.  Dites,  je  vous  prie,  inadame,  mille  choses 
de  ma  part  a  M.  de  Lafayette,  et  soyez  persuadee  du  re- 
spect et  de  I'attachement  avec  lesquelles  j'ai  I'honneur 
d'etre    .     .     ."* 

"  From  the  last  advices  I  have  received,"  Morris  wrote 
to  Mr.  Parish  in  February,  1803,  "it  appears  that  M.  de 
Lafayette  means  to  liquidate  what  he  owes  me  by  some- 
thing less  than  the  interest  of  it.  To  do  this  he  reduces 
the  principal  down  pretty  low  by  a  scale  of  depreciation. 
God  forgive  him,  and,  if  possible,  reconcile  him  to  him- 
self. He  must  have  odd  notions  if,  with  the  conscious- 
ness of  facts,  some  mediation  be  not  necessary  between 
his  mind  and  his  conscience." 

On  the  termination  of  the  affair  Morris  wrote  to  M. 
Henri  Labarte  (May  12,  1804)  to  congratulate  him  on  the 

*  Translation. — You  speak  to  me,  madame,  of  a  profit  which  I  might 
have  derived  from  a  pecuniary  service  I  was  happy  to  render  you  in  a  critical 
moment.  It  was  never  thought  of,  and  if  such  a  calculation  had  been  in- 
tended I  should  have  pointed  out  to  you  that,  witii  the  one  hundred  thou- 
sand francs  I  lent  you  I  might  have  bought  real  estate  in  the  centre  of  Paris 
which  would  bring  me  now  ten  thousand  livres  yearly  rent  You  gave  me  a 
hint  as  to  your  state  of  want ;  then,  madame,  I  could  think  of  no  specula- 
tion. My  sensibility  induced  me  to  consent  to  this  advance  without  giving  a 
thought  to  the  risks,  or,  rather,  to  the  quasi-certitude  of  never  being  re- 
payed.  The  feeling  which  made  of  me  your  creditor  forbade  me  accept- 
ing the  mortgage-bond  you  kindly  offered  me  at  the  time  of  your  first  stay 
in  Hamburg.  The  same  feeling,  madame,  allows  me  no  observation  at  the 
present  moment. 

.According  to  your  letter  it  appears  that  M.  de  Lafayette  is  desirous  to 
settle  this  debt  by  paying  me  fifty-three  thousand  livres.  M.  Labarte,  who 
will  have  the  honor  to  hand  you  this  letter,  is  instructed  by  me  to  receive 
this  sum,  to  give  you  a  receipt  for  it,  and  to  return  to  you  the  receipt  for  one 
hundred  thousand  livres  your  agent  gave  me,  seven  or  eight  years  ago.  The 
subject  could  therefore  be  dropped,  if  some  hopes  had  not  been  given  to 
M.  de  Lafayette  that  the  United  States  might  pay  his  debts.  You  understand, 
madame,  that,  under  the  circumstances,  delicacy  forbids  me  taking  any  part 
in  the  deliberations  concerning  the  matter.  I  can  only  assure  you  that,  in 
case  I  should  be  paid  here,  I  would  hasten  to  return  to  your  husband  the 
sum  he  shall  have  paid  to  M.  Labarte.  I  beg  that  you  will  give  a  thousand 
regards  on  my  part  to  M.  de  Lafayette,  and  that  you  will  be  persuaded  of  the 
respect  and  of  the  attachment  with  which  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc. 


412  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLI. 

ending  of  so  unpleasant  an  episode.  "Vous  avez  bien 
fait,"  he  says,  **de  terminer  avec  mes  debiteurs,  et  je 
desire  maintenant  qu'ils  en  aient  la  conscience  nette.  Mal- 
heureusement,  cela  ne  leur  arrivera  pas,  et,  par  conse- 
quent, ils  me  porteront  toujours  une  inimitie  sincere. 
L'ingrat  ne  pense  guere  a  son  bienfaiteur  sans  peine,  et 
comment  ne  pas  hair  I'objet  qui  nous  fait  souflfrir  et, 
surtout,  celui  qui  nous  avilit,  meme  a  nos  propres  yeux? 
Leur  ayant  pardonn^  le  premier  tort,  je  pardonne,  d'avance, 
le  second."  * 

"  There  is  no  drawing  the  sound  of  a  trumpet  from  a 
whistle,"  was  almost  the  severest  stricture  Morris  passed 
on  the  conduct  of  the  Lafayettes. 

*  Translation. — You  did  well  to  close  matters  with  my  debtors,  and  I 
only  wish  them  a  clear  conscience.  Unhappily  that  they  will  not  have, 
and  will  ever  bear  me,  in  consequence,  a  sincere  hatred.  The  ungrateful 
man  never  thinks  of  his  benefactor  without  a  pang,  and  how  should  one  not 
detest  the  object  that  causes  such  suffering  and  lowers  one  in  one's  own 
eyes  ?    Having  pardoned  the  first  wroi;g,  I  pardon  the  second  in  advance. 


i8oi.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  413 


CHAPTER  XLII. 

Yellow  fever  at  New  York.  Morris  describes  his  home  life  to  Count- 
ess Hohenthal.  Letter  to  Parish  on  public  affairs.  Washington. 
The  Senate  opposes  a  motion  to  repeal  the  law  respecting  the  Judi- 
ciary. Opinion  of  the  Administration.  Letter  to  Alexander  Hamilton. 
Letter  to  Robert  Livingston.  Work  in  the  Senate.  Letter  to  the 
Princesse  de  la  Tour  et  Taxis.  Strictures  on  the  Jefferson  adminis- 
tration. 

DURING  the  autumn  of  1801  New  York  was  smitten 
with  the  scourge  of  yellow  fever.  The  inhabitants 
fied  terrified  from  the  plague-stricken  town.  Morris 
mentions  the  case  of  a  young  man  who,  he  says,  "  dined 
with  me  on  Wednesday,  and  was  taken  ill  on  his  way  to 
a  friend's  house  the  next  morning  with  the  malignant 
fever."  But  only  occasional  reports  of  the  suffering  and 
misery  seemed  to  reach  Morris  in  his  remote  and  peace- 
ful corner  of  the  world,  to  judge  from  the  following  letter 
to  the  Princesse  de  la  Tour  et  Taxis  (October  30th)  giving 
her  an  account  of  his  life. 

"J'ysuis,"  he  wrote,  "  entour^  de  magons  et  de  char- 
pentiers,  dont  depuis  deux  annees  je  suis  I'esclave.  J'es- 
pere  en  etre  bientot  quitte,  et  je  jouis  en  attendant  de  la 
plus  belle  saison  que  j'aie  vue  de  ma  vie.  Vous  en 
jugerez  par  la  circonstance  que  nous  avons  cueilli  hier 
des  petits  pois  en  plein  vent.  Ma  maisonette  s'eleve  sur 
les  bords  d'un  bras  de  mer,  six  fois  plus  grand  que  votre 
fleuve,  ou  il  passe  tous  les  jours  quelques  douzaines  de 
vaisseaux  de  toute  grandeur.     Cette  vue  anime  beaucoup 


414  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIL 

un  paysage  d'ailleurs  riant.  Enfin,  pour  tout  dire  en  un 
mot,  c'est  le  sol  natal."* 

Morris's  interest  in  European  politics  was  as  keen  as 
ever,  and  he  watched  with  that  sympathy  which  was  a 
prominent  feature  in  his  character  the  varying  fortunes 
of  his  friends  on  the  Continent.  To  Madame  la  Comtesse 
de  Hohenthal  at  Dresden  he  wrote  early  in  November, 
and  after  sympathizing  with  her  on  a  family  affliction 
which  had  befallen  her,  he  branched  off  upon  that  un- 
failingly interesting  subject,  the  condition  of  Europe.  .  .  . 
"Vous  avez  raison,  madame,  la  geographie  est  a  present 
une  etude  inutile.  J'attends  pour  faire  mes  cartes  le  mo- 
ment d'une  paix  ;  je  ne  puis  pas  donner  le  nom  de  paix 
a  la  treve  qu'on  a  faite.  Sans  doute  les  petites  puissances 
seront  mangees,  tot  ou  tard  ;  il  ne  s'agit  que  des  grandes. 
II  reste  a  savoir  ce  qu'elles  deviendront  lorsque,  se  tou- 
chant  de  toutes  parts,  elles  auront  autant  d'occasions  et 
de  moyens  de  se  nuire  qu'elles  en  puissent  desirer.  La 
solution  de  ce  probleme  me  parait  digne  de  I'attention  de 
ceux  qui  gouvernent  les  etats. 

"Quant  a  nous,  madame,  nous  sommes,  jusqu'a  present, 
spectateurs  peu  instruits  mais  passablement  tranquilles 
de  la  piece  qui  se  donne  sur  votre  grand  theatre.  Le 
denouement  doit  nous  interesser,  puis  qu'en  notre  qualite 
d'hommes  le  sort  des  humains  ne  peut  nous  etre  indiffe- 
rent. Au  reste,  I'enuraeration  qu'on  vient  de  faire,  nous 
donne  une  population  de  cinq  millions,  ce  qui,  dans  la  po- 

*  Translation. — I  am  surrounded  by  masons  and  carpenters,  who  have 
made  a  slave  of  me  these  last  two  years.  I  hope  to  be  rid  of  them  soon, 
and,  in  the  mean  time,  I  enjoy  the  finest  season  I  ever  saw  in  my  life.  You 
may  judge  of  it  from  the  fact  that  we  gathered  yesterday  peas  grown  in  the 
open  air.  My  little  house  is  built  on  the  shore  of  an  arm  of  the  sea,  about  six 
times  broader  than  your  river,  and  over  which  pass  daily  several  dozen  ships 
of  all  sizes.  That  gives  much  animation  to  a  most  charming  landscape.  In 
a  word,  it  is  my  native  land. 


i8oi.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  415 

sition  avantageuse  que  nous  occupons   sur  le  globe,  ne 
laisse  pas  d'etre  quelque  chose."* 

Of  the  condition  of  public  affairs  in  America  Morris 
constantly  informed  his  friend  John  Parish,  and  in  a  let- 
ter dated  November  13th,  speaking  of  the  doings  of  the 
new  administration,  he  says  :  "You  will  have  seen  by  our 
gazettes  that  a  complete  change  has  taken  place  in  the 
arrangements  of  our  domestic  and  most  of  our  foreign 
ministers  and  officers,  and  this,  which  to  us  federalists 
proves  very  disagreeable,  is  not  so  to  me,  who  am  in  the 
habit  of  considering  natural  consequences  and  ultimate 
effects.  The  democrats  will  push  the  Constitution  for- 
ward more  rapidly  than  the  federalists  dared  to  do,  and 
will  wind  up  its  powers  as  high  as  they  ought  to  go,  and 
perhaps  a  little  higher.  The  result  of  this  will  be  some 
clashing,  by  and  by,  with  their  friends  in  the  States  ;  and  if 
we  have  good  sense  enough  not  to  make  too  much  noise 
we  shall  by  and  by  be  called  in  to  take  the  business  up  in 
a  much  better  condition  than  when  we  were  forced  (and 
deservedly,  too)  to  lay  it  down  ;  I  say,  deservedly,  for  we 
have  done  some  foolish  things  as  a  party,  over  and  above 
the  many  wild  ones  for  which  we  are  indebted  to  the 
unsteady  temper  of  the  late  President." 

*  Translation. — You  are  quite  right,  madame,  in  stating  that  geography 
is,  nowadays,  a  useless  study.  I  will  wait  for  peace  before  drawing  any  maps  ; 
I  can  hardly  give  the  name  of  peace  to  the  present  suspension  of  hostilities. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  the  smaller  powers  will  be  gobbled  up  sooner  or  later  ; 
the  great  powers  only  are  in  question.  It  would  be  most  interesting  to  know 
,what  will  become  of  them  when  their  many  points  of  contact  shall  furnish 
them  with  all  the  occasions  and  facilities  they  may  wish  for,  to  be  harmful  to 
one  another.  The  solution  of  this  problem  appears  to  me  worthy  of  the  atten- 
tion of  all  statesmen.  As  for  us,  madame,  we  remain  the  imperfectly  in- 
formed but  pretty  quiet  spectators  of  the  play  acted  just  now  upon  your  vast 
stage.  The  unravelling  of  the  plot  is  bound  to  interest  us,  for,  being  men,  the 
fate  of  human  beings  can  never  be  indifferent  to  us.  Besides,  the  last  census 
gives  us  a  population  of  five  million  people,  and  that  is  quite  a  little  some- 
thing, in  addition  to  our  advantageous  position  upon  the  globe. 


4l6  DIARY    AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLII- 

But  to  return  to  the  entries  in  the  diary,  and  Morris's 
public  life  at  Washington  during  the  struggle  over  the 
repeal  of  the  Judiciary  law.* 

**  I  pack  up  to-day  [December  8th]  and  set  off  for  Wash- 
ington. Reach  Philadelphia  on  the  13th,  and  Wilmington 
on  the  15th.  Doctor  Latimer  calls  on  me,  and  I  visit  Mr. 
Dickenson.  State  to  him  the  object  which  stands  promi- 
nent in  Jefferson's  message,  viz.,  the  destruction  of  the 
General  Government.  He  is,  of  course,  alarmed.  Reach 
Washington  on  the  i8th. 

**  Attend  in  the  Senate  ;  a  foolish  question  about  the 
ratification  of  the  convention  with  France.  Mr.  Jefferson, 
instead  of  publishing  the  treaty,  has  sent  it  to  the  Senate, 
and  we  have  a  deal  of  idle  talk.  However,  we  decide 
that  the  ratification  is  complete,  and  they  pay  him  a  very 
bad  compliment  (at  the  instance  of  his  friends)  by  direct- 
ing him  what  to  do.  In  the  evening  call  on  Judge  Patter- 
son, and  see  there  the  Bench.  Mr.  Bayard,  I  find,  is  the 
cause  why  this  day  the  Delaware  delegation  in  the  Senate 
voted  somewhat  wildly." 

"  Visit  [December  24th]  the  President  and  M.  and  Ma- 
dame de  Pichon,  who  seem  to  think  the  society  of  our 
capital  dull.  M.  Pichon  tells  me  that  he  finds  the  attach- 
ment of  the  democrats  to  France  was  a  mere  party  pre- 
text to  get  into  power.  He  tells  me  that  Bonaparte 
would  not  have  ratified  the  amended  treaty  if  the  affairs 
of  Copenhagen  and  Egypt  had  not  happened.  He  says 
the  people  about  him,  and  particularly  Talleyrand,  are  in- 
disposed to  America." 

"The  Senate  resolves  this  day  [January  5th]  to  admit  a 

*  The  great  point  at  issue  during  the  Session  of  1801  and  1802,  was  the  re- 
peal of  the  Judiciary  Act.  The  hostility  of  the  republicans  to  judges  of  the 
.Federal  Courts  was  marked,  and  exasperated  by  the  recollection  of  the  for- 
eign missions  of  Chief-Justices  Ellsworth  and  Jay,  and  having  at  last  obtained 
the  power,  they  were  bent  upon  retaliation. 


i8o2.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  417 

short-hand  writer  on  their  floor.     This  is  the  beginning  of 

mischief."  * 

"  Motion  made  in  the  Senate  for  repeal  of  the  law 
passed  last  session  respecting  the  Judiciary  [January  8th]. 
Oppose  it  in  a  speech  of  near  an  hour,  which  is  much  ap- 
proved by  those  who  think  with  me;  a  large  audience, 
which  is  not  common  in  that  House.  Late  tea  this  even- 
ing at  the  President's.  Many  of  the  opposite  party  there, 
who  are  much  vexed  at  my  speech  ;  the  President  very 
civil,  but  with  evident  marks  of  constraint.  Mrs.  Madi- 
son, who  takes  Mrs.  Robert  Morris  and  her  companions 
to  this  tea-party,  has  good  dispositions,  which,  from  the 
shrivelled  condition  of  the  Secretary,  are  the  less  to  be 
wondered  at.  Mr.  Smith  came  just  after  dinner  to  ask  my 
aid  in  preparing  my  discourse  for  the  press." 

"  Debate  on  the  Judiciary  continued  [January  14th].  I 
take  a  large  portion  of  the  morning  ;  the  auditors  are  af- 
fected, but  the  question  will  be  carried  against  us." 

"  On  Friday  [January  15th]  the  debate  still  continued  ; 
Mr.  Baldwin  argumentative,  subtle,  and  plausible  ;  Mr. 
Hillhouse,  as  usual,  keen,  discerning,  and  forcible,  though 
unpolished.  Mr.  Burr  calls  on  me.  Is  disposed  to  go 
with  us  on  the  Judiciary.  Cannot,  however,  openly  break 
with  his  party.     Must  modify  the  resolution." 

"An  accident  to  Logan,  one  of  our  Senators — an  apo- 
plectic fit  or  something  like  it  [January  20th]  ;  a  very  in- 
solent note  on  Smith's  pages  this  evening.  Attend  to 
executive  business.     Jefferson  has  got  into  a  scrape." 

*  "  Hitherto  men  who  came  to  the  Senate  to  take  notes  found  it  impossible 
to  report  debates.  Their  place  was  with  the  public,  in  the  upper  gallery,  so 
far  removed  from  the  floor  of  the  chamber  that  they  could  not  hear  what  the 
senators  said.  Now  the  editor  of  the  National  Intelligencer  was  assigned  a 
place  on  the  floor  of  the  House  where  he  could  both  hear  and  see  what  was  said 
and  done.  He  was  a  Republican.  The  Federalists,  therefore,  when  the  yeas 
and  nays  were  taken,  disgraced  themselves  by  attempting  to  keep  him  out." 
McMaster's  History  of  the  People  of  the  United  States,  vol.  ii. ,  pp.  607-608." 
Vol.  11,-27 


41 8  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLII. 

"  The  Judiciary  Bill  gets  on  one  step  [January  26th], 
and  a  motion  to  commit  fails  by  this  management.  On  ex- 
ecutive business,  persons  are  approved  of  who  are  stated 
by  the  senators  from  the  countrj'  to  which  they  belong 
to  be  men  of  no  character,  and  men  of  bad  character. 
This  is  thumping  work.  Dine  with  the  President.  His 
constrained  manner  of  reception  shows  his  enmity,  and 
his  assiduous  attentions  demonstrate  his  fear." 

Of  the  difficulty  of  sustaining  the  work  of  the  adminis- 
tration Morris  speaks,  in  a  letter  to  Nicholas  Lowe,  at 
New  York,  dated  February  12th: 

"  You  know,  my  friend,  that  I  came  hither  determined 
to  support  the  administration,  if  I  could  do  so  honestly. 
They  are  mad,  and  so  you  will  all  see  before  the  first  day 
of  January,  1803.  .  .  .  The  Judiciary  Bill  keeps  mov- 
ing on.  People  of  all  parties  begin  to  be  alarmed  at  this 
wild  measure,  which,  to  get  rid  of  a  few  obnoxious  judges, 
(obnoxious  to  the  ruling  party)  under  the  pretext  of  sav- 
ing a  little  money,  renders  the  judicial  system  manifestly 
defective  and  hazards  the  existence  of  the  Constitution. 
This  is  the  true  state  of  the  question,  distinct  from  all 
party  views,  and  so  it  will  stand  on  the  impartial  page  of 
history.  It  will,  nevertheless,  be  carried,  on  the  trium- 
phant vote  of  a  great  majority,  (many  of  them  inwardly 
cursing  their  leaders)  because  the  President  has  recom- 
mended it.  They  will  try,  before  long,  to  make  him  the 
scape-goat,  unless  I  am  much  mistaken  ;  but  I  do  not  see 
how  a  member  is  to  excuse  himself,  either  to>.  his  con- 
science or  to  his  constituents,  for  such  excessive  com- 
plaisance." 

To  his  friend  James  Parish  he  wrote  [February  i6th], 
on  the  same  subject : 

"  As  to  this  country,  we  have  indeed  a  set  of  madmen  in 
the  administration,  and  they  will  do  many  foolish  things, 


i8o2.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  4^9 

but  there  is  a  vigorous  vegetative  principle  at  the  root 
which  will  make  our  tree  flourish,  let  the  winds  blow  as 
theyjnay.  Some  stiff  gales  we  shall  certainly  have,  and 
if  so  I  shall  be  perhaps  obliged  to  keep  the  deck.  My 
friend,  I  fear  it  is  my  fate  to  work  as  long  as  I  live.  I 
had  rather  not,  but  we  are  not  masters  of  our  road  in  trav- 
elling toward  the  grave.  No,  I  have  built  no  castle,  but 
a  pretty  good  house  at  Morrisania,  on  the  foundation  of 
that  in  which  I  was  born  and  in  which  my  parents  died. 
There  I  believe  my  wanderings  must  end.  I  have  a  ter- 
race roof  (by  the  by,  I  will  send  you  a  receipt  how  to 
make  one)  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  feet  long,  to  which 
I  go  out  from  a  side  or,  rather,  a  back  door,  and  from 
whence  I  enjoy  one  of  the  finest  prospects  while  breath- 
ing the  most  salubrious  air  in  the  world.  Tell  your  son 
that  if  he  has  a  mind  to  come  and  shoot  some  of  my  par- 
tridges he  may  embark  with  his  dogs  as  soon  as  he  pleases. 
He  will  at  any  rate  find  good  living,  and  pass  his  time 
without  much  ennui.  I  think  you  were  right  in  selling 
out  of  the  British  funds,  and  experience  shows  that  you 
were  right  in  trying  it  again.  Had  the  affairs  of  that 
country  been  in  the  hands  of  able  men,  your  temerity 
would  have  cost  you  dear.  But  they  have  made  peace, 
and  may  the  Lord  in  his  mercy  sanctify  it  to  them.  It 
was  no  doubt  in  the  pious  reliance  on  His  protecting  care 
that  they  signed  that  ominous  treaty  *  which  has  reduced 
them  to  the  rank  of  a  second-rate  power,  and  will  oblige 
them,  at  no  distant  period,  to  take  up  arms  again  to  fight 
for  independence.  The  ball  was  at  their  feet ;  they  had 
got  over  all  difficulty.  Paper  money  was  established, 
spread  through  the  nation,  and  depreciated.  These  were 
the  three  great  points  ;  everything  else  followed  of  course. 

*  The  treaty  of  Luneville,  February  9,  1802,  when  the  provisions  of  Campo 
Formio  were  ratified. 


420  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLII. 

Had  they  gone  on  to  borrow  this  year  ;^ioo,ooo,ooo  ; 
^300,000,000  the  next ;  then  ^900,000,000,  they  were  mas- 
ters of  everything  in  the  country,  and  would,  (always  under- 
standing that  their  counsels  should  be  both  wise  and  vigor- 
ous) after  three  or  four  years  of  victorious  warfare,  come 
out  of  the  contest  without  a  shilling  of  debt  and  fresh  as  a 
bridegroom.  By  the  time  the  national  debt  had  amounted 
to  two  thousand  millions  the  pound  sterling  would  have 
sunk  down  to  about  a  penny.  Then  a  scale  of  deprecia- 
tion would  have  placed  it  justly  under  ten  million  real 
pounds,  and  as  much  above  that  mark  as  national  gener- 
osity might  have  thought  proper.  The  moneyed  interest 
would,  indeed,  have  been  ruined  by  the  war,  but  there 
would  not  have  been  a  sucking-pig  the  less  in  the  coun- 
try. Their  mines,  their  soil,  their  shops  and  ships,  would 
still  have  existed  and  been  unencumbered.  You  see  their 
present  situation  in  its  true  point,  but  there  is  a  little  cir- 
cumstance which  seems  not  to  have  met  your  notice,  and 
which  appears  to  me  of  importance.  France  commands 
with  sovereign  sway  from  the  mouth  of  the  Etsch  [Adige] 
round  to  the  mouth  of  the  Ems ;  but  there  is  a  space  from 
thence  to  the  mouth  of  the  Eider,  or,  if  you  please,  to  that 
of  the  Baltic,  which  must  somehow  or  other  be  brought 
under  the  same  influence.  And  there  is  a  certain  Marquis 
of  Brandenburg,  who  must  henceforth  revolve  in  the  orbit 
which  the  First  Consul  may  think  proper  to  prescribe. 
What  negotiations  may  be  carrying  on  for  this  effect  I 
know  not,  but  I  incline  to  think  that  you  will  one  of  these 
days  have  busy  work  of  it." 

"Attend  in  the  Senate  [March  5th].  We  pass  the  bill 
for  a  peace  establishment,  16  to  10.  I  am  of  the  minority. 
Dine  at  the  President's.  It  seems  to  be  confirmed  that 
the  blacks  of  Santo  Domingo  resist  the  French  ;  several 
circumstances  of  horror." 


i8o2,]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  421 

"We  have  this  day  [March  loth],  by  adhering  to  an 
amendment  in  the  Senate,  carried  a  small  compensation 
for  the  disbanded  officers.  Colonel  Burr  called  this  morn- 
ing. He  tells  me  the  ruling  party  are  at  fault,  not  know- 
ing well  what  to  do.  Light  reports  from  different  quar- 
ters say  that  the  ruling  party  begin  to  dislike  each  other." 

"As  to  our  Senate,"  Morris  wrote  to  Alexander  Hamil- 
ton, March  nth,  "it  is  much  too  feeble,  and,  indeed, 
when  we  consider  the  manner  of  its  composition,  we  can- 
not expect  that  it  should  be  a  dignified  body ;  yet  at 
present  it  is  the  only  part  of  our  Government  which  has 
the  semblance  of  dignity.  The  House  of  Representatives 
have  talked  themselves  out  of  self-respect,  and  at  head- 
quarters there  is  such  an  abandonment  of  manner  and 
such  a  pruriency  of  conversation  as  would  reduce  even 
greatness  to  the  level  of  vulgarity. 

"As  to  the  state  of  parties,  the  federalists  are  become  a 
column  of  steel,  and  have  such  a  sense  of  their  strength 
that  there  is  no  danger  of  desertion.  The  democrats  feel 
their  weakness.  Many  of  them  begin  to  stagger,  and  will 
fly  at  the  first  shock.  As  yet  they  have  only  heart-burn- 
ings among  them,  but  murmurs  will  be  heard  before  the 
session  closes.  I  do  not  think  much  can  be  done  at  the 
ensuing  election,  but  even  a  small  change  will  work  won- 
ders ;  for,  being  of  the  courtier  tribe,  these  patriots,  as 
soon  as  his  majesty  the  people  shall  signify  that  he  is 
about  to  fancy  a  new  whim,  will,  as  usual,  show  their  ob- 
sequiousness by  outrunning  his  desires.  The  appari- 
tion *  and  the  toast  you  heard  of  are  accurately  stated. 
I  see  little  chance  for  him  as  a  leader  of  any  party.  Those 
he  is  with  hate  him,  and  though  he  has  among  them  a  few 
adherents  they  will  not  follow  his  lead  just  now.  He  has, 
I  think,  considerable  talents  for  government,  but  I  do  not 
*  An  allusion  to  Burr's  appearance  at  the  dinner  on  the  22d  of  February. 


422  DIARY   AND   LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  XLII. 

tliink  the  course  which  his  situation  compels  him  to  pur- 
sue will  command  respect  or  excite  confidence.  Time 
and  circumstances  do  much." 

The  Senate  bill  for  the  repeal  of  the  Judiciary  law 
passed  the  house  by  a  majority  of  59  yeas  to  32  nays,  on 
the  3d  of  March.  On  the  20th  Morris  spoke  of  it  as 
follows  in  a  letter  to  Robert  Livingston,  Minister  to 
France  : 

"We  have  here  as  yet  nothing  of  importance  except  de- 
stroying the  Constitution  by  repealing  the  Judiciary  law  of 
last  session,  and  reducing  the  military  establishment  of  the 
United  States — at  this  moment  so  propitious  to  the  reduction. 
We  are,  moreover,  going  to  repeal  the  internal  taxes,  be- 
cause overwise  ones  think  we  have  too  much  revenue  and 
that  taxes  give  too  much  patronage.  It  is  contemplated  by 
the  administration  to  cobble  up  some  holes  they  have 
made  by  repealing  the  Judiciary.  The  chief  seems  to  me 
in  wretched  plight.  He  is  in  the  hard  necessity  of  giving 
offices  to  the  unworthy  and  turning  good  officers  out  to 
make  room  for  them.  He  will  soon  be  completely  entan- 
gled in  the  mesHes  of  his  own  folly.  Your  appointment  is 
not  a  favorite  thing  among  them.  When  the  *'  Beau  "  * 
messenger  returned,  he  said  the  French  thought  it  very 
extraordinary  that  to  succeed  a  minister  who  could  not 
speak  their  language,  we  had  sent  one  who  could  not  hear 
it.  This  will  give  what  doctors  call  a  symptomatic  indi- 
cation ;  for,  though  straws  and  feathers  be  light  things, 
they  show  which  way  the  wind  blows.  Our  administra- 
tion have  received  with  coldness,  and  treated  with  little 
attention,  sundry  applications  made  by  Pichon  which 
ought  to  have  been  otherwise  received  and  treated.     You 

*John  Dawson  of  Maryland,  on  whom  his  townsmen  had  fastened  the 
epithet  of  "  Beau."  He  it  was  who  carried,  in  the  frigate  Baltimore,  to 
France  the  State  papers  after  the  convention  with  France  was  signed. 


i8o2.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  423 

will,  I  think,  feel  this  where  you  are.  In  fact,  they  know 
not  how  to  govern,  and  cannot  possibly  last.  They  begin 
already  to  want  confidence  in  themselves,  and  as  the  seeds 
of  division  sprout  we  shall  have  them  come  over  to  us. 
The  shrewdest  will  be  the  first.  Burr  is  trying  to  place 
himself  well  with  us,  and  his  measures  are  not  without 
some  success.  His  friends  the  democrats  fear  and  hate 
him,  and  he  knows  it.  He  intends  making  a  visit  to  South 
Carolina  ;  this  will  excuse  him  from  any  special  steps  in 
his  own  State  and  leave  him  free  to  take  a  position  accord- 
ing to  circumstances.  I  have  not  learned  whether  your 
friends  continue  active  in  support  of  the  administration. 
I  think  it  is  probable  that  they  will,  but  I  doubt  whether 
they  will  eventually  have  cause  to  rejoice  at  it.  For  my 
own  part,  I  wish  to  get  out  of  this  galley  and  live  for  my- 
self. I  shall  then  frequently  laugh  where  now  I  must 
frown.  It  is  perhaps  well  for  you,  who  wish  to  be  en- 
gaged in  public  life,  that  you  are  in  a, position  not  to  take 
immediate  part  either  way.  You  seem  to  think  that  if  a 
certain  treaty  were  in  existence  it  would  have  a  salutary 
effect ;  but  I  think  you  will,  in  due  time,  discover  that 
treaties  are  frailer  things  than  you  have  hitherto  esteemed 
them.  Good  fleets  and  armies,  directed  by  prudent  and 
vigorous  counsels,  are  the  treaties  to  be  relied  on.  *  The 
rest  is  all  but  leather  or  prunella.' 

**  In  reply  to  what  you  tell  me  in  the  close  of  your  let- 
ter, I  can  only  say  that  your  talents,  if  not  your  virtue,  en- 
title you  to  the  rank  of  an  American  citizen.  To  be  born 
in  America  seems  to  be  a  matter  of  indifference  in  New 
York,  an  advantage  in  New  England,  a  disadvantage  in 
Pennsylvania.  You  say  I  must  be  more  a  favorite  than 
you  are.  I  believe  that  I  am  much  less  a  favorite.  When 
the  democrats  got  into  power,  I  ventured  to  foretell  that 
they  would  do  more  to  exalt  the  Executive  in  six  months 


424  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  XLII. 

than  the  federalists  would  in  so  many  years.  The  fact 
has  verified  the  prediction.  They  who  have  constantly 
cherished  State  sovereignty  have,  by  their  repeal  of  the 
Judiciary  law,  laid  the  broad  foundation  for  a  consolidated 
government,  and  the  first  national  scuffle  will  erect  that 
edifice.  I  acknowledge  to  you  that  I  do  not  like  it,  and 
though  I  have  always  seen  that  it  must  come  unless  we 
should  lose  our  national  existence,  yet  I  hoped  its  prog- 
ress would  be  so  gentle  as  that  our  manners  and  materials 
would  be  reasonably  fitted  for  it." 

"News  has  reached  our  administration  [March  22d]  of 
the  cession  of  Louisiana  to  France.  Appearances  of  a 
storm  brewing.  Attend  in  the  Senate;  find  that  the  ad- 
vices the  public  have  received  of  the  intentions  of  France 
to  occupy  Louisiana  are  only  contained  in  a  letter  from 
the  American  Minister  at  Paris  to  Mr.  Clinton  of  the  Sen- 
ate. Mr.  King  has,  it  would  seem,  adjusted  amicably  our 
differences  with  the  Court  of  St.  James's." 

Morris  worked  very  diligently  during  the  rest  of  the 
session  on  the  different  bills  before  the  Senate.  He 
amended  and  got  passed  a  light-house  bill,  "so  as  to  pro- 
vide for  security  of  the  Sound  navigation,"  spoke  against 
the  repeal  of  the  internal  taxes,  and,  with  others,  labored 
hard  over  the  proper  steps  to  be  taken  respecting  the  re- 
peal of  the  Judiciary. 

On  the  6th  of  April  he  dined  with  the  President.  "  He 
is  Utopia,  quite,"  was  his  only  comment  on  the  occasion. 

On  the  24th  of  April  Morris  opposed  in  the  Senate  a 
"foolish  appropriation  for  the  public  debt." 

On  the  4th  of  May  he  mentions  calling  on  the  Presi- 
dent, "who  is  as  cold  as  a  frog.  Can  get  nothing  from 
him  respecting  the  loans  to  be  made  in  Europe.  Visit 
M.  Pichon,  who  is  tired  of  Washington  and  those  who 
preside  in  it." 


i8o2.]  GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  4^$ 

Congress  having  adjourned,  Morris  sought  the  retire- 
ment and  pleasures  of  Morrisania,  where  he  passed  the 
summer  entertaining  all  sorts  and  conditions  of  people, 
who  accepted  with  alacrity  his  free  hospitality.  His 
friends  in  Europe  were  not  forgotten,  and  to  the  Prin- 
ccsse  de  la  Tour  et  Taxis  and  the  Comtesse  de  Hohen- 
thal  and  various  other  friends  he  sent  copies  of  some  of 
the  debates  in  which  he  had  taken  part  in  the  Senate. 

"I  send  you,  charming  Princess,"  he  wrote,  June  20th, 
*'  these  things  because,  knowing  as  you  do  what  passes 
everywhere  else,  you  may  perhaps  wish  to  see  what  we 
are  doing  in  this  little  corner  of  the  universe.  Like  those 
who  play  more  important  parts,  we  sit  on  the  chariot- 
wheels  of  time  and  wonder  at  the  dust,  attributing  it,  with 
delectable  self-complacency,  to  our  special  efforts.  Do 
not  from  this  debate  imagine  that  we  are  on  the  brink  of 
civil  war,  or  even  agitated  by  violent  commotions.  On 
the  contrary,  no  republic  was  ever  more  quiet.  This,  you 
will  say,  gives  no  assurance  of  tranquillity,  and  I  acknowl- 
edge the  justice  of  your  remark.  Freedom  and  tranquil- 
lity are  seldom  companions.  He,  therefore,  who  wishes 
to  glide  through  life  on  a  smooth  surface  should  seek  the 
capital  of  some  large  monarchy  where  an  individual  is  of 
too  little  importance  to  occupy  the  attention  of  that  gov- 
ernment by  whose  power  he  is  protected  and  by  whose 
law  he  is  secured.  The  result  of  this  mild  state  of  being 
is  mildness  of  manners,  but  it  occasions  also  a  want  of 
energy.  Thus  there  is  compensation  everywhere  and  in 
everything.  To  be  happy  we  must  learn  to  be  content 
with  our  lot  w^here  it  is  cast,  and  our  condition,  whatever 
it  may  be.  In  studying  this  lesson  I  shall  never  forget 
that  I  once  enjoyed  the  charms  of  your  conversation, 
lovely  Princess,  and  while  I  remember  the  sweets  of  your 
society  I  will  endeavor  not  to  regret.     It  is  not  permitted 


426  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLII. 

to  listen  to  my  wishes  and  make  you  a  visit,  but,  consider- 
ing the  changes  and  chances  of  human  life,  it  seems  not 
impossible  to  see  you  again,  and  again  assure  you  of 
the  respectful  attachment  with  which  I  am,  ever  yours. 

*'  P.  S.  My  respectful  compliments  to  the  H.  P.  [He- 
reditary Princess]  and  my  affectionate  remembrances  to 
the  society  of  Ratisbon.  Should  both  the  copies  of  the  lit- 
tle book  arrive,  will  you  have  the  goodness  to  give  one 
of  them  to  Count  Rumford." 

The  following  letter,  with  some  strictures  on  the  Jeffer- 
son administration  as  well  as  on  the  administrator  himself, 
was  sent  to  Mr.  Livingston  by  private  hand  in  August : 

"This  letter  [August  21st]  will  be  delivered  to  you 
safely.  I  shall  not,  therefore,  use  a  cipher.  I  shall  ask 
the  bearer  of  it  to  take  charge  of  two  copies  of  our  de- 
bates in  the  Senate  on  the  judiciary  system — send  one  of 
them,  with  my  compliments,  to  M.  Talleyrand,  who  may 
perhaps  recollect  that  we  were  once  acquainted.  If  you 
read  the  newspapers,  as  I  suppose  you  do,  you  will  have 
observed  that  the  Vice-President  is  violently  attacked  by 
certain  violent  partisans  now  devoted  to  Mr.  Jefferson, 
and  that  this  latter  gentleman  has  outlived  his  popularity 
and  is  descending  to  a  condition  which  I  find  no  decent 
word  to  designate.  Without  entering  into  unpleasant 
questions,  it  is  sufficient  to  say  that  his  administration  is 
too  weak  to  prosper.  His  attack  on  the  Judiciary  was 
rash  and  splenetic,  and  you  will,  I  think,  be  surprised  to 
learn  that  they  calculated  on  an  easy  victory.  Of  course, 
when  the  contest  was  engaged,  they  were  astounded. 
The  result  has  been  important.  There  was  a  moment 
when  the  Vice-President  might  have  arrested  the  measure 
by  his  vote,  and  that  vote  would,  I  believe,  have  made 
him  President  at  the  next  election  ;  but  there  is  a  tide  in 
the  affairs  Of  men  which  he  suffered  to  go  by.     That  de- 


i8o2.]  GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  427 

bate  gave  us  such  conviction  of  our  force  as  to  render  the 
fear  of  any  defection  quite  visionary.  We  did  not,  indeed, 
apprehend  any,  notwithstanding  the  means  which  may  be 
derived  from  executive  patronage  in  a  government  like 
that  of  the  United  States.  I  do  not  think  they  could 
have  been  used  to  effect,  but  we  certainly  are  now  invul- 
nerable ;  indeed,  some  officers  have  resigned  because  they 
felt  a  kind  of  dishonor  in  remaining  as  exceptions  to  the 
proscription.  The  schism  among  your  political  friends 
is,  I  believe,  but  beginning.  No  man  knows  better  tlian 
you  do  how  little  of  cordiality  there  is,  and  ever  must  be, 
among  the  discordant  materials  of  which  your  party  is 
composed.  You  cannot  therefore  be  surprised  at  an  ex- 
plosion. The  employment  of  and  confidence  in  advent- 
urers *  from  abroad  will  sooner  or  later  rouse  the  pride 
and  indignation  of  this  country.  In  the  mean  time,  I 
think  you  must  feel  where  you  are  that  an  administration 
which  is  not  supported  by  the  first  characters  at  home 
will  not  preserve,  much  less  command,  the  respect  of  for- 
eign powers. 

"  The  French  Government  cannot,  I  think,  respect  either 
the  Government  or  people  of  the  United  States.  What 
is  it  which  renders  a  nation  respectable  ?  power,  courage, 
wisdom.  Put  out  of  view,  for  a  moment,  both  France 
and  America,  and  suppose  yourself  in  the  administration 
of  Austria.  What  would  be  your  estimation  of  the  Turks  ? 
of  the  Russians  ?  of  Prussia  ?  You  would  not,  I  think,  in- 
quire whether  in  those  countries  they  have  a  Habeas  Cor- 
pus Act,  a  trial  by  jury,  a  house  of  representatives,  etc. 
You  would  seek  information  as  to  their  fleets,  their  armies, 

*  This  was  probably  an  allusion  to  Thomas  Paine,  who  had  recently  re- 
turned to  America  and  was  supposed  to  be  an  intimate  friend  of  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son, who,  it  was  said,  received  him  warmly,  dined  him  at  the  White  House, 
and  could  be  seen  walking  arm  in  ann  with  him  on  the  street  any  fine  after- 
noon. 


428  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLII. 

and,  above  all,  the  talents  of  those  who  are  at  the  head 
of  affairs.  Now  suppose,  for  a  moment,  that  a  European 
statesmen  (M.  Lucchesini,  for  instance)  should  make  in- 
quiries of  you  respecting  such  things  in  this  country. 
Would  your  answers  impress  his  mind  with  anything  like 
respect  ?  I  hope,  as  you  do,  that  we  may  long  continue 
free,  but  this  hope  involves  the  double  idea  of  continu- 
ance and  freedom.  The  duration  of  a  government  is  per- 
haps the  first  consideration  ;  for,  be  it  ever  so  good  in 
other  respects,  if  its  texture  be  too  frail  to  endure  it  can 
be  of  little  value.  Now  it  appears  to  me  that  the  dura- 
tion of  our  government  must,  humanly  speaking,  depend 
on  the  influence  which  property  shall  acquire  ;  for  it  is 
not  to  be  expected  that  men  who  have  nothing  to  lose 
will  feel  so  well  disposed  to  support  existing  establish- 
ments as  those  who  have  a  great  interest  at  stake.  The 
strongest  aristocratic  feature  in  our  political  organization 
is  that  which  democrats  are  most  attached  to,  the  right  of 
universal  suffrage.  This  takes  from  men  of  moderate 
fortime  their  proper  weight,  and  will,  in  process  of  time, 
give  undue  influence  to  those  of  great  wealth.  I  know 
that  this  effect  has  not  yet  been  produced,  and  I  know  the 
reason  why  ;  but  a  different  state  of  things  seems  to  be 
approaching,  and  slight  circumstances  will  perhaps  de- 
cide whether  we  are  to  pass  through  a  course  of  revolu- 
tions to  military  despotism,  or  whether  our  government  is 
to  be  wound  up,  by  constitutional  means,  to  a  tone  suf- 
ficiently vigorous  for  the  conduct  of  national  concerns. 
Much  will  depend  on  the  union  of  talents  and  property. 
There  is  a  considerable  mass  of  genius  and  courage,  with 
much  industrious  cunning,  now  at  work  to  overturn  our 
Constitution.  If  these  be  not  met  by  a  phalanx  of  prop- 
erty under  the  guidance  of  our  ablest  men,  I  think  there 
will  be  a  scuffle,  and  that  in  the  course  of  it  many  large 


i8o2.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  429 

estates  will  be  put  into  the  melting  pot.  The  engine  by 
which  a  giddy  populace  can  be  most  easily  brought  on  to 
do  mischief  is  their  hatred  of  the  rich.  If  any  of  these 
supposes  he  can  climb  into  power  by  civil  commotions,  he 
will  find  himself  mistaken.  It  seems,  however,  probable 
that  the  property  in  this  country  will  continue  to  be  di- 
vided on  political  questions,  and  if  so  we  may  expect 
mischief. 

"  This  letter  will  be  delivered  to  you  by  a  very  worthy 
priest  who  is  returning  to  the  care  of  souls  in  his  parish, 
blessing  God  that  he  hath  redeemed  his  chosen  seed  by 
the  hand  of  his  servant  Napoleon." 


430  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIII. 


CHAPTER  XLIII. 

Morris  resumes  his  duties  at  Washington.  Letter  to  Parish.  Opinion  of 
the  appointment  of  Monroe  to  France  and  Spain.  Question  of  the 
purchase  of  Louisiana.  Letter  to  Necker.  Morris  describes  his 
quiet  life  at  Morrisania.  Letter  to  Livingston,  Minister  at  Paris. 
Journey  to  the  Northern  lakes. 

MORRIS  resumed  his  duties  as  senator  on  the  24th 
of  December.  "  I  find,"  he^  says,  as  soon  as  he 
reached  Washington,  "  that  our  Executive  are  disposed  to 
an  intimate  connection  with  Britain,  being,  as  the  vulgar 
say,  spited  by  France.  I  tell  Mr.  Smith,  my  host,  at  din- 
ner that  I  have  no  confidence  in  the  administration  and 
therefore  have  no  opinion  or  advice  to  give.  They  are,  I 
believe,  much  embarrassed.  I  tell  him  roundly  my  idea 
of  the  contemptible  farce  of  finance  which  is  playing." 

"  I  dine  with  the  President  [January  3d],  who  seems 
terribly  out  of  spirits.  Is  it  the  desertion  of  his  friend 
Duane,  or  a  knowledge  of  the  publication  shortly  to  be 
made  of  his  letter  to  Mr.  Walker  ?  " 

It  was  during  the  winter  of  1803,  that  Jefferson  ap- 
pointed James  Monroe  to  represent  the  United  States  at 
the  Courts  of  France  and  Spain,  and  in  conjunction  with 
Livingston  in  France  and  Pinckney  in  Spain,  to  form  any 
treaty  or  convention  that  extended  and  secured  the  rights 
of  the  United  States  on  the  Mississippi.  Of  this  appoint- 
ment Morris  very  forcibly  gives  his  opinion  in  the  fol- 
lowing letter  to  James  Parish  at  Neusteden,  January  14th, 
just  after  the  nomination  was  approved  by  the  Senate. 


i8o3.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  431 

"  The  project  of  our  Executive  is  weak  and  bad,"  he 
says.  "  It  is  the  fashion  with  those  discontented  creatures 
called  federalists  to  say  that  our  President  is  not  a  Chris- 
tian ;  yet  they  must  acknowledge  that,  in  true  Christian 
meekness,  when  smitten  on  one  cheek  he  turns  the  other, 
and,  by  his  late  appointment  of  Monroe,  has  taken  special 
care  that  a  stone  which  the  builders  rejected  should  be- 
come the  first  of  the  corner.  These  are  his  works,  and  for 
his  faith,  it  is  not  as  a  grain  of  mustard  but  the  full  size 
of  a  pumpkin  ;  so  that,  while  men  of  mustard-seed  faith 
can  only  move  mountains,  he  finds  no  difficulty  in  swal- 
lowing them.  He  believes,  for  instance,  in  the  perfectibil- 
ity of  man,  the  wisdom  of  mobs,  and  moderation  of  Jaco- 
bins. He  believes  in  payment  of  debts  by  diminution  of 
revenue,  in  defence  of  territory  by  reduction  of  armies, 
and  in  vindication  of  rights  by  appointment  of  ambassa- 
dors. I  note  what  you  say  on  the  chapter  of  French  ex- 
actions, and  your  retort  on  the  score  of  national  humilia- 
tion, which  is  a  good  hit.  In  truth,  there  is  just  now  so 
much  of  what  we  call  philosophy  among  our  rulers  that 
we  must  not  be  surprised  at  the  charge  of  pusillanimity ; 
and  our  people  have  so  much  mercantile  spirit  that,  if 
other  nations  will  keep  their  hands  out  of  our  pockets,  it 
is  not  a  trifling  insult  that  will  rouse  us.  Indeed,  it  is  the 
fashion  to  say  that  when  injured  it  is  more  honorable  to 
wait  in  patience  the  uncertain  issue  of  negotiation  than 
promptly  to  do  ourselves  right  by  an  act  of  hostility. 
These  sentiments,  you  will  say,  are  novel ;  but  would  you 
deny  the  use  of  new  principles  to  a  new  world,  and  gov- 
ern new  states  by  old  maxims?  The  converse  of  the 
proposition,  viz.,  governing  old  states  by  new  maxims  has 
been  tried  in  France,  and  the  result  does  not  encourage 
to  further  experiment.  I  take  it  for  granted,  therefore, 
that  Bonaparte  will  not  follow  the  example  of  our  Presi- 


432  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIII. 

dent.  Indeed,  he  seems  in  all  things  to  take  the  opposite 
course,  and  yet  continues  to  succeed  in  his  undertak- 
ings. But  the  children  of  this  world,  that  is,  your  Old 
World,  are  wiser  in  their  generation  than  the  children  of 
light  or,  which  is  tantamount,  the  enlightened  children  of 
our  New  World.  Speaking  of  the  Baron  de  Breteuil  and 
Bonaparte,  they  are  two  characters  nearly  opposed  to  each 
other.  The  Baron,  after  a  life  of  intrigue,  has  reduced 
himself  to  a  state  of  dependence,  and  the  other  has  raised 
himself,  as  it  were,  to  the  top  of  the  world.     .     .     . 

"Many  thanks  my  friend,  to  you  and  to  Mrs.  Parish  for 
your  kind  invitations.  I  am,  I  think,  fairly  anchored  on 
this  side  the  Atlantic,  and  therefore  can  visit  you  only  in 
spirit,  with  my  greetings  and  good  wishes.  If,  as  you 
suppose,  the  city  of  Hamburg  shall  continue  free,  and  no 
convulsions  shake  the  House  of  Denmark,  your  position 
will  continue  to  be  pleasant,  and  as  happy  as  consists 
with  the  lot  of  humanity.  I  fervently  wish,  therefore, 
that  you  may  be  right  in  your  conjectures,  but  the  neigh- 
borhood of  a  rapacious  prince  at  the  head  of  two  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  men  is  not  a  good  neighborhood.  I 
cannot  compare  my  prospect  pf  the  Sound  with  yours  of 
the  Elbe.  Things  of  this  sort  are  rarely  so  much  alike  as 
to  admit  of  a  comparison,  and  I  am  not  an  impartial 
judge.  I  would  trust  the  matter  to  your  decision  if  you 
could  spend  this  summer  with  me  as  your  old  acquaintance 
Robert  Morris  did  the  last.  He  came  to  me  lean,  low- 
spirited,  and  as  poor  as  a  commission  of  bankruptcy  can 
make  a  man  whose  effects  will,  it  is  said,  not  pay  a  shilling 
in  the  pound.  Indeed,  the  assignees  will  not  take  the 
trouble  of  looking  after  them.  I  sent  him  home  fat, 
sleek,  in  good  spirits  and  possessed  of  the  means  of  liv- 
ing comfortably  the  rest  of  his  days.  So  much  for  the 
air  of  Morrisania."  •      . 


1803]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  433 

The  evening  session  of  the  3d  of  March  lasted  till  within 
one  minute  of  twelve ;  and  *'  thus,"  Morris  congratu- 
lated himself,  "  I  have  fully  performed  my  duty."  The 
next  day,  evidently  with  a  sense  of  relief,  he  left  Washing- 
ton, having  discharged  his  arduous  duties,  surrounded  by 
men  he  had  little  confidence  in,  and  an  administration 
which  he  found  contemptible.  The  question  of  the  pur- 
chase of  Louisiana,  was  one  which  agitated  the  country 
during  this  winter.  Mr.  Livingston,  at  Paris,  had  for 
months  striven  to  persuade  the  First  Consul  to  make 
the  sale.  But  it  was  not  until  serious  complications 
arose  between  France  and  England,  owing  to  the  latter 
having  set  her  affections  on  Malta,  and,  moreover,  de- 
manding an  attack  on  Louisiana,  that  Napoleon,  perhaps 
fearing  the  coveted  property  might  be  taken  from  him, 
determined  to  sell  it  to  the  United  States  ;  and  in  the 
spring  of  1803  the  United  States  became  possessed  of 
Louisiana,  an  enormous  tract  of  country  extending  from 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico  to  the  British  possessions.  The  prob- 
able consummation  of  this  purchase  was  the  subject  of 
a  letter  to  M.  Necker,  at  Coppet,  which  was  evidently 
an  answer  to  one  from  Necker  expressing  his  ideas  on 
the  question.  Morris  wrote  from  Washington,  February 
13th,  as  follows  : 

"  Vous  avez  bien  raison,  monsieur,  dans  ce  que  vous 
dites,  et  dans  ce  que  vous  pensez  sans  le  dire,  sur  la  Lou- 
isiane.  Oui,  si  notre  administration  permet  aux  Franyais 
de  s'y  nicher,  on  n'en  sera  quitte  que  par  des  guerres  et  des 
convulsions  aff reuses.  Nous  avons  actuellement  le  malheur 
d'etre  gouverne  par  I'esprit  de  vertige  que,  dans  le  si^cle 
ridicule  oil  nous  sommes,  on  est  convenu  de  nommer  phi- 
losophic. Savez-vous,  monsieur,  que  cette  philosophie  est 
une  coquine  qui  prodigue  ses  caresses  sans  avoir  jamais 
senti  I'amour  ?  Eh  bien,  cette  miserable  peut  se  vanter, 
Vol.  II.— 28 


434  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap,  XLIII. 

qu'en  flattant  avec  son  air  tartufe  et  son  langage  patelin, 
I'egoisme  de  la  richesse  et  les  pretentions  du  peuple,  elle  a 
engourdi  et  nos  Smes  et  nos  esprits.  Oui,  monsieur,  I'Ame- 
rique  dort  pendant  qu'on  aiguise  le  poignard  pour  lui  por- 
ter un  coup  mortel.  Maison  se  trompe.  Lesflotsd'une  mer 
immense  roulent  et  grondent  entre  le  projet  et  son  execu- 
tion. Les  grands  arbitres  des  affaires  humaines,  le  temps 
et  le  sort,  ont  prononce  la  separation  des  deux  mondes. 
Et  que  vaut  la  politique  contre  les  decrets  de  TEternel  ! 
Mais,  que  dis-je  ?  Est-ce  a  moi,  chetif,  d'en  parler  ?  Non, 
je  les  respecte  et  me  tais.  Le  sentiment  intime  de  ma 
faiblesse,  en  vous  epargnant  mon  bavardage  ennuyeux, 
me  dicte  les  assurances  du  respect  que,  etc." 

With  this  letter  was  sent  the  "  discours  que  nous  avons 
tenu,  au  S6nat  americain,  M.  Ross  et  moi,  sur  I'affaire 
de  la  Louisiane.  L'impression  en  est  d^fectueuse  et  cela 
doit  etre,  puisque  nous  ne  sommes  pas  (comme  les  mem- 
bres  de  votre  ci-devant  Assemblee  nationale)  dans  I'habi- 
tude  de  preparer  des  discours  par  ecrit.  On  en  lisait  de 
fort  beaux  dans  cette  assemblee,  mais  on  n'y  discutait  rien. 
Chez  nous,  au  contraire,  on  discute  tout,  et,  par  conse- 
quent, on  repond  a  I'improviste  aux  raisonnements  de  I'ad- 
versaire.  Des  stenographes  s'occupent  a  prendre  note  de 
ce  qu'on  dit,  et  puis  ils  livrent  a  l'impression,  tant  bien  que 
mal,  ce  qu'ils  ont  ramasse.  J'ai  cru  devoir  vous  faire  cette 
explication,  afin  de  vous  mettre  au  courant,  mais  nous 
nous  recommandons  toujours  a  votre  indulgence.* 

*  Translation. — You  are  fully  in  the  right,  monsieur,  in  everything  you 
say,  and  in  everything  you  think  without  saying  it,  concerning  Louisiana. 
Yes,  if  our  administration  allows  the  French  to  get  a  foothold  there,  the 
matter  will  never  be  settled  without  wars  and  frightful  convulsions.  We  have 
at  present  the  misfortune  to  be  ruled  by  that  spirit  of  vertigo  which  this 
ridiculous  century  calls  by  the  name  of  philosophy.  Do  you  realize,  mon- 
sieur, that  this  philosophy  is  a  hussy  who  lavishes  her  caresses  without  ever 
having  felt  love  ?  Well,  this  wretch  can  boast  that,  by  flattering  the  selfish- 
ness of  the  rich  and  the  pretensions  of  the  rabble,  with  her  Tartujffian  ways  and 


i8o3.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  435 

In  the  following  letter  to  John  Dickenson,  of  Wilming- 
ton, Del.,  dated  April  13th,  Morris  makes  a  pleasing  pict- 
ure of  his  home-life  and  pursuits,  and  mentions  the  fact 
tliat  he  no  longer  held  the  position  of  United  States 
Senator. 

"  You  had  the  kindness,"  he  says,  "  to  express  a  wish 
that  I  would  occasionally  write  to  you,  but  I  shall  prove 
a  wretched  correspondent.  Busied  in  rural  occupations, 
I  forget,  as  fast  as  I  can,  that  there  is  in  the  world  any 
such  thing  as  politics — more  than  a  week  has  elapsed 
since  I  heard  from  the  city  or  saw  a  newspaper.  Leading 
thus  the  life  of  a  hermit,  it  is  not  possible  to  write  any- 
thing which,  to  you  who  live  in  the  world,  would  be  worth 
a  perusal.  Being,  moreover,  a  bachelor,  we  have  no  fam- 
ily occurrences,  but  every  day  is  like  every  yesterday, 
with  a  probability  that  to-morrow  will  be  like  to-day. 
This  even  course  of  life  is  not  unpleasant  to  me  who  have 
toiled  in  the  storms  of  the  world  ;  to  many  others  it  would 
be  insipid.     If  any  one  of  the  million  incidents  to  which 

her  wheedling  language,  she  has  benumbed  our  souls  and  our  minds.  Yes, 
America  is  asleep,  while  they  are  whetting  the  dagger  that  may  strike  the 
mortal  blow.  But  they  are  mistaken.  The  waves  of  an  immense  sea  roll 
and  roar  between  the  project  and  its  execution.  Those  great  arbiters  of  hu- 
man affairs,  Time  and  Fate,  have  pronounced  for  the  separation  of  the  two 
worlds.  And  what  are  politics  against  the  decrees  of  the  Everlasting  !  But 
who  am  I  to  speak  thus  ?  No,  I  respect  these  decrees  and  remain  silent.  A 
thorough  knowledge  of  my  deficiencies,  while  sparing  you  my  tiresome  gos- 
sipings,  dictates  the  assurance  of  my  respect.  .  .  .  Enclosed  are  the 
speeches  we  pronounced  (Mr.  Ross  and  myself)  before  the  American  Senate 
in  the  Louisiana  matter.  The  printed  copy  is  defective,  and  that  is  but  nat- 
ural, since  we  are  not  in  the  habit  of  preparing  written  speeches,  as  did  the 
members  of  your  defunct  National  Assembly.  They  used  to  read  very  fine 
discourses  there,  but  there  was  no  discussion.  Here,  on  the  contrary,  every- 
thing is  discussed,  and,  as  a  consequence,  answers  have  to  be  made  extem- 
pore to  fit  the  arguments  of  the  opponent.  Stenographers  busy  themselves 
taking  notes  of  all  that  is  said,  and  then  hand  over  to  the  printers,  as  best 
they  can,  all  they  have  thus  collected.  I  thought  I  ought  to  give  you  this  ex- 
planation so  as  to  keep  you  posted.  We  recommend  ourselves  always  to 
your  indulgence. 


43^  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIII. 

life  is  liable  should  prompt  you  to  travel  northward,  have 
the  goodness  to  participate  in  the  resources  of  my  cottage. 
It  offers  salubrious  air,  pure  water,  plain  food,  simple 
manners,  and  frank  hospitality.  As  to  my  line  of  life,  it 
must  ever  depend  on  events,  because  it  will  always  be 
governed  by  principles  adopted  long  since.  It  was  my 
early  determination  never  to  seek  office,  and  to  accept  of 
none  but  with  a  view  to  the  public  service.  After  spend- 
ing the  prime  of  life  in  labors  for  the  public,  I  thought 
myself  justifiable  in  preferring  private  ease  to  public 
cares,  but  yet,  having  a,ccepted  the  place  of  senator, 
would  not  have  resigned  it — at  least,  in  a  moment  of  dif- 
ficulty. My  political  enemies  have  had  the  goodness  to 
relieve  me,  and  although  from  their  motives  I  cannot  be 
thankful,  yet  I  must  be  permitted  to  rejoice  in  the  event. 
In  adopting  a  republican  form  of  government,  I  not  only 
took  it  as  a  man  does  his  wife,  for  better,  for  worse,  but, 
what  few  men  do  with  their  wives,  I  took  it  knowing 
all  its  bad  qualities.  Neither  ingratitude,  therefore,  nor 
slander  can  disappoint  expectation  nor  excite  surprise. 
If  in  arduous  circumstances  the  voice  of  my  country 
should  call  for  my  services,  and  I  have  the  well-founded 
belief  that  they  can  be  useful,  they  shall  certainly  be  ren- 
dered, but  I  hope  that  no  such  circumstances  will  arise, 
and,  in  the  mean  time,  'pleased  let  me  trifle  life  away.'" 

Morris  felt  very  keenly  the  discourtesy  that  he  consid- 
ered was  shown  to  Livingston,  then  minister  at  Paris, 
when  Monroe  was  sent  out  by  Jefferson  as  Minister  Ex- 
traordinary and  Plenipotentiary  to  France,  and  Minister 
Extraordinary  and  Plenipotentiary  to  Spain,  to  effectuate 
the  purchase  of  Louisiana,  and  in  a  letter  to  Livingston, 
April  23d,  he  gave  expression  to  his  feelings  on  the  sub- 
ject. "  I  did  not  write  to  you  by  Mr.  Monroe,  because  he 
and  I  are  not  on  such  terms  of  intimacy  as  to  ask  his  care 


i8o3.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  43/ 

of  a  letter,  because  I  did  not  choose  to  put  one  in  his  care, 
and  because  I  wished  you  to  judge  of  things  without  any 
bias  from  comments  on  my  part.  Before  this  arrives  you 
will  have  made  your  own  interpretations.  You  will  have 
seen,  too,  that  your  brethren  of  the  Corps  Diplomatique 
consider  Mr.  Monroe  as  the  efficient  and  confidential  man. 
Not  being  in  the  confidence  of  our  Cabinet,  I  cannot  ac- 
count for  a  conduct  which,  in  every  point  of  view,  is  so 
strange.  Setting  aside  the  sacrifices  you  have  made  to 
promote  the  cause  which  brought  them  into  power,  I 
cannot  help  thinking  that  your  rank  in  society,  the  high 
offices  you  have  held,  and,  let  me  add,  the  respectable 
talents  with  which  God  has  blessed  you,  all  required  more 
delicacy  on  the  part  of  your  political  friends  than  has  on 
this  occasion  been  exhibited.  It  is  possible  that  I  am  un- 
just to  Mr.  Monroe,  but  really  I  consider  him  as  a  person 
of  mediocrity  in  every  respect.  Just  exceptions  lie  against 
his  diplomatic  character,  and,  taking  all  circumstances 
into  consideration,  his  appointment  must  appear  extraor- 
dinary to  the  Cabinets  of  Europe.  It  is,  in  itself,  a  most 
unwary  step,  and  will  lower  our  government  in  public  es- 
timation. I  was  therefore  just  so  much  the  more  vexed  at 
it  on  your  account.  I  trust  it  will  not  be  pretended  that 
the  application  of  money  could  not  be  as  safely  intrusted 
to  your  care  and  intelligence  as  to  those  of  Mr.  Monroe. 
The  pretext  that  he  is  only  joined  with  you  in  the  com- 
mission is  mere  pretext,  and  every  discreet  man  with  you 
will  naturally  consider  him  as  the  principal  and  the  chief, 
and,  in  fact,  the  sole  minister.  It  will  therefore  excite 
much  speculation.  I  shall  say  nothing  on  the  measure 
and  its  other  aspects,  because  you  will  find  my  opinion 
pretty  much  at  large  in  the  pamphlet  which  is  enclosed. 

"  I  shall  say  nothing  on  the  public  opinion  in  this  coun- 
try, because  you  will,  I  think,  perceive  the  bent  of  it  from 


438  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIII. 

our  gazettes,  and  because  my  view  may  be  a  partial  one. 
This  appears  to  me  certain,  that  if  democracy — that  disease 
of  which  all  republics  have  perished  except  those  which 
have  been  overturned  by  foreign  force — should  increase 
among  us,  we  cannot  expect  a  long  period  of  domestic  re- 
pose. But  a  thousand  and  ten  thousand  things  happen  in 
the  world  which  the  wisest  men  would  never  have  con- 
jectured." 

"  I  hope  [May  24th]  to  leave  this  soon  for  my  Eastern 
tour,"  Mr.  Morris  wrote  in  May  to  his  friend  Robert 
Morris,  "  and,  if  I  should  meet  that  enchanting  Yankee 
whom  you  speak  of,  will  endeavor  to  oppose  the  power  of 
reason  to  the  fascinations  of  the  enchantress.  I  have, 
you  know,  in  my  drawing-room  the  picture  in  tapestry  of 
Telemachus  rescued  from  the  charms  of  Circe  by  the 
friendly  aid  of  old  Mentor.  In  truth,  my  friend,  marriage, 
especially  at  my  time  of  life,  should  be  more  a  matter  of 
prudence  than  of  passion.  Good  sense  and  good  nature 
are  of  more  importance  than  wit  and  beauty  and  accom- 
plishments. Everybody  here  says  I  must  marry,  and,  in- 
deed, they  seem  determined  that  it  shall  be  done  whether 
I  will  or  no." 

No  such  complication  arose,  however,  during  the  East- 
ern tour,  which  was  made  in  July  with  M.  Leray  as  his 
companion.  "  We  have  made  a  journey  of  five  hundred 
and  seventy  miles,"  Morris  notes  (August  3d)  in  his  diary 
after  his  return  home,  "  besides  some  rides  while  in  Boston 
and  Vermont ;  since  the  nth  of  July,  in  a  broiling  sun." 

Late  in  August  Morris  started  on  another  journey  to 
the  lakes  and  the  St.  Lawrence.  He  left  home  in  his 
own  boat,  he  says,  "with  stores  for  our  journey,"  and  a 
light  northeast  wind  blowing.  "  We  have  a  long  tug  to 
get  into  the  North  River,  where  the  ebb  still  runs  strong. 
We  do  not  approach  the  town  to  take  advantage  of  eddies 


1803.1  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  439 

and  the  young  flood,  because  of  the  yellow  fever.  This 
disease  is  caused,  in  my  opinion,  by  putrid  exhalations 
from  the  wharves,  but  an  idea  that  it  is  infectious  shuts 
the  door  against  those  who  have  been  near  it.  Sloops 
from  the  city  must  perform  a  quarantine  at  Albany.  The 
view  of  New  York  as  we  came  along  was  distressing — the 
wharves  deserted,  the  houses  shut,  and  where  the  busy 
hum  of  men  once  prevailed,  a  solemn,  melancholy  silence." 
The  vicissitudes  of  contrary  winds  and  contrary  tides  in 
the  Hudson  River  were  difficult  to  overcome,  even  in 
"our  sloop,"  which  "is  a  prime  sailor,"  Morris  says,  and 
"beats  everything  we  see;"  and  it  was  not  until  August 
30th  that  the  travellers  reached  Albany — and  then  on  by 
stage  to  Schenectady,  when  another  boat  took  the  party 
down  the  Mohawk,  a  distance  of  one  hundred  and  twenty 
miles,  through  a  fever-stricken  country  but  through  beau- 
tiful scenery.  The  scheme  which  Morris  had  so  long 
contemplated,  of  opening  the  State  to  commerce  by  means 
of  the  lakes  and  rivers,  connected  by  canals,  was  one  of 
his  motives  in  making  this  rather  perilous  journey.  "It 
seems  to  me,"  he  says,  "  that  a  canal  should  be  taken  from 
the  head  of  the  Onondaga  River  and  carried  on  the  level 
as  far  east  as  it  will  go,  and,  if  practicable,  into  the  Mo- 
hawk River;  then,  in  as  direct  a  course  as  circumstances 
will  permit,  to  Hudson's  River,  making  locks  as  the  de- 
scent may  require.  This  canal  should,  I  think,  be  five 
feet  deep  and  forty  five  feet  wide.  A  branch  might  easily 
be  carried  to  Lake  Ontario  ;  the  fittest  harbor  would  be,  I 
believe,  at  Oswego.  The  voyage  down  the  Oswego  River, 
where  in  parts  the  passage  was  almost  impracticable, 
owing  to  the  lowness  of  the  water,  and  in  parts  the  sea 
ran  so  high  as  to  greatly  alarm  my  ship's  company,  was 
dangerous  and  exciting.  Mr.  Brevoort  was  frightened 
even  to  roaring,  and,  when  he  got  on  shore,  declared  he 


440  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIII. 

would  rather  return  home  on  foot  than  go  again  on  board 
of  the  boat  with  me." 

Morris  formed  camps  in  different  eligible  places,  where 
his  servants  stopped,  and  to  which  he  returned  after  vari- 
ous expeditions,  voyaging  about  the  rivers  and  creeks, 
inspecting  the  land,  catching  fish — a  very  favorite  pastime 
with  him — and  finding  out  for  himself  the  resources  of  the 
country.  Sometimes  he  stopped  with  friends,  but  gener- 
ally preferred  the  free  life  of  the  camp.  Leaving  the 
Catfish  River,  September  25th,  the  voyagers,  with  a  head 
wind  and  lowering  sky,  put  out  into  Lake  Ontario,  the 
pilot  too  ill  with  fever  to  hold  up  his  head.  The  sea  run- 
ning very  high,  and  with  every  prospect  of  being  cast  on 
a  lee  shore  with  the  surf  of  the  whole  lake  tumbling  on 
them  unsheltered,  Morris  took  the  responsibility  of  the 
pilot,  "  with  no  other  resource,"  he  says,  "  than  my  recol- 
lection of  a  former  voyage,  and,  having  fixed  what  I  be- 
lieve to  be  the  spot,  we  luckily  enter  the  harbor  we  were 
making  for  through  a  very  high  surf  and  by  a  rocky  point, 
which  we  narrowly  escape." 

Enjoying  the  dangers  by  water,  lulled  to  sleep  by  the 
sighing  of  the  wind  among  the  trees,  digesting  plans  for 
making  roads  through  the  country,  seeking  proper  sites 
for  towns,  and  inspecting  his  lands,  taking  care  of  his 
men  ill  with  the  fever,  and  rejoicing  over  the  settlement 
of  a  country  which  three  years  before  had  been  a  wilder- 
ness, Morris  passed  two  exciting  and  refreshing  months. 
The  party  of  voyagers  turned  their  faces  homeward  on 
October  31st,  and,  after  many  perils  by  flood  and  field, 
Morris  reached  Morrisania  on  November  14th. 


1803.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS,  44 1 


CHAPTER  XLIV. 

Morris  appealed  to  for  political  advice.  Question  of  the  constitutionality 
of  the  Louisiana  purchase.  Letter  to  Robert  Livingston.  Letter  to 
James  Parish.  Letter  to  Mr,  Tracy.  Discusses  the  cession  of  Loui- 
siana. Entertains  M.  and  Madame  Jerome  Bonaparte.  Duel  between 
Burr  and  Hamilton.  Goes  to  Hamilton's  death-bed.  Stays  with  him 
until  he  expires.  The  duel  occasions  much  excitement  in  New  York. 
Morris  pronounces  the  funeial  oration. 

ALTHOUGH  Morris  lived  tranquilly  at  Morrisania 
this  winter,  the  sound  of  the  political  battle  reached 
him  in  various  ways,  but  particularly  was  the  quiet  of  his 
life  invaded  by  urgent  appeals  from  his  friends  at  Wash- 
ington for  his  views  and  counsel  on  the  questions  of  the 
moment ;  his  friends  in  the  Government  not  being  will- 
ing that  his  experience  in  diplomatic  and  political  affairs 
should  go  for  naught  in  his  own  country. 

The  question  of  the  constitutionality  of  the  Louisiana 
purchase  was  agitating  a  portion  of  the  community  durr 
ing  the  autumn  of  1803  ;  and,  in  answer  to  a  question 
from  Mr.  Henry  W.  Livingston,  relative  to  the  purposes 
of  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  on  this  point,  Morris 
replied  as  follows,  under  date  of  November  25th  : 

"  It  is  not  possible  for  me  to  recollect  with  precision 
all  that  passed  in  the  Convention  while  we  were  framing 
the  Constitution  ;  and,  if  I  could,  it  is  most  probable  that 
i  meaning  may  have  been  conceived  from  incidental  ex- 
pressions different  from  that  which  they  were  intended  to 
convey,  and  very  different  from  the  fixed  opinions  of  the 


442  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIV. 

speaker.  This  happens  daily.  I  am  very  certain  that  I 
liad  it  not  in  contemplation  to  insert  a  decree  de  crescendo 
imperio  in  the  Constitution  of  America,  without  examining 
whether  a  limitation  of  territory  be  or  be  not  essential  to 
the  preservation  of  republican  government.  I  am  certain 
that  the  country  between  the  Mississippi  and  the  Atlantic 
exceeds  by  far  the  limits  which  prudence  would  assign  if, 
in  effect,  any  limitation  be  required.  Another  reason  of 
equal  weight  must  have  prevented  me  from  thinking  of 
such  a  clause.  I  knew  as  well  then  as  I  do  now  that  all 
North  America  must  at  length  be  annexed  to  us — happy, 
indeed,  if  the  lust  of  dominion  stop  there.  It  would  there- 
fore have  been  perfectly  Utopian  to  oppose  a  paper  re- 
striction to  the  violence  of  popular  sentiment  in  a  popular 
government. 

"  Already  the  thing  has  happened  which  I  feared.  The 
judges,  not  being,  as  in  New  York,  an  integral  branch  of 
the  Legislature,  the  Judiciary  has  been  overthrown  be- 
cause the  judges  would,  it  was  foreseen,  resist  assaults  on 
the  Constitution  by  acts  of  Legislature.  The  Constitution 
is  therefore,  in  my  opinion,  gone.  The  complete  sover- 
eignty of  America  is  substantially  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. The  Senate  form  no  check,  because  (hopeful 
theories  notwithstanding)  they  are,  like  the  other  branch, 
representatives  of  a  prevailing  faction  de  facto  and  the 
States  dejure  only.  Now,  as  in  political  affairs  fact  super- 
sedes right,  the  Senate  will  not,  generally  speaking,  have 
even  the  wish  to  oppose  the  House  of  Representatives. 
The  States  will,  by  degrees,  sink  more  and  more  into  in- 
significance, because  the  little  talents  which  faction  pos- 
sesses will  be  shoved  into  the  General  Government.  More- 
over, the  State  legislatures,  being  under  the  immediate 
view  of  their  constituents,  will  find  the  truth  of  the  old 
adage,  *  Too  much  familiarity  breeds  contempt,'    The  pres- 


i8o3.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  443 

eat  amendment  of  the  Constitution  is  urged  by  Virginia 
and  New  York  for  the  purpose  of  dividing  between  them, 
at  the  next  election,  the  two  first  offices  of  the  Union. 
Virginia  was  almost  in  open  revolt  against  the  national 
authority  during  Mr.  Adams's  reign  because  a  Yankee, 
and  not  a  Virginian,  was  President,  and  laws  are  passed 
in  conformity  with  fine  maxims,  assumed  from  the  Brit- 
ish constitution,  which  give  to  a  Virginia  President  royal 
power.  Not  by  mere  inference,  but  by  downright  dem- 
onstration, it  is  shown  that  the  republican  party  were  not 
dissatisfied  because  the  power  of  the  Government  was  too 
great,  but  because  it  was  not  in  their  hands.  The  false 
principles  which  they  have  dignified  with  the  name  of  re- 
publican principles — hostile  to  all  government,  and  im- 
mediately fatal  to  all  republican  government — were  only 
assumed  to  lead  honest  men  by  slow  but  sure  degrees 
to  abjure  the  principles  of  our  Constitution,  and  co-operate  in 
their  own  subjugation  to  the  aristocracies  of  Virginia  and 
New  York.  You  may,  from  what  I  have  said,  be  inclined 
to  set  me  down  as  a  croaker,  but  in  this  you  would  be  de- 
ceived. There  is  always  a  counter-current  in  human  af- 
fairs which  opposes  alike  both  good  and  evil.  While  the 
republican  form  lasts  we  shall  be  tolerably  well  gov- 
erned, and  when  we  are  fairly  afloat  again  on  the  tempes- 
tuous sea  of  liberty,  our  Cromwell  or  Bonaparte  must  so  far 
comply  with  national  habit  as  to  give  us  an  independent 
judiciary  and  something  like  a  popular  representation. 
Like  the  forked,  featherless  bipeds  which  have  preceded 
them,  our  posterity  will  be  shaken  into  the  political  form 
which  shall  be  most  suitable  to  their  physical  and  moral 
state.  They  will  be  born,  procreate,  and  die  like  the  rest  of 
creation,  while  here  and  there  some  accomplished  scoun- 
drels, rari  nantes  in  gurgite  vasto,  will  give  their  names  to 
the  periods  of  history." 


444  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIV. 

"  I  like  well  your  treaty  with  France,"  Morris  wrote  to 
Robert  L.  Livingston,  November  28th,  "and  have  declared 
to  my  friends,  some  of  whom  are  not  pleased  with  the  dec- 
laration, that  it  is  in  my  opinion  one  of  the  best  we  have 
made.  Our  party,  though  with  numerous  exceptions,  op- 
posed it  ;  for  one  reason,  that  it  cost  money  the  greater 
part  of  which  we  to  the  northward  must  pay,  and  it  gains 
territory  which  will,  in  their  apprehension,  by  giving 
strength  to  the  Southern  representation,  diminish  the  East- 
ern influence  in  our  councils.  They  dislike  it,  also,  because 
it  has  strengthened  an  administration  which  they  abhor. 
To  tell  you  an  important  truth,  my  friend,  you  have  saved 
that  administration,  who,  in  return,  will  never  forgive  you 
for  performing,  without  orders  and  without  power,  sucli 
great  public  service.  Your  conduct  is  a  satire  on  theirs, 
for  you  have  gained  what  they  did  not  dare  ask. 

*'  I  agree  with  you  in  the  opinion  that  the  late  nego- 
tiation was  conducted  miserably  on  the  part  of  Britain. 
But  mark  how  the  affairs  of  this  world  run  :  the  King's 
Ministers,  having  bungled  themselves  into  a  miserable 
peace,  bungled  themselves  out  of  it  into  an  expensive 
war,  and  have  thereby  roused  the  national  spirit,  depressed 
before  ;  and  now  it  is  well  within  the  circle  of  probabili- 
ties that  events  to  which  they  are  but  solemn  witnesses 
shall  get  them  gloriously  through  the  contest,  and  place 
their  country  foremost  in  the  rank  of  nations.  Britain, 
by  continuing  the  war,  may  break  the  power  of  France  ; 
for  even  if  the  First  Consul  get  over  with  fifty  thousand 
men,  his  condition  will  be  perilous.  While  hemmed  up 
in  Britain,  his  affairs  on  the  Continent  may  run  wild.  If 
he  be  successful,  the  greater  powers  of  Europe  may  per- 
ceive that  they  must  immediately  attack  France  to  secure 
their  own  independence  ;  and,  if  he  be  unsuccessful,  they 
may  fall  on  in  general  concert  to  share  his  spoils.     If  he 


i3o3.J  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  445 

fail  in  his  attempt  to  land,  it  must  cost  some  of  his  best 
troops,  and  this  to  a  nation  as  hasty  as  the  French  may 
be  a  signal  for  revolt  among  those  which  remain.  If  he 
declines  the  attempt  to  invade  England,  his  reputation, 
which  to  men  in  his  situation  is  everything,  will  be  mate- 
rially injured.  As  to  the  conquest  of  ten  millions  of 
men  determined  to  maintain  their  freedom  and  indepen- 
dence, it  is  quite  out  of  the  question,  if  they  be  but  toler- 
ably managed.  These,  you  will  say,  are  my  dreams,  and, 
when  it  is  considered  that  ere  they  reach  you  events  will 
have  tested  their  truth,  I  must  acknowledge  it  would  be 
more  prudent  to  suppress  than  to  communicate  them  ; 
but  I  never  consult  prudence  when  I  write  to  you. 
Adieu." 

Morris  always  kept  his  friend  James  Parish  au  courant 
with  affairs  in  this  country  and  his  own  well-being.  In 
his  letter  dated  November  29th,  he  says  :  "  You  are  very 
good  in  the  regret  you  so  kindly  express  that  I  cannot 
partake  of  the  produce  of  your  seven  hundred  feet  of 
glass.  God  grant  that  you  may  long  in  peace  enjoy  the 
position  you  embellish.  If,  however,  those  storms  and 
tempests  which  shake  the  moral  world  shall  set  your  bark 
afloat,  come,  my  good  friend,  and  share  with  me  my  quiet 
harbor  ;  you  shall  see  the  rapid  growth  of  a  new  world, 
for  I  have  often  told  you  that,  with  respect  to  this  coun- 
try, calculation  outruns  fancy,  and  still  fact  goes  beyond 
calculation.  The  resolution  of  the  cession  by  France  of 
Louisiana  to  the  United  States  was  grounded,  of  course, 
on  the  conviction  that  war  would  take  place,  as  it  has  al- 
ready done,  between  France  and  England.  You  tell  me 
that  you  had  already  begun  to  tremble  for  the  trade  of 
your  place.  In  my  letter  of  the  14th  January,  then  before 
you,  I  had  said  :  *  I  consider  the  peace  lately  patched  up 
with   France  as  of  very  short  duration.'     The  Peace  of 


446  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIV. 

Amiens  was,  in  my  opinion,  the  most  wretched  blunder 
ever  committed  by  men  having  the  smallest  pretence  to 
common-sense.  It  placed  Britain  in  the  necessity  of  re- 
commencing the  war  to  preserve  her  independence.  It 
gave  to  France  a  certainty,  if  it  was  preserved,  of  ruining 
her  rival  in  no  distant  period.  It  tended,  in  its  conse- 
quences, completely  to  subvert  the  liberties  of  Europe. 
Now,  although  it  was  not  given  to  Messrs.  Addington  & 
Co.  to  foresee,  it  was  presumable  that,  when  events  should 
arise,  they  would  be  able  to  see,  and,  even  should  their  vis- 
ual faculties  be  obtuse,  I  had  no  doubt  that  they  would  be 
made  to  feel  the  condition  of  their  country.  The  cause  of 
the  war,  then,  is  to  be  sought  in  the  treaty  of  peace.  In- 
deed, I  stated  to  you  that  result  in  my  letter  of  February, 
1802,  to  which  I  now  refer,  instead  of  taking  up  your  time 
with  observations  which  might  now  be  called  after-wit, 
seeing  that  there  is  no  difficulty  in  showing  some  reason 
or  other  for  what  has  actually  happened.  Your  port  will, 
I  suppose,  be  blockaded  by  the  British  fleet  till  it  shall 
be  barred  by  the  bolts  and  chains  of  nature.  Before  this 
reaches  your  hands,  you  will  know  the  result  of  the  First 
Consul's  invasion.  My  opinion  is  that,  if  Britain  contin- 
ues the  war  properly,  she  will  break  to  pieces  the  power 
of  her  adversary.  Gods  !  what  a  moment  for  a  great  man 
to  step  into  the  place  of  Mr.  Addington.  But,  when  I 
look  at  the  course  of  events,  I  am  led  to  believe  that  little 
men  may  succeed  where  great  men  might  fail,  and  thus, 
folding  my  arms,  submit  serenely  to  the  will  of  Heaven." 

Again,  on  December  13th  he  wrote  to  Parish,  expressing 
a  profound  satisfaction  that  he  no  longer  occupied  a  po- 
sition in  public  life. 

"  Thank  God,"  he  says,  "  I  am  no  longer  in  the  situation 
you  deplore.  Not  being  in  either  House  of  Legislature, 
I  am,  of  course,  no  member  of  a  minority.     In  eflfect,  my 


i8o3.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  447 

friend,  had  our  country  been  in  a  condition  so  quiet  as  to 
justify  me  to  my  own  feelings,  I  would  have  resigned  my 
seat.  This  would,  however,  have  been  disagreeable,  be- 
cause it  would  have  been  unpleasant  to  my  friends. 
Luckily  my  political  enemies,  finding  no  hope  of  bring- 
ing me  into  an  alliance  with  them,  saved  me  the  trouble 
of  a  resignation  by  electing  in  my  place  another  man. 
Luckily,  also,  I  terminated  my  career  in  a  manner  gratify- 
ing to  my  friends,  and  respected  by  my  foes  ;  so  that  I  can 
devote  myself  wholly  to  the  pursuits  of  private  life.  This 
is  the  point  at  which  I  have  always  aimed  ;  and,  having  thus 
got  safely  to  my  desired  haven,  no  light  or  trivial  cause 
will  force  me  again  upon  the  troubled  ocean.  Luckily 
we  have  in  our  party  men  of  ability  for  every  station,  so 
that,  if  we  get  the  upper  hand,  which  is  not  improbable, 
they  can  dispense  witli  the  services  of  one  whose  ambition 
is  satisfied. 

"  Apropos  of  Bonaparte,  the  position  to  which  he  had 
raised  himself  was  to  me  a  sufficient  proof  of  his  talents  ; 
but  even  while  he  was  in  Italy  I  considered  him  as  the 
future  master  of  France.  Circumstances  rendered  a  mas- 
ter not  only  needful  but  certain.  Reasoning  in  like  man- 
ner on  circumstances,  I  knew  that  his  yoke  must  be  painful 
and  odious  to  the  conquered  countries.  Indeed,  I  not  only 
foresaw,  but  foretold  the  present  state  of  Europe  in  the 
early  stages  of  the  French  Revolution.  Twenty  millions 
of  men  thrown  into  so  wild  a  condition  must,  after  doing 
great  mischief  to  themselves  and  others,  become  the  sub- 
jects of  a  military  despotism.  But  though  this  result  is, 
humanly  speaking,  inevitable,  it  can  only  be  completed  by 
a  great  man.  Such  men,  however,  are  always  formed  in 
such  circumstances  ;  or,  to  speak  more  accurately,  such 
men  always  exist,  and  such  circumstances  give  them  the 
means  and  opportunities.     Now  it  followed  of  necessity 


448  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIV. 

that  a  great  man,  at  the  head  of  a  warlike  nation  and 
raised  into  power  by  the  sword,  would  feel  the  necessity 
of  occupying  ardent  spirits  abroad  to  prevent  them  from 
doing  mischief  at  home.  Thus  France,  disciplined  and 
ably  commanded  in  necessary  war  with  her  neighbors, 
was  the  object  ever  present  to  my  mind,  and  I  sought  in 
vain  the  talents  which  should  oppose  her.  They  did  not 
exist  in  the  Cabinets  of  Europe.  Feeble  minds  must,  from 
the  nature  of  things,  pursue  trivial  objects  by  feeble 
means.  I  think,  however,  that  England  is  saved  by  a  se- 
ries of  most  egregious  blunders." 

The  great  event  of  the  session  of  Congress,  during  the 
winter  of  1807,  was  the  trial  of  Samuel  Chase,  an  Associate 
Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  charged 
with  arbitrary  oppression  and  intemperate  conduct  on  va- 
rious occasions,  and  impeached  by  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives before  the  Senate.  He  was  acquitted,  but  his  ac- 
quittal produced  much  irritation,  and  John  Randolph 
moved  to  submit  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution  to  the 
effect  that  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  all  other 
courts  of  the  United  States,  should  be  removed  by  the 
President  on  the  joint  address  of  both  Houses  of  Con- 
gress. In  a  letter  to  Uriah  Tracy,  dated  January  5th,  Mor- 
ris deals  with  the  constitutional  restrictions  to  such  a  meas- 
ure. "  The  idea,"  he  wrote,  "that  two-thirds  of  the  whole 
number  of  senators  and  of  the  whole  number  of  representa- 
tives is  required  by  the  Constitution  to  propose  an  amend- 
ment is  certainly  correct.  There  are,  I  believe,  only  six 
cases  in  which  the  majority  of  a  quorum  cannot  act.  In 
one  of  these  cases,  namely,  the  choice  of  a  President  by  the 
House  of  Representatives,  a  majority  of  all  the  States  is 
required — and  the  reason  is  evident.  In  two  other  cases, 
which  respect  only  the  Senate,  two-thirds  of  the  members 
present  are  required.     One  of  them  is  the  case  of  treaties. 


i3o4]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.       '  449 

To  have  bound  the  whole  Union  by  the  act  of  a  mere 
majority  of  senators  present  would,  in  effect,  have  given 
the  power  of  making  treaties  to  the  President,  since,  by 
watching  opportunities,  he  would  always  have  secured 
such  majority  ;  and  to  have  demanded  a  majority  of  the 
whole  number  might  have  occasioned  delay,  dangerous  in 
many  cases,  and  especially  when  a  treaty  of  peace  should 
be  under  consideration.  By  a  provision  of  that  sort  ab- 
sentees would  have  given  an  efficient  negative,  without 
direct  responsibility.  Of  course,  cunning  men,  some  of 
whom  will  always  be  found  in  legislative  bodies,  would 
frequently  have  lain  by  to  approve  or  disapprove,  accord- 
ing to  subsequent  circumstances,  which,  in  affairs  so  ur- 
gent as  the  ratification  of  a  national  compact,  might  have 
proved  fatal.  In  the  case  of  impeachments,  the  same  rea- 
soning applies.  If  a  mere  majority  could  convict,  public 
officers  might  be  made  victims  of  party  rage.  If  a  major- 
ity of  the  whole  number  were  required,  members  might, 
by  absenting  themselves,  screen  the  guilty  without  in- 
curring direct  reproach.  In  the  one  case  faction  would 
have  too  much,  and  in  the  other  justice  would  have  too 
little,  power.  There  remain  three  cases  in  which  two- 
thirds  of  the  whole  number  are  required.  These  are,  first, 
the  expulsion  of  a  member  ;  secondly,  the  passage  of  a 
law  disapproved  of  by  the  President  ;  and,  thirdly,  amend- 
ments to  the  Constitution.  In  these  three  cases  a  pro- 
vision is  carefully  made  to  defend  the  people  against  them- 
selves— or,  in  other  words,  against  the  violence  of  party 
spirit — which  has  hitherto  proved  fatal  to  republican  gov- 
ernment. The  constitutional  restriction  presumes  that,  in 
a  measure  of  indispens,able  necessity,  or  even  of  great  util- 
ity, two-thirds  of  the  whole  number  of  senators  and  rep- 
resentatives would  agree,  and  that,  if  they  should  not,  no 
great  danger  would  ensue.  The  public  business  might  go 
Vol.  IL — 29 


450  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIV. 

on,  though  a  member  of  the  Legislature  should  be  un- 
worthy of  his  seat.  Neither  would  the  nation  materially 
suffer  from  the  want  of  a  particular .  law,  especially  of  a 
law  rejected  by  the  First  Magistrate.  The  case  of  war 
may  indeed  be  supposed,  and  the  additional  case  of  cor- 
rupt opposition  by  the  President  to  the  organization  of 
public  force  ;  but  even  if  it  were  allowable  to  reason  from 
extreme  cases,  which,  as  everyone  knows,  would  be  fatal 
to  all  legal  and  constitutional  provisions,  yet  in  this  ex- 
tremest  case  the  corrupt  President  could  (with  less  dan- 
ger of  detection)  do  more  evil  by  a  misapplication  of  the 
public  force  than  by  opposing  its  existence.  So,  in  the 
case  of  amendments  to  the  Constitution,  it  was  presumed 
that  America  might  enjoy  a  tolerable  share  of  felicity  un- 
der the  existing  compact,  and  that,  if  a  case  should  arise  to 
point  out  the  necessity  of  amendment,  two-thirds  of  the 
whole  number  of  each  legislative  body  would  concur  in 
the  recommendation.  It  has  been  somewhere  truly  said 
that  frequent  change  of  the  law  is  a  serious  evil,  and  fre- 
quent change  of  the  constitution  a  most  afflicting  calam- 
ity. That  evil  and  this  calamity  we  probably  are  doomed 
to  experience.  Our  fellow-citizens  were  dissatisfied  with 
things  done  by  those  to  whom  they  had  intrusted  author- 
ity, and  who  adopted  measures  recommended  by  political 
opponents,  in  the  vain  hope  of  estopping  them  by  their 
own  confession.  Since  the  prostration  of  the  judiciar)', 
my  anxiety  about  the  Constitution  is  not  so  great  as  in 
former  times.  That  mortal  stab  was  but  the  beginning  of 
a  system — the  more  dangerous  because  it  is  not  the  result 
of  a  conspiracy  among  ambitious  men,  for  that  might  be 
detected,  exposed,  and  thereby  frustrated.  But  the  mis- 
chief lies  deeper,  and  the  agents  are  actuated  more  by  in- 
stinct than  reflection.  There  is  a  moral  tendency,  and  in 
some  cases  even  a  physical  disposition,  among  the  people 


x8o4.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  45 1 

of  this  country  to  overturn  the  Government.  Such  nox- 
ious humors  can  no  more  be  cured  by  argument  than  the 
gout.  With  some,  as  in  Virginia,  they  are  hereditary  ; 
with  others  they  are  generated,  as  in  Pennsylvania,  by  the 
intemperate  use  of  ardent  spirits,  imprudently  imported. 
In  one  case,  aristocracy  groans  under  that  law  of  equality 
which  forms  the  fairest  feature  in  our  Constitution  ;  in 
another,  bad  subjects  of  a  monarchy  have  broken  loose 
and  run  mad.  Everywhere  prosperity  had  made  men 
wanton,  and  thereby  they  have  become  wicked.  The 
habits  of  monarchic  government  are  not  yet  worn  away 
among  our  native  citizens,  and  therefore  the  opposition 
to  lawful  authority  is  frequently  considered  as  a  generous 
effort  of  patriotic  virtue.  Add  to  this  the  host  of  moody 
beggars  starving  for  a  time  of  pell-mell,  havoc,  and  confu- 
sion. There  is,  therefore,  much  reason  to  fear  that  all  at- 
tempts to  save  the  people  from  their  most  dangerous  en- 
emy will  fail,  and,  in  consequence,  the  wishes  of  those  who 
long  for  a  monarchy  will  be  gratified.  The  repeal  of  the 
Judiciary  law  battered  down  the  great  outwork  of  the 
Constitution.  It  has  been  followed  up  vigorously  by  the 
assailants,  and  those  who  have  on  this  occasion  thrown 
themselves  into  the  breach  to  defend  our  rights  merit  the 
warm  applause  of  a  grateful  nation.  But  what  are  we  to 
think  of  that  nation  in  whose  Senate  a  member  can  boldly 
avow  the  design  to  make  an  inroad  on  the  Constitution, 
merely  and  expressly  to  secure  the  power  of  a  ruling  fac- 
tion ?  He  who,  ten  years  ago,  had  ventured  to  predict 
this,  even  as  a  possible  case,  would  have  been  viewed  as 
a  mad  man  ;  and  so,  perhaps,  may  he  who  now  declares 
that  the  reign  of  terror  will  follow  the  domination  of  a 
single  House  of  Repres'^ntatives  as  surely  as  light  follows 
the  sun.  The  dangerous  doctrine  that  the  public  will, 
expressed  by  a  numerical  majority,  is  in  all  cases  to  be 


452  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIV. 

obeyed,  arises  from  a  perverse  confusion  of  ideas  and  leads 
to  horrible  results.  That  numerical  majority  not  only 
may,  but  frequently  does,  will  what  is  unwise  and  unjust. 
Those,  therefore,  who  avow  the  determination  strictly  to 
comply  with  it,  acknowledge  themselves  the  willing  in- 
struments of  folly  and  vice.  They  declare  that,  in  order 
to  please  the  people,  they  will  make  the  profligate  sacri- 
fice of  public  right  on  the  altar  of  private  interest.  What 
more  can  be  asked  by  the  sternest  tyrant  from  the  most 
despicable  slave  ?  Creatures  of  this  sort  are  the  tools 
which  usurpers  employ  in  building  despotism.  They  are 
the  direct  counterpart  of  him  who  is  described  by  the 
poet,  with  such  inimitable  force,  elegance,  and  perspi- 
cacity: 'Justum  et  tenacem  proposito  virum  non  civium, 
ardor  prava  juventium  non  vultus  instantis  tyranni  mente 
quatit  solida.'  Horace  had  seen  the  chameleon  race  of  his 
day  change  from  demagogues  to  courtiers,  or,  rather,  pre- 
serving their  cameleon  substance,  take  the  color  of  the 
thing  they  feed  on. 

"  This  letter  has  grown  too  long,  and  will  show,  perhaps, 
more  of  indignation  than  becomes  a  man  who  has  imposed 
on  himself  the  law  to  bear,  without  murmuring,  the  course 
of  events.  But  minds  in  unison  are  responsive,  like  the 
strings  of  instruments  exactly  tuned,  and  I  cannot  behold 
the  struggle  made  to  preserve  the  peace  and  happiness  of 
•our  country  without  feeling  keen  sympath)%" 

"  As  to  the  cession  of  Louisiana,"  Morris  wrote  to  Jon- 
athan Dayton,  on  January  7th,  *'  I  should  indeed  have 
lost  all  shame,  as  well  as  pretence  to  understanding,  if 
I  did  not  approve  of  it.  A  few  millions  more  or  less  in 
the  price  might  be  a  fit  subject  for  democrats  to  bawl 
about,  if  the  treaty  had  been  made  by  their  opponents, 
but  it  really  seems  unworthy  of  notice  when  the  sub- 
ject is  taken  up  on  a  great  scale.     I  see,  with  you,  that 


i8o4.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  453 

it  will  not  be  easy  to  find  a  proper  governor  for  the 
newly  acquired  territory,  supposing  always  the  adminis- 
tration to  know  the  kind  of  man  necessary  for  the  office, 
and  to  seek  him  without  any  motives  of  party  or  partiality. 
Let  me  add  my  belief,  that  no  man,  without  the  support  of 
at  least  one  thousand  American  bayonets,  can  duly  re- 
strain the  inhabitants  of  that  region.  Time,  however, 
will  unfold  many  things  not  dreamed  of  in  the  philosophy 
of  our  rulers.  There  are  two  points  which  do  not  meet 
my  approbation.  One  of  them  is,  indeed,  of  little  conse- 
quence— the  want  of  some  restrictive  designation  of  the 
amount  of  French  grants.  This  defect  may  seriously  in- 
jure hereafter  the  title  to  landed  property  in  that  quarter. 
I  consider  the  amount  of  those  grants,  however  great, 
as  a  trifling  object  of  national  concern  ;  indeed,  I  should 
not  be  sorry  that  the  ministers  of  every  nation  in  Eu- 
rope had  a  large  landed  estate  in  America,  believing  as 
I  do  what  is  written,  that  where  a  man's  treasure  is  there 
will  his  heart  be  also.  My  other  objection  is  more  seri- 
ous :  the  stipulation  to  admit  the  inhabitants  into  our 
Union  will,  I  believe,  prove  injurious  to  this  country.  I 
do  not  consider  whether  the  admission  be  constitutional 
nor  whether  it  be  advisable,  for,  at  the  rate  things  go  on, 
the  Constitution  cannot  last,  and  an  unbalanced  monarchy 
will  be  established  on  its  ruins.  Although  I  seriously 
deprecate  that  event,  yet,  as  I  am  not  now  called  on  to 
take  any  part  in  our  councils,  I  have  made  up  my  mind  to 
float  along  as  gently  as  I  may.  When  the  catastrophe  of 
our  tragi-comical  drama  shall  have  arrived,  questions  on 
the  right  of  citizenship  will  be  merged.  These,  therefore, 
no  longer  command  my  attention.  But,  whatever  may  be 
our  form  of  government,  I  consider  it  as  of  the  last  im- 
portance to  resist  every  attempt  which  foreigners  may 
make  to  interfere  in  our  domestic  concerns.     Much   more 


454  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIV. 

ought  we,  in  my  opinion,  to  take  care  that  our  treaties  be 
so  formed  as  never  to  furnish  them  with  the  slightest  pre- 
text. I  thank  you  for  Tracy's  speech,  which  is,  I  think,  a 
very  good  one,  but  I  fear  it  will  not  save  our  social  com- 
pact even  from  the  present  stroke." 

But  to  return  to  the  diary.  "On  Wednesday,  January 
i8th,  I  dined,"  Morris  says,  "  at  King's,  with  General 
Hamilton,  in  trio.  They  are  both  alarmed  at  the  conduct 
of  our  rulers,  and  think  the  Constitution  is  about  to  be 
overturned  ;  I  think  it  is  already  overturned.  They  ap- 
prehend a  bloody  anarchy  ;  I  apprehend  an  anarchy  in 
which  property,  not  lives,  will  be  sacrificed.  That  i^  is 
the  intention  of  those  gentlemen  who  have  engaged  them- 
selves in  the  notable  business  of  pulling  down  the  Consti- 
tution to  rear  a  monarchy  on  its  ruins,  I  do  not  believe  ; 
that  such  is  the  natural  effect  of  their  measures,  I  am  per- 
fectly convinced." 

It  was  strongly  Morris's  opinion  that  Louisiana  should 
have  been  treated  consistently  with  the  general  interest  of 
the  South — New  Orleans  strongly  fortified,  and  the  whole 
territory  kept  as  a  province  ;  but  he  felt  that  it  might  seem 
to  have  the  appearance  of  vanity  to  attempt  any  advice  on 
the  subject.  To  Mr.  Dayton,  however,  he  expressed  the 
following  opinion  on  the  question,  in  a  letter  of  February 
19th:  "  From  the  moment  when  the  citizens  of  Louisiana 
were  made  members  of  our  Union,  they  became  the  natural 
and  political  allies  of  the  Northern  and  Eastern  States. 
We  have  with  them  no  competition  of  interest ;  on  the 
contrary,  our  shipping  and  mercantile  capital  are  essential 
to  their  wealth  and  prosperity,  and  equally  indifferent  is  it 
to  us  whether  the  produce  of  our  skill  and  industry  be 
vended  to  those  who  speak  English  or  to  those  who  gab- 
ble the  provincial  dialects  of  France  and  Spain.  As  the 
spirit  of  policy  has  no  passion,  so  that  of  commerce  feels 


i8o4.J  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  455 

no  attachment ;  both  are  governed  by  interest.  The  Gov- 
ernment have  defeated  themselves  as  to  their  main  object, 
and  they  will,  I  believe,  equally  commit  themselves  in 
every  detail.  The  question  of  domestic  slavery  must 
operate  against  our  rulers,  let  them  decide  it  how  they 
may.  If  you  prohibit  the  introduction  of  slaves,  you  at- 
tack the  private  interest  of  almost  every  man  in  the  coun- 
try. If  you  countenance  the  introduction  of  slaves,  you 
sign  and  seal  the  ruin  of  the  Southern  States.  To  replace 
black  labor  by  white  at  once,  you  must  persuade  the 
planters  to  be  poor  till  tobacco-grounds  and  rice-swamps 
shall  be  peopled  by  the  sons  of  St.  Patrick,  and  fortified 
by  the  blessings  of  liberty  and  equality.  Think  not,  nei- 
ther let  any  of  our  friends  think,  of  a  separation.  The 
acquisition  of  Louisiana  and  the  philanthropic  system  of 
government  must  throw  the  political  power  of  America 
where  the  physical  power  now  resides.  Oh,  how  I  admire 
those  wondrous  statesmen  who  cry  out,  *  Perish  a  world  to 
save  a  principle ! '  When  the  principle  is,  as  usual,  false, 
the  maxim  is  perfectly  sublime." 

In  May  of  this  year  the  diary  mentions,  among  Morris's 
guests  at  dinner  at  Morrisania,  M.  and  Madame  Bonaparte* 
and  "  a  young  Englishman  of  genius  named  Moore,f  a 
young  man  who  has  translated  well  several  odes  of  Anac- 
reon.    He  is  said  to  be  a  favorite  with  the  Prince  of  Wales." 

The  entry  in  the  diary  for  July  nth  is  the  news  which 
Mr.  Wilkins  came  to  relate,  that,  "  General  Hamilton  was 
killed  in  a  duel  this  morning  by  Colonel  Burr." 

"  1  go  to  town  [July  12th],  but  meet  (opposite  to  the 
hospital)  Martin  Wilkiyis,  who  tells  me  General  Hamilton 
is  yet  alive  at  Greenwich,  and  not,  as  I  was  told  this  morn- 

*  Jerome  Bonaparte  married  Miss  Elizabeth  Patterson,  of  Baltimore,  in 
1803.  In  1807  Napoleon  dissolved  the  marriage,  but  subsequently  bestowed 
a  large  pension  on  his  brother's  deserted  wife. 

t  Thomas  Moore,  the  Irish  poet,  then  on  a  visit  to  the  United  States. 


45^  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIV. 

ing,  in  Greenwich  Street.  Go  there.  When  I  arrive  he  is 
speechless.  The  scene  is  too  powerful  for  me,  so  that  I 
am  obliged  to  walk  in  the  garden  to  take  breath.  After 
having  composed  myself,  I  return  and  sit  by  his  side  till 
he  expires.  He  is  opened,  and  we  find  that  the  ball  has 
broken  one  of  his  ribs,  passed  through  the  lower  part  of 
the  liver,  and  lodged  in  the  vertebrae  of  his  back  :  a  most 
melancholy  scene — his  wife  almost  frantic  with  grief,  his 
children  in  tears,  every  person  present  deeply  afflicted, 
the  whole  city  agitated,  every  countenance  dejected.  This 
evening  I  am  asked  to  pronounce  a  funeral  oration.  I 
promise  to  do  so  if  I  can  possibly  command  myself 
enough,  but  express  my  belief  that  it  will  be  utterly  im- 
possible. I  am  wholly  unmanned  by  this  day's  spectacle." 
"  Take  Mr.  Harrison  out  to  dine  with  me  [July  13th]. 
Discuss  the  points  which  it  may  be  safe  to  touch  to-mor- 
row, and  those  which  it  will  be  proper  to  avoid.  To  a 
man  who  could  feebly  command  all  his  powers  this  sub- 
ject is  difficult.  The  first  point  of  his  biography  is  that 
he  was  a  stranger  of  illegitimate  birth  ;  some  mode  must 
be  contrived  to  pass  over  this  handsomely.  He  was  in- 
discreet, vain,  and  opinionated  ;  these  things  must  be 
told,  or  the  character  will  be  incomplete,  and  yet  tliey 
must  be  told  in  such  manner  as  not  to  destroy  the  interest. 
He  was  in  principle  opposed  to  republican  and  attached 
to  monarchical  government,  and  then  his  opinions  were 
generally  known  and  have  been  long  and  loudly  pro- 
claimed. His  share  in  forming  our  Constitution  must  be 
mentioned,  and  his  unfavorable  opinion  cannot  therefore 
be  concealed.  The  most  important  part  of  his  life  was  his 
administration  of  the  finances.  The  system  he  proposed 
was  in  one  respect  radically  wrong  ;  moreover,  it  has  been 
the  subject  of  some  just  and  much  unjust  criticism.  Many 
are  still  hostile  to  it,  though  on  improper  ground.     I  can 


i8o4.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  457 

neither  commit  myself  to  a  full  and  pointed  approbation, 
nor  is  it  prudent  to  censure  others.  All  this  must,  some- 
how or  other,  be  reconciled.  He  was  in  principle  opposed 
to  duelling,  but  he  has  fallen  in  a  duel.  I  cannot  thor- 
oughly excuse  him  without  criminating  Colonel  Burr, 
w^hich  would  be  wrong,  and  might  lead  to  events  which 
every  good  citizen  must  deprecate.  Indeed,  this  morning, 
when  I  sent  for  Colonel  Smith,  who  had  asked  an  oration 
from  me  last  night,  to  tell  him  I  would  endeavor  to  say 
some  few  words  over  the  corpse,  I  told  him — in  answer  to 
the  hope  he  expressed,  that  in  doing  justice  to  the  dead  I 
would  not  injure  the  living — that  Colonel  Burr  ought  to 
be  considered  in  the  same  light  with  any  other  man  who 
had  killed  another  in  a  duel  ;  that  I  certainly  should  not 
excite  to  any  outrage  on  him,  but,  as  it  seemed  evident  to 
me  that  legal  steps  would  be  taken  against  him,  prudence 
would,  I  should  suppose,  direct  him  to  keep  out  of  the 
way.  In  addition  to  all  the  difBculties  of  this  subject  is 
the  impossibility  of  writing  and  committing  anything  to 
memory  in  the  short  time  allowed.  The  corpse  is  already 
putrid,  and  the  funeral  procession  must  take  place  to-mor- 
row morning." 

"A  little  before  ten  [July  14th]  go  to  Mr.  Church's 
house,  from  whence  the  corpse  is  to  move.  We  are  de- 
tained till  twelve.  While  moving  in  the  procession  I  med- 
itate, as  much  as  my  feelings  will  permit,  on  what  I  am  to 
say.  I  can  find  no  way  to  get  over  the  difficulty  which 
would  attend  the  details  of  his  death.  It  will  be  impos- 
sible to  command  either  myself  or  my  audience  ;  their  in- 
dignation amounts  almost  to  frenzy  already.  Over  this, 
then,  a  veil  must  be  drawn.  I  must  not,  either,  dwell  on 
his  domestic  life  ;  he  has  long  since  foolishly  published 
the  avowal  of  conjugal  infidelity.  Something,  however, 
must  be  said  to  excite  public  pity  for  his  family,  which  he 


458  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIV. 

has  left  in  indigent  circumstances.  I  speak  for  the  first 
time  in  the  open  air,  and  find  that  my  voice  is  lost  before 
it  reaches  one-tenth  of  the  audience.  Get  through  the 
difficulties  tolerably  well ;  am  of  necessity  short,  especially 
as  I  feel  the  impropriety  of  acting  a  dumb  show,  which  is 
the  case  as  to  all  those  who  see  but  cannot  hear  me.  I 
find  that  what  I  have  said  does  not  answer  the  general  ex- 
pectation. This  I  knew  would  be  the  case ;  it  must  ever 
happen  to  him  whose  duty  it  is  to  allay  the  sentiment 
which  he  is  expected  to  arouse.  How  easy  would  it  have 
been  to  make  them,  for  a  moment,  absolutely  mad !  This 
evening  Mr,  Coleman,  editor  of  the  Evening  Post,  calls. 
He  requests  me  to  give  him  what  I  have  said.  He  took 
notes,  but  found  his  language  so  far  inferior  that  he  threw 
it  in  the  fire.  Promise,  if  he  will  write  what  he  remem- 
bers, I  will  endeavor  to  put  it  into  the  terms  which  were 
used.  He  speaks  very  highly  of  the  discourse  ;  more  so 
than  it  deserves.  Mr.  Hammond,  who  dined  with  us,  de- 
sired me  to  think  of  some  means  to  provide  for  poor 
Hamilton's  familty.  Mr.  Gracie  and  Mr.  Wolcott  called 
for  the  same  purpose.  I  had  already  mentioned  the  mat- 
ter to  Mr.  Low,  who  seems  to  think  a  subscription  will 
not  go  down  well,  because  the  children  have  a  rich  grand- 
father. Mr.  Hammond  mentions  certain  engagements  in 
bank,  indorsed  by  Ludlow  and  David  Ogden.  The  same 
thing  probably  exists  as  to  him,  Gracie,  and  Wolcott.  Be 
motives  what  they  may,  I  will  use  the  occasion  and  freely 
pay  my  quota.  Clarkson  will  unquestionably  do  as  much. 
David  Ogden  says  he,  Clarkson,  will  do  more  than  he  ought. 
He  is  a  worthy  fellow,  as,  indeed,  he  always  was,  and  is  ex- 
tremely wounded.  He  said  to  me  on  Thursday,  just  after 
our  friend  had  expired :  *  If  we  were  truly  brave  we  should 
not  accept  a  challenge  ;  but  we  are  all  cowards.'  The  tears 
rolling  down  his  face  gave  strong  effect  to  the  voice  and 


i8o4.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  459 

manner  with  which  he  pronounced  this  sentence.  There 
is  no  braver  man  living,  and  yet  I  doubt  whetlier  he  would 
so  far  brave  the  public  opinion  as  to  refuse  a  challenge." 

Together  with  others  of  General  Hamilton's  friends, 
Morris  spent  much  time  endeavoring  to  arrange  his  af- 
fairs, which  were  in  sad  disorder.  "  Our  friend  Hamil- 
ton," he  wrote  to  Robert  Morris,  "has  been  suddenly- 
cut  off  in  the  midst  of  embarrassments  which  would  have 
required  several  years  of  professional  industry  to  set 
straight :  a  debt  of  between  fifty  thousand  and  sixty 
thousand  dollars  hanging  over  him,  a  property  which  in 
time  may  sell  for  seventy  thousand  or  eighty  thousand, 
but  which,  if  brought  to  the  hammer,  would  not,  in  all 
probability,  fetch  forty;  a  family  of  seven  young  children. 
We  have  opened  a  subscription  to  provide  for  these  or- 
phans, and  his  warm-hearted  friends,  judging  of  others  by 
themselves,  expect  more  from  it  than  I  do." 

"  I  attend  to-day,"  Morris  notes  in  his  diary  for  July 
17th,  "a  meeting  of  the  Cincinnati.  Order  letters  to  be 
written  by  a  committee  to  the  Vice-President,  General,  and 
the  Presidents  of  the  State  Societies  ;  also  to  Mrs.  Hamil- 
ton. Order  a  monument  to  be  raised  in  Trinity  Church  ; 
also  desire  Mr.  Mason  to  pronounce  a  funeral  oration. 
There  is  a  question  whether  Mr.  Pendleton  should  appear 
and  answer,  being  summoned  before  the  coroner's  inquest. 
It  is  finally  settled  that  it  is  not  necessary.  The  declara- 
tion of  the  dying  man  is  sufficient." 

"Goto  town  [July  31st]  to  attend  the  Cincinnati,  and 
to  hear  the  funeral  oration  made  at  their  request  by  Dr. 
Mason." 

For  many  years  Morris  had  maintained  silence  on  the 
subject  of  calumnies,  mentioned  in  a  former  chapter, 
which  Mr.  Dean  had  published  in  the  columns  of  the 
Aurora  against  him  at  the  time  of  his  mission  to  France. 


46o  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIV. 

But  in  August,  1804,  it  became  necessary  to  take  steps 
with  regard  to  them,  and  also  that  he  should  have  friends 
in  France  to  vouch  for  his  good  name.  When  asking  M. 
Leray  de  Chaumont  and  M.  J.  C.  Mountflorence  to  act 
for  him,  he  spoke  of  the  affair  in  a  letter  to  the  latter,  dated 
August  22d,  as  follows  : 

"  The  publisher  of  the  Aurora  thought  proper,  some 
years  ago,  to  publish,  among  other  scurrilities  against  me, 
that  I  had  been  recalled  because  of  an  illicit  correspond- 
ence with  England.  For  this  calumny  I  instituted  a 
prosecution,  and  now,  when  the  cause  is  near  to  maturity, 
he  has  asked  a  commission  to  examine  witnesses  in 
France,  and  has  named  as  commissioners  General  Arm- 
strong, our  new  minister,  and  Mr.  Joel  Barlow  ;  and  I 
have  named  you  and  my  friend  Leray  de  Chaumont.  It 
will,  I  presume,  be  attempted  to  support  the  vile  calumny 
by  the  testimony  of  false  witnesses,  or  by  the  proof  of 
what  someone  or  other  on  some  occasion  may  have  said. 
I  confidently  rely  that  both  you  and  Leray  will  do  what 
may  be  proper  to  protect  the  reputation  of  an  absent 
friend.  General  Armstrong  ought  in  prudence  to  repel  the 
vile  attempt  of  a  common  libeller  to  tarnish  the  character 
of  a  predecessor — the  chance  and  change  of  all  human 
things  may  place  him  hereafter  in  a  similar  situation. 
Doubtless  he  counts  on  the  good  will  of  those  men  to- 
wards him  and  on  their  sense  of  his  influence  in  the  coun- 
cils of  our  degraded  country.  I  am  sure  that  neither  of 
you  will  see  with  indifference  the  attempt  to  blast  my 
reputation.  The  profligate  and  the  perjured,  who  will  be- 
lieve all  that  is  said,  and  swear  to  all  that  is  asked,  may 
indeed  give  the  required  testimony.  The  attempt  is  not 
made,  I  am  convinced,  in  any  hope  to  establish  the  fact  he 
had  the  audacity  to  charge,  but  with  the  desire  to  procure 
materials  for  new  defamation. 


i8o4]  GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  461 


CHAPTER  XLV. 

Letter  to  Mr.  Parish.  Reflections  on  Bonaparte's  intervention  in  Ger- 
many. Ideas  on  the  re-election  of  Jefferson.  Letter  to  John  Penn, 
of  London.  The  pohtical  world  of  America.  Takes  no  active  part 
in  politics.  Letter  to  Aaron  Ogden.  Believes  the  Constitution  has 
received  a  mortal  wound.  Letter  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans.  Gives 
his  opinion  on  the  chances  of  the  Bourbon  restoration.  Comments 
on  European  affairs. 

MORRIS  never  ceased,  naturally,  to  take  an  active 
interest  in  the  affairs  of  the  Continent  of  Europe, 
as  well  as  in  the  political  condition  of  Great  Britain,  and 
from  time  to  time  gave  Mr.  Parish  the  benefit  of  his 
reflections.  Bonaparte's  intervention  in  Germany  called 
forth  a  long  letter  on  October  2d,  in  which  he  says  :  "In 
reflecting  on  the  misfortunes  which  have  befallen  your 
city  of  Hamburg,  I  am  forced  to  recollect  a  reproof  I 
gave  to  one  of  your  merchants  for  a  want  not  only  of 
Christian  charity  and  national  sentiment  but,  as  it  seemed 
to  me,  common  humanity,  when,  the  neutrality  of  the 
North  being  secured,  Frankfort-on-the-Main  was  greatly 
distressed.  I  told  him  the  time  would  probably  come 
when  Hamburg  would,  in  her  turn,  experience  the  same 
distresses  from  the  same  cause.  He  seemed  to  suppose, 
and  that  opinion  was  indeed  pretty  general  among  you, 
that  you  were  all  safe  under  the  protection  of  Russia. 
On  all  this  subject  I  have  had  for  many  years  of  my  life 
but  one  opinion.  Ever  since  Frederick  put  himself  at 
the  head  of  the  North  to  protect  the  rights  of  the  Ger- 
manic body,  there  have,  in  my  opinion,  been  two  German 


I 


462  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLV. 

Emperors,  and  the  fault  which  I  have  perceived  in  Aus- 
trian politics  was  not  to  see  the  affair  in  that  simple  light, 
and  agree  at  once  to  a  partition.  This  alone  would,  in 
my  poor  opinion,  have  saved  that  country  from  France. 

"  It  is  now  organized  in  such  a  way  that  of  three  parties, 
the  Austrian,  the  Prussian,  and  the  French,  this  last  must 
be  the  strongest  and,  playing  off  the  two  first  against  each 
other,  will  govern  the  whole.  Russia  cannot,  I  think,  act 
efficiently  so  far  from  home  without  deriving  great  re- 
source from  Britain  or  making  the  scene  of  war  support 
her  troops.  Both  may  be  needful,  and  France  will  cer- 
tainly pursue  those  plans  by  which  she  has  hitherto  suc- 
ceeded. If,  therefore,  you  are  to  be  protected  you  must 
pay  for  that  protection,  and  if  you  are  conquered  you 
must  pay  for  being  conquered,  and  if  you  are  plundered 
alternately  by  both  parties  you  must  pay  liberal  contri- 
butions for  the  honor  thus  conferred  upon  you.  After 
all,  you  will  find  that  you  are  depending  on  a  dream, 
which  for  people  wide-awake  is  a  strange  economy.  This 
dream  is  what  you  call  the  Constitution  of  the  Empire  ; 
in  other  words,  the  Treaty  of  Westphalia.  Now  when 
the  constitution  of  a  State  exists  only  in  and  by  a  treaty 
it  has,  in  effect,  no  constitution  at  all.  Its  fate  must 
ever  depend  on  its  neighbors.  Thus  the  condition  of 
Germany  depended  on  the  relation  of  force  between 
Austria  and  France  till  Prussia  rose  to  a  certain  degree 
of  eminence.  Then  the  balance  was  destroyed  ;  France 
had  an  ally  to  whom  she  could  give  the  North  whenever 
sufficient  objects  elsewhere  might  require  it. 

"  The  incidental  circumstance  that  a  King  of  Great 
Britain  should  be  at  the  same  time  Elector  of  Hanover 
threw  a  small  wheel  into  the  machine  which  could  only 
embarrass  its  progress  without  altering  essentially  the  re- 
sults.    His  Britannic  Majesty,  in  his  royal  capacity,  was 


l8o4.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  463 

the  natural  enemy,  and  in  his  electoral  capacity  the  natu- 
ral friend,  of  France.  This  single  reflection  will  go  fur- 
ther to  unravel  the  policy  of  the  Cabinet  of  St.  James's 
since  the  accession  of  the  Brunswick  line  than  half  a  vol- 
ume of  sterile  facts.  That  we  may  come,  then,  to  your 
situation,  you  are  a  fine  prize  to  the  neighbor  to  whom 
you  may  be  allotted  ;  but,  if  you  remain  a  sovereignty,  it 
must  be  owing  to  incidents  so  much  out  of  the  way  in 
which  events  usually  proceed  that  it  will  appear  to  me  as 
a  miracle.  Those  who  find  fault  with  the  politics  of  Ber- 
lin are  not,  I  believe,  well  acquainted  with  the  interior 
of  that  country.  Prussia  has  grown  up  so  fast  that,  like 
all  other  plants  of  rapid  growth,  there  is  a  want  of  solid- 
ity. A  metaphor,  I  know,  is  not  a  reason  ;  and  I  know, 
also,  that  to  quote  the  text,  *  Those  who  live  by  the  sword 
shall  perish  by  the  sword,'  will  not,  in  the  present  temper 
of  mankind,  be  considered  as  a  sufficient  proof  of  any 
worldly  proposition.  I  must,  therefore,  say  that  a  French 
army  would  wholly  disjoint  that  monarchy.  Poland  is 
indignant  at  her  present  condition,  and  especially  at  the 
policy  (which  she  calls  perfidy)  by  which  she  was  reduced 
to  it.  The  chief  blame  is  laid  by  the  Poles  on  the  late 
King  of  Prussia.  There  exists  another  interior  cause  of 
weakness.  Frederick  the  Great  was,  in  one  respect,  a 
very  little  and  short-sighted  politician.  His  vanity  led 
him  to  sacrifice  the  power  and  safety  of  his  successors  to 
purchase  the  incense  of  a  few  wits  who  had  undertaken 
to  destroy  the  Christian  religion  ;  and  here  that  hatl^  hap- 
pened which  is  written,  'The  fathers  ate  sour  grapes 
which  hath  set  the  children's  teeth  on  edge.'  The  de- 
struction of  religion  has  loosened  the  bonds  of  duty,  and 
those  of  allegiance  must  ever  be  weak  when  there  is  a 
defect  both  o^  piety  and  morality.  Frederick  maintained 
his  philosophy  on  the  enthusiasm  which  his  talents  and 


464  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLV. 

good  fortune  had  inspired.  But  when  the  talents  went  to 
the  grave  the  blaze  of  enthusiasm  naturally  sank  from  the 
want  of  fuel ;  and  I  see  no  such  fuel  in  the  ministers  of 
His  Majesty. 

"When  I  was  at  Berlin,  the  fate  of  Europe  was  in  the 
hands  of  that  Cabinet.  I  mentioned  to  one  or  two  what, 
in  my  opinion,  might  be  done.  Among  others,  I  de- 
tailed it  to  old  Haugwitz.  He  pressed  my  hand,  the  tears 
rolling  down  his  cheek,  and  cried  out,  '  Oh,  my  dear  sir, 
if  the  great  Frederick,  my  old  master,  were  alive,  this  con- 
duct would  indeed  be  as  wise  as  it  is  great,  but,  alas  !'  The 
time,  I  think,  is  now  gone  by,  and  can  only  return  by  some 
heavy  misfortune  to  the  French  Emperor.  If  that  should 
happen,  feeble  counsellors  would  take  advantage  of  it  to 
show  the  wisdom  of  remaining  quiet  before,  and  thence 
deduce  the  wisdom  of  still  remaining  quiet.  I  suppose, 
throughout,  that  there  is  no  corruption.  If  there  be,  and 
you  wish  to  know  it,  you  must  apply  to  M.  de  la  Foret 
and  M.  Talleyrand." 

Of  the  democratic  principles  and  the  politics  of  his  own 
country  Morris  gave  a  short  but  pungent  description, 
November  20th,  in  a  letter  to  a  friend  in  which  he  says  : 
"  Democratic  principles  are  in  the  high-road  of  successful 
experiment,  and  we  seem  to  be  sailing  before  the  wind  in 
the  old  track  towards  monarchy,  which  has  ever  been  the 
termination  of  mob  government.  Something  may  hap- 
pen to  arrest  this  progress  to  anarchy  and  stop  us  short  of 
the  aj)yss,  and  I  indulge  flattering  hopes,  but  should  be 
puzzled  to  assign  any  rational  ground." 

To  Madame  de  Stael  he  wrote  in  December,  to  congratu- 
late her  on  her  return  to  France  :  "  J'ai  vu  par  les  gazettes 
allemandes,  madame,  qu'il  vous  est  permis  d'habiter  la 
France,  et  sachant  votre  amour  pour  la  patrie,  je  vous  en 
fais  mes  felicitations.    Vos  affaires  sont  en  si  bonnes  mains 


i8o5.]  GOU VERNE  UR   MORRIS.  465 

ici  qu'elles  ne  peuvent  que  s'en  bien  trouver.  [A  certain 
Mr.  Cooper  had  charge  of  the  lands  Mr.  Morris  had  pur- 
chased for  her.]  Les  details,  pourtant,  ne  peuvent  vous 
etre  nuisibles,  puisque  le  canton  ou  sont  vos  terres  est  de 
plus  en  plus  recherche  par  les  colons  de  la  Nouvelle 
Angleterre  que  nous  appelons  Yankees  et  qui  sont,  en  effet, 
des  meilleurs.  Ainsi  le  prix  ne  manquera  pas  de  devenir 
plus  eleve."  * 

Affairs  of  various  descriptions  occupied  Morris  during 
the  winter  and  summer  of  1805.  His  business  corre- 
spondence was  large,  and  he  was,  besides,  deeply  en- 
grossed in  large  land-schemes  which  required  always  the 
utmost  knowledge  and  tact  to  successfully  develop,  and 
were  rendered  all  the  more  difficult  because  many  of  the 
holders  of  land  were  foreigners,  living  in  dififerent  parts 
of  Europe,  and  communication  was  slow  and  uncertain. 

Letters  supply  the  history  of  this  winter  and  spring 
better  than  the  diary,  but  not  before  June  2d  was  there  a 
letter  of  any  particular  interest  written.  Morris  gives  his 
friend  Mr.  Parish  in  this  letter  his  ideas  on  the  re-election  of 
Mr.  Jefferson,  "who,"  he  says,  "notwithstanding  your  con- 
jectures, has  been  re-elected  without  opposition,  although 
the  talent  of  the  country  and  most  of  its  property  is  op- 
posed to  him.  But  his  party  thrive  by  sacrificing  perma- 
nent public  interest  to  a  fleeting  popularity.  Their  oppo- 
nents therefore  cannot  expect  favor  from  the  people  until 
the  mischiefs  that  result  from  misconduct  shall  be  felt. 
Mr.  Jefferson's  supporters  (the  knowing  ones,  I  mean)  are 

♦Translation. — I  notice  in  the  German  gazettes,  Madam,  that  you  are 
allowed  to  live  in  France,  and,  knowing  your  patriotism,  I  felicitate  you  ac- 
cordingly. Your  affairs  here  are  in  such  good  hands  that  they  cannot  but 
receive  the  benefit  of  the  fact.  Details  of  them,  however,  can  do  you  no 
harm,  since  the  region  in  which  your  land  is  situated  is  more  and  more 
sought  by  New  England  colonists,  whom  we  call  Yankees,  and  who  are,  in- 
deed, of  the  best     Thus  its  value  cannot  fail  to  augment. 

Vol.  II. — 30 


I 


466  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  XLV. 

all  aware  of  his  incapacity,  but  they  have  no  person  whom 
they  can  run,  and  their  present  object  is  to  find  out  some 
new  idol  for  the  people  to  worship  for  the  benefit  of  his 
priests.  This  party  is  split  into  two  unequal  portions  : 
those  who  call  themselves  the  moderates,  and  those  who 
call  themselves  the  genuine  republicans  ;  in  other  words, 
the  few  who  enjoy,  and  the  many  who  covet  emolument. 
The  former  think  as  such  folk  always  think,  that  measures 
which  brought  them  into  power  deserve  the  name  of  re- 
form, but  that  a  continuance  of  such  measures,  annoy- 
ing them  in  the  exercise  of  power,  is  a  flagrant  abuse. 
They,  of  course,  cry  up  the  advantages  of  moderation, 
while  their  opponents  point  out  their  well-known  vices 
and  acknowledged  defects.  These  folk  have  agreed  to 
speak  well  of  Jefferson,  abuse  the  federalists,  and  disagree 
about  everything  else.  This  honorable  compact  has 
hitherto  been  adhered  to  and,  except  the  first  article,  will 
not  be  violated.  But  notwithstanding  that  gentleman's 
timid  cunning,  he  will  hardly  be  able  so  to  trim  for  three 
years  to  come  as  not  to  be  openly  attacked  before  his 
time  expires.  If  those  who  egged  him  on  to  violate  his 
duty  should  hereafter  punish  him  for  it,  you  must  not  be 
surprised ;  for  this,  also,  is  in  the  natural  order  of  things. 
Remember  me  affectionately  to  Voght,  and  tell  him  he 
had  better  come  and  purchase  a  barony  in  America  ;  for  if 
we  should  get  revolutionized  we  must,  in  our  turn,  be  be- 
starred  and  begartered,  but  if  not,  property  must  acquire 
its  due  weight,  and,  when  joined  to  ability,  secure  to  the 
possessor  all  that  the  world  covets,  so  that  he  has  a  sure 
game  to  play." 

The  following  letter  to  the  Honorable  John  Penn, 
Esq.,  M.P.,  of  London,  was  written  in  consequence  of  a 
request  from  Mr.  Penn  for  information  of  his  ancestor, 
William  Penn. 


i8os.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  467 

"Your  ancestor,"  Morris  wrote,  "was  a  truly  great 
man  whose  qualities  are  not  so  well  known  as  they  ought 
to  be.  I  have  written  to  a  son  of  my  uncle  Robert  Hunter 
Morris,*  to  examine  his  father's  papers,  and  collect  such 
materials  as  he  may  find  among  them  suited  to  your  pur- 
pose. The  plan  you  mention  is  in  every  respect  laudable. 
Our  families  have  been  connected  in  friendship  from  the 
reign  of  Charles  the  First,  and  when  your  father  received 
the  resignation  of  my  uncle,  he,  in  testifying  his  concern, 
said  he  had  hoped,  as  long  as  there  existed  any  of  the 
name  of  Penn  and  Morris,  the  former  would  be  the  pro- 
prietors and  the  latter  the  governors  of  Pennsylvania.  I 
cannot  give  authentication  -to  many  facts  of  a  delicate 
nature,  which  I  therefore  forbear  to  mention.  In  general, 
there  rests  in  my  mind  a  conviction  that  your  family  was 
about  that  time  betrayed  by  some  in  whom  they  reposed 
confidence,  and  whom,  unfortunately,  they  continued  to 
trust  after  unquestionable  evidence  of  perfidy.  Your  good 
sense  and  humanity  will,  I  trust,  lead  you  to  tread  lightly 
on  the  ashes  even  of  those  men. 

"I  am  glad  that  a  personal  acquaintance  has  enabled 
you  to  know  the  justice  of  that  favorable  opinion  which  I 
had  formed  and  expressed  of  your  royal  family.  The 
King  is  not  only  a  well-bred  gentleman,  but  (if  I  am  able 
to  form  an  opinion  from  conversations,  not  infrequent,  at 
his  levee)  a  man  of  much  valuable  information  and  sound 
sense.  He  is,  moreover,  religiously  attached  to  his  duty, 
and  perfectly  well  knows  what  is  required  from  a  King, 
and  from  a  British  King.  ...  In  the  art  of  govern- 
ment we  supposed  ourselves  adepts,  but  time  and  experi- 
ence will  show,  and  perhaps  remedy,  our  defects.  ...  In 
effect,  our  population  is  too  sparse  for  much  mischief,  and 

*  Robert  Hunter  Morris  had  been  Governor  of  the  Colonies  of  Pennsyl- 
vania and  New  Jersey. 


468  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLV. 

it  is  evidently  the  interest  of  a  majority,  as  it  is  certainly 
the  general  interest,  to  maintain  order  and  support  justice. 
When  some  storm  shall  arise  from  abroad,  and  who,  in  the 
changeable  climate  of  political  life,  can  expect  a  continued 
calm  ?  the  mischiefs  of  our  system  will  show  themselves 
so  clearly  as  to  compel  the  most  unwilling  to  submit  to 
proper  alterations.  In  short,  my  dear  sir,  men,  like  other 
animals,  discover  instinctively  what  is  fit  for  them,  and 
thus  government  becomes  the  result  of  character,  man- 
ners, and  condition.  By  the  by,  you  mistake  in  suppos- 
ing that  I  hold  an  office.  I  am  in  what  Mr.  Madison 
calls  the  post  of  honor,  viz.,  a  private  station." 

To  Mr.  Mountflorence  Morris  wrote  on  June  22d, 
rather  despondingly,  of  the  political  world  of  America  : 
"Our  democrats  are  split  (from  New  England  southward) 
under  various  appellations,  amounting,  in  effect,  to  the 
difference  between  the  Mod^res  and  Jacobins  in  France, 
or  between  those  who  have  got  into  power  and  those 
who  are  getting  into  power  on  the  shoulders  of  the 
mob.  By  this  word  mob  I  mean  not  so  much  the  in- 
digent as  the  vicious,  hot-headed,  and  inconsiderate  part 
of  the  community,  together  with  that  numerous  host  cf 
tools  which  knaves  do  work  with  called  fools.  These 
folks  form  the  majority  of  all  empires,  kingdoms,  and 
commonwealths,  and,  of  course,  when  not  restrained  by 
political  institutions  or  coerced  by  an  armed  force,  pos- 
sess the  efficient  power.  And  as  power  so  possessed 
must  needs  be  abused,  it  follows,  in  direct  consequence, 
that  the  affairs  of  a  democracy  will  ever  be  in  the  hands 
of  weak  and  wicked  men,  unless  when  distress  or  danger 
shall  compel  a  reluctant  people  to  choose  a  wise  and  vir- 
tuous administration.  From  this  you  will  perhaps  infer 
that  democracy  is  a  bad  species  of  government  ;  but  there 
we  shall  disagree,  for  I  hold  that  it  is  no  government  at 


i8o5.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  469 

all,  but,  in  fact,  the  death  or  dissolution  of  other  systems, 
or  the  passage  from  one  kind  of  government  to  another. 
What  the  new  system  may  be  time  alone  can  discover." 

That  philosophy  which  was  one  of  Morris's  strong 
characteristics  he  clearly  showed  in  the  following  letter  to 
Robert  R.  Livingston,  in  which  he  made  a  mild  remon- 
strance against  an  imputed  indifference  to  the  public  wel- 
fare from  the  fact  of  his  not  holding  office  under  the 
Government. 

"  I  have  always  found,"  he  says,  "  that  the  enmity  of  my 
enemies  could  be  counted  on  with  more  certainty  than 
the  friendship  of  my  friends.  That  I  and  my  friends  take 
no  part  in  the  politics  of  the  day  is  not  only  natural  but 
necessary,  for  if  we  should  support  either  faction  of  a 
party  whose  point  of  union  was  their  enmity  to  us,  we 
should  acknowledge  as  true  the  false  and  foul  charges 
they  brought  against  us.  .  .  .  But,  my  dear  sir,  when 
you  speak  of  my  indifference  you  do  not  sufficiently  con- 
sider my  situation.  I  never  sought,  avoided,  or  resigned 
an  office,  but  continued  at  my  last  post  to  the  latest  mo- 
ment, and  was  then  replaced  by  a  gentleman  who  was,  I 
presume,  more  worthy  of  the  public  confidence. 

"  It  becomes  me,  in  submission  to  the  will  of  my  fellow- 
citizens,  to  doubt  of  my  talents,  for  I  cannot,  neither  can 
they,  doubt  of  my  integrity.  Unworthy,  then,  of  the  hon- 
ors and  offices  of  our  country,  what  remains  but  to  culti- 
vate quietly  my  farm  and  bring  my  sentiments  to  the  level 
of  my  condition?  My  future  conduct  must  be  governed 
by  circumstances  which  cannot  now  be  foreseen,  but  as 
the  people  have  thought  proper  to  sever  those  ties  by 
which  I  was  formerly  bound  to  their  service,  they  have 
conferred  a  right  to  accept  or  refuse  any  future  offer.  I 
am  connected  with  the  members  of  my  party  by  their 
worth  and  by  their  kindness.     If  I  could  for  a  moment 


4/0  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLV. 

suppose  they  harbored  designs  unfriendly  to  our  country, 
that  moment  the  connection  would  be  dissolved.  But  I 
have  all  the  evidence  which  the  nature  of  the  case  admits, 
that  their  views  are  honorable,  just,  and  patriotic.  I  be- 
lieve this,  also,  of  many  among  your  party  and  among  your 
present  adversaries.  It  is  my  wish  that  every  such  man 
were  numbered  in  our  fold,  that  so  we  might  stand  and 
fall  together,  I  shall  not,  however,  preach  politics  in  the 
vain  hope  of  making  converts  ;  for  a  mind  cooled  by  the 
winters  of  half  a  century  has  no  disposition  to  become  a 
moral  Quixote.  It  is  my  duty  to  accept  with  resignation 
what  the  will  of  God  has  offered,  and  this  becomes  less 
difficult  from  a  conviction  that  few  men  or  things  are  worth 
one  anxious  thought." 

*'  To-day  I  dine  with  the  corporation,"  the  diary  for  No- 
vember 25th  mentions.  "After  dinner  Mr.  King  and  I 
visit  a  party  to  which  we  were  invited — a  large  dinner 
given  to  General  Moreau.*  It  seems  certain  that  our  Gov- 
ernment will  adhere  to  the  resolution  of  doing  nothing. 
Great  Britain  will  probably,  increase  the  depredations  on 
our  commerce.  Spain  will  perhaps  give  the  Floridas  for 
the  country  west  of  the  Mississippi,  provided  we  give  boot. 
Miranda  has  been  down,  and,  as  we  expected,  met  with  no 
encouragement.  He  is  now  engaged  in  a  project  which 
would  be  wise  if  backed  by  this  country,  but  appears  wild 
in  its  present  form." 

Being  appealed  to  by  Mr.  Jonathan  Dayton,  during  the 
autumn  of  this  year,  to  enlighten  the  public,  through  the 
medium  of  the  gazettes,  on  the  foreign  and  domestic  con- 
cerns of  the  country,  Morris  objected  to  this  request  the 
fact  that  the  newspapers    already   abounded    in    articles 

*  General  Moreau  had  been  banished  in  1804  by  Napoleon — first  to  Spam, 
and  then  to  the  United  States,  for  conspiracy.  He  remained  in  this  country 
seven  years,  when  he  returned  to  Europe,  entered  the  service  of  the  Czar, 
and  was  killed  at  the  battle  of  Dresden,  in  1813. 


i8o5.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  47 1 

which  "few,"  he  wrote,  December  i8th,  "take  the  trouble 
to  read,  and  it  is  not  easy  to  enlighten  those  who  are  not 
already  possessed  of  more  information  than  men  in  gen- 
eral can  spare  time  to  acquire.  And,  after  all,  it  would  be 
presumptuous  in  me  to  obtrude  the  reflections  and  experi- 
ence of  only  thirty  years  on  a  community  every  member 
of  which  is  a  statesman  born.  That  our  administration  is 
too  feeble  is,  I  believe,  too  true.  What  you  say  of  their 
chief  is  curious.  When  he  told  you  we  have  the  choice  of 
enemies,  he  stated  a  fact  applicable  at  all  times  to  all 
countries,  since  any  blundering  blockhead  can  make  a 
war ;  but  when  he  acknowledged  that  we  have  not  a 
choice  of  friends,  he  pronounced  the  severest  satire  on 
himself,  since  this  misfortune  can  be  attributed  only  to  a 
series  of  false  and  foolish  measures.  The  position  of  our 
country  enables  her,  in  general,  to  take  the  part  which  may 
best  suit  her  interest ;  and  the  state  of  Europe  for  several 
years  past  has  been  such  that  the  exercise  of  a  little  com- 
mon-sense would  not  only  have  preserved  us  from  our 
present  ridiculous  condition  but  placed  us  perfectly  at 
ease  both  at  home  and  abroad." 

"You  ask  me  a  question,"  Morris  wrote,  December  28th, 
to  Mr.  Aaron  Ogden,  of  Elizabethtown,  "telling  me,  at 
the  same  time,  that  it  can  be  answered  by  none  but  a 
prophet.  I  hope  you  do  not  mean  to  confer  that  title  on 
me,  who  pretend  only  to  compare  present  events  with 
what  happened  in  the  ancient  days.  Those  who  will  not 
believe  Moses  and  the  prophets,  neither  will  they  believe 
though  one  should  rise  from  the  dead  ;  and  those  who 
will  not  trust  the  experience  of  history  are  incapable  of 
political  knowledge.  Your  question  is  a  kind  of  dilemma. 
If  by  the  former  part  you  mean  to  ask  whether  the  power 
of  our  Federal  Constitution  will  be  committed  to  able,  re- 
spectable men — I  answer,  no.    That  Constitution  received, 


472  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLV. 

through  the  judiciary,  a  mortal  wound,  and  has  declined 
more  rapidly  than  was  apprehended  by  the  most  fearful. 
To  the  second  part  of  your  dilemma  I  say  that,  if  the 
morals  of  our  country  were  sound,  we  might  foster  high 
hopes  ;  but,  thanks  to  the  present  administration,  we  have 
travelled  farther  in  the  road  to  corruption  during  three 
years  than  England  did  in  half  a  century.  British  cor- 
ruption has,  indeed,  been  greatly  exaggerated.  It  is  far 
from  general,  either  in  the  House  of  Commons  or  in  the 
election  of  members  to  that  house.  A  choice  in  the 
counties  being  made  (as  you  know)  by  free-holders,  is, 
generally  speaking,  out  of  the  reach  of  corrupt  influence, 
and  it  is  to  be  noted,  in  reasoning  on  English  affairs,  that 
the  ministers  always,  on  important  questions,  consult  the 
wishes  of  county  members  ;  so  that  a  measure  is  aban- 
doned if  disagreeable  to  them.  With  us  corruption  begins 
where,  by  the  analogies  of  England,  it  should  have  ended. 
Our  people  are  deeply  corrupted  by  that  licentious  spirit 
which  seeks  emolument  in  the  prostration  of  authority. 
The  outwork  of  respect  has  long  since  been  carried,  and 
every  new  election  presents  a  more  hideous  picture  of  the 
public  mind  ;  so  that,  if  the  character  of  the  people  is  to  be 
estimated  by  the  objects  of  their  choice,  we  shall  find  it 
diflBcult  to  support  a  claim  to  wisdom  or  virtue.  No  par- 
allel can  perhaps  be  found  to  such  morbid  affection,  un- 
less among  the  Athenians,  and  even  the  mob  government 
of  that  extravagant  tribe  was  in  some  respects  preferable 
to  representative  democracy.  A  mob  is,  indeed,  a  whim- 
sical legislature  and  a  wild  tribunal,  but  it  has,  in  the 
midst  of  its  madness,  some  sense  of  national  honor  and 
some  regard  for  justice.  A  body  of  representatives,  when 
influenced  by  Faction,  will  do  acts  of  cruelty  and  baseness 
which  the  most  profligate  among  them  would,  in  his 
personal  character,  be  ashamed  to  avow. 


i8os]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  473 

"  You  conclude,  perhaps,  that  I  adopt  the  second  part 
of  your  dilemma.  If  so,  you  are  mistaken.  Our  popula- 
tion is  sparse  and  (pardon  a  coarse  allusion),  like  small 
beer,  more  susceptible  of  acetous  than  spirituous  fermen- 
tation. It  is  probable  tliat  the  relaxation  of  morals  will 
operate  chiefly  on  the  judicial  department,  be  more  char- 
acterized by  fraud  than  violence,  and  terminate  rather 
in  baseness  than  tyranny.  But  there  is,  as  you  know,  a 
point  of  depression  from  which  things  return  in  a  con- 
trary course.  There  are  also  chances  which  may  befall 
us  before  we  reach  that  ultimate  point.  Being  in  the  great 
family  of  nations,  our  family  cannot  be  ignorant  of  our 
condition.  They  must  perceive  that,  without  force  to  pro- 
tect a  territory  and  commerce  widely  extended,  without 
wisdom  or  vigor  in  our  councils,  we  present  a  fair  object 
to  their  cupidity.  If,  then,  we  do  not  receive  a  broad  hint 
within  ten  years  it  must  be  numbered  among  the  moral 
phenomena.  Nations,  like  individuals,  are  not  to  be  rea- 
soned out  of  vice  much  less  out  of  folly,  but  learn  wisdom 
and  virtue  in  the  school  of  affliction.  .  .  .  America, 
my  good  friend,  will  at  length  learn  some  of  those  things 
which  an  attentive  study  of  the  ancients  long  since  taught 
you.  The  people  of  the  United  States  will  discover  that 
every  kind  of  government  is  liable  to  evil ;  that  the  best 
is  that  which  has  fewest  faults  ;  that  the  excellence  even 
of  that  best  depends  more  on  its  fitness  for  the  nation 
where  it  is  established  than  on  intrinsic  perfection. 
.  .  .  How  far  the  influence  of  habits,  manners,  and 
opinions  will  permit  them  to  pursue  the  best  road  is  a 
problem  of  no  easy  solution.  One  thing  is  certain,  de- 
mocracy cannot  last.  It  is  not  so  much  a  government  as 
the  dissolution  of  government,  being,  indeed,  the  natural 
death  of  republics;  so  that,  in  reality,  there  are  but  two 
forms,  monarchy  and  aristocracy.    That  either  should  exist 


474  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  XLV. 

unmixed  is  next  to  impossible.  The  despot  must  employ 
many  who  will  both  check  and  direct  his  power,  and  the 
most  cunning  senate  cannot  avoid  giving  to  individuals 
a  considerable  share  of  authority.  Moreover,  be  the  com- 
plexion of  a  government  monarchic  or  aristocratic,  it  can 
do  little  when  unsupported  by  popular  sentiment. 

"  Our  poor  friend  Hamilton  bestrode  his  hobby,  to  the 
great  annoyance  of  his  friends  and  not  without  injury 
to  himself.  More  a  theoretic  than  a  practical  man,  he 
was  not  sufficiently  convinced  that  a  system  may  be  good 
in  itself  and  bad  in  relation  to  particular  circumstances. 
He  well  knew  that  his  favorite  form  was  inadmissible,  un- 
less as  the  result  of  civil  war,  and  I  suspect  that  his  belief 
in  that  which  he  called  an  approaching  crisis  arose  from 
a  conviction  that  the  kind  of  government  most  suitable, 
in  his  opinion,  to  this  extensive  country,  could  be  estab- 
lished in  no  other  way. 

"  When  our  population  shall  have  reached  a  certain  ex- 
tent his  system  may  be  proper,  and  the  people  may  then 
be  disposed  to  adopt  it ;  but  under  present  circumstances 
they  will  not,  neither  would  it  answer  any  valuable  pur- 
pose. Statesmen  are  frequently  obliged  to  acknowledge 
that  the  things  which  they  consider  as  best  are  unattain- 
able. It  would  be  a  misfortune,  under  present  circum- 
stances, to  be  chosen  member  of  a  convention  for  the  pur- 
pose of  mending  our  Constitution.  A  man  may  easily  put 
his  finger  on  its  faults  :  but  let  it  be  remembered  that 
nothing  human  is  perfect,  and  that  every  change  is  haz- 
ardous. 

"  When  a  general  question  is  raised  as  to  the  best  form 
of  government,  it  should  be  discussed  under  the  considera- 
tion that  this  best,  being  presupposed,  is,  if  unable  to  pre- 
serve itself,  good  for  nothing  ;  wherefore  permanency  is 
an  essential  object  to  which  minor  advantage  must  be  sac- 


i8os.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  475 

rificed.  But  an  absolute,  that  is,  an  unmixed  monarchy, 
would  hardly  last  three  lives.  Perhaps,  on  impartial  in- 
quiry, it  may  appear  that  a  country  is  best  governed  (taking 
for  a  standard  any  long  period,  such  as  half  a  century) 
when  the  principal  authority  is  vested  in  a  permanent 
senate.  But  there  seems  little  probability  that  such  a 
body  should  be  established  here.  Let  it  be  proposed  by 
the  best  men  among  us,  and  it  would  be  considered  as  a 
plan  for  aggrandizing  themselves.  Experience  alone  can 
incline  the  people  to  such  an  institution.  That  a  man 
should  be  born  a  legislator  is  now  among  unfledged  wit- 
lings the  frequent  subject  of  ridicule.  But  experience, 
that  wrinkled  matron  which  genius  contemns  and  youth 
abhors — experience,  the  mother  of  wisdom — will  tell  us 
that  the  man  destined  from  the  cradle  to  act  an  important 
part  will  not,  in  general,  be  so  unfit  as  those  who  are  ob- 
jects of  popular  choice.  But  hereditary  senators  could 
not  long  preserve  their  power.  In  order  to  strengthen  the 
body  it  might  be  needful  to  weaken  the  members,  and,  fix- 
ing the  office  for  life,  fill  up  vacancies  from  (but  not  by) 
the  people.  When  a  general  abuse  of  the  right  of  election 
shall  have  robbed  our  government  of  respect,  and  its  im- 
becility have  involved  it  in  difficulties,  the  people  will  feel 
what  your  friend  once  said,  that  they  want  something  to 
protect  them  against  themselves.  'Is  thy  servant,'  said  the 
Syrian  general,  *a  dog,  that  he  should  do  this  thing?'  Put 
down  the  names  of  fifty  leading  democrats  from  the  North. 
You  will,  on  a  change  of  times,  see  them  as  obsequiously 
cringe  to  individuals  as  they  now  servilely  flatter  the  pop- 
ulace ;  for  a  courtier  and  demagogue  differ  only  in  forms, 
which,  like  clothes,  are  put  on  and  off  as  suits  the  occa- 
sion. Interiorly  there  is  the  same  rottenness,  the  same 
duplicity,  the  same  fawning,  the  same  treachery,  the  same 
baseness.     Hold  up  to  each  his  picture  and  each  will,  like 


476  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLV. 

the  Syrian,  exclaim,  *  Is  it  possible  thy  servant  should  be 
such  a  dog.'  Yet  dogs,  vile  dogs  like  these,  possess  them- 
selves of  power  under  despotic  or  democratic  rule." 

Just  at  this  time,  while  looking  over  and  adjusting  his 
affairs,  Morris  found  "some  articles,"  as  he  expressed  it, 
"  at  the  debit  of  his  Royal  Highness  the  Duke  of  Orleans  ; " 
but,  with  his  accustomed  delicacy  in  dealing  with  those 
among  the  ^migr^s  who  had  appealed  to  him  for  sym- 
pathy in  former  years,  in  advising  the  Duke  of  his  indebt- 
edness he  wrote:  "I  send  a  note  to  my  friends  Messrs. 
Inglis  and  EUice  on  the  subject.  These  gentlemen  will 
do  themselves  the  honor  of  applying  to  your  Royal  High- 
ness on  the  subject.  The  payment  must  depend  entirely 
on  your  Royal  Highness's  convenience,  for  although  it 
would,  under  present  circumstances,  be  very  convenient 
to  me  to  receive — the  principles  which  first  led  to  the  ad- 
vance will  ever  prevent  me  from  pressing  the  payment  at 
a  moment  unsuitable," 

The  principal  and  interest  of  the  debt  amounted  at  this 
moment  to  upward  of  seven  thousand  dollars.  "  I  hope," 
Morris  wrote  to  Messrs.  Inglis  and  Ellice,  "it  may  suit 
the  Duke  of  Orleans  to  pay  ;  but  if  not,  it  will  be  right  to 
have  the  account  settled  and  take  a  note  for  the  amount." 
The  Duke  of  Orleans  finally,  and  after  much  reluctance, 
paid  the  original  debt,  but  the  interest  never  reached 
Morris.  Whether  it  was  ever  paid,  and  the  money  kept 
back  by  some  agent  employed  in  the  affair,  will  remain 
always  uncertain. 

In  January,  1806,  Morris  made  occasion  to  write  to 
the  Duke,  and,  first  giving  him  his  opinion  in  regard  to 
the  chances  of  a  restoration  of  the  Bourbons  to  the  throne 
of  France,  he  further  said  : 

"  Si  je  ne  me  suis  pas  permis  d'ecrire  souvent  a  votre 
Altesse  Royale,  ce  n'est  pas  que  j'aie  perdu  de  vue  ses 


i8o6.J  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  477 

interets  ou  ceux  de  son  auguste  famille,  mais  dans  la 
conviction  qii'il  m'^tait  impossible  de  lui  etre  utile.  J'ai 
cru  devoir  deplorer  en  silence  ses  malheurs  et  ceux  de 
la  France — malheurs  qui  ne  m'etaient  point  inattendus 
et  que  j'avais  meme  predits  il  y  a  quinze  ans.  Les  circon- 
stances  actuelles,  suites  necessaires  de  celles  qui  les  ont 
precedees,  me  frapperent  fortement  I'esprit  lors  du  trait6 
d'Amiens.*  Je  supplie  votre  Altesse  Royale  de  vouloir 
bien  me  permettre  d'y  jeter  un  coup  d'oeil  rapide. 

"  II  me  semble  que  les  grandes  puissances  n'ont  aucune 
envie  de  remettre  sur  le  trone  la  Maison  royale  de  France. 
A  commencer  par  I'Autriche,  il  n'est  pas  douteux  que  les 
Bourbons,  qui  se  sont  opposes  a  son  agrandissement,  en 
Italic  comme  en  Espagne  et  lui  ont  arrache  I'Espagne, 
seront  toujours  les  objets  de  sa  haine ;  au  ressentiment 
du  passe  se  joindra  la  crain'te  de  I'av^enir.  Je  ne  crois  pas 
non  plus  que  I'Angleterre  desire  une  revolution  en 
France.  Le  moment  d'enthousiasme  passe,  la  saine  poli- 
tique lui  defend  maintenant  de  reunir  la  France  k  I'Es- 
pagne. II  est  de  son  int^ret  que  les  royaumes  en  dega  et 
au  dela  des  Pyrenees  soient  rivaux.  La  France,  dans  sa 
qualite  de  protectrice  de  I'Allemagne,  est  la  ressource  des 
princes  faibles  centre  I'Empereur.  lis  comptent  d'autant 
plus  sur  elle  qu'il  est  de  sa  politique  d'^loigner  les  armees 
autrichiennes  du  Rhin,  et  d'y  entretenir  de  petites  puis- 
sances lesquelles  lui  seront  devouees  par  la  relation  de 
leur  faiblesse  avec  sa  force.  Sous  ce  point  de  vue,  il  est 
indifferent  a  la  Prusse  que  Louis  ou  Napoleon  soit  assis 
sur  le  trone  ;  mais  il  ne  lui  est  pas  indifferent  que  la 
France  soit  ouverte  du  cote  de  I'Espagne,  de  I'Angleterre 
et  de  ritalie,  puisque  plus  ses  dangers  sont  grands  plus 
elle  recherchera  Talliance  de  la  Prusse.  Si  Bonaparte 
s'est  permis,  en  dernier  lieu,  de  negliger  lacour  de  Berlin, 

*  March  27,  x8o2. 


478  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLV. 

c'est  par  la  seule  conscience  de  sa  propre  force.  Aussi  la 
preponderance  de  cette  force  a-t-elle  fait  ouvrir  enfin  les 
yeux  de  Sa  Majesty  prussienne  aux  dangers  de  I'Europe. 
Mais  elle  renouera  ses  anciennes  liaisons  au  moment  ou 
Napoleon  ne  pourra  plus  attenter  aux  droits  des  autres 
nations. 

"  La  Russie,  par  suite  de  son  eloignement  et  de  sa  force 
colossale,  peut  se  dispenser  de  prendre  un  vif  int^ret  a  la 
politique  interieure  de  la  France ;  mais,  vu  I'instinct  natu- 
ral aux  souverains,  elle  ne  sera  pas  fachee  de  voir  une 
puissance  mediocre  k  la  place  d'une  tr^s  grande.  II  est 
vrai  qu'un  mouvement  passager,  soit  d'indignation  soit  de 
gen^rosit^,  peut  deranger  pour  un  moment  les  calculs 
politiques  qui,  a  la  longue  pourtant,  dirigent  les  cabi- 
nets. 

"Ainsi  je  crois,  Monseigneur,  que  dans  les  circon- 
stances  actuelles  on  ne  doit  pas  esperer  la  r6tablissement 
de  la  famille  royale  en  France,  et  j'ose  batir,  sur  cette 
consideration  meme,  son  agrandissement  ^ventuel.  A  cet 
effet,  voyons  un  instant  le  but  poursuivi  par  I'alliance  et  les 
Allies.  On  cherche,  d'abord,  k  diminuer  la  force  d'un  con- 
querant  redoutable — but  d'ordre  g^n^ral  provenant  d'un 
interet  tout  aussi  general.  Aussi,  c'est  I'objet  unique  de 
la  Russie  du  cote  de  I'occident.  L'Autriche  convoite  la 
Bavi^re  dont  I'Electeur,  en  s'alliant  a  la  France,  lui  donne 
beau  jeu.  Elle  desire,  aussi,  se  rehabiliter  en  Italic,  mais 
ses  allies  n'ont  point  le  meme  desir.  La  Prusse  veut 
acquerir  I'Electorat  de  Hanovre,  avec  les  Villes  Hanse- 
atiques,  Hambourg,  Liibeck  et  Breme,  II  me  semble  que 
le  roi  d'Angleterre  doit  s'y  preter,  pourvu  que  les  Pays-Bas 
autrichiens,  y  compris  I'Eveche  de  Li^ge,  lui  soient  ac- 
cord^s  en  ^change.  La  Hollande  tomberait  alors  en 
^change  du  pays  de  Fulde,  en  partage  ^  la  Maison 
d'Orange,  sous  le  titre  de  duche-principaute  ou  tel  autre 


i8o6.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  479 

qu'on  voudra.  Dans  tout  etat  de  choses,  les  Allies  seront 
d'accord  pour  prendre  a  Bonaparte  ses  possessions  en 
Italie  ;  et  voila,  je  crois,  ce  qu'il  faut  demander  pour  le  roi 
de  France,  en  y  comprenant  la  Savoie.  Les  Allies,  a  I'ex- 
ception  de  I'Empereur,  doivent  le  desirer,  puisqu'on  s'as- 
surera  par  ce  moyen  une  barriere  centre  la  France  et 
contre  I'Autriche  ;  choses  utiles  a  I'Angleterre,  a  la  Prusse 
et  a  I'Espagne,  mais  essentielles  au  pape  et  au  roi  de 
Naples. .  II  me  semble  que  I'Autriche  meme  n'en  sera  pas 
tres  eloignee,  parce  qu'il  lui  vaudra  mieux  renoncer  a  ses 
projets  sur  I'ltalie  que  de  s'exposer  a  etre  envahie  par  la 
France.  Je  suis  meme  persuade  qu'elle  y  consentira  de 
bonne  grace  si  on  lui  accorde  la  Baviere.  Dans  ce  cas 
pourtant,  il  conviendrait  de  prendre  en  echange  pour  le 
roi  de  Sardaigne  le  territoire  de  Venise  et  que  le  roi  de 
Prusse  fasse  la  cession  d'Anspach  et  de  Bayreuth  a 
I'Electeur  de  Baviere. 

"Au  reste,  on  ne  peut  pas  plaire  a  tout  le  monde,  et  on 
ne  doit  pas  faire  dependre  les  plus  grands  interets  des 
plus  petits.  Or,  le  plus  grand  interet,  ou  (ce  qui  revient 
au  meme)  celui  qui  parait  I'etre,  est  d'eriger  une  forte 
puissance  dans  le  nord  de  I'ltalie,  pour  en  fermer  les 
portes  aux  voisins. 

"  La  renonciation  du  roi  au  trone  de  France  pourra  bien 
le  revolter,  mais  cette  renonciation  me  parait  I'unique 
moyen  de  s'en  assurer.  Un  acte  de  ce  genre  est  nul,  par 
la  constitution  de  la  monarchie,  et  lorsque  les  Fran^ais 
rappelleront  leur  roi,  il  ne  sera  plus  le  maitre  de  diflferer ; 
or,  il  m'est  demontre  qu'ils  lui  adresseront  cette  invitation, 
surtout  s'il  se  trouve  en  etat  de  leur  faire  cadeau  du 
Pigment,  etc.  En  supposant  que  Bonaparte  soit  vive- 
ment  presse  par  ses  ennemis — et  certes,  il  doit  a  la  longue 
flechir  sous  le  poids  de  leurs  armes — il  sera  fort  aise  de 
ceder  le  royaume  d'ltalie  pour  s'assurer  de  la  France. 


480  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLV. 

Mais  la  France,  reduite  a  ses  anciennes  limites  et  voyant 
se  dissiper  le  prestige  dont  on  I'a  bercee,  ne  souffrira  plus 
le  regime  actuel.  Les  ainbitieux  qu'elle  recele  dans  son 
sein  s'entredechireront  jusqu'a  ce  qu'il  se  trouve  un  chef 
assez  sage  pour  rechercher  la  famille  de  Bourbon,  qui 
seule  peut  retablir  le  calme  et  le  bonheur.  Mais  il  est  de 
laderniere  importance  qu'au  moment  ou  les  vrais  Franfais 
reviendront  k  leurs  anciens  sentiments,  leur  roi  soit  dans 
une  position  ou  il  pourra  les  appuyer  d'une  force  con- 
siderable. A  cet  effet,  s'etant  menage,  par  une  economic 
sage,  de  quoi  faire  marcher  un  corps  de  troupes  suisses  et 
s'etant  assure  d'une  puissante  diversion  du  cote  de  I'Es- 
pagne,  le  coup  sera  frappe  avant  que  les  grandes  puis- 
ances  ne  s'en  melent;  et,  la  chose  faite,  elles  enverront  a 
Sa  Majeste  des  ambassadeurs,  lui  temoigner  une  satisfac- 
tion qu'elles  ne  ressentiront  pas.  Je  vous  demande  mille 
pardons,  Monseigneur,  d'avoir  tant  abuse  de  votre  pa- 
tience, et  vous  prie  de  croire  que  je  suis,  avec  le  plus 
respectueux  attachement,  de  votre  Altesse  Royale  le  tres 
humble  serviteur."* 

*  Translation. — If  I  have  not  allowed  myself  to  write  often  to  your 
Royal  Highness,  it  was  not  because  I  had  lost  sight  of  your  interests  or  those 
of  your  august  family,  but  because  I  felt  convinced  of  my  inability  to  be 
of  use.  I  thought  best  to  deplore  silently  your  Royal  Highness's  misfor- 
tunes and  those  of  France — misfortunes  by  no  means  unexpected  to  me,  as 
I  had  predicted  their  advent  fifteen  years  ago.  The  present  circumstances, 
the  natural  sequel  of  the  preceding  state  of  things,  struck  my  mind  strongly 
at  the  time  of  the  Treaty  of  Amiens.  I  earnestly  beg  your  Royal  Highness 
to  glance  rapidly  over  it  all  with  me. 

It  appears  to  me  that  the  great  powers  have  no  desire  whatever  to  place  the 
Royal  House  of  France  again  upon  the  throne.  To  begin  with  Austria,  there 
is  no  doubt  that  the  Bourbons,  who  always  opposed  her  aggrandizement, 
both  in  Italy  and  in  Spain,  and  who  have  torn  away  Spain  from  her  posses- 
sion, will  be  the  constant  object  of  her  hatred.  To  the  rancor  for  the  past 
will  be  added  the  fear  for  the  future.  I  do  not  believe,  either,  that  England 
desires  a  revolution  in  France.  The  first  moment  of  enthusiasm  over,  sane 
politics  will  prevent  England  from  allowing  the  reunion  of  France  and 
Spain.  It  is  to  her  interest  that  the  kingdoms  on  either  side  of  the  Pyrenees 
should  be  rivals.    France,  acting  as  the  protector  of  Germany,  is  the  main-stay 


i8o6.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  48 1 

Accounts  from  Europe  were  at  this  moment  unfavora- 
ble to  the  Allied  Powers.  Napoleon  was  over  the  Inn,  and 
marching  against  the  Austrians  ;  the  Russians  were  not 
yet  collected  to  oppose  him  with  effect.  Commenting  on 
this  state  of  affairs,  January  3d,  i8o6,  to  Messrs.  Inglis, 
EUice  &  Co.,  his  bankers  in  London,  Morris  says : 

"  By  activity  alone  Bonaparte  can  avoid  being  crushed 

of  the  weak  princes  against  the  Emperor.  They  count  all  the  more  upon 
France  that  it  is  in  the  interest  of  her  politics  to  keep  the  Austrian  armies 
away  from  the  Rhine  by  maintaining  small  powers  whose  weakness  will  be 
devoted  to  her  strength. 

From  this  point  of  view  Prussia  hardly  cares  whether  Napoleon  or  Louis  is 
on  the  throne,  but  she  cares  very  much  that  France  should  be  unprotected  as 
far  as  Italy,  Spain,  and  England  go,  and  she  will  look  for  her  alliance  in  the 
very  proportion  of  the  dangers  she  is  exposed  to.  If  Bonaparte  has  allowed 
himself,  of  late,  to  neglect  the  Berlin  Court,  it  is  solely  due  to  his  feeling  of 
strength.  The  overwhelming  influence  of  such  a  power  has  at  last  opened 
the  eyes  of  His  Prussian  Majesty  to  the  dangers  of  Europe.  But  His  Majesty 
will  renew  his  previous  bonds  as  soon  as  Napoleon  shall  have  become  nnable 
to  attack  the  rights  of  the  other  nations. 

Russia,  on  account  of  her  far-off  situation  and  of  her  colossal  power,  can 
dispense  with  a  lively  interest  in  the  interior  politics  of  France  ;  but,  obey- 
ing the  instinct  inborn  in  all  sovereigns,  she  will  be  pleased  to  see  a  me- 
diocre power  succeed  a  very  great  one.  It  is  true  that  a  passing  access 
of  indignation  or  generosity  may  disturb,  for  a  time,  the  political  calcula- 
tions which,  in  the  long  run,  however,  are  sure  to  rule  the  cabinets. 

I  do  not  believe  therefore,  Monseigneur,  that  under  present  circum- 
stances one  can  hope  for  the  re-establishment  of  the  royal  family  in  France, 
but  I  venture  to  build  on  this  very  fact  its  future  aggrandizement.  To  prove 
this,  let  us  examine  for  one  moment  what  is  the  object  of  the  alliance  and 
of  the  Allied  Powers.  They  want,  first  of  all,  to  reduce  the  power  of  a  feared 
conqueror,  a  measure  of  general  security  based  upon  interests  just  as  gen- 
eral. The  eastern  frontier  is  the  only  aim  of  Russia.  Austria  craves  for 
Bavaria,  whose  Elector,  in  allying  himself  to  France,  falls  into  her  game. 
Austria  also  wants  to  regain  her  preponderance  in  Italy,  but  her  allies  have 
no  such  desire.  Prussia  aims  at  possessing  herself  of  the  Electorate  of  Han- 
over and  of  the  Hanseatic  cities,  Hamburg,  Lubeck,  Bremen.  It  seems  to 
me  that  the  King  of  England  might  agree  to  all  that,  provided  he  be  grant- 
ed, for  his  share,  the  Austrian  Netherlands,  including  the  Bishopric  of 
Liege.  Holland  would  then— in  exchange  for  the  Fulda  country — be  ceded 
to  the  House  of  Orange,  with  a  ducal  or  princely  title  attached  to  it.  In  any 
case,  the  Allies  will  agree  to  tal^  from  Bonaparte  his  Italian  possessions; 
and  this  it  is  that  ought  to  be  asked  for  the  appanage  of  the  King  of  France, 
Savoy  included.  With  the  exception  of  the  Emperor,  the  Allies  ought  to 
Vol.  II.— 31 


482  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLV. 

by  the  weight  of  the  Allies,  if,  as  I  take  it,  both  Prussia 
and  Denmark,  with  Saxony  and  Hesse-Cassel,  are  opposed 
to  him.  This  contest  must  terminate  by  reducing  the 
power  of  France,  or  leaving  the  world  at  her  mercy  for 
some  time  to  come. 

"Your  glorious  sea-combat  under  Lord  Nelson  shows 

agree  to  that,  as  it  would  constitute  a  barrier  against  France  and  against 
Austria,  a  useful  combination  for  England,  Prussia,  and  Spain  ;  an  indis- 
pensable one  for  the  Pope  and  the  King  of  Naples.  It  seems  to  me  that 
Austria  herself  might  not  be  very  adverse  to  it,  since  it  is  better  for  her  to 
give  up  her  plans  upon  Italy  than  to  be  invaded  by  France.  She  will  even 
— I  feel  certain  of  it — agree  to  it  willingly  if  she  is  granted  Bavaria.  In  that 
case,  however,  it  would  be  proper  to  give  the  territory  of  Venice  to  the  King 
of  Sardinia,  and  to  induce  the  King  of  Prussia  to  cede  Anspach  and  Bay- 
reuth  to  the  Elector  of  Bavaria. 

Of  course,  one  cannot  satisfy  everybody,  and  the  weightier  interests  must 
not  be  made  dependent  on  the  minor  ones.  And  the  greatest  interest  of  all 
— or,  at  least,  that  which  appears  so — consists  in  the  creation  of  a  power  in 
Northern  Italy  strong  enough  lo  close  the  gates  against  her  neighbors. 

The  King  may  well  revolt  against  his  renunciation  of  the  throne  of  France, 
but  such  a  renunciation  seems  the  only  means  toward  regaining  it.  Such  a 
deed  is  null  and  void,  according  to  the  essence  of  monarchical  constitution, 
and  when  the  French  recall  their  King  he  will  not  be  allowed  to  hesitate ; 
and  it  is  undoubted  that  they  will  be  disposed  to  address  to  His  Majesty  such 
an  invitation  if  they  know  that  he  will  bring  with  him,  as  a  present.  Pied- 
mont, etc.  Let  us  suppose  that  Bonaparte  be  severely  pushed  by  his  ene- 
mies— and  it  is  evident  that  he  will  sooner  or  later  succumb-  under  the 
weight  of  their  arms — he  may  be  very  much  disposed  to  give  up  the  King- 
dom of  Italy  to  secure  to  himself  France.  Then  the  French,  thrown  back 
behind  their  old  limits  and  finding  the  prestige  that  deceived  them  vanished, 
will  find  their  present  i^'ule  unbearable.  The  ambitious  men  France  shelters 
will  begin  devouring  one  another,  until  there  shall  appear  a  chief  wise 
enough  to  send  for  the  Bourbon  family,  who  alone  can  reinstate  calm  and 
happiness.  But  it  is  of  the  utmost  importance  that,  at  the  moment  when  the 
French  return  to  their  old  feelings,  their  King  shall  be  in  a  position  to  help 
his  friends  with  a  considerable  force.  To  that  effect,  having  accumulated, 
through  wise  economy,  enough  money  to  bring  forward  a  corps  of  Swiss 
troops,  and  having  prepared  a  powerful  diversion  on  the  Spanish  frontier, 
the  blow  can  be  struck  before  there  is  any  interference  from  the  great  pow- 
ers ;  and,  matters  once  settled,  they  will  send  ambassadors  to  His  Majesty  to 
manifest  a  satisfaction  they  certainly  will  not  feeL 

I  ask,  Monseigneur,  a  thousand  pardons  for  having  thus  abused  your 
Royal  Highness's  patience,  and  I  beg  ^ou  to  believe  that  I  am,  with  the 
most  respectful  attachment  to  your  Royal  Highness,  your  very  humble  ser- 
vant 


i8o6.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  483 

what  those  who  attended  to  the  subject  were  long  since 
convinced  of — that  you  are  completely  masters  of  the 
ocean.  In  the  consciousness  of  power  you  will,  I  fear, 
overleap  the  bounds  both  of  prudence  and  justice,  of 
which  we,  in  the  first  instance,  and  you  in  the  last,  will  be 
victims.  I  know  it  must  be  unpleasant  to  your  mercan- 
tile spirit  to  see  a  large,  and,  we  may  add,  a  disproportion- 
ate share  of  the  world's  commerce  under  the  American 
flag,  and  the  cupidity  of  your  seamen  may  cast  a  longing 
eye  at  the  spoil  which  might  be  torn  from  us  almost  with- 
out an  effort.  But  it  would  be  wise  to  consider  that  now, 
as  heretofore,  the  results  of  our  industry  are  poured  into 
your  lap,  and  that  in  the  vicissitude  of  human  affairs  you 
may  find  it  needful  to  invoke  principles  which  it  may  now 
be  convenient  to  neglect.  I  will  not  make  this  letter  a 
treatise  on  national  law,  but  simply  observe  that,  if  to 
carry  to  your  enemy  the  implements  of  war  be  unjustifi- 
able, it  is  certainly  justifiable  to  supply  him  with  bread  ; 
and  if  it  is  justifiable  to  supply  him  with  necessaries,  it  is 
more  than  justifiable  to  supply  him  with  luxuries.  Far 
from  blaming,  you  should  praise  us  for  sending  tea  and 
coffee  to  France  and  Spain,  taking  from  them  as  we  do,  in 
return,  their  money — the  sinews  of  war.  That  our  admin- 
istration and  their  friends  and  servants^  have  not  treated 
you  with  the  friendship  and  respect  which  good  men 
among  us  wish  is  true  ;  but  we  ought  not,  on  that  ac- 
count, to  be  embroiled,  for  in  the  course  of  a  contest  the 
cause  is  frequently  forgotten.  Irritation  supplies  the 
place  of  reason  and  lasting  enmities  arise  from  accidental 
circumstances.     I  hope  this  will  not  be." 

"  I  have  just  read  the  memoirs  of  Talleyrand,"  Mor- 
ris wrote  to  his  friend  Mr.  Parish,  February  i8th,  "in 
which  I  find  some  truth  with  a  great  deal  of  falsehood. 
Everything  is   exaggerated,  even    his  wealth   of   talents. 


•484  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLV. 

His  character,  also,  is  mistaken.  He  is  not  exactly  of 
criminal  disposition,  though  certainly  indifferent  between 
virtue  and  vice  ;  he  would  rather  do  right  than  do  wrong, 
and  would  not,  I  believe,  perpetrate  a  great  crime.  The 
story  of  poisoning,  and  the  like,  cannot  be  true.  Many 
similar  publications  have  lately  fallen  into  my  hands,  and 
the  French  Revolutionists  are  painted  in  them  as  black  as 
the  deviL  Unquestionably  there  has  been  more  of  crime 
acted  within  the  last  ten  years  on  the  French  theatre  than 
is  usually  to  be  found  in  the  records  of  history ;  and  as 
unquestionably  the  systems  reared  on  such  abominable 
foundations  must  soon  crumble  into  ruin.  Such  is  the 
unalterable  law  of  God,  attested  by  the  undeviating  expe- 
rience of  past  ages,  but  it  will  not  be  by  hands  perfectly 
pure  that  the  present  powers  will  be  overthrown,  or  new 
ones  raised.  Crime  begets  crime,  and  one  abomination 
succeeds  to  another,  until  mankind  are  driven  back  to- 
wards innocence  by  the  sore  experience  of  guilt.  From 
the  banks  of  the  Elbe,  now  alive  with  navigation,  you  will 
look  calmly  at  the  storm  of  nations." 

Again  on  March  19th  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Parish:  "We 
have  not  sufficient  information  to  decide  on  the  actual  or 
probable  state  of  things  in  Europe,  but  it  would  seem  that 
the  power  of  Austria  lies  prostrate  at  the  foot  of  France. 
If  this  be  so,  Napoleon  will  consult  merely  his  own  inter- 
est. To  make  up  a  judgment  of  this  sort,  more  talent  and 
more  intelligence  are  required  than  I  pretend  to  possess  ; 
of  course,  my  best  calculations  are  but  guess-work.  I 
guess,  however,  that  the  territory  of  Venice,  and  perhaps 
the  Tyrolese,  will  be  taken  from  Austria,  together  with 
everything  which  belongs  to  it  in  Suabia.  I  guess  that 
Poland  will  be  again  formed  into  a  kingdom,  and  perhaps 
Prussia  may  be  compensated  by  Hanover  for  the  loss  of 
territory  elsewhere.     Perhaps  Silesia  may  be  restored  to 


i8o6.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  485 

Austria.  I  will  not  make  any  further  guesses,  but  I  con- 
clude that  the  peace  will  be  terminated  just  in  season  for 
the  operations  of  the  next  campaign,  and  that  in  the 
mean  time  the  French  armies  will  subsist  on  the  con- 
quered countries.  Prussia  will  hardly  contend  single- 
handed  against  France,  and  Napoleon  will  probably  re- 
serve his  decisions  as  to  his  friend  in  Prussia  till  he  has 
finished  his  enemy  in  Austria.  Whether  he  will  do  more 
than  threaten  us  will,  I  presume,  depend  on  the  counsel  of 
Britain.  Mr.  Pitt  will  perhaps  be  removed  and  an  ad- 
ministration be  formed  from  the  friends  of  Fox  and  Gren- 
ville  in  spite  of  the  King,  and  any  new  administration 
must  adopt  something  new  in  its  conduct-  Fox,  to  pre- 
serve anything  like  consistency,  must  try  to  make  peace  ; 
and  Grenville  must,  for  the  same  reason,  insist  on  war  till 
a  better  peace  can  be  made  than  the  Treaty  of  Amiens. 
Thus  the  facts  which  regard  us  are  purely  conjectural, 
and,  of  course,  the  conclusions  to  be  drawn  from  them. 
We  are  not  even  a  secondary  consideration  in  the  coun- 
cils of  France.  If,  to  get  a  breathing  spell,  some  new 
compact  be  patched  up  with  England,  Napoleon  will 
certainly  be  troublesome  to  us,  and  he  will  push  Spain 
forward  (as  the  injured  party),  reserving  to  himself  the 
game  of  a  faithful  ally  to  Spain. 

*'  There,  my  dear  sir,  I  have  given  you  the  best  result 
of  my  speculations." 


1 


486  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLVI. 


CHAPTER  XLVI. 

The  summer  of  1806.  Letter  to  Samuel  Hunt.  Morris  fears  war.  Con- 
duct of  the  administration.  Letter  to  Madame  de  Stael.  General 
Moreau.  Letter  to  Chief  Justice  Marshall.  Washington's  character. 
Details  relative  to  Lafayette's  liberation  in  1796.  Waiting  for  Euro- 
pean news.  Begs  Madame  de  Stael  to  come  to  Morrisania.  Napo- 
leon's victory  at  Friedland.  Letter  to  Madame  Foucault.  Letter  to 
the  Marquis  of  Stafford. 

SEVERAL  short  tours  through  New  York  and  New 
England  occupied  and  interested  Morris  during 
the  summer  of  1806.  The  pretty  farms  and  picturesque 
country  through  which  he  passed,  over  hills,  and  down 
into  valleys  along  the  banks  of  streams,  made  a  charming 
variety.  "  I  do  not  remember,"  he  says,  "  to  have  seen 
anywhere  so  beautiful  a  country."  At  home  again  by  the 
24th  of  September,  he  once  more  resumed  the  thread  of 
his  daily  routine.  That  war  was  an  inevitable  conse- 
quence of  the  conduct  of  the  administration  Morris  was 
at  this  time  fully  convinced,  and,  writing  to  Samuel  Hunt, 
of  Marietta,  on  October  3d,  he  gave  vent  to  his  impressions 
of  the  general  demoralization  in  high  places,  as  follows : 

"  It  is  to  be  noted  that  sound  heads  are  rarely  found  in 
the  company  of  rotten  hearts.  Vice  corrupts  alike  the 
judgment  and  the  will  ;  whereby  it  happens  that  bad 
projects  are  seldom  well  matured.  .  .  .  Let  us  take 
up  certain  suggestions  respecting  plans  agitated  in  your 
quarter.  It  seems  far  from  impossible  that  some  foreign 
powers  should  wish  to  see  a  severance  of  our  Union,  and 
that  they  would,  at  a  suitable  moment,  take  under  their 


i8o6.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  487 

protection  the  ultramontane  republic.  It  is  not  there- 
fore impossible  that  their  agents  should  listen  attentively 
to  propositions  tending  that  way,  and  it  is  not  improbable 
that,  if  a  scheme  of  this  sort  should  be  in  agitation,  com- 
munications would  be  made  by  leading  characters  with  a 
view  to  foreign  aid.  Disobedience  would  be  encouraged, 
and  the  noise  of  needy  retainers  to  conspiracy  would  be 
called  the  voice  of  the  people,  and  then,  by  blasphemous 
transition,  the  voice  of  God.  But  these  subtle  contrivers 
will  find  themselves  egregiously  mistaken  and  find,  to 
their  cost,  that  they  have  merely  given  to  the  body  politic 
a  sufficient  stimulus  to  throw  off  its  foul  humors.  Our 
politicians  have  been  much  alarmed,  I  hear,  by  the  ap- 
prehension of  a  peace  between  England  and  France, 
which  will,  they  suppose,  be  followed  by  such  measures 
on  the  part  of  the  latter  as  may  compromise  our  indepen- 
dence. Our  rulers,  like  the  sluggard,  ask  a  little  more 
sleep  and  a  little  more  slumber,  but  sooner  or  later  they 
will  be  awakened  in  no  pleasant  manner.  The  war  be- 
tween France  and  England  cannot  be  eternal.  It  seems 
to  me  that  sundry  untoward  circumstances  are  like  to 
arise,  and,  considering  the  divided  and  defenceless  state 
of  our  country,  no  common  firmness,  skill,  and  dexterity 
will  be  required  in  the  management  of  our  most  impor- 
tant concerns.  Perhaps  these  ideas  flow  from  the  timid- 
ity incident  to  age.  At  any  rate,  I  will  not,  by  publishing 
them,  become  an  alarmist.  That  Jefferson  should  lose  his 
popularity  is  natural  enough,  but  those  who  were  wedded 
to  his  opinions  should  not  now  be  permitted  to  claim  a 
divorce.  He,  poor  creature,  could  have  done  nothing  had 
he  not  been  supported  by  others.  If,  indeed,  he  had,  after 
getting  into  power,  displayed  any  glaring  and  enormous 
vice,  his  adherents  might  be  allowed  to  plead  their  igno- 
rance and  his  hypocrisy.     But  his  folly  is  the  great  evil 


488  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLVI. 

under  which  America  groans,  and  his  adherents  boasted 
of  his  wisdom.  Let  them  be  reminded  of  this,  and  take  to 
themselves  the  resulting  alternative." 

A  yearly  letter,  at  least,  to  M.  Necker  and  Madame  de 
Stael  kept  them  informed  of  the  state  of  their  property 
in  America,  and  of  the  sales,  when  the  agents  were  fortu- 
nate enough  to  make  any.  Morris's  letters  to  Madame 
de  Stael  were,  however,  not  wholly  devoted  to  the  dis- 
cussion of  acres  and  tenants  and  rents,  as  the  following 
epistle,  in  answer  (October  7th)  to  one  from  her,  will  tes- 
tify.    From  her  letter  lie  quoted  the  initial  sentence. 

"  'Si  je  n'avais  que  vingt-cinq  ans  au  lieu  de  trente-cinq, 
je  crois  que  j'irais  vous  voir.  Vous  ne  me  croyez,  done, 
propre  qu'a  la  societe  des  jeunes  demoiselles.  Soyez  per- 
suadee,  je  vous  prie,  du  contraire.  Croyez,  aussi,  que  I'age 
de  raison  est  celui  qui  convient  aux  voyages.  On  en 
profite  mieux,  on  y  risque  moins.  Batir  des  chateaux  en 
Espagne,  est  una  folic  amusante  :  en  batir  aux  Etats-Unis, 
serait  une  folic  ruineuse  ;  la  main-d'oeuvre  est  trop  chere. 
Mais  faire  un  petit  6tablissement  d'ete  dans  un  pays  neuf 
qui  avance  rapidement,  y  passer  trois  a  cinq  mois  de  la 
belle  saison,  sejournir  quatre  autres  mois,  soit  k  Philadel- 
phie  soit  a  New  York,  et  employer  en  voyages  ce  qui  reste 
de  I'annee  :  voila,  je  crois,  une  maniere  de  vivre  qui  ne 
manque  pas  de  sens  commun,  surtout  par  le  temps  qu'il 
fait.  Votre  petite  lettre  du  3  juillet  m'a  fait  d'autant  plus 
de  plaisir,  madame,  que  votre  coeur  y  parle  aussi  bien  que 
votre  esprit.  Heureux  celui  qui  pent  jouir  de  votre  soci- 
ete. Ne  frondez  pas,  cependant,  la  petite  brochure.  Son 
auteur  ne  desire  pas  la  mort  du  pecheur,  mais  qu'il  aban- 
donne  son  impiete.  Les  rois  renoncent  k  I'independance, 
parce  qu'en  vrais  philosophes  ils  pref^rent  la  vie  a  I'hon- 
neur.  Lorsqu'il  se  trouve  une  exception  k  la  regie  g^ne- 
rale  du  siecle,  tout  en  approuvant  I'orgueil  qui  I'inspire, 


i8o6.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  489 

il  faut  le  ramener  au  sentiment  de  ce  qu'il  doit  aux  au- 
tres :  cela  n'est  pas  lui  faire  tort.  Au  contraire>  en  aiguillo- 
nant  partout  I'esprit  d'independance,  on  prepare  des  allies  a 
ceux  qui  se  battent  pour  la  liberte  des  nations.  Vous  me 
direz,  peut-etre,  que  c'est  trop  finement  filer  la  politique. 
Mais  je  ne  suis  pas  homme  politique,  madame,  et  d'ailleurs, 
c'est  le  sentiment  de  I'auteur  que  j'exprime  ;  le  mien,  a  la 
verite,  ne  s'en  eloigne  pas  beaucoup.  Je  crois  qu'il  faut 
tout  hasarder,  tout  sacrifier  pour  I'honneur  national,  dans 
la  conviction  qu'il  ne  reste  plus  rien  k  perdre  lorsqu'on  a 
perdu  I'honneur."* 

The  news  of  the  Battle  of  Jena,  fought  in  October,  had 
apparently  just  reached  America,  to  judge  from  the  fol- 
lowing letter,  written  the  12th  of  November,  to  Mr.  Par- 
ish, at  Neusteden  :  "You   mention,"    Morris  says,   "that 

*  "  If  I  were  only  twenty-five  instead  of  thirty-five  years  old,  I  think  that  I 
would  visit  you."  You  believe  me,  then,  to  be  only  fit  for  the  society  of 
young  ladies.  Kindly  persuade  yourself  of  the  contrary.  Believe,  also,  that 
the  age  of  reason  is  the  best  age  for  travelling  ;  one  derives  greater  profit, 
one  risks  less. 

To  build  castles  in  Spain  is  an  amusing  folly  ;  to  build  castles  in  the  United 
States  would  be  a  ruinous  one,  for  labor  is  too  expensive.  But  to  organize  a 
small  summer  establishment  in  a  country  that  develops  rapidly  ;  to  stay  there 
during  three  to  five  months  of  the  fair  season  ;  then  to  sojourn  four  months 
in  Philadelphia  or  New  York,  and  devote  the  rest  of  one's  time  to  travelling 
— that  constitutes  a  mode  of  life  which  lacks  not  in  common-sense,  especially 
in  our  times. 

Your  short  letter  of  July  3d  was  all  the  more  pleasing,  madame,  since 
your  heart  spoke  in  it  as  well  as  your  mind.  Happy  the  man  who  can  enjoy 
your  society  !  But  do  not  make  fun  of  my  little  pamphlet ;  its  author  does 
not  wish  for  the  sinner's  death,  but  for  him  to  give  up  his  infidehty.  Kings 
renounce  their  independence  because  t>iey  are  true  philosophers  and  prefer 
life  to  honor  ;  if  an  exception  to  the  rule  of  the  century  looms  up,  we  can  ap- 
prove the  pride  that  induced  it,  but  its  author  has  to  be  brought  down  to  the 
consciousness  of  what  he  owes  to  others.  It  is  doing  him  no  harm.  Quite 
the  contrary,  in  goading  everywhere  the  spirit  of  independence,  allies  are  pre- 
pared for  those  who  fight  for  the  freedom  of  nations.  You  will  say,  perhaps, 
that  this  is  cutting  politics  too  fine.  But  I  am  no  politician,  madam,  and, 
besides,  I  am  but  expressing  the  ideas  of  the  author — not  very  foreign  to 
mine,  however.  I  think  that  one  must  risk  everything,  sacrifice  everything, 
for  the  sake  of  national  honor,  for  when  that  is  lost  nothing  remains. 


490  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLVI. 

Prussia  was  at  the  feet  of  Bonaparte  without  a  struggle. 
This  I  distinctly  predicted  to  the  Count  Haugwitz  and 
Baron  Alvensleben  in  July,  1796,  and  stated  publicly  to 
the  American  Senate  in  February,  1803  ;  and  that  France 
would  become  the  dominant  power  of  the  world,  unless 
restrained  by  wise  and  vigorous  application  of  superior 
force,  was  my  decided  opinion,  expressed  to  those  whom 
it  might  concern  in  1795,  1796,  and  1797.  That  opinion 
has  not  changed.  It  was  taiien  in  1789  and  suggested, 
early  in  the  year  1790,  for  the  consideration  of  those  who 
could  then  have  prevented  much  mischief,  not  only  with- 
out effort  but  without  hazard,  securing  at  the  same  time 
the  gratitude  and  applause  of  millions.  But  Providence 
had  otherwise  ordained.  It  is  still  possible,  however,  to 
overturn  that  colossal  power.  The  French  armies  will  not 
resist  the  attack  of  British  and  German  troops,  if  these  be 
well  led.  They  have  not  sufficient  steadiness.  The  Rus- 
sians will  certainly  beat  them  under  any  tolerable  manage- 
ment. The  new  Emperor,  if  his  armies  are  dis(5omfited, 
will  hardly  be  able  to  preserve  his  authority.  Your  Danes 
are  brave,  though  not  inured  to  war,  and  rather  sluggish, 
but  the  Swedes  are  incomparable  stuff  for  soldiers.  They 
can,  if  need  be,  live  on  the  bark  of  trees,  and  nothing 
earthly  is  braver.  They  are  active,  also.  The  Dutch,  the 
Swiss,  the  Italians,  the  Bavarians,  will  gladly  shake  off 
the  yoke  if  they  can.  Depend  upon  it,  if  the  French  are 
ferried  a  little  way  up  the  Danube  Prince  Charles  will 
not  be  idle.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  France  be  successful, 
all  the  South  will  be  hushed  as  mice  when  they  see  the 
cat  coming.  And  yet  they  will  get  nothing  by  lying  still; 
the  fatter  and  sleeker  they  are,  the  better  will  pussy  be 
pleased. 

"  You  think  Hanover  will  return  to  its  old  master.    This 
may  be.     I  rather  think  it  is  the  iriterest  of  Europe  that 


i8o7]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  49I 

it  should  not,  but  that  England  should  receive  Holland 
and  the  Low  Countries.  .  .  .  Will  Hamburg  and  Lii- 
beck  fall  to  Prussia  or  Denmark  ?  I  really  cannot  answer 
that  question,  my  good  friend.  ...  As  a  ci-devant 
Hambourgeois,  you  may  perhaps  prefer  the  interest  of  that 
city,  which  would  be  much  promoted  by  an  union  with 
Prussia  and  the  consequent  opening  of  the  Elbe.  Let  me 
tell  you,  further,  that  if  England  were  in  possession  of 
Flanders,  and  Prussia  of  Hanover,  these  nations  would  be 
sincere  allies.  Prussia  would  court  the  protection  of  the 
British  navy,  and  England  the  aid  of  Prussian  armies. 
Pray  make  my  compliments  to  the  King  of  Prussia, 
and  desire  him  to  pull  down  the  walls  of  Hamburg.  If 
ever  I  pay  that  place  another  visit  I  should  like  to  have 
the  liberty  of  coming  and  going  at  pleasure  with  regard 
to  hours.  Seriously,  remember  me  to  your  family  and  my 
friends." 

Morris  was  certainly  prophetic  in  the  views  he  held  of 
what  would  be  the  future  of  the  city  of  New  York,  for 
in  his  diary,  on  the  loth  of  January,  1807,  he  mentioned 
the  fact  that  "  some  speculators  are  about  to  build  a  village 
at  Harlem  Cove,  which  they  call  Manhattan.  It  seems  as 
if  the  whole  island  of  New  York  were  soon  to  become  a 
village  or  a  town.  In  less  than  twenty  years,  if  things 
move  on  in  their  present  course,  it  will  be  divided  in  small 
lots  as  far  up  as  what  are  called  Harlem  Heights,  where 
stood  Fort  Washington." 

"General  Moreau,  and  the  three  gentlemen  who  accom- 
panied him  and  dined  with  me  yesterday,  leave  me  this 
morning  [January  T2th].  Among  many  pleasant  and  some 
curious  anecdotes  Moreau  mentions  the  filthy  conduct  of 
the  Bonaparte  family.  Madame  Leclerc,  as  all  the  world 
knows,  the  present  Princess  Borghese,  is  a  Messalina. 
Moreau  says  the  Empress  told  him  that  her  husband  and 


492  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLVI. 

his  sister,  Madame  Leclerc,  were  too  intimate.  He  told 
this  to  Madame  Leclerc,  who  denied  it,  at  first,  by  saying 
the  Empress  was  no  better  than  she  should  be  herself. 
At  length  she  acknowledged  it.  Bonaparte  wanted  Mo- 
reau  to  marry  his  sister,  Madame  Murat,  or  his  daughter- 
in-law,  now  Queen  of  Holland.  The  refusal  was  perhaps 
the  primary  cause  of  Moreau's  exile." 

"  By  an  arrival  yesterday  [January  29th]  it  would  seem 
that  Bonaparte  is  still  successful  in  the  North  of  Europe. 
He  possesses  all  Westphalia,  Lower  Saxony,  and  Lusatia, 
aS  well  as  Upper  Saxony,  Holstein  excepted.  It  seems, 
also,  that  our  negotiation  with  Britain  has  failed.  If  so, 
the  wise  men  at  Washington  will  have  troublesome  work." 

June  26th,  Morris,  having  just  finished  reading  the 
fourth  volume  of  Chief  Justice  Marshall's  history,  took 
occasion  to  write  to  the  author  of  the  pleasure  he  had 
found  in  it,  adding,  "  I  cannot  refrain  from  expressing 
to  you  my  grateful  sense  of  the  kindness  with  which 
you  have  mentioned  my  name."  The  letter  continues  : 
"  In  approving  highly  your  character  of  Washington, 
permit  me  to  add  that  few  men  of  such  steady,  perse- 
vering industry  ever  existed,  and  perhaps  no  one  who 
so  completely  commanded  himself.  Thousands  have 
learned  to  restrain  their  passions,  though  few  among 
them  had  to  contend  with  passions  so  violent.  But  the 
self-command  to  which  I  allude  was  of  higher  grade.  He 
could,  at  the  dictate  of  reason,  control  his  will  and  com- 
mand himself  to  act.  Others  may  have  acquired  a  portion 
of  the  same  authority ;  but  who  could,  like  Washington, 
at  any  moment  command  the  energies  of  his  mind  to  a 
cheerful  exertion?  After  citing  his  letter  to  the  Emperor 
of  Germany,  you  say  it  remains  unascertained  how  far  it 
operated  in  mitigating  the  rigor  of  Lafayette's  confine- 
ment, or  obtaining  his  liberation.     Permit  me  to  trouble 


iSor.J  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  493 

you  with  some  facts  relating  to  that  affair.  At  Vienna,  in 
October,  1796,  I  was  asked  by  a  confidential  friend  of  the 
Emperor's,  Prime  Minister  Baron  de  Thugut  being  pres- 
ent, whether  it  was  true  (as  reported)  that  I  was  charged 
with  a  mission  from  Congress  to  ask  the  liberty  of  Lafa- 
yette. I  laughed  at  the  question,  and,  assuring  the  ques- 
tioner there  was  no  truth  in  the  report,  expressed  my 
opinion  that  it  was  a  folly  to  detain  him.  A  conversation 
on  the  subject  ensued  in  which,  without  contesting  the 
right  of  the  Emperor  to  keep  Lafayette  and  his  compan- 
ions in  prison,  if  he  deemed  it  needful  to  the  public  safety, 
I  urged  that,  whatever  might  have  been  intended  had  the 
French  Revolution  been  crushed  in  the  first  campaign, 
there  were  now  so  many  who  participated  in  shedding  the 
blood  of  Louis  XVI.  that,  even  if  France  were  conquered, 
it  would  be  impossible  to  execute  the  prisoners  at  Olmtitz. 
Of  course  there  was  no  object  in  keeping  them,  and  it 
worked  injury  to  the  Allies  by  uniting  the  French  nation. 
Some  time  after,  I  received  a  letter  from  Madame  de  Mon- 
tagu, Madame  de  Lafayette's  sister,  mentioning  the  harsh 
treatment  she  experienced.  I  thereupon  asked  an  inter- 
view of  the  Baron  de  Thugut,  without  mentioning  any 
definite  object,  and  saw  him  by  appointment  the  i8th  of 
December.  We  had  a  long  conversation  on  public  affairs, 
and  discussed  sundry  things  which  appeared  to  me  advan- 
tageous to  Flis  Majesty.  The  Baron  gave  me  his  thanks, 
and  then  I  put  in  his  hands  Madame  de  Montagu's  letter. 
After  reading  it  he  indignantly  contradicted  the  account 
of  ill-treatment  to  M.  and  Madame  de  Lafayette,  and  ex- 
pressed a  wish  that  they  had  never  had  anything  to  do 
with  him.  I  seized  the  occasion  to  observe  that  unques- 
tionably the  changes  which  had  happened  since  he  was 
made  prisoner  rendered  it  difficult  to  say  what  course 
should  now  be  pursued,  because  the  same  spirit  which 


494  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  XLVI. 

asked  why  he  was  confined  might  ask  why  he  was  not 
liberated.  Since,  however,  he  must  sooner  or  later  be  re- 
leased, the  sooner  it  was  done  the  better;  therefore  I 
permitted  myself  to  ask  that  it  be  done  immediately.  He 
told  me  he  would  probably  be  discharged  at  the  peace. 
I  told  him  that  of  this  I  never  doubted,  and  had  ventured 
to  assure  his  friends  that  it  must  be  so.  *  But  consider,  I 
pray  you,  monsieur  le  baron,  that  you  will  then  get  noth- 
ing by  his  freedom,  whereas  now  you  may  turn  it  to  ac- 
count.' I  then  assigned  reasons  why  it  would  produce  a 
good  effect,  not  only  in  France  but  in  England.  *  If  (said 
he)  England  will  ask  for  him,  we  shall  be  very  glad  to  get 
rid  of  him  in  that  way,  and  they  may  turn  him  loose  in 
London.'  I  knew  that  nothing  would  be  done  about  it  in 
England,  for  I  had  taken  occasion  to  suggest  the  matter 
to  Lord  Grenville  in  December,  1795,  who  told  me  there 
were  strong  prejudices  against  him.  I  therefore  told  M. 
de  Thugut  I  thought  it  improbable  the  British  Minister 
would  touch  this  matter  unless  he  should  suggest  a  wish 
for  their  interference,  and  presumed  that  he  would  make 
no  such  suggestion.  There  appeared  to  me,  however,  two 
modes  in  which  the  affair  might  be  managed :  one,  that  on 
the  receipt  of  good  news  several  prisons  should  be  opened, 
and  among  them  that  of  Olmiltz  ;  the  other,  that  liberty^ 
should  be  given  to  M.  de  Lafayette  and  his  companions 
as  a  favor  to  the  United  States,  which  (in  that  view  of  the 
subject)  I  presumed  to  ask  in  their  name.  Next  day  I 
enclosed  to  the  Baron  a  letter  for  Madame  de  Lafayette, 
and  again  pressed  for  the  release  of  her  husband.  I  left 
Vienna  the  loth  of  January,  1797,  and  learned  at  Hamburg, 
in  the  September  following,  that  these  prisoners  were,  by 
order  of  the  Imperial  Court  to  be  delivered  up  to  Mr. 
Parish  (supposed  to  be)  the  American  Consul,  which 
place   he   had  filled  with  advantage  to  our  country  and 


i8o7.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  495 

honor  to  himself,  but  (on  representations  from  the  French 
Republic)  had  been  superseded.  The  27th  of  that  month, 
on  adjusting  with  the  Imperial  Minister  the  manner  in 
which  Lafayette  should  be  delivered  over  to  Mr.  Parish, 
M.  de  Thugut's  letter  was  communicated,  and  that  stated 
expressly  that  M.  de  Lafayette  was  not  liberated  at  the 
instance  of  France,  but  merely  to  show  the  Emperor's 
consideration  for  the  United  States  of  America. 

"  On  the  4th  of  October  I  was  present  when  M.  Buol  de 
Schauenstein,  the  Imperial  Minister  at  Hamburg,  deliv- 
ered M.  de  Lafayette  into  the  hands  of  John  Parish,  Esq., 
as  Consul  for  the  United  States  of  America.  Notwith- 
standing this,  it  appeared  to  me  that  M.  de  Lafayette 
chose  to  consider  himself  as  freed  by  the  influence  of 
General  Bonaparte,  and  I  did  not  choose  to  contest  the 
matter,  because,  believing  my  applications  at  Vienna  had 
procured  his  liberty,  it  would  have  looked  like  claiming 
acknowledgments.  Had  I  known  of  the  President's  letter 
I  should  certainly  have  connected  with  it  the  manner  in 
which  he  was  delivered  over,  and  drawn  the  natural  infer- 
ence." 

"We  are  all  gaping  for  news  from  the  North  of  Europe," 
Morris  wrote  to  John  Parish  the  ist  of  July.  "A  victory 
there  would  go  far  to  decide  the  fate  of  all  nations,  and 
make  an  epoch  in  the  history  of  mankind.  I  cannot  cease 
to  wonder  at  what  I  see.  Great  Britain  has  an  army,  arms, 
ammunition,  and  provision.  Is  it  possible  the  ministers  of 
that  country  should  not  have  seen  that  a  re-enforcement  of 
thirty  to  fifty  thousand  men,  with  an  abundant  supply  of 
forage  and  provisions,  should  have  enabled  the  Swedes  to 
march  from  Stralsund  to  Berlin  and  intercept  the  supplies 
and  re-enforcements  destined  for  the  French  armies  in  Po- 
land and  Silesia  ?  Can  it  have  escaped  the  view  of  intelli- 
gent men  that  vigorous  operations  in  the  rear  of  Napoleon 


49^  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLVI. 

would  be  seconded  by  a  considerable  part  of.  Germany  ? 
Is  it  not  evident  that  his  army,  deprived  of  recruits  and 
provisions,  must  have  sunk  beneath  the  force  now  opposed 
to  him  ?  Pusillanimity  might  indeed  say  that  he  would 
detach  a  superior  corps  or  fall  back  with  his  whole  army. 
But  to  make  such  detachment  would  have  exposed  him 
to  immediate  ruin,  and  to  fall  back  without  magazines, 
especially  of  forage,  was  literally  impossible.  Truly,  my 
friend,  this  skirmishing  at  Alexandria  and  Constantinople 
is  a  poor  expedient.  If  the  Russians  are  beaten.  Napoleon 
dictates  his  own  terms.  If  they  are  victorious,  Turks  and 
Persians  must  submit  to  the  law  of  Alexander.  But  I 
say  no  more.  God's  will  be  done.  We  are  occupied  here 
in  trying  Burr.  Much  time  and  breath  have  already  been 
expended  to  little  purpose.  He  shall  not  be  prejudged 
by  me,  but  the  effort  to  keep  back  information  from  the 
grand  jury  will  convince  many  that  he  is  afraid.  But 
guilt  and  fear  being  closely  connected,  the  proof  of  one 
induces  belief  in  the  other." 

Ever  solicitous  for  the  welfare  of  the  French  exiles 
whom  he  knew,  and  fully  persuaded  that  they  might 
learn  to  content  themselves,  at  least  for  a  time,  on  Ameri- 
can soil,  Morris  lost  no  opportunity  to  place  before  them 
the  advantages  of  the  climate,  the  hospitalities  of  Mor- 
risania,  and,  above  all,  the  quiet  and  rest  from  wars 
and  rumors  of  wars  which  awaited  them  in  the  United 
States, 

Notwithstanding  her  advanced  age  of  thirty-five  years, 
Madame  de  Stael  was  almost  induced  to  trust  her  life  to 
the  sea,  by  his  persuasive  eloquence,  for,  wrote  Morris  to 
her  in  August  of  this  year  : 

"  Puisqu'il  n'y  a  de  France  que  Paris  et  que  Ton  vous 
en  defend  I'entrde,  il  me  semble  qu'il  ne  vous  reste  qu'a 
choisir  une  autre  patrie.     Or,  vous  ne  vous  deciderez  pas 


i8o7.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  497 

a  devenir  Suisse.  Le  pays  est  tres  beau,  sans  doute,  et  ses 
habitants  sont  tres  courageux.  On  peut  en  dire  du  bien, 
beaucoup  de  bien,  mais,  apres  tout,  je  ne  crois  pas  qu'il  vous 
convienne  d'y  passer  vos  jours.  Napoleon  va  toujours 
grand  train,  de  sorte  que,  s'il  ne  bronche  pas,  toute  I'Europe 
desormais  sera  France,  k  I'exception  des  Isles  Britan- 
niques,  ou  (faute  de  pont)  il  est  difficile  de  faire  passer  les 
armees  imperiales.  Ainsi,  pour  n'etre  plus  Francpaise,  il 
vous  faudra  devenir  Anglaise  ou  Americaine.  Mais  la 
societe  anglaise  est  un  peu  trop  froide.  D'ailleurs,  lorsqu'il 
s'agit  de  passer  la  mer,  soit  pour  venir  ici  soit  pour  aller 
en  Angleterre,  ce  n'est  qu'une  question  de  plus  ou  de 
moins.  Ainsi,  madame,  je  me  flatte  qu'au  printenips  pro- 
chain  vous  ferez  le  voyage  d'Amerique.  A  cet  effet,  a  la 
mi-avril  vous  vous  embarquerez  a  Nantes,  avec  monsieur 
votre  fils,  pour  New  York.  Aussitot  arrivee,  vous  viendrez 
ici  prendre  du  laitage  et  vous  rafraichir.  Au  commence- 
ment de  juillet  vous  vous  mettrez  en  route  pour  voir  vos 
terres  et  celles  d'autres.  Vous  reviendrez  a  la  mi-septem- 
bre  vous  reposer  de  vos  fatigues,  cueillir  des  peches,  faire 
des  promenades,  des  vers,  des  romans — enfin,  tout  ce  qu'il 
vous  plaira.  Lorsque  mon  hermitage  aura  perdu  ses  at- 
traits,  vous  vous  6tablirez  en  ville  oii,  k  I'aide  d'un  bon  cui- 
sinier,  vous  ferez  tres  bonne  chere.  On  s'y  amuse,  comme 
ailleurs,  a  digerer,  dire  de  bons  mots,  m^dire  du  prochain 
et  le  reste.  Au  bout  du  compte,  madame,  la  vie  se  ressem- 
ble  partout.  Partout  les  circonstances  y  sont  pour  quelque 
chose  ;  le  reste  depend  de  la  tournure  de  I'esprit,  de  la 
maniere  de  voir  les  objets,  de  I'art  de  s'occuper,  de  I'amitie 
enfin,  dont  les  sentiments  nous  attachent  a  notre  existence 
et  en  banissent  I'ennuie.  Vous  vous  moquerez,  peut-etre, 
d'un  tableau  ou,  parmi  les  agrements  de  la  vie  humaine, 
on  ne  voit  gu^re  la  figure  de  I'amour.  Eh  bien  !  vous 
n'avez  qu'i  I'y  mettre.  Agreez,  je  vous  prie,  madame, 
Vol.  II. — 32 


498  DIARY  AND  LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  XLVI. 

rhommage  de  mon  respect  et  de  mon  sincere  attachement. 
God  bless  us  ! "  * 

To  his  much  admired  friend,  Madame  Foucault,  then 
living  at  Plessis,  whither  the  Duke  of  Orleans  had  also 
gone  and  settled  himself,  to  aid  his  relations  in  the  man- 
agement of  the  domain,  Morris  wrote  in  August,  thank- 
ing her  for  news  of  herself  and  the  details  of  her  occu- 
pations. "  Elles  sont  essentielles  au  bonheur,"  he  con- 
tinued. "L'homme  s'ennuie  du  bien  et  se  blase  sur  les 
plaisirs.  S'il  faut  parler  de  I'etre  chetif  qui  s'appelle  moi, 
vous  saurez  que  je  releve  d'un  acces  de  goutte.     Voila 

*  Translation. — Since  there  is  for  you  no  France  outside  of  Paris,  and 
since  access  to  that  city  is  forbidden  you,  it  seems  to  me  that  you  have 
nothing  left  but  to  choose  another  fatherland.  I  am  sure,  however,  that 
you  will  never  decide  to  become  a  Swiss.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the 
country  is  very  beautiful,  and  its  inhabitants  most  courageous ;  there  is 
much  good  to  be  said  of  it,  but,  all  the  same,  I  hardly  think  that  you 
can  be  induced  to  spend  your  life  there.  Besides,  Napoleon  is  going  on 
at  such  a  rate  that,  if  he  does  not  recoil,  all  Europe  will  soon  be  France, 
with  the  exception  of  the  British  Islands,  which,  for  want  of  a  bridge,  the 
imperial  armies  cannot  reach.  Thus,  ceasing  to  be  French,  you  will 
have  to  become  English  or  American.  Now  English  society  is  a  little 
too  cold,  and,  besides,  if  you  have  to  cross  the  sea  at  all,  either  to  go 
to  England  or  to  come  here,  it  all  reduces  itself  to  a  question  of  a 
shorter  or  longer  voyage.  Therefore,  madame,  I  flatter  myself  that  next 
spring  you  will  cross  over  to  America.  To  that  end  you  will  embark,  about 
the  middle  of  April,  at  Nantes,  with  your  son,  for  New  York.  Upon  arriving, 
you  will  come  straight  here,  to  begin  a  refreshing  milk-diet.  About  the 
beginning  of  July  you  will  start  on  a  tour  of  inspection  over  your  estates 
and  other  people's.  You  will  return  to  us  in  the  middle  of  September,  to 
rest  from  your  fatigues,  to  pluck  our  peaches,  to  take  walks,  to  write  verses, 
novels ;  in  a  word,  to  do  all  you  care  for.  When  my  hermitage  shall  have 
lost  its  attractiveness  you  will  settle  in  town,  where,  a  good  cook  helping, 
you  will  keep  a  dainty  table.  There,  as  everywhere  else,  they  manage  to 
spend  the  time  digesting,  cracking  jokes,  gossiping,  and  so  forth.  After  all, 
madame,  life  is  about  the  same  all  the  world  over.  Everywhere  circum- 
stances have  something  to  do  with  it,  the  rest  depends  on  the  turn  of  mind, 
on  the  manner  of  considering  things,  on  the  art  of  occupying  one's  self; 
finally,  on  friendship,  the  ties  ol  which  bind  us  to  life  and  rob  it  of  its  weari- 
someness.  You  will  perhaps  laugh  at  this  sketch,  in  which,  among  the  pleas- 
ures of  life,  the  figure  of  love  has  no  place.  Well,  place  it  in  the  picture 
yourself.  I  beg  that  you  will  accept,  madame,  the  homage  of  my  respect 
and  of  my  sincere  attachment. 


i8o7.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  499 

treize  ans  dcoul^s  depuis  qu'elle  ra'a  fait  visite  pour  la 
premiere  fois.  Je  n'ai  point,  comme  alors,  une  amie  qui 
m'en  console  ;  le  souvenir  m'en  sera  toujours  precieux. 
.  .  .  Quant  a  mes  occupations,  je  suis  cultivateur  ;  je 
m'isole  autant  que  possible  des  affaires,  et  je  travaille  pour 
ne  plus  travailler.  Illusion  douce  !  esperance  trompeuse  ! 
C'est  la  fable  d'lxion,  qui  embrassa  un  nuage  au  lieu  de 
Junon.  Reste  k  savoir  si  le  nuage  n'est  pas  preferable  4 
une  ddesse  du  caractere  acariatre  et  jaloux  dont  les 
poetes  nous  ont  depeint  Sa  Majeste  Imperiale  des  cieux. 
Adieu,  madame,  donnez-moi  souvent  de  vos  nouvelles, 
quand  ce  ne  serait  que  deux  lignes  pour  dire  :  *  J'existe,  et 
je  pense  a  mon  ami.'     II  vous  aime  toujours."* 

In  the  autumn  came  the  news  of  the  victory  of  Napo- 
leon at  Friedland  on  the  14th  of  June,  of  the  successes 
of  the  French  armies,  of  Europe  subjugated  "from  the 
British  seas  across  prostrate  Germany  to  the  distant  verge 
of  the  Russian  Empire."  "Voila  done  la  derniere  main 
mise  au  nouvel  arrangement  de  I'Europe,"  Morris  wrote 
to  his  friend  Count  Woronzow,  at  London,  September 
4th  ;  "  k  moins,"  he  goes  on  to  say,  "  que  Napoleon  ne 
s'avise  de  donner  le  Portugal  a  I'Espagne.f     Les  raisonne- 

*  Translation. — Occupations  are  essential  to  happiness.  Man  gets 
weary  of  doing  good,  and  tired  of  his  pleasures  ;  if  I  may  be  allowed  to 
speak  of  that  weakling,  my  own  self,  you  must  know  that  I  am  just  recov- 
ering from  an  access  of  gout.  It  was  thirteen  years  ago  that  gout  paid  me 
its  first  call.  I  have  not  now,  as  I  had  then,  a  friend  to  console  me ;  I 
will  keep  her  remembrance  ever  green.  As  for  my  occupations,  I  am  a 
farmer ;  I  remain  as  far  away  as  possible  from  political  affairs,  and  I  work 
so  as  not  to  have  to  work  any  more.  Pleasant  illusion  !  deceitful  hope  ! 
It  is  the  fable  of  Ixion,  embracing  a  cloud  instead  of  Juno.  Perhaps,  af- 
ter all,  the  cloud  was  better  than  the  goddess,  if  she  really  had  the  jealous 
and  cross-grained  temper  the  poets  have  attributed  to  her  Imperial  Majesty 
of  the  Heavens.  Good-by,  madame,  let  me  hear  often  from  you,  were  it 
only  to  send  me  two  lines  saying  :  '  I  exist,  and  I  think  of  my  friend.'  He 
loves  you  always. 

t  In  October,  1807,  France  and  Spain,  in  the  treaty  of  Fontainebleau,  agreed 
to  divide  Portugal  between  them,  and  Napoleon  dethroned  the  House  of 
Braganza. 


500  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLVI. 

ments  politiques  se  reduis'^nt  maintenant  a  des  calculs 
sur  la  vie  de  I'Empereur  corse.  La  Confederation  du 
Rhin,  si  on  a  le  bon  esprit  d'en  faire  un  corps  d'etats,  et 
non  une  anarchic  comme  la  ci-devant  Confederation  germa- 
nique,  deviendra  le  frein  de  la  France  et  le  salut  du  monde. 
Que  Ton  mette  a  sa  tete  un  grand  homme,  en  y  ajoutant 
TAlsacC;  tout  est  sauve.  Ah!  la  belle  residence  que 
Frankfort-sur-le-Main  !  et  la  belle  armee  que  25,000  AUe- 
mands  bien  vetus,  bien  nourris,  bien  disciplines  !  II  me 
semble  que  tout  ce  que  Ton  pourra  faire  pour  I'Angle- 
terre  dans  le  moment  actuel,  sera  de  persuader  k  Napoleon 
d'incorporer  les  Pays-Bas  (ci-devant  autrichiens)  avec  le 
royaume  de  Hollande. 

"Adieu,  mon  cher  comte,  pensez  quelquefois  a  un 
homme  qui  vous  a  vou6,  pour  la  vie,  I'attachement  le  plus 
respectueux  et  le  plus  vrai."* 

The  following  letter  to  the  Marquis  of  Stafford,  written 
on  September  14th,  is  not  without  some  of  the  same  fire 
and  force  that  so  strongly  characterized  Morris's  thoughts 
and  expressions  during  the  early  days  of  the  American 
Revolution. 

"  It  is  now,  my  lord,  I  believe,  seventeen  years  since  I 
took  the  liberty  of  mentioning  to  your  lordship  my  opin- 

Translation. — So  the  finishing  touch  has  been  put  to  the  new  arrange- 
ment of  Europe  .  .  .  unless  Napoleon  should  decide  to  give  Portugal  to 
Spain.  Political  conjectures  all  centre  upon  calculating  the  probable  life 
of  the  Corsican  Emperor.  The  Confederation  of  the  Rhine — if  they  have 
the  good  sense  to  make  of  it  a  body  of  States,  and  not  an  anarchy,  as  was 
the  defunct  German  Confederation — will  put  a  brake  upon  France,  and 
prove  the  salvation  of  the  world.  Let  them  add  Alsace  and  place  a  great 
man  at  the  head  of  it  all,  and  everything  will  be  saved.  Oh  !  what  a  fine 
residence  is  Frankfort-on-the-Main,  and  what  a  fine  army  could  be  formed 
out  of  25,000  Germans,  well  dressed,  well  nourished,  well  disciplined.  It 
seems  to  me  that  all  that  could  be  done  for  England,  just  now,  would  be  to 
persuade  Napoleon  to  incorporate  the  (late  Austrian)  Netherlands  with  the 
Kingdom  of  Holland. 

Good-by,  my  dear  count,  think  sometimes  of  a  man  who  has  vowed  you, 
for  life,  the  most  respectful  and  truest  attachment. 


i8o7].  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  5OI 

ion  that,  if  the  French  Revolution  was  not  arrested  in  its 
progress,  it  would  become  dangerous  and  perhaps  fatal 
to  the  liberties  of  Europe.  Your  lordship,  admitting  that 
France  might  (as  I  supposed)  pass  through  anarchy  to  a 
military  despotism,  did  me  the  honor  to  observe  that  wise 
alliances  would  set  a  bound  to  her  power.  To  this  I  per- 
mitted myself  to  reply  that  it  might  be  difficult  to  find  a 
Marlborough  and  Eugene  ;  that,  when  found,  it  would  be 
more  difficult  to  prevent  discord  between  them.  My  mind 
was  then  filled  with  sinister  forebodings,  and  although  I 
have  occasionally  forced  myself  from  the  dreary  precincts 
of  reflection  into  the  more  cheerful  regions  of  imagina- 
tion, reason,  stubborn  and  unyielding,  has  always  brought 
me  back.  I  have  never  indeed  doubted  the  physical 
power  of  Europe  to  confine  France  within  safe  limits,  but 
I  have  not  been  able  to  discover  the  moral  energies  need- 
ful to  employ  that  power  with  effect. 

"  I  took  the  liberty  of  mentioning  this  subject  to  your 
lordship  at  that  early  period  because  I  thought  the  occa- 
sion pressing,  and  because  Great  Britain  seemed  more 
deeply  interested  than  any  other  power  ;  having,  in  effect, 
more  to  lose,  and  being  the  object  at  which  the  blows  of 
France  would  be  specially  directed.  Much  of  what  I 
feared  is  realized.  You  stand  alone,  and  those  who  ought 
to  side  with  you  keep  aloof,  are  awed,  and  subdued.  It 
gives  me  pain,  my  lord,  to  see  that,  in  this  dangerous  mo- 
ment when  the  energy  and  talents  of  your  country  should 
be  cultivated  to  a  point,  there  is  a  divergency  of  efforts 
and  views  which  may  bring  the  government  into  disre- 
spect and  impair  its  authority.  It  would  be  a  task  both 
useless  and  odious  to  mark  the  mistakes  which  have  been 
made.  One  thing,  however,  I  must  notice.  If  your  af- 
fairs with  this  country  had  been  well  managed  we  should 
now,  in  all  probability,  be  your  firm  and  useful  ally.     As 


502  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  XLVI. 

it  is,  you  have  duped  our  feeble  administration  in  a  com- 
mercial treaty,  and,  should  it  be  ratified,  you  will  gain 
advantages  which,  however  flattering  to  your  merchants, 
are  not  worth  a  rush  when  placed  in  competition  with  your 
great  political  interest.  I  long  since  told  your  lordship 
that  you  should  have  here  a  man  of  high  rank  and  great 
talents  ;  permit  me  to  add  that  he  should  be  invested  with 
great  latitude  of  power.     The  rest  would  follow. 

"  But  the  most  material  object  now  is  to  form  an  ad- 
ministration sufficient  to  take  charge  of  you.  I  have  no 
apprehension  that,  in  this  year  or  the  next,  a  serious  inva- 
sion of  your  island  can  be  made  with  effect ;  but  a  totter- 
ing administration  may  patch  up  a  truce  (and  call  it  a 
peace)  by  which  Flanders  will  remain  an  integral  part  of 
France.  Your  safety  is,  I  believe,  from  that  moment  com- 
mitted. The  annexation  of  the  Low  Lands  to  Holland 
would  be  better,  because,  although  the  same  family  might 
occupy  both  thrones,  national  interest  will  prove  too 
strong  for  family  feeling.  Whether  you  make  a  miser- 
able peace  or  carry  on  a  fatiguing  war,  much  is  to  be  ap- 
prehended ;  but  more  in  the  former  than  in  the  latter 
case,  because  it  is  doubtful  whether  your  constitution  can 
resist  a  licentious  spirit  aided  by  French  intrigue.  If  you 
are  subdued  by  force  of  arms,  which  God  forbid,  rank 
and  landed  property,  though  impaired,  will  not  be  de- 
stroyed ;  but  either  conquest  or  revolution  would  obliter- 
ate your  funded  debt.  Indeed,  I  apprehend  that  a  contin- 
uance of  the  war  will  injure  that  species  of  property. 
When,  looking  across  the  Atlantic,  I  see  such  prodigious 
power  and  talents  on  one  side  and  on  the  other — 

Cet  esprit  de  vertige  et  d'erreur, 

De  la  chute  des  rois  funeste  avant-coureur, 

it  strikes  cold  to  my  heart.  Indeed,  my  lord,  it  angers  me 
that  you  should  strive  to  acquire  distant  possessions  when 


i8o7.1  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  503 

necessity  calls  for  a  concentration  of  force.  Of  what  use 
Monte  Video,  Ceylon,  the  Cape,  or  Egypt,  should  a  French 
army  land  in  Yorkshire.  According  to  my  poor  compre- 
hension, your  conquests  are  not  worth  half  the  cost  of 
making,  nor  one-tenth  the  risk  of  defending  them.  That 
counting-house  policy  which  sees  nothing  but  money, 
thinks  of  nothing  but  money,  values  nothing  but  money, 
is  a  poor,  short-sighted,  half-witted,  mean,  and  miserable 
thing — as  far  removed  from  wisdom  as  a  monkey  from  a 
man. 

"  Perhaps  Bonaparte  will  give  you  something  conven- 
ient in  Europe  for  what  you  have  taken  from  Spain  and 
Holland  ;  especially  if  Gibraltar,  which  is  useless,  be  given 
up,  and  Malta,  which  may  become  useful,  retained.  If, 
instead  of  trying  to  possess  yourselves  of  everyone's  colo- 
nies, you  would  persuade  everyone  to  have  colonies,  each 
would  be  exposed  to  your  power  ;  but,  at  the  rate  you  go 
on,  your  fleet  as  a  means  of  offence  will  be  a  nullity.  It 
will,  I  know,  be  said  that  by  extending  your  possessions 
you  extend  your  commerce,  and  thereby  increase  your 
means  of  revenue.  But  the  truth  of  these  assertions  may 
well  be  questioned,  and,  even  if  admitted,  is  not  conclu- 
sive, because  there  are  other  circumstances  of  important 
influence.  That,  by  holding  a  post  on  the  River  of  Plate, 
you  may  enable  Spanish  colonists  to  consume  British 
goods  cheaper  than  before  is  true,  and  that  your  mer- 
chants may  gain  on  their  first  adventures  shall  be  ad- 
mitted, although  it  remains  to  be  proved;  but  that  your 
manufacturers  will  gain  is  not  true,  because  they  will  sup- 
ply the  merchant  trading  to  Buenos  Ayres  on  the  same 
terms  they  formerly  supplied  the  merchant  trading  to 
Cadiz.  Thus  the  national  advantage  which  is  suggested 
does  not  exist,  and  that  which  your  merchants  expect  will 
hardly  be  realized.     Thus  the  profit  from  distant  posses- 


504  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLVL 

sions  is  more  than  problematical,  and  the  cost  of  defend- 
ing them  is  certain  ;  your  taxes,  your  seamen  and  sol- 
diers, however  and  wherever  expended,  must  be  levied  at 
home. 

"  In  the  spring  of  the  year  1790,  while  I  was  soliciting 
your  ministers  to  surrender  some  posts  detained  within 
our  limits,  I  found  that  a  strong  oppositidn  was  made  on 
account  of  the  fur-trade,  I  observed  to  Mr.  Pitt  and  the 
Duke  of  Leeds  that  it  was  a  matter  of  indifference  to 
Britain  by  what  hands  that  trade  should  be  carried  on, 
because,  in  every  contingency,  the  goods  for  the  Indians 
would  be  purchased,  and  the  furs  sold,  in  England.  The 
stress  laid  on  the  supposed  advantages  of  your  trade  to 
Canada  led  me  to  inquire  into  its  value,  and  I  learned, 
from  good  authority,  that  your  civil  and  military  establish- 
ment cost  a  little,  though  very  little,  more  than  the  gross 
sales  of  your  imports  from  that  country.  This  is  one  in- 
stance of  the  value  of  foreign  possessions  for  the  purposes 
of  trade  ;  and  I  much  fear,  my  lord,  that  your  India  Com- 
pany, vvlien  its  accounts  are  wound  up,  will  present  another 
of  the  same  sort  and  of  imposing  magnitude.  Sometimes 
I  suppose  you  to  have  lost  everything  except  your  Euro- 
pean islands,  and  I  hold  you  then  totus,  teres  atque  rotundas — 
in  condition  to  bid  the  world  a  proud  defiance.  Some- 
times I  suppose  that,  closely  allied  to  America,  the  old 
continent,  isolated  from  the  commercial  world,  were  by 
your  act  deprived  of  your  manufactures,  and  then,  behold 
the  proudest  among  them,  literally  sans  culottes,  offering 
carte  blanche  to  obtain  peace  and  clothing. 

"  But  what,  you  will  say,  is  the  object  of  this  tedious 
epistle  from  another  world  ?  It  is  to  recommend  that  your 
lordship  and  the  men  who,  like  you,  have  a  right  to  com- 
mand attention  should  unite  firmly  together  and  put  the 
political  talents   of  your  country,    without  distinction  of 


i8o7.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  505 

party,  in  possession  of  power.  Make  a  general  real  re- 
form, concentre  your  force — in  short,  do  what  is  needful  to 
save  yourselves  and  preserve  what  is  left  of  liberty  in  the 
world.  But,  should  your  patriot  efforts  be  unavailing  and 
the  demon  of  discord  prevail,  make  timely  provision  out 
of  Great  Britain  for  events  which  must  happen.  One 
hundred  thousand  pounds,  well  employed  in  this  country, 
would  purchase  from  two  to  three  hundred  thousand  acres 
of  land,  which,  in  twenty  to  thirty  years,  would  rent  for 
twenty  thousand  pounds.  Money  well  secured  will  pro- 
duce here  six  per  cent,  interest  regularly  paid.  This,  as 
the  merchants  say,  for  your  government ;  by  which  they 
mean,  information.  I  will  not  apologize  for  this  letter,  be- 
cause, if  it  be  not  its  own  apology,  I  can  make  none,  and 
therefore  will  not  give  you  the  trouble  of  perusing  or  my- 
self of  making  the  lame  attempt.  I  detain  your  lordsliip 
but  a  moment  longer,  to  express  the  hope  that  no  assur- 
ances can  be  necessary  of  my  readiness  to  obey  your  com- 
mands in  any  thing  or  in  any  way  I  can  be  useful.  As- 
sure your  amiable  lady  of  my  constant  respect,  and  be- 
lieve me,  my  lord,  with  sincere  esteem." 


506  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XLVII. 


CHAPTER  XLVII. 

Long  interview  with  General  Moreau.  The  first  steam-boat  on  the  Hudson 
River.  Convinced  that  war  is  imminent.  Distrusts  the  Administra- 
tion. Letter  to  Madame  de  Stael.  Letter  to  Madame  de  Damas. 
Autumn  in  the  woods  of  New  York.  Marriage  with  Miss  Randolph. 
Letter  to  Timothy  Pickering.  Journey  to  inspect  the  country  for  the 
Erie  Canal.  Niagara.  Writes  on  public  topics.  Horror  of  war. 
Discusses  the  Constitution. 

IN  the  diary  for  the  loth  of  October  is  mentioned  a  long 
interview  with  General  Moreau,  who  had  gone  out  to 
breakfast  at  Morrisania.  "  I  walk  with  the  General  and 
try  to  dissuade  him  from  his  projected  journey  to  New 
Orleans.  He  is  at  length  shaken,  and  would  renounce  it 
if  his  preparations  were  not  too  far  advanced.  I  persist, 
and  at  length  render  it  doubtful  in  his  mind.  I  am  certain 
this  journey  will  be  imputed,  by  many  well-meaning  men, 
to  improper  motives.  He  treats  the  chattering  of  idlers 
with  contempt,  but  I  tell  him  such  idlers  form  a  power  in 
republics ;  that  he  must  not  suppose  himself  as  free  here 
as  he  would  be  in  an  absolute  monarchy  ;  that  his  reputa- 
tion makes  him  a  slave  to  public  opinion  ;  that  he  cannot 
with  impunity  do  many  things  here  which  would  be  of  no 
consequence  in  a  country  where  he  was  surrounded  by 
spies  in  the  service  of  the  government,  because  the  minis- 
ters having  convinced  themselves  that  his  views  are  inno- 
cent and  his  conduct  irr^prochable,  he  might  safely  laugh 
at  the  suspicions  both  of  the  great  vulgar,  and  of  the  small ; 
but  here,  where  the  same  modes  of  knowing  what  men  do 
are  not  adopted,  everyone  is  at  liberty  to  suspect,  and 


i8o7.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  50/ 

will  decide  rashly  on  appearances,  after  which  it  may  be 
impossible  to  dissipate  the  ideas  hastily,  lightly,  and  un- 
justly assumed.  In  the  course  of  our  conversation,  touch- 
ing very  gently  the  idea  of  his  serving  (in  case  of  necessity) 
against  France,  he  declares  frankly  that  when  the  occa- 
sion arrives  he  shall  feel  no  reluctance  ;  that  France,  hav- 
ing cast  him  out,  he  is  a  citizen  of  the  country  in  which 
he  lives,  and  has  the  same  right  to  follow  his  trade  here 
with  any  other  man  ;  and  as  it  would  be  unjust  to  prevent 
a  French  hatter  whom  Bonaparte  might  banish  from  mak- 
ing hats,  so  it  would  be  unjust  to  prevent  a  French  gen- 
eral from  making  war.  I  assent  to  the  truth  of  this  ob- 
servation, not-  because  I  believe  it  true,  but  because  I  will 
not  impeach  the  reasons  he  may  find  it  convenient  to  give 
to  himself  for  his  own  conduct,  should  he  hereafter  be 
employed  in  our  service." 

"  Mr.  Walton,  of  Ballstown,  dines  with  me  [November 
nth].  He  tells  me  that,  by  means  of  the  steam-boat,  he 
can  leave  his  own  house  on  Monday  morning  and  dine 
with  me  on  Tuesday,  do  some  business  in  New  York  on 
Wednesday  morning,  and  be  again  at  home  on  Thursday 
evening." 

So  much  for  the  first  steam-boat  which  plied  between 
New  York  and  Albany.  Later,  Morris  trusted  his  life  to 
the  new  invention,  with  more  or  less  agreeable  results. 

"  Dine  at  Mr.  Boyd's  [November  i6th].  On  table, 
among  other  things,  were  a  haunch  of  fine  venison,  a  wild 
turkey,  a  wild  goose,  and  a  pair  of  canvas-back  ducks." 

The  conviction  that  the  administration  would  plunge 
the  country  into  a  war  was  ever  present  with  Morris  ; 
and  though  he  put  himself  under  the  constraint  of  not 
prophesying  evil,  the  tone  of  all  his  letters  showed  a  deep 
distrust  of  the  President.  He  yearned  for  the  agricultural 
prosperity  of  the  country  as  well  as  its  commercial  sue- 


508  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF         [Chap.  XLVII. 

cess,  but  peace  was  essential  to  both.  This  is  plainly 
shown  in  the  following  letter,  written  to  Mr.  Simeon  Devvitt 
at  Albany  on  December  i8th,  in  which  he  spoke  of  tiie 
*'  desirability  of  cultivating  fine  wool,  as  our  climate  is  fa- 
vorable, especially  in  the  northern  part  of  our  State,  We 
have  also  great  facilities  for  the  manufacture  of  cloth. 
Time  and  peace  are  the  two  things  needful  to  wealth. 
How  far  it  may  corrupt  our  minds  is  a  problem  on  which 
the  patriot  should  meditate.  Perhaps  the  turbulent  scenes 
with  which  we  are  menaced  may  (in  the  bounty  of  Prov- 
idence) be  intended  to  give  proper  exercise  to  the  polit- 
ical body,  I  cannot,  however,  help  wishing  the  storm 
may  blow  over,  and  leave  my  evening  tranquil.  In  the 
pamphlet  you  send,  the  portrait  of  Madison  is,  I  believe, 
just,  though  1  am  told  that  he  has  credit  for  a  degree  of 
industry  which  he  does  not  possess.  I  think  him  unfit  for 
the  station  of  President,  but  shall  make  no  effort  either 
way.  That  business  lies  with  your  political  friends.  A 
federal  administration  is  wholly  out  of  the  question,  and, 
were  it  otherwise,  the  propriety  of  accepting  it  is,  to  say 
the  best,  doubtful.  Speak  of  my  political  friends,  for  as 
to  myself,  there  is  no  doubt  that  a  private  station  is  most 
suitable. 

"  It  has  been  said  by  a  confidential  friend  of  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son and  Mr,  Madison  that  they  are  determined  on  going 
to  war  with  England  as  soon  as  they  can  bring  public 
opinion  up  to  that  measure  ;  but  I  think  there  must  be 
some  mistake,  for  they  cannot  seriously  desire  to  plunge 
the  country  into  a  situation  distressing  to  all,  but  ruinous 
to  the  Southern  States,  That  we,  the  people  of  America, 
should  engage  in  ruinous  warfare  to  support  a  rash  opin- 
ion that  foreign  sailors  in  our  merchant-ships  are  to  be 
protected  against  the  power  of  their  sovereign  is  down- 
right madness,  and  the  attempt  to  frighten  England  by 


i8o8.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  509 

combining  a  non-importation  law  with  a  mosquito  fleet  of 
gun-boats  is  truly  absurd.  It  has  been  rashly  assumed  as 
a  position  that  our  merchants  alone  would  sufifer  by  war — 
a  great  and  dangerous  mistake.  They  would  indeed  lose 
the  ships  and  cargoes  now  afloat,  to  the  ruin  of  insurers, 
and  some  of  them  would  become  bankrupt,  whereby  not 
only  the  banks,  but  many  tradesmen  and  farmers  would 
suffer  severely.  After  the  hurricane  had  blown  over,  mer- 
chants who  have  goods  left  in  their  stores  would  hold 
them  at  prices  which  few  could  reach,  while  all  the  prod- 
uce now  exported  would  be  unsalable." 

"  I  hear  [January  13th]  that  Clinton,  the  Vice-President, 
has  written  to  one  of  his  friends  in  New  York  that  there 
is  not  the  least  reason  to  apprehend  a  rupture  with  Eng- 
land." 

It  was  to  thank  Madame  de  Stael  that  Morris  wrote 
the  following  letter,  January  i8th.  After  wishing  that 
this  year  "  may  bring  you  much  felicity,"  he  said  :  "  I  am 
to  thank  you  again  for  your  kind  present.  When  I  took 
up  'Corinne,'  I  was  determined  to  mark  in  my  memory 
everything  which  might  look  like  a  fault,  and  so  I  did. 
But  before  I  got  half-way  through  they  were  all  forgot- 
ten. Rare  quality  of  genius !  to  lead  us  in  the  ripe  days, 
as  love  in  the  green  ones,  wheresoever  it  will.  God  for- 
give me,  but  I  cannot  help  regretting  that  your  Scotch 
lord  was  not  un  peu  plus  entreprenant,  that  fine  moonlight 
evening  on  the  shores  of  the  ocean.  La  pativre  Corintu 
serait  morte  au  mains  avec  connaissance  de  cause.  I  remember 
to  have  heard  of  a  little  German  girl  to  whom  it  was  an- 
nounced by  her  physician  that  she  could  not  live,  upon 
which  she  turned  round,  poor  creature,  whining  to  her 
mother,  'Nein,  nein,  ich  kann  nicht  sterben ;  erst  muss  ich 
ein  wenig  heirathen.'  Truly,  my  dear  madame,  it  is  a  pity 
the  world  should  be  deprived  of  such  wonderful  talents 


5IO  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XLVII. 

as  those  which  heaven  has  bestowed  on  Corinne.  Now 
it  is  known,  by  manifold  experience,  that  sensibility  is  a 
most  noxious  thing  when  improperly  confined,  but,  if  the 
cork  be  drawn,  there  is  no  longer  any  danger  of  bursting 
the  bottle. 

"I  shall  expect  to  see  you  with  your  son  next  spring, 
and  shall  say  nothing  about  your  affairs,  because  I  know 
your  friend  Leray  keeps  you  well  informed.  One  thing, 
however,  I  will  permit  myself  to  observe  :  that  if  your 
landed  property  were  all  lying  together  it  would  be  more 
valuable,  because  it  could  be  managed  with  more  ease 
and  less  expense.  It  is  foolish  enough,  by  the  by,  to  tell 
you  this,  which  your  own  good  sense  cannot  fail  to  have 
told  you  long  ago." 

To  Madame  de  Damas  he  wrote  a  letter  of  condolence 
at  this  time,  on  the  death  of  a  member  of  her  family. 
"This  sore  affliction,"  he  says,  "in  which  I  truly  sym- 
pathize, gives  me  much  pain,  which  I  would  endeavor  to 
relieve  by  endeavoring  to  speak  to  you  words  of  comfort, 
but  I  know  that  such  attempts  can  be  of  little  avail. 
Fortunately  yours  has  already  been  schooled  by  suffer- 
ing, and  has  learnt,  as  well  by  the  possession  as  by  the 
deprivation  of  what  the  world  deems  needful  for  happi- 
ness, how  little  of  happiness  the  world  can  bestow.  Con- 
templation on  the  Divine  perfections,  while  it  teaches  us 
how  little  we  are,  cannot  fail  to  make  us  feel  how  little 
are  all  our  cares  and  all  our  woes.  In  life,  which  is  but  a 
moment,  pleasure  and  pain  occupy  but  a  very  small  part ; 
more  short  and  transitory  than  life  itself.  Eternal  Benefi- 
cence, who  scourges  not  to  wound  but  to  correct,  is  then 
most  exquisitely  kind  when  most  we  sufifer  under  his  wise 
dispensations.  The  universal  parent  kindly  weans  us 
from  the  solace  of  earthly  joys,  that  we  may  be  seasonably 
prepared  for  that  state  of  being  which  we  are  soon  to 


i8o8.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  51I 

commence.  What  it  may  be  we  know  not — we  cannot 
know  ;  but  there  is  sometliing  within  us  which  says  it 
will  be  happy.  Anticipate,  then,  my  dear,  aiBicted  friend, 
this  happiness,  and  correct  the  frowardness  which  might 
lead  you  to  murmur  at  what  the  Almighty  has  ordained. 
They  are  happy  who  know  the  road  they  are  to  travel, 
and  the  entertainment  it  affords,  before  they  reach  the 
end  of  their  journey  ;  they  travel  not  only  content  but 
pleased.  It  is  of  little  moment  what  may  be  the  vehicle 
or  the  mode,  they  know  that  every  object  and  every  cir- 
cumstance are  transitory.  They  enjoy,  therefore,  the 
good  while  it  lasts  moderately,  knowing  that  it  cannot  en- 
dure ;  and  they  bear  unavoidable  ills  with  patience,  from 
the  certainty  that  they  also  must  pass  away.  Make  my 
love  to  the  afflicted  Zephinne,  and  tell  her  that  I  press 
her  to  ray  bosom  with  paternal  affection.  God  bless, 
keep,  and  comfort  you.     Adieu." 

Again  the  diary  takes  up  the  history  of  events,  but  with 
little  aid  from  letters,  during  the  rest  of  the  year.  There 
were  at  this  time  new  roads  proposed  through  Westches- 
ter County  and  through  Morris's  land,  and  this  work,  in 
connection  with  general  plans  for  better  means  of  getting 
off  the  island  on  which  New  York  stands  to  the  surround- 
ing country,  occupied  much  of  his  time.  The  peculiar  po- 
sition of  New  York  made  it  rather  a  difficult  subject  to 
deal  with  successfully. 

"The  geographical  position  of  New  York,"  he  wrote  to 
Simeon  Dewitt,  "while  it  confers  uncommon  advantages  for 
commerce,  involves  considerable  and  unavoidable  incon- 
veniences. The  idle  project  for  making  bridges  across  the 
North  and  East  Rivers  can  never  occupy  the  attention  of 
considerate  men.  To  say  they  are  impracticable  would  be 
rash,  but  they  certainly  cannot  be  built  but  at  an  expense 
infinitely  beyond  any  advantages  they  can  offer  ;  and,  what 


512  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XLVII. 

is  more,  if  they  were  already  built,  the  city  of  New  York 
would  find  it  a  cheap  bargain  to  get  them  taken  away  for  a 
million  of  dollars.  Such  being  the  facts,  it  follows  that 
the  only  tract  of  country  which  is  easily  and  constantly  ac- 
cessible is  the  County  of  Westchester." 

"A  paper  is  brought  to  me  to  day  [February  25th]  con- 
taining a  state  of  our  negotiation  with  Britain.  Our  ad- 
ministration seems  to  be  infatuated." 

"Go  to  church  [March  6th].  In  the  evening  meet,  at 
Mr.  King's,  Mr.  Wolcot,  Mr.  Hammond,  and  Mr.  Rad- 
cliflfe,  to  consider  what  may  be  proper  on  the  present  oc- 
casion ;  whether  to  make  an  effort  to  put  good  men  in 
power  or  remain  quiet  spectators.  I  am  of  the  latter 
opinion.  Mr.  Radcliffe  reads  a  letter  from  Albany,  in- 
forming that  they  have  determined  on  making  a  general 
effort.  He  says  they  have  applied  in  vain  for  information 
as  to  opinions  here.  To  this  I  observe  that  no  such  ap- 
plication has  been  made  to  me  ;  and  Mr.  King  says  that 
none  has  been  made  to  him.  I  declare  my  opposition  to 
any  such  effort,  notwithstanding  that  agreement." 

In  March  Morris  made  a  visit  to  Philadelphia,  where 
going  to  the  play,  dining  at  home,  and  sitting  "with  a 
party  of  young  bucks  until  late,"  visiting  his  old  friends — 
among  them  Mrs.  Robert  Morris,  "  who  looks  beautiful 
as  ever  and  elegant " — and  dining  with  them,  and  sitting 
daily  for  his  picture,  occupied  the  time  until  April,  when 
he  returned  home.  The  next  three  or  four  months  were 
uneventful. 

"On  Sunday  [July  24th]  General  Moreau  dines  with  me. 
It  stands  confirmed  that  Bonaparte,  after  inveigling  the 
Spanish  monarch  and  his  whole  family  into  his  clutches, 
has  forced  them  to  resign  to  him  the  throne,  and  now  he 
keeps  them  in  confinement.  A  great  part  of  Spain,  it  is 
said,  is  in  arms  to  expel  the  French.     I  give  it  as  my  opin- 


i8o9]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  513 

ion  that  they  will  succeed  unless  they  place  some  of  the 
great  nobles  at  their  head.  In  this  case  they  will  be  sold, 
such  is  the  corruption  of  morals  among  the  descendants  of 
the  brave  and  most  honorable  cavaliers  in  the  midst  of  a 
nation  honest  and  loyal." 

Morris  spent  the  autumn  and  part  of  the  summer  in 
the  northern  woods.  Indeed,  the  winter  of  1809  was  well 
advanced  before  he  reached  home.  Early  in  January, 
while  at  Schenectady,  a  very  alarming  illness  overtook 
him,  which  threatened  fatal  consequences.  "  I  am  pre- 
pared to  set  off  after  breakfast,"  he  says,  January  23d, 
"  but  am  arrested  by  some  alarming  symptoms  ;  send  for  a 
physician,  and  make  my  will."  By  the  9th  of  February, 
however,  he  was  able  to  get  to  Albany,  where,  he  says,  "it 
is  very  cold.  When  I  began  to  write,  though  sitting  be- 
fore a  good  fire,  the  ink  froze  so  in  my  pen  that  I  could 
scarcely  get  along.  The  thermometer  was,  I  am  told 
in  the  morning,  ten  below  naught."  On  his  arrival  at 
home  Morris  found  some  views  made  of  his  house  by  the 
pencil  of  his  friend  Mrs.  R.  Macomb  awaiting  him  ;  it 
would  seem,  as  a  gentle  reproof  for  leaving  that  beautiful 
home  so  long  untenanted.  His  acknowledgment  of  the 
attention  shows  that  his  pen  had  not  lost  the  art  of  deli- 
cate flattery  nor  of  the  gracefully  turned  phrase  which  had, 
in  his  younger  days,  so  attracted  the  clever  women  of 
France. 

"I  did  not,  my  dear  madame,"  he  wrote,  "acknowledge 
your  valuable  present  immediately,  test  my  expressions 
should  have  more  warmth  than  consists  with  established 
forms ;  for  it  is  not  uncommon  that,  when  one  is  at  the 
same  time  under  the  influence  of  several  feelings,  the 
glowing  color  which  some  of  them  assume  should  dimin- 
ish the  appearance  of  others.  You  know  so  well  the  effect 
of  light  and  shade  that  to  say  more  would  be  impertinent, 
Vol.  II. — 3 J 


514  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XLVII. 

and  you  have,  I  trust,  so  good  an  opinion  of  me  as  to  be 
convinced  tiiat  I  would  not  have  enjoyed  the  pleasure  of 
your  society  with  indifference.  Accept  sincere  thanks  for 
those  views  of  my  house,  in  which  '  we  see  fancy  outwork 
nature.'  To  others  they  prove  the  extent  of  your  charm- 
ing talent ;  to  me  they  prove  more,  and  possess  for  me 
the  dearer  charm  of  your  kindness.  But  is  it  fair  to  bind 
me  so  fast  and  add  thus  the  tie  of  gratitude  to  those  of 
sentiment  ?  Think  of  my  condition  should  you  bid  me 
break  them  ;  no  infrequent  command,  I  am  told,  of  ladies, 
beautiful  and  young,  to  humble  servants  of  a  certain  age. 

*'  In  the  apprehension  that  such  may  be  my  fate,  I  am 
resolved  to  be  beforehand  in  ray  revenge.  I  send  you 
the  works  of  that  witty,  wicked  devil  Voltaire — to  destroy 
every  Christian  principle  of  your  heart.  When  converted 
by  the  great  apostle  of  infidelity  into  a  downright  hea- 
then, it  may  b§  proper  for  you  to  indulge  the  vainglory  of 
dragging  captives  at  the  wheels  of  a  triumphal  car.  But 
while  you  profess  yourself  to  be  a  Christian,  remember 
that  you  must  love  your  neighbor  as  yourself,  and,  above 
all  things,  do  not  forget  that  among  the  neighbors  who 
acknowledge  that  duty  towards  you,  is  your  obedient  ser- 
vant." 

Enclosed  in  this  letter  were  the  following  lines  : 

While  over  weary  wilds  I  stray 
And  drag  along  the  tedious  way, 
With  skilful  hand  your  kindly  care 
Portrays  my  house,  so  wondrous  fair 
That  none  who  see  it  can  conceive 
How  I  that  pleasing  home  could  leave. 
And  when,  with  raptur'd  gaze,  I  view 
The  vivid  charms  bestow'd  by  you ; 
And  think  of  those  which  you  possess, 
And  think  you  sometimes  deign  to  bless 
The  home  your  hand  has  made  so  fair. 


V 


i8o9.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  «        5^5 

Delighted  fancy  brings  you  there 
And  whispers  sweetly  to  my  heart : 
'  'Tis  folly  from  your  home  to  part.' 

"  The  February  packet  has  arrived  [April  6th],  and 
brought  the  news  that  the  French  have  driven  the  British 
out  of  the  North  of  Spain,  Dine  with  General  Moreau, 
and  discharge  my  servant  William  Wells,  who  declined 
going  behind  my  carriage.  Wherefore  I  am  in  town 
without  a  servant." 

"  Return  home  [April  9th],  bringing  behind  my  carriage 
Dominique,  who  entered  last  Friday  at  ^13  per  month." 

"  The  differences  between  England  and  America  are,  at 
length,  it  seems,  about  to  be  settled  [April  24th].  This 
may  bring  on  a  war  with  France,  unless  the  French  Em- 
peror, finding  full  employment  in  Germany  and  obliged, 
therefore,  to  abandon  Spain,  should  put  some  water  to  his 
wine." 

The  summer  of  1809  was  an  uneventful  one  at  Mor- 
risania.  Possibly  Morris  was  more  agreeably  occupied 
in  making  his  own  arrangements  for  the  future  than  in 
following  the  movements  of  Napoleon's  armies  or  the 
workings  of  the  United  States  Government.  There  is  no 
mention  in  the  diary  of  any  important  change  coming  into 
his  life,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  for  some  months  it  had 
been  his  intention  to  marry  the  daughter  of  his  friend 
Thomas  Mann  Randolph,  of  Tuckahoe,  whom  he  had 
known  as  a  very  beautiful  young  girl  in  Virginia  before 
he  went  to  Europe.  Since  that  time  Miss  Randolph's 
life  had  been  a  sad  one.  Obliged  by  her  father's  ill- 
advised  second  marriage  to  leave  her  home,  she  had 
struggled  for  some  time  with  but  poor  success  to  support 
herself.  Morris,  the  old  and  trusted  friend  of  her  father 
and  mother,  hearing  of  her  reduced  pecuniary  condition, 
and  that  she  was  teaching  in  New  England,  proposed,  in 


5^6  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF         fCHAP.  XLVII. 

the  most  delitate  terms,  that  she  should  accept  the  shel- 
ter of  his  roof,  and  take  charge  of  his  household.  This 
offer  was  accepted  by  Miss  Randolph  in  the  spirit  in 
which  it  was  made,  and  the  spring  of  1809  found  her 
duly  installed.  On  Christmas-day  there  was  a  family  din- 
ner party  at  Morrisania.  Morris  enumerates  his  guests, 
but  says  he  had  expected  many  more  members  of  his 
family,  '*  who  are  detained  by  the  bad  weather.  I  marry 
this  day  Anne  Gary  Randolph,  no  small  surprise  to  my 
guests,"  is  the  only  mention  he  made  of  this  event  at 
the  moment.  There  was,  indeed,  no  small  surprise  oc- 
casioned by  the  step  he  had  taken,  and  no  little  indigna- 
tion, as  may  be  gathered  from  the  following  letter  to  his 
niece  Mrs.  Meredith,  of  Philadelphia,  who  undertook  to 
call  him  to  account  for  the  audacity  he  had  shown  in  tak- 
ing to  himself  a  wife  at  his  time  of  life.  "I  received  your 
letter,  my  dear  child,  yesterday,  and  perceive  in  it  two 
charges  ;  viz.,  that  I  have  committed  a  folly  in  marrying, 
and  have  acted  undutifully  in  not  consulting  you.  I  can 
only  say  to  the  first  that  I  have  not  yet  found  cause  to 
repent,  and  to  the  second  that  I  hope  you  will  pardon  me 
for  violating  an  obligation  of  which  I  was  not  apprised. 
The  decision  of  that  great  question,  whether  the  liberty 
of  a  bachelor  be  more  virtuous  than  the  bondage  of  a 
married  man,  must  be  left  to  you  and  your  friend  Cato  ; 
it  is  beyond  my  competence.  If  I  had  married  a  rich 
woman  of  seventy  the  world  might  think  it  wiser  than  to 
take  one  of  half  that  age  without  a  farthing,  and,  if  the 
world  were  to  live  with  my  wife,  I  should  certainly  have 
consulted  its  taste  ;  but  as  that  happens  not  to  be  the  case, 
I  thought  I  might,  without  offending  others,  endeavor  to 
suit  myself,  and  look  rather  into  the  head  and  heart  than 
into  the  pocket.  Perhaps  it  would  gratify  a  laudable 
curiosity  to  say  what   I  discovered ;  but  that  must   be 


i8io.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  5 17 

omitted,  to  avoid  the  charge  of  partiality — and  the  rather 
as  the  step  I  have  taken  gives  sufficient  evidence  of  my 
opinion.  When  we  have  the  pleasure  to  see  you  at  Mor- 
risania,  it  is  possible  you  may  approve  of  my  choice,  and 
^^ou  will  certainly  find  that  I  am,  as  ever,  affectionately 
yours." 

"Immediately  after  twelve  o'clock  last  night,"  says  the 
diary  for  January  i,  1810,  "we  took,  in  compliance  with 
a  custom  more  honored  in  the  breach  than  the  observ- 
ance, a  glass  to  the  New  Year,  my  male  guests  having 
already  more  than  will  do  tliem  good  ;  the  ladies  not 
present.  And  thus  anotlier  year  is  added  to  the  thou- 
sands which  have  elapsed.  A  very  fine  and  almost  sum- 
mer's day." 

"We  are  told,"  Morris  wrote  on  the  6th  of  January,  to 
the  Honorable  Timothy  Pickering,  then  Senator  from  Mas- 
sachusetts, at  Washington,  "that  your  President  means  to 
send  you  a  war  message.  I  can  hardly  believe  this,  but 
suppose  that,  if  true,  it  will  be  done  in  the  hope  of  such 
strong  opposition  as  may  enable  him  to  pretend  that  he 
was  prevented  b}.'  Americans,  acting  under  British  influ- 
ence, vindicating  our  national  honor.  To  avoid  this  trap, 
it  seems  to  me  that,  if  I  were  a  member  of  either  House  of 
Congress,  I  would  not  say  a  word  on  the  main  question, 
but  assign  the  following  motives  for  my  silence  :  First, 
that  frequent  experience  has  shown  the  inutility  of  rea- 
soning ;  secondly,  that  the  message  proves  the  majority  to 
have  made  up  their  minds  ;  thirdly,  that  as  arguments 
against  the  war  must  rest  on  the  dangers  to  which  it  will  ex- 
pose us,  they  might  be  considered  by  some  as  indications 
to  the  enemy  where  to  assail  us  ;  fourthly,  that  as  the 
honor  of  success  will  belong  to  those  who  shall  conduct  the 
business,  it  is  just  that  they  have  also  the  credit  of  com- 
mencing  it ;  and,  lastly,  that  it  would  be  improper  to  do 


5l8  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XLVII. 

aught  which  may  impair  the  confidence  of  the  people  in  the 
moment  when  it  is  most  necessary  to  the  Government. 
Wherefore,  since  arguments  cannot  prevent  the  war,  and 
must,  if  they  have  any  effect  at  all,  prove  injurious,  it  is  fit 
that  our  rulers  add  this  last  experiment  to  those  already 
made  on  our  prosperity." 

In  March,  1810,  the  two  Houses  of  the  Legislature  of 
New  York,  by  concurrent  vote,  declared  that  the  agricult- 
ural and  commercial  interests  of  the  State  required  that 
the  inland  navigation  from  Hudson's  River  to  Lake  On- 
tario and  Lake  Erie  should  be  increased,  and  accordingly 
appointed  seven  commissioners  to  explore  the  whole  route, 
examine  the  existing  condition  of  the  navigation,  and  con- 
sider what  further  improvement  ought  to  be  made  therein. 

Morris  was  appointed  among  the  commissioners.  Speak- 
ing of  the  duties  of  the  commissioners,  in  a  letter  dated 
April  25th,  to  Mr.  Henry  Latrobe  at  Washington,  he  says  : 
"  An  appropriation  of  three  thousand  dollars  has  been 
made  to  this  and  another  object  referred  to  the  same 
commissioners,  who  conceive,  from  the  smallness  of  the 
sum,  that  the  legislature  did  not  contemplate  the  employ- 
ment of  an  engineer  with  the  needful  assistants.  My  own 
view  of  the  subject  is  tolerably  clear,  but  that  other  gen- 
tlemen will  see  it  in  the  light  in  which  I  do  is  very  doubt- 
ful. Supposing,  moreover,  that  we  should  agree  on  a 
plan,  no  discreet  man  would  undertake  to  say  that  it 
will  meet  the  approbation  of  the  next  legislature  ;  and, 
even  if  it  should,  what  ground  is  there  to  believe  that  the 
General  Government  will  do  their  part  ?  And  yet  a  great 
part  must  be  performed  by  them.  Their  territory  lying 
round  the  lakes  will,  by  a  proper  inland  navigation,  be 
rendered  more  valuable  than  the  w^hole  of  this  State,  and» 
it  cannot  be  expected  that  she  will  bear  all,  or  even  the 
greater  part,  of  the  burden,  when  the  far  greater  part  of 


i8io.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  519 

the  benefit  must  result  to  the  Union.  ...  I  hope  the 
business  may  be  effected  in  a  proper  manner,  for  it  is  (I 
believe)  the  most  extensive  theatre  for  the  display  of 
skill  and  industry  which  can  be  found  on  this  globe. 
But  I  fear  that  our  minds  are  not  yet  enlarged  to  the  size 
of  so  great  an  object,  and  I  am  thoroughly  persuaded  that 
the  attempt  at,  and  still  more  the  execution  of,  any  little 
scheme  may  probably  frustrate,  and  certainly  postpone, 
that  which  is  alone  worthy  of  notice." 

On  the  2ist  of  June  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Morris  started  on 
their  journey  through  New  York,  to  inspect  the  country 
through  which  the  new  canal  was  to  be  built.  Their  route 
lay,  after  reaching  Albany,  through  what  is  now  the  admir- 
ably cultivated,  picturesque  farming  country  of  the  State. 
Then  it  required  a  far-seeing  vision  to  picture  what  it 
might  be  in  the  future  ;  for  the  woods  were  still  standing, 
the  roads  of  the  most  questionable  description,  and  the 
inns,  as  a  rule,  insufferably  bad.  "  I  am  perfectly  con- 
vinced," Morris  said,  after  a  careful  inspection  of  rivers 
and  creeks,  "  that  unless  the  waters  of  Lake  Erie  are 
used,  every  attempt  at  a  useful  inland  navigation  must 
fail." 

Arrived  at  Niagara,  on  the  Canada  side,  July  23d,  Mor- 
ris notes  :  "Very  little  improvement  here  since  my  last 
visit,  and  in  that  short  space  the  other  side,  from  being  a 
wilderness,  has  become  in  a  degree  a  cultivated  country. 
Say  what  they  will  of  republican  government,  and  it  has 
no  doubt  its  dark  side,  none  other  is  so  favorable  to  the 
multiplication  of  the  human  race  and  the  decoration  of  the 
earth  within  its  limits." 

"About  noon  [July  25th]  I  walk  to  a  shop,  and  ask  for 
hair-ribbon.  There  is  but  one  piece,  and  that  very  bad, 
such  as  I  purchased  at  Utica  for  five  cents.  The  honest 
dealer  asks  twelve  and  a  half.     The  Utica  man  gave  twenty 


520  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XLVII. 

yards  for  a  dollar  instead  of  thirty,  which  might  be  the 
fair  price  had  it  been  of  good  quality  ;  the  Chippeway 
man  gives  only  eight.  I  express  my  surprise  and  do  not 
purchase,  but  ask  where  he  got  it.  He  says  in  New  York. 
This  seems  to  me  a  phenomenon  about  as  great  as  the 
cataract  which  is  thundering  in  our  ears,  for  the  duties  on 
goods  are  here  little  or  nothing,  and  with  us  about  seven- 
teen and  a  half  per  cent.  However,  they  must  be  intro- 
duced into  Canada  from  the  United  States  in  contraband. 
We  learn  that  our  brother-commissioners  were  at  Oswego 
last  Sunday,  heartily  tired  of  their  progress  by  water,  and 
determined,  if  possible,  to  come  on  by  land." 

On  the  3d  of  August  the  commissioners  met  at  Lewis- 
ton,  and  dined  at  Judge  Porter's.  They  transacted  their 
business,  but  there  was  a  doubt  in  Morris's  mind  that,  in 
the  variety  of  opinions,  "the  most  correct  will  not  be  the 
most  prevalent."  On  the  return  journey,  which  com- 
menced on  the  3d  of  August,  the  travellers  were  not  a 
little  disconcerted  by  the  reception  they  met,  in  the  vari- 
ous inns  along  the  way,  in  most  of  which  were  fully  de- 
veloped the  independent  ways  of  the  Republic,  which  in 
theory  Morris  approved  of,  but  which  in  practice  were  not 
always  so  acceptable. 

"The  landlady,  her  daughters,  and  their  guests  are  sitting 
to  a  comfortable  breakfast,"  he  says,  on  one  occasion, 
"  when  we  arrive,and  in  two  hours  after  we  sit  down  to  ours, 
so  rapid  are  the  movements  of  a  country  where  the  young 
women  wear  fine  caps  amd  leave  their  mothers  to  scour  the 
kettle.  After  leaving  Mrs.  Burry's  inn  we  come  on  to  Mr. 
Steele's,  who  is  in  his  fields,  and  his  wife  too  much  engaged 
to  trouble  herself  about  us.  A  pert  damsel,  who  assumes 
to  be  Mrs.  Steele,  says  we  cannot  be  accommodated  with  a 
bed-chamber  because  they  have  none  that  has  not  several 
beds.     This  is  no  objection  to  us,  but  we  are  told  that,  if 


j8io.]  GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  521 

more  guests  arrive,  they  will  be  lodged  in  the  same  room. 
We  are  obliged  to  come  on  to  Canandaigua." 

"  Sunday  [September  2d],  we  stop  at  Lebanon  Springs. 
Ride  to  see  the  divine  service  of  tlie  Shaking  Quakers. 
The  preacliing  is  comnienced  before  we  arrive.  We  have 
a  short  address  of  invitation  to  us,  the  by-standers,  to  be- 
come members  of  their  fraternity,  after  which  tliey  sing 
a  liymn  to  the  tune  of  '  Jolly  mortals,  fill  your  glasses," 
and  dance,  moving  backwards  and  f(jrwards  to  the  tune 
of  an  old  country-dance — the  men  on  one  side  and  women 
on  the  otlier,  each  company  regularly  arranged  in  rank 
and  file.  I3efore  the  hymn  they  all  (being  thereto  in- 
vited by  tlie  preacher)  fall  on  their  knees,  and,  closing 
their  eyes,  arc,  or  appear  to  be,  wrapt  in  meditation. 
After  two  dances,  with  a  short  pause  between,  a  young 
preacher  comes  forward  and  addresses  us  in  a  sensible 
discourse  (disfigured,  indeed,  by  useless  repetition),  the 
object  of  which  is  to  prove  that  we  ought  to  abandon 
worldly  pursuits,  pleasures,  and  enjoyments,  and,  more  es- 
pecially, the  conjugal  pleasures,  for  the  sake  of  that  pure 
felicity  which  attends  celibacy.  The  usual  texts  by  which 
the  Romish  Church  defends  that  luinatural  (and  there- 
fore inn)ious)  doctrine  are  quoted,  and,  with  the  vainglory 
usual  amcjug  sectaries,  the  smooth-chinned  doctor  assures 
us  that  they  are  the  true  disciples,  the  chosen  of  (»od, 
who  see,  feel,  and  know  him.  Alas!  poor  creatures.  They 
know  that  inconii)rehensible  Being  who  fills  immensity, 
everywhere  present,  everywhere  operating  before  time  be- 
gan and  tlH"ough  eternity  !  At  this  proud  boast  we  leave  the 
preacher  and  his  congregation  to  return  to  our  quarters. 
How  true  that  saving  of  Solomon,  that  there  is  nothing  new 
under  the  sun,  and  how  ridiculous  the  notion,  entertained 
by  some,  of  the  perfectibility  of  human  nature.  Now,  in 
tlie  nineteenth  century,  we  see   the   same  contrivances  of 


522  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF         [Chap.  XLVII. 

superstition  and  enthusiasm  succeed  in  this  enlightened 
country  which  duped  our  ignorant  forefathers  seven  cen- 
turies ago  ;  and  while  these  forlorn  Shakers  pursue  that 
beaten  track  to  perfecting  which,  if  generally  followed, 
must  occasion  the  extinction  of  mankind,  our  self-suffi- 
cient philosophers  expect,  it  would  seem,  to  reach  the  same 
pinnacle  by  mathematical  abstractions  and  chemical  solu- 
tions, but,  above  all,  by  giving  new  names  to  old  things 
and  tricking  themselves  into  a  belief  that  science  is  ex- 
tended in  proportion  as  the  size  of  the  dictionary  is  swol- 
len by  terms  borrowed  from  the  Greek." 

Morris  had  for  months  imposed  upon  himself  a  strict 
silence  on  public  affairs,  but  after  the  beginning  of  the 
year  1811  his  letters  became  more  full  of  the  alarming 
questions  agitating  the  country.  He  spoke  in  a  letter  to 
Robert  Walsh,  of  Philadelphia  (February  5th),  of  "  his 
natural  indolence,  which,"  he  said,  "  is  increased  by  the 
love  of  ease  which  is  incident  to  age  on  one  side,  and,  on 
the  other,  a  greater  mass  of  business  than  I  can  conven- 
iently get  through  deters  me  from  engagements  which 
may  require  effort  or  consume  time.  At  different  times 
I  have  taken  up  my  pen  to  communicate  what  I  believed 
might  be  useful,  and  laid  it  down  again  from  recollection 
of  the  text,  '  If  they  will  not  believe  Moses  and  the  proph- 
ets, neither  would  they  believe  though  one  should  rise 
from  the  dead.'  Montesquieu  said,  tritely,  he  did  not 
write  to  make  people  read,  but  to  make  them  think.  Did 
he  live  in  our  day  and  our  country,  he  would  find  it  no 
easy  matter  to  make  them  read.  Truth  is,  that  the  adhe- 
rents of  the  ruling  party  shun  information.  Such  of  them 
as  are  deceived  do  not  wish  to  be  undeceived.  The  mis- 
chief lies  deeper,  I  fear,  than  is  generally  supposed  by 
good  men.  Ignorant  as  the  mass  of  mankind  must  of 
necessity  and  forever  be  of  the  great  political  subjects,  it 


i8ii.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  523 

is  not  so  much  the  ignorance  as  the  depravity  of  our  citi- 
zens which  causes  their  misfortunes.  So  much  has  been 
said  on  certain  subjects  that  it  is  almost  impossible  not  to 
comprehend,  and  so  much  has  been  felt  that  the  most 
stubborn  are  brought  to  a  practical  conviction.  But  the 
choice  of  rulers  continues  the  same,  because  those  who 
choose  and,  more  especially,  those  by  whom  they  are 
influenced  and  led  have  a  personal  interest  in  the  con- 
stitution and  continuation  of  a  bad  government ;  they  do 
themselves  the  justice  to  feel  that  by  a  wise  and  good  ad- 
ministration they  would  neither  be  employed  nor  trusted. 
Many,  therefore,  who  think  with  us,  act  against  us.  A 
national  condition  of  this  sort  cannot  long  continue. 
National  misfortune,  which  is  the  certain  consequence,  is 
also  the  natural  correction  of  national  corruption.  All 
history  bears  witness  to  this  truth,  so  often  proclaimed  in 
the  sacred  writings.  Excuse  me  ;  perhaps  I  am  not  suf- 
ficiently philosophical  for  the  fashion  of  our  day,  but  that 
which,  from  reading,  was  faith,  has  by  experience  become 
conviction. 

"Speaking  of  General  Hamilton,  he  had  little  share  in 
forming  the  Constitution.  He  disliked  it,  believing  all 
republican  government  to  be  radically  defective.  He  ad- 
mired, nevertheless,  the  British  constitution,  which  I  con- 
sider as  an  aristocracy  in  fact,  though  a  monarchy  in  name. 
General  Hamilton  hated  republican  government,  because 
he  confounded  it  with  democratical  government ;  and  he 
detested  the  latter,  because  he  believed  it  must  end  in 
despotism,  and,  be  in  the  mean  time,  destructive  to  public 
morality.  He  believed  that  our  administration  would  be 
enfeebled  progressively  at  every  new  election,  and  become 
at  last  contemptible.  He  apprehended  that  the  minions 
of  faction  would  sell  themselves  and  their  country  as  soon 
as  foreign  powers  should  think  it  worth  while  to  make  the 


524  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XLVII.: 

purchase.  In  short,  his  study  of  ancient  history  impressed 
on  his  mind  a  conviction  that  democracy,  ending  in  ty- 
ranny, is,  while  it  lasts,  a  cruel  and  oppressing  domination. 
One  marked  trait  of  the  General's  character  was  the  per- 
tinacious adherence  to  opinions  he  had  once  formed. 
From  his  situation  in  early  life,  it  was  not  to  be  expected 
that  he  should  have  a  fellow-feeling  with  those  who  idly 
supposed  themselves  to  be  the  natural  aristocracy  of  this 
country.  In  maturer  age,  his  observation  and  good  sense 
demonstrated  that  the  materials  for  an  aristocracy  do  not 
exist  in  America ;  wherefore,  taking  the  people  as  a  mass 
in  which  there  was  nothing  of  family,  wealth,  prejudice, 
or  habit  to  raise  a  permanent  mound  of  distinction — in 
which,  moreover,  the  torrent  of  opinion  had  already 
washed  away  every  mole-hill  of  respect  raised  by  the  in- 
dustry of  individual  pride,  he  considered  the  fate  of  Rome 
in  her  meridian  splendor,  and  that  of  Athens  from  the 
dawn  to  the  sunset  of  her  glory,  as  the  portraits  of  our 
future  fortune.  Moreover,  the  extent  of  the  United  States 
led  him  to  fear  a  defect  of  national  sentiment.  That 
which,  at  the  time  our  Constitution  was  formed,  had  been 
generated  by  friendship  in  the  Revolutionary  War,  was 
sinking  under  the  pressure  of  State  interest,  commercial 
rivalry,  the  pursuit  of  wealth,  and  those  thousand  giddy 
projects  which  the  intoxication  of  independence,  an  ex- 
travagant idea  of  our  own  importance,  a  profound  igno- 
rance of  other  nations,  the  prostration  of  public  credit,  and 
the  paucity  of  our  resources  had  engendered.  He  heart-- 
ily  assented,  nevertheless,  to  the  Constitution,  because  he 
considered  it  as  a  band  which  might  hold  us  together  for 
some  time,  and  he  knew  that  national  sentiment  is  the  off- 
spring of  national  existence.  He  trusted,  moreover,  that 
in  the  chances  and  changes  of  time  we  should  be  involved 
in  some  war  which  might  strengthen  our  union  and  nerve 


i8ii.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  $2$ 

the  Executive.  He  was  not  (as  some  have  supposed)  so 
blind  as  not  to  see  that  the  President  could  purchase 
power,  and  shelter  himself  from  responsibility  by  sacrific- 
ing the  rights  and  duties  of  his  office  at  the  shrine  of  in- 
fluence ;  but  he  was  too  proud,  and,  let  me  add,  too  virtu- 
ous to  recommend  or  tolerate  measures  eventually  fatal  to 
liberty  and  honor. 

"  It  was  not,  then,  because  he  thought  the  Executive 
Magistrate  too  feeble  to  carry  on  the  business  of  the  State 
that  he  wished  him  to  possess  more  authority  ;  but  be- 
cause he  thought  there  was  not  sufficient  power  to  carry 
on  the  business  honestly.  He  apprehended  a  corrupt 
understanding  between  the  Executive  and  a  dominating 
party  in  the  Legislature  which  would  destroy  the  Presi- 
dent's responsibility,  and  he  was  not  to  be  taught  (what 
everyone  knows)  that  where  responsibility  ends,  fraud,  in- 
justice, tyranny,  and  treachery  begin.  General  Hamilton 
was  of  that  kind  of  man  which  may  most  safely  be  trusted  ; 
for  he  was  more  covetous  of  glory  than  of  wealth  or  poWer. 
But  he  was  of  all  men  the  most  indiscreet.  He  knew 
that  a  limited  monarchy,  even  if  established,  could  not 
preserve  itself  in  this  country.  He  knew,  also,  that  it 
could  not  be  established,  because  there  is  not  the  regular 
gradation  of  ranks  among  our  citizens  which  is  essential 
to  that  species  of  government,  and  he  very  well  knew  that 
no  monarchy  whatever  could  be  established  but  by  the 
mob.  When  a  multitude  of  indigent,  profligate  people 
can  be  collected  and  organized,  their  envy  of  wealth,  tal- 
ents, and  reputation  will  induce  them  to  give  themselves 
a  master,  provided  that,  in  so  doing,  they  can  mortify  and 
humble  their  superiors.  But  there  is  no  instance  to  prove, 
and  it  is,  indeed,  flatly  absurd  to  suppose,  that  the  upper 
ranks  of  society  will,  by  setting  up  a  king,  put  down  them- 
selves.    Fortunately  for  us,  no  such  mass  of  people  can  be 


526  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLVII. 

collected  in  America.  None  such  exists.  But  although 
General  Hamilton  knew  these  things,  from  the  study  of 
history,  he  never  failed,  on  every  occasion,  to  advocate  the 
excellence  of  and  avow  his  attachment  to  monarchical  gov- 
ernment. By  this  course  he  not  only  cut  himself  off  from 
all  chance  of  rising  into  office,  but  singularly  promoted 
the  views  of  his  opponents,  who,  with  the  fondness  for 
wealth  and  power  which  he  had  not,  affected  a  love  for 
the  people  which  he  had  and  which  they  had  not.  Thus, 
meaning  very  well,  he  acted  very  ill,  and  approached  the 
evils  he  apprehended  by  his  very  solicitude  to  keep  them 
at  a  distance.  Those  who  formed  our  Constitution  were 
not  blind  to  its  defects.  They  believed  a  monarchical  form 
to  be  neither  solid  nor  durable.  They  conceived  it  to  be 
vigorous  or  feeble,  active  or  slothful,  wise  or  foolish,  mild 
or  cruel,  just  or  unjust,  according  to  the  personal  charac- 
ter of  the  prince.  It  is  deceptive  to  cite  the  duration  of 
French  monarchy  at  eight  centuries.  In  that  period  the 
provinces  which  lately  composed  it  passed,  by  various  fort- 
une, from  their  subjection  to  Rome  through  the  conquest 
of  barbarians,  the  ferociousness  of  feudal  aristocracy,  and 
the  horrors  of  anarchy  and  civil  war  to  their  union  under 
the  Bourbons.  That  union  was  not  consolidated  until  the 
soaring  spirit  of  Richelieu  and  the  flexible  temper  of  Ma- 
zarin  had  tamed  an  indignant  nobility  to  the  yoke  of  obe- 
dience. By  the  vanity,  the  ambition,  and  the  talents  of 
Louis  Fourteenth  France  became  the  terror  of  Europe. 
By  the  facile  immorality  of  the  Regent  and  the  lascivious 
feebleness  of  Louis  Fifteenth  she  sank  almost  into  con- 
tempt. After  a  few  years  of  distempered  existence,  under 
the  mild  and  virtuous  Louis  Sixteenth,  the  lamp  of  that 
boasted  monarchy  was  extinguished  in  his  blood. 

"  Fond,  however,  as  the  framers  of  our  National  Con- 
stitution were  of  republican  government,  they  were  not 


i8n.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  52/ 

SO  much  blinded  by  their  attachment  as  not  to  discern  the 
difficulty,  perhaps  impracticability,  of  raising  a  durable 
edifice  from  crumbling  materials.  History,  the  parent  of 
political  science,  had  told  them  that  it  was  almost  as  vain 
to  expect  permanency  from  democracy  as  to  construct  a 
palace  on  the  surface  of  the  sea.  But  it  would  have  been 
foolish  to  fold  their  arms  and  sink  into  despondence  be- 
cause they  could  neither  form  nor  establish  the  best  of  all 
possible  systems.  They  tell  us,  in  their  President's  letter  oi 
the  17th  September,  1787  :  'The  Constitution  which  we  now 
present  is  the  result  of  a  spirit  of  amity  and  of  that  mutual 
deference  and  concession  which  the  peculiarity  of  our  po- 
litical situation  rendered  indispensable.'  It  is  not  easy  to 
be  wise  for  all  times,  not  even  for  the  present — much  less 
for  the  future  ;  and  those  who  judge  of  the  past  must  recol- 
lect that,  when  it  was  present,  the  present  was  future. 
Supposing,  however,  that  one  or  two  solitary  individuals, 
blessed  with  an  unusual  portion  of  the  divine  afflatus, 
could  determine  what  will  fit  futurity,  they  would  find  it 
no  easy  task  to  prevail  so  far  witli  the  present  generation 
as  to  induce  their  adoption  of  a  plan  at  variance  with 
their  feelings.  As  in  war  so  in  politics,  much  must  be 
left  to  chance  ;  or,  in  other  words,  to  combinations  of  which 
we  are  igyiorant.  It  was  therefore  pardonable  to  suppose 
that  what  would,  in  one  day,  be  neither  advisable  nor  prac- 
ticable, might,  in  another  day,  be  safe  and  easy.  Perhaps 
there  is  still  in  my  old  bosom  too  much  of  youthful  ardor 
of  hope,  but  I  do  not  despair  of  our  country.  True  it  is, 
that  the  present  state  of  things  has  approached  with  un- 
looked-for rapidity  ;  but  in  that  very  circumstance  there  is 
a  source  of  comfort.  In  spite  of  the  power  of  corruption, 
there  is  still,  perhaps,  enough  of  public  sentiment  left  to 
sanctify  the  approaching  misfortunes.  Let  not  good  men 
despair  because  the  people  were  not  awakened  by  what 


i 


528  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLVII. 

has  passed.  It  would  be  considered  that,  in  proportion  to 
the  size  and  strength  of  the  patient  and  to  the  dulness  of 
his  organs,  the  dose  must  be  large  to  operate  with  effect. 
The  Embargo  produced  so  much  of  nausea  that  our  State 
doctors  perceived  the  necessity  of  an  opiate.  Thus  the  in- 
cipient spasm  was  lulled,  but  causes  must  eventually  pro- 
duce their  effect. 

"This  digression  leads  us,  however,  from  the  point  of 
your  inquiry,  '  How  far  has  the  Senate  answered  the  end  of 
its  creation  ? '  I  answer,  further  than  was  expected,  but  by 
no  means  so  far  as  was  wished.  It  is  necessary,  here,  to 
anticipate  one  of  your  subsequent  questions.  *  What  has 
been,  and  what  is  now,  the  influence  of  the  State  govern- 
ments on  the  federal  system  ?'  To  obtain  anything  like  a 
check  on  the  rashness  of  democracy,  it  was  necessary  not 
only  to  organize  the  Legislature  into  differe^it  bodies  (for 
that  alone  is  a  poor  expedient),  but  to  endeavor  that  these 
bodies  should  be  animated  by  a  different  spirit.  To  this 
end  the  States,  in  their  corporate  capacity,  were  made  elec- 
tors of  the  Senate,  and,  so  long  as  the  State  governments 
had  considerable  influence  and  the  consciousness  of  dig- 
nity which  that  influence  imparts,  the  Senate  felt  some  of 
the  desired  sentiment,  and  answered  in  some  degree  the 
end  of  its  institution.  But  that  day  is  past.  This  opens 
to  our  view  a  dilemma  which  was  not  experienced  when 
the  Constitution  was  formed.  If  the  State  influence  should 
continue,  the  Union  could  not  last;  and  if  it  did  not,  the 
utility  of  the  Senate  would  cease.  It  was  avowed  in  the 
Convention  at  an  early  day  (by  one  who  had  afterwards 
a  considerable  share  of  the  business),  when  the  necessity 
of  drawing  a  line  between  National  sovereignty  and  State 
independence  was  insisted  on,  •  that  if  Aaron's  rod  could 
not  swallow  the  rods  of  the  magicians,  their  rods  would 
swallow  his.'     But  it  is  one  thing  to  perceive  a  dilemma, 


i8ii.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  529 

and  another  thing  to  get  out  of  it.  In  the  option  between 
two  evils,  that  which  appeared  to  be  the  least  was  preferred, 
and  the  power  of  the  Union  provided  for.  At  present,  the 
influence  of  the  General  Government  has  so  thoroughly 
pervaded  every  State  that  all  the  little  wheels  are  obliged 
to  turn  according  to  the  great  one.  The  Senate  (in  my 
poor  opinion)  is  little,  if  any  check,  either  on  the  Presi- 
dent or  the  House  of  Representatives.  It  has  not  the  dis- 
position. The  members  of  both  Houses  are  creatures 
which,  though  differently  born,  are  begotten  in  the  same 
way  and  by  the  same  sire.  They  have,  of  course,  the 
sarye  temper,  but  their  opposition,  were  they  disposed  to 
make  any,  would  be  feeble  ;  they  would  easily  be  borne 
down  by  the  other  House,  in  which  the  power  resides.  The 
President  can,  indeed,  do  what  he  pleases,  provided  it  shall 
always  please  him  to  place  those  who  lead  a  majority  of 
the  Representatives.  This  matter  is  understood  among 
the  parties  concerned.  The  Representatives,  however,  do 
not  yet  know  that  their  power  has  no  bound  except  their 
discretion  ;  but  a  pleasant  lesson  is  easily  learned,  and  the 
more  they  feel  their  power  the  less  will  be  their  discre- 
tion. Authority  so  placed  is  liable  as  well  to  excess  as  to 
abuse,  and  this  country,  unless  I  am  mistaken,  will  experi- 
ence not  a  little  of  both. 

"  In  what  has  already  been  said  you  may  find  some  an- 
swer to  your  question,  'How  far  have  the  Amendments  to 
the  Constitution  altered  its  spirit?'  These  amendments 
are,  generally  speaking,  mere  verbiage.  It  has  been  said 
that  our  Constitution  is  remarkable  for  the  perspicuity  of 
its  language,  and,  if  so,  there  was  some  hazard  in  attempt- 
ing to  clothe  any  of  its  provisions  by  the  (so-called) 
amendment  in  dififerent  terms.  It  would  be  a  tedious 
work  of  supererogation  to  show  that  the  original  Constitu- 
tion contained  those  guards  which  form  the  apparent  ob- 
Vou  II.— 34 


530  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF         [Chap.  XLVII. 

ject  of  the  amendments.  Put  your  finger  on  the  Sixth 
Article  of  the  amendments.  It  is  there  written:  'The 
right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  persons,  houses, 
papers,  and  effects  against  unreasonable  searches  and 
seizures  shall  not  be  violated,  and  no  warrants  shall  issue 
but  upon  probable  cause,  supported  by  oath  or  affirmation 
and  particularly  describing  the  place  to  be  searched,  and 
the  persons  or  things  to  be  seized.'  Had  this  provision 
been  made  after  the  last  supplement  to  the  late  Embargo 
law,  it  might  be  considered  by  a  giddy  populace  as  giving 
them  suflficient  security  against  the  outrageous  proceed- 
ings directed  by  that  supplement.  But  considerate  men 
are  not  the  dupes  of  patriotic  professions,  neither  will 
they  confide  the  defence  of  their  liberty  to  paper  bul- 
warks. Such  men  never  believed  the  amendments  gave 
any  additional  security  to  life,  liberty,  or  property.  But 
very  few  in  America,  perhaps  twenty,  could  imagine  that 
the  very  authors  of  the  article  just  cited  would  be  the 
first  to  violate  it ;  and  that  in  a  manner  so  flagrant  and 
shameless.  Let  noisy  dram-shop  politicians  roar  out  their 
adoration  of  our  divine  system,  their  detestation  of  des- 
pots, and  their  contempt  for  the  slaves  of  Britain.  You, 
sir,  well  know  that  neither  would  a  British  monarch  sug- 
gest, nor  a  British  minister  propose,  nor  a  British  parlia- 
ment dare  to  exact  a  statute  so  hostile  to  freedom  as  that 
last  supplement  to  the  Embargo.  It  must  not,  however, 
be  concluded  that  the  American  people  are  prepared  for 
the  yoke  of  despotism.  Should  power  revert  to  federal 
hands,  and  should  they,  presuming  on  the  precedent,  at- 
tempt anything  one-tenth  part  as  improper,  they  would 
soon  be  made  sensible  of  the  difference.  But  it  is  an  evil 
inseparable  from  democracy  that  the  leaders  of  that  fac- 
tion which  includes  the  lower  class  of  citizens  may  com- 
mit the  greatest  excesses  with  impunity.     This  my  friend 


i8ii.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  53 1 

Haijiilton  distinctly  foresaw,  and  would,  were  he  now 
alive,  reproach  his  intimate  friends  for  their  attachment 
to  a  government  so  liable  to  abuse.  The  reproach,  how- 
ever, would  be  ineffectual.  They  would  defend  them- 
selves by  observing  that  the  great  body  of  American  free- 
holders have  such  direct  interest  in  the  preservation  of 
law  and  order  that  they  will  stand  forth  to  secure  .their 
rights  when  the  necessity  for  it  shall  appear.  They  would 
say,  further,  that  such  necessity  cannot  be  shown  by  a 
political  ratiocination.  Luckily,  or,  to  speak  with  a  rev- 
erence proper  to  the  occasion,  providentially,  mankind 
are  not  disposed  to  embark  the  blessings  they  enjoy  on  a 
voyage  of  syllogistic  adventure  to  obtain  something  more 
beautiful  in  exchange.  They  must  feel  before  they  will 
act.  This  is  proved  not  only  by  the  history  of  other  na- 
tions but  by  our  own.  When  misfortunes  press  hard,  and 
not  before,  the  people  will  look  for  that  wisdom  and 
virtue  in  which  formerly  they  found  safety.  They  will 
then  listen  to  the  voice  which,  in  the  wantonness  of  pros- 
perity, they  despised.  Then,  and  not  till  then,  can  the 
true  patriot  be  of  any  use." 


532  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XLVllI. 


CHAPTER  XLVIII. 

Morris  makes  his  report  on  inland  navigation.  Is  one  of  the  commission- 
ers to  lay  out  New  York.  Travels  by  steam-boat  to  Albany.  Goes  to 
Washington.  The  memorable  year  of  1812.  Delivers  an  oration  at 
the  funeral  of  Mr.  Clinton.  War  declared.  Letter  to  Mr.  Hare.  Con- 
siders the  declaration  of  war  as  little  short  of  madness.  Letters  on 
the  subject.  Opinion  of  the  course  to  be  pursued  in  relation  to  Great 
Britain.  No  faith  in  the  proposed  loan.  Letter  to  Otis.  Alarm  at 
the  extent  of  the  domain  of  the  United  States. 

MAKING  up  and  handing  in  the  report  of  the  Com- 
missioners on  Inland  Navigation  in  the  State  of 
New  York,  together  with  his  duties  as  one  of  the  commis- 
sioners to  lay  out  Manhattan  Island,  and  a  very  sharp  and 
protracted  fit  of  the  gout,  entirely  occupied  Morris  dur- 
ing the  winter  of  i8ii.  In  May  he  wrote  to  M.  Leray  de 
Chaumont,  asking  if  a  loan  of  ^5,000,000  might  be  ef- 
fected on  the  credit  of  the  State  of  New  York,  to  execute 
the  important  work  of  opening  inland  navigation  in  New 
York  State.  Such  a  loan,  he  thought,  might  be  effected  in 
Switzerland,  "where,  perhaps,  will  most  readily  be  found 
the  people  desirous  of  transporting  themselves  and  their 
property  across  the  Atlantic.  And  I  wish  it  to  be  im- 
pressed on  your  mind  that  a  loan  which  will  bring  the 
lenders  to  our  country  is  in  fact,  taking  the  nation  in 
mass,  no  loan  at  all,  but  a  clear  gain,  both  of  the  men 
and  their  property." 

A  meeting  of  the  Canal  Commissioners  called  Morris  to 
Albany  in  June,  and  he,  with  true  public  spirit,  intrusted 
himself  to   the  mercies  of  the  steam-boat.      "  We  leave 


iSii.l  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  533 

home,"  he  says,  June  19th,  "at  one,  and  embark  in  the 
steam-boat  a  few  minutes  before  five,  at  which  hour  we 
leave  the  wharf,  and  proceed  up  Hudson's  River  against 
the  wind.  The  lodging  is  so  uncomfortable  that  I  can 
stay  in  bed  but  a  short  time,  though  the  evening  is  cool." 

"Early  this  morning  [June  20th]  I  come  on  deck,  and 
find  we  are  opposite  to  West  Point;  the  wind  still  unfa- 
vorable, but  our  progress  good,  considering  that  the  cur- 
rent also  is  adverse.  Mr.  Fulton,  who  is  on  board,  tells 
me  that  the  paddles  of  his  wheels  move  with  a  velocity  of 
eight  miles  per  hour.  Whenever,  therefore,  he  meets  a 
current  of  two  miles,  his  operating  velocity  is  reduced  to 
six.  The  velocity  given  to  the  boat  must  be  between  the 
velocity  of  the  paddle  and  the  rate  at  which  it  goes 
through  the  water ;  or,  rather,  if  the  water  be  still  and  the 
paddle  pass  through  it  at  the  rate  of  two  miles  per  hour, 
the  boat  will  be  propelled  at  the  rate  of  six,  etc.  As  the 
lodging  is  so  comfortless,  I  remain  oq  deck  till  we  reach 
Albany,  which  is  at  midnight." 

"  Our  Board  of  Commissioners  meets  early  [June  21st], 
and  we  get  on  well  with  our  business,  except  that  rather 
too  large  a  share  of  it  is  laid  on  me." 

"  A  very  warm  day  [June  22d].  Embark  in  the  steam- 
boat at  half  an  hour  after  eight,  and,  having  run  a  little 
way  up  and  turned,  are  fairly  on  our  road  downwards,  with 
a  fresh  fair  wind,  at  a  quarter  before  nine.  We  pick  up 
some  passengers  from  vessels  aground  on  the  Overslough 
Shoal.  Indeed,  there  is  a  frequent  ejection  and  collection 
of  passengers  from  towns  and  places  along  the  river.  In 
the  course  of  the  day  the  engine  receives  an  injury  from 
a  piece  of  wood  thrown  among  the  works  by  a  careless 
servant.  This  retards  our  progress.  Sit  all  night  on 
deck,  and  get  a  little  uneasy.     Sleep  in  my  chair." 

"  We  enter  the  Highlands  at  sunrise  [June  23d],  and 


534  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF        [Chap.XLVIII 

breakfast  below  Haverstraw,  having  a  fair  wind  and  tide. 
When  nearly  opposite  to  Manhattanville  the  engine  gets 
again  out  of  order;  but  we  have  no  longer  any  interest  in 
it,  for  here  I  disembark,  hire  a  carriage,  and  reach  my  own 
house  at  two  in  the  afternoon.  Thus  in  five  days  and  an 
hour  I  have  dined  in  New  York,  gone  to  Albany,  spent 
two  complete  days  in  business  there,  and  returned.  This 
movement  of  boats  by  steam  is  a  very  fine  application  of 
that  power.  The  table  kept  is  excellent,  and  the  night 
accommodation,  though  bad,  is,  considering  the  numbers 
(upward  of  one  hundred  on  Tuesday),  much  better  than 
could  have  been  hoped  for  in  a  first  experiment.  The 
price  of  a  passenger  is  but  $7 — a  servant  half  as  much  ; 
the  distance,  upward  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  which 
for  a  gentleman  and  his  servant  is  at  the  rate  of  seven 
cents  per  mile.  Travelling  in  France,  in  a  post-chaise  of 
my  own,  cost  me  for  myself  and  my  servant  at  the  rate  of 
one  shilling  sterling,  per  mile,  and  our  average  velocity 
about  five  miles  per  hour  ;  distance,  about  sixty  miles  per 
day.  Here  the  price  is  about  3f^.  sterling  per  mile,  the 
average  velocity  about  five  miles  per  hour,  distance  about 
one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  per  day.  Again,  taking  the 
distance  at  one  hundred  and  fifty-three  miles,  it  would,  in 
France,  have  cost  $34  and  consumed,  in  effect,  three  days, 
or,  at  the  least,  two  and  a  half,  whereas  in  this  steam-boat 
it  cost  $10.50  and  consumes  one  day  and  a  half.  Mr. 
Fulton  comes  to  dine  with  us,  and  Mr.  Rutherfurd  ;  and 
a  Mr.  Hare,  who  came  from  Pittsburg  through  the  Gene- 
see Valley,  says  the  whole  of  what  he  travelled  over  is, 
with  little  exception,  the  finest  country  in  the  world. 
The  finest  in  the  world  is  an  expression  much  used  by 
my  good  countrymen  who  never  saw  much  of  the  world, 
and  are  not  therefore  the  best  qualified  to  make  such  de- 
cisions.   Rutherfurd  tells  an  anecdote  to  this  effect,  which 


i8ii.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  535 

is  pleasant  enough.  Justice  somebody,  the  innkeeper  at 
Ridgelield.  Connecticut,  liad  seen  a  great  deal  of  the 
world,  and  assured  him  that  America  was  the  finest  coun- 
try in  the  world,  the  Americans  the  finest  people  in  the 
world,  and  Connecticut  the  finest  country  inliabited  by  the 
finest  people  in  America  ;  a  people  excellent  in  many 
other  respects,  but  more  especially  so  in  their  honesty." 

It  was  agreed  that  the  report  of  the  Canal  Commis- 
sioners should  be  presented  to  Congress  during  the  com- 
ing session,  and  Morris  wrote  to  the  "Worshipful"  De 
Witt  Clinton,  ]\Iayor  of  New  York,  in  November  begging 
him  to  make  it  convenient  to  come  out  and  dine  with  him, 
that  they  might  not  only  fix  the  time,  but  the  manner  of 
the  route  to  Washington.  "  If  I  travel  with  my  own  car- 
riage and  liorses,"  he  wrote,  "  I  may,  roads  and  weather 
being  good,  make  out  forty  miles  per  day,  but  (all  things 
considered  the  safer  calculation  is  thirty.  Colonel  Porter 
thinks  it  is  not  advisable  to  attend  at  Washington  before 
January.  I,  having  no  other  purpose,  sliould  be  glad  of 
the  respite,  if  our  attendance  at  Albany  were  not  to  follow 
so  soon  ;  but  it  may  require  thirteen  days,  considering  the 
season,  to  get  on  from  Washington  to  Albany."  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Morris  went  by  way  of  Lancaster  and  York,  Pa  ,  t(j 
Washington,  where  they  arrived  on  the  15th  of  December, 
and  here  the  diarv  takes  up  the  story  of  events. 

"Mr.  Clinton  not  arrived  [December  i6th],  and  there- 
fore I  stav  at  home,  not  choosing  to  go  ahead  till  I  visit 
the  President,  nor  to  make  that  visit  without  him.  I  lose 
thereby  the  opportunity  of  hearing  Mr.  Randolph  make  a 
much  admired  speech." 

"Visit  the  President  [December  17th],  having  waited 
long  enough  in  vain.  Mr.  Parish  tells  me  our  application 
will  be  fruitless,  and  Mr.  Bavard  this  evening  shows  me 
that  he  means  to  defeat  it  if  he  can." 


536  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XLVIII. 

"  Visit,  with  Mr.  Clinton,  the  President  and  confer  on 
the  object  of  our  mission  [December  21st].  Leave  him 
in  a  better  disposition  for  it  than  we  found  him,  appar- 
ently ;  but,  *  Non  omne  quod  nitela  aurum.'  " 

"  Dine  with  Colonel  Porter  and  his  mess  of  democrats  ; 
a  pleasant  society  enough,  though  not  select.  On  Mon- 
day I  dine  with  Mr.  Foster,  the  British  minister,  who  has 
a  handsome  establishment  ;  and  on  Tuesday  [December 
24th]  with  the  French  minister,  and  go  to  Mrs.  Madison's 
drawing-room.     Our  business  seems  to  be  in  good  train." 

"Another  year,"  begins  the  diary  of  the  first  day  of  the 
memorable  year  1812,  "succeeds  to  the  centuries  which  are 
already  mingled  with  a  past  eternity.  It  comes  in  bluster- 
ing on  the  wings  of  a  westerly  wind,  of  which  we  feel  in 
our  elevated  position  a  full  share.  Visit  at  the  palace,  and 
pay  our  respects  to  the  President  and  his  lady.  The 
House  of  Representatives,  for  the  first  time  since  the  Gov- 
ernment was  established,  have  refused  to  adjourn  for  the 
purpose  of  paying  this  compliment.  This  looks,  I  think, 
like  a  declaration  that  he  shall  not  be  re-elected." 

"  The  bill  to  raise  twenty-five  thousand  men  is  passed 
[January  7th]  by  a  thumping  majority." 

"  Attend  the  committee  on  our  business  [January  8th], 
and  speak,  I  believe,  with  some  effect." 

"  I  visit  the  President  and  confer  with  him  [January 
13th],  in  some  sort  confidentially,  to  obtain  his  support  to 
our  bill,  which  he  injures  by  expressing  his  doubts  as  to  the 
constitutionality.  Visit  Mr.  Galatin.  Mention  to  him,  as 
I  had  done  to  the  President,  making  a  military  road  from 
the  Hudson  to  the  St.  Lawrence.  He  is  an  intelligent  fel- 
low, and  I  think  by  much  the  strongest  man  in  the  admin- 
istration." 

"  Go  to  the  House  of  Representatives  [January  isth], 
and  stay  till  their  adjournment,  which  is  late.     The  com- 


i8i2l  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  537 

mittee  have  determined  to  report  in  favor  of  a  system  of 
canals,  and  appointed  a  sub-committee  to  prepare  the 
report." 

"  I  am  now  [January  30th]  sixty  years  of  age,  and  yet 
(foolishly,  I  think)  engaged  in  active  life." 

From  Washington  Morris  went  immediately  to  Al- 
bany, to  push  the  business  of  the  canal.  While  there  he 
prepared  another  report,  viz.,  "  On  Stevens's  project  for  a 
railway."  In  April  he  was  urged  to  become  a  candidate 
for  member  of  Congress,  but  this  he  de<:lined. 

"  When  your  letter  reached  me,"  Morris  wrote  from 
Morrisania  to  his  friend  Mr.  Parish,  April  8th,  "  I  had,  as 
the  French  expression  runs,  one  foot  in  the  stirrup  for 
Washington,  whither  I  went  one  of  two  deputies  from  the 
board  of  which  I  am  president.  At  Washington  I  staid 
long,  to  no  valuable  purpose  and  to  my  great  annoyance  ; 
then,  after  reaching  home,  set  off  for  Albany.  Here,  how- 
ever, I  am,  and  enjoy  from  my  window  the  exhilarating  view 
of  approaching  spring.  Oh,  my  friend,  had  we  also  a  re- 
newed spring  of  life,  how  cheerfully  should  I  take  up  those 
public  cares  which  I  now  decline,  and  will  persist  in  de- 
clining, unless  compelled  by  circumstances  which  must 
ever  control  us  when  we  cannot  control  them.  I  learned 
yesterday,  in  a  visit  to  New  York,  which  business  obliged 
me  to  make,  that  although  our  President  disavows  hostil- 
ity against  East  Florida,  his  general  is  pursuing  steadily 
the  conquest  of  it,  and  will,  it  is  thought,  be  soon  in  col- 
lision with  British  troops  on  their  way  to  protect  it.  This 
perfidy  seems  too  audacious  for  the  character  of  the  man. 
His  resort  to  an  embargo,  and  other  things,  strengthen  the 
idea,  not  lightly  formed,  that  his  blustering  was  merely 
calculated  to  gull  the  wilder  part  of  his  adherents,  so  as  to 
secure  his  re-election.  I  persist  in  believing  he  will  not 
hazard  war,  but  must  at  the  same  time  confess  the  doubt 


538  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF        [Chap.  XLVIII. 

whether  anything  short  of  that  bloody  scourge  will  whip 
our  mad  folks  into  their  sober  senses." 

"  It  is  said  that  notwithstanding  Mr.  Madison's  disa- 
vowal," says  the  diary  for  April  i6th,  "our  general,  Mat- 
thews, is  proceeding  in  the  conquest  of  East  Florida,  and 
will  there  come  in  collision  with  British  troops,  so  that 
war  is  considered  as  inevitable." 

"  Colonel  and  Mrs.  Fish  and  General  Morton  dine  with 
us  [April  24th].  Messrs.  Fish  and  Morton  are  a  commit- 
tee of  the  New  York  Corporation  to  request  I  will  pro- 
nounce a  funeral  eulogium  on  the  late  Vice-President 
(George  Clinton).*  Promise  to  do  so  if  asked  by  the  cor- 
poration. Mr.  Carpenter  came,  while  I  was  at  dinner,  with 
a  letter  from  Jacob  Morton  about  the  proposed  oration. 
The  materials  are  to  be  furnished  on  Sunday,  perhaps,  and 
Thursday  is  contemplated  for  the  solemnity.  If  these  are 
to  be  the  conditions,  I  decline." 

"To-day  [May  2d],  in  town,  Mr.  Hammond  mentions 
to  me  overtures  made  by  the  Clinton  party.  I  tell  him 
that  on  such  subjects  I  once  gave  opinions  which  were 
disregarded  ;  I  have  now  no  opinions  to  give.  Mr.  Ruth- 
erfurd  takes  a  seat  in  my  phaeton,  and  endeavors  to  dis- 
suade me  from  pronouncing  a  funeral  eulogium  on  George 
Clinton.  I  tell  him  how  the  facts  stand  :  that  if  the  cor- 
poration do  what  I  expect  they  will,  I  am  engaged,  and  to 
his  labored  objections  arising  from  the  difference  of  char- 
acter and  conduct  between  the  defunct  and  the  eulogist,  I 
reply  by  assuring  him  I  will  say  nothing  to  dishonor  the 
dead,  because  that  would  be  cruel ;  and  nothing  to  dis- 
honor myself,  because  that  would  be  foolish.     He  avers 

*  George  Clinton,  bom,  July  26,  1739 ;  died,  April  20,  1812,  was  a  member 
of  the  Continental  Congress  in  1775,  and  held  the  office  of  Governor  of  the 
State  of  New  York  for  eighteen  years.  In  1804  he  was  elected  Vice-Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  and  was  one  of  the  prominent  candidates  for  nomi- 
nation to  the  Presidency  in  1808. 


I.8I2.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  539 

that  De  Witt  will  use  his  uncle's  memory  as  the  ladder  of 
his  ambition,  and,  when  President,  be  devoted  to  French 
politics,  thereto  influenced  by  Genet ;  observing  at  the 
same  time  that  he  is  an  unprincipled  fellow  who  cares  for 
nothing  and  for  nobody  but  himself.  I  say,  on  this  chaj>- 
ter,  that  I  am  ready  to  admit  anything  or  everything  of 
this  sort,  as  he  pleases,  being  indifferent  to  the  views  of  all 
parties  and  factions  ;  that  those  now  in  power  are  driving 
rapidly  on  to  ruin  in  a  road  where  they  must  proceed  or 
be  disgraced,  and,  if  they  proceed  to  plunge  the  country 
in  a  war  with  Britain,  six  months'  taste  of  it  will  bring 
the  people  to  their  senses.  For  the  rest,  I  do  not  know 
Mr.  Clinton's  views,  and  do  not  wish  to  know  them.  Mr. 
Rutherfurd  has,  I  am  well  informed,  become  openly  what 
he  has  long  been  actually,  an  adherent  to  and  supporter 
of  the  administration.  His  fear,  therefore,  is  that  they 
will  be  ousted." 

"  Mr.  Clinton  comes  out  [May  3d],  accompanied  by  his 
son,  to  give  me  some  hints  respecting  his  late  uncle. 
That  business  despatched,  I  inquire  the  prospects  respect- 
ing our  canal,  which  he  tells  me  were  flattering,  and  that 
but  for  the  prorogation  he  thinks  the  bill  sent  me  by  Piatt 
would  have  passed.  I  communicate  my  observations  on 
it,  the  propriety  of  which  he  admits,  and  will  make  the 
needful  changes.  This  leads  to  a  consideration  of  my 
plan  for  a  bank.  He  tells  me  that  the  minds  of  men  are 
so  much  heated  on  that  subject  that  all  which  can  now  be 
done  is  to  frustrate  the  plan  now  proposed.  The  other 
may  perhaps  succeed  in  November.  I  ask  him  the  opinion 
which  prevails  as  to  the  course  of  public  affairs.  He  says 
it  is  in  this  State  generally  hostile  to  the  administration, 
except  a  knot,  of  no  consequence,  in  the  city  ;  his  friends 
have  returned  from  Congress  disgusted  ;  every  one  be- 
gins to  be  weary  of  Virginia  domination.     The  present 


540  DIARY    AND   LETTERS   OF       [Chap.  XLVIII. 

plan  of  the  Dominion  is,  he  thinks,  to  provide  for  Monroe, 
Madison  standing,  as  is  supposed,  no  chance.  They  will 
readily  run  either  Gerry  or  Tompkins,  or  any  other  ineffi- 
cient Northern  man,  for  Vice-President.  If  compelled  to 
do  it,  they  will  even  submit  to  have  an  efficient  man  in 
that  place,  but  will  take  care  to  destroy  his  influence.  I 
tell  him  that  the  state  of  public  affairs  is  more  wretched 
than  is  generally  imagined  ;  that  some  time  since,  to  a 
federalist  who  expressed  the  hope  of  seeing  his  party 
triumphant,  I  cried  out,  *  God  forbid  ! '  and,  he  being  sur- 
prised, asked  him  what,  in  the  hoped-for  case,  he  would 
do  ;  that  he  said  he  would  honestly,  in  good  faith,  make 
overtures  for  treaty  with  England,  which  he  believed  would 
be  candidly  met,  and  all  differences  speedily  be  so  settled 
as  to  restore  this  country  to  the  prosperous  condition  from 
which  she  had  been  precipitated  ;  that  I  replied  there  was 
no  doubt  of  his  success  so  far,  but  that  the  consequence 
would  be  a  speedy  ejection  of  him  and  his  friends  from 
power,  and  a  return  to  the  same  base  and  dishonorable 
course  in  which  they  are  now  engaged.  I  then  tell  Mr, 
Clinton  that  this  is  the  unavoidable  result  of  those  corrupt 
notions  which  have  been  so  industriously  disseminated  ; 
that  in  the  degenerate  state  to  which  democracy  never 
fails  to  reduce  a  nation,  it  is  almost  impossible  for  a  good 
man  to  govern,  even  could  he  get  into  power,  or  for  a  bad 
man  to  govern  well.  '  Suppose,  in  the  present  state  of 
things,  any  man  you  please,  however  efficient  and  firm  ; 
let  him,  if  you  please,  have  nerves  of  iron,  and  a  grasp  of 
steel ;  suppose  yourself,  if  you  will  be  chosen  President. 
What  would  )'ou  do  ?  In  my  opinion,  you  would  not  ap- 
point efiicient  men  to  fill  the  great  offices  of  state.  You 
have  not  such  men  in  your  own  party,  and  if  you  chose 
them  from  another  you  must  throw  yourself  into  the  arms 
of  that  other,  and  in  either  case  be  the  instrument  of  those 


i8i2.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  541 

who  support  you,  and  not  the  ruler.'  He  acknowledges 
the  force  of  these  observations.  I  then  tell  him  that  the 
only  measure  I  can  devise  which  seems  likely  to  rescue 
the  country  from  her  present  miserable  and  ridiculous 
condition  is  to  appoint  a  few  representatives  of  both  par- 
ties to  meet  other  such  representatives  from  the  States 
north  of  the  Potomac,  and  consider  the  state  of  the  nation  •, 
that  this  body,  when  met,  will  readily  take  the  ground  no 
longer  to  allow  a  representation  of  slaves  ;  that  this  geo- 
graphical division  will  terminate  the  political  divisions 
which  now  prevail,  and  give  a  new  object  to  men's  minds ; 
that  the  Southern  States  must  then  either  submit  to  what 
is  just  or  break  up  the  Union.  He  says  that  South  Caro- 
lina is  fast  falling  off  from  Virginia,  on  which  I  observe 
that  it  is  immaterial.  Some  solid,  palpable  distinction 
must  be  taken,  and  the  one  I  mention  is,  I  think,  the  only 
one  which  can  be  relied  on.  For  the  rest,  he  may  think 
of  it,  and  do  as  he  pleases." 

Tuesday,  May  19th,  Morris  attended  the  funeral  of  Mr. 
Clinton,  who  had  been  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States,  and  records  that,  '*  after  passing  in  procession 
through  several  streets,  we  reach  the  Presbyterian  Church 
in  Wall  Street,  between  twelve  and  one  o'clock ;  prayers, 
music,  and  my  oration  coldly  delivered  and  better  received 
than  such  speaking  deserved.     The  business  ends  at  two," 

"We  dine  in  town  [May  30th],  and  I  embark  in  the 
steam-boat  Paragon.  We  leave  the  city  at  five,  and  are 
a  little  impeded  by  running  a  race  with  the  Raritan  steam- 
boat, which,  nevertheless,  we  win,  but  make  no  use  of  our 
sails  until  victory  has  declared  in  our  favor.  We  reach  Al- 
bany at  eight  in  the  morning  [May  31st]  ;  thus  twenty- 
seven  hours  pass  us  over  at  least  one  hundred  and  fifty 
miles." 

"  Killian  Van  Rensselaer  calls  [June  ist]  and  tells  me 


542  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF        [Chap.  XLVIII. 

that  our  last  report  to  the  Legislature  has  produced  a 
great  effect.  General  Piatt  comes  in  the  evening.  He 
says  the  committee  will  report  in  a  few  days,  and  he  tliinks 
the  unanimous  opinion  will  be  adopted  by  the  House." 

On  June  17th  "our  bill  is  passed  in  committee  of  the 
whole,  while  the  sagacious  Mr.  C ,  sitting  with  us,  as- 
sures us  it  will  be  lost  by  a  majority  of  twenty.  The 
canal  will  doubtless  be  opened  by  the  State  for  her  in- 
terest and  honor.  Monday,  I  embark  again  in  the  steam- 
boat. War  is  declared  against  England.  On  Tuesday 
[June  23d]  I  am  at  home  in  the  evening.  Dear,  quiet, 
happy  home  ! "  Morris  rejected  the  supposition,  advanced 
by  some  persons,  that  he  was  favorably  inclined  to  Mr. 
Clinton's  election,  as  "an  idea  founded  on  conjecture;" 
"for,"  he  said  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Hare,  June  30th,  "  I  cer- 
tainly have  not  expressed  such  an  opinion.  In  truth,  I 
have  not  formed  an  opinion,  not  being  possessed  of  the 
needful  facts.  I  am  not  ashamed  to  acknowledge  on 
this,  as  on  many  other  occasions,  my  profound  ignorance, 
and  therefore  tell  you  frankly  that  I  know  not  whether 
the  federalists  of  this  State  are  disposed  to  support  Mr. 
Clinton. 

"  I  think  I  can  perceive  a  storm  gathering  in  the  East 
which  may  blow  our  Union  flag  from  the  mast-head.  If 
during  the  gale  it  be  proposed  to  New  York  that  she  be 
the  frontier  of  a  southern  or  northern  section,  she  would, 
I  believe,  adopt  the  latter  alternative,  in  which  case  New 
Jersey  could  not  but  join  the  State  by  whose  arms  she  is 
embraced.  It  will  be  for  you,  therefore,  to  say  of  which 
section  you  choose  to  be  the  frontier.  Pennsylvania  (in 
my  opinion  the  most  powerful  member  of  our  Union) 
may  be  led  to  cover  with  her  broad  shield  the  slave-hold- 
ing States  ;  which,  so  protected,  may  for  a  dozen  or  fifteen 
years  exercise  the  privilege  of  strangling  commerce,  whip- 


i8i2.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  543 

ping  negroes,  and  brawling  about  the  inborn  inaliena- 
ble rights  of  man.  It  seems  to  me  almost  certain  that,  if 
peace  be  not  immediately  made  with  England,  the  ques- 
tion on  negro  votes  must  divide  this  Union.  Under  these 
impressions,  I  cannot,  my  dear  sir,  persuade  myself  to  feel 
interested  in  a  presidential  election.  If  you  ask  what  is 
doing  in  Massachusetts,  I  must  answer  that  my  reason  and 
my  feelings  are  too  much  at  variance  to  approve  or  con- 
demn. I  earnestly  pray  God  that  he  will  enable  me  to 
know  and  to  do  my  duty ;  but  I  believe  that  little,  if  any- 
thing, will  be  left  to  my  choice.  I  have  long  foreseen  and 
foretold  those  events  which  now  approach,  as  necessary 
consequences  of  the  measures  which  our  administration 
has  pursued.  Sometimes,  too,  I  have  had  the  unmanly 
weakness  to  wish  that,  before  they  arrive,  my  dust  should 
be  mingled  with  that  of  my  fathers.  I  believe,  sir,  that 
men  of  honor  and  worth  must  prepare  for  scenes  more 
serious  than  electioneering.  I  believe  one  great  eflFort  is 
yet  to  be  made  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  and  I  have  the  con- 
solation to  believe  that  if  the  sound  heads  and  hearts  of 
our  country  unite,  that  effort  will  be  crowned  with  suc- 
cess." 

Morris  considered  the  declaration  of  war  with  England 
as  nothing  short  of  madness.  "  It  is  needful,  perhaps,"  he 
wrote  to  Mr.  Oliver,  of  Baltimore,  on  July  9th,  "  to  com- 
plete the  guilt  of  those  by  whom  this  country  has  so  long 
been  misgoverned ;  and  it  opens  to  a  scene  more  important, 
according  to  my  conception,  than  any  presidential  or  con- 
gressional election.  The  people  of  this  State  are  in  gen- 
eral averse  to  the  war — the  federalists  almost  without 
exception,  the  democrats  with  hardly  any  other  exception 
than  office-holders,  office-hunters.  Jacobin  mob,  and  the 
bankrupts  in  fame  and  fortune.  New  England,  taken  in 
mass,  is  of  similar  temper  and  opinion.     The  public  mind 


544  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF       [Chap.  XLVIII. 

is  preparing  for  a  course  of  northern  policy  which  will,  I 
believe,  take  for  its  rallying  point  the  question  of  negro 
representation.  It  is  unlucky  that  this  question  should 
have  a  tendency  to  throw  Maryland  into  the  southern  dis- 
trict and  make  the  Susquehanna  our  frontier  :  not  that 
the  Northern  States  have  any  desire  to  exclude  their  com- 
meroial  sister,  but  that  the  pride  of  your  State  may  throw 
her  into  the  arms  of  Virginia.  To  be  forewarned  is  to  be 
forearmed  ;  and  on  no  occasion  can  the  proverb  more  aptly 
apply  than  on  the  present.  If  you  take  this  question  up 
among  yourselves  and  advance,  on  your  own  conviction, 
the  unreasonableness  of  the  constitutional  apportionment, 
it  would  have  the  double  effect  of  conciliating  our  friend- 
ship now  and  of  enabling  you  to  take  with  dignity  here- 
after the  step  which  your  interest  may  require.  Pennsyl- 
vania is  at  present  favorable  to  that  southern  faction  which 
hopes  to  engage  passion  on  its  side  in  the  course  of  hos- 
tilities ;  but  the  geographical  position  of  Pennsylvania 
must  determine  her  course  of  conduct.  I  cannot  bear  the 
idea  that  so  fine  a  city  as  Philadelphia  should  be  on  the 
frontier. 

"  It  is  possible,  after  all,  that  we  shall  never  have  but 
electioneering  squabbles.  As  to  a  federal  candidate,  there 
is  as  yet  no  likelihood  that  he  could  be  carried  ;  neither  do 
I  think  it  would  be  wise  to  make  the  attempt,  even  if  cer- 
tain of  success.  Let  the  present  party  carry  on  their  war, 
and  to  that  effect  lay  their  taxes.  Let  a  vain  people 
writhe  under  the  tyranny  of  their  loving  friends.  Such 
blockheads  are  neither  worthy  of  nor  fit  for  a  free  govern- 
ment. Witness  your  riotous  rascals  in  Baltimore,  and  the 
greater  rascals  there  and  elsewhere,  who  wickedly  prompt 
or  quietly  behold  or  basely  applaud  such  outrage.  Rely 
on  it,  my  dear  sir,  that  those  who  expect  to  bring  men 
right  by  reasoning  pay  an  unmerited  compliment  to  hu- 


iSia.l  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  545 

man  nature.  A  nation  must  suffer  severely  before  it 
can  be  reformed.  The  Jewish  history  contains  a  clear  ex- 
planation of  that  great  riddle — man.  Make  him  a  slave, 
you  make  him  humble  and  base — a  scoundrel  ;  make  him 
a  democrat,  you  make  him  proud,  ungrateful — a  rascal  ; 
make  him  subjected  to  just  laws  and  a  wise  administra- 
tion, work  hard  and  live  moderately,  you  make  him  indus- 
trious, virtuous,  happy — a  good  husband,  a  good  father, 
a  good  citizen." 

Again,  in  August  and  September,  in  letters  to  Mr.  Rob- 
ert Oliver,  of  Baltimore,  he  spoke  in  the  same  strain  of 
the  coming  presidential  election.  Who  should  be  the  next 
President  "appears  to  us  a  minor  consideration.  A  firm 
union  of  the  Northern  States  is  (I  believe)  the  only  means 
under  God  to  preserve  American  freedom  ;  whether  that 
union  will  take  effect  is  known  only  to  Him  from  whom 
no  secrets  are  hid.  I  have  thought  more  of  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  Union  than  about  its  finances,  which  are,  it 
would  seem,  in  a  fair  way  of  being  destroyed.  Smuggling, 
which  was  before  the  merchant's  interest,  is  now  in  ap- 
pearance, if  not  in  reality,  his  duty;  for  the  war  declared 
against  England  seems  to  be  carried  on  against  him.  I 
think  that  we  of  the  North  will  have  peace,  at  any  rate  ; 
whether  that  peace  will  produce  civil  war  is  a  serious 
problem.  I  refer  it  to  Pennsylvania  rather  than  to  Mr. 
Madison,  because,  tracing  effects  to  probable  causes,  I  am 
forced  to  doubt  whether  he  possesses  free  agency." 

To  Benjamin  Morgan  he  wrote  in  August :  **  There  are 
here  a  very  few  people  who  affect  to  believe  the  loose  as- 
surances, given  in  Mr.  Madison's  gazette,  that  he  will  make 
a  treaty  with  France.  According  to  my  conception  of  the 
subject,  he  has  no  longer  the  power  of  choice.  He  must 
make,  if  he  has  not  already  made,  a  French  alliance.  To 
violate  it,  if  concluded,  or  refuse,  under  present  circum- 
VoL.  II. —35 


546  DIARY   AND    LETTERS    OF        [Chap.  XLVIII. 

Stances,  to  conclude  it  will  throw  him  unfriended  on  the 
world.  His  fortune  and  his  fate  are  at  stake.  Those  who 
know  him  best  consider  him  as  full  of  French  feelings  ; 
but,  without  stopping  to  examine  his  sentiments,  which  are 
of  little  moment,  his  situation  is  such  that  he  must  go  on. 
But,  you  will  say,  if  that  be  so,  how  can  Pennsylvania  piit 
him  right  ?  I  answer,  by  such  an  imposing  mass  of  physi- 
cal force  as  will,  if  driven  into  act,  beat  him,  his  coun- 
sellors, agents,  and  abettors  to  dust.  In  that  case,  no  ex- 
ercise of  force  will  be  needful.  The  slave  States  will  not 
dare  to  hazard  their  existence  on  a  question  which  would 
involve  to  us  a  little  inconvenience,  to  them  their  utter 
destruction.  They  are  already  divided  on  the  war.  You 
may  rely  on  this,  I  think,  that  we  Northern  folks  will  not 
submit  to  a  French  alliance  ;  neither  will  we  continue  the 
war  with  England,  unless,  indeed,  she  should  exact  dis- 
honorable terms  of  peace.* 

In  Morris's  opinion  there  was  but  one  consistent  course 
to  be  pursued  in  relation  to  the  war  with  Great  Britain 
then  carrying  on,  which  was  to  insist  that  England  should, 
without  compensation,  give  up  her  claim  to  the  right  of 
search.  "If  that  ground,"  he  said,  "be  taken  an  awful 
question  will  arise  in  some  States  :  Shall  they  submit  to 
Congress  or  to  God  ?  Both  will  be  impossible,  for  the 
war  will  then  be  confessedly^  as  it  is  now  impliedly,  unjust." 

"Why  not,"  he  wrote  to  the  Honorable  Lewis  B.  Sturges, 
February  9,  1813,  "waiving  flippant  debate,  lay  down  the 
broad  principle  of  national  right  on  which  Great  Britain 
takes  her  native  seamen  from  our  merchant-ships  ?  Let 
those  who  deny  the  right  pay,  suffer,  and  fight  to  compel 
an  abandonment  of  the  claim.  Men  of  sound  mind  will 
see,  and  men  of  sound  principle  will  acknowledge,  its  ex- 
istence. But,  the  right  established,  a  law  to  resist  the  ex- 
ercise is  iniquitous.     If,  on  the  contrary,  it  be  admitted 


i8i3.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  547 

that  no  such  right  exists,  we,  of  necessar)'  consequence, 
have  a  right  to  naturalize  British  seamen  and  protect 
them  against  all  the  world  in  our  merchant-ships.  But 
that  right  established,  a  law  to  bind  the  Legislature  from 
using  it  (provided  always  that  a  legislature  could  be  so 
bound)  would  be  a  surrender  of  our  sovereignty.  .  .  . 
Territory  may  be  given,  taken,  or  parcelled  out,  but  right 
is  entire,  and  must  be  wholly  kept  or  lost.  To  its  full 
support  national  honor  is  pledged.  Under  these  views  of 
the  subject,  it  is  not  easy  to  perceive  how  men  of  clear 
head  and  sound  heart  can  support  the  bill.  ...  In 
the  case  before  us  the  bill,  giving  up  by  implication  the 
claim  of  right,  may,  when  combined  with  the  manifold 
disgraces  of  our  jack-pudding  warfare,  be  considered  as 
a  project  to  silence  by  quibbles  the  fire  of  seventy-fours. 
The  American  people  cannot  fail  to  suspect  a  design  to 
plunge  them,  by  engaging  their  passions,  both  in  follies 
and  crimes  for  the  notable  purpose  of  gathering  soap- 
bubbles.  The  day  of  delusion  is  past.  They  who  were 
pre-eminent  in  the  Revolutionary  War  gave  practical 
lessons  of  disinterested  patriotism.  Disdaining  profes- 
sions, they  prepared  the  way  for  gentlemen  professors." 

Morris  had  no  faith  in  the  new  loan  proposed  by  the 
Government.  "  I  would  not,"  he  wrote  to  Robert  Oliver, 
February  13th,  "  take  it  at  twenty  per  cent,  discount  and 
ten  per  cent,  interest,  for  I  am  of  opinion  that  it  will 
never  be  paid.  If  there  be  a  severance  of  the  Union, 
we  in  the  North  won't  pay  it.  The  South  can't  pay, 
and  wouldn't  pay  if  they  could.  Smuggling  has  already 
got  far  ahead,  and,  with  the  increase  of  duties,  must  ad- 
vance, so  that  we  never  shall  collect  as  much  in  that 
way  as  was  once  collected.  Duties  on  exports  are,  you 
know,  prohibited.  The  question,  therefore,  is  short. 
Will  they  agree  to  internal  taxes  for  payment  of  the  pub- 


/: 


548  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OP'         [Chap.  XLVIII. 

lie  debt  who  will  not  even  propose  such  taxes  to  carry 
on  the  war.  In  my  opinion  they  will  not,  and  they  have 
a  majority  in  the  Senate,  which  majority  will  be  increased 
by  new  States  whenever  the  dominant  party  foresee  the 
.want  of  them.  Professions  will  not  be  wanting  now,  but 
those  who  trust  to  professions  from  that  quarter  deserve 
to  suffer.  Of  such  men  it  may  be  said,  '  If  they  believe 
not  Moses  and  the  prophets,  neither  will  they  believe, 
though  one  should  rise  from  the  dead ' —  Madison  s  procla- 
mation. 

"  Bonaparte  is,  I  have  no  doubt,  ruined.  Long  before 
the  first  report  of  the  Russian  success  I  had  fixed,  in  my 
little  circle,  the  20th  of  October  for  his  departure  from 
Moscow.'  I  believe  the  varlet  was  off  a  day  sooner  than 
I  supposed  he  could  have  taken  the  needful  arrange- 
ments for  so  long  a  march.  I  believed  and  said  he  would 
endeavor  to  gain  Cracow  and  cross  the  mountains  so  as 
to  winter  at  Prague,  the  capital  of  Bohemia.  If  he  save  a 
remnant  of  fifty  to  eighty  thousand,  and  reach  Warsaw, 
he  is  not  the  less  ruined.  God  grant  that  those  who 
trusted  in  him  and  his  patron-saint  Beelztbub  may  with 
him  meet  their  deserts." 

On  the  4th  of  March  Mr.  Madison  entered  upon  his 
second  term  of  office.  Of  his  inaugural  address  Morris 
wrote  to  Mr.  Parish,  on  March  6th  :  "  When  I  read  Mr. 
Madison's  message  I  supposed  him  to  be  out  of  his 
senses,  and  have  since  been  told  that  he  never  goes 
sober  to  bed.  Whether  intoxicated  by  opium  or  wine 
was  not  said,  but  I  learned  last  winter  that  pains  in  his 
teeth  had  driven  him  to  use  the  former  too  freely.  The 
administration  can  do  nothing,  if  the  British  ministers  be 
not  crazy  too,  for  these  cannot  but  know  how  impossible 
it  is  for  us  to  prosecute  the  war.  Of  course,  their  reply 
to  our  overtures  is,  *  We  will  consider.'  " 


i8i3.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  549 

Again  to  Mr.  Parish  he  wrote  on  the  26th  :  "  I  was  asked, 
*  Do  you  believe  that  Mr.  Madison  has  accepted  the  prof- 
fered mediation  of  Russia  ?'  I  replied,  '  If  it  was  offered, 
it  was  accepted.'  The  question  was  then  put,  '  How  does 
this  accord  with  your  idea  that  Mr.  Madison  means  to  con- 
tinue the  war  ?'  'Perfectly  ;  for,  if  he  did  not,  he  would 
have  declined  a  mediation  which  tends  to  delay.  England 
wishes  peace,  so  that,  if  Mr.  Madison  wished  it  too,  the 
treaty  might  be  made  in  half  an  hour.  But  he  does  not.' 
I  was  again  asked,  *  Suppose  he  should  declare,  in  the  most 
solemn  and  confidential  manner,  his  earnest  desire  for 
peace?'  'I  should  believe  as  much  of  it  as  I  did  of  his 
proclamation.  As  to  the  loan,  I  think  men  in  their  senses 
will  not  take  it  at  any  price.  A  federalist;  whose  vote 
may  in  any  wise  support  this  war  would  be  guilty  of  more 
than  treason.  It  would  be  an  act  of  impiety  as  well  as 
treachery.*  'But  suppose  Mr.  Gallatin  should  be  able 
to  demonstrate  as  clearly  as  any  proposition  in  Euclid 
that  the  President  means  to  make  peace,  what  would  you 
say  to  him?'  I  would  say,  'Sir,  your  conversation  has 
delighted  me.  I  am  now  convinced  that  the  President's 
present  intentions  are  honest,  and,  lest  he  should  change 
his  mind,  I  will  use  my  endeavors  to  prevent  him  from 
borrowing  one  dollar.  With  money  he  may  make  peace, 
without  it  he  must.  But  I  hope  you  will  excuse  me  if  I 
talk  no  further,  for  I  must  immediately  set  my  broker  at 
work  to  purchase  old  stock.'  " 

In  a  very  long  and  exhaustive  dissertation,  dated  April 
5th,  to  his  nephew  David  B.  Ogden,  on  the  war,  and  the 
honest  opposition  that,  in  his  opinion,  should  be  made  to 
Madison's  loan,  he  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that, 

"This  war  was  declared  by  the  honorable  members 
representing  inland  States,  under  the  pretext  of  protect- 
ing commerce  and  seamen,  but  for  the  avowed  purpose 


5  so  DIARY   AND   LETTERS  OF        [Chap.  XLVIIL 

of  conquering  Canada,  and  with  the  obvious  intention  of 
scattering  millions  among  their  constituents.  Indeed,  to 
this  intention  alone  can  be  traced  measures  whose  absurd- 
ity and  extravagance  are  clear  as  the  noonday  sun.  Our 
opponents  insist  that  the  war  is  just,  but  they  declare  that 
we  must  impose  taxes  and  defray  the  expenses.  Permit 
me  here  to  ask  whether  the  worthy  eight  per  cent  patri- 
ots who  are  about  to  lend  rely  on  these  honest,  non-tax- 
ing gentlemen  for  payments.  If  they  do,  and  are  not  de- 
ceived, we  must  submit  and  contribute  in  spite  of  our 
teeth,  should  the  Union  endure.  But,  according  to  my  old- 
fashioned  way  of  reasoning,  founded  on  the  vulgar  no- 
tions that  lambs  can't  eat  foxes  nor  pigeons  catch  hawks, 
these  honest  gentlemen  will  not  imposp  taxes,  and,  of 
course,  those  worthy  patriots,  consoling  themselves  with 
the  honor  of  this  deed,  must  forego  the  profit,  unless  we 
step  in  to  their  aid.  Must  we,  then,  for  the  sake  of  such 
excellent  patriots,  lay  heavy  direct  taxes  to  pay  usurious 
interest  on  enormous  sums  extravagantly  squandered  in 
the  prosecution  of  what  we  consider  an  unjust  war? 

"We  hold  this  war  in  the  same  abhorrence  which  the 
Quakers  do  every  war,  and  they  refuse  to  pay  war  taxes  ; 
and  the  only  question  is  whether  we  may  do  that  indi- 
rectly which  we  ought  not  to  do  directly.  We  are  bound 
to  pay  only  just  debts,  or,  to  speak  more  accurately,  that 
is  no  debt  which  was  not  justly  contracted.  To  resume 
the  common  mode  of  speech,  can  that  be  a  just  debt 
which  is  contracted  for  support  of  an  unjust  war  ?  In  the 
language  of  Holy  Writ,  '  Thou  shalt  not  do  evil  that  good 
may  come  of  it.*  I  am,  moreover,  persuaded  that  the 
best  mode  of  securing  pecuniary  aid  for  just  purposes  is 
to  withhold  payment  of  what  has  been  advanced  for  an 
object  manifestly  unjust.  It  would  lead  too  far,  besides 
leading  us  astray,  to  develop  the  ground  of  this  opinion. 


i8i3.1  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  551 

The  debt  now  contracting  by  Messrs.  Madison  &  Co.  is 
void,  being  founded  in  moral  wrong  of  which  the  lenders 
were  well  apprised.  Should  they  hereafter  plead  igno- 
rance, let  them  be  told  it  was  a  vincible,  and  therefore  an 
inexcusable  ignorance." 

Morris  seemed  always  to  fear  disastrous  consequences 
from  a  too  great  extension  of  the  domain  of  the  United 
States  and,  writing  of  this  question,  on  April  29th,  to 
Harrison  Gray  Otis,*  he  says:  "Even  as  early  as  1776, 
"  I  frankly  acknowledge  that  I  began  to  be  alarmed  for 
this  vast  territory  and  the  difference  of  our  habits  and 
social  state.  I  acknowledge,  also,  that  when  the  ultima- 
tum for  a  treaty  of  peace  was  under  consideration  I  op- 
posed insisting  on  a  cession  of  the  Western  wilderness, 
and  expressed  the  wish  that  some  other  nation  might 
people  it,  and,  by  the  pressure  of  foreign  force,  restrain 
our  domestic  feuds.  Since  that  period  it  has  appeared  to 
me  desirable,  however,  that  the  undue  extent  of  our  terri- 
tory should  be  still  more  extended,  so  that  the  evil  might 
work  its  own  cure.  In  framing  our  national  Constitution 
we  were  not  all  blind  to  its  defects,  bpt  none  of  us,  I  be- 
lieve, expected  they  would  bear  fruit  so  soon  and  so  bitter. 
We  shall,  I  humbly  hope,  have  reason  to  return  thanks 
hereafter  that  we  are  brought  thus  early  into  a  condition 
which,  properly  improved,  may  produce  a  better  political 
organization.  I  will,  moreover,  acknowledge  that,  ever 
since  the  commencement  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  administration, 
I  have  looked  forward  to  our  present  misery  as  the  means 
of  securing  our  national  liberty.     It  was  my  anxious  wish 

*  Harrison  Gray  Otis  was  chairman  of  a  committee  which  in  1814  reported 
in  favor  of  calling  a  convention  of  the  New  England  States  at  Hartford  to 
consider  the  best  mode  of  redressing  the  grievances  inflicted  on  those  States 
by  the  war  with  Great  Britain.  In  his  later  years  he  strongly  opposed  the 
anti-slavery  movement.  Bom  at  Boston,  October  8.  1765,  he  died  there, 
October  38,  1848. 


552  DIARY   AND   LETTERS  OF         [Chap.  XLVllL 

to  produce  a  union  with  the  Eastern  States,  and  I  have 
suffered  much  to  see  that  that  cunning  faction  kept  us  so 
widely  apart.  Time,  my  dear  sir,  seems  about  to  disclose 
the  awful  secret  that  commerce  and  domestic  slavery  are 
mortal  foes  ;  and,  bound  together,  one  must  destroy  the 
other.  I  cannot  blame  Southern  gentlemen  for  striving 
to  put  down  commerce,  because  commerce,  if  it  survives, 
will,  I  think,  put  them  down,  supposing  always  the  Union 
to  endure. 

"  The  signal  victories  of  Russia  demand  our  thanks  to 
Almighty  God,  by  whose  providence  they  are  ordered. 
The  excellence  of  the  Russian  troops,  founded  on  the 
physical  and  moral  qualities  of  the  people,  is  a  matter 
generally  understood  ;  but  there  is  another  matter  which 
seems  not  to  have  been  so  generally  acknowledged.  The 
plan  of  campaign  and  the  execution  of  it  appear  to  me 
superior,  in  what  is  usually  called  generalship,  to  anything 
of  the  kind  since  the  war  began.  Bonaparte  met  with  a 
master  in  that  on  which  he  had  most  reason  to  pride  him- 
self— military  skill.  His  every  movement  was  evident>y 
prescribed  by  Marshal  Koutouzow.  He  would  not  take 
the  road  to  Petersburg  because,  leaving  his  enemy  in  the 
rear,  he  would  have  been  deprived  of  his  subsistence. 
After  he  entered  Moscow  the  position  taken  by  his  enemy, 
on  the  southwest  of  that  city,  put  it  out  of  his  power  to 
retreat  by  Cracow  into  Bohemia.  I  had  imagined  this 
route  for  him,  and  fixed  on  the  20th  of  October  for  his 
departure  ;  but  he  was,  it  seems,  so  nimble  as  to  get  off 
the  19th.  Had  he  been  victorious  in  the  battle  from 
which  he  ran  away,  it  would  have  facilitated  his  retreat 
and  saved  great  part  of  his  army  for  a  while.  But  Kou- 
touzow's  measures  seem  to  have  been  so  well  taken  that 
the  ruin  would  only  have  been  delayed ;  and  let  it,  by  the 
way,  be  remarked  that  in  the  Russian  retreat  from  Poland 


i8i3.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  553 

to  Moscow. no  corps  of  any  consequence  was  materially 
injured,  which,  on  so  long  a  line  as  they  occupied,  is  al- 
most miraculous.  The  future  conduct  of  the  war  is  com- 
paratively an  A  B  C  business  ;  but  if  managed  by  the 
same  general,  this  campaign  must  be  decisive.  God 
grant  that  timid  ministers  do  not  mar  the  work  which  is 
now  in  such  good  train.  The  French  troops  will  abandon 
,  Spain  as  soon  as  they  can  cross  the  Pyrenees.  Whether 
the  Spaniards  and  Portuguese  will  carry  their  arms  into 
France  is  doubtful,  for  although  sound  policy  would  pur- 
sue that  course,  the  weakness  which  some  folks  call  pru- 
dence may  dictate  a  different  idea.  The  American  friends 
of  Bonaparte  look  on  with  anxious  terror.  May  it,  like  that 
of  the  Russian  campaign,  tend  to  their  confusion." 

"Accept  my  thanks  for  your  King's  speech  to  both 
Houses,"  Mr.  Morris  wrote  to  the  Honorable  Lewis  B. 
Sturges,  December  17th,  1813.  "A  more  extraordinary 
thing  of  the  sort  I  never  saw  nor  heard  of.  It  begins  by 
telling  you  that  he  sent  negotiators  to  treat  under  a  me- 
diation which  the  enemy  had  not  accepted  of,  but  which 
he  took  it  for  granted  they  would  accept  of  because 
the  rights  and  pretensions  of  neither  party  were  to  be 
submitted  to  the  mediator's  decision.  On  what,  then,  are 
the  parties  at  bloody  issue  ?  Living  in  my  chimney- 
corner,  the  buzz  of  political  speculations  by  those  who 
'ropes  of  sand  can  twist'  seldom  reaches  my  ears,  and 
never  affects  those  dictates  of  plain  common-sense  which 
I  prefer  to  nice  distinctions.  As  I  never  had  a  doubt,  so 
I  thought  it  a  duty  to  express  my  conviction  that  British 
ministers  would  not,  dared  not,  submit  to  mediation  a  ques- 
tion of  essential  right  ;  that  in  such  questions  one  party 
or  the  other  must  give  up  the  point,  and  that  on  the 
present  occasion  the  American  Government  must  submit 
to  that  humiliating  condition.     I  did   not  then   believe, 


554  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF         [Chap.  XLVIII. 

neither  do  I  now  believe,  that  the  Emperor  offered  his 
mediation,  but  that  it  was  solicited  by  our  administration. 
I  did  believe,  and  do  believe,  that  they  had  neither  the  ex- 
pectation, the  hope,  nor  even  the  wish  that  it  should  pro- 
duce peace.  It  appeared  to  me  a  mere  stock-jobbing 
trick,  and  such  it  will,  I  am  persuaded,  turn  out.  But  in 
every  point  of  view  the  nation  is  openly  and  deeply  dis- 
graced. I  pretend  not  to  know,  nor  will  I  waste  a  con- 
jecture on,  the  objects  or  motives  which  are  concealed, 
but,  assuming  facts  of  public  notoriety,  it  is  clear  and  can- 
not be  contradicted  that  war  was  declared  with  petulant 
precipitation,  prosecuted  with  prodigal  extravagance,  and 
conducted  with  egregious  folly  ;  that  the  President,  after 
rejecting  an  armistice,  repeatedly  proffered,  sent  a  brace 
of  agents  to  beg,  in  the  northeastern  corner  of  Europe, 
that  peace  which  he  might  have  had  in  five  minutes 
without  crossing  the  threshold  of  his  palace.  Can  any- 
one be  surprised  that  Bonaparte  should,  under  such  cir- 
cumstances, direct  his  man  Serrurier  to  insult  him  ? 
Whatever  may  be  the  Emperor's  faults,  he  has  the  feelings 
of  a  soldier.  It  becomes  him,  therefore,  to  tell  us,  *  If  you 
mean  war  fight  fairly,  if  you  mean  peace  seek  it  frankly, 
but  out  upon  this  half-faced  fellowship.' 

"  I  beg  pardon,  my  dear  sir,  for  making  any  remarks 
on  this  inconceivably  debasing  act.  If  I  were  not  per- 
suaded that,  by  a  speedy  separation  of  the  States,  the 
loathsome  burden  of  ignominy  will  be  cast  from  our 
shoulders,  I  should  be  deeply  mortified  ;  as  it  is,  I  am 
rather  amused  by  the  mixture  of — fill  the  blank  with  any- 
thing: but  wisdom  and  truth." 


i8i4.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  555 


CHAPTER  XLIX. 

Letter  to  L.  B.  Sturges.  Conclusions  drawn  from  Lord  Castlereagh's  cor- 
respondence. Suggests  calling  a  convention  to  consult  on  the  state 
of  the  nation.  The  coast  blockaded.  America  has  no  ships.  Eu- 
ropean peace.  Morris  pronounces  an  oration  to  celebrate  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Bourbons.  Commissioners  at  Ghent.  British  treaty.  The 
finances.  Letter  to  Rufus  King  on  the  negotiations  with  Great  Brit- 
ain. Alarming  prospect  of  increased  taxation.  Letter  to  Timothy 
Pickering. 

THE  diary  contains  no  mention  of  any  overtures  made 
to  Morris  relative  to  the  mission  to  St.  Petersburg ; 
but,  referring  to  the  subject  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  L.  B.  Stur- 
ges, dated  at  Morrisania,  January  17th,  he  says  : 

"  To  the  question,  'Would  you  have  gone  on  the  mission 
to  St.  Petersburg?'  I  reply,  it  must  have  depended  on  the 
idea  that  I  could  render  there  essential  service  to  my 
country.  But  the  administration  could  not  easily  have 
convinced  me  of  this,  or,  indeed,  of  anything  involving  a 
faith  in  their  candor.  For  the  rest,  I  do  not  believe 
(though  it  is  difficult  to  know  one's  self)  that  I  am  a  half- 
way character,  and  trust  I  shall  always  be  true  to  my 
friends. 

"The  President  has,  I  see,  grumblingly  accepted  the 
offer  of  direct  negotiation  at  Gottenburg.  It  is  lucky 
Lord  Castlereagh  did  not  happen  to  mention  Pekin.  The 
acceptance,  however,  such  as  it  is,  seems  to  me  an  aban- 
donment of  the  ground  on  which  he  waged  their  hope- 
ful war.  I  conjecture,  from  Mr.  Monroe's  epistle,  there  is 
a  split  in  the   party — some  willing,  others  unwilling  to 


SS6  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIX. 

treat.  Might  it  not,  in  their  case,  be  well  so  to  laugh  at 
and  torment  them  as  that  some  doughty  champion  of  Irish 
deserters  (my  friend  Wright,  for  instance)  should  be  stim- 
ulated to  propose  a  resolution  that,  *  In  the  opinion  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  it  is  inconsistent  with  national 
honor  to  abandon  our  naturalized  citizens  ;  wherefore  no 
treaty  for  peace  or  truce  ought  to  be  held  with  Great 
Britain  unless  she  acknowledges,  as  2i preliminary,  that  the 
naturalized  citizens  are  entitled  to  the  same  respect  and 
protection  as  the  natural-born  citizens  of  the  United 
States.'  Any  such  proposition  must  be  adopted,  rejected, 
or  indefinitely  postponed,  or  put  to  rest  by  the  previous 
question.  In  the  first  case  we  know  our  cue,  and  in  the 
other  the  gentlemen  Jacobins  will  become  a  house  divided 
against  itself.  Excuse  the  suggestion.  I  will  not  have  the 
additional  temerity  of  dilating  on  it." 

The  conclusions  which  Morris  had  drawn  from  Lord 
Castlereagh's  correspondence  were  confirmed  by  a  letter 
which  he  received  in  January  from  Rufus  King,  at  Wash- 
ington. In  answering  this  letter  (January  31st)  he 
said  : 

"  Your  favor  of  the  26th  confirms  my  opinion  respecting 
the  conduct  which  Britain  will  pursue.  I  have  said,  on 
that  subject,  more  than  a  year  ago,  that  if  her  ministers 
act  otherwise  they  deserve  to  be  hanged  here  and  damned 
hereafter.  I  will  now  tell  you  that  I  considered  the  flag 
with  Lord  Castlereagh's  letter  as  full  proof  of  what  your 
letter  contains.  It  speaks  the  language  of  the  Lord  to  the 
ocean,  *  So  far  shalt  thou  go,  and  no  farther.' 

"Your  sentiments  of  our  rulers  are  just.  I  ask  a  serious 
question :  What  chance  is  there  of  better  rulers  if  the 
Union  be  preserved  ?  When  you  have  turned  that  well 
over  in  your  mind,  consider  the  other  :  What  chance  is 
there  that  better  rulers  could  do  better  and  not  forfeit  the 


ismi  gouverneur  morris.  557 

support  of  the  many-headed  monster  whose  barkings  an- 
noy us  from  the  head  of  Kennebeck  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi." 

That  the  General  Government  would  exert  themselves 
to  frustrate  the  project  of  inland  navigation  in  New  York 
Morris  seemed  convinced,  to  judge  from  the  following 
letter  to  his  nephew,  David  B.  Ogden,  February  nth,  re- 
ferring to  the  attempts  made  at  Albany  to  repeal  that  part 
of  the  law  which  enabled  the  commissioners  to  make  a 
loan.  "  In  my  opinion,"  he  wrote,  "  it  is  merely  an  attack 
upon  the  outwork,  by  those  who  mean  to  prevent  the 
making  of  a  canal.  It  is  the  result  of  an  intrigue  by  the 
General  Government  to  keep  New  York  down.  Moreover, 
they  apprehend  that  the  friends  of  the  canal  will  eventu- 
ally acquire  too  much  weight  among  the  Western  people, 
and  there  is  still  a  latent  wish  to  bring  about  a  separation 
of  our  State.  While  the  war  lasts  we  can't  borrow  money 
in  Europe,  and  if  it  lasts  much  longer  there  will  be  no  bor- 
rowing either  at  home  or  abroad,  for  we  shall  have  neither 
credit  nor  means.  The  question  to  be  settled  between  the 
Northern  and  Southern  States,  reduced  to  its  simple  ele- 
ments, is  merely  this  :  Shall  the  citizens  of  New  York  be 
the  slaves  or  masters  of  Virginia  ?  To  develop  this  idea 
is  not  needful  just  now.  Those  motives  which  prompt 
statesmen  are  not  sufficiently  strong  to  actuate  the  gen- 
eral mass.  Your  friends  were  enough  their  own  friends 
to  be  stanch  ;  we  should  take  that  lead  which,  as  it  is, 
we  must  follow.  But  the  end  we  shall  arrive  at  is  the 
same  in  gross,  though  the  fruit  posterity  will  gather  may 
not  be  so  sweet  as  if  their  fathers  had  the  courage  to 
plant  good  trees. 

"  I  say,  the  end  we  shall  reach  is  the  same.  New  Eng- 
land will,  I  presume,  meet  in  convention  and  cast  off  the 
shackles  of  our  National  Government.     If  so,  and  if  they 


558  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIX. 

are  not  idiots,  the  first  step  will  be  to  take  possession  of 
our  city.  I  ask,  then,  will  the  inhabitants  fight  to  support 
the  Congress  and  their  embargo  against  free  trade,  New 
England,  and  old  England  ?  I  believe  not.  If  they 
should,  they  will  do  a  great  favor  to  New  England ;  for 
the  sale  of  confiscated  houses,  ships,  and  stores  will  de- 
fray the  expense  of  a  campaign.  New  York  in  possession 
of  the  patriots,  will  those  who  dwell  east  of  the  Hudson 
River  fight  for  Virginia  ?  I  doubt  it  ;  but  of  this  I  am 
sure,  that  the  battle  could  not  be  long.  If  five  thousand 
men  from  Connecticut  march  into  New  York  by  the  mid- 
dle of  June,  the  Fourth  of  July  will  be  celebrated  east 
of  the  Hudson  without  one  solitary  toast  to  the  Union. 
All  this  must  strike  the  mind  of  any  man  who  thinks  on 
the  subject  for  a  few  minutes,  and  in  the  most  cursory 
manner.  It  only  remains,  therefore,  to  inquire  what  will 
those  do  who  live  west  of  the  Hudson  ;  for,  turn  the 
matter  as  you  please,  you  must  come  at  last  to  this  sim- 
ple question.  Where  shall  the  boundary  be  ?  Shall  it 
be  on  the  Hudson,  the  Delaware,  the  Susquehanna,  or 
the  Potomac  ?  I  doubt  the  last,  and  am  certain  it  cannot 
be  the  first.  Mr,  Madison's  adherents  may  pledge  life, 
fortune,  and  what  by  the  prostitution  of  language  they  call 
their  sacred  honor,  at  factious  meetings  and  savage  fes- 
tivals, but,  if  ever  this  pledge  be  redeemed  in  this  State, 
you  may  have  my  skin  to  cover  a  drum.  British  troops 
coming  in  on  one  side,  and  Yankee  troops  on  the  other, 
let  but  the  Indian  yell  his  war-whoop,  and  his  excellency, 
our  excellent  governor,  will  not  collect  a  regiment  to 
cover  the  retreat.  Shall,  then,  the  boundary  be  on  or 
near  the  Delaware  or  the  Susquehanna?  It  is  not  yet  the 
time  or  place  to  discuss  that  matter.  What  I  have  said  is 
sufficient  to  show  that  our  course  is  not  left  to  our  choice. 
Under  these  circumstances,  and  putting  on  one  side  those 


j8i4.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  559 

considerations  of  duty,  patriotism,  and  honor  which  will 
direct  good  men  under  every  circumstance,  what  will  pru- 
dence dictate  ?  I  conceive  that  prudence  will  point  out 
the  propriety  of  sending  delegates  to  the  Congress  that 
we  may  have  some  voice  in  the  business,  and  not  be 
bought  and  sold  like  silly  sheep.  But  it  will  be  said  :  We 
will  do  this  with  all  our  hearts,  if  we  could  take  with  us  a 
majority  of  both  Houses.  And,  pray,  what  would  that  ma- 
jority do  which  you  cannot  do,  saving  an  appropriation  to 
pay  the  delegates  ?  A  political  organization  of  some  sort 
or  other  must,  in  the  nature  of  things,  be  formed,  so  as  to 
express  a  general  will.  And  when  matters  come  to  the 
issue  of  force,  superior  force  and  skill  must,  under  the 
Divine  direction,  prevail.  But  I  hear  some  of  the  brethren 
exclaim, '  O  Lord  !  O  Lord  !  why,  this  is  civil  war ! '  Un- 
questionably it  is  civil  war.  And  what  of  it  ?  Kind  souls, 
could  you,  by  weeping  and  wailing  and  the  gnashing  of 
your  teeth,  prevent  civil  war  it  might  be  safe,  if  not  wise, 
to  weep  and  wail.  But  Eastern  patriots  will  not  ask  your 
permission  to  defend  their  rights,  and,  however  much  you 
may  be  disposed  to  cushion  yourselves  in  your  easy 
chairs,  the  prick  of  the  Yankee  bayonet  will  make  you 
skip  like  squirrels.  That,  you  say,  may  be,  but,  having 
no  agency,  we  shall  not  be  exposed  to  the  wrath  of  gov- 
ernment, and  may,  in  every  supposable  event,  plead  our 
neutrality.  Truly,  gentlemen,  a  most  excellent  plea.  It 
has,  however,  the  defect  of  exposing  you  to  ruin,  let 
which  side  will  prevail.  I  believe,  with  Butler,  that  '  he 
that  complies  against  his  will  is  of  the  same  opinion  still.' 
It  is  not,  therefore,  in  the  hope  to  convert  such  prudent 
men  that  I  have  scribbled  over  so  much  paper.  Forty 
years  ago  I  was  acquainted  with  their  predecessors,  who 
have  long  since  been  reduced  to  beggary.  Tliis  event  I 
regret,  and  would  have  prevented  if  I  could,  but  it  is 


56o  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  XLIX. 

easier  to  foresee  and  foretell  than  to  direct  or  control 
events." 

Very  sceptical  that  peace  would  grow  out  of  the  Got- 
tenburg  mission,  and  not  having  any  faith  in  the  efficacy 
of  "  those  mystic  words  which  some  gentlemen  seem  much 
to  rely  on,  '  Saving  to  the  parties  their  respective  rights, 
etc.'"  Morris  declared,  in  a  letter  to  Mr.  Sturges,  Febru- 
ary 1 2th,  that  if  he  were  a  British  minister  he  never  would 
admit  them  into  the  treaty.  "The  way  to  peace  is  open 
and  clear.  Let  the  right  of  search  and  impresslnent  be 
acknowledged  as  maxims  of  public  law,  and  leave  them 
to  say  how  the  exercise  of  the  latter  right  shall  be  re- 
stricted between  two  nations  speaking  the  same  language. 
I  am  morally  certain  that  the  stipulations  they  propose, 
as  reciprocal,  will  be  safe  and  satisfactory  to  us  and  the 
universe. 

"  I  have  not  been  surprised  at  the  fall  of  Bonaparte. 
In  the  Senate,  speaking  on  Ross's  motions,*  I  hailed  Bo- 
naparte as  first  of  the  Gallic  Caesars,  and  said,  *  The  mo- 
ment he  fails  he  falls.'  I  stood  alone  in  the  opinion  that 
the  patriots  of  Spain  and  Portugal  would  succeed.  I  have 
repeatedly  told  my  friends  the  world  would  be  surprised 
to  find  the  destruction  of  French  power  more  rapid  than 
the  acquisition.  I  fixed  on  the  20th  of  October  for  Bona- 
parte to  retreat  from  Moscow,  as  the  commencement  of 
his  ruin.  He  got  the  start  of  me  two  days.  I  had  no  dif- 
ficulty in  predicting  not  only  the  result  of  this  campaign, 
but  the  manner  in  which  it  would  be  effected.  At  the 
same  time,  I  do  Napoleon  the  justice  to  say  it  was  ably 
conducted  on  his  part,  both  as  a  statesman  and  a  soldier. 
By  taking  post  early  and  in  force  on  the  Elbe,  he  was  no 

•Allusion  is  here  made  to  the  resolutions  of  the  federalists,  presented  by 
James  Ross  to  the  Senate  in  1803,  on  the  question  of  the  rights  of  the  United 
States  to  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  River,  and  on  the  aggressive 
conduct  of  Spain. 


i8i4.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  561 

further  back  in  November  than  he  would  otherwise  have 
been  in  June.  He  had,  moreover,  the  chance  of  victory, 
and  his  efforts  to  obtain  it  were  skilful  and  frequent.  He 
doubtless  saw  the  course  which  Austria  would  pursue,  and 
which  my  poor  friend  Moreau  could  not  believe  when  I 
urged  it,  in  conversation  with  him  and  Mr.  Parish  shortly 
before  he  sailed  for  Europe.  To  be  in  force  near  Bohe- 
mia was  the  only  means  in  Napoleon's  power  to  keep  his 
father-in-law  quiet,  and  would  have  been  effectual  had  the 
thing  been  practicable.  True  it  is  that,  by  fighting  so  far 
from  home,  he  risked  more  complete  ruin.  But  even  now, 
notwithstanding  his  discomfiture,  he  will,  I  believe,  be 
saved  ;  not,  indeed,  by  his  own  force,  but  by  the  interest  of 
his  enemies,  or  the  greater  part  of  them,  in  his  preserva- 
tion. This  interest  he  understands  as  well  as  they  do,  and 
therefore  his  game  seemed  more  desperate  than  it  was  in 
reality.  I  will  not  repeat  here  what  I  said  some  time 
since  in  a  letter  to  my  friend  Mr.  King,  because  I  dislike 
repetition.  Neither  have  I  dwelt  on  my  former  opinions 
to  gain  credit  as  a  prophet,  but  to  show  my  reliance  on  the 
Almighty." 

Morris  spoke  of  himself  this  winter,  in  a  letter  to  Mr. 
Oliver,  of  Baltimore,  as  somewhat  of  a  nurse,*  "  and,  what 
is  worse,  not  infrequently  in  a  condition  to  be  nursed  ;  but 
neither  my  maladies  nor  my  occupations  have  made  me 
abandon  my  friends.  I  shall  not,  however,  be  surprised 
that  they  abandon  me,  in  the  persuasion  that  I  am  good 
for  notliing.  I  never,  in  my  best  days,  could  do  the  good 
I  wished,  because  I  never  could  make  my  anticipations 
clear  to  my  own  mind,  so  evident  to  others  as  to  obtain 
their  full  belief,  much  less  their  firm  reliance.     There  are 

*  Morris  referred  to  the  attentions  exacted  by  his  son  Gouverneur,  who 
was  born  at  Morrisania,  February  9,  1813,  and  was  consequently  just  a  year 
old  at  this  time. 

Vol.  II.— 36 


562  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  XLIX. 

two  instances  of  this  in  your  knowledge  :  my  conviction 
that  Spain  would  be  liberated  from  the  yoke  of  France, 
and  that  our  caution  not  to  designate  Mr.  Clinton  by 
name  would  do  more  harm  than  good  in  Pennsylvania." 

In  the  spring  of  1814  Morris  opened  to  his  nephew, 
Mr.  David  B.  Ogden,  an  idea  of  which  he  was  strongly  in 
favor — that  of  calling  together  a  convention  of  delegates 
from  the  counties  of  New  York,  to  consult  on  the  state  of 
the  nation.  He  recommended  that  Ogden  should  get  the 
"ear  of  a  committee  of  the  whole  House,  and  then  draw, 
in  its  own  hideousness,  a  picture  of  our  administration ; 
show  their  folly,  their  falsehood,  their  tyranny  ;  show  the 
fatal  consequences  which  must  follow  from  their  con- 
duct ;  show  the  impossibility  that  we  should  be  otherwise 
than  oppressed  while  they  have  the  power  and  the  will 
to  oppress  ;  show  that  the  power  will  be  perpetuated  by 
negro  votes  and  Louisiana  States  ;  show  that  this  will 
result  from  what  they  conceive  to  be  their  interest.  Their 
hostility  is  demonstrated  by  continuing  a  war  without 
colorable  pretext  or  attainable  object,  because  it  exposes 
our  seaboard  to  plunder,  and  this  State  in  particular  to 
general  devastation.  Display  the  power  of  Great  Britain, 
rendering  to  her  that  justice  which  those  who  celebrate 
the  success  of  the  Allies  have  timidly  withheld.  Dare  to 
hold  her  up,  as  she  deserves,  to  general  admiration  as  the 
shield  of  mankind  against  the  oppressor's  sword,  as  the 
nourishing  nurse  of  nations,  as  pouring  out  her  treasure 
and  her  blood  for  their  independence.  Then  hang  up  our 
masters  on  the  horns  of  this  dilemma  :  If  they  were  ig- 
norant of  the  British  power  while  she  was  beating  her  en- 
emy, both  by  land  and  by  sea,  at  every  point  of  contact, 
they  are  too  stupid  to  manage  the  concerns  of  a  counting- 
house,  much  less  to  control  the  destinies  of  a  nation.  If 
they   knew   it,   then   have  they  wickedly  betrayed  their 


i8i4.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  563 

trust ;  then  have  they  wantonly  engaged  in  a  contest  big 
with  ruin  ;  then  have  they  incurred  public  loss  to  pocket 
private  gain.  They  have  done  so'  corruptly,  for  it  is  not 
conceivable  that  men  should,  by  declaring  war  against 
the  most  powerful  nation  on  earth,  without  just  cause  or 
plausible  excuse,  expose  their  country  to  the  certain  waste 
of  blood  and  treasure,  the  certain  loss  of  commercial 
wealth,  the  certain  injury  of  landed  property,  the  certain 
defeat  of  every  expectation  which  cunning  could  excite 
or  folly  cherish,  the  probable  loss  of  territory,  and  the 
imminent  danger  of  dismemberment — it  is  not  conceiv- 
able that  men  should  make  such  outrageous  sacrifice  of 
moral  duty  and  honorable  sentiment,  without  some  secret 
reliance,  some  hidden  reason,  some  private  reward.  Hav- 
ing made  the  proper  impressions,  get  up  a  strong  report, 
and  let  it  close  with  recommending  to  the  people  (not  the 
friends  of  peace  alone)  a  choice  of  delegates  in  the  sev- 
eral counties  to  a  State  convention,  modestly  declaring 
that,  although  it  might  have  been  more  expedient  to  ap- 
point delegates  now  to  meet  those  of  other  States,  yet,  as 
the  authority  was  not  expressly  conferred,  you  conceive  it 
more  respectful  to  submit  the  whole  matter  to  the  peo- 
ple, etc.  Fix,  nevertheless,  the  time  and  place  for  the 
convention  to  meet,  and  be  sure  that  the  day  be  not  dis- 
tant, because,  if  near,  all  will  choose  lest  they  should  lose 
their  voice  ;  but,  if  distant,  intrigue  will  work  on  the  weak, 
the  timid,  the  prejudiced,  the  interested,  and  perhaps 
defeat  your  object." 

In  April  nearly  the  entire  coast  was  blockaded.  There 
was  scarcely  an  American  frigate  on  the  sea.  "Where,  in 
God's  name,"  wrote  Morris  to  Rufus  King,  in  a  burst  of 
emotion,  "  is  all  this  to  end  ?  Men  without  talents,  ad- 
ministering the  powers  of  a  conventional  government  over 
communities  which  boast  of  freedom,  exercise  a  tyranny 


564  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIX. 

which  would  drive  the  slaves  of  Asia  to  despair,  and  no 
man  is  hardy  enough  to  raise  a  finger.  Am  I  awake,  or 
do  I  dream  ?  Is  this  the  people  that  resisted  a  mere  claim 
of  arbitrary  power?  It  seems  to  me  I  was  once  a  member 
of  Congress  during  a  revolutionary  war ;  but  is  it  certain 
there  was  such  a  thing  as  Congress  ?  Was  there  a  revolu- 
tionary war?  If  I  venture  to  groan  aloud,  I  am  told  to  be 
patient — to  wait.  And  what  are  we  to  wait  for  ?  Must 
we  wait  till  the  claws  of  a  human  tiger  tear  us  to  pieces  to 
look  for  a  heart  ?  We  once  had  hearts — hearts  that  beat 
high  with  the  love  of  liberty.  But  'tis  over.  Adieu !  I 
will  not  plague  my  friends  with  the  expression  of  my  an- 
guish.    God  bless  you !" 

"  With  you,  and  other  good  men  who  have  a  large  stake 
in  the  public  concern,  I  hope  the  clouds  which  hang  over 
us  may  soon  be  dispelled,"  Morris  wrote  in  April  to  Ran- 
dolph Harrison  at  Clifton,  Va.  "  Perhaps,"  he  contin- 
ued, "the  repeal  of  the  Embargo  may  quiet  the  resent- 
ment of  the  Eastern  States,  and  enable  the  friends  of 
union  to  prevent  an  explosion  for  the  present ;  but  the 
extent  of  this  vast  domain  and  the  great  difference  of 
moral  condition  by  which  the  inhabitants  of  different  por- 
tions are  distinguished  seem  to  determine  that,  if  united, 
we  must — which  God  forbid — have  one  stern  master  who 
will  view  all  his  slaves  with  an  equal  eye,  or,  alternately 
oppressing  and  oppressed,  as  the  vacillation  of  opinion 
may  deposit  power,  be  wrought  up  by  degrees  to  such  a 
rancorous  enmity  that  separation,  the  result  of  wrath,  shall 
be  accompanied  with  the  fiercest  ferocity  of  civil  war. 

"  Among  the  many  objections  to  the  war  in  which  we 
are  now  engaged,  and  which  cannot  by  possibility  y>tco6ucq 
anything  but  expense  and  disgrace,  it  is  not  a  small  one 
that  we  contend  with  a  nation  speaking  the  same  lan- 
guage, having  the  same  religion,  the  same  manners,  and 


i8i4.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  565 

nearly  the  same  laws.  It  is,  therefore,  like  a  civil  war, 
and  if  the  horrible  project  of  murdering  our  prisoners  be- 
cause the  enemy  executes  her  traitorous  subjects  in  our 
service  be  carried  into  effect,  we  shall  soon  be  divested  of 
everything  which  can  check  the  savage  temper  of  barba- 
rous nations.  If,  in  the  midst  of  this,  and  partly  because 
of  this,  the  Union  be  broken,  we  of  this  State,  whatever 
may  be  the  bias  of  personal  wishes,  pressed  by  the  double 
weight  of  New  and  Old  England,  must  become  a  member 
of  the  Northern  nation,  and,  of  course,  join  in  a  measure 
which  nothing  short  of  Omnipotence  could,  under  such 
circumstances,  prevent.  The  idea  of  negroes,  raging  with 
lust  and  vengeance,  gratifying  their  brutal  appetites  with 
rape  and  murder,  makes  me  shudder  as  I  write.  I  quit 
this  horrible  subject.  God  grant  to  our  rulers  a  little 
common-sense." 

On  Thursday,  the  i6th  of  June,  the  diary  mentioned  a 
large  party  at  Mr.  Grade's,  where  a  plan  was  made  for  a 
federal  celebration  of  the  European  peace  settled  ;  and  on 
the  20th  of  June  Morris  says:  "Mr.  Coles  and  General 
Clarkson  come  to  ask  that  I  wnll  pronounce  an  oration  at 
a  meeting  to  celebrate  the  restoration  of  the  Bourbons. 
Promise." 

"Go,  between  eleven  and  twelve  [June  29th],  to  a  church 
where,  after  a  prayer  from  Dr.  Mason,  I  pronounce  an 
oration  of  triumph  to  celebrate  the  downfall  of  Bonaparte 
and  the  restoration  of  the  Bourbons,  with  the  consequent 
peace  to  Europe.  This  oration,  tolerably  well  written, 
was,  in  part,  well  delivered.  The  audience  were  well  sat- 
isfied. Dine  with  some  of  them  afterwards  at  the  Wash- 
ington Hall ;  a  number  of  tolerable  toasts  ;  Mr.  King  in 
the  chair." 

"  It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  learn  that  our  friends 
approve  of  my  oration,"  Morris  wrote  to  Mr.  Oliver,  July 


566  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIX. 

i8tli,  "but  I  have  not  the  facts  needful  to  answer  your 
request  for  my  opinion  on  the  present  state  of  things. 
You  say  that  our  rulers  are  very  anxious  for  peace,  and 
England  should  continue  the  war.  I  agree  with  you  as 
to  the  latter  point,  and  have  no  doubt  that  our  rulers 
would  wish  to  get  out  of  the  dangerous  and  despicable 
condition  to  which  they  have  brought  themselves  and 
their  country.  Perhaps  they  will  purchase  peace  by  sur- 
rendering the  right  to  fish  on  the  banks  of  Newfoundland, 
and  by  ceding  the  Northern  and  Western  part  of  this 
State.  You  say  that,  rather  than  continue  to  be  governed 
by  such  men,  you  would  submit  to  a  change  of  government. 
Not  knowing  what  change  you  contemplate,  I  cannot 
agree  or  disagree.  I  am  not  prepared  to  become  the  sub- 
ject of  a  monarchy,  for  reasons  too  tedious  to  mention. 
The  present  form  was  good,  but  has  been  so  much  per- 
verted that  it  can  hardly  be  restored  to  what  it  was.  If, 
therefore,  you  and  other  good  citizens  mean  that  posterity 
should  inherit  freedom,  you  must  persuade  yourselves  not 
merely  to  permit,  but  to  effect  a  change. 

"Mr.  Coleman  is,  I  see,  determined  that  we  shall  have 
peace.  Our  merchants,  too,  I  am  told,  are  well  assured  of 
peace.  To  oppose  a  peaceful  world  by  the  single  voice  of 
a  gouty,  one-legged  old  man  would  be  too  audacious,  I 
shall  therefore  let  my  little  cock-boat  float  along  with  the 
fleet.  If  we  ail  arrive  in  the  haven  of  honorable  peace  I 
will  sing,  '  Oh,  be  joyful,'  as  loudly  as  the  best ;  but  if  we 
do  not,  I  shall  be  neither  surprised  nor  disappointed. 
Nay,  if  a  continuance  of  the  war  would  mend  our  political 
condition,  I  would  then  say,  with  old  Simeon,  *  Lord,  now 
lettest  thou  thy  servant  depart  in  peace.'  My  humble 
and  perfect  reliance  on  God  leads  me  to  the  belief,  and,  I 
may  say,  conviction,  that  this  impious  war  will  not  only 
destroy  the  vain  hopes  and  expectations  which  led  to  the 


i8i4.1  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  567 

declaration  of  it,  but,  severely  scourging  the  authors  and 
abettors,  rescue  the  nation  from  the  despotism  of  democ- 
racy. Whether  this  will  be  effected  by  severing  our  po- 
litical union  or  remoulding  our  political  organization  is 
what  I  cannot  discover.  The  former  seems  more  probable 
than  the  latter.  But  whither  am  I  going?  I  meant  to 
confine  my  letter  to  the' first  few  paragraphs." 

It  was  not  until  August,  and  after  the  United  States 
Commissioners  to  the  Peace  Convention  at  Ghent  had 
been  waiting  long  and  impatiently,  that  Great  Britain 
sent  commissioners  to  treat  with  them.  By  October  the 
substance  of  the  negotiations  had  reached  Morris  through 
the  Honorable  William  Wells,  and  on  the  17th  he  gave 
Mr.  Wells  his  views  on  the  message  as  follows  : 

"  I  am  to  acknowledge,  and  am  much  obliged  by,  your 
communication  of  the  late  message  respecting  the  nego- 
tiations of  Ghent.  I  find  that  many  good  men  of  both 
parties  are  exceedingly  wroth  on  this  occasion.  I  have 
not  heard  your  sentiments,  but  can  say,  in  the  words  of 
Mr.  Addison,  *  Marcus,  I  know  thy  generous  temper  well. 
Throw  but  the  appearance  of  dishonor  on  it,  it  straight- 
way takes  fire  and  mounts  into  a  blaze.'  I  fear  there  has 
been  a  little  too  much  blazing  on  this  occasion.  Our 
friends  should  always  bear  it  in  mind  that  they  have  to 
deal  with  a  crafty  administration  which  will,  if  possible, 
bring  them  to  commit  themselves  by  rash  declarations. 

"As  to  the  first  point,  slightly  mentioned  by  the  British 
commissioners,  a  clear,  explicit  acknowledgment  of  the 
right  they  contend  for  ought  to  be  made  ;  and  the  article 
being,  of  course,  reciprocal,  let  them  contrive  such  modifi- 
cation of  the  exercise  as  will  suit  them  when  we  are  at 
war  and  they  neuter.     As  to  their  sine  qua  non*  it  seems 

*  The  sine  qua  non  in  the  British  propositions  was  the  independence  of  the 
Indians. 


568  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIX. 

to  me  that,  if  their  wilderness  be  included  as  well  as  ours, 
the  article  cannot  affect  our  honor.  Will  it  affect  our  in- 
terest ?  Certainly  not,  for  half  a  century  ;  and  long,  very 
long  before  that  time,  the  question  will  be  merged  in 
others  which  must  rise  out  of  the  ever  varying  state  of 
human  affairs.  The  British  ministers  have,  it  seems,  dis- 
covered, in  the  commencement  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
that  our  copper-colored  brothers  are  human  brings,  and 
as  such  embraced  by  the  provisions  of  public  law.  Take 
care,  my  good  friend,  that  they  do  not  make  a  similar  dis- 
covery respecting  our  ebony-colored  brethren. 

"  I  wish  they  had  been  asked  how  far  they  expected 
their  jurisdiction  to  extend  over  the  fishing  ground,  and 
especially  whether  it  includes  the  Great  Bank.  The  priv- 
ilege of  taking  fish  on  their  coast  and  drying  it  on  their 
shores  is,  I  believe,  of  little  moment  to  us.  It  would  be 
wise  to  stipulate  that  neither  party  should  have  ships  of 
war  on  the  lakes  nor  forts  on  their  shores.  Both  are  an 
idle  and  useless  expense.  If  they  had  there  forty  ships  of 
the  line  and  a  dozen  Gibraltars,  we  could  with  great  ease 
take  Canada. 

*'  As  to  the  alteration  of  boundary,  in  which,  without 
meaning  it,  they  are  to  gain  an  extent  of  territory,  I  think 
a  cession  of  the  triangle  between  the  head  of  Lake  Supe- 
rior, the  head  of  the  Mississippi,  and  the  Lake  of  the 
Woods  can  do  no  harm.  But  their  claim  to  navigate  the 
Mississippi,  on  which  they  do  not  possess  a  foot  of  land, 
should  be  resisted,  and  admitted  only  on  condition  that 
they  permit  us  to  navigate  the  St.  Lawrence  ;  not  that  I 
would  give  much  for  this  privilege,  but  urge  it  as  a  matter 
of  reciprocity,  so  as  to  put  them  in  the  wrong  if  they  re- 
fuse. Lastly,  it  would,  I  think,  be  wise  to  give  them  the 
northeast  corner  of  Maine,  if  they  will  give  Massachusetts 
an  equivalent  on  the  sea-coast.     It  seems  to  me  that  our 


i8i4.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  569 

commissioners  had  better  say  nothing  about  the  two  points 
they  have  started.  Let  questions  of  blockade  be  settled 
by  the  great  powers.  Those  which  regard  compensation 
for  damages  are  already  settled  by  the  war.  It  cannot  be 
expected  that  either  party  will  pay  money  to  obtain  peace. 

"  We  are  on  stilts  as  to  the  British  arrogance  and  audac- 
ity in  proposing  terms  to  which  we  cannot  listen  with- 
out disgrace.  The  Indians,  it  is  said,  belong  to  us.  The 
pope,  you  know,  once  divided  the  world,  without  suspect- 
ing it  to  be  round,  between  their  Faithful  and  Catholic 
Majesties,  granting  the  East  to  one  and  the  West  to  an- 
other. The  Spanish  and  Portuguese  met  and  quarrelled, 
and  the  King  of  France,  being  interrogated  as  to  his  no- 
tions, asked  for  a  copy  of  Adam's  will.  The  Indians,  it 
seems,  belong  to  us,  because  Great  Britain  ceded  to  us 
the  land  on  which  they  live  ;  but  whether  her  right  was 
derived  from  Adam  or  St.  Peter  does  not  appear.  At  any 
rate,  the  Indians  passed  with  the  soil,  and  we  acquired  an 
incontestable  right  to  hunt  them  like  deer  and  take  what 
was  their  country  and  what,  according  to  the  principles  of 
public  law,  is  still  their  country,  if  they  be,  as  they  pre- 
tend, human  creatures." 

The  condition  of  the  finances  Morris  considered  at  this 
moment  "remediable;"  "but  they  will,"  he  wrote  Mr. 
Rufus  King,  October  i8th,  "soon  be  desperate.  In  reply 
to  your  question,  'What  is  to  be  done?*  I  answer,  decid- 
edly and  without  the  slightest  hesitation,  refuse  supplies  of 
every  sort.  Sliould  the  Grand  Seignior  ask  for  men  and 
money  to  invade  Persia,  you  would  tell  him  we  want  both 
to  defend  ourselves.  Tell  Mr.  Madison  the  same  thing, 
and  let  him  show  what  interest  we  have  in  the  conquest  of 
Persia  or  Canada.  There  is,  thank  God,  good  sense  in 
Massachusetts.  Should  the  rest  of  New  England  join  her, 
I  shall  have  hopes  for  my  country. 


570  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIX. 

"In  answer  to  your  questions,  I  feel  myself  bound  in 
duty  and  honor  to  declare  that  anything  like  a  pledge  by 
federalists  to  carry  on  this  wicked  war  strikes  a  dagger  to 
my  heart.  Whoever  shall  utter  a  word  of  that  sort  will 
repent  it.  The  passions  of  honest  men  are  played  on  by 
contrivers  who  laugh  at  their  credulity.  How  often, 
in  the  name  of  God,  how  often,  will  you  agree  to  be 
cheated  ?  What  are  you  to  gain  by  giving  Mr.  Madison 
men  and  money  ?  Has  he  not  told  you  distinctly  that  he 
will  not  defend  you  ?  How  are  you  to  defend  yourselves, 
when  you  have  parted  with  the  means  ?  If  you  go  on  at 
the  present  rate  you  will,  in  six  months,  be  incapable 
of  exertion  ;  for  you  wage  war  at  an  expense  which  no 
nation  can  bear.  Patriotism  is  one  thing,  but  food  is 
another,  and  though  patriotism  may  turn  out  soldiers 
it  cannot  buy  bread.  As  to  any  protestations  you  may 
make,  after  giving  men  and  money,  they  are  mere  words ; 
and,  put  them  in  whatever  form  you  may,  they  will  make 
no  more  impression  than  mere  wind.  If  you  withhold 
supplies,  your  opponents  will  call  you  enemies  of  your 
country.  And  what  of  that  ?  These,  also,  are  mere  words 
— hard  words,  if  you  please,  but  they  break  no  bones. 
Withhold  supplies  and  they  hate,  but  grant  supplies  and 
they  despise  you." 

"  I  have  never  believed  that  the  enemy  intended  to  at- 
tack New  York.  If  he  should,  he  will,  I  think,  carry  it, 
and,  covering  his  flanks  with  his  ships,  the  fortifications 
you  have  raised  and  which  he  may  avoid  will  serve  him 
much  better  than  they  can  serve  you.  But  cui  bono  ?  what 
will  they  gain  by  it  ?  Or  cui  damno?  what  will  we  lose  by 
it  ?  The  expedition,  unless  connected  with  a  strong  party 
in  the  Eastern  States,  would  be,  if  successful,  useless,  if 
unsuccessful,  pernicious  to  them  ;  in  all  events,  of  little 
consequence  to  us,  and  therefore  a  piece  of  folly  on  their 


i8i4.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  571 

part.  I  have  always  supposed  that  their  main  effort 
would  be  in  the  Chesapeake,  and  not  seriously  com- 
menced until  the  sickly  season  is  over.  The  conquest  of 
Louisiana,  which  will  doubtless  form  a  part  of  their  plan, 
cannot  require  so  great  a  force  as  that  under  Lord  Hill. 
Moreover,  an  invasion  of  Virginia  will  operate  effectually 
on  the  fate  of  Louisiana.  An  army  of  twenty  thousand 
men  landed  at  Annapolis  will  march  without  serious  im- 
pediment to  the  Point  of  Florida,  and  oblige  the  country 
to  maintain  them." 

Again  writing  to  Rufus  King  (November  ist)  Morris 
spiritedly  expressed  his  opinion  of  the  negotiation  entered 
into  with  Great  Britain  and  the  unnecessary  hostility  it 
had  excited  : 

"  The  British  commissioners  have  mentioned  very 
slightly  the  alleged  ground  of  quarrel  as  one  which  would 
probably  make  a  point  in  the  negotiation.  It  may  be  dis- 
posed of  in  two  ways.  The  first  and  most  eligible,  in  my 
opinion,  is  to  make,  on  our  part,  a  frank  acknowledgment 
of  the  contested  right,  and  then  ask  of  them  to  insert  such 
modifications  in  the  exercise  of  it  as  the  sameness  of  lan- 
guage and  similarity  of  manners  require  when  one  of  the 
parties  may  be  at  war  and  the  other  at  peace.  The  second 
way  to  dispose  of  it,  and  that  which  the  British  commis- 
sioners may  prefer,  is  to  say  nothing  about  it.  This  will, 
in  effect,  be  a  full  acknowledgment  on  our  part,  and  spare 
them  the  delicate  task  of  arranging  reciprocal  modifica- 
tions of  the  exercise  to  suit  John  Bull  in  the  double  hy- 
pothesis of  belligerent  and  neuter.  The  publication  of 
these  instructions  places  the  ball  at  the  foot  of  our  enemy, 
who  will,  of  course,  kick  it  in  the  manner  most  agreeable, 
to  him.  I  was  surprised  at  the  fire  and  fuss  made  about 
this  negotiation  when  it  was  first  published.  Next  to  the 
folly  of  our  rulers  is  the  madness  of  our  friends,  who  rashly 


572  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIX. 

pledge  themselves  to  fight  for  sailors'  rights  on  the  fron- 
tiers of  Canada  because,  forsooth,  Britain  will  not,  aban- 
doning her  allies,  sign,  seal,  and  deliver  a  declaration  of 
her  own  perfidy.  Pray  make  my  respectful  compliments 
to  your  namesake  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  whose 
speech  I  have  read  with  singular  satisfaction.  The  pre- 
text that,  if  we  do  not  grant  supplies,  we  shall  be  con- 
quered and  colonized,  is  so  futile  that  I  wonder  to  hear  it 
from  men  of  sense.  This  nation  is  not  to  be  conquered 
by  twenty  or  thirty  thousand  soldiers  ;  neither  would  our 
independence  be  at  all  endangered  though  a  more  pow- 
erful army  should  march  from  Maine  to  Georgia,  and 
from  Georgia  to  Maine. 

"  Your  scheme  of  finance  will  not  answer.  The  people 
are  unable  to  pay  such  heavy  taxes  in  real  money,  and  the 
general  interest  to  depreciate  your  paper  will  take  effect, 
notwithstanding  the  struggles  of  moneyed  men.  The  proj- 
ect of  putting  a  world  on  an  elephant's  back,  to  stand  on 
a  tortoise,  and  he  on  nothing,  'will  have  the  success  to  be 
expected  from  so  rational  a  device  :  immediate  peace  or 
the  destruction  of  money  capital.  Take  your  choice.  As 
to  Mr.  Monroe's  sixty  thousand  conscriptive  men  in  Ken- 
dal green,  and  with  his  forty  thousand  in  buckram,  they 
are  worthy  of  Mr.  Dallas's  bank-stock.  Your  enemy  will 
not  be  deceived  by  such  a  paper  machinery  of  force  and 
finance,  but  pursue  his  plans  of  hostility  with  a  confidence 
of  ultimate  success.  An  union  of  the  commercial  States, 
to  take  care  of  themselves — leaving  the  war,  its  expense, 
and  its  debt  to  those  choice  spirits  so  ready  to  declare 
and  so  eager  to  carry  it  on — seems  to  be  now  the  only 
rational  course. 

To  the  Honorable  Timothy  Pickering,  Morris  wrote 
(November  ist)  of  the  alarming  prospect  of  increased 
taxation  :    *'  I  see  now  that  we  are  to  be  taxed  beyond  our 


i8i4.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  573 

means  and  subjected  to  military  conscription.  Those 
measures  are  devised  and  pursued  by  tlie  gentle  spirits 
wiio,  for  more  than  twenty  years,  have  lavished  on  Brit- 
ain the  bitterest  vulgarity  of  Billingsgate  because  she 
impressed  her  seamen  for  self-defence,  and  have  shed  a 
torrent  of  crocodile  tears  over  the  poor  of  that  country, 
crushed,  as  they  pretend,  by  oppressive  taxes  to  gratify 
royal  ambition.  Nevertheless,  this  waste  of  men  and 
money,  neither  of  which  can  be  squeezed  out  of  our  atten- 
uated States,  is  proposed  for  tlae  conquest  of  Canada. 
And  thus,  after  swearing  and  forswearing,  backward  and 
forward,  about  free  trade  and  sailors'  rights,  till  their 
fondest  adherents  had  grown  giddy,  and  after  publishing 
their  willingness  to  abandon  every  former  pretext,  the 
administration  boldly  avow  that,  although  we  are  so  sim- 
ple as  to  call  this  a  war  of  defence,  it  is  still,  on  their  part, 
a  war  of  conquest." 

A  request  from  Mr.  Pickering  for  some  history  of  Mor- 
ris's personal  labors  in  the'convention  which  formed  the 
Constitution  elicited  the  following  letter,  referring  his 
questioner  to  "some  gentlemen  who,  I  was  told,  passed 
their  evenings  in  transcribing  speeches  from  short-hand 
minutes  of  the  day  ;  they  can  speak  positively  in  matters 
of  which  I  have  little  recollection.  All  which  I  can  now 
do  is  to  ask  myself  what  I  should  do  were  the  question 
started  anew ;  for,  in  all  probability,  what  I  should  now 
do  is  what  I  then  did,  my  sentiments  and  opinions  having 
imdergone  no  essential  change  in  forty  years. 

"Propositions  to  countenance  the  issue  of  paper  money, 
and  the  consequent  violation  of  contracts,  must  have  met 
with  all  the  opposition  I  could  make.  But,  my  dear  sir, 
what  can  a  history  of  the  Constitution  avail  towards 
interpreting  its  provisions  ?  This  must  be  done  by  com- 
paring the  plain  import  of  the  words  with  the  general 


574  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIX. 

tenor  and  object  of  the  instrument.  That  instrument  was 
written  by  the  fingers  which  write  this  letter.  Having 
rejected  redundant  and  equivocal  terms,  I  believed  it  to 
be  as  clear  as  our  language  would  permit  ;  excepting, 
nevertheless,  a  part  of  what  relates  to  the  judiciary.  On 
that  subject,  conflicting  opinions  had  been  maintained 
with  so  much  professional  astuteness  that  it  became  neces- 
sary to  select  phrases  which,  expressing  my  own  notions, 
would  not  alarm  others  nor  shock  their  self-love  ;  and,  to 
the  best  of  my  recollection,  this  was  the  only  part  whicli 
passed  without  cavil. 

"  But,  after  all,  what  does  it  signify  that  men  should 
have  a  written  constitution  containing  unequivocal  pro- 
visions and  limitations  ?  The  legislative  lion  will  not  be 
entangled  in  the  meshes  of  a  logical  net.  It  will  always 
make  the  power  which  it  wishes  to  exercise,  unless  it  be 
so  organized  as  to  contain  within  itself  the  sufficient 
check.  Attempts  to  restrain  it  from  outrage  by  other 
means  will  only  render  it  more  outrageous.  The  idea  of 
binding  legislators  by  oaths  is  puerile.  Having  sworn  to 
exercise  the  powers  granted,  according  to  their  true  in- 
tent and  meaning,  they  will,  when  they  feel  a  desire  to 
go  further,  avoid  the  shame,  if  not  the  guilt,  of  perjury, 
by  swearing  the  true  intent  and  meaning  to  be,  according 
to  their  comprehension,  that  which  suits  their  purpose. 
It  is  too  late  to  examine  the  nature  of  treasury  notes. 
Their  race  is  run.  Your  new  bank  is  a  new  folly.  Your 
taxes  will  not  sustain  your  system.  Paper  money  will 
issue  and  plunge  you  still  deeper  in  distress.  All  the 
schemes  hitherto  proposed  are  inefficient.  Do  not  ask 
me  why,  for  I  will  not  discuss  a  subject  which  is  no 
longer  of  importance.  When  the  North  and  the  East  cast 
off  the  old  form,  if  the  new  one  they  put  on  be  good,  they 
shall  not  suffer  on  the  score  of  finance. 


i8i4.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  575 

"I  think  it  useless  also  to  discuss  the  discussions  of 
your  negotiation,  which  has  kept  the  quidnuncs  gaping 
for  so  many  months.  Indeed,  it  might  seem  invidious  in 
one  who  has  been  a  member  of  our  diplomacy.  There 
is  no  lack  of  genius  and  invention  in  our  ministers.  They 
may,  however,  be  taught  by  experience  that  it  is  easier 
to  write  an  epigrammatic  epistle  than  to  succeed  in  the 
transaction  of  great  business.  I  thought  the  enemy's  first 
overture  should  have  been  seized.  I  saw  nothing  in  it 
which  touched  our  honor — nothing  which  impaired  our 
interest.  I  speak  of  his  sine  qua  non,  for  all  the  rest  ap- 
peared to  be  a  reciprocation  of  our  own  extravagance. 
You,  who  have  seen  the  whole  of  our  Cabinet's  instruc- 
tions, can  say  whether  my  conjecture,  for  I  have  no  in- 
formation, is  founded.  It  seemed  to  me  that  our  negoti- 
ators had,  by  reason  of  their  distance  from  home,  a  good 
game  in  hand.  Had  they  made  a  treaty  containing  a 
reciprocal  Indian  article,  declaring  that,  though  it  ex- 
ceeded their  instructions,  they  agreed  to  it  subject  to  the 
President's  superior  wisdom,  it  would  have  given  him 
three  months'  chance  of  contingencies. 

"  I  care  nothing  now  about  your  actings  and  doings. 
Your  decree  of  conscriptions  and  your  tremendous  levy  of 
contributions,  which  have  so  horribly  frightened  us,  are 
alike  indifferent  to  one  whose  eyes  are  fixed  on  a  star  in 
the  East  which  he  believes  to  be  the  day-spring  of  freedom 
and  glory.  The  madmen  and  traitors  assembled  at  Hart- 
ford will,  I  believe,  if  not  too  tame  and  timid,  be  hailed 
hereafter  as  the  patriots  and  sages  of  their  day  and  genera- 
tion. May  the  blessing  of  God  be  upon  them  to  inspire 
their  councils  and  prosper  their  resolutions.  If  the  Hart- 
ford Convention  determine  that  no  more  taxes  shall  be 
paid,  that  no  more  men  shall  be  enlisted,  that  no  part  of 
the  new  debt  shall  be  paid  by  New  England  and  her  as- 


5/6  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  XLIX. 

sociates,  that  New  England  soldiers  shall  no  longer  bear 
arms  against  old  England,  and  that  the  'Eastern  States, 
with  their  associates,  are  no  longer  at  war  ;  you  will  have, 
before  the  summer  solstice,  some  solid  ground  to  go  upon 
and  force  the  people  to  see,  for  by  that  time  the  hand  of 
Government  will  have  forced  them  to  feel.  In  the  mean 
time,  let  us  control  our  indignation  at  the  stupid  indiffer- 
ence which  sometimes  almost  runs  me  mad." 


i8is.J  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  577 


CHAPTER  L. 

Scheme  for  a  bank.  Letter  to  Rufus  King  on  the  subject.  The  Hartford 
Convention,  Letter  to  Moss  Kent.  Laments  the  existing  troubles 
and  fears  more  misery.  Peace  proclaimed.  Suggests  laws  to  protect 
game.  Letter  to  Senator  Wells.  Expresses  his  opinion  of  the  peace. 
Napoleon's  escape  from  Elba.  Letter  to  a  friend  commenting  on  the 
manifesto  of  the  combined  powers. 

IN  January,  1815,  the  bank  scheme,  which  had  always, 
in  Morris's  opinion,  been  unsound,  came  to  an  end ; 
or,  as  he  expressed  it  in  a  letter  to  Rufus  King  :  "  The 
bank  bubble  has  burst  ;  on  which,  if  the  Union  is  to  be  re- 
vived, I  heartily  congratulate  every  friend  to  our  coun- 
try, for  it  would  have  hung  a  millstone  round  our  necks, 
and  rendered  a  sound  system  of  finance  almost,  if  not  al- 
together, impracticable.  A  thing  of  this  sort  is  more  per- 
nicious in  its  immediate  effects,  and  far  more  dangerous 
in  its  remote  consequence,  than  paper  money  of  the  old 
stamp.  Whether  to  congratulate  or  to  condole  with  you 
on  the  failure  of  your  conscription-scheme  I  know  not. 
Had  it  passed,  and  attempts  been  made  to  execute  it,  the 
people  might  have  roused  from  a  lethargy  boding  death 
to  our  rights.  If  not  resisted,  many  precious  rights  en- 
joyed under  the  British  Government,  which  their  claim  of 
supremacy  had  not  jeopardized,  would  have  been  de- 
stroyed. 

'*  We  shall,   I   suppose,  soon  learn  what  the   Hartford 
Convention  has  done.     As  far  as  my  information  goes, 
they  will  not  come  up   to   the  point  which  would  have 
Vol.  II.— 37 


578  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  TChap.  L. 

insured  success.  An  opinion  generally  expressed,  thougli 
not  perhaps  entertained,  that  the  Union  must  be  preserved, 
may,  by  enfeebling  their  decisions,  lessen  the  motives  for 
adherence.  Should  they  cause  it  to  be  understood,  not 
only  that  no  more  men  or  money  shall  be  drawn  from, 
and,  in  case  of  separation,  no  part  of  the  war  debt  be 
paid  by  New  England,  but  that  the  execution  of  offices 
held  under  the  Union  is  suspended,  and  that  honorable 
conditions  of  peace  shall,  if  proposed  on  the  part  of  Great 
Britain,  be  immediately  accepted,  this  State  would,  I  be- 
lieve, adhere  by  an  almost  unanimous  vote. 

"  I  had  written  thus  far  when  a  pamphlet  containing 
the  acts  of  the  convention  was  brought  to  me.  They 
have  fallen  short,  not  only  of  the  ideas  just  expressed,  but 
of  general  expectation,  and  will  be  laughed  at  by  many. 
Nevertheless  the  business  will,  I  am  persuaded,  go  all 
the  length  they  look  to.  If  Messrs.  Madison  &  Co.  close 
with  their  proposition  (it  will  be  difficult  to  adjust  the 
terms),  a  separation  will  be  acknowledged  ;  and  should 
those  terms  be  rejected,  it  must  ensue.  While  you  sit 
deliberating,  the  Union  withers  in  the  opinion  of  those 
who  think  they  are  thinking  men.  For  my  own  part,  I 
considered  the  Constitution  as  dead  from  the  repeal  of  the 
Judiciary,  and  the  Union  as  dissolved  when  the  National 
Executive  declared  they  could  not  defend  the  States,  and 
would  not  abandon  their  scheme  of  conquering  Canada. 
A  new  order  of  things  must  arise,  when  the  actual  disor- 
der shall  be  generally  felt.  A  government  without  force, 
without  money,  without  talent,  and  generally  despised, 
cannot  stand.  If  not  overthrown,  it  must  tumble  down  ; 
and  the  convention  have,  out  of  pure  malice,  perhaps,  left 
it  to  the  latter  as  being  the  more  humiliating  alterna- 
tive." 

The   doings  of   the  Hartford  Convention  Morris,  in  a 


i8is]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  579 

letter  to  Moss  Kent,  January  loth,  characterized  "  as  pru- 
dent;  and,"  continued  he,  "your  democratic  acquaintance 
will  doubtless  make  themselves  merry  at  the  mildness  of 
Yankee  measures.  Such  humble  language  must  have  a 
squeaking  sound  to  ears  that  tingle  with  the  full  tone  of 
a  gentleman  now  Governor  of  South  Carolina.  You, 
however,  who  are  somewhat  of  a  Yankee,  will  see  in  the 
modest  propositions  from  Hartford  matter  more  serious 
than  the  rattling  of  words.  Yankees  like  to  make  what 
they  call  a  fair  bargain  and  will,  I  guess,  easily  take  up 
the  notion  of  bargaining  with  the  National  Government, 
which,  according  to  my  notion,  can  make  no  bargain  of 
practical  result  which  will  not  amount  to  a  severance  of 
the  Union.  Moreover,  in  the  dearth  of  ready  'rhino,' 
the  administration  cannot  spare  a  part,  especially  the  first 
part,  of  New  England's  contribution  ;  whereas  New  Eng- 
land, in  adjusting  the  proportion,  will  probably  guess  that 
the  whole  is  better  than  any  part.  If,  on  the  other  hand, 
these  modest  propositions  are  rejected,  I  guess  that  New 
England,  finding  her  logic  of  no  avail,  will  resort  to  the 
reason  of  cannon  law. 

"  It  is  very  true,  my  good  friend,  that  direct  taxes  fall 
heavy  on  great  land-holders.  And  it  is  equally  true  that 
the  land-tax,  as  originally  imposed  and  now  reimposed, 
is  a  breach  of  faith,  and,  in  the  mildest  view,  an  act  of  in- 
justice. No  government  can  rightfully  exact  more  than 
a  fair  proportion  of  income.  To  go  further,  and  take 
the  capital,  is  no  longer  taxation ;  it  is  confiscation. 
When  the  State  sells  uncultivated  land  they  receive  that 
which  produces  income  in  exchange  for  that  which  pro- 
duces no  income,  under  the  engagement,  generally  ex- 
pressed but  always  implied,  that  while  it  remains  unpro- 
ductive it  shall  remain  untaxed.  Imagine  a  person,  and 
there  are  many  such,  w^ho  invested  the  greater  part  of  a 


580  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  L. 

large  money  capital  in  the  purchase  of  wild  land,  reserv- 
ing as  much  in  public  stock  as  might  enable  his  family  to 
live.  Such  person,  the  interest  on  his  stock  withheld  and 
unable  to  sell  the  principal,  is  pressed  for  a  tax  on  his 
wild  land.  He  cannot  sell  it,  for  no  one  is  so  foolish  as  to 
purchase  a  tax.  What,  then,  can  he  do  ?  You  may  deter- 
mine that,  if  he  don't  pay,  so  much  of  his  land  shall  be  sold 
as  the  tax  amounts  to.  Now  make  that  certain  which,  in 
the  course  of  things,  must  become  certain.  Suppose  it  to 
be  one-tenth.  It  results  that  your  operation,  when  ana- 
lyzed, amounts  to  this  :  You  sell  a  thousand  acres  for  cash 
to-day,  and  take  back  a  hundred  for  nothing  to-morrow. 
Why  not  play  the  whole  game  of  French  rapacity  ?  Why 
not  take  the  whole  property,  preluding,  as  they  did,  by 
an  overture  on  the  guillotine  ? 

"  I  am  of  opinion,  with  the  democratic  members  you 
mention,  that  the  Southern  and  Western  States  will  not 
pay  their  portion  of  the  direct  tax.  If,  therefore,  you  wish 
to  redress  grievances  and  present  a  bright  prospect  to 
holders  of  war  stock,  enact  that  States  (at  the  next  session 
of  Congress)  shall  be  represented  pro  rata  of  payments 
on  account  of  their  tax  into  the  treasury,  and  shall  vote 
for  the  President  on  the  same  principle.  This  regulation, 
in  the  spirit  of  the  Constitution,  will  (if  adopted)  place 
power  where  it  ought  to  be,  and  (if  rejected)  explain  our 
political  condition. 

"When,  in  framing  the  Constitution,  we  restricted  so 
closely  the  power  of  government  over  our  fellow-citizens  of 
the  militia,  it  was  not  because  we  supposed  there  would 
ever  be  a  Congress  so  mad  as  to  attempt  tyrannizing  over 
the  people  or  militia  by  the  militia.  The  danger  we  meant 
chiefly  to  provide  against  was  hazarding  the  national 
safety  by  a  reliance  on  that  expensive  and  inefficient 
force ;  for  those  who,  during  the  revolutionary  storm^  had 


i8is.]  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  581 

confidential  acquaintance  with  the  conduct  of  affairs,  knew 
well  that  to  rely  on  undisciplined,  ill-officered  men,  though 
they  were  individually  as  brave  as  Caesar,  to  resist  the 
well  directed  impulse  of  veterans  is  to  act  in  defiance  of 
reason  and  experience.  We  flattered  ourselves  that  the 
constitutional  restriction  on  the  use  of  militia,  combined 
with  the  just  apprehension  of  danger  to  liberty  from  a 
standing  army,  would  force  those  intrusted  with  the  con- 
duct of  national  affairs  to  make  seasonable  provision  for  a 
naval  force.  We  were  not  ignorant  of  the  puerile  notions 
entertained  by  some  on  that  subject,  but  we  hoped,  alas ! 
vainly  hoped,  that  our  councils  would  not  be  swayed  by 
chattering  boys,  nor  become  the  sport  of  senseless  decla- 
mation," 

A  conviction  of  more  trouble  impending,  and  of  at  least 
a  long  period  of  time  during  which  the  finances  of  the 
country  must  be  in  a  deplorable  condition,  greatly  op- 
pressed Morris,  and  the  condition  of  those  in  Virginia 
who  had  undertaken  pecuniary  engagements  appeared  to 
him  most  unfortunate.  "  My  dear  friend,"  he  wrote,  Jan- 
uary 22d,  to  Randolph  Harrison,  of  Clifton,  Va.,  express- 
ing his  anxiety,  "  I  fear  we  are  only  at  the  beginning  of 
trouble.  The  misery  we  suffer  may  be  traced  to  the  imbe- 
cility and  prodigious  extravagance  of  military  operations, 
the  dishonesty  of  fiscal  schemes,  and  those  oppressive 
follies  which  preceded  the  war.  It  is  now  full  five  and 
twenty  years  since  those  who  govern  us  predicted  an  ap- 
proaching bankruptcy  of  the  British  nation.  Their  di- 
plomacy has  been  calculated  on  this  idea,  the  absurdity 
of  which  was  evident  to  every  man  of  correct  information 
and  sound  mind.  Mark  the  result.  England  has  borne 
an  exti-eme  pressure  of  war,  with  little  intermission,  from 
that  day  to  this  ;  yet  her  three  per  cent,  and  our  six  per 
cent,  stock  are  selling  nearly  at  the  same  price.     Hers  is 


582  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  L, 

rising,  ours  falls  ;  we  have  not  taken  her  territory,  we  lose 
our  own ;  and  if  the  measures  which  have  already  brought 
us  to  the  brink  of  ruin  be  pursued,  our  liberty  and  prop- 
erty will  soon  be  buried  in  the  same  grave.  We,  indeed, 
of  the  North  and  East,  may  save  ourselves  by  a  severance 
of  the  Union.  What  I  say  is  for  you  alone.  I  mean  not 
that  even  the  slight  obstacle  of  my  opinion  should  be  put 
in  the  way  of  our  rulers,  but  if  we  do  not  have  peace  soon 
your  produce,  now  worth  little,  will  be  worth  nothing, 
and  every  solid  dollar  you  have  will  take  wing  and  fly 
away." 

The  diary  notes  that  Thursday.  February  9th,  is  "  my 
son's  birthday,  two  years  old.  We  have  a  dinner-party  to 
celebrate  the  festival." 

"  The  news  of  peace  arrived  in  town  yesterday,"  Mor- 
ris clironicles,  February  12th;  and,  writing  a  few  days 
later  to  his  nephew  David  B.  Ogden,  then  at  Washington, 
he  says  :  "  I  congratulate  you  on  the  return  of  peace,  in 
compliance  with  the  fashion,  and  listening  (for  once)  to 
the  voice  of  self-interest,  pardonable,  perhaps,  at  sixty- 
three.  The  peace  may  prevent  a  separation  of  the  States, 
patch  up  our  tattered  Constitution,  and  perpetuate  the 
blessings  of  a  Jacobin  administration. 

"  In  a  letter  written  to  Mr.  King  yesterday  is  the  follow- 
ing paragraph  :  '  Be  not  surprised  at  a  proposal  to  relin- 
quish the  direct  tax.  It  comports  with  Southern  interest 
and  policy.  Federal  opposition  will  be  a  deadly  weapon 
in  the  hand  of  their  adversaries.  Say  what  you  will  of 
public  faith,  moral  right,  and  constitutional  policy  ;  talk, 
if  you  please,  in  Latin,  Greek,  or  Hebrew  ;  publish  dis- 
courses in  English,  Syriac,  or  Coptic  character,  no  one 
will  listen,  no  one  will  read — but  all  will  eagerly  catch  and 
greedily  swallow  the  plain  democratic  proposition  :  "  Gen- 
tlemen, electors,  it  was  with  extreme  reluctance,  under  the 


rSisl  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  583 

pressure  of  dire  necessity,  that  we  laid  a  direct  tax,  and  as 
soon  as  that  pressure  was  removed  we  proposed  to  take  it 
off,  but  those  accursed  federalists,  who  delight  in  oppress- 
ing the  people,  insisted  on  its  continuance."  This  plain 
proposition,  I  say,  will  be  understood,  felt,  and  acted  upon 
— any  cause,  matter,  or  thing  to  the  contrary  thereof  in 
anywise  notwithstanding.' 

"  We  Americans  are  all  good  patriots  ;  we  have  a  pat- 
ent for  it.  We  are,  moreover,  good  republicans  ;  we  have 
a  patent  for  that  also,  and  such  as  bear  the  sacred  sym- 
bols of  democracy  have  an  exceeding  great  attachment  to 
the  republic — for  the  word  republic  means,  as  everyone 
knows,  public  things,  namely,  public  office,  public  trust, 
and  public  treasure.  But  only  a  part,  even,  of  the  purest 
republicans,  democrats  of  the  very  first  proof,  neat  as  im- 
ported, can  finger  public  cash  in  its  vvayifrom  the  pouch 
of  a  contributor  to  the  clutch  of  a  contractor.  The  great 
mass,  therefore,  even  of  shouting  Jacobins,  find  little 
chance  of  pocketing  our  square  dollars,  notwithstanding 
the  patriotic  indulgence  of  liberal  rulers  whose  generosity, 
finding  no  food  for  its  exercise  in  their  purses,  spreads 
its  benign  influence  over  the  nation's  wealth.  In  conse- 
quence, they  prudently  contrive  to  keep  back  as  many  as 
possible  of  their  own  cents  from  a  collector's  grasp.  Fed- 
eralists, also,  loudly  though  they  cry,  and  honestly,  in 
support  of  public  credit,  are  well  content  to  be  let  off  for 
the  cry,  while  others  bear  the  burden  and  pay  the  cost. 
Hetlce  it  happens  that  no  candidate  can  wear  to  the  polls 
a  finer  feather  than  the  words  No  taxes,  handsomely 
pinned  to  his  hat. 

"  I  do  not  recommend  anything.  I  have  not  the  pre- 
sumption. I  permit  myself,  however,  the  liberty  of  guess- 
ing, and,  in  consequence,  I  guess  that  those  who  move  and 
vote  for  the  repeal  of  direct  taxes  will  stand  a  better  chance 


584  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  L. 

to  catch  popularity  than  their  opponents.  I  guess  that 
the  love  of  popularity,  like  the  itch,  is  a  disease  to  which 
those  are  liable  who -frequent  public  assemblies.  I  guess, 
therefore, -it  would  be  as  impolite  to  scrutinize  motives  at 
Washington  as  to  look  closely  at  a  Highlander's  knuckles. 
There  can  be  no  doubt  that  those  worthy  gentlemen  who 
conscientiously  furnished  pecuniary  means  to  prosecute 
this  righteous  war  would  make  a  sad  caterwauling  at  the 
prospect  of  losing  ten  or  a  dozen  millions,  the  fruit  of  their 
honest  industry.  But  I  guess  that  the  worthy  gentlemen 
are  about  to  be  out  of  favor  and  out  of  fashion  at  head- 
quarters. They  will,  I  fear,  be  annoyed  by  ugly  words, 
such  as  usury  and  extortion,  which  bear  a  sound  particu- 
larly unpleasant  to  gentlemen  of  delicate  ears.  And,  God 
forgive  me,  I  guess  that  the  pleasure  felt  by  those  vulgar 
creatures,  the  farmers  and  mechanics,  at  being  relieved 
from  oppressive  taxation,  would  be  heightened  by  the 
disappointment  of  those  whose  wisdom  planned  and 
whose  modesty  proposed  the  ways  and  means  by  which 
to  drive  in  splendid  coaches  over  the  necks  of  those  vul- 
gar creatures." 

In  an  interesting  letter  to  DeWitt  Clinton,  Morris  stated 
his  ideas  on  the  propriety  of  making  laws  to  protect  fish 
and  game  ;  such  laws,  he  thought,  would  aid  vagabonds  to 
earn  an  honest  living,  and  thereby  enrich  the  State.  **  Re- 
lying," he  continues,  "on  long  experience  and  mature  re- 
flection, I  hesitate  not  to  assert  that  plenty,  power,  num- 
bers, wealth,  and  felicity  will  ever  be  in  proportion  to  tlie 
security  of  property.  Unless  by  agrarian  laws  the  fab- 
ric of  society  be  demolished,  some  individuals  will  become 
rich.  These,  if  precluded  from  enjoying  their  wealth  at 
home,  will  go  abroad,  or  employ  it  in  accumulating  more ; 
whereas,  if  our  institutions  be  such  as  reasonably  to  en- 
courage objects  of  taste  and  magnificence,  not  only  our 


i8is.3  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  585 

wealthy  citizens  who  are  fond  of  expense  will  be  kept  at 
home,  but  wealthy  foreigners  may  be  induced,  by  the  gen- 
eral freedom  and  ease  of  our  manners,  to  come  and  reside 
among  us.  Many,  also,  diverted  from  accumulations  of 
property  dangerous  to  liberty,  will  employ  those  without 
whose  labor  works  of  taste  and  magnificence  cannot  be 
executed.  It  shall  readily  be  admitted  that  forty  thousand 
dollars  spent  in  the  course  of  ten  years  to  build  the  wall 
of  a  park  will  yield  but  low  interest  in  venison  and  skins, 
so  that,  if  undertaken  as  a  profitable  speculation,  the  pro- 
prietor would  be  deceived  ;  he  migiit  find  a  better  pecuni- 
ary account  in  building  fire-proof  stores.  But  would  he 
realize  a  greater  profit  from  spending  four  thousand  dol- 
lars a  year  in  foreign  luxuries?  Would  the  importation 
of  costly  wine,  furniture,  and  apparel,  conduce  more  to 
his  health  or  wealth  ?  Would  it  increase  the  public 
wealth  as  much  ?  Would  the  support  of  women  in  Flan- 
ders who  spin  fine  flax  and  knit  point  lace  add  as  much  to 
our  population  and  power  as  the  support  of  men  in  Am- 
erica who  build  walls  and  quarry  stones  ?  When  war  calls 
for  soldiers — but  whither  am  I  going  ?  I  sat  down  to  say 
a  word  about  eels  and,  somehow  or  other,  that  slippery 
subject  has  led  me  to  one  so  much  more  slippery  that  the 
sooner  I  quit  it  the  better.  Accept  then,  I  pray  you,  the 
assurance  of  that  respect  with  which  I  have  the  honor  to 
be,  etc." 

"Accept  my  thanks,"  Morris  wrote,  February  24th, 
to  Mr.  William  H.  Wells,  "  for  your  excellent  speech  be- 
fore the  Senate,  which,  if  we  are  to  believe  Voltaire 
when  he  says,  *  The  pleasure  of  reading  verse  is  derived 
from  the  sense  of  difficulty  surmounted,'  is  equal  to  an 
epic  poem.  You  state  at  your  outset  the  obstacle,  and 
afterwards  establish  your  position  that  a  self-evident  prop- 
osition cannot  be  demonstrated.     Contra  principia  negati' 


586  DIARY  AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  L. 

tern  non  est  disputandum.  Those  who  deny  axioms  have 
a  great  advantage  over  opponents  who  have  the  good  nat- 
ure to  argue  with  them,  for  genius  can  seduce  weak  minds 
by  plausible  sophisms ;  but  he  wiio  attempts  to  prove  that 
two  and  two  make  four  imposes  on  himself  an  arduous 
task.  Your  observations  are  so  acute  and  profound  that 
many  will  find  it  difficult  to  follow  you,  but  those  who  do 
will  be,  if  possible,  more  thoroughly  convinced  than  they 
were,  from  a  mere  enunciation  of  the  proposition,  that  a 
jug  must  not  only  exist  but  have  something  in  it  before  it 
can  be  emptied. 

"The  Constitution,  I  think,  intended  that  certain  offices 
should  be  held  at  tlie  President's  pleasure.  It  is  unques- 
tionably an  abuse  to  create  a  vacancy,  in  the  recess  of  the 
Senate,  by  turning  a  man  out  of  office,  and  then  fill  it  as  a 
vacancy  that  has  happened.  But,  my  dear  sir,  there  is  no 
end  to  abuses.  It  is  a  vain  attempt  to  tie  up  the  arm  of 
government  with  paper  bands,  for  the  purposes  of  gov- 
ernment cannot  be  answered  unless  it  have  sufficient 
strength  to  crush  exterior  obstacles.  If,  then,  those  who 
administer  it  have  not  morality  enough  to  confine  them- 
selves within  the  prescribed  bounds,  it  will  run  to  excess, 
unless  restrained  by  interior  organization.  This  is  no  new 
discovery.  Shortly  after  the  Convention  met  there  was  a 
serious  discussion  on  the  importance  of  arranging  a  na- 
tional system  of  sufficient  strength  to  operate  in  despite  of 
State  opposition,  and  yet  not  strong  enough  to  break 
down  State  authority.  I  delivered  on  that  occasion  this 
short  speech  :  '  Mr.  President,  if  the  rod  of  Aaron  do  not 
swallow  the  rods  of  the  magicians,  the  rods  of  the  magi- 
cians will  swallow  the  rod  of  Aaron.' 

"You  would  ask,  perhaps,  how,  under  such  impressions 
I  could  be  an  advocate  of  the  Federal  Constitution.  To 
this  I  answer,  first,  that  I  was  warmly  pressed  by  Hamil- 


i8i5l  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  587 

ton  to  assist  in  writing  the  Federalist,  which  I  declined  ; 
secondly,  that  nothing  human  can  be  perfect ;  thirdly, 
that  the  obstacles  to  a  less  imperfect  system  were  in- 
surmountable ;  fourthly,  that  the  old  Confederation  was 
worse ;  and,  fifthly,  that  there  was  no  reason,  at  that 
time,  to  suppose  our  public  morals  would  be  so  soon  and 
so  entirely  corrupted.  Mr.  Mason,  a  delegate  from  Vir- 
ginia, constantly  inveighing  against  aristocracy,  labored 
to  introduce  aristocratic  provisions.  Some  of  them  might 
have  been  wholesome,  but  they  would  have  been  rejected 
by  public  feeling  in  the  form  proposed  ;  and  if  modified 
to  render  them  acceptable,  by  detracting  proportionately 
from  executive  authority,  which  was  his  plan,  we  should 
have  risked  less,  indeed,  from  the  flood  of  democracy,  but 
we  should  have  had  a  president  unable  to  perform  the 
duties  of  his  oflRce.  Surrounded  by  difficulties,  we  did 
the  best  we  could,  leaving  it  with  those  who  should  come 
after  us  to  take  counsel  from  experience,  and  exercise 
prudently  the  power  of  amendment  which  we  had  pro- 
vided. I  see,  with  concern,  that  the  old  treaty  of  peace  is 
not  renewed  and  confirmed  in  the  Treaty  of  Ghent." 

Morris  was  not  timid  in  expressing  his  opinion  of  the 
peace.  "  Mr.  Madison,"  he  wrote,  March  14th,  to  a  friend 
living  in  Northern  New  York,  "  had  the  impudence  to 
call  the  peace,  in  a  message  to  Congress,  honorable.  No 
man  need  con  the  pages  of  public  law  to  be  convinced 
that  when  a  nation,  having  assigned  a  specific  claim  as  the 
cause  for  declaring  war,  concludes  a  treaty  of  peace  which 
contains  neither  a  grant  of  the  thing  claimed  nor  a  reser- 
vation of  the  question  for  future  adjustment,  it  is  equiva- 
lent to  an  express  abandonment.  But  lest  there  should 
be,  as  in  stupid  minds  there  might  be,  a  doubt  on  the  sub- 
ject, our  rulers  have  publicly  advanced  the  proposition 
in  the  broadest  terms.     Thus  from  their  own  showing:,  as 


588  DIARY  AND  LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  L. 

well  as  on  the  acknowledged  principles  of  public  law  and 
the  plain  dictates  of  common-sense,  they  have  surrendered 
to  England  every  contested  point.  They  have  therefore 
tacitly  acknowledged  the  injustice  of  a  war  rashly  de- 
clared, prodigally  maintained,  weakly  conducted,  and 
meanly  concluded. 

"I  say  it  has  been  meanly  concluded,  because  I  am  in- 
formed— indeed,  I  foresaw — that  their  endeavor,  by  pub- 
lishing part  of  the  pending  negotiation,  to  excite  a  hostile 
spirit  here  while  they  professed  a  pacific  disposition  at 
Ghent  filled  the  British  ministers  with  indignation.  In 
consequence,  their  commissioners,  disdaining  to  reason 
with  ours,  sternly  dictated  the  terms  of  a  treaty.  Every 
attempt  to  obtain  other  conditions  met  the  laconic  reply 
usually  given  to  a  capitulating  garrison,  *  Inadmissible.' 
Thus  honorably  was  this  peace  obtained,  a  boon  from  the 
benevolence  of  our  enemy,  like  the  honorable  peace  dic- 
tated to  France  in  the  city  of  Paris. 

"  The  attempt  to  keep  a  standing  army  of  twenty  thou- 
sand men  has  an  awful  appearance.  Does  the  adminis- 
tration contemplate  violating,  in  the  moment  of  ratifying, 
the  treaty,  by  refusing  to  restore  land  taken  from  the  In- 
dians ?  Does  it  mean  to  invade  the  Spanish  territory? 
Does  it  intend  to  dragoon  the  Eastern  States  ?  Or  does  it 
merely  covet  the  means  of  corrupt  influence  at  the  next 
election  ?  Ignorant  of  their  views,  I  can  only  say  that 
this  attempt  of  our  oppressors  to  squeeze  the  last  penny 
from  an  impoverished  people  merits  severe  censure,  if 
not  punishment,  unless  some  great  public  danger  impends. 

"  If,  amid  the  indignant  emotion  roused  by  the  misfort- 
unes of  my  country,  I  could  listen  to  the  dictates  of  pri- 
vate interest,  the  peace  would  be  agreeable,  not  merely 
because  it  saves  the  State  from  ruin  but  because  its  con- 
ditions and  consequences  will  enrich  the  country  you  in- 


I3I5.1  >         GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  589 

habit.  The  United  States,  having  lost  (or  nearly  so)  the 
fisheries,  and  trade  of  the  East  and  West  Indies  ;  being, 
moreover,  restricted  now  by  the  nature  of  things  to  a  di- 
rect commerce  of  export  and  consumption,  much  of  the 
mercantile  capital  saved  from  six  years  of  maladministra- 
tion and  three  years  of  war  must  seek  employment  on 
some  other  object.  The  direct  tax  will  be  too  unpopular 
to  be  long  continued,  even  were  it  wise,  moderate,  and 
just.  Heavy  duties  will  foster  the  traffic  which  has,  it  is 
said,  been  carried  on  during  the  war  between  the  opposite 
shores  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  The  preference  given  by 
Britain  to  articles  brought  from  her  own  colonies  will  be 
a  premium  to  the  produce  of  your  country,  when  exported 
from  Montreal.  The  course  and  result  of  the  war  show 
there  is  no  reason  to  apprehend  predatory  incursions  or 
a  cession  of  territory.  Being,  moreover,  cured  of  the 
desire  for  conquering  Canada,  there  is  no  cause  to  fear 
the  loss  of  the  double  market  formerly  enjoyed,  or  that 
large  tracts  of  Canadian  soil  will  be  offered  to  American 
settlers." 

Thursday,  April  27th,  the  diary  mentioned  the  news  hav- 
ing come  of  Napoleon's  escape  from  Elba,  and  that  "he 
entered  Paris  the  20th  of  March,  at  the  head  of  eighty 
thousand  French  troops,  all  that  were  sent  to  oppose  him 
having  joined  him."  And  May  5th  the  entry  in  the 
diary  contains  the  news  that  "  it  appears  all  Europe  is 
leagued  to  restore  the  Bourbons.  A  manifesto  of  the 
combin-ed  powers  declares  Bonaparte  an  outlaw."  Com- 
menting to  a  friend  on  this  state  of  affairs,  a  little  later, 
Morris  says  : 

"Your  alarm  respecting  Bonaparte  is,  I  think,  too  great. 
Louis  deserved,  in  some  measure,  what  happened,  I  ap- 
prehended trouble  and  turmoil,  though  not  so  great  a  ca- 
tastrophe ;  for  the  man  who  lies  down  naked  among  rattle- 


590  DIARY    AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  L. 

snakes  must  expect  to  be  bitten.  It  is,  however,  more 
easy  to  discover  faults  than  to  avoid  them.  He  ought,  if 
he  could,  to  have  disbanded  an  army  which,  habituated  to 
plunder,  was  not  susceptible  of  pacific  temper.  But  could 
he  ?  Was  he  net,  in  some  sort,  a  prisoner  in  their  hands  ? 
The  Allies  should  have  considered  the  situation  before 
they  placed  him  in  it.  But  they,  I  suppose,  reasoned  for 
what  they  saw  from  what  they  felt.  Alexander,  who  took 
the  lead,  has  still  in  his  head  some  of  that  stuff  called  phi- 
losophy which  it  was  full  of  ten  years  ago  ;  and  all  of 
them  seem  to  have  taken  for  granted  that  a  maxim,  not 
always  correct  in  a  state  of  peace,  is  applicable  in  a  state 
of  war,  viz.,  that  one  nation  ought  not  to  meddle  with 
the  internal  afifairs  of  another.  The  Romans  would  have 
laughed  at  this  childishness.  There  has  been  uttered  of 
late  much  idle  jargon  on  subjects  of  this  sort.  Among  the 
rest,  it  has  been  triumphantly  asked,  as  if  unanswerable, 
'  Would  you  make  war  against  principles.'  To  this  I  have 
frequently  had  occasion  to  reply,  '  Yes,  and  to  destroy 
principles  inconsistent  with  the  peace  and  happiness  of 
mankind — destroy  those  who  hold  them.'  Providence, 
whose  ways  are  inscrutable  by  man,  has  brought  the  Allies 
now  to  a  condition  in  which  they  must  act  up  to  this 
opinion.  Bonaparte  will  be  quelled,  and  his  associate  con- 
spirators brought  to  condign  punishment.  I  am,  more- 
over, disposed  to  believe  that  ere  long  Jacobin  doctrines 
will  be  put  down  everywhere.  The  family  of  nations 
must  not  be  tormented  by  the  vain  and  touchy  wayward- 
ness of  a  presumptous  member.  Those  who,  like  Napo- 
leon, deny  the  law,  must,  like  Napoleon,  be  put  out  of  the 
law." 


i8i6.J  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  591 


CHAPTER   LI. 

The  summer  of  1815.  The  last  year  of  Morris's  life.  He  opposes  the 
heavy  tariff.  His  sixty-fourth  birthday.  Letter  to  Rufus  King. 
The  ratified  Convention.  Disapproves  of  direct  taxation.  Letter  to 
Moss  Kent.  Writes  of  the  exhausted  commercial  state  of  the 
country.  Elected  President  of  the  New  York  Historical  Society. 
Letter  to  the  federal  party.     Dies  at  Morrisania. 

DURING  the  summer  of  1815  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Morris, 
witli  their  son,  made  a  journey  to  Northern  New 
York.  While  there  Morris  mentioned  in  the  diary  the  news 
of  Waterloo,  but  only  as  an  announcement  of  "  Bona- 
parte's surrender  of  himself  and  his  suite  to  the  British 
ship  Bellerophon  and  of  the  British  generosity."  By  the 
middle  of  October  the  travellers  were  again  at  home. 
There  are  not  many  more  entries  in  the  diary  of  general 
interest,  and  the  work  of  the  editor  is  almost  finished. 

It  remained  for  Morris,  during  this  last  year  of  his 
eventful  life,  to  state  clearly,  through  the  medium  of  his 
pen,  his  opinions  on  the  plan  of  a  national  bank,  and  to 
oppose,  so  far  as  was  possible,  the  heavy  tariff  which  the 
Government  saw  fit  to  lay  upon  the  people — already  heav- 
ily taxed.  Throughout  his  diary  he  rarely  failed  to  mark 
the  first  day  of  each  new  year  v/ith  some  more  or  less  sig- 
nificant entry.  The  solemnity  of  the  moment  always 
found  a  response  in  his  heart.  On  this,  the  last  that  he 
was  destined  to  record — January  i,  1816 — he  touchingly 
expressed  his  entire  reliance  on  the  mercy  of  God  ;  and, 
with  a  sure  faith,  he  said,  "  Another  year  is  buried  in  the 


592  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  LI. 

abyss  of  a  past  eternity.  What  the  coming,  or,  rather,  the 
arrived  year  may  bring  is  known  only  to  the  Omniscient. 
But  we  know  that,  whatever  may  be  its  course  and  inci- 
dents, they  will  be  what  they  ought  to  be." 

On  his  birthday  (January  30th)  he  says :  "  My  friend 
Doctor  Hoffman  comes  to  dine  and  take  a  glass  in  com- 
memoration of  this,  my  birthday.  Sixty-four  years  since 
I  came  into  this  breathing  world."  This  winter  was  per- 
haps a  more  than  usually  quiet  one  at  Morrisania.  Mor- 
ris's health  was  delicate,  and  frequent  attacks  of  gout 
and  other  maladies  confined  him  much  to  his  room.  On 
the  9th  of  February  he  mentioned  being  "confined  to  my 
bed  ;  the  parson  and  doctor  come  to  celebrate  my  son's 
birthday.  Company  from  town  requested  not  to  come, 
because  of  my  ill-health." 

Notwithstanding  ill-health  and  many  business  perplexi- 
ties which  beset  him  during  this  last  winter,  his  pen  was 
very  actively  employed  against  what,  in  his  judgment, 
were  grave  abuses  in  public  places.  Of  the  ratified  Con- 
vention he  wrote  to  Rufus  King,  January  nth  : 

"  I  am  to  thank  you  for  a  copy  of  the  President's  mes- 
sage transmitting  the  ratified  Convention,  which  reached 
me  last  evening.  I  had  just  read  in  a  newspaper  that 
w^hich  communicated  to  your  body  the  account  of  the  ne- 
gotiation given  by  our  plenipotentiaries.  It  would  be 
impertinent  in  me  to  make  comments  on  this  transaction 
to  you.  Our  so  glorious  war,  and  so  glorious  peace,  and 
so  wise  Convention  will  all  appear  to  the  honor  of  the 
parties  concerned  in  the  page  of  history." 

His  opinion  of  the  new  bank  scheme  was  given  to  Mr. 
Moss  Kent  in  the  following  letter,  dated  January  23d  ; 

"  I  would  have  made  an  earlier  reply  to  your  letter  of 
the  i2th,  but,  ever  since  I  received  it,  have  been  confined 
by  influenza  and  gout  to  my  chamber,  and  chiefly  to  my 


i8i6.1  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  593 

bed  ;  nor  am  I  now  in  a  condition  to  be  as  full  and  ex- 
plicit as  the  subject  requires.  We  must  confine  ourselves 
to  a  general  view.  I  state  it,  then,  as  my  opinion  that  the 
proposed  bank  is  unnecessary,  incompetent,  and  danger- 
ous. The  plan  now  before  me,  instead  of  checking  cor- 
ruption, will  subserve  the  views  of  a  wicked  minister. 
What  is  the  evil  to  be  remedied  ?  An  excess  of  paper 
money  which,  by  reason  of  the  excess,  has  depreciated. 
And  what  is  the  remedy  proposed  ?  To  issue  more  paper. 
The  seven  millions  of  treasury  bank-notes  are  avowedly 
irredeemable,  and  the  other  bank-notes  will  be  equally 
irredeemable  when  payment  becomes  inconvenient.  The 
greatest  mischief  is  to  be  apprehended  from  the  success 
of  the  scheme.  On  this  bank,  is  to  depend,  should  it 
succeed,  the  pecuniary  interest  of  the  community.  Look 
then  at  its  provisions.  It  is,  you  see,  in  the  hand  of  the 
Executive,  whose  influence  is  already  felt  in  the  remotest 
corners  of  our  country  :  what  will  it  be  when  aided  by 
this  formidable  engine  ?  Reflect  that  money  has  more 
power  here  than  in  other  countries,  from  the  dispropor- 
tion between  movables  and  immovables.  It  will,  when 
collected,  embodied,  and  directed  by  one  will,  be  irresisti- 
ble." 

To  Rufus  King,  a  day  later,  he  wrote  on  this  same  sub- 
ject : 

"  I  am  pressed  by  private  business,  and  days,  my  dear 
friend,  seem  to  shorten  as  the  sun  of  life  declines.  I  en- 
close, therefore,  my  letter  to  Mr.  Kent,  and  pray  you  will 
both  have  the  goodness  to  pardon  this  half  way  of  obeying 
your  orders.  In  addition  to  what  the  enclosed  contains,  I 
will  observe  here  that  the  scheme  is  calculated,  should  it 
succeed,  to  make  the  commercial  and  pecuniary  interests 
of  the  country  blindly  subservient  to  the  powers  which 
are  for  the  time  being.  The  Eastern  States  would  be 
Vol.  II.— 38 


594  DIARY   AND    LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  LI. 

completely  revolutionized.  In  the  probable  failure,  I 
think  I  see  a  clash  of  personal  property  and  an  obstacle 
to  the  proper  arrangement  of  our  finances — a  thing  not 
difficult  now,  unless  I  am  much  deceived  respecting  a 
matter  which,  from  the  course  of  my  life,  I  ought  to  know 
something  about,  if  I  be  not  a  very  stupid  fellow." 

On  the  question  of  taxation  Morris  had  equally  strong 
views,  which  he  expressed  in  a  letter  to  Rufus  King,  dated 
January  26th,  as  follows  : 

"I  fear  we  differ  in  opinion  on  the  subject  of  taxation. 
Disliking  heavy  duties,  I  would  raise  revenue  principally 
by  internal  but  not  by  direct  taxes,  which  are  ungracious 
and  tormenting,  and  when  pushed  are  no  longer  taxation 
but  confiscation.  A  land-tax  is  just  nowhere,  and  sover- 
eignly unjust  here.  Some  patriots  (sans  terres,  if  not  sans 
culottes')  cry  out,  '  Tax  land-speculators  and  oblige  them  to 
sell.'  Take  care,  gentlemen  patriots.  If  taxing  specula- 
lators  should  become  fashionable,  stocks  may  perchance 
be  annoyed.  Considering  the  extent  of  our  territory,  it 
might  be  politic,  I  do  not  say  just,  to  tax  those  who  have 
no  land  because  they  have  none,  or  place  them  under  civil 
disabilities.  Speculators,  as  such,  are  not  respectable,  but 
they  are  necessary,  and  in  no  case  more  so  than  in  the 
settlement  of  wild  land.  It  has  been  tried  to  prevent  ac- 
cumulation of  large  tracts  in  few  hands  by  confining 
grants  to  small  tracts,  but  experience  has  proved  that,  un- 
til rich  men  purchase  up  these  small  tracts,  the  country 
cannot  be  settled.  It  is  absurd  to  suppose  a  person  with 
scarce  a  second  shirt  to  his  back  can  go  two  or  three  hun- 
dred miles  to  look  out  a  farm,  have  it  surveyed,  travel 
back  again  to  the  office  for  a  patent,  etc.,  clear  the  land, 
cut  a  road,  make  a  settlement,  and  build  house  and  barn, 
and  then  an  owner  under  a  prior  grant  may  come  for- 
ward and  take  possession.     As  things  now  stand,  the  con- 


i8i6.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  595 

flict  of  title  is  generally  between  men  able  to  stand  the 
shock.  I  think  it  both  unwise  and  unjust  to  tax  money, 
or  unproductive  land.  Direct  taxes  overturned  the  federal 
party,  because  the  adversary  knew  how  to  use  that  weap- 
on. The  party  now  in  power  seems  disposed  to  do  all 
that  federal  men  ever  wished,  and  will,  I  fear,  do  more 
than  is  good  to  strengthen  the  Federal  Government. 
They  are  adroit,  and  if  their  schemes  fail  it  will,  not  be  for 
want  of  address,  but  of  that  higher  order  of  talent  to  con- 
duct public  affairs  which  is  not  abundant  in  any  country." 
A  few  days  later,  having  received  from  Mr.  King  and 
read  the  secretary's  report  on  a  general  tariff,  Morris 
quoted  therefrom  the  following  paragraph,  and  com- 
mented upon  it  at  some  length  :  "  Having  classed  the 
manufactures  of  the  United  States,  the  secretary  says  of 
'the  first  class,  which,'  he  thinks,  are  'firmly  established, 
and  wholly  or  almost  wholly  supply  the  demand  for  do- 
mestic use  and  consumption,'  that  high  duties  (amount- 
ing to  a  prohibition),  can  do  no  harm,  because  '  com- 
petition among  the  domestic  manufacturers  alone  would 
sufficiently  protect  the  consumer  from  exorbitant  prices.' 
THat,  by  imposing  low  duties  upon  the  imported  articles, 
*  importations  would  be  encouraged  and  the  revenue  in- 
creased, but,  without  adding  to  the  comfort  or  deducting  from 
the  expense  of  the  consumer,  the  consumption  of  the  domes- 
tic manufacture  would  be  diminished.'  If  I  understand 
this,  it  means  that  people  will  prefer  imported  goods  when 
they  can  get  home-made  as  good  and  as  cheap.  Perhaps 
it  may  be  so,  but  if  the  imported  goods  be  only  as  cheap 
in  the  seaports,  they  must  be  dearer  in  the  country.  More- 
over, I  believe,  if  duties  were  so  lowered  as  to  produce  for- 
eign competition,  our  mechanics  w^ould  do  more  and  better 
work,  to  their  own  advantage  and  that  of  the  community. 
Among  the  articles  in  his  first  class  are  hats  and  manufact- 


596  DIARY   AND   LETTERS   OF  [Chap.  LI. 

ures  of  leather.  Fifty  years  ago  our  hatters  so  rivalled 
those  of  England  in  their  West  India  Islands  that  a  Brit- 
ish statute  was  passed  making  American  hats  seizable 
when  water-borne  ;  and  thirty  years  ago  the  leather  man- 
ufactures of  Philadelphia  were  as  good  and  cheap  as 
those  of  Britain.  Indeed,  before  the  Revolution,  little 
leather  was  imported  by  the  Northern  States.  None  of 
us  then  wore  British  hats  or  British  boots.  American 
hats  and  boots  cost  but  $5,  and  we  should,  I  believe,  ex- 
port them  now,  if  they  could  be  imported  duty  free. 

"Our  system  of  revenue  is,  in  my  opinion,  vicious,  and 
the  secretary's  tariff  will  make  it  worse.  The  duty  on 
Bohea  tea  is  nearly  as  much  as  the  cost  in  China.  The 
duty  on  coffee,  tea,  sugar,  ardent  spirits,  and  wine  will 
yield  ample  profit  to  contraband  trade.  The  coffee  and 
sugar  plantations  in  our  neighborhood  will  soon  glut 
again  the  markets.  Coffee,  when  imported  duty  free,  was 
retailed  at  from  thirteen  to  fifteen  cents.  The  present 
duty,  therefore,  of  five  cents  (and  six  is  proposed)  is  a  full 
third  of  its  value.  It  will  not  cost  more  than  half  a  cent 
a  pound  to  place  coffee  and  tea  and  sugar  from  Montreal 
along  the  line  east  of  the  St.  Lawrence  which  separates  us 
from  Canada.  There  is  little  chance  of  collecting  a  duty 
of  $1  per  gallon  on  spirits,  when  for  less  than  a  fifth  of  it 
the  article  can  be  smuggled.  Forty  years  ago  it  was 
smuggled  to  save  a  duty  of  less  than  ten  cents.  It  is  not 
my  duty  to  form  a  system  for  the. support  of  public  credit, 
but  it  is  the  duty  of  us  all  to  oppose  what  is  wrong  in  any 
system." 

"  I  am  sorry  to  see,  by  a  late  newspaper,"  Morris 
wrote  to  Mr.  Moss  Kent,  on  March  3d,  "  that  our  friend 
King  has  eloquently  supported  a  perpetual  land-tax. 
While  you  offer  millions  of  acres  to  sell,  is  it  wise  to 
threaten  those  who  buy  with  an  everlasting  yoke  of  tax- 


i8i6.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  $97 

ation  ?  The  collection  from  wild  land  can  only  be  made 
by  sale.  So  long,  therefore,  as  the  tracts  you  dispose  of 
remain  unsettled,  you  annually  resume  a  part  of  your 
grant.  If  you  will  have  a  land-tax,  lay  it  on  revenue.  But 
why  resort  to  this  pernicious  mode  of  replenishing  your 
treasury  ?  Why  amerce  those  who  leave  a  settled  country 
to  lay  open  the  bosom  of  an  unproductive  wilderness  ?  Is 
it  not  enough  that  you  entice  the  youth  of  our  country, 
by  high  premiums,  to  quit  the  wholesome  tillage  of  her 
soil  for  manufacturing  sloth  and  debauchery?  Is  it  not 
enough  that  you  subject  the  busy  bees,  on  whose  honey 
you  live,  to  the  extortion  of  drones  who  must  quit  the 
hive  or  perish  if  not  supported  by  your  profusion  ?  Why 
travel  on  in  the  down-hill  road  to  ruin  ?  Why  degrade  a 
yeomanry,  our  country's  pride,  by  a  useless,  pernicious, 
tormenting  imposition  ?  There  was  a  time  when  Ameri- 
can farmers  could  cheer  their  friends  with  a  glass  of  gen- 
erous wine.  Heavy  protecting  duties  have  exposed  them, 
an  unprotected  prey,  to  the  rapacity  of  mechanics  whose 
riot  insults  their  want,  and,  bereaving  them  of  comforts, 
have  deprived  the  public  of  that  rich  revenue  which  might 
be  raised  by  a  moderate  impost  on  their  enjoyments. 
Now,  to  cure  the  wounds  wantonly  made  on  your  farmers 
and  finances,  you  try  to  squeeze  out  the  last  drop  from 
their  penury  by  the  pressure  of  direct  taxation.  Why, 
in  the  name  of  heaven,  why  uphold  a  system  radically 
wrong  ? " 

That  Morris  was  no  pronounced  party  man  he  very 
plainly  stated  in  a  letter  to  Randolph  Harrison,  written  in 
March,  and  speaking  of  the  different  parties. 

"  In  general,"  he  wrote,  "  the  policy  of  federal  men  was 
agreeable  to  me  ;  but  they  did  some  things  which  I  can- 
not reconcile  to  my  notions  of  political  economy.  You 
are  perfectly  correct  in  supposing  that  Mr.  Madison  will 


598  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  LI. 

have  my  feeble  support  so  long  as  I  approve  of  his  meas- 
ures in  public  life.  I  regard  men  only  as  they  are  likely 
to  pursue  a  wise  and  just  course.  I  have  no  personal 
object,  and  regard  only  the  public  welfare.  I  cannot  per- 
suade myself  that  heavy  duties  to  force  on  hotbed  manu- 
factures, at  the  risk  of  smuggling  (and  with  a  certainty 
of  diminishing  the  revenue  which  would  be  derived  from 
a  moderate  impost),  are  consistent  with  the  morals,  wealth, 
or  comfort  of  the  community;  or  that  those  who  till  the 
soil  should  be  laid  under  heavy  contribution  to  support 
the  scum  of  England  and  Ireland  who  come  out  to  live 
in  ease  and  idleness  as  mechanics.  Those  who  regard 
measures  only  as  they  tend  to  the  partial  advantage  of 
particular  districts  will  rejoice  in  a  system  which  gives  a 
profit  to  the  Northern,  drawn  from  the  very  vitals  of  the 
Southern,  States.  You  cannot  have  manufactories.  IVe 
can.  We  already  have  some,  and  shall  soon  have  many 
poor  children  who  can  be  pent  up,  to  march  backward  and 
forward  with  a  spinning-jenny,  till  they  are  old  enough  to 
become  drunkards  and  prostitutes.  But  we  can  effect  this 
sacrifice  of  the  body  and  of  the  soul  only  by  previous  sac- 
rifice of  our  wealth  and  comfort.  I  stop,  for  if  I  pursue 
the  subject  it  would  fill  many  sheets." 

That  the  direct  tax  should  become  a  law,  and,  still  more, 
that  it  had  federal  aid,  was  a  matter  of  regret  to  Morris; 
but  he  was  glad  to  learn  later  that  the  "  direct  tax  was  to 
be  only  an  annual  weed." 

"  But  it  requires,  my  good  friend,"  he  continued  in  this 
letter  to  Moss  Kent,  written  March  15th,  "  much  attention, 
much  observation,  much  reflection,  with  sound  sense  and 
honest  impartiality,  to  impose  taxes  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  promote  national  prosperity  without  impairing  individ- 
ual felicity.  Mend  your  bank  as  you  may,  it  will  be  but 
^  a  sorry  beast  at  last ;  too  weak  to  drag  you  out  of  the  mire. 


i8i6.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  599 

The  first  bank  in  this  country  was  planned  by  your  humble 
servant.  It  was  one  of  many  contrivances  to  rescue  our 
finances  from  ruin,  and  I  hesitate  not  to  affirm  that  the 
difficulties  you  have  now  to  contend  with  are  children's 
play  to  those  we  then  encountered.  I  have  as  little  hes- 
itation in  saying  that  what  was  medicine  then  would  be 
poison  now.  The  cases  differ  in  every  essential  circum- 
stance." 

In  a  very  long  and  exhaustive  letter,  dated  May  3d,  to 
Randolph  Harrison  on  the  commerce  of  the  country, 
w^ich  was  nearly  at  a  stand-still,  Morris  wrote  :  "  I  shall 
say  nothing  new — nothing  that  I  have  not  said  and  writ- 
ten when  required  by  the  occasion  ten  years  ago.  Let 
us  now  turn  to  what  particularly  concerns  us  who  culti- 
vate the  soil.  I  see,  in  a  late  paper,  that  out  of  twenty-six 
millions  sterling,  the  British  revenue,  one  million  is  de- 
rived from  a  land-tax.  Observe,  I  pray  you,  that  in  Eng- 
land there  is  no  unproductive  land.  Even  their  pleasure- 
grounds  yield  something  in  venison  and  the  pasturage  of 
cattle,  besides  the  increase  of  timber.  The  British  land- 
tax,  therefore,  falls  on  revenue.  But  not  a  fifth  part  of 
our  land  yields  anything.  We  have  been  taught  to  speak 
with  self-complacency  of  our  happy  condition  in  respect 
to  taxes  compared  with  miserable  British  subjects.  Note 
here,  I  pray  you,  by  way  of  parenthesis,  that  these  same 
miserable  subjects,  who  it  was  supposed  would  perish 
unless  fed  by  our  munificence,  have  sent  to  New  York 
and  made  there  a  profitable  sale  of  wheat,  beef,  pork,  and 
butter.  .  .  .  You  may  ask,  as  others  have  done,  why 
the  aid  of  my  counsels  was  not  offered.  Experience,  my 
friend,  has  taught  me  that  he  who  pretends  to  advise  men 
clothed  with  authority  is  treated  as  a  self-conceited  cox- 
comb. If  he  happens,  moreover,  to  be  of  a  proscribed 
party,  his  reflections  may  be  considered  as  satire.     I  could 


600  DIARY  AND   LETTERS  OF  [Chap.  LI. 

not  therefore,  deeply  as  I  felt  for  my  country,  presume 
to  ofifer  information  or  suggest  resources.  The  welfare 
of  our  country  is  my  single  object,  and  although  I  never 
sought,  refused,  nor  resigned  an  office,  there  is  no  depart- 
ment of  government  in  which  I  have  not  been  called  to 
act,  with  what  success  it  is  not  for  me  to  say." 

Morris's  last  letter  to  his  long-time  friend  John  Parish 
was  dated  at  Morrisania,  July  6th,  and  concerns  almost 
exclusively  himself  and  his  family  life.  "Your  son 
David,"  he  wrote,  "who  will  deliver  this  letter,  and  who 
has  lived  in  the  midst  of  our  world,  is  so  much  better  aWe 
to  tell  you  what  passes  there  than  I,  who  only  peep  out 
occasionally  from  the  threshold  of  my  hermitage,  that  it 
would  be  a  sort  of  impertinence  to  say  more  than  what 
regards  myself.  And  even  on  that  subject  I  would  add 
little  to  what  he  may  tell  you  of  my  health  and  appear- 
ance. 

"There  is,  then,  nothing  of  which  I  can  pretend  to  in- 
form you,  except  it  be  what  relates  to  my  sentiments  and 
interior  condition.  But  is  that  worth  while  ?  I  have  the 
vanity  to  believe  it  is,  because  the  pleasure  I  always  felt 
in  hearing  from  you  tells  me  you  will  not  be  indifferent 
to  what  you  may  read  from  me.  I  will,  then,  assure  you 
that  I  indulge  the  same  friendly  sentiments  which  we  felt 
at  parting  on  the  banks  of  the  Elbe  nearly  seventeen 
years  ago.  How  large  a  portion  of  human  life  !  How 
eventful  a  period  in  the  history  of  mankind  !  I  lead  a 
quiet  and,  more  than  most  of  my  fellow-mortals,  a  happy 
life.  The  woman  to  whom  I  am  married  has  much 
genius,  has  been  well  educated,  and  possesses,  with  an 
affectionate  temper,  industry  and  a  love  of  order.  That 
I  did  not  marry  earlier  is  not  to  be  attributed  to  any  dis- 
like for  that  connection.  On  the  contrary  it  has  long 
been  ray  fixed  creed  that  as  love  is  the  only  fountain  of 


iSi6.]  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  6oi 

felicity,  so  it  is  in  wedded  love  that  the  waters  are  most 
pure.  To  solve  the  problem  of  my  fate  it  was  required 
to  discover  a  woman  who,  with  the  qualities  needful  for 
my  happiness,  should  have  also  the  sentiments.  In  a 
word  the  postulate  was  that  fine  woman  who  could  love 
an  old  man.  Our  little  boy  is  generally  admired.  The 
sentiments  of  a  father  respecting  an  only  child  render 
his  opinions  so  liable  to  suspicion  that  prudence  should 
withhold  them  even  from  a  friend.  I  will  only  say,  there- 
fore, that  some  who  would  have  been  more  content  had 
he  never  seen  the  light  acknowledge  him  to  be  beautiful 
and  promising.  His  parents,  who  see  him  almost  every 
minute  of  every  day,  are  chiefly  delighted  with  the  benevo- 
lence that  warms  his  little  heart. 

"You  may,  then,  opening  your  mind's  eye,  behold  your 
friend  as  he  descends,  with  tottering  steps,  the  bottom  of 
life's  hill,  supported  by  a  kind  companion,  a  tender  female 
friend,  and  cheered  by  a  little  prattler  who  bids  fair,  if 
God  shall  spare  his  life,  to  fill,  in  due  time,  the  space  his 
father  leaves.  He  will,  I  trust,  bequeath  a  portion  larger 
than  his  heritage  of  wealth  and  fame.  Nevertheless, 
looking  back,  I  can,  with  some  little  self-complacency,  re- 
flect that  I  have  not  lived  in  vain;  and  at  the  same  time 
look  forward  with  composure  at  the  probable  course  of 
future  events.  At  sixty-four  there  is  little  to  desire  and 
less  to  apprehend.  Let  me  add  that,  however  grave  the 
form  and  substance  of  this  letter,  the  lapse  of  so  many 
years  has  not  impaired  the  gayety  of  your  friend.  Could 
you  gratify  him  with  your  company  and  conversation,  you 
would  find  in  him  still  the  gayety  of  inexperience  and  the 
frolic  of  youth." 

In  August  Morris  pronounced  an  inaugural  discourse  as 
President  of  the  New  York  Historical  Society.  It  seems 
a  fitting  ending  to  a  long  life  of   labor  for  his  country, 


602  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.  [Chap.  LI. 

that  almost  the  last  letter  he  wrote  was  to  plead  with  the 
federal  party  to  '■'■  forget  party  and  think  of  our  country.  That 
country  embraces  both  parties  ;  we  must  endeavor,  there- 
fore, to  save  and  benefit  both.  This  cannot  be  effected 
while  political  delusions  array  good  men  against  each 
other.  If  you  abandon  the  contest,  the  voice  of  reason, 
now  drowned  in  factious  vociferation,  will  be  listened  to 
and  heard.  The  pressure  of  distress  will  accelerate  the 
moment  of  reflection  ;  and  when  it  arrives,  the  people  will 
look  out  for  men  of  sense,  experience,  and  integrity. 
Such  men  may,  I  trust,  be  found  in  both  parties,  and,  if 
our  country  be  delivered,  what  does  it  signify  whether 
those  who  operate  her  salvation  wear  a  federal  or  a  dem- 
ocratic cloak  ?  Perhaps  the  expression  of  these  senti- 
ments may  be  imprudent ;  but  when  it  appears  proper  to 
speak  the  truth  I  know  not  concealment.  It  has  been 
the  unvarying  principle  of  my  life,  that  tlie  interest  of  our 
country  must  be  preferred  to  every  other  interest." 

Morris  died  at  Morrisania  on  the  6th  of  November, 
i8i6.  Courageously  he  had  lived,  and  courageously  he 
met  the  great  change,  with  entire  resignation  to  the  Di- 
vine will.  "  Sixty-four  years  ago,"  he  said,  just  before  his 
death,  "it  pleased  the  Almighty  to  call  me  into  existence 
— here,  on  this  spot,  in  this  very  room  ;  and  now  shall  I 
complain  that  he  is  pleased  to  call  me  hence  ? "  On  the 
day  of  his  death  he  asked  about  the  weather,  and,  on  being 
told  that  it  was  fine,  he  replied  :  "  A  beautiful  day,  yes, 
but— 

Who,  to  dvynb  forgetfulness  a  prey, 

This  pleasing,  anxious  being  yet  resigned — 

Left  the  warm  precincts  of  the  cheerful  day, 
Nor  cast  one  longing,  ling'ring  look  behind?" 


INDEX. 


INDEX. 


AbbaYE,  the,  murder  of  the  pris- 
oners at,  i.  582.  ' 

Adams,  John,  ii.  268 ;  396,  note. 

Adams;  John  Quincy,  his  jealousy, 
ii.  153  ;  in  a  rage  with  the  conduct 
of  the  British  Government,  157. 

Adelaide,  Madame,  sprightly  reply 
of,  i.  74;  at  Rome,  438. 

Agriculture  in    France,   state  of,   ii. 

69. 

Aix,  Archbishop  of,  his  protest 
against  the  Constitution,  i.  449. 

Albani,  Madame  d',  denied  a  pass- 
port, i.  571 ;  letter  of  Mr.  Morris 
to,  ii.  22. 

Albani,  Cardinal,  conversation  of 
Mr.  Morris  with,  ii.  240. 

Alberoni,  Cardinal,  ii.  228. 

Alsace,  fiefs  in,  i.  423. 

Alvinzi,  General,  ii.  348. 

Amelot,  Bishop  of  Vannes,  i.  441, 
note. 

Amsterdam,  the  approach  to,  i.  302, 

Andrezelle,  Abbe  d',  i.  358, 

Angivilliers,  Comte  d',  i.  33 ;  41, 
417  ;  the  affair  of  his  plate,  ii. 
88. 

Angivilliers,  Madame  d',  salon  of, 
i.  363,  note. 

Angremont,  M.  d',  his  connection 
with  the  plans  for  the  king's  es- 
cape, i.  563. 

Archduchess  of  Austria,  ii,  226. 


Argyll,  Duke  of,  ii.  126. 

Armstrong,  General,  ii.  460. 

Army,  French,  on  the  frontiers,  De- 
cember, 1791,  i.  493  ;  disorder  of, 
531  ;  success  of,  ii.  12. 

Arras,  M.  I'fiveque  d',  i.  34. 

Artois,  Comte  d',  hatred  of,  i.  no  ; 
holds  carnival  at  Versailles,  126  ; 
his  debts,  158;  his  levity,  ii.  102. 

Aspre,  Count  d',  his  opinion  of  Gen- 
eral Werneck,  ii.  348. 

Assignats,  putative  origin  of,  ii.  123  ; 
149. 

Athol,  Duke  of,  ii.  125. 

Auckland,  Lord,  curious  trait  of,  ii. 
299. 

Aujard,  M.,  imparts  information  con- 
cerning French  affairs,  ii.  324  et 
scq. 

Aurora,  the,  slanders  Mr.  Morris,  ii. 
23,  note  ;  399  ;  Mr.  Morris's  suit 
against,  459. 

Austria,  the  Assembly  declares  war 
against,  i.  533. 

Autun,  Bishop  of,  see  Talleyrand. 

Avignon,  affair  of,  i.  469  ;  the  assas- 
sins of,  pardoned,  524. 

Azyr,  Vicq  d',  the  queen's  physician, 
i.  289 ;  pronounces  the  eulogy  on 
Franklin,  392,  note  ;  shows  Mr. 
Morris  a  letter  to  the  king,  405  ; 
repeats  the  queen's  words  to  Mr. 
Morris,  481. 


6o6 


INDEX. 


Ballston  Springs  in  1800,  ii.  385. 

Bancroft,  Dr.,  i.  427. 

Bank  scheme  comes  to  an    end,   ii. 

-     577- 

Bar^re,  M.,  ii.  84. 

Barford,  inn  at,  ii.  ill. 

Barlow,  Joel,  connection  of,  with 
the  Scioto  Company,  i.  261  ;  ii. 
460. 

Barnave,  M.  Antoine  Charles,  i. 
340 ;  438  note. 

Barras,  to  mount  the  throne  of 
France,  ii.  321  ;  projected  mar- 
riage of,  342 ;  his  party  upper- 
most, 357. 

Bastille,  capture  of,  i.  125  ;  Mr. 
Morris  recommends  that  its  annals 
be  written,  135 ;  visited  by  Mr. 
Morris,  136;  fete  on  the  anniver- 
sary of  its  fall,  337  ;  anniversary 
of  its  recapture,  431. 

Bavaria,  condition  of,  ii.  333. 

Bavaria,  Elector  of,  ii.  334 ;  Mr. 
Morris  dines  with,  340. 

Beauhamais,  Comtesse  de,  dinner  of, 
i.  31  ;  salon  of,  227. 

Beaujolais,  M.  de,  son  of  the  Duch- 
ess of  Orleans,  i.  45  ;  87. 

Beaulieu,  Major  Baron  de,  campaign 
of,  in  Italy,  ii.  311. 

Beaumarchais,  alliance  of,  with  M. 
de  Laborde,  i.  498. 

Beaumetz,  Chevalier  de,  i.  444,  note. 

Beaumont,  Madame  de,  Mr.  Morris's 
lines  to,  i.  258 ;  tells  Mr.  Morris 
about  Madame  de  Stael,  446 ;  474, 

477- 

Beckford,  Mr.,  ii.  94. 

Bergasse,  M.,  his  treatise  on  the 
French  Constitution,  i.  430. 

Bemadotte,  M.,  asks  for  his  pass- 
ports, ii.  354. 

Berne,  Mr.  Morris  at,  ii.  74. 


Bersheni,  M.  de,  conversation  of, 
with  Mr.  Morris  on  America,  i. 
28. 

Berthier,  murder  of,  i.  137. 

Besenval,  Baron  de,  i.  40,  note  ;  sup- 
per with,  45 ;  in  command  of  the 
Swiss  guards,  71 ;  his  relations  to 
Madame  de  Segur,  86 ;  d^nonci, 
129;  predicts  a  counter-revolu- 
tion, 230 ;  receives  a  visit  from 
the  dames  de  la  Halle,  263. 

Biron,  Duchess  of,  i.  44. 

Biron,  Duke  of,  ii.  354. 

Bischofswerder,  ii.  280. 

Blanc,  Louis,  on  the  custom  of 
farming  the  revenue  in  France,  i. 
380,  note. 

Blanca,  Florida,  i.  183,  note. 

Blenheim  House,  ii.  in. 

Blue  Stocking  Club,  ii.  163,  note. 

Bonaparte,  his  address  to  the  Tyrol- 
ese,  ii.  171;  227;  229;  situation 
of,  April  18,  1797,290;  and  Co- 
benzel,  309 ;  at  Lodi,  313  et 
seq.  ;  deficient  in  courage,  349 ; 
361 ;  rumors  of,  365  ;  report  of 
his  capture  by  Nelson,  369 ;  in 
Egypt,  373  ;  Mr.  Morris's  opinion 
of,  447 ;  ruined,  548 ;  his  fall, 
560 ;  his  escape  from  Elba,  589  ; 
his  treatment  of  the  Spanish  mon- 
arch, 512. 

Bonaparte  family,  filthy  conduct  of, 
ii.  491. 

Bonaparte,  Jerome,  at  Morrisania, 
ii.  455,  note. 

Boncarere  appointed  Minister  to  the 
United  States,  i.  568 ;  574. 

Bonnet,  M.,  i.  258;  ii.  99. 

Borghese  Princess,  ii.  491. 

Bost,  Madame,  her  salon,  i.  303. 

Bost,  M.,  informs  Mr.  Morris  con- 
cerning Holland,  i.  304. 


INDEX. 


607 


Bouflers,  Chevalier,  i.  184,  note. 

Bougainville,  M.  de,  conversation  of, 
i.  490 ;  declines  the  Marine,  505. 

Bouinville,  M.,  i.  339 ;  340. 

Bouillon,  Duchesse  de,  ii.  75. 

Bourbon  family  banished  by  the 
Convention,  ii.  8  ;  restoration  of, 
celebrated  by  Mr.  Morris,  565. 

Bouret,  M.,  pavilion  of,  ii.  44. 

Bourgainville,  M,  de,  i.  326. 

Boursac,  M.  de,  his  wants  relieved 
by  Mr.  Morris,  ii.  103. 

Boursac,  Madame  de,  1.  85  ;  87. 

Boutin,  M.,  Mr.  Morris  proposes  a 
speculation  to,  i.  93  ;  his  sumptu- 
ous entertainments,  239,  note. 

Brabant,  declares  independence,  i. 
217  ;  235. 

Brandenburg,  Marquis  of,  ii.  420. 

Bread,    scarcity  of,    at   Paris,   i.  58 ; 

63- 
Bremond,  fitienne,  i.  389,  note  ;  his 

agreements  respecting  the  German 

princes,    400;    404;    406;    417; 

discussion   of    financial  questions 

with,  442  et  seq.  ;  communicates 

with   Mr.    Morris   respecting   the 

debt   to    France,    428 ;     receives 

from   Mr.   Morris  a  plan  for  the 

king  to  give  the  Assembly,  547  ; 

imparts  to  Mr.  Morris  a  plot  to  I 

detach    the    Emperor   from    the  i 

King  of  Prussia,  454  ;  takes  conn-  | 

sel  of   Mr.  Morris,   555  ;  informs  ; 

Mr.    Morris    of   republican    plots,  I 

471;    share  of,    in   the   king's*  at- j 

tempted  escape,  563. 

Brissot,  M.,  writes  an  insulting  let- 
ter to  Mr.  Morris,  i.  581. 

Brisso tines,  the,  i.  595  ;  eflect  the 
expulsion  of  the  Bourbons,  ii.  9. 

Brittany,  province  of,  i.  267. 

Brockhausen,  ii.  268. 


Broglie,  Marechal  de,  in  command  of 
troops  under  the  Court,  i.  109. 

Brunswick,  Duke  of,  his  manifesto, 
i.  553,  note  ;  563  ;  his  letter  to 
the  Bishop  of  Chalons,  578  ;  his 
bad  management,  590  ;  ii.  280  ct 
seq. 

Buchanan's  imaginary  Scotch  kings, 
ii.  122. 

Buchanan,  seat  of  the  Duke  of  Mon- 
trose, ii.  127. 

Burgess,  Mr.,  i.  370 ;  informs  Mr. 
Morris  respecting  the  capture  of 
our  provision-vessels,  ii.  93  ;  98. 

Burke,  Edmund,  Mr.  Morris's  criti- 
cism of,  i.  319  ;  333,  note  ;  his 
"Letters  on  a  Regicide  Peace," 
ii.  231. 

Burleigh  House,  ii.  119. 

Burr,  Aaron,  and  the  Presidency,  ii. 
396;  401  et  seq.,  421  et  seq.  ;  his 
duel  with  Hamilton,  455  ;  trial  of, 
496. 

Cabanis,      Dr.       Pierre      Jean 

Georges,  i.  41. 
Cabarus,  Madame,  i.  81,  note. 
Caisse  d'Escompte,  i.  283. 
Caisse  Patriotique,  the,  i.  2§2. 
Calonne,  M.  de,  i.  48 ;  ii.  325. 
Caluzem,    Comte   de,    receives    Mr. 

Morris  with  hauteur,  i.  33. 
Camel  ford,  Lord  and  Lady,  i.  104. 
Campan    Madame,    quoted,    i.    130 ; 

386. 
Campbell,  Lady  Augusta,  ii.  127. 
Campo,  Marquis  del,  i.  526. 
Campo  Formio,  treaty  of,  ii.  289. 
Camus,  M.,  i.  437,  note. 
Canal,  the  Erie,  projected,  ii.   518; 

opposition  of  the  Government  to, 

557- 
Canning,  Mr.,   ii.    147 ;  his  blunder 


6o8 


INDEX. 


on  the  occasion  of  the  marriage  of 

the    Princess   of  Wales   with   the 

Duke  of  Wlirtemberg,  223. 
Cantaleu,  M.,   Mr.  Morris's  opinion 

of,  i.  271. 
Carmes,  murder  of  the  priests  at,  i. 

582. 
Carnot,  iL  366. 
Castries,    Due   de,    i.    29 ;  44 ;   the 

hotel   of,  pillaged,   354 ;  his  duel 

with  De  la  Meth,  354. 
Cate,   M.,   Lieutenant   de  Police,   i. 

147- 

Catherine  of  Russia,  her  ability,  i. 
592  ;  death  of,  ii.  233  ;  361. 

Caze,  Madame  de  la,  i.  28. 

Chabot,  Frangois,  ii.  60,  note. 

Chantilly,  Chateau  de,  i.  153. 

Charette,  Frangois  Athanase,  ii.  84, 
note  114. 

Charles,  the  Archduke,  the  Em- 
peror's envy  of,  ii.  250. 

Chartres,  Due  de,  i.  30. 

Chase,  Justice  Samuel,  trial  of,  ii.  448. 

Chastellux,  Madame  de,  i.  29 ;  33 ; 
43  ;  her  opinion  of  Madame  de 
Rully,  53  ;  very  ill,  183  ;  death  of 
her  brother,  207  ;  209  ;  visit  to, 
266. 

Chastellux,  Marquis  de,  i.  16 ;  29 ; 
40. 

Chatham,  Lord,  ii.  137. 

Chaumont,  Leray,de,  ii.  63;  73;  460. 

Chaumont,  Madame  Leray  de,  i.  91. 

Chauvigny,  M.  de,  i.  354. 

Chevalier,  Mademoiselle,  a  piano- 
forte-player, i.  403. 

Choiseul,  Comte  de,  i.  505,  note  ;  ii. 
82. 

Church,  John  B.,  visit  of  Mr.  Morris 
to,  i.  151  and  note;  527;  ii.  loi. 

Claerfayt,  Comte  de,  ii.  134,  note ; 
140. 


Clarkson,  Thomas,  i.  52a 

Clavi^re,  M.,  requests  aid  for  Santo 
Domingo  from  Mr.  Morris,  i.  578. 

Clermont  de  Tonnerre,  speech  of, 
i.  55  ;  and  note,  188  ;  204 ;  279. 

Clinton,  De  Witt,  ii.  535  ;  539 ;  542. 

Clinton,  George,  ii.  538,  note ;  Mr. 
Morris  pronounces  his  funeral  ora- 
tion, 541. 

Coalition  against  France,  i.  532  ;  ar- 
mies of  the,  533. 

Cobenzel,  Count  de,  at  Campo  For- 
mio,  ii.  357  ;  character  of,  362. 

Cockchafers  preserved  in  sugar,  ii. 
248. 

Coigny,  Chevalier  de,  i.  568. 

Coleman,  Mr.,  of  the  Evening  Post, 
ii.  458. 

Comite  de  Surveillance  open  Mr. 
Morris's  letters,  ii.  52. 

"Commerce  de  Marseilles,"  prize 
ship  at  Portsmouth,  ii.  106. 

Commissioners  on  Inland  Naviga- 
tion, ii.  532. 

Committee  of  safety,  ii.  40. 

Condorcet,  M.  de,  i.  392,  note ;  568. 

Constable,  William,  &  Co.,  i.  19. 

Constitution,  the  French,  festival  of 
its  adoption,  September  18,  1791, 
i.  452  ;  601 ;  fate  of,  ii.  7. 

Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
purposes  of  its  framers,  ii.  441  ; 
Amendments  of,  449 ;  Amend- 
ments to,  mere  verbiage,  529. 

Consuls,  the  British,  in  America,  i. 

331- 
Cordeliers,  the  privy  council  of  the 

Jacobins,  ii.  11. 
"Corinne,"    the,    of     Madame     de 

Stael,  ii.  509. 
Cornelison,  Mr.,  i.  30x3. 
Corney,  Madame  de,  i.  41. 
Comwallis,  Lord,  ii.  320. 


INDEX. 


609 


Cos  way,  Mrs.,  i.  148;  150. 
Crauford,  Mr.  Quentin,  ii.  310,  note  ; 
on  the  military  movements,  347  ; 

350;  368. 

Crayen,  Madame,  ii.  270,  275,  277. 

Cumberland,  Duchess  of,  ii.  204, 
note ;  receives  a  loan  from  Mr. 
Morris,  294  ;  305  ;  347. 

Curt,  M.  de,  i.  413. 

Custine,  General,  and  army  taken 
prisoners,  ii.  19. 

Cuyler,  General,  entertains  Mr.  Mor- 
ris at  Portsmouth,  ii.  106. 

Dalrymple,  General,  i.  189,  note ; 
imparts  information  concerning 
the  Duke  of  Orleans,  196 ;  con- 
cerning Flanders,  201 ;  203  ;  229. 

Dalton,  General,  i.  218. 

Damer,  Honorable  Mrs.,  the  sculp- 
tor, i.  148  and  note  ;  makes  a 
statue  of  the  king,  527  ;  ii.  123. 

Danton,  in  the  Palais  Royal,  Octo- 
ber 4,  1789,  i.  172  ;  plan  of,  as 
regards  the  king,  ii.  10 ;  60  ;  de- 
stroyed  by   his   own   instrument, 

63. 

Dare,  Lord,  i.  407. 

Dawson,  John,  ii.  422,  note. 

Days,  Mr.,  Mr.  Pinckney's  secretary, 
ii.  91. 

Deas,  Mr.,  ii.  93 ;  writes  improper 
letters,  113. 

Debt  due  France  from  the  United 
States,  conversation  with  Necker 
concerning,  i.  198 ;  205-7  >  ^• 
Moustier  concerning,  236 ;  nego- 
tiations for  a  loan  in  Holland  on, 
290  ;  payment  of  interest  on,  ii. 
I ;  14 ;  55- 

Debt,  public,  of  France,  amount  of, 
December  26,  1789,  i.  254. 

Delessart,   M.,  Minister  of  the  In- 


terior,   a    wavering    creature,    i. 
505  ;  508  ;  517  ;  intrigues  against, 

523- 

Delille,  Abbe,  declaims,  i.  188  ;  248  ; 
repeats  verses,  290  ;  444, 

Delville,  M.  De  Ville,  i.  37. 

Deputies  to  the  States-General,  pro- 
cession of,  i.  72  J  demand  pass- 
ports, 187. 

Derby,  Lord,  i.  323. 

Desmoulins,  Camille,  enraged  at 
Necker' s  dismissal,  i.  122  ;  power 
of  his  pen,  262  ;  excites  fears  of 
a  plot  of  the  emigrants,  386. 

Diamond  necklace,  affair  of,  ii.  342, 
note, 

Dickinson,  General,  ii.  379. 

Dillon,  Count,  i.  37. 

Diodati,  M.,  at  Basle,  ii.  74. 

Disunion,  feared  by  Mr.  Morris,  ii. 
543 ;  consequences  of,  547  ;  ap- 
proaching, 557. 

Dolberg,  Baron  de,  i.  351. 

Dresden,  manners  of,  ii.  204. 

Dress  and  manners  in  Paris  in  1789, 
i.  23. 

Duelling  in  Paris  in  1790,  i.  367. 

Dumolley,  Madame,  i.  28. 

Dumouriez,  General,  i.  534,  note ; 
opposed  to  all  treaties  other  than 
commercial,  538 ;  easy  in  respect 
to  Prussia,  542 ;  resigns,  544 ; 
army  reports  from,  589 ;  and  the 
King  of  France,  ii.  26  ;  to  be  re- 
enforced,  40  ;  292  ;  plan  of,  for  a 
descent  on  England,  298. 

Dunkeld,  its  appearance,  ii.  124. 

Dunkirk  and  Calais,  proposed  ces- 
sion of,  i.  511. 

Dunmore,  Lady,  i.  146 ;  148. 

Duplessis,  Mademoiselle,  in  distress, 
i.  464. 

Duport,  M,,  his  ascendency  over  the 


6io 


INDEX. 


king  and  queen,  i.  454  ;  his  piece 
against  Mr.  Pitt,  498. 

Duportail,  M.,  incapable,  i.  295  ; 
363,  note  ;  subservient  to  the  tri- 
umvirate, 505. 

Duras-Dufurt,  Madame  de,  i.  43. 

Durfort,  Comtesse,  i.  49;  54. 

Dutch,  the,  their  religious  beliefs, 
i.  297  ;  their  constitution,  301. 

Eden,  Sir  Morton,  British  Ambas- 
sador at  Vienna,  ii.  211 ;  his  affec- 
tation of  secrecy,  225  ;  245  ;  350. 

Elbe,  the,  restrictions  upon  its  com- 
merce, ii.  269  ;  292. 

Elgin,  Lord,  his  despatches  to  the 
King  of  Hungary  on  the  death  of 
the  King  of  Sweden,  i.  527  ;  ii. 
180,  note  ;  187  ;  278. 

Elliot,  Mr.  Hugh,  reveals  state  se- 
crets to  Mr.  Morris,  ii.  256 ;  saves 
the  King  of  Sweden,  269. 

Elphinstone,  Commodore,  captures 
the  Dutch  fleet,  ii.  229. 

Elz,  Count,  ii.  266. 

Embargo,  the,  ii.  528. 

Emigrants,  French,  i.  538  ;  in  the 
United  States,  ii.  34  ;  at  Dresden, 
202. 

Emperor  of  Austria,  and  the  King 
of  Prussia,  i.  467  ;  not  a  warlike 
prince,  510. 

England,  war  with,  in  1812,  ii.  542 
et  seq.  ;  conditions  of  peace  with, 

571- 

Englishmen,  their  passion  for  wear- 
ing regimentals,  ii.  246. 

Enrages,  the,  i.  382. 

Espanchall,  Madame  d',  i.  85  ;  87. 

Esterhazy,  Prince,  his  extravagance, 
ii.  248. 

Europe,  condition  of,  July,  1792,  i. 
551. 


Fairfax  estite,  negotiations  for,  i. 
324,  note. 

Faniani,  Mademoiselle,  her  fathers, 
ii.  99. 

Farming  the  revenue  in  France,  i. 
380,  note. 

Farren,  Miss,  the  intended  wife  of 
Lord  Derby,  i.  323  ;  326. 

Fauchet,  French  Minister,  ii.  141  and 
note. 

Favernay,  M.  de,  asks  advice  of  Mr. 
Morris,  i.  530. 

Favras,  M.  de,  plot  of,  i.  256  ;  exe- 
cution of,  298  ;  execution  of,  un- 
just, 463  ;  conspiracy  of,  ii.  329. 

Fersen,  Count,  the  queen's  lover,  i. 
205. 

Finance,  Mr.  Morris  makes  a  plan 
of,  for  France,  i.  60. 

Financial  expedients  of  Necker,  i. 
283. 

Financial  question  discussed  with 
Talleyrand,  i.  171. 

Fischer,  General,  his  treachery  and 
suicide,  ii.  359. 

Fitzgerald,  Lord,  i.  441. 

Flahaut,  Madame  de,  her  life,  i.  42  ; 
her  toilet,  117;  verses  to,  126; 
entertains  Mr.  Morris  and  others 
at  dinner,  133  ;  sentimental  avow- 
al of,  138  ;  in  the  government  se- 
crets, 163;  176;  letter  on  political 
affairs,  185  ;  and  Talleyrand,  194  ; 
and  her  child,  209  ;  264  ;  her  pen- 
sion stopped,  267  ;  her  fickleness, 
357  ;  401 ;  to  be  made  first  woman 
of  the  queen,  420 ;  Mr.  Morris 
reads  his  mSmoire  to,  453 ;  529  ; 
at  Altona,  ii.  82 ;  fails  to  capture 
Lord  Wycombe,  295. 

Flahaut,  Comte  de,  i.  42. 

Flanders  regiment  at  Versailles,  i. 
168. 


INDEX. 


6ll 


Flanders,  Austrian,  i.  20l. 

Flanders?,  news  from,  i.  2lo ;  Mr. 
Morris's  impressions  of,  296 ; 
French,  the  weak  side  of  the  king- 
dom, 458. 

Florida  Blanca,  Comte  de,  i.  515. 

Florida,   East,   the   conquest  of,   ii. 

537- 

Fontenelle,  M.  de,  i.  454,  note. 

Foucault,  Madame  de,  i.  403. 

Foulon,  M.,  exhibition  of  his  mu- 
tilated body,  L  137. 

Fox,  Charles  James,  opinions  of, 
with  respect  to  America,  etc.,  i 
316 ;  Mr,  Morris's  opinion  of  his 
talents,  319  ;  334 ;  ii.  131 ;  135. 

France,  condition  of,  July,  1789,  i. 
112  f.  ;  condition  of,  June,  1792, 
537  et  seq.  ;  on  the  road  to  a  sin- 
gle despotism,  ii.  145. 

Franjois  Denis,  the  baker,  hanged, 

i.  2CX). 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  at  the  Court  of 
Versailles,  i.  11. 

Frederick  William  II.,  King  of  Prus- 
sia, L  467  ;  his  conference  at  Pil- 
nitz  with  the  Emperor,  5 10 ;  en- 
mity of,  to  the  French  Revolu- 
tionists, 522  ;  his  overtures  to  the 
Assembly,  593  ;  forced  to  retreat, 
ii.  27 ;  subsidized  by  France,  loi ; 
conversation  of,  with  Mr.  Mor- 
ris, 272 ;  nation  opposed  to  him, 
279. 

Frederick  William  III.,  accession  of, 
il  316. 

Free-masons,  journal  distributed  to, 
at  the  king's  expense,  i.  485. 

French  colonies,  iu  17. 

French  nation,  a  picture  of,  i. 
542. 

Friar,  a  begging,  i.  152. 

Friedland,  victory  of,  iu  499. 


Fulton,  Mr.  Robert,  and  his  steam- 
boat, ii.  533 ;  534. 

Gabrielle,  mistress  of  Henry  IV., 
her  baths,  ii.  44. 

Galitzen,  Prince,  L  86. 

Gallatin,  Mr.,  ii.  536. 

Gazette  of  France,  the,  L  543. 

Gazette  of  Leyden,  the,  i.  543. 

Gazette  universelle,  the,  i.  543 ; 
suppressed,  574. 

Genet,  M,,  appointed  minister  to 
United  States,  ii.  15  ;  his  diplo- 
matic career,  18 ;  his  character, 
25  ;  35  ;  carries  blank  privateering 
commissions  to  America,  38 ;  to 
have  a  successor,  49  ;  54  ;  539, 

George  III.,  i.  25  ;  conversation  of, 
with  Mr.  Morris,  iL  134. 

Gerville,  Cahier  de,  L  517  ;  523. 

Ghent,  Mr.  Morris  at,  i.  348. 

Gibraltar,  capture  of,  ii.  224. 

Gironde,  the,  to  be  destroyed,  ii.  40. 

Godefroy,  M.  P.,  ii.  292. 

Goertz,  Count,  ii.  351,  note. 

Goncourt,  quoted,  i.  43. 

Gontreuil,  General,  ii.  349. 

Gordon,  Duchess  of,  i.  515. 

Gower,  Lord,  i,  412  ;  441  ;  quits 
play,  471 ;  474 ;  520  ;  577  ;  visited 
by  Mr.  Morris,  ii.  112. 

Graave,  M.  de,  i.  517  ;  a  bore,  ii. 
no. 

Grain,  scarcity  of,  in  France,  July, 
1789,  i.  Ill  ;  118. 

Grand,  M.,  i.  297  ;  425  ;  431. 

Grenville,  George,  Duke  of  Suther- 
land, i.  395,  note  ;  413  ;  conversa- 
tion with,  on  political  topics,  IL 
96  ;  presents  Mr.  Morris  at  Court, 
100 ;  the  Duke  of  York's  mentor, 
107  ;  opinion  of,  on  the  treaty, 
137;   candor  of,    137;   138;   re- 


6l2 


INDEX. 


lates   the    affair    with    Randolph, 

141. 
Groshlaer,  Baron  de,  entertains  Mr. 

Morris,  i.  350. 
Guisne,  Madame  de,  ii.  3. 
Gottenberg  mission,  ii.  555  ;  560. 

Halle ^  les  femmes  de  la,  i.  387. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  letter  to,  from 
Dutch  bankers,  i.  290 ;  ii.  136 ; 
379  ;  454  ;  ^lis  duel  with  Burr,  455 
et  seq.  ;  Mr.  Morris's  funeral  ora- 
tion on,  456  et  seq.  ;  his  family 
provided  for  by  Mr.  Morris  and 
others,  458 ;  disorder  of  his  af- 
fairs, 459  ;  his  hobby,  474  ;  had 
little  share  in  forming  the  Consti- 
tution, 523  et  seq.  ;  his  attach- 
ment to  monarchical  government, 
526;  531. 

Hamilton,  Lady,  i.  452,  note  ;  453. 

Hamilton,  Sir  William,  i.  452,  note. 

Hammond,  Mr.,  ii.  35  ;  informs  Mr. 
Morris  concerning  the  treaty,  158. 

Harcourt,  Due  d',  ii.  97. 

Hastings,  Warren,    the   trial  of,    L 

3195  334- 

Haugwitz,  Count,  ii.  175,  note  ;  con- 
versation on  the  political  situation 
of  Europe,  181  ;  464. 

Hawkesbury,  i.  370. 

Helvetic  Republic,  ii.  344,  note. 

Henchman,  Mr.,  of  Boston,  i.  577. 

Herschel,  William,  visit  of  Mr. 
Morris  to,  i.  151 

Herzberg,  van,  i.  374. 

Hodges,  Mr.,  his  wretched  apart- 
ments, i.  403. 

Holland,  the  true  interest  of,  i.  297  ; 
character  of  the  country,  302  ;  po- 
litical and  economic  situation  of, 
304  ;  a  ruined  country,  ii.  89. 

Holland,  Lady,  ii.  167,  note. 


Holyrood  House,  ii.  122. 

Hotze,  General,  ii.  349,  note. 

Hope,  M.,  i.  303. 

Hotel  de  Force   broken  into,  L  123. 

Hotel  des  Invalides  forced  by  the 
mob,  i.  125. 

Hcudetot,  Madame  d',  i.  251 ;  258, 
260. 

Houdon,  the  sculptor,  i.  97 ;  his 
statue  of  Washington,  433. 

Howe,  Mr.,  on  the  conduct  of  Aus- 
tria and  Prussia,  ii.  320. 

Humboldt,  W.  von,  ii.  177. 

Hungary,  declaration  of  war  against, 

i-  538- 

Husbandry  in  France,  lack  of  knowl- 
edge concerning,  i.  53. 

Huskisson,  William,  i.  499,  note ; 
570. 

Impress  of  American  seamen,  the, 
Mr.  Morris's  interview  with  the 
Duke  of  Leeds  on,  i.  327. 

Indians,  independence  of,  required 
by  England,  ii.  567. 

Indicateur,  the,  i.  543 ;  suppressed, 

574- 
Ingenhoup,  Dr.,  i.  426. 
Irwin,  Mr.,  i.  315. 
Italy,  situation  of,  November,  1796, 

ii.  230. 

Jackson,  Mr.,  history  of  his  mis- 
sion to  Constantinople,  ii.  269. 

Jacobins,  coalition  of,  with  the 
Quatre-vingt-neuf  s,  i.  502 ;  the  old, 
504 ;  a  tyranny,  535  ;  endeavor 
to  excite  a  tumult,  545  ;  Lafa- 
yette requests  their  destruction, 
548 ;  552  ;  December  21,  1792, 
at  war  with  the  government,  ii. 
8. 

Jaubert,  M.,  informs  Mr.  Morris   of 


INDEX. 


613 


French  politics,  March  13,  1792,  i. 

517- 

Jay,  Mr.,  letter  from,  to  Mr.  Mor- 
ris, i.  8 ;  disadvantages  of  the 
treaty  to,  ii.  91  ;  93  ;   113  et  seq. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  accompanies  Mr. 
Morris  to  Versailles,  i.  32  ;  about 
to  leave  France,  35  ;  approves  Mr. 
Morris's  plan  of  finance,  60  ;  72, 
74  ;  as  a  judge  of  character,  94  ; 
has  no  confidence  in  the  States- 
General,  96  ;  requests  Mr.  Morris 
to  pose  for  Houdon's  statue  of 
Washington,  97  ;  loo  ;  104  ;  107  ; 
gives  a  dinner  on  the  Fourth  of 
July,  112  ;  letter  of,  to  Lafayette, 
117  ;  informs  Mr.  Morris  concern- 
ing Necker's  dismissal,  121  ;  his 
standing  at  Paris,  138  ;  gives  Mr. 
Morris  letters  to  London,  139 ; 
dinner  of,  to  Lafayette  and  oth- 
ers, 155  ;  Madame  de  Flahaut's 
opinion  of,  185  ;  made  Secretary 
of  State,  230  ;  231  ;  French  am- 
bassador's opinion  of,  314  ;  352  ; 
wilUng  that  Mr.  Morris  should  be 
minister  to  France,  375  ;  said  to 
be  coming  to  Europe  on  a  secret 
mission,  ii.  59 ;  an  unfavorable 
view  of  his  character,  387  ;  and 
the  Presidency,  396  ;  401  et  seq.  ; 
inaugural  address  of,  405  ;  417  ; 
his  attack  on  the  Judiciary,  426 ; 
diplomatic  appointments  of,  430  ; 
487  ;  re-election  of,  465  ;  deter- 
mined on  war  with  England,  508. 

Jena,  Battle  of,  iu  489. 

Jenkinson,  Mr.,  speech  of,  ii.  162. 

Jeu  de  Paume,  i,  103. 

Johnston,  Sir  John,  ii.  388. 

Jolive,  M.,  ii.  356. 

Jones,  Paul,  his  plan  of  carrying  on 
war  against  Britain  in  India,  i.  378  ; 


407  ;  429  ;  death  of,  555  ;  his  will 
and  circumstances   of   his  death, 

ii-  45- 
Journalism,  power  of,  in  France  in 

1789,  i.  262. 
Judiciary  Act,  repeal  of,  ii.  416,  note. 

"Kermesse  de  la  Revolution,  " 

i.  414. 
King,  the,  see  Louis  XVL 
Kosciusko,    Thaddeus,    incident   of 

the  visit  of  the  Russian  Emperor 

Paul  to,  ii.  238  and  note. 

Laborde,  Madame  de,  i.  190  and 
note. 

Laborde,  M.,  his  plan  of  finances, 
i.  245  ;  mentions  a  strange  kind  of 
poison,  254  ;  and  the  journal  for 
the  free-masons,  485. 

Lafayette,  Marquis  de,  stands  for 
election  to  the  States-General  from 
Auvergne,  i.  27 ;  rumors  of  his 
probable  defeat,  38 ;  secures  his 
election,  47  ;  report  of  a  conver- 
sation of,  with  Mr.  Morris,  54; 
Mr.  Morris  describes  his  political 
campaign  to  Washington,  67  ;  82  ; 
Mr.  Morris  advises  him  as  to  the 
tendency  of  political  affairs,  104  ; 
suggestions  to,  from  Mr.  Morris, 
135  ;  his  vanity,  136  ;  Mr.  Morris 
desires  him  to  console  the  king, 
140  ;  141  ;  procrastination  of,  166  ; 
Mr.  Morris  urges  his  views  upon, 
169  ;  173 ;  Mr.  Morris  advises, 
as  to  a  new  ministry,  179  ;  181  ; 
letter  of  Mr.  Morris  to,  192  ;  194  ; 
anecdote  of,  202  ;  his  connection 
with  Mirabeau,  205  ;  follows  Mr. 
Morris's  advice,  211  ;  confers 
with  Mr.  Morris  and  Talleyrand, 
213  ;   discusses  Necker's   plan  of 


6i4 


INDEX. 


finance  with  Mr.  Morris,  232; 
233 ;  conference  with  Short  and 
Morris,  256  ;  makes  the  world  his 
confidant,  266  ;  consults  with  Mr. 
Morris,  267  ;  272  j  wishes  to 
confer  with  Mr.  Morris  and 
others  concerning  the  judiciary, 
286 ;  alarmed  at  the  riots,  294 ; 
the  Duke  of  Orleans's  opin- 
ion of,  337 ;  353 ;  asks  Mr. 
Morris's  opinion  of  the  situation, 
361 ;  is  vexed  with  Mr.  Morris, 
379  ;  questions  Mr.  Morris  on  the 
tobacco-tax,  381;  aflair  at  the  Cha- 
teau Vincennes,  387  et  seq.  ;  Mira- 
beau  and,  390 ;  396  ;  399  ;  his  res- 
ignation, 408  ;  at  the  head  of  the 
National  Guards,  411 ;  his  lack  of 
influence,  460  ;  spoken  of  as  Mayor 
of  Paris,  464 ;  army  of,  in  great 
disorder  (May  12,  1792)  530; 
will  not  risk  an  action,  554 ;  his 
address  to  the  Assembly,  June  29, 
1792,  548 ;  unpopularity  of,  in 
Paris,  566 ;  refuses  to  obey  the 
Assembly,  586  j  592  ;  a  prisoner 
at  Weszel,  ii.  3  ;  64  ;  concerning 
the  release  of,  142  ;  170  ;  animosity 
against,  in  Vienna,  219  ;  his  lib- 
eration unlikely,  232  ;  236  ;  241 ; 
liberated  out  of  regard  to  the 
United  States,  302  et  seq.  ;  con- 
sults Mr.  Morris  concerning  his 
movements,  371  ;  payment  of  his 
debt  to  Mr.  Morris,  407  et  seq.  ; 
Mr.  Morris's  part  in  his  libera- 
tion, 493. 
Lafayette,  Madame  de,  i.  35  ;  Mr. 
Morris  endeavors  to  aid,  ii.  3  ; 
letter  of,  to  the  King  of  Prussia, 
4 ;  imprisoned  in  Paris,  64 ;  re- 
quests Mr.  Morris  to  act  as  se- 
curity for  debts  of  her  estate,  65. 


La     Luzerne,    Marquis   de,    i.    35 ; 

139,  146  ;  character  of,  282  ;  397. 
La  Marche,   Comtesse   de,  her  odd 

conversation  with  Mr.  Morris,  iu 

188. 
La  Marck,  Comte  Charles  de,  i.  390, 

note  ;  united  with  Mirabeau,  391  ; 

439;  reveals  Madame  de   Stael's 

plans,  448. 
Lamballe,  Princesse  de,  murder  of,  L 

584. 
Lameth,  Charles  de,  his  duel  with 

the  Due  de  Castries,  i.  354. 
Lameth,  Alexander,  i.  438,  note. 
Land-tax,  the,  ii.  579. 
Lane,  Mr.,  ii.  81. 
Languedoc,  affairs  in,  February  23, 

1790,  i.  385. 
Lansdowne,   Lord,   i.    333 ;    confer- 
ence of   Mr.  Morris  with,   March 

16,  1792,  518. 
Lantern,  the  cult  of  the,  i.  262. 
La  Rochefoucault,  Due  de,  murder 

of,  i.  584 ;  588. 
La   Suze,  Madame   de,   mourns  the 

death   of   Baron  de   Besenval,    i. 

431- 

La  Tour  du  Pin,  M.,  i.  282. 

Laumoy,  Colonel,  i.  41. 

Launay,  Dr.,  murder  of,  i.  126. 

Lebrun,  Madame,  i.  118. 

Lebrun,  M.,  reply  of,  to  Mr.  Mor- 
ris's protests  against  his  arrest  and 
annoyances,  ii.  41. 

Le  Coulteux,  M.,  i.  41,,  note;  pro- 
posals to,  by  Mr.  Morris,  concern- 
ing grain,  51  ;  181  ;  194  ;  con- 
tracts with  Mr.  Morris  to  deliver 
flour,  217 ;  237. 

Leeds,  Duke  of,  receives  Washing- 
ton's despatch  relative  to  the 
treaty  from  Mr.  Morris,  i.  310  et 
seq.  ;  reticence  of,  321  ;  final  in- 


INDEX. 


615 


terview  with  Mr.  Morris,  345-348  ; 

gives  Mr.  Morris  compliments  but 

no   satisfaction,   370  ;   412  ;   487, 

488. 
Lenox,  Lady,  i.  343. 
Leon,  Prince  de,  ii.  iio. 
Lepaux,  Sarivilli^re,  ii.  366. 
Leray,     Madame,     fellow-passenger 

with  Mr.  Morris  for  America,  ii. 

370. 
Liancourt,  Due  de,  warns  the  king, 

i.  128. 
Lichtenau,  Countess,  ii.  273,  note ; 

her   treatment  of  the   king,  277  ; 

278  ;  arrested,  316  ;  319. 
Liege,  troubles  at,  i.  217. 
Lindsay,  Lady  Anne,  i.  453  ;  in  love 

with  Mr.  Windham,  464. 
Liston,     Mr.,     British    Minister   to 

United  States,  ii.  387. 
Lita,  Madame  de,  ii.  246. 
Livingston,  Mr.,  private  secretary  of 

Mr.  Morris,  i.  569. 
Livingston,  Robert,  ii.  430  ;  436. 
Logographe,  the,  i.  543  ;  suppressed, 

574. 

Loos,  Comtesse  de,  conduct  of,  ii 
208. 

Lootanges,  Madame  de,  i.  397. 

Louis,  Abbe,  i.  448. 

Louis,  Chevalier  de,  i.  43. 

Louis  XVI.,  address  of,  to  the 
States-General,  i.  75  ;  his  vacilla- 
tion and  terror,  106 ;  his  false 
sleep,  119  ;  goes  to  Paris,  July  17,^ 
1789  ;  130  ;  designs  to  go  to  Spain, 
142;  156;  infatuation  of,  174; 
forced  to  go  to  Paris,  175  ;  weak- 
ness of,  281  ;  goes  to  the  Assem- 
bly, 291  ;  allowance  voted  to,  335  ; 
reported  plot  against,  384  ;  incurs 
the  charge  of  duplicity,  405  ;  es- 
cape of,  from  the  Tuileries,  427  ; 


intercepted  near  Metz,  428  ;  man- 
ners of,  431  ;  public  distrust  of, 
432;  prefers  Mr.  Morris's  mimoire, 
449  ;  wishes  Mr.  Morris  to  com- 
municate news  from  England, 
500 ;  account  of  his  difficulties, 
504  ;  gives  assurances  to  Washing- 
ton, 512  ;  his  feebleness  of  dispo- 
sition, 535  ;  his  plans  for  escape, 
561  ;  authority  of,  suspended, 
570 ;  his  firmness  in  suffering, 
572  ;  imprisoned  in  the  Temple, 
588 ;  602  ;  to  be  tried,  iL  7 ;  the 
British  ultimatum  regarding  his 
release,  16  ;  trial  of,  22 ;  fate  de- 
cided, 27 ;  his  sentence  and  exe- 
cution, 31 ;  effect  of  his  execu- 
tion, 32. 

Louis  XVIIL,  ii.  176,  note. 

Louisiana,  the  purchase  of,  ii.  433  ; 
cession  of,  424 ;  430  ;  433  ;  436, 
441 ;  452  et  seq. 

Louvet  attacks  Robespierre,  i.  603. 

Low  Countries  abandoned  by  Aus- 
tria, ii.  364. 

Luneville,  treaty  of,  ii.  419,  note. 

Luxembourg,  Comte  de,  consults 
Mr.  Morris  as  to  a  Prime  Minis- 
ter, L  219 ;  224. 

Luxembourg,  surrender  of,  ii.  76. 

Macartney,  George,  i.  526,  note. 

McDonald,  Dr.,  i.  139. 

Mack,  General,  ii.  349. 

McPherson,  John,  and  the  origin  of 
the  French  assignats,  ii.  123. 

Madame  of  France,  ii.  226. 

Madison,  President,  his  eulogy  of 
Mr.  Morris,  i.  4 ;  letter  of,  to 
Jared  Sparks,  17;  ii.  536  ;  his  in- 
augural address  in  1813,  548  ;  his 
intentions  distrusted  by  Mr.  Mor- 
ris, 549  ;  and  the  peace,  587. 


6i6 


INDEX. 


Malesherbes,  M.  de,  admiration  of 
Mr.  Morris  for,  i.  34 ;  4a 

Malet-du-Pin,  i.  187,  note. 

Malines,  i.  299, 

Malmesbury,  Lord,  ordered  to  quit 
Paris,  ii.  251 ;  his  subsidiary 
treaty  with  Prussia,  ii.  285. 

Malouet,  Pierre  Victor,  i.  470,  note. 

Mannheim,  capture  of,  ii.  140. 

Marat,  in  the  Palais  Royal,  October 
4,  1789,  i.  172  ;  262  ;  animosity  of, 
to  Mirabeau,  398. 

Marie  Antoinette,  at  the  gathering  of 
the  States-General,  i.  73  ;  her  un- 
popularity, 1 10 ;  at  the  feast  of  the 
Flanders  regiment,  168  ;  her  last 
day  at  Versailles,  174 ;  circum- 
stances of  her  flight  from  Ver- 
sailles, 176  ;  289 ;  her  presence 
necessary  at  the  Cabinet  meetings, 
470 ;  Mr.  Morris  is  not  pleased 
with  her  conduct,  550 ;  execution 
of,  iL  53. 

Marmontel,  Jean  Fran9ois,  i.  275, 
note  ;  278  ;  on  equality  of  rights, 

377- 

Marseillais,  the,  i.  565,  note. 

Marshall,  Chief  Justice,  his  Life  of 
Washington,  ii.  492. 

Martin,  Madame,  i.  66, 

Martin,  M.,  Mr.  Morris  visits  La- 
fayette in  the  interest  of,  i.  140. 

Mary,  Queen  of  Scots,  ii.  122. 

Maulde,  Camp  de,  raising  of,  i.  584, 

589- 
Maury,  Abbe,    i.    387 ;   390,    note ; 

395  ;  destitution  of,  414. 
Mayence,  manners  of,  ii.  194, 
Mercy,   Comte  de,     i.     390,     note ; 

391- 

Mestmacher,  Baron  de,  ii.  203. 
Methinks,    distinguished      from     / 
think,  ii.  n8.  I 


Mettemich,  M,  de,  ii.  343. 
Miller,  Sir  John,  i.  324  ;  366. 
Millet,  M.,  i.  54. 
Milton,   his    "darkness  visible,"   i. 

290. 
Minister  to  England  from  the  United 

States  and  vice  versa,  i.  330. 
Ministers,  resignation  of,  July,  1792, 

i-  552. 

Mirabeau,  Comte  de,  hissed,  i.  75  ; 
his  speech  in  the  Assembly,  Sep- 
tember 26,  1789,  162  ;  his  address 
on  the  TiQVi  imposition,  170;  179, 
183  ;  187  ;  205  ;  and  the  new  min- 
istry, 208;  211;  219;  calls  the 
Assembly  the  Wild  Ass,  232 ; 
234  ;  256  ;  390  ;  death  of,  396  ; 
funeral  of,  398  ;  456  ;  502  ;  and 
Pellin,  ii.  226  ;  said  to  be  incor- 
ruptil)le,  254 ;  256. 

Mitchell,  Mr.,  of  Philadelphia,  ii. 
99. 

Mob,  the  Paris,  at  Versailles,  Octo- 
ber 5,  1789,  i.  174. 

Mollendorf,  Marshal,  iu  186. 

Molleville,  M.  de,  Mr.  Morris  con- 
fers with,  concerning  contracts  for 
provisions,  i.  472  ;  Minister  of  the 
Marine,  505  ;  508  ;  565. 

Monciel,  M.  de,  i.  413,  note  ;  min- 
ister to  Mayence,  495  ;  497  ;  498  ; 
517;  544;  his  part  in  the  king's 
attempted  escape,  561  et  seq.  ; 
568  ;  his  misconduct,  ii.  91. 

Moniteur^  the,  i.  543. 

Monroe,  James,  appointed  Mr, 
Morris's  successor  as  Minister  to 
France,  ii.  66  ;  takes  the  wrong 
tone  at  Paris,  70  ;  79 ;  difficul- 
ties of,  at  Paris,  113  ;  reported 
conversation  in  Paris,  144  ;  158  ; 
appointed  Envoy  Extraordinary  to 
France  and  Spain,  430 ;  436. 


INDEX. 


617 


Monsieur  (the  king's  brother), 
speech  of,  i.  255  ;  257. 

Montesquiou,  Abbede,  i.  447,  note. 

Montesquieu,  M.  de,  to  become 
Minister  of  the  Marine,  160  ;  his 
plan  of  finance,  251  ;  413  ;  432  ; 
593.  note  ;  ii.  94. 

Montague,  Mrs.  Elizabeth,  her 
house  in  Portman  Square,  ii.  163, 
note. 

Montlieraiu,  M.,  i.  52. 

Montmorin,  Comte  de,  i.  32;  65 ;  93; 
231 ;  250  ;  in  favor  of  a  freer  com- 
merce with  America,  275  ;  charac- 
ter of,  281 ;  339  ;  349  ;  383  ;  his 
opinion  of  the  king,  399  ;  declines 
to  accept  Mr.  Morris's  proposal 
concerning  supplies,  402  ;  406  ; 
and  the  affair  of  the  rations,  418  ; 
420  ;  422  ;  promises  his  aid,  429  ; 
442  ;  and  the  memoir e  of  Mr.  Mor- 
ris for  the  king,  451  ;  453  ;  455  ; 
460 ;  504 ;  547 ;  his  part  in  the 
king's  attempted  escape,  561  ; 
slain,  584. 

Montmorin,  Madame  de,  her  ex- 
ecution, i.  138. 

Montrose,  Duke  of,  ii.  127. 

Morris,  General  Staats  Long,  elder 
brother  of  Gouverneur,  i.  16  ;  let- 
ters of  Mr.  Morris  to,  36 ;  38 ; 
309;  318;  336;  340;  at  Ply- 
mouth, ii.  107. 

Morris,  Gouverneur,  his  birth  and 
education,  i.  i  et  seq. ;  licensed  to, 
practise  law,  2 ;  appointed  on  a 
committee  to  settle  difficulties 
with  Great  Britain,  3 ;  Madison's 
eulogy  of,  4  ;  elected  a  member 
of  first  Provincial  Congress,  4 ; 
takes  the  lead  in  debates,  5  ;  at- 
tempts to  prohibit  slavery  in  New 
York,  7  J  elected  a  delegate  to  Con- 


tinental Congress,  7  ;  visits  Wash- 
ington at  Valley  Forge,  7 ;  his 
letters  to  his  mother,  9  ;  chairman 
of  a  committee  to  consider  Lord 
North's  propositions,  11 ;  not  re- 
elected, II;  his  laborious  life  dur- 
ing the  war,  12  ;  becomes  a  citizen 
of  Philadelphia,  12 ;  discusses  the 
currency  in  the  Pennsylvania 
Packet,  13 ;  has  his  leg  ampu- 
tated, 13 ;  made  Assistant  Su- 
perintendent of  Finance,  14  ; 
letter  of,  to  General  Nathaniel 
Greene,  15  ;  retires  from  office, 
15  ;  originates  a  plan  for  an  Amer- 
ican coinage,  16  ;  letter  of,  to  the 
Marquis  de  Chastellux,  16  ;  buys 
Morrisania,  17 ;  a  delegate  from 
Pennsylvania  to  the  Federal  Con- 
vention, 17 ;  in  partnership  with 
Robert  Morris,  18;  sails  for  France, 
18 ;  reaches  Paris,  20 ;  letter  of, 
to  Comte  de  Moustier,  20  ;  letter 
of,  to  Washington,  25  ;  letter  of, 
to  Mr.  Carmichael,  26  ;  social  en- 
gagements in  Paris,  27  ;  letter  of, 
to  Robert  Morris,  29  ;  letter  of,  to 
Washington,  31  ;  dines  with  the 
Comtesse  de  Beauharnais,  31 ; 
presented  by  Mr.  Jefferson  to 
Comte  de  Montmorin,  33 ;  his 
lines  on  Paris,  34;  dines  with 
Baron  de  Montvoissieu,  34 ;  letter 
of,  to  Marquis  de  la  Luzerne,  35  ; 
letter  of,  to  General  Morris,  36  ; 
interview  of,  with  M.  De  Ville 
Delville  concerning  the  Nesbitt 
affair,  37  ;  letter  of,  to  General 
Morris,  38 ;  visits  Versailles,  41  ; 
meets  Madame  de  Flahaut,  42 ; 
dines  with  M.  Necker,  44 ;  has  a 
conversation  with  Marechal  de 
Castries   relative  to   the   debt   to 


6i8 


INDEX. 


France,  47  ;  a  day  of  accidents, 
49 ;  offers  Necker  a  cargo  of  wheat, 
52 ;  his  opinion  of  French  hus- 
bandry, 53  ;  discusses  his  plan  of 
finance  for  France  with  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son, 60  ;  visits  the  Hotel  des  In- 
valides,  62  ;  goes  with  a  party  on 
the  Seine,  66  ;  letter  to  Washing- 
ton concerning  the  situation  in 
France,  April  29,  1789,  67;  at 
Versailles,  May  4,  1789,  73 ;  at 
the  meeting  of  the  States-Gener- 
al, 75  ;  at  dinner  with  the  Tiers, 
77 ;  visits  M.  Le  Coulteux,  77  ; 
purchase  of  debt  due  to  France, 
79 ;  visits  Petit  Trianon,  82 ; 
visits  Romainville,  86  ;  visits  the 
Duchess  of  Orleans,  87  ;  his  views 
on  European  politics,  90  ;  the  af- 
fair of  Robert  Morris  and  the 
farmers-general,  92  ;  visits  the 
Gobelins,  94 ;  conversation  with 
Mr.  Jefferson,  96  ;  poses  to  Hou- 
don  as  General  Washington,  97  ; 
visit  to  the  Duchess  of  Orleans  at 
Raincy,  98  ;  epitaph  on  the  Vi- 
comte  de  Segur,  107  ;  witnesses 
disturbances  in  Paris,  107  ;  letter 
of,  to  John  Jay,  108 ;  dines  with 
Mr.  Jefferson,  July  4,  1789,  112  ; 
letter  of,  to  Mr.  Carmichael,  de- 
scribing the  condition  of  affairs, 
112  ;  witnesses  the  attack  on  the 
foreign  troops,  July  12,  120  ; 
writes  verses  to  Madame  de  Fla- 
haut,  126  ;  views  the  procession 
of  the  king  and  deputies,  131 ; 
dines  at  Madame  de  Flahaut's, 
133  ;  visits  a  painter's  studio,  134  ; 
visits  the  Bastille,  136 ;  writes  a 
paper  on  the  French  Constitution, 
139 ;  leaves  Paris  for  London, 
142 ;    letter  of,    to   Washington, 


142 ;  reaches  London,  145  ;  letter 
of,  to  Robert  Morris,  150 ;  visits 
Herschel,  151  ;  returns  to  Paris, 
154 ;  opinion  of  Lafayette,  158  J 
at  the  National  Assembly,  162  j 
urges  his  views  upon  Lafayette, 
169  ;  discusses  the  finances  with 
Talleyrand,  171  ;  advises  Lafa- 
yette as  to  a  new  ministry,  179  ; 
confers  with  Necker  about  the 
purchase  of  the  American  debt  to 
France  ;  181 ;  185  ;  about  supplies 
for  Paris,  191  ;  his  letter  to  Lafa- 
yette on  public  affairs,  192  ;  letter 
of,  to  Robert  Morris,  197  ;  confer- 
ence with  Necker  respecting  debt 
and  provisions,  205-207  ;  209  j 
confers  with  Lafayette,  211 ;  calls 
with  Talleyrand  on  Lafayette, 
213  ;  conversation  with  Comte 
de  Luxembourg,  222 ;  224  ;  suffers 
from  his  amputated  leg,  229  ;  de- 
clines to  furnish  Necker  with 
wheat,  235  ;  his  plan  for  the  debt, 
239  ;  conference  with  Necker  about 
the  debt,  244 ;  closeted  with  La- 
fayette, 256 ;  counsels  persons 
wishing  to  settle  in  America, 
260  ;  dines  with  Lafayette,  267  ; 
letter  of,  to  Washington,  concern- 
ing table-ornament,  270;  letter 
of,  to  Washington,  giving  a  sketch 
of  men  and  measures,  277-286 ; 
sentiments  concerning  female  ca- 
ducity at  the  Duchess  of  Orleans', 
288 ;  disapproves  of  the  king's 
addressing  the  Assembly,  292 ; 
closeted  with  Lafayette,  293  ; 
goes  to  Antwerp,  296  ;  proceeds 
to  Amsterdam,  302  ;  dines  with 
W^.  Willinks,  305  ;  at  Saardanu 
306 ;  goes  to  London,  309  ;  com- 
municates Washington's  letter  to 


INDEX. 


619 


the  Duke  of  Leeds,  310  ;  society 
letter  of,  to  Mr.  Short,  312  ;  let- 
ters of,  to  Colonel  Ternant  and 
Mr.  Short  on  the  condition  of 
France,  314 ;  is  present  at  the 
trial  of  Warren  Hastings,  319  ; 
letters  of,  to  Washington  on  the 
treaty,  321  et  seq.  ;  letter  of,  to 
the  Duke  of  Leeds,  322  ;  letter 
of,  to  Robert  Morris  on  the  sale 
of  land  in  the  United  States,  324  ; 
sees  the  Duke  of  Leeds  about  the 
impress  of  American  seamen,  327  ; 
interview  of,  with  Mr.  Pitt,  328  ; 
dines  at  the  French  ambassador's, 
335  ;  letter  of,  to  Mr.  Short,  337  ; 
his  services  to  Robert  Morris,  342  ; 
letter  of,  to  Mr.  Short  on  the  po- 
litical situation,  343  ;  to  Wash- 
ington, 344  ;  final  interview  with 
the  Duke  of  Leeds,  345-348 ; 
le^es  London  for  the  Continent, 
349 ;  arrives  in  Paris,  351  ;  ad- 
vises Lafayette  to  resign,  362  ;  let- 
ter of,  to  Robert  Morris  relative  to 
the  sale  of  American  lands,  364 ; 
in  London  again,  369  ;  rumors 
of  his  appointment  as  Minister  to 
France,  375  ;  conversation  of, 
with  Marmontel,  377  ;  letter  of, 
to  Jefferson,  381  ;  to  Washington, 
382  ;  his  estimate  of  Mirabeau, 
398 ;  letter  of,  to  Mr.  John  Inglis 
giving  a  sketch  of  European  poli- 
tics, 409 ;  conversation  of,  with. 
Montmorin  on  the  situation,  415  ; 
leaves  Paris  for  London,  426 ; 
visits  the  Duchess  of  Orleans, 
426 ;  returns  to  Paris,  428  ;  be- 
friends an  Irish  gentleman,  433  ; 
letter  of,  to  Robert  Morris,  on 
the  affair  of  July  17,  1790,  434  ; 
writes   a   nUmoire  for   the   king. 


445  ;  reads  his  m^moire  to  Ma- 
dame de  Flahaut,  453 ;  letter 
of,  September  30,  1791,  to  Wash- 
ington on  the  situation,  456  et 
seq.  ;  letter  of,  to  Robert  Morris 
on  Lafayette's  position,  460 ;  to 
the  same,  462 ;  urges  Montmorin 
to  continue  in  office,  468  ;  con- 
ference with  Montmorin,  473 ; 
at  a  royalist  dinner,  476  ;  pro- 
posed as  Minister  of  P'oreign 
Affairs  by  M.  de  Molleville,  477  ; 
observed  by  the  queen  at  the 
theatre,  484  ;  prepares  the  plan  of 
a  government  and  constitution  for 
France,  486 ;  writes  to  R.  Morris 
on  the  failure  to  effect  a  commer- 
cial treaty  with  England,  487  ;  op- 
position to,  at  home,  490  ;  letter 
of,  to  Washington,  December  27, 

1 79 1,  492;  goes  to  London  on 
private  business,  501  ;  nominated 
Minister  to  France,  501  ;  letter 
of,  to  Washington,  December  27, 

1792,  502  ;  informed  of  his  ap- 
pointment, 512 ;  letter  of,  to 
Robert  Morris  concerning  his  ap- 
pointment, 512  ;  assumes  office, 
5 14 ;  confers  with  Lord  Lans- 
downe,  518  ;  letter  of,  to  Wash- 
ington concerning  Talleyrand's 
mission  to  England,  519;  letter 
of,  to  Washington  on  the  assas- 
sination of  the  King  of  Sweden, 
525  ;  returns  to  Paris,  529  ;  hires 
a  house,  530;  interview  with  the 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  con- 
cerning his  reception  by  the  king, 
531 ;  letter  of,  to  Carmichael, 
533  »  presented  to  the  king,  535  ; 
his  letter,  June  10,  1792,  to  Mr. 
Jefferson,  537  ;  to  the  same,  June 
17th,  544;  advises  Lafayette,  549 ; 


620 


INDEX. 


letter  of,  July  lo,  1792,  to  Jeffer- 
son on  the  action  of  the  Assembly, 
552  ;  his  new  residence  and  his 
entertainments,  554 ;  his  share  in 
the  plan  for  the  king's  escape, 
556  ;  letter  in  French  to  Son  Al- 
tesse  Royale,  556  ;  letter  of,  to 
Jefferson,  August  i,  1792,  566 ; 
letter  of,  to  Thomas  Pinckney, 
571  ;  letter  of,  to  Jefferson,  572  ; 
requests  Washington  to  mark 
out  a  course  of  conduct  for 
him,  575  ;  letter  of,  to  Jef- 
ferson, August  22,  1792,  576 ; 
decides  to  remain  in  Paris,  576  ; 
letter  of,  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  August 
30,  1792,  580  ;  to  the  same,  Sep- 
tember 10,  1792,  583  ;  letter  of,  to 
Mr.  Short  at  the  Hague,  concern- 
ing Lafayette,  586  ;  letter  of,  to  a 
friend  about  the  September  mas- 
sacres, 588  ;  to  Mr.  Short,  588  ; 
letter  to  Jefferson  of  the  dangers 
to  a  resident  in  Paris,  589  ;  letter 
of,  to  Jefferson,  October  23,  1792, 
594  ;  letter  of,  to  Mr.  Samuel  Og- 
den,  598  ;  to  Robert  Morris,  599  ; 
to  Rufus  King,  600  ;  to  Alexander 
Hamilton,  October  24,  1792,.  603. 

Vol.  II. 
Letter  of,  to  Mr.  Short  about  the 
debt,  I ;  to  Mr.  Carmichael  at 
Madrid,  November  5,  1792,  2 ; 
letter  of,  to  Madame  de  Lafayette, 
3 ;  entertains  much,  6  ;  letter  of, 
to  Lord  Wycombe,  November  22, 
1792,  6  ;  letter  to  Thomas  Pinck- 
ney, December  3,  1792,  7;  letter 
to  Mr.  Jefferson,  December  21, 
1792,  8  ;  letter  of,  to  Alexander 
Hamilton,  December  24,  1792, 
12 ;  letter  of,  to  Robert  Morris, 
14 ;  to  Washington,  December  28, 


1792,  15  ;  letter  of,  to  Madame 
d'Albani,  19  ;  to  M.  de  Monciel, 
23  ;  closes  his  diary,  24  ;  letter  to 
Washington  concerning  Genet, 
25  ;  letter  of,  to  General  Morris, 
28  ;  letter  of,  to  Jefferson,  Febru- 
ary 13,  1793,  33 ;  to  Washington, 
February  14th,  36  ;  difficulties  of 
his  residence  in  Paris,  36  ;  37  ; 
letter  of,  to  Robert  Morris,  38 ; 
reported  to  have  been  guillotined, 
38  ;  communicates  to  Mr.  Pinckney 
at  London  the  fact  of  the  privateer- 
ing commissions  for  Americans, 
38  ;  letter  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  March 
7,  1793,  39  ;  arrested  on  the 
street,  41  ;  his  protest  to  M.  Le- 
brun,  41  ;  letter  of,  to  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son, April  19,  1793,  42  ;  his  house 
at  Sainport,  43  ;  letter  of,  to  Robert 
Morris,  43  ;  to  the  same,  June  25, 

1793,  concerning  his  recall,*  47; 
his  difficulties,  47 ;  letter  of,  to 
Washington,  June  25th,  48 ;  to 
Madame  de  Chastellux,  June  23d, 
50  ;  to  General  Morris,  51 ;  to  Mr. 
Pinckney,  August  13th,  51;  his 
letters  tampered  with,  52  ;  to  Mr. 
Short,  52  ;  to  General  Washington, 
October  i8th,  53  ;  to  the  same, 
February  5,  1794,  55  ;  to  Robert 
Morris  March  10,  1 794,  56 ; 
complains  of  neglect  by  the  Secre- 
tary of  State,  56,  58  ;  letter  of,  to 
Washington,  March  12,  1794,  59; 
to  the  same  concerning  Danton, 
April  1 8th,  60 ;  to  Robert  Morris, 
April  25th,  62  ;  to  Leray  de  Chau- 
mont,  July  4th,  63 ;  to  Wash- 
ington concerning  Madame  de 
Lafayette,  July  25,  1794,  63; 
writes  to  the  Commissioner  of 
Exterior  Relations     in  behalf   of 


INDEX. 


621 


Madame  de  Lafayette,  64  ;  pre- 
sentr.  Mr.  Monroe,  his  successor, 
66  ;  sends  his  effects  home,  67  ; 
leaves  Paris,  68  ;  vicissitudes  of  his 
journey,  70  et  seq.  ;  letter  of,  to 
Mr.  Parish  at  Hamburg,  Novem- 
ber 12,  1794,  74 ;  to  Mr.  Short 
at  Madrid,  74 ;  to  Washington 
from  Hamburg,  December  30, 
1794,  77  ;  insulted  by  the  Com- 
mittee of  General  Safety,  78 ; 
goes  security  for  the  young  Duke  of 
Orleans,  82  ;  spends  the  winter  at 
Hamburg  and  Altona,  85  ;  letter 
of,  to  Madame  de  Nadaillac,  85  ; 
letter  of,  to  Comte  d'Angivilliers 
concerning  his  plate,  86  ;  letter  of, 
to  Washington  on  the  state  of  af- 
fairs, 8g ;  embarks  for  London, 
90  ;  letter  of,  to  Washington, 
London,  July  3,  1795,  98  ;  goes 
to  Court  with  Lord  Grenville, 
100  ;  letter  of,  with  money,  to 
M.  de  Boursac,  103  ;  makes  a  jour- 
ney through  England,  105  et  seq. ; 
letter  of,  to  Washington  concern- 
ing Mr.  Jay's  treaty,  114;  letter 
of,  to  Lady  Sutherland,  118;  at 
Edinburgh,  I2i  ;  at  Glasgow,  128; 
at  Liverpool,  131  ;  letter  of,  to 
Lady  Sutherland,  132 ;  conversa- 
tion with  George  IIL,  November 
25,  1795  ;  letter  of,  to  Washing- 
ton, December  19,  143  ;  to  the 
same,  of  French  financial  meas- 
ures, January  11,  1796,  149;  to 
the  same,  March  4,  1796,  158  ;  to 
Hamilton,  159  ;  leaves  for  Switzer- 
land, 169 ;  letter  of,  to  Washing- 
ton, 169  ;  at  Berlin,  174  ;  dines 
with  Prince  Ferdinand,  177 ;  let- 
ters of,  to  Lord  Grenville,  183, 188, 
197,   215,  224,   239,  257  ;  letters 


of,  to  Lady  Sutherland,  195,  205, 
221,  224,  291,  297  ;  at  Dresden, 
202;  is  presented  to  the  Emperor 
in  Vienna,  212  ;  presented  to  the 
Empress,  219 ;  begins  the  study 
of  German,  226 ;  conversation 
of,  with  the  Prince  de  Reusse, 
242 ;  returns  to  Dresden,  252 ; 
letter  of,  to  Mr.  Scott,  January  14, 
1797,  252  ;  at  Brunswick,  282  ;  at 
Hamburg,  288 ;  letter  of,  to 
Marechal  de  Castries,  August  2, 
1797,  297  ;  letter  of,  to  Baron  de 
Groshlaer,  300 ;  to  Lord  Elgin, 
301  ;  bids  Lafayette  adieu,  304 ; 
visits  Count  Rumford  in  Munich, 
333 ;  embarks,  October  4,  1798, 
for  America,  374 ;  arrives  at  New 
York,  December  23d,  377  ;  his  oc- 
cupations at  Morrisania,  379  ;  de- 
livers the  funeral  oration  of  Wash- 
ington, in  New  York,  380  ;  letter 
of,  to  Washington,  December  9, 
1799,  380.;  elected  senator,  382; 
letter  of,  to  Hamilton,  382  ;  letter 
of,  to  Count  Woronzow,  384  ;  jour- 
ney of,  to  Montreal,  388 ;  letter  of, 
to  John  Parish,  describing  his  jour- 
ney, 389  ;  at  Washington,  393  ; 
letter  of,  to  the  Princesse  de  la 
Touret  Taxis,  December  14,  1800, 
394 ;  letter  of,  to  Hamilton,  re- 
garding the  treaty  with  France, 
398  ;  to  the  same,  401  ;  letter  of, 
to  James  Leray,  403  ;  to  John  Par- 
ish, 407  ;  letter  of,  to  M.  Laborde 
concerning  the  affair  of  Lafa- 
yette's debts,  408 ;  to  Madame 
Lafayette,  410  ;  to  the  Princess 
Tour  et  Taxis,  October  30,  1801, 
413  ;  to  the  Countess  Hohenthal, 
414 ;  to  Mr.  Parish,  415  ;  to 
Nicholas  Lowe  on  sustaining  the 


622 


INDEX. 


Administration,  418  ;  to  Mr.  Par- 
ish, 418 ;  to  Hamilton,  March, 
II,  1802,  421  ;  to  Robert  Living- 
ston, March  20,  1802,  422 ;  to 
Princess  Tour  et  Taxis,  425  ;  to 
Mr.  Livingston  on  the  administra- 
tion, August  21,  1802,  426 ;  to 
Mr.  Parish  on  Mr.  Jefferson's 
policy,  431  ;  to  Necker,  concern- 
ing the  Louisiana  purchase,  433 ; 
to  John  Dickenson,  of  Dela- 
ware, on  his  home  pursuits,  435  ; 
to  Mr.  Livingston,  respecting  Mr. 
Monroe's  diplomatic  mission,  436  ; 
to  Robert  Morris  concerning  mat- 
rimony, 438  ;  his  Eastern  tour 
with  Mr.  Leray,  438  ;  letter  of, 
to  Henry  W.  Livingston  concern- 
ing the  framing  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, 441  ;  to  Robert  Livingston 
on  the  treaty  with  France,  444 ; 
letter  of,  to  Mr.  Parish,  Novem- 
ber 29,  1803,  445  ;  to  the  same, 
446  ;  to  Mr.  Uriah  Tracy  on  con- 
stitutional restriction,  448 ;  to 
Jonathan  Dayton,  on  the  Loui- 
siana purchase,  January  7,  1804, 
452 ;  to  the  same,  454  ;  pro- 
nounces the  funeral  oration  of 
Hamilton,  457  ;  brings  suit  for 
slander  against  the  Aurora,  460; 
letter  to  M.  Mountflorence  con- 
cerning the  suit,  460 ;  letter  of, 
to  Mr.  Parish  on  European  af- 
fairs, October  2,  1803,  461 ;  to 
Madame  de  Stael,  465  ;  to  Mr. 
Parish  on  the  re-election  of  Jeffer- 
son, 465  ;  letter  of,  to  Honorable 
John  Penn,  466  ;  to  Mr.  Mount- 
florence, 468;  to  Mr.  Livingston, 
469  ;  to  Mr.  Aaron  Ogden  on  po- 
litical corruption,  December  28, 
1805,  471  ;    to  the   Duke  of  Or- 


leans, i8d6,  476  ;  to  his  London 
bankers,  Inglis,  Ellice  &  Co., 
481 ;  to  Mr.  Parish,  484  ;  to  Sam- 
uel Hunt  on  the  conduct  of  the 
Administration,  October  3,  1806, 
486  ;  to  Madame  de  Stael,  488 ; 
to  Mr.  Parish,  November  12,  1806, 
489  ;  letter  of,  to  Chief  Justice 
Marshall,  June  26,  1807,  492  ;  let- 
ter of,  to  Mr.  Parish,  495  ;  to  Ma- 
dame de  Stael,  496  ;  to  Madame 
Foucault,  498  ;  to  Count  Woron- 
zow,  499  J  to  the  Marquis  of  Staf- 
ford on  the  situation  in  England, 
September  14,  1807,  500  ;  to  Mr. 
Simeon  Dewitt,  December  18, 
1807,  508  '■>  to  Madame  de  Stael, 
January  18,  1808,  509 ;  to  Madame 
de  Damas,  510  ;  to  Mrs.  R.  Ma- 
comb, 513  ;  his  marriage  to  Anne 
Cary  Randolph,  Christmas  Day, 
1809,  516  ;  letter  of,  to  Mrs.  Mere- 
dith on  his  marriage,  516  ;  to  Hon- 
orable Timothy  Pickering,  517 ; 
to  Mr.  Henry  Latrobe,  5 18 ;  ap- 
pointed Commissioner  on  Inland 
Navigation,  518  ;  return  journey 
through  New  York  State,  520  et 
seq.  ;  letter  of,  to  Robert  Walsh 
on  the  framers  of  the  Constitution, 
522  et  seq.  ;  to  Leray  de  Chau- 
mont  respecting  a  loan  to  the  State 
of  New  York,  May,  181 1,  532; 
and  Mrs.  Morris  go  to  Washing- 
ton, 535  ;  letter  of,  to  Mr.  Parish, 
April  8,  181 2,  537  ;  delivers  the  fu- 
neral eulogium  of  George  Clinton, 
541 ;  letter  of,  to  Mr.  Hare,  542  ; 
to  Robert  Oliver  on  the  war  with 
England,  July  9,  1812,  543 ;  to 
the  same,  545  ;  to  Benjamin  Mor- 
gan, 545  ;  to  Lewis  B.  Sturges, 
546  J  to  Mr.  Oliver,  547  ;  to  Mr. 


INDEX. 


623 


Parish  on  Madison's  inaugural 
address,  548  ;  549  ;  to  David  B. 
Ogden,  April  5,  1812,  549 ;  to 
Harrison  Gray  Otis  on  extension 
of  domain,  552  ;  to  Mr.  Sturges, 
553  ;  to  the  same,  535  ;  to  Rufus 
King,  556  ;  to  Mr.  Ogden,  Febru- 
ary II,  1813,  557;  his  apprehen- 
sions as  to  the  separation  of  the 
Union,  559  ;  letter  to  Mr.  Sturges, 
560  ;  to  Mr.  Ogden,  562  ;  to  Ru- 
fus King  on  the  blockade,  April, 
1814,  563  ;  to  Randolph  Harrison, 
564 ;  delivers  an  oration  to  cele- 
brate the  restoration  of  the  Bour- 
bons, 565  ;  to  Mr.  Oliver,  565  ; 
to  the  Honorable  William  Wells, 
567 ;  to  Mr.  Rufus  King  on  the 
finances,  569  ;  to  the  same,  571  ; 
to  Honorable  Timothy  Pickering 
on  increased  taxation,  572  ;  573  ; 
to  Rufus  King  on  the  bank  scheme, 
577  ;  to  Moss  Kent,  of  the  Hart- 
ford Convention,  579 ;  to  Ran- 
dolph Harrison,  581  ;  to  Mr.  Og- 
den, 582  ;  to  De  Witt  Clinton, 
584 ;  to  Mr.  William  H.  Wells, 
585  ;  to  Rufus  King,  592 ;  to 
Moss  Kent  on  the  bank  scheme, 
January  23,  1 81 5,  592  ;  to  Rufus 
King,  593  ;  to  the  same  on  the 
question  of  taxation,  594  ;  to  Moss 
Kent  on  taxing  land,  596;  to 
Randolph  Harrison,  597  ;  to  Moss 
Kent,  598  ;  to  Randolph  Harri-. 
son  on  the  commerce  of  the  coun- 
try, 599  ;  last  letter  to  Mr.  Parish, 
600 ;  his  inaugural  discourse  as 
President  of  New  York  Historical 
Society,  601 ;  his  death,  Novem- 
ber 6,  1 8 16,  602. 
Morris,  Gouverneur,  Jr.,  ii.  561, 
note  ;  his  second  birthday,  582. 


Morris,  Lewis,  father  of  Gouverneur 
Morris,  i.  i  ;  his  will,  16. 

Morris,  Mrs.  Lewis,  i.  9 ;  her  claim 
for  damages  committed  by  the 
British  army,  11  ;  death  of,  16. 

Morris,  Robert,  i.  12  ;  made  Super- 
intendent of  Finance,  14  ;  his  re- 
port to  Congress  on  foreign  coin, 
16 ;  18  ;  19  ;  and  the  farmers- 
general,  92;  342;  352;  459; 
ruined,  ii.  289 ;  in  prison  for 
debt,  378  ;  406  ;  432. 

Morris,  Robert  Hunter,  ii.  467, 
note. 

Morrisania,  ii.  377,  419. 

Mortuary  door,  i.  306. 

Motte,  Madame  de  la,  ii.  342. 

Moreau,  General,  defeat  of,  ii.  209  ; 
470,  note ;  his  accounts  of  the 
Bonaparte  family,  491  ;  Mr.  Mor- 
ris endeavors  to  dissuade,  from  his 
journey  to  New  Orleans,  505 ; 
512. 

Mountflorence,  M. ,  brings  news  from 
France,  November,  1795,  ii.  136. 

Moustier,  Comte  de,  i.  20  and  note  ; 
138  ;  236  ;  249  ;  253  ;  tells  Mr, 
Morris  that  the  king  and  queen 
think  well  of  him,  355  ;  465;  in- 
forms Mr.  Morris  of  the  king's 
plans,  467 ;  498 ;  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  505  ;  533  ;  ii.  93. 

Munchausen,  Baron  de,  ii.  276. 

Murray,  General,  says  a  good  word 
for  America,  i.  515. 

Nadaillac,  M.  de,  i.  387. 

Nadaillac,  Madame  de,  i.  391 ;  412  ; 
in  love  with  Mr.  Moms,  ii.  179 ; 
informs  Mr.  Morris  of  his  unpopu- 
larity at  Berlin,  193 ;  her  marriage 
to  Baron  d'Escar,  370. 

Narbonne,    M.    de,    i.     120 ;    bad 


624 


INDEX. 


character  of,  2oi  ;  242 ;  478  ; 
made  Minister  of  War,  480  ;  506  ; 
his  parentage,   507,  517,   522  ;  ii, 

73- 

National  Assembly  declared,  i.    102 

et  seq. ;  Mr.  Morris  proposes  a 
plan  for,  141;  157;  squabble  over 
the  king's  reply,  174 ;  declare 
martial  law,  201 ;  decree  of,  con- 
cerning the  Chambre  des  Vaca- 
tions, 268  ;  composition  of,  277  ; 
manner  of  conducting  debates, 
278 ;  prediction  of  Mr.  Morris  as 
to,  280 ;  weakness  of,  402  ;  reso- 
lutions of,  concerning  the  king's 
titles,  461  ;  resolve  to  attack  the 
German  Empire,  492 ;  decree  a 
permanent  session,  534 ;  fear  to 
suspend  the  king,  567. 
Necker,  M.,  i.  24,  29;  his  character, 
44 ;  accused  of  speculating  with 
State  funds,  51,  52;  his  fall  de- 
sired, 55;  blamed,  71;  speech 
of,  at  States-General,  77 ;  a  cun- 
ning man,  79  ;  his  indecision,  95  ; 
offers  to  resign,  105  ;  1 10 ;  loses 
his  place,  119;  ordered  by  the 
king  to  leave  the  country,  121  ; 
157  ;  160  ;  180 ;  conference  of  Mr. 
Morris  with',  respecting  debt  of 
United  States  to  France,  181 ;  188  ; 
Mr.  Morris  advises  him  concern- 
ing supplies  for  Paris,  191 ;  de- 
mands a  million  louis  from  the 
United  States,  I9S;  his  lack  of 
ability,  205 ;  confers  with  Mr. 
Morris  concerning  the  debt  due 
from  the  United  States,  205-207  ; 
208;  209;  215;  219;  221;  his 
plan  of  finance,  225,  note  ;  228  ; 
234  ;  235  ;  238  ;  242  ;  his  plan 
adopted,  252  ;  282  ;  305  ;  466  ;  at 
Coppet,  ii.  72. 


Necker,  Madame,  Mr.  Morris  in 
her  salon,  i.  205. 

Nelson  defeats  the  French  fleet  at 
Aboukir,  ii.  373. 

Nesbitt,  Mr.,  affair  of,  i.  36  ;  48  ;  123. 

New  York,  yellow  fever  in  (1801), 
ii.  413. 

New  York  City,  its  growth  in  1807, 
ii.  491  ;  position  of,  511. 

Niagara  Falls  as  seen  by  Mr.  Mor- 
ris, ii.  388. 

Nice,  the  taking  of,  i.  594. 

Nile,  the  battle  of,  ii.  373. 

Normand,  M.  le,  i.  27. 

Normand,  Madame  de,  i.  53. 

Nuremberg,  condition  of,  ii.  317. 

O'CoNNELi.,  Mr.,  ii.  100. 
Orleans,  Bishop  of,  i.  274. 
Orleans,  Chevalier  d',  at  Morrisania, 

ii-  379- 

Orleans,  Duchess  of,  i.  30 ;  43  ; 
her  replies  to  the  queen.  May  4, 
1789,  74  ;  visit  of  Mr.  Morris  to, 
87  ;  receives  a  present  of  a  dog 
from  Mr.  Morris,  353  ;  400  ;  sep- 
aration of,  from  her  husband, 
400 ;  visited  by  Mr.  Morris  at 
Eu,  426  ;  property  restored  to,  IL 
295  ;  banished,  300. 

Orleans,  Duke  of,  i.  136  ;  161 ;  190 ; 
194  ;  202  ;  anecdote  concerning 
him  and  Lafayette,  202  ;  believed 
to  be  the  agent  of  England,  222  ; 
attempts  to  borrow  money,  223  ; 
272,  note  ;  320  ;  336  ;  his  affairs, 
384 ;  his  bankruptcy,  470 ;  ii.  9 ; 
10  ;  1 1 ;  a  prisoner,  43  ;  94 ;  his 
indebtedness  to  Mr.  Morris,  476. 

Orleans,  the  young  Duke  of,  Mr. 
Morris  acts  as  his  security  for  a 
loan,  ii.  82. 

Otis,  Harrison  Gray,  ii.  551,  note. 


INDEX. 


625 


PacHE,  M.,  Minister  of  War,  ii.  13, 

note. 
Paine,  Thomas,  i.  339  ;  341  ;  his 
answer  to  Burke,  400  ;  403  ;  his 
book,  417;  429;  his  "Rights  of 
Man,"  515  ;  ii.  19;  intrigues  of, 
against  Mr.  Morris,  48 ;  his  rela- 
tions to  President  Jefferson,  ii. 
427,  note. 

Palais  Royal,  "  the  liberty-pole  of 
Paris,"  i.  108  ;  July  12,  1789,  122  ; 
women  declaiming  in,  October  4, 
1789,  172. 

Palatinate,  Upper,  condition  of  the 
inhabitants  of,  ii.  318. 

Palmerston,  Lord,  i.  440. 

Paris,  spectacle  of,  in  1789,  i.  22 ; 
reckless  driving  in,  33  ;  distress 
in,  in  1789,  38 ;  disturbances  in, 
April  27,  1789,  64  ;  manners  and 
customs  of,  85  ;  mob  in  the  Palais 
Royal,  107  ;  prisons  opened,  108  ; 
in  commotion,  120;  outbreak  of 
the  Revolution,  122  ;  destitution 
in,  158  ;  disturbances  in,  October 
4,  1789,  170 ;  change  in  social 
condition  of,  November,  1789, 
227  ;  general  unrest  in,  228  ;  con- 
fusion in.  May  30,  1790,  334; 
367  ;   385  ;    387  ;    demoralization 

*  of,  April,  1790,  414  et  seq.  ;  in 
an  uproar,  July  15,  1790,  432  ; 
disturbances  in,  July  17,  1790, 
434;  affair  of  July  17,  1790, 
435  ;  riot  in,  June  20,  1792, 
546 ;  agitation  of  August  9,  1792, 
570 ;  the  September  massacres, 
582  ;  horrible  scenes  at,  ii.  15. 

Parker,  Mr.,  L  41  ;  145  ;  152. 

Partridges,  unusual  mode  of  hunting, 

i-  153- 

Patriate  Fran^ais,  the,  i.  543. 
Paul,  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  ii.  233. 
Vol  II.— 40 


Pellin,  M.,  ^&  faiseur  oi  Mirabeau, 
ii.  226, 

Pellue,  Comte  de,  i.  53. 

Penn,  R.,  i.  146;  315. 

Penn,  William,  ii.  467. 

Pensions,  reduction  of  the,  i.  265. 

Perigord,  Abbe,  see  Talleyrand. 

Petion,  his  unseemly  conduct  to  the 
king,  i.  433  ;  high  feeling  attend- 
ing the  proceedings  against,  551  ; 

547- 
Pilnitz,   conference  of,   i.   510;  532; 

treaty  of,  acceded  to  by   Russia, 

551  ;  visit  of  Mr.    Morris  to,   ii. 

210. 
Pin,  Malet  du,  ii.  74. 
Pinchon,    M.,    said    to    have    been 

murdered,  i.  384. 
Pinckney,  Mr.,  leaves  for  Spain,  ii. 

91 ;  135  ;  asks  to  be  recalled,  136  ; 

138;  158;  430;  43^- 
Pitt,   Mr.,  interview  of  Mr.   Morris 

with,  i.  328;  his   "game,"  511; 

515;  American  opinion  of,   516; 

not  well  with  the  king,  5 18  ;  his 

mendacity,    525  ;    his    insolence, 

526;   a    "rascal,"    528;    ii.    17; 

dinner,  with,  102 ;  interview  with, 

103 ;  135  ;  as  a  speaker,  158 ;  his 

European  schemes,  256. 
Pohlen,  Madame,  ii.  265. 
Poison,  extraordinary,  i.  254. 
Polar  d,    attack    on,    by   Russia,    i. 

542. 
Polignac,  Madame  de,  ii.  4. 
Pont  Royal,  view  from,  i.  434. 
Posts,  frontier,  held  by  the  British 

troops,  i.  329,  note  ;  346. 
Potemkin,  Prince,  i.  372. 
Prater,  the,  at  Vienna,  ii.  2I2. 
Preville,  the  actor,  L  483,  note  ;  486, 

490. 
Price,  Dr.,  i.  333,  note. 


626 


INDEX. 


Prisons  opened  by  the  Paris  mob,  i. 

107. 
Privateering,  commissions  granted  by 

the  French  to  Americans,  ii.  38. 
Privateers,    French,    apply    to    Mr. 

Morris   for  the  privileges    of   the 

American  flag,  ii.  45. 
Provence,  Comte  de,  i.  387. 
Prussians,  retreat  of,  i.  594. 
Prussia  not  a  permanent  power,  ii. 

174;  Court  of,  anecdotes  of,  178; 

Mr.  Morris  on  the  situation  of,  in 

1796,     183  et  seq.  ;  188  et  seq. 
Prussia,     King    of,     see     Frederick 

William  III. 
Puisfegur,  M.  de,  i.  37. 
Puisignieu,   Comte  de,   i.   35,  40,   ii. 

95; 
Puisignieu,  Madame  de,  i.  51. 
Putnam,  remark  of,  ii.  72. 

QUATRE-VINGT-NEUF    Club,    i.    407, 

note. 
Quatre-vingt-neufs,    their     coalition 

with  the  Jacobins,  i.  502. 
Queen,  the  (see  Marie  Antoinette). 
Quiberon,  emigrants  defeated  at,  ii. 

107;  no;  expedition,  145. 

Raincy,  seat  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans, 

i.  98. 
Rr   dolph,    Edmund,    ii.   98 ;   affair 

of,  141  and  note. 
Randolph,    Edmund,    his  attack  on 

Washington,  ii.  157. 
Randolph,  Thomas  Mann,  ii.  515. 
Ranelagh,  i.  332. 
Rassoomovsky,    M.,  his  relations  to 

the  Queen  of  Naples,  ii.  227  and 

note. 
Rastadt,  congress  of,  ii.  322  ;  343. 
Rations    to    the    French  troops,   1. 

478. 


Raynal,  Abbe,  i.  479,  note. 
Rayneval,    M.    de,    indignation   of, 

against  the  Assembly,  i.  478. 
Rensselaer,  Killian  Van,  ii.  541. 
Republican  party  in  France  during 

the  Revolution  (1792),  i.  503. 
Retz,  Madame  (see  Countess  Lich- 

tenau). 
Reusse,   Prince   de,    on  the  war  in 

Italy,  ii.  242. 
Revolution,  French,  beginnings  of,  i. 

68;  70, 
Revolutionary  Tribunal,  ii.  40. 
Rizzio,  David,  ii.  122. 
Robespierre,   comes   to  the  front,  L 

399  ;  repels  Louvet's  attack,  603  ; 

ii.  61. 
Rochefoucault,  Due  de  la,  i.  155. 
Rockingham,  Marquis  of,  conditions 

made  by,  with  the  king,  ii.  130. 
Rodney,  Admiral,  ii.  224,  note. 
Rohan,  Cardinal   de,.  i.    197,    note ; 

his  style,  273. 
Romainville,  seat  of  M.  de  S6gur,  u 

86. 
Ronchon,  Abbe,  i.  384. 
Rouilliere,     M.     de,    death    of,    L 

378- 

Rubens,  his  "  Descent  from  the 
Cross,"  i.  298. 

Rully,  Madame,  i.  47  ;  53 ;  184. 

Rumford,  Count,  career  of,  ii.  333, 
note  ;  his  position  at  Munich,  333 
et  seq.  ;  characteristics  of,  335 ; 
his  garden,  336 ;  his  accomplish- 
ments, 339  ;  341. 

Russia,  war  between,  and  the  Porte, 
explanation  of  the  circumstances 
of,     by    Marquis     de     Segur,    L 

372-374- 
Russian  victories  over  Napoleon,  iL 

552- 
Rutherford,  Mr.,  ii.  534 ;  538. 


INDEX. 


627 


Saardam,  old-fashioned  dress  at,  i. 

306. 
Sabian,   Madame  de,   change  in,  ii. 

188. 
Sainport,  Mr,  Morris's  house  at,  ii. 

42  ;  life  at,  51  ;  57. 
St.  Cloud,  i.  425. 
St.  Croix,  M.  de,  i.   575  ;  seeks  an 

asylum    at    Mr.     Morris's,     578 ; 

580. 
St.   Priest,  Vicomte  de,  i.    276 ;  his 

plan   to  provide   for   the   French 

debt,  ii.  214. 
Sainte  Marie,  Miomandre  de,  i.  175. 
Salisbury  Cathedral,  ii.  106. 
Salle  des  Menus,   gathering  of  the 

States-General  in  the,  i.  75. 
Santerre,    the    brewer,    i.    387  ;    ii. 

31- 

Santo  Domingo,  468 ;  i.  474 ;  in- 
surrection of  the  blacks  at,  520  ; 
ii.  14 ;  420  ;  Mr.  Morris  desired 
to  contract  to  furnish  funds  for, 
578. 

Scheveningen,  i.  307. 

Schlefer,  General,  disbands  his  army 
at  Liege,  i.  217. 

Schmittau,  General  Count,  on  the 
Prussian  Court,  ii.  274  ;  279. 

Schomberg,  M.  de,  on  the  manners 
of  Dresden,  ii.  204. 

Scioto  Company,  i.  261 ;  376. 

Seance  Royale,  i.  103  ;  137. 

Search,  the  right  of,  to  be  given  up, 
ii.  546. 

Sedgwick,  Mr.,  ii.  386. 

Segur,  Comte  de,  on  the  war  be- 
tween Russia  and  the  Porte,  i. 
372 ;  intrigues  of,  465  ;  resigns 
office,  475  ;  appointed  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  506. 

Segur,  Madame  de,  i.  30  ;  43  ;  49  ; 
56;    conversation  of,    with    Mr. 


Morris  concerning  Lafayette  and 
Mirabeau,  208 ;  361. 

Segur,  Vicomte  de,  i.  45  ;  his  book, 
202  ;    222. 

Segur  family,  their  relations  to  Baron 
de  Besenval,  i.  86. 

Senate  of  the  United  States  admits 
a  short-hand  reporter,  ii.  417. 

Senf,  Dr.,  i.  241. 

Serfs  in  Austria,  ii,  210. 

Sergans,  M.,  attacked  by  the  Garde 
Nationale,  i.  547. 

Servan,  M.  de,  i.  547, 

Shakers,  the,  at  Lebanon  Springs, 
ii,  521, 

Sheffield,  Lord,  i,  428. 

Short,  William,  Secretary  of  Lega- 
tion under  Jefferson,  i.  40;  113, 
172  ;  184  ;  231  ;  240  ;  256,  note  ; 
267  ;  294  ;  336  ;  352  ;  394  ;  401  ; 
429  ;  maintains  that  religion  is  un- 
friendly to  morals,  431  ;  piqued  at 
Lady  Sutherland's  neglect,  448  ; 
499  ;  Lady  Sutherland's  dislike  of, 
483  ;  expects  to  be  made  Minister 
to  Fran  ce,  500  ;  529  ;  letter  from 
Mr.  Morris  to,  about  the  debt,  ii. 
I. 

Siddons,  Mrs.,  i.   369. 

Sieyes,  Abbe  de,  i.  257,  note ;  376. 

Simolin,  M.,  ii.  367,  note,  et  seq. 

Sinclair,  Sir  John,  i.  146  ;  313  ;  315. 

Smith,  Sir  Sydney,  ii.  266. 

Smith,  William,  Chief  Justice  of  the 
Province  of  New  York,  i.  2  ;  3. 

Smoking  in  the  German  forests,  ii. 
172. 

Somerville,  Lord,  ii.  123. 

Spain,  her  claims  to  America,  i.  347  ; 
condition  of,  ii.  11 ;  declares  war 
against  Great  Britain,  228. 

Sparadow,  M.,  presents  Mr.  Morris 
to  the  king,  i.  535. 


628 


INDEX. 


Spinola,  Marquis  de,  ii.  92. 

Stael,  Madame  de,  i.  164;  her  salon, 
188  ;  has  Talleyrand  to  sup  with 
her,  204;  vain  of  her  father,  216  ; 
invites  attention,  221 ;  her  house 
a  "temple  of  Apollo,"  279  ;  reads 
her  tragedy  of  "  Montmorenci," 
402 ;  her  salon,  404 ;  discusses  Mr. 
Morris's  mdmoire,  455  et  seq.  j 
angry  with  Mr.  Morris,  480 ;  her 
connection  with  Talleyrand  and 
Narbonne,  507  ;  her  life  at  Cop- 
pet,  ii.  73  ;  her  return  to  France, 
464. 

Staphorst,  van,  M.,  i.  237  ;   290. 

States-General,  meeting  of,  at  Ver- 
sailles, May  5,  1789,  i.  74  ;  their 
inaction,  108. 

Steam-boat,  the  first  on  the  Hudson, 
'  ii.   507  ;  533  ;  travelling  by,  com- 
pared with  posting  in  France,  534. 

Steam-navigation  deemed  impracti- 
cable, i.   332. 

Stebell,  M.,  a  musician,  i.  403. 

Suicide  in  the  Champs  Elysees,  i. 
274. 

Surtout  (epergne)  for  Washington,  i. 
268. 

Sutherland,  Lady,  i.  76  ;  410  ;  her 
partiality  for  Mr.  Morris,  448 ; 
quits  play,  474  ;  479  ;  554  ;  her 
influence  over  Mr.  Morris,  ii.  220. 

Sutherland,  Lord,  to  leave  Paris, 
i.  576. 

Suze,  Madame  de,  and  her  dog,  i. 
83 ;  91,  100. 

Swan,  Colonel,  i.  376  ;  401  ;  404 ; 
426. 

Sweden,  King  of,  assassination  of,  i, 
525  ;  his  parentage,  ii.  179. 

Sweden,  Regent  of,  ii.  32. 

Switzerland  made  a  new  Republic,  ii. 
344- 


Taine,  M.,  quoted,  i.  137  ;  157. 

Talleyrand -Perigord,  Bishop  of  Au- 
tun,  i.  42  ;  160  ;  171  ;  179  ;  184  ; 
188;  191;  194;  his  connection 
with  Mirabeau,  196  ;  201  ;  204 ; 
breakfasts  with  Mr.  Morris,  213  ; 
224 ;  241  ;  246  ;  248  ;  264  ;  276  ; 
his  passion  for  play,  371,  note ; 
377 ;  alarmed  for  his  life,  385 ; 
Mirabeau' s  successor,  396 ;  in- 
trigues of,  448  ;  455  ;  496  ;  499  ; 
507  ;  519  ;  580;  583  ;  used  to  beat 
Madame  de  Stael,  ii.  308  ;  me- 
moirs of,  483. 

Tarente,  Princesse  de,  tells  Mr. 
Morris  of  the  queen's  interest  in 
him,  i.  477,  note ;  479  ;  530. 

Tariff,  a  general,  Mr.  Morris  com- 
ments on,  ii.  595. 

Tarleton,  Colonel,  relates  an  inci- 
dent of  the  American  War,  i.  434. 

Taxation,  direct,  Mr.  Morris's  ob- 
jection to,  ii.  594. 

Telescope  of  William  Herschel,  L 
152. 

Tennis-court  oath,  i.  103. 

Ternant,  Mr.,  i.  180  ;  as  Minister  to 
America,  271  ;  intrigues  of,   376. 

Tertre,  M.  Duport  du.  Garde  des 
Sceaux,  i.  355  ;  358. 

Tesse,  Madame  de,  i.  33  ;  36  ;  164 ; 
advised  by  Mr.  Morris  to  invest 
in  American  securities,  ii.  73. 

Tetar,  M.,  tutor  of  Mr.  Morris,  i. 
2. 

Thierry,  the  king's  valet  de  ckani- 
bre,  ii.  27. 

Thionville,  ii.  27. 

Third  Estate,  granted  equal  repre- 
sentation, i.  70  ;  their  aspect,  May 
3,  1789,  70;  declare  themselves 
the  National  Assembly  of  France, 
i.  102 ;  joined  by  the  Clergy  and 


INDEX. 


629 


the  Noblesse,  106  ;  in  favor  of 
limiting  the  king's  power,  109. 

Thugut,  M.  de,  in  the  pay  of  France, 
ii.  292  ;  and  the  abandonment  of 
the  Low  Countries,  310;  his  bad 
qualities,  348 ;  resignation  of, 
361. 

Thugut,  Madame  de,  ii.  211,  note  ; 
218,  i.  236. 

Tiers  Etat,  see  Third  Estate. 

"Tigre,"  prize  ship  at  Portsmouth, 
ii.  io6. 

Times,  the  London,  ii.  148. 

Tobacco-tax,  i.  381. 

Tobago,  cession  of,  L  519  et  seq. 

Toilet,  ceremony  of,  i.  117. 

Tokay,  Imperial,  purchased  by  Mr. 
Morris,  ii.  67. 

Tolozan,  M.,  talks  with  Mr.  Morris 
about  public  affairs,  i.  482. 

Tour  et  Taxis,  Princess  of,  ii.  320. 

Treaty  of  Mr.  Jay  with  Great  Brit- 
ain, ii.  114. 

Treaty  of  the  United  States  with 
France  in  1800,  ii.  397  et  seq. 

Treaty  with  Great  Britain,  Mr.  Mor- 
ris's failure  to  effect,  i.  487. 

Treilhard,  Count,  ii.  351,  note. 

Tremouille,  Madame  de,  ii.  99. 

Troops,  foreign,  at  Paris,  i.  159. 

Trout,  a,  from  Lake  Geneva,  L  276. 

Trudaine,  Madame  de,  her  salon,  i. 

403- 
Trumbull,  Mr.,  the  painter,  i.  147. 

United  States,  regard  of,  for 
France,  i.  567. 

Vanbrugh,  Sir  John,  ii.  1 12. 
Vanderhoot,  Mr.,  i.  298 ;  300. 
Vandermont,   M.,  attacks  Mr.  Mor- 
ris, i.  211. 
Van  Ertborn,  M.,  i.  298. 


Versailles,  Castle  of,  i.  41  ;  mob  at, 

105  ;  October  5,  1789,  174. 
Vestris,  the  dancer,  i.  161.  note  ;  250. 
Vienna  women,  men-haters,  ii.  213. 
Villequiere,  M.  de,  i.  388. 

Waldeck,  Prince  de,  ii.  321. 
Wales,   Prince   of,   his  marriage,  IL 

81. 
Walker,  Colonel,  i.   376. 
Walton,  Mr.,  of  Ballston,  ii.  507. 
War  declared   against  England,    iu 

542. 

Warsi,  Madame  de,  i.  10 1. 

Warville,  Brissot  de,  said  to  be  in 
the  pay  of  England,  i.  508  5511. 

Washington,  General,  visited  by  Mr. 
Morris  at  Valley  Forge,  i.  7  j  com- 
missions Mr.  Morris  to  buy  him  a 
watch  in  Paris,  18  ;  25  ;  26  ;  Mr. 
Morris  purchases  table-ornaments 
for,  270 ;  letter  to  Mr.  Morris  on 
commercial  relations,  310  ;  letter 
from,  to  the  President  of  the  Na- 
tional Assembly,  394,  note ;  his 
letter  to  the  king  on  his  accept- 
ance of  the  Constitution,  536  et 
seq.  ;  Mr.  Morris  urges  him  not  to 
retire,  ii.  56  ;  calumniated  by  Ran- 
dolph, 157  ;  declines  to  be  a  can- 
didate, 230  ;  death  of,  379  ;  Mr. 
Morris  pronounces  funeral  oration 
of,  in  New  York,  380  ;  Mr.  Morris 
completes  Chief  Justice  Marshall's 
character  of,  492. 

Washington,  city  of,  future  of,  ii. 
63  ;  a  journey  to,  in  1800,  393  ; 
the  city,  394 ;  difficulties  of  com- 
munications, 395. 

Waterloo,  the  news  of,  ii.  591. 

Werneck,  General,  ii.  320,  note ; 
his  account  of  Count  Rumford, 
335;  348. 


630 


INDEX. 


West  Indians  retire  from  the  As- 
sembly, i.  421. 

Westbrook,  Mr.,  i.  299. 

Westermann,  M.,  relations  of,  with 
Dumouriez,  ii.  26,  note  ;  27. 

Westphalia,  treaty  of,  ii.  462. 

Wheat,  dearth  of,  at  Lyons,  i.  51. 

Whipping  of  women  at  Paris,  i.  463, 
note, 

Wliitford-Dalrymple,  General  Sir 
How,  i.  90. 

Wickham,  Mr.,  ii.  315. 

Williams,  Mrs.,  her  "pungent" 
compliments,  i.  292. 

Willinks,  W.,  dinner  of,  i.   305. 

Windham,  Mr.,  i.  456  ;  464;  ii.  97, 

lOI. 

Wolf,  M.  de,  i.  298. 

Woronzow,  Count,  i.  514,  note  ;  517  ; 

525  ;  his  partiality  for  Mr.  Morris, 

ii.  92  ;  95  ;  139. 


Wiirmser,  Count,  ii.  199,  note. 
WUrtemberg,   Duke  of,   ii.  217  ;  his 

character,  237  :    his  treatment  of 

his  wife,  307. 
Wycombe,    Lord,    at    Madame    de 

Flahaut's,  i.  355  ;  visits  America, 

431  ;    and   Madame   de    Flahaut, 

ii.  295. 

Yellow  fever  in  New  York,  1803, 
ii.  439. 

York,  the  Duchess  of,  scandal  con- 
cerning, ii.  309. 

Young,  Arthur,  quoted,  i.  23  ;  104, 
106  ;  ii.  166. 

ZuBOW,  Prince,  favorite  of  the  Em- 
press Catherine,  ii.  234 ;  gives 
Mr.  Morris  confidential  intelli- 
gence of  Russian  affairs,  293. 


'vjT 


E 

302 
.6 
M7A3 
1889 
V.2 


Morri  s ,  Gouvemeur 

The  diary  and  letters 
of  Gouverneui*  Morris 


UNIVERSnY  OF  TORONTO  UBRA5"        ^^l